The Correspondence of Charles Darwin, Volume 25: 1877 [1 ed.] 1108423043, 9781108423045

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THE CORRESPONDENCE OF

CHARLES DARWIN Editors

frederick burkhardt† james a. secord samantha evans francis neary anne secord

shelley innes alison m. pearn paul white

Associate Editors

anne schlabach burkhardt† rosemary clarkson andrew corrigan michael hawkins elizabeth smith ruth goldstone muriel palmer

This edition of the Correspondence of Charles Darwin is sponsored by the American Council of Learned Societies. Its preparation is made possible by the co-operation of Cambridge University Library and the American Philosophical Society. The Advisory Committee for the edition, appointed by the Management Board, has the following members: Gillian Beer Janet Browne Daniel Grossman Mandy Hill Simon Keynes John Parker

Tim Birkhead Sibyl R. Golden Sandra Herbert Randal Keynes Gene Kritsky

Support for editing has been received from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Arts and Humanities Research Council, the British Academy, the British Ecological Society, the Evolution Education Trust, the Isaac Newton Trust, the John Templeton Foundation, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Science Foundation, the Natural Environment Research Council, the Royal Society of London, the Stifterverband für die Deutsche Wissenschaft, and the Wellcome Trust. The National Endowment for the Humanities funding of the work was under grants nos. re-23166-75-513, re-27067-77-1359, re0082-80-1628, re-20166-82, re-20480-85, re-20764-89, re-20913-91, re-21097-93, re-21282-95, rz-20018-97, rz-20393-99, rz-20849-02, and rq-50388-09; the National Science Foundation funding of the work was under grants nos. soc-75-15840, soc76-82775, ses-7912492, ses-8517189, sbr-9020874, sbr-9616619, ses-0135528, ses0646230, and ses-0957520. Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the editors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the grantors.

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF

CHARLES DARWIN VOLUME 25

1877

University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge. It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of education, learning and research at the highest international levels of excellence. www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781108423045 © Cambridge University Press 2017 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2017 Citation: Burkhardt, Frederick, et al., eds. 2017. The correspondence of Charles Darwin. Vol. 25. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Printed in the United Kingdom by TJ International Ltd. Padstow Cornwall A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library ISBN-978-1-108-42304-5 Hardback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.

Dedicated to the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation for its vital support of the Darwin Correspondence Project

The completion of this edition has been made possible through the generosity of the Evolution Education Trust together with the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, and the Isaac Newton Trust. The Darwin Correspondence Project also gratefully acknowledges the essential long-term support for the edition provided by the British Academy, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Science Foundation, the Royal Society, and the Wellcome Trust, and by the following donors: Patrons The Evolution Education Trust Golden Family Foundation The Parasol Foundation Trust Jim and Hilary Potter Affiliates Bern Dibner† William T. Golden† Kathleen Smith† Friends Jane Burkhardt Pamela Davis Florence Fearrington and James Needham† Gerald† and Sue Friedman John C. Greene Daniel V. Grossman and Elizabeth Scott Andrews Lawrence K. Grossman Shirley Grossman, M.D. Mary S. Hopkins Robert McNeil Michael Mathews Victor Niederhoffer Wendy L. Thompson Daniel J. Wright

CONTENTS List of illustrations

viii

List of letters

ix

Introduction

xvii

Acknowledgments

xxix

List of provenances

xxxiii

Note on editorial policy

xxxvi

Darwin/Wedgwood genealogy

xlii

Abbreviations and symbols

xliv

THE CORRESPONDENCE

1

Appendixes   

I. Translations

549

  

II. Chronology

602

   III. Diplomas   

IV. Presentation lists for Orchids 2d ed. and Forms of flowers

605 610

  

V. The German and Dutch photograph albums

614

  

VI. German poems presented to Charles Darwin

630

   VII. Darwin’s honorary LLD: the public oration

655

Manuscript alterations and comments

660

Biographical register and index to correspondents

671

Bibliography

777

Notes on manuscript sources

830

Index

833

ILLUSTRATIONS Photograph of an experiment on plant movement

frontispiece

Advertisement for a performance by Cockie

151

Thomas Howie, wife and child

167

Volvox globator

269

Photographs of experiments on movement in plants

348

Tracings of movement of Averrhoa

349

Encampment in the Rockies

390

The Gonzalez family

409

Monkey suspended at Darwin’s honorary LLD ceremony

480

Engraving of Cotyledon (Echeveria) stolonifera

515

Zoology students at the University of Jena

615

Title page of German and Austrian album

618

Title page of Dutch album

619

Page of German and Austrian album

622

Page of Dutch album

623

Friedrich Adler

631

Emil Rade

631

Colour plate section following p. 468 Enclosure to memorandum from J. G. Joyce, 15 November 1877 Postcard from Hermann Hoffmann, 4 July 1877

CALENDAR LIST OF LETTERS

The following list is in the order of the entries in the Calendar of the correspondence of Charles Darwin. It includes all those letters that are listed in the Calendar for the year 1877, and those that have been redated into 1877. Alongside the Calendar numbers are the corrected dates of each letter. A date or comment printed in italic type indicates that the letter has been omitted from this volume. Letters acquired after the publication of the first edition of the Calendar, in 1985, have been given numbers corresponding to the chronological ordering of the original Calendar listing with the addition of an alphabetical marker. Many of these letters are summarised in a ‘Supplement’ to a new edition of the Calendar (Cambridge University Press, 1994). The markers ‘f ’ and ‘g’ denote letters acquired after the second edition of the Calendar went to press in 1994.

4888. [before 13 Dec 1877] 6298. 30 July [1877] 8932. [before 22 May 1877?] 9872f. 24 Feb [1877] 10173. 25 Sept [1878] 10336. [1877–8?] 10337. [1877–8?] 10343. [24 Apr 1877?] 10372. 28 Jan [1877] 10520f. [before 21 May 1877] 10554. [after 8 Jan 1877] 10743. [12 or 19 July 1877] 10744. [1877?] 10745. [1877–81]. To be published in a future supplement. 10746. [1877] 10747. [before 22 July 1876] 10748. [before February 1882] 10749. [before 11 Aug 1877] 10750. Cancelled: not a letter. 10751. [ June 1877 or later] 10752. [c. 20 Mar 1877?] 10753. [24 Aug 1877] 10754. 17 [1877-81]. To be published in a future supplement. 10755. 20 [Aug 1877] 10756. [c. 11 Feb 1877] 10757. [before 17 Jan 1877] 10758. Cancelled: draft of part of 10798.

10759. Jan 1877 10760. Jan 1877 10761. [before 18] Jan 1877 10762. [ c. December 1876] 10762f. [14 June? 1877] 10763. [1 Jan 1877] 10764. 1 Jan 1877 10764f. 1 Jan 1877 10765. 2 Jan [1877] 10766. 2 Jan 1877 10767. 2 Jan 1877 10768. 3 Jan 1877 10769. 3 Jan [1877] 10770. 4 Jan 1877 10771. 5 Jan 1877 10772. 6 Jan 1877 10773. 6 Jan 1877 10774. [6–12 Jan 1877] 10775. 7 Jan 1877 10776. 9 Jan [1877] 10777. 10 Jan 1877 10778. 11 Jan 1877 10779. 11 Jan 1877 10780. 11 Jan 1877 10781. [after 11 Jan 1877] 10782. 12 Jan 1877 10783. 12 Jan 1877

x

List of letters

10784. 12 Jan 1877 10785. 13 Jan 1877 10786. 13 Jan 1877 10787. [after 13 Jan 1877] 10788. 14 Jan [1877] 10789. 15 Jan 1877 10790. 15 Jan 1877 10791. 15 Jan 1877 10792. 16 Jan 1877 10793. 16 Jan 1877 10794. 16 Jan [1877] 10794f. [15 Jan 1877] 10795. 16 Jan 1877 10796. 16 Jan 1877 10797. 17 Jan [1877] 10798. 17 Jan 1877 10799. 17 Jan 1877 10800. 17 Jan [1877] 10801. 17 Jan 1877 10802. 18 Jan 1877 10803. 18 Jan 1877 10804. 18 Jan 1877 10805. 19 Jan 1877 10806. 20 Jan 1877 10807. 20 Jan 1877 10808. 22 Jan 1877 10809. 22 Jan 1877 10810. 22 Jan 1877 10811. 23 Jan 1877 10812. 23 Jan 1877 10813. 24 Jan [1881] 10814. 25 Jan [1877] 10815. 25 Jan 1877 10816. 26 Jan 1877 10817. 27 Jan 1877 10818. 27 Jan 1877 10819. 28 Jan 1877 10819f. 28 Jan 1877 10820. 30 Jan 1877 10821. 30 Jan 1877 10822. 31 Jan [1868]. Published in the supplement to volume 24. 10823. 31 Jan 1877 10824. [12 Feb 1877] 10825. Feb 1877 10826. [before 16] Feb 1877 10827. [Feb 1878] 10828. [after 1 Feb 1877] 10829. 6 Feb [1877] 10830. 6 Feb 1877 10831. 6 Feb 1877 10832. 6 Feb [1878] 10833. 7 Feb [1876] 10834. 7 Feb 1877

10835. 9 Feb 1877 10836. 9 Feb 1877 10837. 10 Feb 1877 10838. 10 Feb 1877 10839. 11 Feb [1877] 10840. 11 Feb 1876 10841. 12 Feb 1877 10841a. 12 Feb 1877 10842. 13 Feb 1877 10843. 13 Feb 1877 10844. 14 Feb 1877 10844a. 14 Feb 1877 10845. 15 Feb 1877 10846. 15 Feb 1877 10847. 16 Feb 1877 10848. 16 Feb 1877 10849. 16 Feb 1877 10850. 17 Feb 1877 10851. 18 Feb [1877] 10852. 19 Feb 1877 10853. 19 Feb 1877 10854. 19 Feb [1877] 10855. 20 Feb 1877 10856. 20 Feb 1877 10857. 20 Feb 1877 10858. 21 Feb 1877 10859. 22 Feb 1877 10860. 22 Feb 1877 10861. 23 Feb 1877 10862. 23 Feb 1877 10863. [24 Feb 1877] 10864. 24 Feb 1877 10865. 25 Feb 1877 10866. 25 Feb [1877] 10867. 25 Feb [1877] 10868. 25 Feb 1877 10869. 25 Feb [1877] 10870. 26 Feb 1877 10871. 26 Feb 1877 10871a. 26 Feb 1877 10872. 27 Feb 1877 10872f. 28 Feb 1877 10873. [2 Mar 1877] 10874. 3 Mar [1877] 10875. 3 Mar 1877 10876. 3 Mar 1877 10877. 4 Mar 1877 10878. 4 Mar 1877 10879. 5 Mar 1877 10880. 6 Mar 1877 10881. 6 Mar 1877 10882. 7 Mar 1877 10883. 8 Mar 1877 10884. 9 Mar 1877

List of letters 10885. 9 Mar 1877 10886. 9 Mar 1877 10887. 10 Mar 1877 10888. 11 Mar 1877 10889. 12 Mar 1877 10890. 12 Mar 1877 10890a. [before 12 Mar 1877] 10891. 13 Mar 1877 10892. 15 Mar 1877 10893. 15 Mar 1877 10894. 16 Mar 1877 10895. 16 Mar 1877 10896. 16 Mar 1877 10897. 18 Mar [1882] 10898. 19 Mar 1877 10899. 19 Mar 1877 10900. 19 Mar 1877 10901. 19 Mar [1877] 10902. 19 Mar 1877 10903. 19 Mar 1877 10904. 19 Mar 1877 10905. 19 Mar 1877 10906. 20 Mar [1877] 10907. 20 Mar 1877 10908. 21 Mar 1877 10909. 22 Mar 1877 10910. 22 Mar 1877 10911. 25 Mar 1877 10912. 25 Mar 1877 10913. 26 Mar 1877 10914. 26 Mar 1877 10915. 26 Mar 1877 10916. 27 Mar 1877 10917. 28 Mar [1877] 10918. 30 Mar 1877 10918f. 30 Mar 1877 10919. 31 Mar 1877 10920. Apr 1877 10921. 2 Apr 1877 10922f. [25 Mar? 1877] 10922. 2 Apr 1877 10923. 3 Apr [1877] 10923f. 4 Apr 1877 10924. 9 Apr 1877 10925. 10 Apr 1877 10926. 11 Apr 1877 10927. 12 Apr 1877 10928. 12 Apr 1877 10928a. 14 Apr 1877 10929. 15 Apr [1878] 10930. 15 Apr 1877 10931. 16 Apr [1877] 10931f. 17 Apr 1877 10932. 18 Apr 1877

10933. 19 Apr 1877 10934. 20 Apr 1877 10935. 21 Apr [1877] 10936. 21 Apr 1877 10937. [23 Apr 1877] 10938. 23 Apr 1877 10939. 23 Apr 1877 10939f. 20 [Apr 1877] 10940. 24 Apr 1877 10940f. 25 Apr 1877 10941. 26 Apr 1877 10942. 26 Apr 1877 10943. 27 Apr 1877 10944. 28 Apr [1878] 10945. 29 Apr 1877 10945f. 30 Apr 1877 10946. [3 Jun 1877] 10947. 1 May 1877 10948. 1 May [1877] 10949. 2 May [1877] 10950. 3 May 1877 10951. 4 May [1877] 10952. 7 May 1877 10952f. 7 May 1877 10953. 8 May 1877 10954. 9 May 1877 10955. 9 May 1877 10956. 9 May 1877 10957. 9 May 1877 10958. [before 28 May 1877] 10959. 12 May 1877 10960. 14 May 1877 10961. 14 May [1877] 10962. 17 May 1877 10963. 17 May 1877 10964. 17 May 1877 10965. 18 May 1877 10966. 18 May 1877 10967. 19 May [1877] 10967a. 19 May 1877 10967f. 19 May 1877 10968. 22 May 1877 10969. 22 May 1877 10970. 22 May 1877 10971. 23 May 1877 10971f. Cancelled: third-party letter. 10971g. 24 May 1877 10972. 25 May [1877] 10973. 27 May [1877] 10974. 28 May 1877 10975. 29 May 1877 10976. 30 May [1877] 10977. 31 May 1877 10978. 31 May 1877

xi

xii 10979. Cancelled: see 10986, n. 2. 10980. 1 June 1877 10981. 2 June 1877 10981f. 3 June 1877 10982. 4 June [1877] 10983. 5 June 1877 10984. 5 June 1877 10984a. 5 June [1877] 10985. 6 June 1877 10986. 6 June 1877 10987. 6 June 1877 10988. 6 June 1877 10989. 7 June 1877 10990. 7 June 1877 10991. Cancelled: draft of 10993. 10992. 9 June 1877 10993. 9 June 1877 10994. 10 June 1877 10994f. 11 June 1877 10995. [10 June 1877] 10996. 11 June [1877] 10997. 13 June 1877 10998. 13 June 1877 10999. 13 June [1877] 10999f. 13 June [1877] 11000. 14 June 1877 11001. 15 June [1877] 11001f. 15 June [1877] 11002. 16 June [1877] 11003. 16 June 1877 11004. 16 June [1877] 11005. 17 June [1877] 11006. 18 June 1877 11007. 18 June 1877 11008. 18 [October 1877] 11009. Cancelled: not a letter. 11010. 21 June 1877 11011. 22 June [1877] 11012. 22 June 1877 11013. 24 June [1877] 11014. 24 June [1877] 11014f. [c. 24 June 1877] 11015. 25 June 1877 11016. 25 June 1877 11016f. 26 June [1877] 11017. 26 June 1877 11018. 26 June 1877 11019. 26 June 1877 11020. 26 June 1877 11020f. 27 June [1877] 11021. 28 June 1877 11022. 29 June 1877 11023. 30 June 1877 11024. 30 June [1877]

List of letters 11025. 30 June 1877 11026. 30 June 1877 11027. [before 1 July 1877] 11028. 1 July 1877 11029. 1 July 1877 11030. 1 July 1877 11031. 2 July 1877 11032. 3 July 1877 11033. 4 July [1879?] 11034. 4 July 1877 11035. 4 July 1877 11036. 5 July [1877] 11036f. 5 July 1877 11037. 6 July 1877 11038. 6 July 1877 11039. 6 July 1877 11040. 7 July 1877 11041. 8 July 1873 11042. 8 July 1877 11043. 9 July [1877] 11044. 9 July [1877] 11045. 9 July 1877 11046. 10 July 1877 11047. 11 July [1877] 11048. 12 July 1877 11049. 12 July 1877 11050. 13 July 1877 11051. [after 12 July 1877] 11052. 13 July [1877] 11053. 14 July [1877] 11054. 14 July 1877 11055. [16 July 1877] 11056. 16 July 1877 11057. Cancelled: draft of 11064. 11058. Cancelled: draft of 11064. 11059. 18 July [1877] 11060. 18 July 1877 11061. 18 July 1877 11062. 18 July [1875 or 1876?]. To be published in a future supplement. 11063. 20 July 1877 11064. 20 July [1877] 11065. [after 29 July 1877] 11066. 22 July [1877] 11066f. 20 July 1877 11067. 23 July 1877 11068. 24 July 1877 11069. 24 July 1877 11070. 25 July 1877 11071. 25 July 1877 11072. 26 [ July 1877] 11073. 26 July 1877 11074. 27 July 1877 11075. 27 July 1877

List of letters 11076. 28 July [1877] 11077. 28 July 1877 11077f. 28 July 1877 11078. 29 July 1877 11079. 29 July [1877] 11080. 30 July 1877 11081. 30 July 1877 11082. 30 July 1877 11083. 31 July [1877] 11084. 31 July 1877 11085. [before 24 Aug 1877] 11086. [20–4 Aug 1877] 11087. 1 Aug 1877 11088. 1 Aug [1877] 11089. [1 Aug – 15 Sept 1877] 11090. 2 Aug 1877 11091. 2 Aug 1877 11092. 3 Aug 1877 11093. 5 Aug 1877 11094. 7 Aug 1877 11095. 8 Aug 1877 11095f. 8 Aug 1877 11096. 9 Aug [1877] 11097. 9 Aug 1877 11098. 9 Aug 1877 11099. 10 Aug [1877] 11100. 10 Aug 1877 11101. [10?] Aug 1877 11102. 11 Aug 1877 11103. 11 Aug 1877 11104. 13 Aug 1877 11105. 13 Aug 1877 11106. 14 Aug 1877 11107. 15 Aug 1877 11108. 15 Aug [1877] 11108f. 19 Aug 1877 11109. 21 Aug 1877 11110. 23 Aug [1877] 11111. 25 Aug 1877 11112. 26 Aug 1877 11113. 26 Aug [1877] 11114. 27 Aug [1877] 11115. 27 Aug 1877 11116. [28 Aug 1877] 11117. [before 28 July 1877] 11118. [before 28 July 1877] 11119. 28 Aug 1877 11120. 29 Aug 1877 11121. 31 Aug 1877 11122. 31 Aug [1877] 11123. 31 Aug [1877] 11124. 2 Sept 1877 11125. 3 Sept 1877 11126. 3 Sept 1877

11127. 5 Sept [1877] 11128. 5 Sept [1877] 11129. 5 Sept 1877 11130. 6 Sept 1877 11131. 8 Sept 1877 11132. 10 Sept 1877 11133. 10 Sept 1877 11134. 11 Sept [1877] 11135. 13 Sept 1877 11136. 13 Sept 1877 11137. 13 Sept [1877] 11138. 13 Sept 1877 11139. 14 Sept 1877 11140. 14 Sept 1877 11141. 15 Sept [1877] 11142. 15 Sept 1877 11143. 16 Sept [1877] 11144. 18 Sept 1877 11145. 19 Sept 1877 11146. 19 Sept 1877 11146f. Cancelled: third-party letter. 11147. 21 Sept 1877 11148. 22 Sept [1877] 11149. 22 Sept 1877 11150. 23 Sept 1877 11151. 24 Sept [1877] 11152. 24 Sept 1877 11153. 27 Sept [1878] 11154. 27 Sept [1877] 11155. 27 Sept 1877 11156. 27 Sept [1877] 11156f. 27 Sept 1877 11157. 28 Sept 1877 11158. 29 Sept [1877] 11159. [30 Sept 1877] 11160. 30 Sept 1877 11160a. 30 Sept 1877 11161. [21 Oct 1877] 11162. [Nov 1877] 11163. 2 Oct 1877 11164. 2 Oct 1877 11165. 3 Oct [1877] 11166. 4 Oct 1877 11167. 4 Oct [1877] 11168. 5 Oct 1877 11169. 5 Oct [1877] 11170. 5 Oct 1877 11171. 7 Oct 1877 11172. 7 Oct 1877 11173. 8 Oct 1877 11174. 8 Oct 1877 11175. 10 Oct 1877 11176. 10 Oct 1877 11177. 10 Oct 1877

xiii

xiv 11178. 11 Oct [1877] 11179. 11 Oct 1877 11180. 12 Oct [1877] 11181. 12 Oct 1877 11182. 12 Oct 1877 11183. 13 Oct 1877 11184. 15 Oct 1877 11185. 15 Oct 1877 11186. 16 Oct 1877 11187. 17 Oct 1877 11188. 18 Oct 1877 11189. 19 Oct [1877] 11190. 19 Oct 1877 11191. 19 Oct 1877 11192. 20 Oct 1877 11193. 20 Oct 1877 11194. 20 Oct 1877 11195. 21 Oct [1877] 11196. 22 Oct [1877] 11197. 22 Oct [1877] 11198. 22 Oct [1877] 11199. 23 Oct [1877] 11200. 23 Oct 1877 11201. 23 Oct 1877 11202. 23 Oct 1877 11203. 23 Oct 1877 11204. 23 Oct 1877 11204f. 24 Oct 1877 11205. 24 Oct [1877] 11206. 24 Oct [1877] 11207. 25 Oct [1877] 11208. 25 Oct 1877 11209. 25 Oct 1877 11209a. 25 Oct 1877 11209f. Cancelled: third-party letter. 11210. [26 Oct 1877] 11211. 27 Oct 1877 11212. Cancelled: part of 11211. 11212f. 27 Oct [1876]. To be published in a future supplement. 11213. [28 Oct 1877] 11214. 28 Oct 1877 11215. 28 Oct 1877 11216. [after 28 Oct 1877] 11216a. 29 Oct 1877 11217. 31 Oct [1877] 11217a. [31 Oct 1877] 11218. [Nov 1877] 11219. [c. 20 Feb 1878] 11220. [c. 20 Feb 1878] 11221. 1 Nov [1877] 11222. 1 Nov 1877 11223. 2 Nov [1877?] 11224. [2 Nov 1877]

List of letters 11225. [2 Nov 1877] 11226. 6 Nov [1877] 11226a. 6 Nov 1877 11227. 7 Nov 1877 11228. 7 Nov 1877 11229. 8 Nov [1877] 11230. 11 Nov 1877 11231. 12 Nov 1877 11232. 12 Nov 1877 11232f. 12 Nov 1877 11233. 13 Nov 1877 11234. 13 Nov 1877 11235. 13 Nov [1877] 11236. 15 Nov 1877 11237. Cancelled: enclosure to 11236. 11237f. Cancelled: not a letter (see Appendix VII). 11238. [18 Nov 1877] 11239. 18 Nov 1877 11240. 19 Nov [1877] 11241. 20 Nov 1877 11242. 20 Nov 1877 11243. 20 Nov 1877 11244. 21 Nov 1877 11245. 21 Nov [1877] 11246. 21 Nov [1877] 11247. 22 Nov 1877 11248. 22 Nov 1877 11249. [23 Nov 1877] 11250. 23 Nov 1877 11251. 24 Nov [1877] 11252. 24 Nov 1877 11253. 25 Nov [1877] 11254. 25 Nov 1877 11255. 27 Nov [1877] 11255f. [27 Nov 1877] 11256. 28 Nov 1877 11257. 28 Nov [1877] 11258. 28 Nov 1877 11259. 29 Nov [1877] 11260. 29 Nov 1877 11260f. 30 Nov [1876]. To be published in a future supplement. 11261. 29 Nov [1877] 11262. 30 Nov 1877 11263. Dec 1877 11264. 1 Dec 1877 11265. [1 and 2 Dec 1877] 11266. 2 Dec 1877 11267. 2 Dec [1856]. To be published in a future supplement. 11267a. [2 Dec 1877] 11267f. Cancelled: third-party letter. 11268. [16 Oct 1877] 11269. 4 Dec 1877

List of letters 11270. 5 Dec 1877 11271. 7 Dec 1877 11271f. 8 Dec [1842–81]. To be published in a future supplement. 11272. 9 Dec 1877 11273. 10 Dec 1877 11274. 10 Dec [1877] 11275. 11 Dec 1877 11276. 11 Dec [1877] 11276a. [11 Dec 1877] 11277. 12 Dec 1877 11278. 13 Dec 1877 11279. [13 Dec 1877] 11280. 14 Dec 1877 11281. 16 Dec 1877 11282. 17 Dec 1877 11283. 2 Dec 1877 11284. 13 Dec [1877] 11284a. 20 Dec 1877 11285. 21 Dec 1877 11286. 23 Dec 1877 11287. 24 Dec 1877 11288. 25 Dec 1877 11289. 26 Dec [1877] 11290. 27 Dec 1877 11291. 27 Dec 1877 11292. 27 Dec 1877 11293. 28 Dec 1877 11294. [6–12 Dec 1877] 11295. [29 Dec 1877] 11296. 29 Dec 1877 11297. 31 Dec [1877] 11298. 31 Dec 1877 11299. 31 Dec 1877 11300. 31 Dec [1877?] 11300f. [1878–82]. To be published in a future supplement. 11302f. [28 Oct 1877?] 11312a. [20–9 Dec 1877] 11333. 27 Jan [1877] 11415. [before 14 Sept 1877] 13779. [1877?]

xv

INTRODUCTION

Ever since the publication of Expression of the emotions, Darwin’s research had centred firmly on botany. The year 1877 was no exception. The spring and early summer were spent completing Forms of flowers, his fifth book on a botanical topic. He then turned to the mysterious role of the waxy coating (or ‘bloom’) on leaves and fruit, and to the movement of plants, focusing especially on the response of leaves to changing conditions. He also worked intermittently on earthworms, for the most part gathering observations made by others. With the exception of bloom, each of these projects would culminate in a major publication. Darwin’s botany was increasingly a collaborative affair with his son Francis, who had moved back to Down House after the death of his wife, Amy, the previous year. He assisted his father’s research on movement and bloom, and Darwin in turn encouraged his son’s own work on plant sensitivity and digestion. William, who had contributed to some of the early research on heterostyly, provided further observations on this, as well as on bloom. He most pleased his father, however, by his engagement to Sara Sedgwick, an American from a family that the Darwins had befriended. The year 1877 was more than usually full of honours. Darwin received two elaborate photograph albums for his birthday in February. These lavish gifts had been many months in preparation, and involved hundreds of contributors from Germany, Austria, and the Netherlands. Closer to home, Darwin received an honorary Doctorate of Laws from Cambridge University. He returned to his alma mater in November to hear a Latin oration composed specially for the occasion. He avoided dinner parties and used his spare time to scout sites for possible earthworm activity. Now in his 69th year, Darwin remained remarkably productive, and was happiest when at work on topics requiring careful observation and experiment, and little or no controversy. In his autobiographical reflections, Darwin remarked: ‘no little discovery of mine ever gave me so much pleasure as the making out the meaning of heterostyled flowers’ (‘Recollections’, p. 419). During the winter and spring, Darwin was busy preparing the manuscript of Forms of flowers, an expansion and reworking of five papers on sexual dimorphism and trimorphism that he had written between 1861 and 1868 and presented to the Linnean Society of London. In the book, Darwin adopted the more recent term ‘heterostyled’ to describe the different flower forms, distinguished in part by the lengths of their pistils and stamens, that appeared in hermaphroditic species such as Primula, Linum, and Lythrum. ‘I will rank no plant as dimorphic without comparing pollen-grains & stigmas’, Darwin remarked to Joseph Dalton

xviii

Introduction

Hooker on 25 January. He had been troubling Hooker and others at Kew gardens for more plants to aid his research, and he alluded here to the complexity of the work, namely that the length of the pistil or style was only one of many adaptations that had evolved to promote crossing between individuals of the same species, and even between flowers on the same plant. In effect, such forms were related to each other like males and females of unisexual animals. Through extensive crossing experiments, and painstaking measurements of the size and number of pollen-grains, Darwin compared the fertility of individual flowers and plants across a range of common species, such as the primrose and purple loosestrife. In the course of his work, Darwin found a number of other structures and behaviours that facilitated crossing, especially with the aid of insects: the size and shape of pollen-grains, the position of stigmatic surfaces, the bending of the styles after opening, and the differential maturation of male and female parts in hermaphrodite flowers. The winter was spent gathering more evidence and renewing contact with correspondents such as Daniel Oliver, Friedrich Hildebrand, Fritz Müller, and John Scott who had provided initial observations. ‘It is dreadful work making out anything about dried flowers’, Darwin complained to Asa Gray on 8 March, ‘I never look at one without feeling profound pity for all botanists, but I suppose you are used to it like eels to be skinned alive.’ By this time he felt satisfied with his research: ‘I now know on fairly good evidence of 39 genera, in 14 Families, which include heterstyled species. This pleases me.’ Darwin dedicated the book to Gray, ‘as a small tribute of respect and affection’. He hinted as much in his letter of 4 June: ‘you will see I have done an audacious deed with respect to you.’ Drawing his separate publications together into a larger whole enabled Darwin to advance more speculative views on the origin of different flower forms, such as the evolution of monoecious and dioecious plants from hermaphrodites whose male or female organs had become aborted. He touched on the origin of separate sexes in the conclusion, suggesting that it could have arisen as an energy-saving measure: ‘it might then be highly beneficial to [a plant] that the same flower or the same individual should not have its vital powers taxed, under the struggle for life to which all organisms are subjected, by producing both pollen and seeds’ (Forms of flowers, p. 344). Darwin was typically pessimistic about the popularity of his book, writing to Robert Cooke on 11 April, ‘though I believe it is of value, it is not likely that more than a few hundred copies wd. be sold’. His publisher knew from previous experience that Darwin was a poor judge of sales, and printed 1250 copies. A second printing would be ordered the following year. Soon after completing his manuscript of Forms of flowers, Darwin took up the problem of ‘bloom’ in plants. This waxy coating on the leaves and fruit was, like dimorphism, a well-known botanical characteristic whose purpose was little understood. Darwin had begun studying bloom in August 1873, but had broken off to concentrate on insectivorous plants. He resumed experiments in the spring, writing to Fritz Müller on 14 May, ‘I have made many observations on the waxy secretion on leaves which throw off water … & I am now going to continue my observations.’

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He requested a large number of plants from Hooker on 25 May, adding, ‘I often wish that I could be content to give up all scientific work & then I shd. bother no one, but I find that I cannot yet endure to be an idler.’ Dozens of letters were exchanged between Down and Kew over the next six months. Darwin corresponded most often with the assistant director, William Turner Thiselton-Dyer, who wrote on 16 July, ‘assisting you is a relief in the general monotony of routine. I am delighted to send you anything you want and would transfer the whole establishment to Down if it lay in my power and you thought it wd. help you.’ ‘I declare had it not been for your kindness, we shd. have broken down’, Darwin wrote back on 5 September. ‘As it is we have made out clearly that with some plants (chiefly succulent) the bloom checks evaporation.— with some certainly prevents attacks of insects— with some sea-shore plants prevents injury from salt-water—& I believe with a few prevents injury from pure water resting on leaves’. In the end, Darwin did not publish on the subject, but Francis later reported some of the results of their experiments in his article ‘On the relation between “bloom” on leaves and the distribution of the stomata’ (F. Darwin 1886). Alongside his work on bloom, Darwin resumed observations on the movement of leaves in response to different conditions, such as rain, wind, temperature, and light. While staying with William in Southampton he made notes on Acacia and Robinia following heavy rain, and asked his son to continue the observations. ‘I got out within 2 minutes of a very heavy shower’, William wrote on 24 August 1877. ‘The leaves were not at all depressed; but were covered with drops of water looking like quicksilver so that the tree quite glistened. … The drops seemed to stick closely to the leaves and required a tolerable shake’. Darwin gained another valuable observer in the foreman of the propagating department at Kew, Richard Irwin Lynch, who sent specimens and detailed observations on leaf motion in Averrhoa bilimbi (cucumber tree) and Desmodium gyrans (telegraph plant). ‘He is a good fellow but nurses a private ambition to be a “Professor”’, warned Thiselton-Dyer, who seems to have shared Hooker’s suspicion of ambitious gardeners (letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 25 August 1877). At Down House, Darwin and Francis devised a method of recording leaf motion for extended periods. In a letter to Thiselton-Dyer of 11 October, Darwin described how the movements of the seed-leaves or cotyledons of red cabbage were traced over time: ‘Bristle was gummed to 1 Cot. & beyond it a triangular bit of card was fixed & in front a vertical glass. A dot was made in glass every ¼ or ½ hour at point where end of bristle & apex of card coincided, & the dots were joined by straight lines.’ This method effectively transferred the movement of leaflets to a piece of blotting paper; a pencil tracing captured the circumnutating motion at different times of day and night, and under different conditions of light and temperature. ‘I expect to find such movements very general with cotyledons’, he continued, ‘& I am inclined to look at them as the foundation for all the other adaptive movements of leaves…. I am all on fire at the work.’ One of these adaptive movements was ‘sleep’, or the vertical position assumed by leaves at night to protect them from cold.

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Lynch carefully observed the phenomenon in a Euphorbia (spurge) plant at Kew. Darwin then asked him to disturb the plant while sleeping to see whether it was able to resume its nocturnal habit: ‘will you be so good as to shake the shoot for a couple of minutes, or … tap one of the young leaves with a delicate twig’ (letter to R. I. Lynch, 14 September 1877). Research on movement would continue over several years. Plants would be dragged from their hothouse homes at night, their leaves, bound so that they were unable to sleep, would shrivel and die in the cold. Observations would be extended to the roots of plants and involve more elaborate experimental designs and makeshift instruments with thread, card, and bits of glass. Darwin greatly enjoyed working with Francis, and encouraged his son’s independent research. Using the facilities at Down and Kew, Francis pursued questions that had been raised by his father on plant digestion and sensitivity. He measured the size and vigour of Drosera (sundews) that that been fed a steady diet of meat. His findings answered a number of Darwin’s critics who had questioned whether plants actually derived benefit from insect matter. He also discovered tiny filaments protruding from glandular hairs in the cups formed by the leaves of fuller’s teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris, a synonym of D. fullonum). He thought that the protrusion was analogous to the aggregation of protoplasm found in insectivorous plants like Drosera, enabling the plant to absorb nitrogenous matter. His work on teasel was sent to the Royal Society of London by Darwin, who confessed to Hooker on 25 January, ‘I know that it will make you savage, but I think the great honour of its being printed in the R. Soc. Transactions, (shd. the referees so order) would stimulate his zeal & make him think better of his work’. Hooker replied on 2 March, ‘I cannot tell you with what pride & satisfaction I heard Frank deliver his communication last night.— He spoke slowly, clearly, & at ease, & was perfectly heard & understood’. An abstract appeared in the society’s Proceedings, but the council decided not to publish the full paper. A disgruntled Darwin reported to George John Romanes on 23 May, ‘the Council have refused to print Frank’s paper on the Teazle glands.… I have not been so much mortified for many a year; but he does not care much, all such things being mere trifles to him.’ Darwin suspected that the referees were sceptical of the paper’s conclusions regarding protoplasm, and consoled himself by sending the paper to the eminent German botanist Ferdinand Julius Cohn, who confirmed Francis’s observations: ‘the most curious appearance in those protuberances was a constant waving undulation along their extension, sometimes slower and difficultly perceivable, sometimes vigourous and quicker—but never ceasing; more delicate filaments appeared to me very like to Vibrio, or to the vibratory flagella of some Infusoria’ (letter from F. J. Cohn, 5 August 1877). Francis’s paper eventually appeared in the Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science in July 1877 (F. Darwin 1877b), and Darwin sent Cohn’s letter vindicating his son’s research to Nature on 15 August. A notable departure from botanical work came in April, when Darwin submitted his paper ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ to the journal Mind. The journal had been founded the previous year, and it featured a number of articles on evolutionary psychology. Darwin was prompted to send his paper after reading an essay by the

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French philosopher Hippolyte Taine, ‘On the acquisition of language by children’. He wrote to the editor, George Croom Robertson, on 27 April 1877, ‘I hope that you will be so good as to take the trouble to read the enclosed M. S.… I cannot judge whether it is worth publishing, from having been so so much interested in watching the dawn of the several faculties in my own infant.’ Darwin’s study of child development was based on a notebook of observations he had begun in 1839 with the birth of his first child, William. He had used some of this material in Descent and Expression, but its separate publication placed the work in the emerging field of child psychology, and the article attracted immediate attention from other researchers. William Preyer requested a copy and shared some of his own observations of newborn children and guinea pigs: newborns sucked a finger placed in their mouths when their heads were just out of the womb. Preyer went on to publish Die Seele des Kindes (The mind of the child; Preyer 1882), based partly on observations of his son Axel. Translations of Darwin’s paper were prepared in French and German even before it was published in English. In Germany, the article appeared in the journal Kosmos, where it formed part of an ongoing debate about the development of colour sense. Darwin had written to the editor Ernst Krause on 30 June 1877, ‘I have been much interested by your able argument against the belief that the sense of colour has been recently acquired by man…. I attended carefully to the mental development of my young children … [and] was startled by observing that they seemed quite incapable of affixing the right names to the colours in coloured engravings, although I tried repeatedly to teach them. I distinctly remember declaring that they were colour blind’. Krause included these remarks, which did not appear in Darwin’s original observation notebook, at the end of the translation of Darwin’s article. Krause had argued, in keeping with Darwin’s own views, that colour sense had developed in the animal kingdom at an early stage of evolutionary history, and that all human groups had the same physiology of colour perception, though this was not always expressed in language. The inability of young children to discriminate colours was thus a problem of language acquisition, not vision. The wider debate about colour perception included philologists and classical scholars, including the eminent politician William Ewart Gladstone. Darwin wrote to Gladstone on the subject and later sent his article and copies of Kosmos covering the German debate (letters to W. E. Gladstone, 2 October 1877 and 25 October [1877]). Gladstone was inspired to undertake further research on colour vocabulary in Homeric texts: ‘I think the evidence is conclusive that Homers discrimination of colour was as defective as his sense of form and of motion was exact and lively’ (letter from W. E. Gladstone, 23 October 1877). When the first issue of Kosmos appeared in April 1877, its larger aim was announced in the subtitle: Zeitschrift für einheitliche Weltanschauung auf Grund der Entwickelungslehre in Verbindung mit Charles Darwin und Ernst Haeckel (Journal for uniform worldview based on the theory of development in connection with Charles Darwin and Ernst Haeckel). Writing to Darwin on 11 March 1877, Krause declared the journal ‘an intellectual

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tie realising your own live connexion with the exceedingly vast number of your admirers in Germany’. This connection had been amply demonstrated the previous month, when Darwin received a large album with photographs of German and Austrian scientists. Production of the album had been overseen by Emile Rade, a civil servant active in the Westphalian Provincial Society for Science and Art. In a letter to Darwin written before 16 February, he described the contributors as ‘German representatives of free scientific research … united in the firm resolution: to hold high through all darkness the torch you, Sir, have lit, and to assist in letting it become a sun for present and future generations’. Bound in velvet with an ornate frontispiece and a dedicatory poem, the album contained 165 photographs, arranged by institution. The most prominent ‘torchbearer’ was Ernst Haeckel, whose portrait appeared first and was the only one full-page in size. Haeckel sent a personal letter of congratulation on 9 February, expressing some dissatisfaction that the album was ‘not more splendid’, and that a number of outstanding naturalists had not contributed. Darwin later received a few portraits from persons not included in the album, and a series of poems by the Austrian writer Friedrich Adler (see Appendix VI). One admirer did not send a photograph. The zoologist Carl Gottfried Semper wrote on 26 April to explain: ‘I am of opinion that a man ought not to make a present with such bad portraits as photographs are. … The best photograph of a scientific man is to my understanding his scientific work.’ Semper honoured Darwin by dedicating his latest publication, ‘On visual organs of the vertebrate eye type on the backs of slugs’ (Semper 1877b), to him. The German album had been in the making for some months, and Darwin had learned about it in advance from Otto Zacharias. He was unaware, however, that another birthday present was being prepared by his admirers in the Netherlands. This one was also lavishly bound with red velvet and silver embossing. The arrangement of the photographs was quite different, however. All portraits were equal in size and arranged alphabetically. The contributors were much more diverse in background and profession, and included students, schoolteachers, and artists as well as scientific and medical professionals (see Appendix V). The album arrived with a long letter from the director and secretary of the Dutch Zoological Society, whose council had organised the production. Darwin thanked the director, Adriaan Anthoni van Bemmelen, on 12 February 1877: ‘I suppose that every worker at science occasionally feels depressed, & doubts whether what he has published has been worth the labour which it has cost him; but for the few remaining years of my life, whenever I want cheering, I will look at the portraits of my distinguished co-workers in the field of science, & remember their generous sympathy.’ Both albums received much publicity in the newspapers. It appears, however, that the Germans and Dutch had miscalculated Darwin’s age. The Dutch album and the letters from Rade and Haeckel both refer to Darwin’s 69th birthday, and it is likely that the albums were intended to commemorate the beginning of his 70th year. Darwin was in fact 68 on 12 February 1877. Fame for Darwin continued to involve requests for autographs, photographs, and visits from distinguished persons. Gladstone came to Down on 11 March. ‘I expected

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a stern, overwhelming sort of man,’ Darwin reported, ‘but found him as soft & smooth as butter’ (letter to C. E. Norton, 16 March 1877). Hooker was asked repeatedly by the emperor of Brazil, Pedro II, to arrange a meeting: ‘he suggested that I should write to Owen & offer himself you & me to dejeuner!!!’ (letter from J. D. Hooker, 14 June 1877). Darwin was staying in Southampton with William during the emperor’s visit, and so could politely decline. In January, he was contacted by Christopher Columbus Graham, an American entrepreneur with a large natural history collection and other memorabilia in Kentucky. The request came with special instructions that he reply on a sheet of paper of particular size and on one side only: ‘I aim to get five letters … from yourself, Tyndall, Huxley, Spencer and Draper … inclosed in a large spledid frame, for our Musium and cabinet of Natural History, where I hope it may remain for centuries to come’ (letter from C. C. Graham, 30 January 1877). Graham then gave a lengthy account of his adventurous life. Orphaned at an early age, he had soldiered in three wars, been imprisoned and nearly burned at the stake, collected fossils, amassed a fortune in property, and was now in his 94th year still battling superstition and ignorance in the name of science: ‘I am not John the baptist from the wilderness of locusts and wild honey and girdled about with leather, but one from the far wilderness … of coons, opossums, wild beasts and savage forms’. Revered by some, Darwin continued to arouse ire in others. ‘Your system is the negation of God,’ a French writer complained, ‘your school … flows to the brim in materialism…. I oppose you in the interests of truth, of man and of societies’ (letter from Marcellin de Bonnal, [1877]). A similar complaint came from the island of Chios, where Darwin was called ‘that wretched monkey’s descendant’, and rebuked along with ‘the scoundrel Voltaire’ in a sermon by the Archimandrite Gregorios. ‘It is as great an honour to be abused by an archimandrite’, Darwin quipped, ‘as according to the old story to be horsewhipped by a duke!’ (letter to J. M. Rodwell, 3 June 1877). Back home, he learned from his brother that he had been slighted by the famous Victorian sage Thomas Carlyle, who had visited Down on several occasions in 1875. Carlyle had apparently remarked to an American visitor, ‘A good sort of man is this Darwin, and well meaning, but with very little intellect…. And this is what we have got to. All things from frog spawn; the gospel of dirt the order of the day’ (letter from E. A. Darwin, 27 January [1877]). Carlyle’s remarks were reported in a letter to a Scottish newspaper, and were allegedly verified by witnesses, though he insisted it was an ‘infernal lie’, and sent Darwin his compliments. More worryingly, Darwin was accused of giving credence to racist prejudice in Descent of man. In a letter from an unknown correspondent on 13 June 1877, he was criticised for having quoted from an article by William Rathbone Greg on the ‘careless, squalid, unaspiring Irishman [who] multiplies like rabbits’. The passage had been cited in Descent 1: 174 as an example of the possible failure of natural selection as applied to humans, and Darwin in fact removed some of Greg’s most inflammatory statements from the quotation. To his correspondent, who identified himself only as ‘an Irishman’, such a passage, appearing in ‘a great Scientific work destined to go to all Time and into all languages’, was unworthy of the book and of its author.

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Apart from his study of children and emotional expression, Darwin had done very little research on ‘man’. As the author of Descent, however, he was widely regarded as a leading theorist of human evolution, and his correspondence became a great repository for curious facts and more dubious claims about human ancestry. The German zoologist and physician Carl Theodor Ernst von Siebold sent photographs of a sixteenth-century family with the surname Gonzales who had been celebrated in the courts of Europe for having hair all over their bodies. The photographs were made from paintings that hung in a castle in Innsbruck, and showed the hairy father, his son and daughter, and the non-hairy mother, the subjects of Siebold’s study of medical monstrosity (letter from C. T. E. Siebold, 10 October 1877). An American banker, William Burrows Bowles, having read Ernst Haeckel on ‘Pithecanthropus alalus’ (or speechless ape-man), the hypothetical missing link of human evolution, offered his own theory of ‘Speaking Monkies’: ‘They live in our midst … marry our sons and daughters, and by the intermingling of their impure and animal blood, … contaminate our blood and thus keep back our civilization’ (letter from W. B. Bowles, 17 May 1877). Bowles proposed that such species were the offspring of forced ‘co-habitation’ between African women and male monkeys, whose progeny were then sold into slavery, the females becoming mistresses and wives of ‘men of the white race’. In a follow-up letter he warned, ‘you find them in multituds among the higer classes where often a superficial polish serves to hide the absence of humanity beneath’ (letter from W. B. Bowles, 18 May 1877). More transitional human forms were discovered around the world. The naval officer Arthur Mellersh, an old shipmate of Darwin’s on the Beagle voyage, called his attention to a Times report announcing ‘the discovery of Mr. Darwin’s “missing link”’ among the inhabitants of Kalili harbour in New Guinea, who reportedly had hard inflexible tails (letter from Arthur Mellersh, 1 January 1877). The American physician Jesse Portman Chesney sent anatomical details of a new ‘specimen’ found in Colorado, a man seven-and-a-half-feet tall with hand-like feet and arms of great length. ‘The prime distinguishing feature’, wrote Chesney on 28 October, ‘is its caudal member.—a veritable tail’. Chesney was doubtful of its authenticity, however; and the specimen was later revealed as a hoax, crafted to resemble a fossil by a model-maker. The giant’s ‘discoverer’, William Conant, was a colleague of the showman Phineas Taylor Barnum. Visitors were charged twenty-five cents to view the creature, and Chesney even hoped that Darwin would cross the Atlantic for its inspection. More serious discussion of evolutionary theory was prompted by other correspondents. While continuing to work on grafting experiments with the aim of testing Darwin’s theory of pangenesis, George Romanes sent Darwin lengthy notes made some years before about whether natural selection operated on individual organisms, or on groups or ‘types’. A similar problem had been raised by Henry Charles Fleeming Jenkin in a review of the fourth edition of Origin, namely that variations in a single individual, no matter how favourable, would be lost through blending and swamped within a larger population ([ Jenkin] 1867). Darwin had

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addressed this criticism in Origin 5th ed., pp. 104–5, by clarifying that natural selection could act on variations that frequently recurred in populations. ‘The point in question has not been a difficulty to me,’ he replied to Romanes on 11 June, ‘as I have never believed in a new form originating from a single variation…. Natural selection always applies, as I think, to each individual & to its offspring, such as its seeds, eggs’. Regarding the grafting experiments, which still bore little result, Darwin repeated the advice given in Anthony Trollope’s novel, The last chronicle of Barset, to the poor clergyman Crawley, beset by difficulties: ‘it is dogged as does it; & I have often & often thought this is the motto for every scientific worker. I am sure it is yours if you do not give up Pangenesis with wicked imprecations’ (Trollope 1867; letter to G. J. Romanes, [1 and 2 December 1877]). Darwin would need such determination himself against a new critic, Samuel Butler. A strong supporter of Darwin in earlier years, Butler had visited Down House and become friendly with George and Francis. He wrote to Francis on 24 September 1877 about his forthcoming work, Life and habit, ‘as mad mad mad as a book can be’. Though he disclaimed its ‘scientific value’, he confessed in a letter of 25 November 1877 that the book had ‘resolved itself into a down right attack upon your father’s views of evolution’. ‘I have read the Pangenesis three times … I feel the want of something to “boss” the whole embryological Process’. Butler believed that the answer lay in Lamarck’s theory of inherited habit, which he reworked into his own account of ‘organic memory’, tracing the origin of characteristics in animals and even plants to ‘memories’ that had been acquired over many generations and become unconscious, gradually taking the form of instincts, reflexes, and organic structures. ‘As for “natural selection”’, he wrote to Francis on 25 November, ‘frankly to me it now seems a rope of sand as in any way accounting for the “origin of species.”’ Butler’s letters expressed much personal doubt and vexation, but they were unapologetic. A protracted and bitter dispute would unfold over the next few years. Controversy was stirred by other correspondents who tried to recruit Darwin to their social cause. After reading an account of African elephants becoming drunk on the fruit of the Umganu tree, the temperance campaigner Warren Maud Moorsom asked whether animals could develop a taste for liquor in the wild: ‘If this be a fact it is, I think, confirmatory of the idea that the passion for intoxicating drink which so many men exhibit is in many cases purely physical’ (letter from W. M. Moorsom, 10 September 1877). Darwin was doubtful of the elephant story, but he thought that monkeys would take to alcohol if it was available: ‘I heard lately of a publican who keeps several monkeys & his customers give them drink so that they become quite tipsy’ (letter to W. M. Moorsom, 11 September [1877]). Moorsom replied with righteous enthusiasm. Here was proof that the passion for alcohol was ‘natural to mankind’ and that remedial measures were useless: ‘we might as well expect chastity among men in a country where brothels were at every corner held by respectable people and licensed by the state’ (letter from W. M. Moorsom, 13 September [1877]). The only remedy was to ban the sale of liquor and label it a poison.

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Another reformer, Charles Bradlaugh, sought Darwin’s support for the cause of birth control. Bradlaugh, along with Annie Besant, had reprinted a pamphlet by an American physician that advocated contraception within marriage as a means of checking population. Darwin had credited his reading of Thomas Malthus’s Essay on population as a cornerstone of his evolutionary theory, and Bradlaugh evidently thought that he would be supportive of birth-control measures to reduce the poverty of the poor. Darwin however was quite opposed to contraception, and warned that should he testify he would be forced to give his true opinion: ‘any such practices would in time spread to unmarried women & wd destroy chastity, on which the family bond depends; & the weakening of this bond would be the greatest of all possible evils to mankind’ (draft letter to Charles Bradlaugh, 6 June 1877). Darwin enclosed an extract from the second edition of Descent, p. 618, which presented population pressure as a natural spur to improvement: ‘if [man] is to advance still higher it is to be feared that he must remain subject to a severe struggle … hence our natural rate of increase, though leading to many and obvious evils, must not be greatly diminished by any means’. Darwin’s concern for social welfare was expressed largely through charitable activities. In the village, he had helped to found the Down Friendly Club in 1850 and served as its treasurer for many years. Members contributed by annual subscription and funds were distributed to persons in need. In 1877, there was a move to dissolve the organisation, probably in response to new regulations involving more oversight of friendly societies by the state. Darwin printed a circular dated 19 February strongly urging the members to stay the course, warning that it was their best safeguard against the degradation of being supported by the Poor Law Union: ‘It is no pleasure to me to keep your accounts … except in the hope of doing some small good to my fellow Members, who have hitherto always treated me in a considerate and friendly manner.’ He wrote to John Brodie Innes, the former vicar of Down, on 25 February : ‘I gave the club a long harangue, which I think produced some effect; at least it acted like a bomb-shell for all the members seem to have quarrelled for the next two hours.’ Darwin’s advice was heeded and the club continued, although a portion of its savings was withdrawn and distributed to members later in the year. In addition to regular charitable giving, Darwin occasionally helped friends and colleagues in financial distress, and contributed to public memorials. Darwin’s reputation for generosity was evidently widespread, for he began to receive petitions from strangers. The writer Francis Lloyd, who was in poor health and living abroad, possibly in Greece or Turkey, asked Darwin to help raise a subscription for his further work. Lloyd had written a critique of Francis Galton’s theory of heredity in 1876, but as he was a philosophical writer rather than a scientific researcher, Darwin thought such a fund hopeless. ‘On painful occasions like the present’, he counselled, ‘it is the best plan to speak without any reserve, & as I think you must be at present in want of cash, I hope that will allow me to send you a cheque for £10’ (letter to [Francis Lloyd], 1 May [1877]). Another appeal came from Germany and went straight to the point: ‘I am a forester of scientific learning— I have entered some debts….’

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A repayment scheme was proposed, discretion was promised, and apologies were given for ‘bad English’ (letter from Frederick Schwerzfeger, 29 August 1877). Darwin’s generosity also found an outlet in wedding presents. September brought a very happy occasion with the engagement of William to Sara Sedgwick. She was the daughter of Theodore Sedgwick, an American legal theorist, and his wife, Sara. Her sister and brother-in-law, Susan and Charles Norton, had stayed at Keston Rectory near Down in 1868 and had visited Down House. Darwin was delighted. He worried that his future daughter-in-law would find Southampton a dull place, but he did his best to recommend William: ‘his temper is beautifully sweet & affectionate & he delights in doing little kindnesses’ (letter to Sara Sedgwick, 29 September [1877]). It was decided to keep the engagement a secret until news could reach Sara’s family in the United States. After a visit from a family friend, Elinor Dicey, Darwin wrote to Henrietta on 4 October , ‘You ought to have seen your mother she looked as if she had committed a murder & told a fib about Sara going back to America with the most innocent face…. what nonsense all this secrecy is … I hope they may be soon buckled fast together’. The couple were married on 29 November. ‘I enclose my marriage present’, Darwin wrote to William on 3 October, ‘I fear that Sara will think it atrociously unsentimental’ (he gave the couple 300 guineas); ‘but I hope useful. Your old father wishes you both with all his soul as much happiness as this world can give.’ More cause for celebration came in November when Darwin’s alma mater, the University of Cambridge, awarded him an honorary doctorate of laws. Darwin learned about it from George before the official announcement, and he considered declining in order to avoid the ceremony. ‘They are going to formally offer you the L.L.D degree’, George wrote before 28 May 1877, ‘please do not answer by return of post as there is no hurry as I want to write about the manner of refusal if refuse you must’. George tried to reassure him on 28 May 1877: ‘They say you have never received any recognition by any public bodies of England & that yr. own University wd. like to be the first…. the whole thing would barely last quarter of an hour’. Darwin consented, ‘I can endure the thoughts of coming up & being hooted, at or cheered, but whether my courage will be up to the mark hereafter is another question’ (letter to G. H. Darwin, 30 May [1877]). Darwin made the journey with Emma and Bessy. George, Francis, Leonard, and Horace also attended. The ceremony was held on 17 November in Senate House, and included an oration on Darwin’s scientific life and work: ‘With what intimate knowledge … he discourses of so many things—whatever flies, whatever swims, whatever creeps on the ground … with what generosity he takes under his patronage not only “the golden generations of peacocks”, but also the less beautiful family of apes’ (see Appendix VII). Levity was provided by undergraduates who lowered a stuffed monkey in academic dress from the ceiling and cheered for ‘the primeval man’ (Cambridge Chronicle, 24 November 1877, p. 4). According to Emma, Darwin remained ‘quite stout and smiling’ throughout the ceremony (Emma Darwin (1915), 2: 230), and he described the event to Hyacinth Hooker on 18 November 1877: ‘There was a tremendous crowd &

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hooting & cheering at the Senate House yesterday, with a suspended monkey &c; but I believe the cheering was more than the groaning which I thought was all against me, but was mostly against an unpopular proctor.’ Darwin stayed three nights, but declined a room in the Master’s lodge at Christ’s College, and avoided dinner at the Cambridge Philosophical Society. ‘I am not able to spend an evening even at home without lying down to rest’, he explained (letter to J. W. Clark, 12 November 1877). Aside from plants and infants, worms were Darwin’s main object of study and reflection in 1877. In August, he observed their activity at the ruins of a Roman villa near Thomas Farrar’s home in Surrey; and Farrer sent him a ‘worm journal’ with entries made almost daily on the number of holes, tracks, and casts on his property. ‘Such a diary was never kept before’, Darwin remarked on 24 September , ‘I had not the least expectation of your taking such extraordinary pains … will you look once again to see how the worms go on.’ Ancient remains and archaeological sites were key places of observation for Darwin. He and his sons visited Stonehenge to measure the depth of great monuments that had gradually sunk from the burrowing of worms. Horace started building a ‘wormograph’ to measure the rate at which stones were buried (letter from Francis Darwin, [28 October 1877?]). Horace went with Francis to examine the excavations of the Roman town at Silchester with the superintendent James Gerald Joyce, who sent reports and diagrams of worm activity inside the stone walls, much to his surprise: ‘I should have said, and did say, that it was perfectly impossible such a wall could be penetrated by, or could contain, any earth worms’ (letter from J. G. Joyce, 15 November 1877). Even at Cambridge, Darwin found time for scientific observation. Having lunched with George in Trinity College, he spotted evidence of worms in one of the courtyards, and asked his son to make a closer inspection: ‘Please find out when Cloisters in Neville Court are swept & examine just before the time so as to see whether any connection between sagging of pavemts & castings’ (letter to G. H. Darwin, 21 November [1877]). It is revealing of where Darwin’s true passion lay, that he would absent himself from the evening festivities held in his honour (Thomas Henry Huxley delivered a rousing speech at the Philosophical Society dinner), and busy himself instead with observations of these humble creatures and their silent, steady work beneath the earth.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The editors are grateful to the late George Pember Darwin and to William Darwin for permission to publish the Darwin letters and manuscripts. They also thank the Syndics of Cambridge University Library and other owners of manuscript letters who have generously made them available. Work for this edition has been supported by grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH), the National Science Foundation (NSF), and the Wellcome Trust. The Alfred P. Sloan Foundation and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation provided grants to match NEH funding, and the Mellon Foundation awarded grants to Cambridge University that made it possible to put the entire Darwin correspondence into machine-readable form. Research and editorial work have also been supported by grants from the Arts and Humanities Research Council, the British Academy, the British Ecological Society, the Isaac Newton Trust, the Jephcott Charitable Trust, the John Templeton Foundation, the Natural Environment Research Council, the Parasol Foundation Trust, the Royal Society of London, and the Wilkinson Charitable Foundation. The Stifterverband für die Deutsche Wissenschaft provided funds to translate and edit Darwin’s correspondence with German naturalists. Since 2010, funding sufficient to complete the entire edition has been provided by the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Evolution Education Trust, and the Isaac Newton Trust. We are extremely grateful for this unprecedented long-term support. We particularly wish to acknowledge the role of the Evolution Education Trust, without whose imaginative and generous support so distinguished a consortium could not have been established. Cambridge University Library, the American Philosophical Society (APS), Harvard University, and Cornell University have generously made working space and many services available to the editors; the American Council of Learned Societies has provided invaluable administrative and strategic support. Since the project began in 1975, the editors have been fortunate in benefiting from the interest, experience, and practical help of many people, and hope that they have adequately expressed their thanks to them individually as the work proceeded. English Heritage has responded most generously to requests for information and for material from the collections at Down House, Downe. We are particularly grateful to past and present curators, Laura Houliston, Annie Kemkaran-Smith, Sarah Moulden, Frances Parton, Cathy Power, and Tori Reeve. The late Richard Darwin

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Keynes kindly made available Darwin family material in his possession. The late Ursula Mommens provided letters and other materials that belonged to her grandfather, Francis Darwin. The Cornford family have generously made available letters written by William Darwin and Henrietta Litchfield. Institutions and individuals all over the world have given indispensable help by making available photocopies or digital images of Darwin correspondence and other manuscripts in their collections. Those who furnished copies of letters for this volume can be found in the List of provenances. The editors are indebted to them, and to the many people who have provided information about the locations of particular letters. The editors make daily use of the incomparable facilities of Cambridge University Library and have benefited greatly from its services and from the help and expertise of its staff, particularly the staff of the Manuscripts Department. We are especially grateful to the University Librarian, Jessica Gardner, and to her predecessors Anne Jarvis, Peter K. Fox and Frederick W. Ratcliffe, and to the Keeper of Manuscripts and Archives, Suzanne Paul, and her predecessor Patrick Zutshi, for their generous support. Other members of the library’s staff who frequently respond to the editors’ requests are: Marjolein Allen, Wendy Aylett, Jim Bloxam, Frank Bowles, Mark Box, Louise Clarke, Colin Clarkson, Jacqueline Cox, Maureen Dann, Katrina Dean, Amélie Deblauwe, John Hall, Anna Johnson, Morag Law, David Lowe, Scott Maloney, Sue Mehrer, Błazej Mikuła, Ben Outhwaite, Domniki Papadimitriou, Maciej Pawlikowski, Adam Perkins, Ben Perks, Nicholas Smith, Anne Taylor, Ngaio Vince-Dewerse, John Wells, and Jill Whitelock. The fetchers in the Rare Books reading room have also patiently dealt with the editors’ often complex requirements, as have the staff of the Map Room. The editors would like to acknowledge the assistance of Marten L. Leavitt of the American Philosphical Society Library, Rodney Dennis, Jennie Rathbun, and Susan Halpert of the Houghton Library, Constance Carter of the Science Division of the Library of Congress, and Judith Warnement, Lisa DeCesare, and Jean Cargill of the Gray Herbarium of Harvard University, who have all been exceptionally helpful in providing material from the collections in their charge. In Britain, the editors have received assistance from Lynda Brooks (librarian), Gina Douglas (former librarian), and Ben Sherwood of the Linnean Society of London; and from Lorna Cahill, Michele Losse, Virginia Mills, and Kiri Ross Jones of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. We would also like to thank Anne Barrett, college archivist at the Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine; successive librarians and archivists of Christ’s College, Cambridge; Simon Chaplin, head of the Wellcome Library, Wellcome Trust; and Sarah Rayner and John Hodgson at The John Rylands Library. We owe a considerable debt to the staff of the American Council of Learned Societies for their help and advice since the Project began. We particularly thank the president, Pauline Yu, Steven Wheatley, and Kelly Buttermore, for their generosity and unfailingly warm welcome.

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Among the others who advise and assist the editors in their work are Nick Gill, Randal Keynes, David Kohn, Gene Kritsky, Carl F. Miller, Jim Moore, Garry J. Tee, John van Wyhe, David West, and Leonard Wilson. The editors are also pleased to acknowledge the invaluable support of the members of the Project’s Advisory Committee. Among the many research resources on which we rely, special mention should be made of the Biodiversity Heritage Library (www.biodiversitylibrary.org), the Darwin Manuscripts Project (www.amnh.org), and Darwin Online (darwin-online.org.uk). From 2009 to 2013 we were fortunate to work with a group of colleagues based at Harvard under the direction of Professor Janet Browne and supported by grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the National Science Foundation. We are grateful to the History of Science Department at Harvard for providing space and facilities, and to Janet Browne for making her time and expertise available. For help with particular enquiries in volume 25 the editors would like to thank, besides those already mentioned, Rebecca Bennett, Paul Cox, Ned Friedman, Hein van Grouw, Susan Halpert, Arthur Holden, Kennet Lundin, and Keith Moore. We have relied heavily on expert technical assistance both from external consultants and from colleagues in Cambridge University in developing and maintaining our electronic resources, including our typesetting systems, and in making the correspondence available over the World Wide Web. We are particularly grateful to our colleagues Hal Blackburn, Iain Burke, Wojciech Giel, Lesley Gray, Huw Jones, Philip Jones, Tuan Pham, Tristram Scott, Zhipeng Shan, Merina Tuladhar, and Tomasz Waldoch of Cambridge University Library. For past help, we particularly thank Maarten Bressinck, Simon Buck, Anne Clarke, Matthew Daws, Peter Dunn, Robin Fairbairns, Patricia Killiard, Chris Martin, John Norman, Martin Oldfield, and Grant Young. This volume has been typeset using Adobe InDesign. Thanks are also due to all former staff and associates of the Darwin Correspondence Project, including: Doris E. Andrews, Katie Ericksen Baca, Geoff Belknap, Sarah Benton, the late Charlotte Bowman, Heidi Bradshaw, Pamela J. Brant, Janet Browne, P. Thomas Carroll, Finlay Clarkson, Stefanie Cookson, Henry Cowles, Sheila Dean, Sophie Defrance, Mario Di Gregorio, Rhonda Edwards, Deborah Fitzgerald, Kate Fletcher, Megan Formato, Hedy Franks, Jane Mork Gibson, Nick Gill, Philippa Hardman, Joy Harvey, Arne Hessenbruch, Thomas Horrocks, Dorothy Huffman, Rachel Iliffe, Andrew Inkpen, Christine M. Joyner, Thomas Junker, Rebecca Kelley, Joan W. Kimball, Barbara A. Kimmelman, David Kohn, Jyothi Krishnan-Unni, Gene Kritsky, Sam Kuper, Kathleen Lane, Sarah Lavelle, Margot Levy, Robert Lindsey, Jean Macqueen, Nancy Mautner, Anna K. Mayer, William Montgomery, Eleanor Moore, Leslie Nye, Perry O’Donovan, Stephen V. Pocock, Duncan Porter, John A. Reesman, Marsha L. Richmond, the late Peter Saunders, Andrew Sclater, Myrna Perez Shelton, Tracey Slotta, Jessee Smith, Kate Smith, the late Sydney Smith, Alison Soanes, Emma Spary, Alistair Sponsel, Nora Carroll Stevenson, Edith Stewart, Zuzana Jakubisinowa Toci, Jenna Tonn, Jonathan R. Topham,

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Charissa Varma, Tyler Veak, Ellis Weinberger, Béatrice Willis, Sarah Wilmot, Jeremy Wong, and Rebecca Woods, and our project colleague, Sally Stafford. We are most grateful to Ann Parry for providing the index to the current volume, and to Philip Hardie, Janneke van der Heide, and Andreas Mertgens for their collaboration on the appendixes. Copyright statement We gratefully acknowledge the families and estates of letter authors for permission to include their works in this publication, and particularly the Darwin family for permission to publish the texts of all letters written by Charles Darwin. We make every reasonable effort to trace the holders of copyright in letters written by persons other than Darwin where copyright permission is required for publication. If you believe you are a rights holder and are concerned that we have published or may publish in the future material for which you have not given permission and which is not covered by a legal exception or exemption, we would be most grateful if you would contact us in writing by post or email. Darwin Correspondence Project Cambridge University Library West Road Cambridge United Kingdom CB3 9DR Email: [email protected] The editors are grateful to the executors of Alfred Russel Wallace's literary estate for permission to publish in this edition such letters by Wallace as remain in copyright. All intellectual property rights in such letters, including copyright in the typographical arrangement, remain with the executors. For more information visit http://wallaceletters.info/content/wallace-literary-estate.

PROVENANCES

The following list gives the locations of the original versions of the letters printed in this volume. The editors are grateful to all the institutions and individuals listed for allowing access to the letters in their care. Access to material in DAR 261 and DAR 263, formerly at Down House, Downe, Kent, England, is courtesy of English Heritage. Agricultural Gazette (publication) Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA Archives de la famille de Candolle (private collection) Archives of the Gray Herbarium, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA Artis Library, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands Auckland War Memorial Museum - Tāmaki Paenga Hira, Auckland, New Zealand L’Autographe (dealers) Bath Royal Literary and Scientific Institution, Bath, England Biblioteca dell’Archiginnasio, Bologna, Italy Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford, Oxford, England Bonhams (dealers) British Library, London, England Cambridge University Library, Cambridge, England Christ’s College, Cambridge, England Cleveland Health Sciences Library, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, USA Cornford Family Papers (private collection) CUL. See Cambridge University Library DAR. See Cambridge University Library eBay Edmund S. Muskie Archives and Special Collections Library, Bates College, Lewiston, Maine English Heritage, Down House, Downe, Kent, England Ernst-Haeckel-Haus, Friedrich-Schiller-Universität, Jena, Germany Ernst Mayr Library of the Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA Galton 1878 (publication)

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Provenances

Gardeners’ Chronicle (publication) Godínez trans. 1877 (publication) Harvard University, Houghton Library, Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA Haslemere Educational Museum, Haslemere, Surrey, England Haverford College Quaker and Special Collections, Haverford College, Haverford, Pennsylvania, USA Garrett Herman (private collection) Hortus botanicus Leiden Bibliotheek, Leiden, The Netherlands The Huntington Library, San Marino, California, USA Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine, London, England James 1892 (publication) Karpeles Manuscript Library Museums, Santa Barbara, California, USA Kobunso (Mr Sorimachi, bookseller and dealer, Tokyo, Japan) Kotte Autographs (dealer) KULTURAMA Museum des Menschen, Zurich, Switzerland Kungl. Vetenskapsakademien, Center for History of Science, Stockholm, Sweden Laage 1980 (publication) Landesarchiv des Kantons Glarus, Glarus, Switzerland Lehigh University, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, USA Leiden University Libraries, Leiden, The Netherlands Linnean Society of London, Piccadilly, London, England Liverpool University Library, Liverpool, England Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore, Maryland, USA Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia Möller ed. 1915–21 The Morgan Library and Museum, New York, USA Museo Civico di Storia Naturale, Milan, Italy Museum of Czech literature / Památník národního písemnictví, Prague, Czech Republic Nasjonalbiblioteket, Oslo, Norway National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh, Scotland Natural History Museum, London, England Nature (publication) The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations, New York, USA The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations, The Henry W. and Albert A. Berg Collection of English and American Literature, New York, USA The 19th Century Shop (dealers) The estate of Sandro Onestinghel (private collection) Oxford University Museum of Natural History, Oxford, England Peabody Essex Museum, Phillips Library, Salem, Massachusetts, USA Pearson 1914–30 (publication)

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Morton Pepper (private collection) Phillips (dealers) Barbara and Robert Pincus (private collection) R & R Enterprises Autograph Auctions (dealers) Redpath Museum, McGill University, Montreal, Canada H. Bruce Rinker PhD (private collection) E. D. Romanes 1896 (publication) A. de Saporta (private collection) Shrewsbury Chronicle (publication) Siciliani 1877 (publication) Michael Silverman (dealer) Barton L. Smith (private collection) Sotheby’s (dealers) Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, Germany Stadtbibliothek Mainz, Mainz, Germany J. A. Stargardt (dealer) Thomas Edison National Park, US Department of the Interior, National Park Service, West Orange, New Jersey, USA The Times (publication) Transactions of the Entomological Society of London (publication) Trustees of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, Richmond, Surrey, England UCL Library Services, Special Collections, London, England Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Düsseldorf, Düsseldorf, Germany University of Chicago Library, Chicago, Illinois University of Rochester, River Campus Libraries, Department of Rare Books, Special Collections and Preservation, Rochester, New York, USA Uppsala University Library, Manuscripts and Music, Carolina Rediviva, Uppsala, Sweden V&A / Wedgwood Collection, The Wedgwood Museum, Presented by the Artfund with major support from the Heritage Lottery Fund, private donations and a public appeal, Barlaston, Staffordshire Waverly Auctions (dealers) Wellcome Library, London, England Wienbibliothek im Rathaus, Handschriftensammlung, Vienna, Austria John Wilson (dealer) Yale University Medical Historical Library, Harvey Cushing / John Hay Whitney Medical Library, New Haven, Connecticut, USA Zacharias 1882 (publication) Zeeuws Archief, Middelburg, The Netherlands Zentralbibliothek Zürich, Zurich, Switzerland James G. Zimmer (private collection)

A NOTE ON EDITORIAL POLICY

The first and chief objective of this edition is to provide complete and authoritative texts of Darwin’s correspondence. For every letter to or from Darwin, the text that is available to the editors is always given in full. The editors have occasionally included letters that are not to or from Darwin if they are relevant to the published correspondence. Volumes of the Correspondence are published in chronological order. Occasional supplements will be published containing letters that have come to light or have been redated since the relevant volumes of the Correspondence appeared. Letters that can only be given a wide date range, in some instances spanning several decades, are printed in the supplement following the volume containing letters at the end of their date range. The first such supplement was in volume 7 and included letters from 1828 to 1857; the second was in volume 13, and included letters from 1822 to 1864; the third was in volume 18, and included letters from 1835 to 1869; the fourth was in volume 24, and included letters from 1838 to 1875. Dating of letters and identification of correspondents In so far as it is possible, the letters have been dated, arranged in chronological order, and the recipients or senders identified. Darwin seldom wrote the full date on his letters and, unless the addressee was well known to him, usually wrote only ‘Dear Sir’ or ‘Dear Madam’. After the adoption of adhesive postage stamps in the 1840s, the separate covers that came into use with them were usually not preserved, and thus the dates and the names of many recipients of Darwin’s letters have had to be derived from other evidence. The notes made by Francis Darwin on letters sent to him for his editions of his father’s correspondence have been helpful, as have matching letters in the correspondence, but many dates and recipients have had to be deduced from the subject-matter or references in the letters themselves. Transcription policy Whenever possible, transcriptions have been made from manuscripts. If the manuscript was inaccessible but a photocopy or other facsimile version was available, that version has been used as the source. In many cases, the editors have had recourse to Francis Darwin’s large collection of copies of letters, compiled in the 1880s. Other copies, published letters, or drafts have been transcribed when they provided texts that were otherwise unavailable. The method of transcription employed in this edition is adapted from that

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described by Fredson Bowers in ‘Transcription of manuscripts: the record of variants’, Studies in Bibliography 29 (1976): 212–64. This system is based on accepted principles of modern textual editing and has been widely adopted in literary editions. The case for using the principles and techniques of this form of textual editing for historical and non-literary documents, both in manuscript and print, has been forcefully argued by G. Thomas Tanselle in ‘The editing of historical documents’, Studies in Bibliography 31 (1978): 1–56. The editors of the Correspondence followed Dr Tanselle in his conclusion that a ‘scholarly edition of letters or journals should not contain a text which has editorially been corrected, made consistent, or otherwise smoothed out’ (p. 48), but they have not wholly subscribed to the statement made earlier in the article that: ‘In the case of notebooks, diaries, letters and the like, whatever state they are in constitutes their finished form, and the question of whether the writer ‘‘intended’’ something else is irrelevant’ (p. 47). The editors have preserved the spelling, punctuation, and grammar of the original, but they have found it impossible to set aside entirely the question of authorial intent. One obvious reason is that in reading Darwin’s writing, there must necessarily be reliance upon both context and intent. Even when Darwin’s general intent is clear, there are cases in which alternative readings are, or may be, possible, and therefore the transcription decided upon must to some extent be conjectural. Where the editors are uncertain of their transcription, the doubtful text has been enclosed in italic square brackets. A major editorial decision was to adopt the so-called ‘clear-text’ method of transcription, which so far as possible keeps the text free of brackets recording deletions, insertions, and other alterations in the places at which they occur. Darwin’s changes are, however, recorded in the back matter of the volume, under ‘Manuscript alterations and comments’, in notes keyed to the printed text by paragraph and line number. All lines above the first paragraph of the letter (that is, date, address, or salutation) are referred to as paragraph ‘0’. Separate paragraph numbers are used for subscriptions and postscripts. This practice enables the reader who wishes to do so to reconstruct the manuscript versions of Darwin’s autograph letters, while furnishing printed versions that are uninterrupted by editorial interpolations. The Manuscript alterations and comments record all alterations made by Darwin in his letters and any editorial amendments made in transcription, and also where part of a letter has been written by an amanuensis; they do not record alterations made by amanuenses. No attempt has been made to record systematically all alterations to the text of copies of Darwin letters included in the correspondence, but ambiguous passages in copies are noted. The editors believe it would be impracticable to attempt to go further without reliable information about the texts of the original versions of the letters concerned. Letters to Darwin have been transcribed without recording any of the writers’ alterations unless they reflect significant changes in substance or impede the sense; in such cases footnotes bring them to the reader’s attention. Misspellings have been preserved, even when it is clear that they were unintentional: for instance, ‘lawer’ for ‘lawyer’. Such errors often indicate excitement or haste and may exhibit, over a series of letters, a habit of carelessness in writing to a

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particular correspondent or about a particular subject. Capital letters have also been transcribed as they occur except in certain cases, such as ‘m’, ‘k’, and ‘c’, which are frequently written somewhat larger than others as initial letters of words. In these cases an attempt has been made to follow the normal practice of the writers. In some instances that are not misspellings in a strict sense, editorial corrections have been made. In his early manuscripts and letters Darwin consistently wrote ‘bl’ so that it looks like ‘lb’ as in ‘albe’ for ‘able’, ‘talbe’ for ‘table’. Because the form of the letters is so consistent in different words, the editors consider that this is most unlikely to be a misspelling but must be explained simply as a peculiarity of Darwin’s handwriting. Consequently, the affected words have been transcribed as normally spelled and no record of any alteration is given in the textual apparatus. Elsewhere, though, there are misformed letters that the editors have recorded because they do, or could, affect the meaning of the word in which they appear. The main example is the occasional inadvertent crossing of ‘l’. When the editors are satisfied that the intended letter was ‘l’ and not ‘t’, as, for example, in ‘stippers’ or ‘istand’, then ‘l’ has been transcribed, but the actual form of the word in the manuscript has been given in the Manuscript alterations and comments. If the only source for a letter is a copy, the editors have frequently retained corrections made to the text when it is clear that they were based upon comparison with the original. Francis Darwin’s corrections of misreadings by copyists have usually been followed; corrections to the text that appear to be editorial alterations have not been retained. Editorial interpolations in the text are in square brackets. Italic square brackets enclose conjectured readings and descriptions of illegible passages. To avoid confusion, in the few instances in which Darwin himself used square brackets, they have been altered by the editors to parentheses with the change recorded in the Manuscript alterations and comments. In letters to Darwin, square brackets have been changed to parentheses silently. Material that is irrecoverable because the manuscript has been torn or damaged is indicated by angle brackets; any text supplied within them is obviously the responsibility of the editors. Occasionally, the editors are able to supply missing sections of text by using ultraviolet light (where text has been lost owing to damp) or by reference to transcripts or photocopies of manuscript material made before the damage occurred. Words and passages that have been underlined for emphasis are printed in italics in accordance with conventional practice. Where the author of a letter has indicated greater emphasis by underlining a word or passage two or more times, the text is printed in bold type. Paragraphs are often not clearly indicated in the letters. Darwin and others sometimes marked a change of subject by leaving a somewhat larger space than usual between sentences; sometimes Darwin employed a longer dash. In these cases, and when the subject is clearly changed in very long stretches of text, a new

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paragraph has been started by the editors without comment. The beginnings of letters, valedictions, and postscripts are also treated as new paragraphs regardless of whether they appear as new paragraphs in the manuscript. Special manuscript devices delimiting sections or paragraphs, for example, blank spaces left between sections of text and lines drawn across the page, are treated as normal paragraph indicators and are not specially marked or recorded unless their omission leaves the text unclear. Occasionally punctuation marking the end of a clause or sentence is not present in the manuscript, but the author has made his or her intention clear by allowing, for example, extra space or a line break to function as punctuation. In such cases, the editors have inserted an extra space following the sentence or clause to set it off from the following text. Additions to a letter that run over into the margins, or are continued at its head or foot, are transcribed at the point in the text at which the editors believe they were intended to be read. The placement of such an addition is only recorded in a footnote if it seems to the editors to have some significance or if the position at which it should be transcribed is unclear. Enclosures are transcribed following the letter. The hand-drawn illustrations and diagrams that occur in some letters are reproduced as faithfully as possible and are usually positioned as they were in the original text. In some cases, however, it has been necessary to reduce the size of a diagram or enhance an outline for clarity; any such alterations are recorded in footnotes. The location of diagrams within a letter is sometimes changed for typesetting reasons. Tables have been reproduced as close to the original format as possible, given typesetting constraints. Some Darwin letters and a few letters to Darwin are known only from entries in the catalogues of book and manuscript dealers or mentions in other published sources. Whatever information these sources provide about the content of such letters has been reproduced without substantial change. Any errors detected are included in footnotes. Format of published letters The format in which the transcriptions are printed in the Correspondence is as follows: 1. Order of letters. The letters are arranged in chronological sequence. A letter that can be dated only approximately is placed at the earliest date on which the editors believe it could have been written. The basis of a date supplied by the editors is given in a footnote unless it is derived from a postmark, watermark, or endorsement that is recorded in the physical description of the letter (see section 4, below). Letters with the same date, or with a range of dates commencing with that date, are printed in the alphabetical order of their senders or recipients unless their contents dictate a clear alternative order. Letters dated only to a year or a range of years precede letters that are dated to a particular month or range of months, and these, in turn, precede those that are dated to a particular day or range of dates

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commencing with a particular day. 2. Headline. This gives the name of the sender or recipient of the letter and its date. The date is given in a standard form, but those elements not taken directly from the letter text are supplied in square brackets. The name of the sender or recipient is enclosed in square brackets only where the editors regard the attribution as doubtful. 3. The letter text. The transcribed text follows as closely as possible the layout of the source, although no attempt is made to produce a type-facsimile of the manuscript: word-spacing and line-division in the running text are not adhered to. Similarly, the typography of printed sources is not replicated. Dates and addresses given by authors are transcribed as they appear, except that if both the date and the address are at the head of the letter they are always printed on separate lines with the address first, regardless of the manuscript order. If no address is given on a letter by Darwin, the editors have supplied one, when able to do so, in square brackets at the head of the letter. Similarly, if Darwin was writing from an address different from the one given on the letter, his actual location is given in square brackets. Addresses on printed stationery are transcribed in italics. Addresses, dates, and valedictions have been run into single lines to save space, but the positions of line-breaks in the original are marked by vertical bars. 4. Physical description. All letters are complete and in the hand of the sender unless otherwise indicated. If a letter was written by an amanuensis, or exists only as a draft or a copy, or is incomplete, or is in some other way unusual, then the editors provide the information needed to complete the description. Postmarks, endorsements, and watermarks are recorded only when they are evidence for the date or address of the letter. 5. Source. The final line provides the provenance of the text. Some sources are given in abbreviated form (for example, DAR 140: 18) but are listed in full in the List of provenances unless the source is a published work. Letters in private collections are also indicated. References to published works are given in author–date or short-title form, with full titles and publication details supplied in the Bibliography at the end of the volume. 6. Darwin’s annotations. Darwin frequently made notes in the margins of the letters he received, scored significant passages, and crossed through details that were of no further interest to him. These annotations are transcribed or described following the letter text. They are keyed to the letter text by paragraph and line numbers. Most notes are short, but occasionally they run from a paragraph to several pages, and sometimes they are written on separate sheets appended to the letter. Extended notes relating to a letter are transcribed whenever practicable following the annotations as ‘CD notes’. Quotations from Darwin manuscripts in footnotes and elsewhere, and the text of his annotations and notes on letters, are transcribed in ‘descriptive’ style. In this method the alterations in the text are recorded in brackets at the places where they occur. For example: ‘See Daubeny [‘vol. 1’ del] for *descriptions of volcanoes in [interl] S.A.’ ink

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means that Darwin originally wrote in ink ‘See Daubeny vol. 1 for S.A.’ and then deleted ‘vol. 1’ and inserted ‘descriptions of volcanoes in’ after ‘for’. The asterisk before ‘descriptions’ marks the beginning of the interlined phrase, which ends at the bracket. The asterisk is used when the alteration applies to more than the immediately preceding word. The final text can be read simply by skipping the material in brackets. Descriptive style is also used in the Manuscript alterations and comments. Editorial matter Each volume is self-contained, having its own index, bibliography, and biographical register. A chronology of Darwin’s activities covering the period of each volume and translations of foreign-language letters are supplied, and additional appendixes give supplementary material where appropriate to assist the understanding of the correspondence. A cumulative index is planned once the edition is complete. References are supplied for all persons, publications, and subjects mentioned, even though some repetition of material in earlier volumes is involved. If the name of a person mentioned in a letter is incomplete or incorrectly spelled, the full, correct form is given in a footnote. Brief biographies of persons mentioned in the letters, and dates of each correspondent’s letters to and from Darwin in the current volume, are given in the Biographical register and index to correspondents. Where a personal name serves as a company name, it is listed according to the family name but retains its original order: for example, ‘E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung’ is listed under ‘S’, not ‘E’. Short titles are used for references to Darwin’s books and articles and to collections of his letters (e.g., Descent, ‘Parallel roads of Glen Roy’, LL). They are also used for some standard reference works and for works with no identifiable author (e.g., Alum. Cantab., Wellesley index, DNB). For all other works, author–date references are used. References to the Bible are to the authorised King James version unless otherwise stated. Words not in Chambers dictionary are usually defined in the footnotes with a source supplied. The full titles and publication details of all books and papers referred to are given in the Bibliography. References to archival material, for instance that in the Darwin Archive at Cambridge University Library, are not necessarily exhaustive. Darwin and his correspondents writing in English consistently used the term ‘fertilisation’ for the processes that are now distinguished as fertilisation (the fusion of female and male gametes) and pollination (the transfer of pollen from anther to stigma); the first usage known to the editors of a distinct term for pollination in English was in 1873 (letter from A. W. Bennett, 12 July 1873 (Calendar no. 8976)). ‘Fertilisation’ in Darwin’s letters and publications often, but not always, can be regarded as referring to what is now termed pollination. In the footnotes, the editors, where possible, have used the modern terms where these can assist in explaining the details of experimental work. When Darwin or his correspondents are quoted directly, their original usage is never altered. The editors use the abbreviation ‘CD’ for Charles Darwin throughout the footnotes. A list of all abbreviations used by the editors in this volume is given on p. xliv.

The Wedgwood and Darwin Robert Waring Darwin = Susannah Wedgwood 1766–1848 1765–1817 Henry Parker = Marianne 1788–1856 1798–1858 Robert 1825–1907 Henry 1827–92 Francis 1829–71 Charles 1831–1905 Mary Susan 1836–93 Susan Elizabeth 1803–66

Caroline Sarah = Josiah III (Jos) 1795–1880 1800–88 Sophy Marianne 1838–9 Katherine Elizabeth Sophy (Sophy) 1842–1911 Margaret Susan 1843–1937 Lucy Caroline 1846–1919

Erasmus Alvey 1804–81 Charles Langton = Emily Catherine 1801–86 (Catherine) 1810–66

Charles Robert = Emma 1808–96 1809–82

Sara Price Ashburner Sedgwick = William Erasmus 1839–1902 1839–1914 Anne Elizabeth 1841–51 Mary Eleanor Sept.–Oct. 1842 Richard Buckley Litchfield = Henrietta Emma (Etty) 1843–1927 1832–1903 George Howard 1845–1912 Elizabeth (Bessy) 1847–1926 Amy Richenda Ruck = Francis (Frank) 1850–76 1848–1925 Bernard Richard Meirion 1876–1961 Leonard 1850–1943 Horace 1851–1928 Charles Waring 1856–8

Families up to 1877 Josiah Wedgwood II = Elizabeth (Bessy) Allen 1764–1846 1769–1843 Sarah Elizabeth (Elizabeth) 1793–1880 Mary Anne 1796–8 Charles Langton = Charlotte 1801–86 1797–1862 Edmund 1841–75 Henry Allen = Jessie Wedgwood 1804–72 (Harry) Frances Mosley = Francis 1799–1885 Louisa Frances 1834–1903 (Frank) (Fanny Frank) Caroline Elizabeth (Carry) 1807–74 1800–88 1836–1916 Godfrey 1833–1905 John Darwin 1840–70 Amy 1835–1910 Anne Jane 1841–77 Cicely Mary 1837–1917 Arthur 1843–1900 Clement Francis Rowland Henry 1840–89 1847–1921 Laurence 1844–1913 Hensleigh = Frances Emma Elizabeth Constance Rose 1846–1903 (Fanny) Mackintosh 1803–91 1800–89 Mabel Frances Frances 1852–1930 (Fanny) Frances Julia (Snow) 1806–32 1833–1913 James Mackintosh (Bro) 1834–64 Ernest Hensleigh 1838–98 Katherine Euphemia (Effie) 1839–1931 Alfred Allen 1842–92 Hope Elizabeth (Dot) 1844–1935

ABBREVIATIONS AL ALS DS LS LS(A) Mem pc (S) TLS

autograph letter autograph letter signed document signed letter in hand of amanuensis, signed by sender letter in hand of amanuensis with additions by sender memorandum postcard signed with sender’s name by amanuensis typed letter signed

CD CUL DAR del illeg interl underl

Charles Darwin Cambridge University Library Darwin Archive, Cambridge University Library deleted illegible interlined underlined TRANSCRIPTION CONVENTIONS

[some text] [some text] [some text] ⟨ ⟩ ⟨some text⟩ ⟨some text⟩

‘some text’ is an editorial insertion ‘some text’ is the conjectured reading of an ambiguous word or passage ‘some text’ is a description of a word or passage that cannot be transcribed, e.g., ‘3 words illeg’ word(s) destroyed ‘some text’ is a suggested reading for a destroyed word or passage ‘some text’ is a description of a destroyed word or passage, e.g., ‘3 lines excised’

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF CHARLES DARWIN 1877

From Marcellin de Bonnal1   [1877]2 Monsieur, Un homme de votre puissance intellectuelle ne saurait nier un creáteur, aussi, ne le niez vous pas. Mais, votre systême est la négation de Dieu, et, votre école, qui est logique, coule à pleins bords dans le matérialisme partant du néant pour y aboutir. Voila pourquoi je vous combats. Je vous combats dans l’intérêt de la vérité, de l’homme et des sociétés. Je vais publier prochainement une seconde édition de ma philosophie, dans laquelle je m’attache surtout à vous réfuter.3 Je désirerais avant une réponse à une seule de mes questions. Cette unique question, la voici. Il me semble qu’elle anéantit votre systême. Si les sélections naturelles sont si puissantes, et il faut qu’elles le soient pour arriver d’un brin d’herbe à l’homme, comment se fait il, par exemple, qu’il y ait encore des algues et des polypes sur la terre? Si l’algue, dans le cours de l’éternité, a pu devenir l’humanité matérielle, l’humanité morale, par sélection naturelle, expliquez moi comment il se fait qu’il existe encore des algues? Tant de puissance d’un coté, tant d’impuissance de l’autre. Est ce que la moitié, pour les moins, de la création, ne proteste pas contre le pouvoir fantastique de vos sélections? Quelle raison donnerez vous de l’immobilité de l’algue, du ver, du polype, quand il a pu en naitre, selon vous, l’abeille et l’homme? Comme il s’agit, pour les sociétés humaines, d’avoir une foi morale ou de tomber dans une négation démoralisante, j’espère, que vous vous voudrez bien me répondre. Dans cet espoir, j’ai l’honneur d’être, Monsieur, votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur | M. de Bonnal l’Isle Jourdain | (Vienne) | france. DAR 201: 6

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2 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The year is established by the reference to Bonnal 1877 (see n. 3, below). Bonnal evidently sent a copy of his book Une agonie (A death-struggle; Bonnal 1877). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–Down. There is no record of a second edition.

To [E. M. Dicey?]   [1877]1 My dear Mrs. D. The answer to your two letters to my wife I have pleasure in giving you my opinion, which you can communicate to anyone, as you may think fit; but I must beg you to observe that I am not a physiologist & that my opinion can have no special value.—2 I should regret that any girl who wished to learn physiology shd. be checked, because it seems to me that this science is the best or sole one for giving to any person an intelligent view of living beings, & thus to check that credulity on various points which is so common with ordinary men & women. I shd look at it as a Sin to discourage any boy from studying physiology who had the wish to do so; & I make the distinction between a boy & a girl, because as yet no woman has advanced the science. I believe much physiology cd. be learned without seeing any experiments performed or any organ in action; but I do not believe that a person could learn several parts of the subject with 〈the〉 vividness & clearness, which is necessary for well instructing others, unless he saw some of our organs in action.— All that I have said here with respect to ordinary students applies with greatly increased force to medical students; though no doubt very many perhaps most medical men practice their profession by the mere rule of thumb. With respect to you not liking a girl to see an animal operated on, though quite insensible, I can quite understand it & shd. sympathise fully with you, if it were out of mere idle curiosity; but if a person with a wish 〈to〉 learn physiology was thus prevented, I shd. consider it a weakness.— I may add that I have bitterly repented this very weakness in my own case, as I cd. not get over my horror at seeing men dissected when I was young.—3 Even to take the extreme case of an animal becoming sensible before the operation was over, it wd take only a few seconds either to kill it or render it again insensible. Nor can I see the least reason to suppose it wd suffer more during such few seconds than it wd do for hours during any severe illness to which men & animals are liable. By dwelling too much on humanity, though Heaven knows this until lately has been a rare error, do you not think that there is danger of compassion becoming morbid?4 Pray believe me, dear Mrs D | Yours very sincerely | Ch Darwin ADraftS DAR 202: 41

January 1877 1

2

3

4

3

The correspondent is conjectured from a pencil annotation, ‘Dicey?’; the year is established by a pencil annotation, probably made by Francis Darwin. Dicey was involved in the foundation of Newnham Hall, soon to become Newnham College, a women’s college at the University of Cambridge (Sutherland 2006). The letters have not been found; they probably concerned the admission of women to physiological laboratories at Cambridge. For more on the development of facilities for women, see Richmond 1997. CD had given up medical studies at Edinburgh after seeing two operations performed without anaesthetic; he had been unable to stay for the duration of either procedure. He developed a revulsion at the sight of blood, which he never overcame. (See Browne 1995, pp. 62–3.) For more on CD’s support for the use of animals in physiological experiments and his involvement in the Parliamentary debate about vivisection, see Correspondence vols. 23 and 24.

From Sigmund Fuchs1   [1877–8?]2 Hochverehrter Herr! Nehmen Sie meinen innigsten Dank hin für die Freundlichkeit, mit der Sie meine Zeilen beantwortet haben.3 Ich werde dem in Ihrem Briefe, hochverehrter Herr, gegebenem Rathe jedenfalls folgen. Wenn ich es heute abermals wage, Sie mit einer Frage zu belästigen, so muss ich gleich im Voraus vielmals um Entschuldigung bitten. Nur das Vertrauen auf Ihre Güte konnte mich zu einem zweiten Schreiben ermuthigen. In der neuesten, 1876  erschienenen Auflage der “Grundzüge der Zoologie” von Dor Carl Claus sind die Tunicaten von den Mollusken, mit denen sie bisher vereinigt waren, getrennt und als eigener, 7. Typus vor den Vertebraten eingereiht.4 Eine Begründung dieses Vorganges ist jedoch in dem genannten Lehrbuche nicht enthalten. Es ist nun für mich, hochverehrter Herr, von leicht erklärlichem Interesse, zu erfahren, wo nach Ihrer Ansicht, die für mich und für jeden anderen höchste Autoritaet ist, die Tunicaten im Systeme einzureihen sind, oder ob der oben erwähnte Vorgang auch Ihre Billigung findet. Verzeihen Sie, hochverehrter Herr, meine Dreistigkeit, vielleicht wird der Gegenstand meiner Frage mich in Ihren Augen einigermassen entschuldigen. In der Hoffnung, auch diesmal keine Fehlbitte gethan zu haben, bin ich, mich empfehlend, | Ihr | ergebenster | Sigmund Fuchs. Adresse: Sigismond Fuchs chez Madame Anne Susanne Fuchs,5 Bielitz, Silésie, Autriche. DAR 164: 221 1 2

3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The year is conjectured from the publication date of Claus 1876 (see n. 4, below), and from the address. Fuchs attended the gymnasium at Bielitz (now Bielsko-Biała, Poland) before entering the university of Vienna in 1878 (Zentralblatt für Physiologie 17 (1903): 250). Neither Fuchs’s first letter nor CD’s response to it has been found.

January 1877

4 4

5

In the first edition of his Grundzüge der Zoologie (Elements of zoology; Claus 1868, pp. 372–9), Carl Friedrich Claus had classified tunicates as a subgroup of molluscs; in the second edition (Claus 1872, pp. 690–707), although he continued to place tunicates within Mollusca, he noted the discovery of embryonic similarities between tunicates and vertebrates and the presence of a notochord in larval forms. In the third edition (Claus 1876, pp. 827–45), Tunicata formed a separate type, following Mollusca and preceding Vertebrata; however, only small editorial changes were made to the descriptive content of the section compared with the second edition. In modern taxonomy, Tunicata (tunicates, ascidians, and salps) and Vertebrata are subphyla of the phylum Chordata; Mollusca is a phylum. Anne Susanne Fuchs has not been identified.

To Sigmund Fuchs   [1877–8?]1 My F.  who is much engaged desires me to say that your q. is most difficult & he will not venture to express an opinion as hardly 2 Zoologists are agreed on the subject—2 ADraft DAR 164: 221v 1 2

The date is conjectured from the relationship between this letter and the letter from Sigmund Fuchs, [1877–8?]. CD probably wrote this draft in the expectation that Francis Darwin would write the reply to Fuchs’s letter of [1877–8?]; the draft is written on the back of that letter. F: father. CD alludes to the debate among zoologists regarding vertebrates and their ancestors. While many, including CD (see Descent 1: 205–6), had supported the view that vertebrates were descended from ascidians (Tunicata), others had argued that they descended from segmented worms (Annelida; see, for example, Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Anton Dohrn, 7 February 1875). Fuchs had asked whether CD agreed with Carl Friedrich Claus’s removal of tunicates from the phylum Mollusca into their own group in the most recent edition of Claus’s textbook, Grundzüge der Zoologie (Claus 1876). Although his reasons for the change were not explicit, Claus had included references to similarities between tunicates and vertebrates in both embryonic and larval stages (see letter from Sigmund Fuchs, [1877–8?] and n. 4).

From Adolphe de Stillfried   [1877?]1 Honoured Sir! How many men of intellect and genius have won themselves also laurels, yes even the glory of immortality by their discoveries and invastigations, not one of them has to my idea easily anything so astonished the world, and given it so much sustenance for thought, and wonder, as the man, who from the day when my whole mind and energy were devoted to his books acquired my whole and greatest interest; how inspired I felt by all the incredulous marvels, by the productions of such an enormous power of thought and purpose! How grandly such a man stands who can provide and devise such things, opposite to the whole, immense mass of community, which can only gaze mutely with

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admiration.— My greatest wish is and has been for sometime, to have something in remembrance of you, who so completely fill my thoughts, be it some times written by your hand, or a photograph with your signature which I can name as my property, when one has from the object, to which one has learned his whole interest, such an agreeable remembrance, than one would like best to apotheosize him.— I beg you not to deny me this proof of your favour, and fulfilment of my wish. I remain, dear Sir, | yours admiringly | med: cand: Adolphe baron de Stillfried Prag, Brenntegasse No. 35, 2ten Stolz DAR 177: 257 1

The year is conjectured from a pencil annotation at the top of the letter, probably made by Francis Darwin.

From Alphonse de Candolle1   January 1877 Genève Janvier 1877. A Monsr Ch. Darwin Mon cher Monsieur permetter moi de recommander à votre bienveillance et à celle de Monsieur Francis Darwin, mon fils Casimir, qui se trouve actuellement en Angleterre et qui me témoigne le desir bien naturel de vous être présenté. Il s’est occupé quelquefois des sujets dans les quels vous avez ouvert la voie et assurement il apprendra beaucoup s’il a le bonheur de voir votre champ d’expériences et de causer avec vous.2 J’espère que cela pourra se réaliser sans vous faire perdre un temps excessivement précieux pour la Science. Depuis ma lettre du mois de Decembre je vous ai adressé un opuscule sur un point relatif aux descriptions (la spire des feuilles etc), en regrettant d’avoir si peu à vous offrir dans ce moment.3 Toujours, mon cher Monsieur, votre très dévoué et affectionné | Alph. de Candolle DAR 161: 20 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Casimir de Candolle had worked on the insectivorous plant Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap; C. de Candolle 1876) and on climbing plants (C. de Candolle 1877). See Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 16 December 1876. CD had sent Candolle a copy of Cross and self fertilisation. Candolle sent CD a short paper, ‘Sur la désignation de la direction des spires dans les plantes’ (On the determination of the direction of whorls in plants; A. de Candolle 1876).

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From Alpheus Hyatt   January 1877 Address   Boston. Soc. Nat. History January 1877 Dear Sir I have to day a chance to write you and I feel just like taking advantage of it. It is one of my sick days when I am obliged to stay at home with a cold and nurse my ailments and I fear enjoy them, because at the same time I can study Steinheim Shells, or write as “par example”.1 If I had headed the letter as I felt I should have put the “Master” in place of “Sir” for we, after all are only your pupils, following out your methods of research and obtaining new things by their aid. I have been particularly struck by this fact lately in reading Weissmann2 and in my intercourse with scientific students. The old style of talk is dying out among us and it is curious to note that some of the young men hardly understand the real value of the work done by the old school of systematists and teleologists. But I do not mean to use up your time entirely with gossip   I wish to tell you of the way in which the Steinheim work goes on, a matter of some interest to you I know. The inclosed copies of the three plates will show you something of what I am doing, but I hope they will not lead you to expect too much of me in the result, that would be a misfortune to be carefully guarded against.3 Some of the provisional results can be stated now, though subject to future emendations. I think the following will be found to hold criticism. First that the whole fauna in so far as the main series is concerned, that from Steinheimensis to Trochiformis, arose in a period preceding that of Sand Pits viz in the rocks on the outer rim of the Steinheim basin and those represented on the hill on Klosterberg in the centre.4 These rocks have been much neglected but I am pretty well satisfied, that there was a large formation, which has been mostly carried away by denudation and which contained the first Steinheim fauna. I have written to Sandberger & Fraas5 but have not stated this result. This was done in order to obtain certain facts with relation to the rocks and observations on specimens of the First Period as simple unbiassed statements. Unfortunately I cannot renew my visit to Steinheim and must leave the very kernel of the problemn for some else to enjoy. Steinheim is at once the most satisfying and the most disappointing of places. You will see by the Plates, which of course only represent selected specimens, and therefore only give a small number of the observable variations, that the material in the Sand Pits is practically inexhaustible simply as a study of variation-power in the species, but notwithstanding this the forms are mixed in inextricable confusion in the formations and the history of the period in which they had their rise is represented by a meagre band of fragmentary rock.6 Another experience is of some value. I strongly doubt whether it is possible to construct a classification in such a chaos, as is here presented, which will really give a picture of the real genesis of the different varieties. I am doing my “level” best in that direction now, but find that after tracing out a series from Steinheimensis/

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aequiumbilicatus to any other form, that often very puzzling alternatives present themselves, and I am not absolutely sure that the line of genesis as I trace it is really the same as that by which Nature herself worked out the forms.7 One thing seems to begin to stand out from the muddle it is “aw a muddle” namely that a distinct species such as Pl.  tenuis for example may arise, perhaps, I may say, probably does arise from several varieties of Pl. Steinheimensis at once or in such connection as to suggest the idea of simultaneity. For instance see Pl. 1st. fig, a, line b Pl. Steinheimensis and follow into line c, fig. b, “et seq.” Pl. tenuis; also begin fig 1 line m Pl. Stenh. and fig 1 line b Pl. tenuis/Stein and follow into Pl. tenuis fig 3 “et seq line n; also note fact that Pl. discoideus line f and g does not arise from the flattened Pl. tenuis but direct from the stouter forms of Pl. Steinheim on line a, last four specimens (probably.8 All the Pl. oxynotus and supremus forms and others of the smooth shells such as Pl crescens are traceable also to “Steinheimensis’ directly and not to “trochiformis” etc as Hilgendorf thought.9 See Pl. 3 upper 612 lines and the three first lines of the same Plate with exception of course of some carinated species which you can readily detect.  c—“crescens”  and transitions to Steinheimensis, o—“oxystomus” with same, s supremus with transitions to “oxystomus”. A curious parallelism is noticeable in the forms of the sub-series they all show a tendency to become turretted, see line X, Pl 3 a form of “oxystomus” especially fig 8 with a true trochiform aspect.10 I can prove that these did not arise from trochiformis in any accountable way, see the young which are on the same line and which are identical with full grown “oxystomus”. In fact there seems to be a number of series arising from Pl. Steinheimensis all of which tend to produce forms, which are similar, that is more or less like “trochiformis. This tendency in each series to become trochiform is combined with a contrary, or rather opposed by a contrary tendency. Thus in every flattened species there are some forms with the mouths bent up against the spiral, as in fig. 3, line b, Pl. 1st., and fig. 2, line a, Pl. 1st. and the variations run in their most marked (but not all their forms) between this and the trochiform spiral, the former are rarer than the latter varieties and become steadily rarer as the line of supposed genesis is followed up, The latter on the contrary seem to grow stronger and more numerous as well as larger. I cannot refer to the former as reversions though I have not all the data I hope to have on this point.— So far as I can see however the probable ancestor of the whole group will be found in Sandberger’s Pl. levis an asymmetrical species, like the young of the sub-turretted forms of Pl. Steinheimensis.11 If this is so the forms described above as tending to reverse the spiral, or to be more or less æquiumbilicated, as they always are, are not reversions, but express direct tendencies to an opposite mode of growth than those expressed by the turretted forms. But let us suppose the opposite to be true and see how it would come out. Let us suppose that the æquiumbilicated form which is so common in the young of Steinheimensis and in some adults to be indicative of an ancestor with a similar form who lived in the earlier part of the first Steinheim period. Would the forms now living such as the “æquiumbilicatus”,

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line b, pl 1st, last figure, be reversions? Are they not too much like their ancestor from the young up to be anything but direct descendants? They also express in my mind arrest of development. Thus if they were the young of unsymmetrical forms of Pl. Steinheimensis, they differed from the parents in not changing their mode of growth at an early period from the symmetrical to the unsymmetrical but retained the former and with it the peculiar smoothness and rotundity of the young. There are some forms, but these are very rare which have appeared to me as truly reversionary. These are first symmetrical, then unsymmetrical and finaly tend to become symmetrical again. I put these things in this way because it will help me to know what you think about the matter. Cope and I would call the symmetrical forms, “retarded” forms and the turritted forms with their concurrent tendency to the formation of carinations and sulcations in the earlier and later stages of growth “accelerated” forms, in allusion to the fact, that the first pass through stages which occupy the entire shell but are, nevertheless only the morphological equivalents of the earlier or younger stages of the other varieties or individuals.12 It is a notable fact in this connection that very large forms of Pl. Steinheimensis are apt to have the characteristic sulcation of “tenuis” developed on the last part of the last whorl, see pl 1st., line h, last figure, while smaller forms do not have these marks except as a great rarity. Another tendency in these different series must also be noticed. This is towards uncoiling, it occurs in all the series but more notably in some than in others. It may occur at any time in the life of an individual of the Pl. minutus series which becomes entirely uncoiled in it’s ultimate forms as traced by Hilgendorf.13 In other series it is to be looked for to occur anywhere in the species of the series but not anywhere in the life of the individual   So far as the latter is concerned the uncoiling always takes place after the shell is well grown and under such circumstances as indicate that it is either caused by old age or by wounds or by diseases of some sort. Taking this into consideration, and the fact, that where the uncoiling appears in the young, that the species are very small though descended from Pl. Steinheimensis, it would appear as if all the parallel forms of this kind, which appear in the different series, were the direct product of unfavorable circumstances causing diseases in the individual or in the series. This agrees beautifully with my Ammonite researches, much better, than if I had found, what I hoped to find when I went to Steinheim; that Pl. oxystomus and supremus, were the senile and dying forms of the whole “trochiform series according to the picture of Hilgendorf.14 Talking of this point reminds me, that I shall send another Ammonite paper on Stephanoceras very soon in which I hope you will see that I have made another step, though it be only a small one in comparison to those you are doubtless notified of almost daily.15 I had almost forgotten to add that you will see some of the normally uncoiled “numulus” forms on lines e & g pl. 2 and the abnormally uncoiled of the different series with some transition forms as follows. Pl 1st line h, fig a, line 1, fig b, line k, fig. c, Line m, fig d, line p, fig

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e; Pl. 2nd., line b, fig 1–3 and line q, last figure; Pl. 3, line e, fig. a, line g, fig b, line h, fic c, line o fig TT. A word or two more and my letter is finished. The first plate shows the forms found in the lowest formation in two separate holes, one of them was twice opened and explored so there are three divisions in the species figured one on line K—“III”—marking the limits of general series found in lowest formation in the Old Pit, The two last figures line k and all on line l show the confirmation of the presence of “trochiformis in the lowest formation obtained by a second exploration of the same hole, lines m–p show the special result of an exploration on the lowest level in the second hole dug in the Old Pit. Pl. 2 shows analysis of forms found in various strata of the Old Pit from formation “B” to form “L” the formations being in all cases marked off by “III” scratches and the figures must be followed from left to right. Pl. 3 shows in the specimens figured in the first three lines species of peculiar forms found in the New Pit in abundance and not found in the almost adjoining Old Pit. The remainder of the Plate gives the formations of the Cloister Pit on the So. side of the Cloisterberg from formation “K” to “M” as synchronized with those of the Old Pit and other Pits on the No. side of the hill. Hope to have a map and sections with these plates to illustrate the work in the various Pits. Prof. Henry heard a paper read by me before the National Academy and offered to consider it for publication in the Smithsonian Memoirs when ready.16 With this and another more interesting fact I will conclude, what I fear must have become a wearisome letter to you. I have found another Steinheim in New Brunswick. It is a bona fide story and I am going there next summer. The name is Lawlor’s Lake Near St John, and the shell true Valvata, but doing just the same outlandish things as the Planorbidæ of the Magnon lakes.17 I have a faint hope that I may find some of the species still living in the modern lake, which still occupies a portion of the valley anciently taken up by Lawlor’s Lake. The distorted shell are found in marl deposits on the borders of the modern lake. The geology is being now worked over by M Matthew of the Canadian Survey and I think we will be able to make a clean story from the start if the facts are as described.18 The forms begin with a perfectly flat, closely coiled round whorled Valvata, then become “trochiform” by degrees but not carinated and end by being wholly uncoiled like Pl. denudatus Hilg. The whole series however and there seems to be but one has no carinæ or sulcations, the whorls remaining round and smooth. If I am tiresome I hope you will forgive me for the sake of my good intentions, and because I cannot help pouring myself out to a man so ready to hear and help people as you have been to me and others. Very sincerely and respectfully | Alpheus Hyatt See Note on Plates.19 [Enclosure] All th〈e fig〉ures are x 2 diameter and pho〈tograph〉ed from specimens mounted on 〈pla〉tes of slate. inside line is 3 x 4.

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January 1877

Note My present view of the relations of these forms (or species whatever that word may mean) accords closely with your diagram in the Origin of Species ie fan shaped.20 The lines in this case representing the divergent series springing from Steinheimensis or it’s ancestral form “levis” land. These though divergent produce as I have shown certain parallel forms by the tendencies they respectively possess to become more and more trochiform and then to become more or less unwound either in isolated individuals or in series of forms. The tendency in each series besides the above is towards the development of carinations and sulcations causing as correllative features the whorls and mouths first to become square and then triangular. When the whorl first becomes squared it is observed in the largest of Pl. Steinheimensis. Then this square form and sulcation etc is found at variable periods in the individuals of tenuis/Steinheimensis and at last it becomes constant at a young stage in Pl.  tenuis. This is a good illustration of what Cope and I call “acceleration” in development. The illustration of “retardation” I have already given.21 The unwinding is quite similar to the senility of the Ammonites and doubtless due to the same thing, the unfavorable action of physical causes producing exhaustion in the case of normal old age and diseases in other cases. I do not see yet so clearly as I might, where and how to bring in Nat. Selection. Among the Amm. as I have before written you I can account for the preservation of differences until they become constant in the race.22 Then they begin to be inherited at earlier periods in successive descendants and are carried out of the reach of Nat. Selection which appears then to act with greatest force in these descendants upon the new variations produced in the adults or later stages of the young. If it is not asking too much I should like to know whether Nat Selection can account for the tendency in each of these series to produce similar forms ie trochiform species out of an ancestor like Steinheimensis. I have said among the Ammonites that it seemed to me that it could not do so but was limited to the preservation and perpetuation or rather the establishment in each series of the differences of structure which distinguished one series from another.23 You will observe in this connection that the series from Stein.  to supremus is distinct from the series from Stein. through “discoideus” to trochiformis and that the “minutus” series is very different from both of these.24 When I began this note on these plates I meant only to say a word, but I found that I must keep on even at the risk of asking more of Your time and patience than you can give to this matter. If so be kind enough to drop it where you desire to without apology. I am perhaps too anxious to make my paper thorough in view of the mischief which Hilgendorf ’s unaccountable mistakes have caused.25 If my illustrations and explanations are not clear please throw the burden upon my shoulders and do not attempt to waste time in puzzling them out. If I understand it I ought to be able to make it clear, or ought to suffer the consequences until I can do so.

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January 1877 11

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Ol〈d〉 For〈m〉

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D 2 Ho〈le〉 Form

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Ol〈d〉 For〈m〉

12 January 1877

January 1877 2V a

2V d

2nd Hole O〈 〉

Old Hole O〈 〉

13

2 Visit to〈 〉 Old Pit

Mixed from the lo〈 〉 but all from lower formation

All on this Pl form A

DAR 166: 357, 359

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Peculiar forms 〈 〉 Jura Clay Old Pit

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January 1877

CD annotations 2.3 that … Pits 2.4] scored red crayon 2.17 mixed … history] double scored red crayon 3.2 which will … varieties. 3.3] scored red crayon 3.5 that … genesis 3.6] scored red crayon 3.7 One thing … Steinheimensis. 3.10] scored red crayon; ‘Nageli—Hieracium’26added red crayon 7.12 The first plate] opening square bracket red crayon; ‘first plate’ underl red crayon 7.16 The two … adjoining Old Pit. 7.24] scored red crayon 7.27 Prof. … ready. 7.29] double scored red crayon 7.41 The whole … smooth. 7.43] ‘My opinion’ added red crayon 1 2 3

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Hyatt had collected fossil snails in the Steinheim crater in Heidenheim, Germany, in 1872 and 1873 (Hyatt 1880, pp. 3–4). August Weismann. The three plates included with the letter later appeared in slightly altered form in Hyatt’s monograph, ‘The genesis of the Tertiary species of Planorbis at Steinheim’ (Hyatt 1880, plates 1–3; see also p. 114 n.). Each shell is numbered in the published version, but the arrangement remains the same. The plates in Hyatt 1880 were produced by the heliotype process, but heliotypes could not be made from Hyatt’s original plates, which are reproduced on pp. 11–13. CD used heliotypes in Expression, when the process was in the early stages of development (see Correspondence vol. 20 and Prodger 2009). The Steinheim basin, about two miles in diameter, has a hill at the centre, Klosterberg (for more on the physical conditions of the basin, see Rasser 2013, pp. 13–14). For Hyatt’s description of the series of shells from Planorbis steinheimensis (a synonym of Gyraulus steinheimensis) to P. trochiformis (a synonym of Gyraulus trochiformis), see Hyatt 1880, pp. 72–85. Fridolin Sandberger and Oscar Fraas. In his key to the first three plates in the published monograph (Hyatt 1880, pp. 106–11), Hyatt showed all the forms of Planorbis from Steinheimensis to Trochiformis as having been found in the same strata, supporting his claim that the whole series arose within a relatively short time. Hyatt later described four parallel lineages, each proceeding from four varieties of a foundation species, Planorbis levis, developing through similar stages, but starting at different times (Hyatt 1880, pp. 8–9 and plate 9). Hyatt’s ‘Steinheimensis/ aequiumbilicatus’ is a synonym of Gyraulus kleini (Rasser 2013, p. 16). Planorbis tenuis is a synonym of Gyraulus rhytidophorus; P. discoideus is a synonym of Gyraulus sulcatus. Planorbis oxystomus is a synonym of Gyraulus oxystoma; P. supremus is a synonym of Gyraulus supremus; P. crescens is a synonym of Gyraulus crescens. Franz Hilgendorf had published a phylogeny of the Steinheim fossil shells in which different forms were associated with ten different strata and all forms ultimately traced back to one foundation species, Planorbis multiformis aequiumbilicatus (a synonym of Gyraulus kleini; Hilgendorf treated all the forms as varieties of P. multiformis). Hilgendorf had shown P. m. oxystomus and P. m. supremus as arising from P. m. trochiformis, but P. m. crescens was derived from a separate branch that had separated from the founding species at the earliest period (see Hilgendorf 1866, p. 479; see also n. 7, above). Although Hyatt numbered the figure of the shell as ‘8’, it is the ninth figure from the left in line x. In the published volume, the same shell appears on plate 3, line l, fig. 9 (Hyatt 1880). See n. 7, above. In Hyatt 1880, pp. 8–9, Hyatt named the varieties of Planorbis levis (a misspelling of P. laevis Klein, a synonym of Gyraulus kleini), P. levis minutus, P. levis parvus, P. levis oxystomus, and P. levis steinheimensis. For Sandberger’s figures of P. laevis, see Sandberger 1870–5, Atlas, plate 28; his description of the species is in ibid., pp. 578–9. Both Hyatt and Edward Drinker Cope promoted a theory of evolution based on acceleration and retardation of development, independent of environmental factors. CD mentioned Cope’s work in Origin 6th ed., p. 149. For CD’s earlier discussion of the concept with Hyatt, see Correspondence vol. 20. For more on the theory as Hyatt applied it to his work on the Steinheim shells, see S. J. Gould 2002, pp. 370–83. See Hilgendorf 1866, pp. 479, 483. The ‘ultimate form’ Hyatt refers to was Planorbis multiformis denudatus (a synonym of Gyraulus denudatus; see Rasser 2013, pp. 10–12, for more on Hilgendorf ’s conclusions on the phylogeny of the Steinheim shells). Hyatt had sent CD his paper ‘On reversions among the Ammonites’ (Hyatt 1870), in which he attempted to show retardation or a return to former characteristics in some of the fossils he studied

January 1877

15

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20 21 22 23

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(see Correspondence vol. 20, letter from Alpheus Hyatt, [late] November 1872). In Hilgendorf ’s phylogenetic tree, Planorbis multiformis trochiformis, the most turreted form, was found at the seventh level, while its descendants, P. m. oxystomus, P. m. revertens (a synonym of Gyraulus revertens), and P. m. supremus, found on the eighth to tenth levels, had become flattened. Hilgendorf noted that although P. m. oxystomus resembled earlier forms in the depression of its spiral, other features, such as the steep drop in the involution to the umbilicus, revealed its direct descent from P. m. trochiformis (Hilgendorf 1866, p. 497). CD’s copy of Hyatt’s paper, ‘Genetic relations of Stephanoceras’ (Hyatt 1876), is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Stephanoceras was a genus of ammonites that existed in the middle of the Jurassic period. Joseph Henry was the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, which published scientific memoirs in the series Smithsonian contributions to knowledge. None of Hyatt’s work appeared in the series. The paper read before the National Academy of Sciences has not been identified. Lawlor’s Lake (now Lawlor Lake) is about six miles north-east of Saint John, New Brunswick, Canada. Hyatt visited the lake in 1877 and planned to write on the biology of the molluscs found there, but no published work has been found (see Matthew 1883, p. 5). Valvata is a genus of freshwater snails in the family Valvatidae. George Frederic Matthew was employed as an expert in Cambrian geology by the Geological Survey of Canada (DCB). He described the geology of the area around Lawlor’s Lake in ‘Lacustrine formation of the Torryburn valley’ (Matthew 1883). Hyatt wrote his postscript on the back of the three plates. The plates are reproduced here at 50 per cent of their original size. Each plate is paired with a schematic diagram in order to display Hyatt’s manuscript additions. See Origin, diagram facing p. 116. See nn. 13 and 14, above, for Hyatt’s examples of series that he believed showed retardation. See n. 12, above, for more on Hyatt and Cope’s theory of acceleration and retardation. See Correspondence vol. 20, letters from Alpheus Hyatt, [late] November 1872 and 8 December 1872. In his letter of 4 December [1872] (Correspondence vol. 20), CD had suggested that many of the changes that continued in maturity were the result of laws of growth but concluded, ‘After long reflection I cannot avoid the conviction that no innate tendency to progressive development exists, as is now held by so many able naturalists, & perhaps by yourself.’ Planorbis multiformis discoideus is a synonym of Gyraulus sulcatus; in Hilgendorf ’s phylogenetic tree it appears between P. m. sulcatus and P. m. trochiformus with P. m. supremus a direct descendant. In Hyatt’s published work, the series (3) that ended with P. supremus began with P. levis oxystomus, the series (4) that ended with P. trochiformis began with P. levis steinheimensis, and the series (1) that ended with P. distortus began with P. levis minutus (see Hyatt 1880, p. 10 and plate 9; see also nn. 7 and 11, above). For more on the differing views of Hyatt and Hilgendorf, see Rasser 2013. CD’s annotation refers to Carl Wilhelm Nägeli and his work on the variability of Hieracium (the genus of hawkweeds), and is a note for his reply to Hyatt of 13 February 1877.

To Octavian Blewitt   1 January 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 1. 1877 Sir, I understand that Mrs Cupples intends to apply to the Literary Fund for assistance under her present most distressing circumstances, & I beg permission to assure the Committee that in my opinion her claims are real and strong.1 I have read some of her works, & they seem to me to exhibit remarkable talent, & to be excellently adapted to encourage virtuous conduct, & to spread kindly feelings towards not only mankind but all the lower animals.2 The number of Mrs Cupples’ works prove how industrious she has been.

16

January 1877

Her husband, who for his works, has likewise large claims for assistance (& who has aided me on several occasions with valuable information with respect to several obscure Biological questions & obtained at the cost of an extraordinary amount of labour), has long been much out of health & is at present quite unable to maintain himself.3 I am informed that there is another and aged relative who depends entirely on Mrs Cupples; & she is herself now suffering from illness.4 I am convinced that it would be difficult to find any one on whom the generosity of the Literary Fund could be better bestowed than on Mrs Cupples. I have the honour to remain, | Sir, | Your obedient servant | Charles Darwin Octavian Blewitt Esq LS British Library (Loan 96 RLF 1/2015/8) 1

2 3

4

Anne Jane Cupples applied for assistance from the Royal Literary Fund on 1 January 1877 (British Library Archives and Manuscripts, Loan 96 RLF 1/2015/1). For more on the history of the Royal Literary Fund, see Cross 1984. Cupples probably sent CD at least one of her books written for children, possibly Bertha Marchmont; or, all is not gold that glitters (Cupples 1872; see Correspondence vol. 19, letter from George Cupples, 22 April 1871). George Cupples had provided CD with information on sexual differences in deerhounds and other animals for Descent (see Correspondence vols. 16–22). CD had supported a proposed petition to the government for a pension for Cupples in 1870 (see Correspondence vol. 18, letter to A. S. Strahan, 29 November 1870). When a subscription was raised for Cupples in 1871, CD contributed £25 (see Correspondence vol. 19, letter to Thomas Guthrie?, 30 March [1871]). The relative may have been George Cupples’s mother, Sarah, who died in 1879.

From E. A. Darwin   [1 January 1877] Price has written to me about his mountains & beasts, & I cant form a guess what the address is— Have you got it as I see he got your answer1 EAD ApcS Postmark: JA 1 77 DAR 105: B96 1

John Price lived at 56 Watergate Street, Chester. CD’s letter to Price has not been found.

From Arthur Mellersh   1 January 1877

Fernhurst | Haslemere January 1st. 1877

My dear Darwin, I have been about to write to you many times to ask if you would like to have a very curious foreign bird’s nest, the name of which, and the country it comes from

January 1877

17

I have quite forgotten. This morning I received a letter from the friend who has the nest,1 asking me if I had heard whether you would like to have it, as otherwise he wd. send it to some museum: he thinks it bears upon the question of reasoning power in the (so called) lower animals. I saw a day or two since in a paper that the “missing link” had been discovered in some part of New Guinea in the shape of actual human beings who have tails: is there really any truth in the matter?2 You of course would be most likely to have early information if it really is true. I was very mortified to learn that you had been within two miles of me without my knowing it, for although I have not the honor of Sir John Hawkshaw’s acquaintance I should have taken the liberty of calling to see you.3 Hoping that the New Year finds You and Yours in health and happiness, I am | My dear Darwin, | Yours very truly | A. Mellersh DAR 171: 148 1 2

3

Mellersh’s friend was George Hodgskin (see letter from George Hodgskin, 6 January 1877). An article had appeared in The Times, 29 December 1876, p. 4, reporting the discovery of ‘Mr. Darwin’s “missing link” … on the coast of New Guinea’. The article described the inhabitants of Kalili as having hard inflexible tails (Kalili harbour is about 1.25 miles from Danu, New Ireland province, Papua New Guinea). Hawkshaw’s home was at Hollycombe, near Liphook, Hampshire; it is about four miles from Fernhurst, West Sussex, where Mellersh lived. CD and Emma Darwin visited John and Ann Hawkshaw from 7 to 10 June 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24, CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From Charles and Francis Darwin to G. J. Romanes   2 January [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 2. 1876 Dear Romanes, I shall have real pleasure in proposing you for the Royal Soc, & I have sent for a blank certificate. This I will forward to you, to be filled up with your name, residence, & a list of your papers.2 I shall be in London early on the 6th at 2 Bryanston St; & you had better send me the certificate there for my signature.3 Please suggest some other men, not on the council, to whom I may send it for their signatures.4 No doubt Burdon Sanderson will be one.5 I have just begun to read with much interest your medusa paper.6 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. | I will call & see you early on in the following week.7 Dear Romanes, Many thanks for sending me your Medusa paper which I shall be very curious to read. I hope your work is flourishing Yrs sincerely | Francis Darwin LS American Philosophical Society (503)

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January 1877

The year is established by the reference to the proposal of Romanes for election to the Royal Society of London (see n. 2, below). CD’s amanuensis, Francis Darwin, evidently dated the letter 1876 in error. The form (Certificate of a candidate for election) proposing Romanes for election to the Royal Society was dated 8 January 1877 (Royal Society archives, GB 117, EC/1879/18). Romanes was elected on 12 June 1879. The Darwins stayed in London at the home of their daughter and son-in-law, Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield, from 6 to 15 January 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Members of the Council of the Royal Society were evidently not allowed to propose new members (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from F. M. Balfour, 11 December 1876). John Scott Burdon Sanderson’s signature appears on Romanes’s certificate; seventeen people in total signed the form (Royal Society archives, GB 117, EC/1879/18). Romanes’s paper, in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, was the published version of his Croonian lecture, delivered on 16 December 1875, ‘Preliminary observations on the locomotor system of Medusæ’ (G. J. Romanes 1875). It included a lengthy postscript written in March 1876, summarising the experiments on the nervous system of jellyfish medusae made by Theodor Eimer, whose work Romanes had not known when he delivered his lecture (Eimer 1874). CD’s copies of the Philosophical Transactions are in the Darwin Library–CUL. CD and Romanes had lunch together on 8 January 1877 (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 4 January 1877).

To Alfred Newton   2 January 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 2. 1877 Dear Newton, Many thanks for telling me of the complex cross among the wag-tails.1 I am surprised at so much close interbreeding not checking their propagation. I do not suppose that I shall ever have strength to work up my data on Hybridism, so I think I will not write to Mr Monk2 Pray believe me yours | very sincerely | Charles Darwin LS Cambridge University Library (MS Add. 9839/D/63) 1 2

Newton’s letter has not been found. Wagtails are birds of the genus Motacilla. In 1873, John Jenner Weir had informed CD about fertile hybrids of two species of wagtails in the aviary of Thomas James Monk (see Correspondence vol. 21, letter from J. J. Weir, 13 November 1873). Thomas Henry Huxley’s critique of natural selection as a mechanism for creating new species had served as an important impetus to CD’s investigations into cross and hybrid sterility. Huxley’s position was based on the widely accepted view that sterility of hybrids was an essential criterion of species. For a summary of CD and Huxley’s earlier discussions on the topic, and some of CD’s unpublished notes on hybridity, see Correspondence vol. 10, Appendix VI. CD added new material on hybrid sterility to Origin 4th ed., and concluded, ‘the physiological test of lessened fertility, both in first crosses and in hybrids, is no safe criterion of specific distinction’ (ibid., p. 323).

From T. A. B. Spratt   2 January 1877

Celane Lodge | Tunbridge Wells Jany. 2nd/77

Dear Mr. Darwin I shall be very pleased if you find anything in my researches in Crete that will prove of interest to you—1 I thought they might at this moment, as Crete is in some degree

January 1877

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linked with the Eastern Question—2 So digging some remnant copies out of the dust of my publishers stores I asked our Secretary Mr. White to be kind enough to distribute them to the Fellows, as they come to the Royal Society, whose names I had selected, or to send them by Post if they did not put in an appearance—3 Therefore I told White to say as they were presented, that I neither expected thanks nor acknowledgement under the circumstances—Merely wanting a place for the volumes upon the shelves of those among the acquaintances or friends however slight, who I thought would thus give them room— I think we have once if not twice met in days past—In the days of poor Edward Forbes—4 That, and more especially your connection—distinguished connection with the Old Surveying Branch of the Service, as it was under Beaufort! induced me to desire to offer you a set—as you troubled yourself to write, and already shewn that the illustrations have attracted your attention, it has pleased and gratified5 Yours faithly. | T Spratt DAR 177: 240 1 2

3 4

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Spratt’s book, Travels and researches in Crete, was published in 1865 (Spratt 1865). Spratt had been captain of HMS Spitfire, in which he began a survey of Crete in 1851. The ‘Eastern Question’ referred to the problems posed by the Ottoman Empire as its hold over the Balkans weakened; it dated from the late eighteenth century, when the empire was defeated in the Russo-Turkish war of 1768–74. Rebellion against the Ottoman Empire was ongoing in many Balkan regions in the 1860s and 70s and there had been a revolt against the empire in Crete from 1866 to 1868 (for more on European attitudes to the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century, see Kent ed. 1984). Walter White was assistant secretary at the Royal Society of London. Spratt’s publisher was John van Voorst. Spratt had been a fellow of the Royal Society since 1856 (ODNB). Edward Forbes was only thirty-nine when he died in 1854, within a few months of having been appointed regius professor of natural history at Edinburgh (ODNB). Forbes had provided CD with specimens for Fossil Cirripedia (1854), for which he was acknowledged in the preface. Francis Beaufort was hydrographer to the navy from 1829 to 1855, during which time he planned and directed numerous surveys (ODNB). CD’s participation in the HMS Beagle voyage of 1831–6 had been approved by Beaufort (Narrative 2: 18–19). CD’s letter to Spratt has not been found.

To Gardeners’ Chronicle   3 January [1877]1 Several of your correspondents have noticed the scarcity of Holly-berries in different parts of the country, and the same thing may be observed to a remarkable extent in this neighbourhood.2 Your correspondents account for the fact by spring frosts, but it must be remembered how hardy a plant the Holly is, being found in Norway as far north as the 62d degree of north latitude (Lecoq Géographie Botanique, vii., p. 370),3 another explanation seems to me more probable. Bees of all kinds were in this neighbourhood extraordinarily rare during the spring. I can state this positively, as I wished to observe a particular point in their behavior in sucking the common red Clover; and, therefore, often visited the fields where the plant was growing; but I could see very few bees. I was so much struck by this fact that I examined several meadows abounding with flowers of all kinds, but bees were everywhere rare. Reflecting, in the course of the summer, on this extraordinary scarcity, it occurred to me that this part of England

20

January 1877

would be temporarily in the same predicament as New Zealand before the introduction of hive bees, when the Clovers (which, as I know by trial, require the aid of bees for perfect fertilisation) would not set seed.4 By an odd chance I received the very next morning a letter from a stranger in Kent, asking me if I could assign any reason for the seed-crop of Clover having largely failed in his neighbourhood, though the plants looked vigorous and healthy.5 Now the Holly is a diœcious plant, and during the last forty years I have looked at many flowers in different districts, and have never found an hermaphrodite. Bees are chief transporters of pollen from the male to the female tree, and the latter will produce but few berries if bees are scarce. In my Origin of Species I state that, having found a female tree exactly 60 yards from a male tree, I put the stigmas of twenty flowers, taken from different branches, under the microscope, and on all, without exception, there were a few pollen-grains, and on some a profusion. As the wind had set for several days from the female to the male tree, the pollen could not thus have been carried. The weather had been cold and boisterous, and therefore not favourable; nevertheless every female flower which I examined had been effectually fertilised by the bees, which I saw at work, and which had flown from tree to tree in search of nectar.6 Therefore, as I believe, we cannot decorate our Christmas hearths with the scarlet berries of the Holly, because bees were rare during the spring; but what caused their rarity I do not in the least know. Charles Darwin, Down, Beckenham, Kent, Jan. 3. Gardeners’ Chronicle, 6 January 1877, p. 19 1 2

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The year is established by the publication date of the issue of Gardeners’ Chronicle in which the letter appeared. The first report on holly-berries was published in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 23 December 1876, p. 814. At a meeting of the Edinburgh Botanical Society on 14 December 1876, the scarcity of holly-berries on trees in the Edinburgh area was reported and spring frosts or summer droughts were suggested as possible causes. Correspondents from Hampshire, Derbyshire, Yorkshire, and Gloucestershire wrote in the 30 December 1876 issue (p. 846), that berries were similarly scarce on trees in these areas. Henri Lecoq made the observation in Études sur la géographie botanique de l’Europe (Studies on the botanical geography of Europe; Lecoq 1854–8, 7: 370). CD had written to several people in New Zealand during the spring of 1858 to inquire about the fertilisation of clover by bees (see Correspondence vol. 7; see also ibid., letters to J. D. Hooker, 12 January [1858] and 23 February [1858]). He reported results of his own experiments on white clover (Trifolium repens) in a letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, [before 13 November 1858] (Correspondence vol. 7). The letter has not been found. CD quotes from Origin, p. 93.

To Asa Gray   3 January 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 3. 1877 My dear Gray, I have just received your letter of Dec 22nd. It is very good of you to be willing to send me such rare specimens; but I could not in any case think of accepting your

January 1877

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offer on the mere chance of making out whether the plants are heterostyled.1 The chance moreover would be very small without better specimens, as with dead plants no evidence I think is sufficient except difference in size of pollen-grains. I have lately given Kew so much trouble that I have vowed I would give no more for some time; but hereafter I will find out whether they can spare me any of the plants in question.2 I am very glad of the notice about the black pigs: my faith in Wyman is so great that I have not been shaken by Wallace, who founds his speculation on a very feeble basis.3 With hearty thanks | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. | Whenever you write again, can you tell me whether Primula Mistassinica, Linum virginianum & Bootii are dimorphic?4 P.S. I fear that Rhamnus lanceolatus will prove only sub-dioious; but if it is truly heterostyled it will a real treasure as explaining structure of R. catharticus.5 LS(A) Gray Herbarium of Harvard University (118) 1

2

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4 5

In his letter of 22 December 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24), Gray had offered to send two flowers of Leucosmia burnettiana. Leucosmia burnettiana is a synonym of Phaleria disperma, a tropical plant in the daphne family (Thymelaeaceae). CD had received specimens of heterostyled plants from both Joseph Dalton Hooker and George Bentham, together with information on dioecy and identification of some species (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 24, letter from J. D. Hooker, 8 December 1876, and letter to George Bentham, 12 December 1876). CD described heterostyled flowers of Leucosmia burnettiana, received from Hooker, in Forms of flowers, pp. 114–15. Jeffries Wyman had informed CD that black pigs in Florida were able to withstand a toxin in paint root (Lachnanthes caroliniana, now known as Carolina redroot) that caused the hooves of other pigs to drop off (see Correspondence vol. 8, letter from Jeffries Wyman, [c. 15] September 1860). CD had added the information to Origin 3d ed., p. 12. Alfred Russel Wallace, in his address to the biological section of the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in September 1876, had mentioned CD’s account of the pigs, but suggested that black pigs avoided the poisonous root, while white pigs, who Wallace supposed had an inferior sense of smell, consumed it (A. R. Wallace 1876, p. 105). Primula mistassinica is the bird’s-eye primrose. Linum virginianum is woodland flax; L. bootii (a synonym of L. sulcatum var. sulcatum) is grooved yellow flax. Subdioecious species are those with male, female, or hermaphrodite individuals in natural populations. In Forms of flowers, pp. 295–6, CD described Rhamnus lanceolatus (a synonym of R. lanceolata, lanceleaf buckthorn) as heterostyled with two hermaphrodite forms that resembled the two male forms of R. catharticus (a synonym of R. cathartica, common buckthorn).

To G. J. Romanes   4 January 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan. 4. 1877 Dear Romanes, From what you say I will not send you a blank certificate but wait till I hear from you or see you.1 I will however bring up a blank certificate with me. If convenient,

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January 1877

will you come & lunch on Monday at 2 Bryanston St at 1 o’clock?2 & you can bring the certificate or send it, which ever you like Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS American Philosophical Society (504) 1

2

Romanes’s letter has not been found, but see the letter from Charles and Francis Darwin to G. J. Romanes, 2 January [1877] and n. 2. The ‘Certificate of a candidate for election’ had to be filled in by Romanes and signed by CD and others supporting his election to the Royal Society of London. The Monday following 4 January 1877 was 8 January. The Darwins stayed in London at the home of their daughter and son-in-law, Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield, from 6 to 15 January 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From R. F. Cooke   5 January 1877 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. Jany. 5 1877 My dear Sir Having now given Messr. Appletons a certain start with the Stereotype plates of the Orchids, we are giving out copies to the binders preparatory to publication here & you will shortly receive yr own copies.1 After our Annual dinner we have only about 100 copies left of the “Descent” & so had better work off 1000 No more.2 If you want any alteration made in the plates will you let me have them. Allow me to offer you the best wishes of the Season | Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 484 CD annotations Top of letter: ‘Reviews | Date of Publication of Descent— | Price of Crossing book | About extra copies.’ pencil; ‘See about Descent.’3 pencil circled pencil End of letter: ‘Supplement at very end or end of chapter [‘or Vol. I’ del]’4 pencil 1 2

3

4

Orchids 2d ed. was published in January 1877 (Publishers’ Circular, 1 February 1877, p. 93). Orchids 2d US ed. was published by D. Appleton & Co. on 3 March 1877 (Publishers’ Weekly, 3 March 1877, p. 288). On John Murray’s annual November sale dinner, at which major booksellers bought stock at a discount, see J. Murray 1908–9, p. 540. The 1877 reprint of Descent 2d ed. had ‘Twelfth thousand, revised and augmented’ on the title page (Freeman 1977). CD’s annotations were probably notes for his reply, but none has been found. CD may have discussed the points in person while he was in London from 6 to 15 January 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). He evidently wanted to ask about the price of Cross and self fertilisation and about the reprint of Descent 2d ed. The 1877 reprint of Descent 2d ed. contained a supplemental note reprinted from CD’s article in Nature, 2 November 1876, pp. 18–19, ‘Sexual selection in relation to monkeys’, in which CD described some

January 1877

23

observations he had received in letters from Johann von Fischer (see Correspondence vol. 24, letters from Johann von Fischer, [before 15 September 1876] and 15 September 1876).

To Francis Galton   [6–12 January 1877]1 2 Bryanston St My dear G. I have just bethought me, that I received a French essay a few months ago on the effects of the conscription on the height of the men of France & on their liability to various diseases which rendered them unfit for the army, due to the weaker men left at home propagating the race.2 He shows, I think rightly that no one hitherto had considered the problem in the proper light.— I forget author’s name,—& where published. Do you know this essay? & shd. you care to see it.— I suppose that I could find it, but I think I have not yet catalogued it. It seemed to me a striking essay.3 Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin UCL Library Services, Special Collections (GALTON/1/1/9/5/7/23) 1

2

3

The date range is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Francis Galton, 12 January 1877, and by the address. CD was in London at the home of his daughter and son-in-law, Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield, from 6 to 15 January 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD had received ‘Étude sur la dégénérescence physiologique des peuples civilisé’ from Mikhail Petrovich Churilov (Study on the physiological degeneration of civilised peoples; Tschouriloff 1876). CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. CD evidently wrote to Churilov, praising the essay, in a letter that has not been found (Russkii biograficheskii slovar’ s.v. Churilov, Mikhail Petrovich).

From George Hodgskin   6 January 1877 20 Linden Gardens W | London 6th Jany 1877 Dear Sir, Admiral Mellersh has forwarded your letter to him of the 3rd inst, and he appears to have committed a blunder in communicating to you about the Birds’ Nest I brought from MVideo last year.1 The nest was delivered to me as a present to you from Señor Rodó, a lawyer of that city;2 and I requested Mellersh more than once to furnish me with your address; and it was only in consequence of one of his recent letters mentioning your recent visit in his neighbourhood, that I renewed the request. Mr Rodó told me the bird that built the nest was called (in the Uruguay) el Boyéro and he described it black or almost black, about the size of our blackbird, and constructs its nest in the woods of Rio Negro— I must often have seen the bird perched on the back of cattle or horses—probably to pluck the hairs to make its nest.3 And as no doubt the Uruguay Republic was occupied by these birds prior to the introduction of those animals, what material could they have employed anciently?

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January 1877

Apologizing for the length of this, I have only to add that I shall this afternoon convey the nest, packed in a cigar-box, to the S.E. Rlway Station directed as you advised4 | I remain | dear Sir | Yours faithfully | G. Hodgskin Chas Darwin Esq DAR 166: 225 1 2 3 4

See letter from Arthur Mellersh, 1 January 1877. CD’s reply to Mellersh of 3 January 1877 has not been found. Hodgskin had lived in Montevideo for many years before returning to Britain. Señor Rodó has not been identified. CD had visited Montevideo on the Beagle voyage (see Journal of researches (1860), pp. 39–63). The bird was probably Cacicus solitarius (boyero negro or solitary cacique), a member of the family Icteridae (American blackbirds, orioles, caciques, and oropendolas). The railway station closest to CD’s home was Orpington, on the South East Railway line.

From Julius Sachs1   6 January 1877 Würzburg 6 Jan. 1877. Hochgeehrter Herr! Ihrem gütigst geäusserten Wunsch, meine Photographie zu besitzen, beeile ich mich hiermit zu entsprechen.2 Als Beitrag zur “Ontogenesis” meiner Person erlaube ich mir auch eine Copie nach einer vor 22 Jahren gemachten Handzeichnung beizulegen, da diese letztere von der Hand eines ausgezeichneten Malers herrührt und meine Gesichtbildung besser, als die neuere Photographie wiedergiebt.3 Erlauben Sie mir auch, bei dieser Gelegenheit, Ihnen nachträglich meinen besten Dank zu sagen für die so gefällige Übersendung Ihres letzten Werkes.4 Ich hoffe, im Lauf dieses Jahres auch meinerseits Ihnen Einiges senden zu können.5 Darf ich die Bitte hinzufügen, meinen herzlichen Dank auch Ihrem Herrn Sohn, Herrn Francis Darwin, für seine wiederholten Zusendungen phÿsiologischer, höchst werthvoller Abhandlungen, die ich mit grossem Interesse lese, zu übermitteln?6 Mit dem aufrichtigen Wunsche, dass Ihnen das neue Jahr Frohsinn und Gesundheit bringen möge bin ich in gewohnter Verehrung | Ihr ergebenster | Dr J. Sachs. DAR 177: 5 1 2 3 4 5

6

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD’s letter to Sachs has not been found. The photograph and sketch have not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Sachs’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Cross and self fertilisation (Correspondence vol. 24, Appendix III). Sachs later sent copies of his papers ‘Über die Porosität des Holzes’ and ‘Über die Anordnung der Zellen in jüngsten Pflanzentheilen’ (On the porosity of wood; On the arrangement of cells in youngest plant parts; Sachs 1877a and 1877b). CD’s copies are in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. See F. Darwin 1876b, 1876c, and 1876d.

January 1877

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From Otto Zacharias1   7 January 1877 Geestemünde-Bremerhaven | (My new Adress) 7/I 77. Hochgeehrter Herr! Ich danke Ihnen zunächst nochmals für die Uebersendung der “Sheets”. Die Lectüre derselben hat mir sehr genussreiche Stunden bereitet.2 Ich habe mich sofort an die Arbeit gemacht und in 3 renommirten Zeitschriften Artikel (Essays) darüber veröffentlicht. Den ersten (the first of them) sende ich zugleith mit diesem Briefe (unter Kreuzband) an Ihre werthe Adresse. Er ist am 1. Jan. d. J. in der wöchentlich (weekly) erscheinenden Zeitschrift “Ausland ” publicirt worden.3 Der  2.  erscheint in der grossen “Illustrirten Zeitung” (Leipzig) am 13. Jan. u. der dritte am 15. Jan. in der “Gegenwart” (Berlin).4 Norddeutschland, Mittel- u. Süddeutschland werden also fast zu gleicher Zeit mit Ihrem neuen hochinteressanten Werke bekannt. Ich glaubte Ihre grosse Freundlichkeit nicht passender erwiedern zu können, als indem ich die Freunde der Entwickelungstheorie so schnell als möglich in die Lage versetzte, von Ihren neuesten Forschungen Kenntniss zu nehmen. Prof. Haeckel ist zur Zeit unwohl; er hat sich ueberarbeitet (overworked) und leidet an Nervosität und Schlaflosigkeit. Es geht aber bereits viel besser. Häckels Krankheit ist daran Schuld dass ich nicht—wie bestimmt war—am 1. Jan. mit Heft I. meiner darwinist. Zeitschrift habe hervortreten können.5 Hochachtungsvoll | mit den besten Wünschen | zu Neujahr | Otto Zacharias P. Scr. Mr. George Darwin wollte gern wissen, wieviel Exemplare seiner Kl. Schrift in Deutschland verkauft seien (Marriage between first Cousins). Mr. Engelmann (the publisher) sagte mir: 250.6 DAR 184: 4 1 2 3

4

5

6

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD sent proof-sheets of Cross and self fertilisation (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Otto Zacharias, 5 October [1876]) Zacharias sent CD a copy of his essay review, ‘Darwin über Kreuzung und Selbstbefruchtung im Pflanzenreiche’ (Darwin on crossing and self-fertilisation in the plant kingdom; Zacharias 1877a). CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Zacharias’s review of Cross and self fertilisation entitled ‘Darwins neuestes Werk’ appeared in Die Gegenwart, 13 January 1877, pp. 25–7 (Zacharias 1877b); another review with the same title but different text appeared in Illustrirte Zeitung, 13 January 1877, pp. 29, 32 (Zacharias 1877c). Ernst Haeckel had been an early supporter of Zacharias’s plan to publish a popular journal devoted to Darwinian science (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Otto Zacharias, 3 June 1875). Zacharias had planned to call the journal Darwinia, but it eventually apppeared under the title Kosmos in April 1877. Zacharias was not part of the editorial board, although he had served as editor in the planning stages (see Daum 1998, pp. 361–3, 400; see also Nöthlich et al. 2006). George Howard Darwin’s paper ‘Marriages between first cousins in England and their effects’ (G. H. Darwin 1875) had been translated into German with an introduction by Zacharias (G. H. Darwin 1876a). The publisher was Wilhelm Engelmann.

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January 1877

From G. J. Romanes   [after 8 January 1877]1 By this post I return you Häckel’s essay on Perigenesis.2 Although I have kept it so long, I have only just read it, as you said there was no need to return it at any particular time. To me it seems that whatever merit Häckel’s views may have in this matter, they certainly have no claim to be regarded as original; for I cannot see that his ‘Plastidules’ differ in anything but in name from Spencer’s ‘Physiological Units.’3 Why he does not acknowledge this, it is difficult to understand. Anyhow, the theories being the same, the same objections apply; and to me it has always seemed that this theory is unsatisfactory because so general. As you observe in your letter, everyone believes in molecular movements of some kind; but to offer this as a full explanation of heredity seems to me like saying that the cause, say, of an obscure disease like diabetes, is the persistence of force. No doubt this is the ultimate cause, but the pathologist requires some more proximate causes if his science is to be of any value. Similarly, I do not see that biology gains anything by a theory which is really but little better than a restatement of the mystery of heredity in terms of the highest abstraction. Pangenesis at least has the merit of supplying us with some conceivable carriers, so to speak, of the modified protoplasm from the various organs or parts of the parent to the corresponding organs or parts of the offspring, and the multiplication of gemmules seems to me to avoid a difficulty with which Perigenesis (as stated by Häckel) is beset, viz. that atavism sometimes occurs over too large a gap to be reasonably attributed to what remains of the original ‘stem-vibrations’ after their characters have been successively modified at each ‘bifurcation.’4 But it would be tedious to enter into details. Perigenesis, in my opinion, is ‘more simple’ than Pangenesis, only because its terms are so much more general. P.S.— I forgot to tell you, when we were at lunch, that the seed of the grafted beets is ready for sowing; also that the vine is now four feet high, and so, I should think, might be grafted next spring.5 E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 93 1

2

3

4

The date is established by the relationship between this letter, the letter from G. J. Romanes, [after 23 September 1876] (Correspondence vol. 24), and the letter to G. J. Romanes, 4 January 1877, in which CD invited Romanes to lunch the following Monday. The Monday following 4 January 1877 was 8 January. This was CD’s first visit to London since September 1876 (see CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD had sent his copy of Ernst Haeckel’s Die Perigenesis der Plastidule, oder die Wellenzeugung der Lebenstheilchen (Perigenesis of the plastidule, or the wave generation of vital particles; Haeckel 1876b) to Romanes (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Ernst Haeckel, 9 May 1876, and letter to G. J. Romanes, 29 May [1876]). Romanes later apologised for having kept the work so long (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from G. J. Romanes, [after 23 September 1876]). Herbert Spencer presented his theory of heredity in Principles of biology (Spencer 1864–7, 1: 182–3; 238–56); CD compared his notion of gemmules to Spencer’s physiological units in Variation 2: 375–6 n. 29 (see also Correspondence vol. 16, letter from Herbert Spencer, 8 February 1868). In his letter to Romanes of 29 May [1876] (Correspondence vol. 24), CD had queried how Haeckel’s theory could explain atavism. Haeckel discussed reversion and atavism in Haeckel 1876b, pp. 57–9.

January 1877 5

27

As part of a research programme to test CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis, Romanes was carrying out experiments on graft hybrids at Dunskaith House, Nigg, Scotland; he had informed CD in the autumn that because they were so far north, his seeds were not yet ripe (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from G. J. Romanes, [after 23 September 1876]).

To Francis Galton   9 January [1877]1 2 Bryanston St. Portman Sq Jan 9th— My dear Galton I shd. very much to like to see you before we leave London.— If not inconvenient will you come & lunch here next Sunday at 1 oclock. I do not ask you earlier because George commanded me not, as he will not be in London till end of week & wants to meet you.2 Pray give my kind remembrances to Mrs. Galton:3 I wish that there was any chance of her coming with you, in which wish Henrietta joins My dear Galton | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Poor Henrietta has been in bed for 3 or 4 days with very bad toothache. & cannot write herself— UCL Library Services, Special Collections (GALTON/1/1/9/5/7/22) 1

2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Francis Galton, 12 January 1877, and by the address. CD was in London at the home of his daughter and son-in-law, Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield, from 6 to 15 January 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See also n. 2, below. The Sunday following 9 January 1877 was 14 January. George Howard Darwin and CD had been advising Galton on the lecture he was preparing to deliver at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on 9 February 1877, ‘Typical laws of heredity’ (Galton 1877; see Pritchard 2007, pp. 8–10, for more on George’s contribution to Galton’s work). Louisa Jane Galton.

To Howard Miller   10 January 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. [2 Bryanston Street, London] Jan. 10th 1877 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your kind offer, which wd.  be of great value to anyone engaged in embryological studies, but as this is not the case with me, I will not accept your kindness1 & remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (505) 1

Miller’s letter has not been found.

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January 1877

From H. W. Bates   11 January 1877

40. Bartholomew Road. | London. N.W. Jan 11 1877

My dear Mr Darwin Enclosed is the Extract about the snake-like caterpillar, which is not repeated in the “Nat. on Amazons.”1 On enquiry I find that the Rev. Mr Hellins, gaol chaplain Exeter, is the possesor of only a portion of the magnificent collection of drawings of British caterpillars in all stages.2 They were drawn by a Mr Buckler, an Exciseman, who holds the larger portion.3 Buckler is a rabid anti-Darwinian & they say would not lend his drawings for any Darwinian purpose, but the Reverend is far more liberal & will very likely lend them if wanted. Hoping you continue well, notwithstanding the sudden lowering of the temperature | Yours sincerely | H W Bates DAR 160: 93 1

2

3

The extract has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Bates had sent CD a drawing of a conspicuous caterpillar in April 1868 (Correspondence vol. 16, letter from H. W. Bates, 20 April 1868); CD included a description of it in Descent 1: 416. Bates had not described a snake-like caterpillar in his book The naturalist on the river Amazons (Bates 1863), but the caterpillar he saw was mentioned in a letter from Alfred Russel Wallace (see Correspondence vol. 18, letter from A. R. Wallace, 6 July 1870). Grant Allen later commented that, when in the Amazon, Bates had once been frightened by the snake-like caterpillar of an elephant hawk-moth ([G. Allen] 1887, p. 149). The elephant hawk-moth (Deilephila elpenor) is not found in Brazil, but there are over a hundred Brazilian hawk-moth species, some of which have snake-like caterpillars, such as Hemeroplanes ornatus, which will even strike harmlessly in snake-like fashion (see Lillywhite 2014, p. 132). John Hellins had assisted CD by providing him with records of the proportion of sexes of larvae of Lepidoptera that he had bred (see Correspondence vol. 16, letters from John Hellins, 20 April 1868 and 16 December 1868). CD included the information in Descent 1: 313. William Buckler was, in fact, a portrait artist, but he had started a project to describe the larvae of British moths and butterflies in 1858. Hellins did all the fieldwork for the project, because Buckler’s eyesight was too poor to find larvae (Salmon 2000, pp. 158–9). His nine-volume work, The larvae of the British butterflies and moths (Buckler 1886–1901) was published after his death.

From Allen Stoneham   11 January 1877

Lacklands, | The Avenue, | Beckenham. 11 Jan: 1877.

Sir I have just read your account of the reasons for the scarcity of berries on the Holly this Season & you close your remarks by expressing your ignorance as to the causes wh: produced a scarcity of bees.1 As a Keeper of bees & as one paying more than ordinary attention to them I may venture to say the cause is not far to seek. The honey harvest of 1875 was an exceedingly poor one—the weather from July onwards being in this neighbourhood very wet— hence the white clover & later nectar honey-making flowers afforded but poor pasture for the bees— the stores of honey for winter consumption were singularly small & the stocks consequently perished of hunger unless they were artificially fed.

January 1877

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I observed a hive belonging to a neighbour at Shetland, which was devoid of food, had the bees, while the snow was on the ground, out in search of food although the sky was sunless.— From Decr. onwards I fed the bees until April but either my supplies of food were insufficient or the inhabitants were too weak to enable them to rear brood as they disappeared in early spring. Six large Stock Hives I carried successfully through the winter by liberal supplies of food.— I believe my experience has been the current experience of Apiarists. I observe my Aucuba wh: last year were full of fruit are now (although as I have said I had six hives of bees standing near,) not so plentifully laden as they were at this time last year.2 I presume from the same causes as produced the scarcity of Holly Berries. When speaking of Bees may I ask if your attention has been devoted to the extreme tenacity with wh: these insects cling to life. I repeatedly find bees apparently dead—in one instance I gathered some that had been immersed in Snow-water (the snow still lying on the ground) for about six hours & were apparently dead. After warming them in my hands, breathing on them & various other expedients of a like nature I have succeeded in so far restoring them to vitality as to enable them shiveringly to crawl over the hand.3 I found this method more effectual (although I was frequently rewarded with stings during what appeared to be a paroxysm of pain) than their immersion in warm water or than exposure to a fire. But although so far restored I believe I now succeeded in inducing the healthy inhabitants of the hive to permit a sickly member to become a permanent resident. You will I hope pardon this hasty note written amidst many interruptions. Believe me to be | Yrs faithfully | Allen Stoneham C Darwin Esq. F.R.S. DAR 177: 259 1 2 3

See letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 3 January [1877]. Stoneham refers to Aucuba japonica (Japanese laurel), a dioecious evergreen shrub whose female plants bear bright red berries. Honeybees are one of a small number of insects that remain endothermic in cold weather and shiver to keep warm (Stabentheiner et al. 2003).

From G. M. Tracy   11 January 1877 Redlands | Edenbridge Kent Janry. 11th. 1877 Sir Having observed in “The Times” of today a quotation from the ‘Gardener’s Chronicle’ in which you treat of the scarcity of holly berries this winter, I beg leave to furnish you with a few facts in relation thereto which have come under my own notice.1 It is perfectly true that the berries hereabouts are unusually scarce, but there are two exceptions—one in the case of a young tree in a wood of mine, the other in that of a yellow berried holly growing by the side of a house at Crockham Hill— The former, from which branches have been gathered, was especially provided with

30

January 1877

an abundance of beautiful coral berries—the latter fairly so, with the yellow variety— Both trees much sheltered from easterly winds— It is to be remembered that the weather in March last spring was wet & comparatively mild, but that in May we had true March weather— To this has been attributed hereabouts not only the scarcity of holly berries but the absence of those of the hawthorn and the limited supply of the fruit of the Apple, the filbert and hedge nut— It happened I was walking one day through a small orchard here with an experienced fruit grower from East Kent— He picked up some apple blossoms—pointing out that they had prematurely fallen, and foretelling a short crop of fruit—a prophecy unfortunately fully verified— In the article referred to you observe that the clover plant in your neighbourhood was very deficient in seed, and that there appeared to be a connection between that & the few bees to be seen in the fields— In this locality there was a great mortality among bees last winter—some keepers lost two thirds of their hives—in one instance I learned eleven out of twelve hives perished— Owing to the dry summer the second growth of clover was very short & thin, yet the flowers were found to be remarkably full of fine plump seed—so much so that a neighbouring farmer assured me that short as the yield of a field would be owing to its stunted growth yet he never knew the individual “heads” so well set Respecting the hardihood of the common holly I may add that I have seen it stripped of nearly every leaf in a severe season    It has appeared to me that in this climate trees & plants, in themselves hardy, not unfrequently suffer in a severe & sudden fall of temperature through being caught, as it were, in the process of growth—which trees & plants in a more exposed situation would have sooner felt the effect of cold, and assumed a condition similar to that of hybernation2 I venture to send you, Sir, the foregoing facts & observations in the consciousness that their only value lies in the contributing a mite to extended observation, & as such not wholly indifferent to the philosophic student of nature— With much respect | Your obed.t Servant | G Murton Tracy C— Darwin Esqr DAR 178: 174 1 2

See letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 3 January [1877]. The letter was reprinted in full in The Times, 11 January 1877, p. 7. In his letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle of 3 January [1877], CD had remarked that holly-trees would not be affected by spring frosts, since they were hardy as far north as 62° latitude in Norway.

To G. M. Tracy   [after 11 January 1877]1 [2 Bryanston Street, London.] Much obliged for your excellent observation & I admit that they apparently throw you have thrown much doubt on my. conclusions.—2 Ch. Darwin

January 1877

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ADraftS DAR 178: 174r 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. M. Tracy, 11 January 1877. See letter from G. M. Tracy, 11 January 1877; Tracy had observed that holly-trees in sheltered spots were full of berries.

From Francis Galton   12 January 1877 42 Rutland Gate, Jan. 12/77. My dear Darwin, Thanks very many: When you come across the essay I should be very glad to see it.1 I know of a curious Swiss memoir, something apparently to the same effect, in which the author says that the Swiss yeomen are very apt to leave their homestead to a sickly son, knowing that he will not be called out on service, nor tempted to take service abroad in any form, but will stay at home and look after the property. Consequently the Swiss landed population tend to deteriorate.2 I will try hard to put in practice your valuable hints about making my lecture as little unintelligible and dull as may be and have hopes of succeeding somewhat. George has most kindly taken infinite pains to the same end.3 Ever sincerely yours, Francis Galton. Charles Darwin, Esq. Pearson 1914–30, 2: 192 1 2 3

See letter to Francis Galton, [6–12 January 1877] and n. 2. The essay was Tschouriloff 1876. The Swiss essay has not been identified. George Howard Darwin and CD had been advising Galton in preparing a lecture later delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on 9 February 1877 (Galton 1877). Galton was planning to meet George and CD on 14 January 1877 (see letter to Francis Galton, 9 January [1877] and n. 2).

From T. M. Reade   12 January 1877 Jany 12th 77 My dear Sir I have a letter from Prof Ramsay stating that you wish to read my address to the Lpool Geo Soc. on Geol. Time.—1 The publication of it has been delayed and I am only now correcting the proofs. It will be out shortly and I shall have much pleasure in presenting you with a copy2 In the mean time | I remain dear Sir | Yours faithfully | T. Mellard Reade Chas Darwin Esq ACCS Liverpool University Library (TMR2.D.1.1)

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January 1877

No letter has been found from CD to Andrew Crombie Ramsay mentioning Reade’s presidential address to the Liverpool Geological Society, ‘On geological time’ (Reade 1876). Reade’s address had been delivered on 10 October 1876 and was published in the Proceedings of the Liverpool Geological Society; CD’s copy of Reade 1876 is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

To August Weismann   12 January 1877 Down, Beckenham, Kent [2 Bryanston Street, London.] Jan: 12th. 1877 My dear Sir I will send you in a few days a copy of a new Edit. of my Orchids, as I think the account of Catasetum tridentatum is worth your reading as a striking instance of atavism accompanied by sterility.1 I read German so slowly, and have had lately to read several other papers, so that I have as yet finished only half of your first essay and two-thirds of your second.2 They have excited my interest and admiration in the highest degree, and whichever I think of last seems to me the most valuable. I never expected to see the coloured marks on caterpillars so well explained; and the case of the ocelli delights me especially.3 I think that the enclosed extract will interest you; I confess that the view formerly seemed to me fanciful, but it does so no longer.4 Do you know Caligo eurolochus? Mr. Butler, one of our best Lepidopterists, showed me a specimen some years ago, and said that he believed the immense ocelli on the under side of the wings, served to frighten any animal which approached the butterfly from beneath.5 I told Mr. Butler your views about the stripes on caterpillars; and he told me that a friend who was a good collector, shewed him a bush of Ligustrum with excrement beneath it, from which circumstance he was sure that there was a caterpillar of Sphynx ligustri living on it; but Mr. B. and his friend could neither of them find it until they searched every branch from base to top.6 Mr. Butler also mentioned to me the case of a caterpillar with long thin hairs, standing out laterally, which make it very difficult to be discovered as it presents no defined outline. There is one other subject which has always seemed to me more difficult to explain than even the colours of caterpillars, and that is the colour of birds’ eggs, and I wish you would take this up.7 I saw two or three days ago, Sir J. Lubbock, and he expressed the liveliest interest about your book. With my best thanks, and much respect | I remain, my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin. P.S.— Mr. Bates tells me of a clergyman, Mr. Hallins and another gentleman who have a most beautiful, accurate and large collection of drawings of all the stages of the caterpillars of British Lepidoptera. They cannot afford to publish the collection. Mr. Bates thinks that Mr. Hebbins would lend you his share of the

January 1877

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drawings, if they would be of interest to you to examine them, but the other man, a Mr. Buckler is bitter against evolution and probably would not lend his share, which is the larger one.8 Please inform me whether you think an examination of the drawings would be useful to you, and then we could try. I am going to lend your book to Mr. Bates. C.D. Copy DAR 148: 348 1

2

3

4 5

6 7

8

Orchids 2d ed. was published in January 1877 (Publishers’ Circular, 1 February 1877, p. 93). Weismann’s name is on CD’s presentation list (see Appendix IV). CD had expanded his discussion of the three sexual forms of Catasetum tridentatum (a synonym of C. macrocarpum). One of the forms CD discussed was the hermaphrodite Myanthus barbatus (a synonym of Catasetum barbatum); he remarked, ‘Myanthus, though having the organs of both sexes apparently perfect, is sterile; it has therefore had its sexual constitution disturbed, and this seems to have caused it to revert in character to a former state’ (Orchids 2d ed., p. 205). Weismann had sent CD copies of the two essays in the series Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie: I. Ueber den Saison-Dimorphismus der Schmetterlinge (On seasonal dimorphism in butterflies; Weismann 1875), and II. Über die letzten Ursachen der Transmutationen (On the final causes of transmutations; Weismann 1876). CD’s heavily annotated copies are in the Darwin Library–CUL (see Marginalia rev. ed.). For Weismann’s discussion of the adaptive value of ocelli on caterpillars, see Weismann 1876, pp. 96–110. Weismann concluded that the ocelli were defensive and noted that in some cases they helped caterpillars mimic snakes (ibid., p. 107). CD probably forwarded the extract that had been sent to him by Henry Walter Bates describing a snake-like caterpillar (see letter from H. W. Bates, 11 January 1877 and n. 1). The South American Caligo eurilochus (giant forest owl butterfly) has a large ocellus on the underside of each wing that resembles the eye of an owl; like most butterflies, it folds its wings together when at rest, so the underside markings are visible. Arthur Gardiner Butler was an assistant keeper of zoology at the British Museum. Ligustrum is the genus of privets. Sphinx ligustri is the privet hawk-moth; its caterpillar is bright green with lilac and white stripes along the side. In Origin 6th ed., pp. 213–14, CD mentioned that while Australian cuckoos preferred to lay their eggs in nests with similar coloured eggs, European cuckoos showed no such preference. CD did not discuss egg colour in any other context. See letter from H. W. Bates, 11 January 1877 and nn. 2 and 3. John Hellins did the fieldwork for William Buckler, the artist who figured the caterpillars at various stages of growth (see also Buckler 1886–1901). ‘Hallins’ and ‘Hebbins’ are copyist’s errors.

From Emile Alglave1   13 January 1877 Revue | politique et littéraire | Revue | scientifique | Paris, Auteuil, villa de la Réunion | 91 Rue de la Municipalit〈é〉 le 13 janvier 1877 Cher Monsieur Je crois que vous remarquerez dans la Revue scientifique d’aujourd’hui l’article de Mr Delbœuf donnant une demonstration mathématique de la selection naturelle.2 Si

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January 1877

cet article vous suggerait quelques observations, je n’ai pas besoin de vous dire que je serais très heureux de les recevoir, soit sous forme d’article, soit, a qui est plus probable, sous forme de lettre que je ferais immediatement traduire. Je profite de l’occasion pour vous demander si vous ne pourriez pas me faire envoyer par votre libraire vos anciens ouvrages que vous venez de faire réimprimer: les Iles de corail—et les observations sur les iles volcaniques et certaines parties de l’Amerique du Sud3 J’en ferais rendre compte dans la Revue scientifique Votre bien devoué | Em. Alglave DAR 202: 8 1 2

3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Joseph Delboeuf ’s article ‘Les mathématiques et le transformisme. Une loi mathématique applicable à la théorie du transformisme’ (Mathematics and transformism. A mathematical law applicable to the theory of transformism; Delboeuf 1877) appeared in Revue scientifique de la France et de l’étranger, 13 January 1877. Coral reefs 2d ed. had appeared in 1874; Geological observations 2d ed. (Volcanic islands and South America together with ‘Pampean formation’ in a single volume) was published in 1876.

To T. L. Brunton   13 January 1877 2 Bryanston S.t Saturday | Jan 13. 1877 My dear Sir I shd. much like to have half-an hour’s talk with you though I have nothing particular to say.— May I call to-morrow between 10 & 11 o’clock.1 If I do not hear, I will assume that I may; but if you are engaged, perhaps you will be so kind as to send me a line— yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 143: 165 1

CD stayed at the home of his daughter and son-in-law Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield in London from 6 to 15 January 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

To Emile Alglave   [after 13 January 1877]1 Live in country, & so does not see your Review.— very much obliged if you wd send him copy of the article—2 If he has anything to comment, will accept your obliging offer, but not likely, as he is engaged in other work3 Ch Darwin

January 1877

35

ADraftS DAR 202: 8v 1 2

3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Emile Alglave, 13 January 1877. See letter from Emile Alglave, 13 January 1877 and n. 2. Alglave evidently sent CD a copy of Delboeuf 1877, but it is missing from the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. CD did make a note of it, however, in his list of abstracts of quarto pamphlets (DAR 75: 99). CD evidently drafted this letter for his son Francis Darwin to write. In his letter of 13 January 1877, Alglave asked CD to contribute an article or letter with his thoughts on Delboeuf 1877.

From Alfred Grugeon   14 January [1877]1 3 Laura Cottages | Capworth St | Leyton. Janry. 14th. Dear Sir Pardon this intrusion on your privacy, and appropriation of your time. A paragraph in the Times newspaper, taken from the Gardeners magazine and signed Charles Darwin, asserts positively that the Holly is a Dioicious plant, and that the writer had never seen an hermaphrodite flower.:2 Is there not a mistake 〈some〉where. Bentham and Lindley both 〈write〉 of it as hermaphroditic.3 My own observations also confirm theirs, especially in my own neighbourhood. But I do recollect that in the year 63 or 64 examining some Holly trees in bloom in the hedges of a field opposite the Fox at Heston, where there is a blacksmiths forge that the flowers were developed in a very irregular manner, some having the pistil matured or beginning to swell as if already fertilized, while the stamens of the same flower were not visible but lay conce〈a〉led at the base of the corolla hidden by the swollen ovary   A farther examination shewed other flowers with the stamens perfect, but the pistil only in a rudimentary condition, while others seemed to have both organs complete. I must however remark that the essential organs were much larger when seperate. In Lindleys Flora Medica it is stated that the earlier flowers are more or less imperfect?4 Is it not probable that this imperfection may be more pronounced some seasons than others, and not confined to the early flowers. Feeling deeply how much you have done for Botany, and being grateful for the pleasure your labours have given to me and all l〈overs of〉 nature, I am painfully anxious that y〈ou〉 should not be misunderstood, even by so obscure and small a person as Your very grateful admirer | Alfred Grugeon P.S. I hav〈e〉 not touched the subject of the fruiting of the Holly, would therefore observe that the blossoms in some seasons are very sparse, and such was specially so in 1876 while 74 and 5 were unusually abundant, but under the most favourable circumstances there must be a great mortality amongst them, for never does the fruit bear a near relation in quantity, to the flowers DAR 165: 237

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January 1877

CD annotation Verso of last page: ‘Thanks— anthers always present—but in the ♀ tree no pollen— In the ♂ trees the pistil present, but rudimentary— | Systematic botanists rarely attend to function’5 ink 1 2 3

4 5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 3 January [1877]. See letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 3 January [1877]. The letter was reprinted in full in The Times, 11 January 1877, p. 7. John Lindley, in A synopsis of the British flora (Lindley 1835, p. 74), described the genus of hollies (Ilex) as having flowers that were sometimes polygamous; that is, with bisexual and unisexual flowers on the same or different plants. In Handbook of the British flora (Bentham 1858, p. 361), George Bentham had described the flowers of the common British holly (Ilex aquifolium), but he did not distinguish between male and female flowers. See Lindley 1838, p. 393. CD’s annotations were notes for his reply to Grugeon; the reply has not been found. CD evidently planned to argue that systematic botanists merely described whether organs of both sexes were present, without regard to whether both were functional.

From W. E. Darwin   [15 January 1877]1 Basset, | Southampton. Monday. My dear Father Thank you for the copy of the Orchids, which I am very glad to read again, as it is long since I read the old edition; your book has been the sire of a tremendous progeny & I send on a note of Mrs Bullar’s as to bees & Holly, she saw your letter quoted in the Times; I have heard many complaints about here that there were no holly berries.2 I have had a very long odd letter from Gordon which I will send on soon, but it must not go out of the house as it would not be fair.3 After seeing Ld Derby he has settled not to go out in the Khedives service, but he Gordon has a grand idea of getting a large concession of land from the sultan of Zanzibar, and opening a route to the lakes that way, and he thinks it can be done & the money found.4 I had pleasant day with Maxse and lots of radical talk.5 I hope your visit in London has rested you.6 I shall probably get home in a Sunday or two7 | Your affect son | W.E.Darwin Cornford Family Papers (private collection) 1 2

The date is established by the reference to CD’s London visit and by the reference to the letter from Charles George Gordon (see nn. 3 and 6, below). Orchids 2d ed. was published in January 1877 (Publishers’ Circular, 1 February 1877, p. 93). William’s name is on CD’s presentation list for the volume (see Appendix IV). The note from Rosa Bullar on bees and holly has not been found. Several correspondents responded to the letter CD had written to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 3 January [1877], which had been reprinted in full in The Times, 11 January 1877, p. 7 (see

January 1877

3 4

5 6 7

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letter from Allen Stoneham, 11 January 1877, letter from G. M. Tracy, 11 January 1877, letter from Alfred Grugeon, 14 January [1877], letter from F. W. Pim, 15 January 1877; see also Gardeners’ Chronicle, 13 January 1877, p. 52, 20 January 1877, p. 83, and 3 February 1877, pp. 148–9). The letter from Charles George Gordon to William, dated 14 January 1877, is in DAR 210.7: 6. Gordon discussed his theological views as well as his experience in Sudan. Edward Henry Stanley, the fifteenth earl of Derby, was foreign secretary. Gordon had served under the khedive (Ottoman viceroy) of Egypt, Ismāʿīl Pasha, as governor-general of the Equatorial Province in the south of Egyptian-occupied Sudan from March 1874, and returned to England in December 1876. In his letter to William of 14 January 1877 (DAR 210.7: 6), Gordon wrote that he thought there were four great things to be done, the last of which, opening a road from the coast to the lakes in Africa, he wanted to pursue himself. He planned to seek a trading licence from the Sultan of Zanzibar (Ibn Said Barghash) for ten years and form a depot from which to push into the interior of Africa. In the event, Gordon was persuaded to return to the service of the khedive and became governor-general of Sudan (see Boulger 1896, 1: 162–3; 2: 1–4). Frederick Augustus Maxse. CD visited London from 6 to 15 January 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). William visited Down on 27 January 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From W. H. Leggett   15 January 1877 224, E. 10th St., New York, Jan. 15th, 1877. Mr. Chas. Darwin, Dear Sir, Dr. Asa Gray has requested me to write to you what I know about Pontederia cordata L. In the Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club, Vol. VI. p. 62, I gave an account of my imperfect observations and expressed a hope of learning something more the next season.1 But I had no opportunity to study the growing plant last summer, and can add little to what was then noted. The style till after the closing of the flower is intermediate in length between the two sets of stamens. The flower in withering twists up on itself and remains as a sort of button while the ovary enlarges. If when the ovary is well advanced one of these buttons be carefully unfolded,—a difficult matter on account of the decay of the perianth—the style will be found to have considerably elongated, and even to protrude sometimes from the button. But, as it is at this period in a florrid condition, the elongation can have nothing to do with the fertilization, and is perhaps merely the stretching produced by the twisting of the flower, at least, I can see no better means of accounting for it, though not at all satisfied with this. As the plant is a social one and on the same spike there is a constant succession of flowers in all stages, it would seem likely that cross fertilization might take place without any special arrangement. But the fact that in this family there is a marked difference in the anthers of the same flower, and in this species in particular a very curious difference in the pollen grains, we are led to look for some complexity in the generation.

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January 1877

I suppose you have access to Dr. Torreys Flora of the State of New York prepared for the Geological Survey of the State, in which I think will be found a fuller account of our Ponterdiaceæ than in Grays Manual.2 A friend procured for me last Summer a supply of Schollera grammêa Willd. but I found in them no fourth flower which is said sometimes to occur.3 I enclose some of the Schollera, and Ponterderia in different stages. You will please notice that it is only the nearly ripe ovaries which have the longer styles. Nothing would give me greater pleasure than to be of any service to your valuable investigations, and you will oblige me by showing me how. Yrs truly, | Wm. H. Leggett DAR 109: B127–8 1

2

3

In a letter of 4 December 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24), CD had asked Gray whether he knew of any dimorphic plants that inhabited water or marshes, adding that he hoped some assistants could look for such specimens. Pontederia cordata (pickerel weed) is an aquatic plant found from eastern Canada to eastern South America. In Forms of flowers, pp. 183–7, CD described flowers of some species of Pontederia as heterostyled trimorphic based on observations of three species made by Fritz Müller in Brazil. He also referred to Leggett’s description of P. cordata in the Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club (Leggett 1875; see Forms of flowers, p. 187). The description of the genus Pontederia by John Torrey (Torrey 1843, 2: 312–14) is similar to that in Gray’s Manual of botany of the northern United States (A. Gray 1848, pp. 509–11), but his description of P. cordata is more detailed as is his description of other species in the family Pontederiaceae. Schollera graminea Willd. (a synonym of Heteranthera dubia, water stargrass) is also in the family Pontederiaceae. Leggett may have intended to refer to a fourth stamen rather than flower, as the species is described by Torrey and Gray as having usually three, but sometimes four stamens (Torrey 1843, 2: 314 s.v. Heteranthera graminea, A. Gray 1848, p. 511; Gray mentions the fourth stamen is abortive).

To D. F. Nevill   15 January 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 15— 1877 Dear Lady Dorothy Nevill I am much obliged for all the trouble which you have so kindly taken.— One of your references relates to the Apocyneæ catching Lepidoptera, & this is the most gratuitous case of cruelty known to me in a state of nature, for apparently such captures are of no use to the plant & assuredly not to the wretched butterfly or moth or fly.—1 Your Ladyship’s | Truly obliged | Ch. Darwin Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection) 1

No letter from Nevill with botanical references has been identified. In a letter to Thomas Brittain of 1 December 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24), CD mentioned that he had a plant of Apocynum androsaemifolium (fly-trap dogbane) in his hothouse and hoped to work out the reason for its ‘trap-like arrangement’ if it flowered. The V-shaped nectaries of the flower trap small flies and moths by their proboscises, while their proper pollinators, long-tongued butterflies, are able to avoid the trap.

January 1877

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From F. W. Pim   15 January 1877 Heathville. | Monkstown | Co. Dublin. Jany 15. 1877 Dear Sir I cut from the Times of Thursday last your letter to the Gardener’s Chronicle respecting bees and Holly berries, in order to shew it to a friend of mine Mr. Edward Walpole who is an extensive bee-keeper at Ashford in the Co. Wicklow—1 He says that he has no doubt of the correctness of your explanation and attributes the scarcity of bees solely to the fact that the extreme prolongation of the harsh weather last spring delayed the commencement of the bees operations— according to his recollection his bees did not, except a few stragglers, leave their hives till near the first of May after the hollies were out of flower or at least passing out of flower— This much at all events wd. seem certain—that the weather up to the end of April was extremely harsh, and that the bees in consequence were so unprecedentedly late in commencing their season’s work as to cause quite a consternation amongst bee-keepers— It occurs to me that even if the holly were not out of flower—as I hardly think it wd. be in the early part of May when the bees fairly commenced working—it might be that beginning so late as May the hollies might have had to meet a much greater amount of competition for the bees’ custom than would have been the case had the bees commenced at the usual time— besides that the absolute number of bees must have been much less than usual in May—as of course the production of young bees wd. depend on the supply of provisions— Excuse my thus intruding on you—but I thought, as you say in your letter as pubd. in the Times that you do not know what caused the rarity of bees—you wd. possibly not object to receive even so slight a contribution to your collection of facts. The scarcity of holly-berries has been quite as striking in this neighbourhood as elsewhere— I remain very respectfully | Yours | Fredc. W. Pim DAR 174: 73 1

See letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 3 January [1877]. The letter was reprinted in full in The Times, 11 January 1877, p. 7. Walpole had founded the Mount Usher Gardens on the banks of the River Vartry in Ashford, county Wicklow, Ireland, in 1868 (see Taylor 2008, p. 346).

From L. E. Becker   16 January 1877 Manchester National Society for Women’s | Suffrage, 28, Jackson’s Row, Albert Square, Manchester. Jany 16—1877 With Miss Becker’s compliments.

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[Enclosure] HOLLY BERRIES AND THE BEES. To the Editor of the Manchester Courier.1 Sir,—I was much interested in reading in your impression of yesterday the paragraph by Mr. Charles Darwin on “the scarcity of holly berries” in different parts of the country this season.2 He traces reasonably the cause to be the rarity of bees last spring, but he cannot account for that rarity. I have had much experience in the habits of bees, and I have noticed in early spring that snow on the ground with bright sunshine causes large numbers of bees to leave their hives, 〈a〉nd they are then generally weak and they alight on the snow and thousands thus perish. I think the abundance of snow last spring accounts for it.—Yours. &c., | W. E. BURCHAM. Failsworth, January 13th, 1877. DAR 160: 120 1 2

The newspaper clipping was cut from the Manchester Courier and Lancashire General Advertiser, 15 January 1877, p. 7. See letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 3 January [1877] (a reprinted version appeared in the Manchester Courier and Lancashire General Advertiser, 12 January 1877, p. 3).

From E. A. Darwin   16 January [1877]1 Jan 16 [1877] Dear Charles Laurence having painted the Prince of Wales now wants to paint another great man.2 He proposes to take a photograph & make a drawing from it & wanted to know which was most approved of & I offered to lend him my Elliot & Fry3   He thought I had the large life size (I forget who that is by the name I mean).4 What he also wanted after having made the drawing was to have a ten minute interview & he said he should not require more than that to mix his tints. Will you do so when you come to London or would you prefer his coming to Down. He’ll require notice to make his drawing ready. E. D. DAR 105: B97–8 1 2

3 4

The year is established by a contemporary annotation in pencil, probably made by Francis Darwin. The portrait of Albert Edward (later Edward VII) by Samuel Laurence was recorded as missing in the Portrait Index of the National Portrait Gallery, London, in 1956 (NPG, personal communication). Laurence had made a chalk portrait of CD in 1853 and a crayon drawing may have been done at around the same time (see [Shipley and Simpson eds.] 1909). The chalk portrait is reproduced in Correspondence vol. 5, facing p. 128 (see also ibid., letter to J. D. Hooker, 27 May [1855]). CD had several cartes de visite made by the firm of Elliot & Fry between 1869 and 1881. Erasmus probably refers to a large portrait photograph, but none has been identified. No other portrait of CD by Laurence has been identified.

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To Wilhelm Rimpau   16 January 1877 [Down.] Jan. 16. 1877 Dear Sir, I am very much obliged to you for having sent me your two essays which I shall read with the greatest interest.1 I am particularly surprised about Beta vulgaris; but you will find in my book that individuals of Reseda, although exposed to the same conditions, vary greatly in self-sterility: as do individuals of Eschscholtzia & Abutilon when they are exposed to changed conditions of life.2 With my best thanks | I remain, dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 147: 304 1

2

CD’s annotated copies of Rimpau’s papers ‘Das Aufschießen der Runkelrüben’ (Sprouting of field beet; Rimpau 1876) and ‘Die Züchtung neuer Getreide-Varietäten’ (Cultivation of new grain varieties; Rimpau 1877a) are in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Rimpau had observed complete self-sterility in individual flowers of Beta vulgaris (beet; Rimpau 1877a, p. 209 n.). In Cross and self fertilisation, p. 367, CD described the species as highly self-fertile. CD’s remarks on self-sterility in two species of Reseda (mignonette), Eschscholzia californica (California poppy), and Abutilon darwinii (a Brazilian species of mallow) are in ibid., pp. 340–52.

To R. B. Sharpe?1   16 January 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 16. 1877 My dear Sir, I have received a wonderful nest from the R.  Uraguay in S.  America.2 It is a wonderful structure appearing to be made of horse hair but really of some vegetable fibre. The bird is called “El boyero” & is said to be black or almost so, & about the size of our black-bird.3 No doubt Azara describes so wonderful a nest.4 I write all this because if you would like to present it to the British Museum, I will send it to you. I may just add that the bird is said often to perch on the back of cattle & horses & the sender supposes the material is horse-hair My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS(A) Edmund S. Muskie Archives and Special Collections Library, Bates College 1 2 3 4

Sharpe is conjectured to be the the correspondent because he was the senior assistant in zoology in charge of the bird collection at the British Museum. See letter from George Hodgskin, 6 January 1877. The nest had been sent to CD via Hodgskin by an Uruguayan lawyer, Señor Rodó, who has not been further identified. The bird was probably Cacicus solitarius (boyero negro or solitary cacique), a member of the family Icteridae (American blackbirds, orioles, caciques, and oropendolas). Félix d’Azara called the solitary cacique ‘Del negro’ and described the nest as made of vines and other flexible materials and hanging from tree branches (Azara 1802–5, 1: 268–9 (Núm 58)).

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From Lawson Tait   16 January 1877 Birmingham Jan 16 1877 My Dear Sir, If our views on Evolution are sound it seems to me that they must include many explanations of the diseased processes of man. I am writing a book on Diseases of Women, & am trying to borrow light from the “Descent of Man”   I send two or three proof sheets containing a sample & though I know how you hesitate to express an opinion on a matter out of the line of your experience, if you can see your way to criticise (in general terms) my views I should like to know your opinion.1 I have another matter in which I think I have done better than in the present case, hermaphroditism, which I should like to submit to you in a few days.2 “Cross Fertilisation” is splendid. I have just finished a review for Spectator.3 Yours truly, | Lawson Tait DAR 178: 36 1

2 3

No proof-sheets from Tait’s book Diseases of women (L. Tait 1877) have been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Tait claimed that CD’s theory of the descent of humans from other animals had shown that sexual instincts were the most necessary and prevalent of all instincts evolved by the necessities of animal existence (ibid., pp. 48–9). In L. Tait 1877, p. 200, Tait argued that the incidence of hermaphroditism in humans could be explained by CD’s theory of descent and regarded as reversion. Tait’s review of Cross and self fertilisation appeared in the Spectator, 10 February 1877, p. 17.

From W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   [before 17 January 1877]1 message as I received it. A few things occurred to me in reading the Introduction.2 No doubt they have all occurred to you and I merely offer them on the remote chance of their proving useful. The nos: refer to the paragraphs II. The difference between ♀ & ♂ in some plants is really surprising. In Restiaceæ which are locally abundant in individuals, species, & genera in Australia and at the Cape of Good Hope the sexual differentiation has so far affected the whole plant that Dr Masters and Mr Bentham who have recently studied them—the former as regards Africa the latter as regards Australia—consider it practically impossible to match one ♂ & ♀ of at any rate many species amongst Herbarium specimens3 There is something curious about the “domestic economy” of Petasites vulgaris. I see you have Sir J. Smith’s English Flora and you will find the account of it in vol. iii pp. 426, 427. The species is if one may so put it both monœcious and diœcious. The two Linnean species Tussilago Petasites & Tussilago hybrida are regarded now as the predominantly male and female forms respectively4 By the way you have two Thirdly’s5

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iv. There are many hermaphrodite plants which frequently suppress their petals. Ranunculus auricomus is one. This species is often sterile which I find Masters Journ. of Bot. 1867 p. 159, attributes to a tendency found in other Ranunculaceæ to become diœcious.6 vii. It hardly comes within your plan probably to mention the numerous cases in which flowers hang out ‘flags of distress’ without apparently paying any very heavy price for it.— In many Cruciferæ the external flowers of the corymbs are developed in a way comparable with that in Compositæ and Umbelliferæ. In Iberis there are certainly the proper proportion of stamens in the enlarged flowers though it is possible they may not be up to much.7 But the most singular arrangement I know is in Mussænda a genus of Rubiaceæ where one tooth of the calyx in a few flowers of an inflorescence is developed into a large leafy expansion8 Something (I am drawing from memory like this)  I am not prepared to say without disturbing herbarium specimens what effect this may have had on the sexual organs As you mention the singular arrangement in Muscari one calls also to mind cases like Salvia Horminum where the upper bracts are enlarged and brightly coloured and the flower suppressed. The same arrangement obtains also in Lavandula and other Labiates9 Believe me | Yours very truly | W. T. Thiselton Dyer Incomplete DAR 111: B55–8r CD annotations 1.1 message … it.] del pencil 2.1 A few … paragraphs 2.3] crossed ink 3.1 In … specimens 3.6] ‘Bentham cd tell me whether rudiments of sexual organs’ added pencil 4.1 There is … Labiates 9.5] crossed ink 4.3 The two … respectively 4.5] scored pencil 6.1 iv. … is one. 6.2] scored pencil 7.4 Cruciferæ] underl pencil 9.2 Salvia Horminum] ‘& [Masters] case of ’ added pencil 9.2 Salvia … suppressed. 9.4] scored pencil; ‘Ballardia is next genus to muscari & Hyanthus’ added ink Top of letter : ‘p 3 gradation of dioiceous Plant Tussilago’ pencil Verso of last page: ‘[‘Umb’ del] Iberis | Mussænda— | Your praise of my book pleases me much, though I fear it is greatly too strong.— [‘My object’ del] I am particularly obliged for your notes,— my object I feared that I might have fallen into the grossest errors— I’10 pencil del blue crayon 1

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 17 January 1877.

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January 1877

CD evidently sent a manuscript copy of the introduction to Forms of flowers to Thiselton-Dyer for his comments; the manuscript has not been found. Restiaceae (a synonym of Restionaceae) is a large family of rush-like flowering plants of the southern hemisphere. Maxwell Tylden Masters, in his ‘Synopsis of the South African Restiaceæ’, had noted that considerable confusion had been caused by authors describing as distinct species what proved to be the opposite sex of some previously described genus or species (Masters 1867a, pp. 209–10). George Bentham had similarly stated that the great dissimilarity in habit and inflorescence between the males and females of some species made even their generic determination very difficult (Bentham and Mueller 1863–78, 7: 209). In the published version of Forms of flowers, p. 11, CD added Thiselton-Dyer’s observation in discussing dioecious plants. In his description of Petasites, James Edward Smith synonymised Tussilago petasites L. with Petasites vulgaris (a synonym of P. hybrida, butterbur) and described the moneocious form as a casual variety. The species is usually dioecious, but sometimes monoecious. CD’s annotated copies of the first four volumes of J. E. Smith 1824–36 are in the Darwin Library–CUL. In the published version of the introduction to Forms of flowers, CD does not use the term; rather, he refers to the first to fourth classes of polygamous plants. Ranunculus auricomus (goldilocks buttercup) has imperfect or frequently absent petals. Masters had noted the frequent sterility of this and similar species in a discussion of the morphology of the ovules of Ranunculus (Masters 1867b). Iberis is the genus of candytuft in Cruciferae (a synonym of Brassicaceae), the mustard and cabbage family. Compositae is a synonym of Asteraceae, the daisy and sunflower family. Umbelliferae is a synonym of Apiaceae, the carrot and parsley family. Mussaenda is a genus of tropical Indian and African plants in the family Rubiaceae (coffee and madder). In Forms of flowers, p. 5, CD described the flowers as characterised by a single modified sepal with large petal-like expansion. In the published version of Forms of flowers, p. 8, CD cited Thiselton-Dyer for his information on Salvia horminum (a synonym of S. viridis, annual clary). CD had also described the modified bud-like flowers of Muscari or feather hyacinth (now more commonly referred to as grape hyacinth). CD’s annotations are notes for his reply; see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 17 January 1877.

To J. V. Carus   17 January 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 17. 77 My dear Sir, Please to read the enclosed & you will see, as I am sorry to say, that it is necessary for your publisher to decide at once how many copies you require of two of the Geological Maps in my “Geolog: Observations” &c.1 Be so kind as to let me have an answer tolerably soon. I sent you yesterday a copy of the new edit of the Orchids & this I grieve to add has been greatly altered, but I hope improved2 There are four or five new wood-blocks.3 I hope that your health stands your multiplied labours. Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859 Darwin, Charles, Bl. 156–157) 1

The enclosure has not been found, but was evidently a letter from Smith, Elder & Co. (see letter from J. V. Carus, 20 January 1877). Geological observations 2d ed. was a combined second edition of Volcanic

January 1877

2 3

45

islands and South America (published in 1844 and 1846 respectively by Smith, Elder & Co.), together with his essay on the ‘Pampean formation’. Although the German edition was based on the combined second edition, it appeared as separate volumes (Carus trans. 1877a and 1878b). Carus’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Orchids 2d ed. (see Appendix IV). Carus’s translation was published in 1877 (Carus trans. 1877c). Orchids 2d ed. contained four new woodblock illustrations (see ibid., pp. 87, 160, 174, 222).

To Gardeners’ Chronicle   17 January [1877]1 I beg a little space in your journal to confess my error with respect to the cause of the scarcity of Holly berries. I have been convinced of this by the two communications in your last number, by a statement in the Garden by Mr. Fish, and by some private letters which I have received.2 It appears that several causes in combination have led to this scarcity; but I still think that the rarity of bees of all kinds in this neighbourhood during the spring, of which fact I feel assured, may have played a part, though a quite subordinate one. Charles Darwin, Down, Beckenham, Jan. 17. Gardeners’ Chronicle, 20 January 1877, p. 83 1 2

The year is established by the publication date of the letter in Gardeners’ Chronicle. Several correspondents responded to the letter CD had written to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 3 January [1877], which had been reprinted in full in The Times, 11 January 1877, p. 7, as well as in local newpapers (see letter from Allen Stoneham, 11 January 1877, letter from G. M. Tracy, 11 January 1877, letter from Alfred Grugeon, 14 January [1877], letter from F. W. Pim, 15 January 1877, and letter from L. E. Becker, 16 January 1877; see also Gardeners’ Chronicle, 13 January 1877, p. 52, 20 January 1877, p. 83, and 3 February 1877, pp. 148–9). David Taylor Fish’s note on holly-berries appeared in the Garden, 13 January 1877, p. 40. Fish remarked that although most trees had few berries, occasional ones had a full complement, and this fact could hardly be ascribed to the scarcity of bees. George Murton Tracy had made a similar point, having observed that a couple of trees in sheltered spots had many berries (letter from G. M. Tracy, 11 January 1877). Fish wrote a longer reply to CD that appeared on the same page of Gardeners’ Chronicle as CD’s letter.

To Lawson Tait   17 January [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan. 17th My dear Sir I shd. be glad to give any criticisms, but I have none to make & agree with what you say.—2 There is, however, one trifling point on which I differ; viz that I believe the high value of well-bred males is due to their transmitting their good qualities to a far greater number of offspring than can the female.—3 Yours very faithfully— | Ch. Darwin Photocopy DAR 221.5: 37

46 1 2 3

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Lawson Tait, 16 January 1877. See letter from Lawson Tait, 16 January 1877. Tait had sent proof-sheets from his forthcoming book on diseases of women (L. Tait 1877) Tait had suggested that breeders paid much higher prices for well-bred male livestock because males were more physically fit than females (see L. Tait 1877, p. 49).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   17 January 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 17. 1877 Dear Dyer, Your praise of my book has pleased me much, though I fear it is too strong.1 George Henslow has criticised my figures in the Gardener’s Chronicle, on no sufficient grounds as it appears to me.2 I am particularly obliged for your notes.3 My object in the introduction was merely as a sort of bond for my miscellaneous chapters, and I feared that I might have fallen into the grossest errors & omissions. Thanks about Mussænda; I found a note with this name on it among my papers & couldn’t remember the least what it meant.4 Do any of your friends care for what I suppose are Oceanic algæ, sent to me together with the enclosed printed scrap from Queensland.5 If of no use throw them in the fire, I thus cleverly relieve myself of all responsibility. With many thanks, yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 58–9) 1 2

3 4

5

The letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [before 17 January 1877], is incomplete and the section where Thiselton-Dyer praised Cross and self fertilisation has not been found. The first part of Henslow’s review of Cross and self fertilisation (Henslow 1877, p. 42) had appeared in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 13 January 1877; two further parts appeared in issues of 3 and 17 February 1877. Henslow had criticised CD for not including figures in some cases for the relative sizes of cross- and self-fertilised plants beyond the third generation; he suggested that these figures were less favourable to CD’s argument about the vigour of crossed plants. Thiselton-Dyer had sent CD suggestions for the introduction to Forms of flowers in his letter of [before 17 January 1877]. See letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [before 17 January 1877] and n. 8. There is a note on Mussaenda frondosa (dhobi tree), dated ‘May/62/’ referring to ‘2 involucres to each group of flowers large & snow white— ’ in DAR 49: 73. CD later added, in red pencil, the word ‘Dichogamy’. No letter from Queensland, Australia, with an enclosure of algae has been identified. The specimens sent to Thiselton-Dyer have not been found.

From A. R. Wallace   17 January 1877

Rosehill, Dorking. Jany. 17th. 1877

My dear Darwin Many thanks for your valuable new edition of the “Orchids” which I see contains a great deal of new matter of the greatest interest.1 I am amazed at your continuous

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work,—but I suppose after all these years of it, it is impossible for you to remain idle. I, on the contrary, am very idle, and feel inclined to do nothing but stroll about this beautiful country, and read all kinds of miscellaneous literature. I have asked my friend Mr. Mott to send you the last of his remarkable papers— on Haeckel.2 But the part I hope you will read with as much interest as I have done, is that on the deposits of Carbon, & the part it has played & must be playing in Geological changes. He seems to have got the idea from some German book, but it seems to me very important, and I wonder it never occurred to Sir Charles Lyell.3 If the calculations as to the quantity of undecomposed carbon deposited are anything approaching to correctness, the results must be important. Hoping you are in pretty good health | Believe me | Yours very faithfully | Alfred R. Wallace. Charles Darwin Esq. DAR 106: B132–3 1 2 3

Wallace’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Orchids 2d ed. (see Appendix IV). Albert Julius Mott sent CD an offprint of his paper ‘On Haeckel’s History of creation’ (Mott 1876); CD’s lightly annotated copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Mott argued that geological change was fundamentally dependent on vital rather than physical changes in the earth, caused by the continual combustion of carbon below the surface, and further that the earth was not cooling (Mott 1876, pp. 68–80). Mott referred to Gustav Bischof ’s estimate of the carbon in sedimentary rock as part of his argument (ibid., p. 69; see also Bischof 1854–9, 1: 204–5).

From Thomas Belt   [before 18] January 18771 Cornwall House   Ealing. January 1877 Charles Darwin Esqre | Down | Beckenham Dear Mr Darwin, The study of the scientific questions on which I have been for some years engaged has become so absorbing and interferes so greatly with my business pursuits that I have determined if possible to give up the latter and devote myself to the former and after considerable hesitation I have taken the step of writing to Dr Hooker to see if I can obtain assistance from the Government Grant to the Royal Society to enable me to do so.2 I now write to ask you if you can help me in this matter   A note to Dr Hooker would be of great importance to me if you thought that I would return value for what I received What I wish is to have time to put into shape and to publish the evidence on which I have arrived at the conclusions I have already partly made known on the Glacial period both in regard to surface geology and the extinction of some animals and plants and the present distribution of others3

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I enclose a copy of a recent paper in the Quarterly Journal of Science4 I am Dear Sir | Yours very truly | Thomas Belt P.S. The paper has not come in from the printer in time to post tonight. | B. DAR 202: 14 1 2

3

4

The date range is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Thomas Belt, 18 January 1877. Belt was a consultant mining engineer; he had worked in many countries (ODNB). Joseph Dalton Hooker was president of the Royal Society of London. The Treasury funded a £1000 annual grant to the Royal Society; the grant was distributed by the council of the society to aid scientific investigators with equipment and assistance. In 1876, a further grant of £4000 annually for five years was announced, but details of its administration had not been decided (see J. D. Hooker 1876, pp. 342–3). Belt had already written an article in which he reviewed recent theories on the climate of the glacial period and argued that a great increase in the obliquity of the ecliptic of the earth’s orbit would produce colder temperatures while a great decrease would produce warmer temperatures (Belt 1874b, pp. 461–3). In his most recent work, Belt concluded that Palaeolithic humans and animals such as the mammoth had lived in Europe before the Glacial Period, and that during the Glacial Period much of western Europe was submerged under water and uninhabitable (Belt 1877a, pp. 87–90; see n. 4, below). Belt’s paper, ‘On the loess of the Rhine and the Danube’ (Belt 1877a), was published in the January 1877 issue of the Quarterly Journal of Science. CD’s copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

To Thomas Belt   18 January 1877

Down, Beckenham. Jan 18, 1877.

Dear Mr. Belt, I am sure that you would wish me to write quite frankly to you. It seems to me that you would make a most serious mistake to give up your profession, unless you have sufficient means to work at science without temporary aid from the Royal Soc.1 I have talked with two very leading men belonging to the Society, about the grant, and it is clear to me that there is at present much divergence of opinion, and no one knows how affairs will be managed.2 I gave it as my opinion that a sum of money would be well spent for two purposes, one of which was that a fitting man (if one could be found) should visit the Ceara mountains to examine Agassiz’s glacial deposits.3 Now one of the men above alluded to objected strongly to this and to my other proposal, saying that there would be no check in such cases on the money being wasted. The other doubtfully agreed with me. I do not know whether you have heard how the grants will be at first managed. There is to be a parliament of science, largely independent of the R. Soc., in which the branches of science will be represented by Committees; and every application, for instance yours, will first go before the proper Committee which will report to the parliament. If the latter agrees, the recommendation will pass on to the council of the R. Soc., which as I understand will act almost exclusively by agreeing to or vetoing the proposal. Under these circumstances you will see that it would be of no use my writing to Dr. Hooker, who would think my doing so foolish, as I know how the applications are to be managed. From what I have heard you say, and from what I have myself gathered, I cannot think that there is any good chance at present of a Committee of Geologists

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recommending a grant to you to work out views which are commonly held to be much too theoretical.4 If I were in the parliament myself I should very much doubt the wisdom, on account of public opinion, of granting at first money for working out highly theoretical views. I earnestly hope that you will reflect long and carefully before you apply to the R. Soc. for aid, especially before it is known what sort of work will be supported. I hear that already above 40 applications have been made, some of them most wild and absurd. I am very sorry to be obliged to write so discouraging a letter; but I think it would mortify you to have your application refused. I remain, | dear Mr. Belt | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin. C DAR 143: 83 1 2

3

4

See letter from Thomas Belt, [before 18] January 1877. Belt was considering giving up his job as a consulting mining engineer to devote himself to scientific research. The two men have not been identified, but CD was in London from 6 to 15 January 1877 and probably discussed the Royal Society of London grant at that time (see CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). In his presidential address to the Royal Society in November 1876, Joseph Dalton Hooker had announced a new source of funding, separate from the existing £1000 grant from the Treasury, and worth £4000 annually for five years (see J. D. Hooker 1876, pp. 342–3). Details of the management of the fund were given in the next year’s address ( J. D. Hooker 1877a, pp. 432–3). See Correspondence vol 16, letter to Charles Lyell, 14 July 1868. Louis Agassiz had discussed moraines in the Serra of Aratanha in the province of Ceará, Brazil, in Agassiz and Agassiz 1868, pp. 463–5, and drift formations near Rio de Janeiro in Brazil as evidence for glacial action in ibid., pp. 399–401. Agassiz had also appealed for members of the Alpine Club, ‘thoroughly familiar with the glaciers of the Old World’, to observe glacial remains in the Ceará mountains more extensively than he had been able to (ibid., p. 464). In the event, four committees were established under the following headings: (A) mathematics, physics, and astronomy; (B) biology; (C) chemistry; (D) general purposes ( J. D. Hooker 1877, p. 432). For the record of the first set of grants, awarded in March 1877, see Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 26 (1877): 458–60.

From Friedrich Hildebrand   18 January 1877 Freiburg i/B. Jan 18th 1877. Dear and honoured Sir I feel very much obliged to you for sending me a copy of your celebrated book on the fertilization of Orchids.1 How much has been worked on this field by you and others since the appearance of the first edition; perhaps it will interest you to hear, that it was this work, by which I was first induced to study the means by which plants are fertilized.2 I have read now your new excellent work on cross and selffertilization and daresay that you have treated the matter in such a way, that nobody can object any more to the evil of selffertilization etc.3 Some years ago I began to make some experiments like yours, but as I have no greenhouse of my own, and those in the distant botanical garden are bad and to small, I had to give up the matter very soon; Science has not lost much by this, for your experiments are quite exhausting.4 Surely the most important

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matter is, that you have proved the benefits derived not only from mere crossfertilization, but from fertilization between individuals, that are not related nearly, and have grown under different conditions of life. This explains the high value of the adaptation for wide dissemination of plants. Surely I shall look out next summer for finding out some more contrivances by which distinct individuals must be intercrossed. very often I have seen that Insects came first to the eldest flowers of protandrous plants.5 As you have no own observation of the Insects that fertilize Petunia, I may add that Petunia nyctaginiflora is frequented here at Freiburg very much by moths, especially by Sphinx Convolvuli.6 I grow these plants every year in my garden for my boys to catch moths, and last year I was astonished, when the first few flowers were opened to see a Sphinx Conv. frequent it the same evening; the visits lasted till the beginning of October. I send for you and your son Francis a copy of a little note of mine about the stolones of Trientalis europaea, that will perhaps interest you as an example of contrivances by which perennial plants do not grow every year on the same spot.7 Now my dear Sir I must say Goodbye and | remain | yours | respectfully | Hildebrand DAR 166: 215 CD annotation 3.2 Petunia nyctaginiflora] underl pencil 1 2

3 4 5 6 7

Hildebrand’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Orchids 2d ed. (see Appendix IV). The first edition of Orchids was published in 1862; Hildebrand had written to CD offering to undertake a German translation, unaware that one had recently been completed by Heinrich Georg Bronn (Bronn trans. 1862; see Correspondence vol. 10, letter from Friedrich Hildebrand, 14 July 1862). Hildebrand began to publish on dimorphism and related topics from 1863; his earlier work had focused on plant anatomy (see Correns 1916, pp. 42–9 for a complete list of Hildebrand’s publications). Hildebrand’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Cross and self fertilisation (see Correspondence vol. 24, Appendix III). In his experiments for Cross and self fertilisation, CD had raised up to ten generations of crossed and self-fertilised plants. For a description of his experimental method, see ibid., pp. 10–22. Protandrous flowers are those in which the male parts mature before the female; the oldest flowers would therefore be more likely to have receptive female organs. Petunia nyctaginiflora is a South American species of petunia; Sphinx convolvuli is a synonym of Agrius convolvuli (convolvulus hawk-moth). No copy of Hildebrand’s paper ‘Ueber die Ausläufer von Trientalis europaea’ (On the stolons of Trientalis europaea; Hildebrand 1876) has been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL.

From J. D. Hooker   18 January 1877 Royal Gardens Kew Jay 18/77 Dear Darwin I have just received Ed 2 of Fertilization of Orchids which is most welcome, as I had lent Ed 1. till I had lost it—& was hard up for a copy.1

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The Hoya seeds have not germinated & were I expect imperfect as regards the Embryo— I wish I had examined them.2 Wheat brought by Nares from Smith’s sound when the Polaris left it some 5 years ago has germinated splendidly.3 I am now planting a lot of various seeds which I sent out & which have been exposed to cold of -60o – -70o. A grain of Maize that was with the Polaris wheat has also grown   this being properly a tropical plant is remarkable— What a rum thing living protoplasm must be, so quickly to decompose in some seeds & resist change in others. That the freezing of its watery constituent (if it water is a constituent) should not affect its vitality is very wonderful.— A good man might make a splendid thesis on “vitality” in the abstract. Jas Salter has been writing to me about another series of experiments on burying seeds—but I do not think he is prepared to carry it out in any but a crude form—4 I should be disposed to attack the problem in another way—viz to experiment on means of prolonging vitality of seeds which are notoriously short-lived   I have just knocked off another Edition of Primer corrected & improved—(the third 10,000) & am busy at new Ed. of Student’s British Flora, a horrid job.5 It seems an age since I have heard of you all. Ever affy yrs | Jos D Hooker DAR 104: 74–76 1 2

3

4

5

Hooker’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Orchids 2d ed. (see Appendix IV). CD had asked Hooker to examine plants of the tropical genus Hoya (waxplants) for imperfect flowers, particularly young flowers (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to J. D. Hooker, 25 October [1876], and letter from J. D. Hooker, 8 December 1876). George Strong Nares led the British Arctic expedition of 1875–6 (ODNB). An American expedition had been made in the Polaris, a vessel donated by the US Navy, in 1871–3 (see C. H. Davis ed. 1876). Triticum is the genus of wheat; maize is Zea mays. Samuel James Augustus Salter had written a paper on the vitality of seeds after submersion in seawater (Salter 1856). Salter’s letter to Hooker of 29 December 1876, mentioning experiments to be carried out on Salter’s land, ‘Boxing Field’ in Hampshire, is in the archive at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Directors’ Correspondence 101/24). The third edition of Botany in Macmillan’s Science Primers series was published in 1877 ( J. D. Hooker 1877b). The second edition of The student’s flora of the British Islands was published in June 1878 ( J. D. Hooker 1878; Publishers’ Circular, 2 July 1878, p. 462).

From Arthur Rawson   19 January 1877

The Vicarage, | Bromley Common. | Kent Jan 19. 1877

Dear Mr. Darwin I have read with some interest the several paragraphs (including your own) touching the scarcity of holly berries this season,—a fact we have most of us noticed.1 But, in regard to the reason. In the spring I frequently collect the attention of persons to the great paucity of the common humble bee; and I gather that to this you mainly attribute the lack of berries, for I do not know that the common hive bee appeared in fewer numbers than usual.2 Now I want to ask you whether your observation

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has led you to notice that the humble bee rarely goes to the flowers of the holly, for I do not recollect ever seeing one amongst them,—when the hive bee abounds on them. Should this be so, the scarcity of berries would hardly be explained on that hypothesis. The deficiency of humble bees last spring was very noticeable, and at present inexplicable, for the winter generally was not mild, and I think people are quite mistaken in supposing that a mild winter conduces to the preservation of hybernating insects,— I believe it to quite the contrary,—the more severe the winter the better they survive,—and I attribute it to this, that in such an unusually mild winter as the present insects (wasps &cc) do not remain perfectly dormant, and so their natural functions not being in suspension they starve from hunger not from cold. Is it so? I am quite aware that in the case of birds which perish in winter it is Incomplete DAR 176: 24 1 2

See letters to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 3 January [1877] and 17 January [1877] and n. 2. CD’s original letter was reprinted in full in The Times, 11 January 1877, p. 7. In his letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 3 January [1877], CD had written, ‘Bees of all kinds were in this neighbourhood extraordinarily rare during the spring.’ Among humble-bees (now usually called bumble-bees), only the queen hibernates in the winter, while the rest of the colony dies off. Hive-bees (honey-bees) do not hibernate.

From Thomas Belt   20 January 1877 Cornwall House Ealing Jany 20 1877 Dear Mr Darwin, I feel greatly obliged to you for your kind and frank letter which has so effectually dispelled a pleasant illusion that already I begin to wonder that I should have occupied myself with it.1 It may not however be entirely fruitless   Dr Hooker advises me to make an application for aid to work out the glaciation of the area between the Pyrenees and the Alps—that is—what traces of ice are there that would have blocked up the Rhone drainage?—2 This I could do without giving up my profession— I can assure you that it is a great wrench to my whole habit of mind to make an application at all but I must either give up, (if I can) some of my scientific work or try to make it remunerative Please thank Mr George Darwin for the copy of his paper on “the Earth’s Axis of Rotation”   I am sorry he cannot get a change of the obliquity of the ecliptic as the discovery of Miocene plants & trees apparently all round the present pole and to within about ten degrees of it is even more puzzling than the glacial period and a change in the obliquity seemed to offer a solution—3 Thanking you again for your kindness | I am Dear Sir | Yours very truly | Thomas Belt DAR 160: 131

January 1877 1 2 3

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See letter to Thomas Belt, 18 January 1877. Joseph Dalton Hooker was president of the Royal Society of London, which administered grants from the Treasury for scientific research (see letter to Thomas Belt, 18 January 1877 and n. 2). George Howard Darwin’s paper ‘On the influence of geological changes on the earth’s axis of rotation’ (G. H. Darwin 1876b) was published in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London. In his paper, George calculated the effect of geological changes on the location of the earth’s polar axis and concluded that the axis of rotation must have remained constant throughout geological history (G. H. Darwin 1876b, p. 286).

From J. V. Carus   20 January 1877 Leipzig Jan. 20. 1877 My dear Sir, I sent the letter from Smith, Elder & Co at once to Mr Koch, to answer it directly. As far as I am aware, he will not want any copies, as the map of Ascension as well as the Geological Sections have been engraved already in Stuttgart. But in order to be sure, please wait for Koch’s answer1 Here is a short list of some further misprints in the Crossing. p. 360. l. 17 from bottom Lathyrus grandifl, not glandifl2 3 p 364. l. 18 " " read Melastom, instead of Mal. p 401.  l. 4  from top read Cycadeae, not Cycadiae (the same mistake in the Index)4 p 444. l. 16 from bottom, read support, instead of supports.5 p 457 footnote l. 5. read conditions instead of condition6 p 477. Index. Lecoq, not Lecop7 p 478, 2. Column, l. 6. from top Lupinus luteus, not lutea.8 What means “to prise up”? On p 155. l. 11 from bottom, you say “finding the stamen prised up.” Is it = slit up, or erected? As a new edition of the Expression is now printing, I have made some notices about some points, which perhaps will interest you. Regarding the want of respiration during mental activity and affections I refer you to a paper of the older Fr. Nasse in Meckel’s Deutsches Archiv für Physiologie, Bd. II. 1816. p. 1. which contains some remarks, I think worth your attention.9 On p 326  of your Expression-book you mention cases of cerebral irritation, where the skin becomes suffused by merely being touched by the fingers   I noticed this very same with a lady and her daughter, who must take care, whenever they have taken not more even than half a glass of wine, not to touch the face or neck. Where they touch the skin, it becomes red, and so distinctly, that they are able to draw figures, crosses and circles and so on. They fade away very slowly, not before half an hour is elapsed. With regard to the pulse (p 340) I may mention, that, while engaged with a friend to work out a prize question, put by our Medical faculty 1843, we had to determine the average rate of our pulse; very soon we found out, that we were not able to get a correct number, when we counted it ourselves, as the attention rose the number within the space of half a minute from about 60 to 85.

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Yes and no. I staid a winter in Messina and never saw a Sicilian express the “No” by shaking the head, but always by throwing it up a little with a little cluck of the tongue10 p 356. Imitation. How powerful imitation is, I noticed very often with children. I remember especially the little daughter of a colleague, who used to amuse us by taking the child of about 5 years on his knees and telling her a tale, not at all an exciting one. And as he made the most exaggerated expressions and grimaces, the child, quite forlorn in attention, imitated them all as exactly as possible, a most ludicrous sight, as the force of the expression of the little shining face did not correspond in the very least with the contents of the simple story. But there is another instance of imitation by means of the sense of hearing, which annoys me very often   Whenever I walk in the streets, especially when there are only a few other persons walking besides me,—unless I am quite lost in thought or meditation—, I caught myself more than a hundred times in the unvoluntary keeping time with the steps of the next person I heard walking before or behind me, and I have always to force myself back in my own time of stepping, which depends, as it is known, chiefly on the length of the legs, swinging like pendulums I beg your pardon for intruding upon your time with such minutiae. However I thought they would perhaps interest you. Many thanks for the Orchid-book   I have to delay its new edition in German, as I leave Leipzig in about ten days to spend the next three months in Naples, partly to work in the Zoological Station, partly to avoid the February and March of our climate.11 Should you wish to send me a notice (I read of course the proof sheets there also), letters will find me at the “Stazione Zoologica”. As I am always happy to get a line from you, even if it is only business matter, I hope to hear even at Naples that you are well. I am | My dear Sir, | Ever yours sincerely | J. Victor Carus DAR 161: 106 CD annotations 1.1 I … erected? 3.2] crossed pencil 8.1 I beg … well. 9.1] crossed pencil 1

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

CD had forwarded the now missing letter from Smith, Elder & Co. regarding a new German edition of Geological observations 2d ed. (see letter to J. V. Carus, 17 January 1877). Eduard Koch was the head of E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, CD’s German publisher. Carus was translating Cross and self fertilisation into German (Carus trans. 1877d). The error was corrected in Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., p. 360. Corrected in Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., p. 324. Corrected in Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., p. 402. Corrected in Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., p. 449. Corrected in Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., p. 462. Corrected in Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., p. 481. Corrected in Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., p. 482. Christian Friedrich Nasse’s paper ‘Vom Athmungsbedürfniss des Körpers zum Behuf der Geistesthätigkeit’ (On the need for breathing during mental activity; Nasse 1816) appeared in Deutsches Archiv

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für die Physiologie, a journal edited by Johann Friedrich Meckel. Carus had mentioned Nasse’s paper to CD when he was preparing the second German edition of Expression (Carus trans. 1874; see Correspondence vol. 21, letter from J. V. Carus, 29 January 1873). The third German edition of Expression (Carus trans. 1877b) was published as part of Charles Darwin’s gesammelte Werke (Charles Darwin’s collected works; Carus trans. 1875–87). In Expression 2d ed., p. 187, Carus was credited for the reference to Nasse 1816. CD discussed shaking of the head in Expression, pp. 273–8. See letter to J. V. Carus, 17 January 1877 and n. 2. Carus translated Orchids 2d ed. into German (Carus trans. 1877c). Carus suffered from bronchial problems, especially during the winter (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 22, letter from J. V. Carus, 19 January 1874). In 1880, Carus became the first editor of the Zoologischer Jahresbericht, published by the Zoological Station, Naples.

To J. V. Carus   22 January 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 22. 1877 My dear Sir, Very many thanks for the errata, & more especially for the interesting & very amusing notes on expression.1 These will be of use to me if a new edit is ever required; but this is doubtful, as before the 7000 copies were all sold Murray foolishly printed 2000 additional, many of which yet remain.2 As soon as I hear from Koch I will write to Smith & Elder.3 I am very glad to hear that you are going to the Zoolog: Statione at Naples, as I should think that you will find it very interesting, & I sincerely hope that the climate may suit your health.4 My health has been better of late, so that I am able to work several hours daily, but I never pass a whole day in comfort, & this is a feeling I daresay you well know. I am at present preparing a small book with my papers on Dimorphic & Trimorphic plants, & other allied subjects.5 With all good wishes, yours very sincerely, | Charles Darwin P.S. | “Prising” only means lifting up an object with the end of a lever, for instance forcing open the lid of a box with a tool driven in under it6 LS Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859 Darwin, Charles, Bl. 158–159) 1 2 3

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See letter from J. V. Carus, 20 January 1877. No new edition of Expression was published by John Murray in CD’s lifetime. The second edition of Expression, edited by Francis Darwin, contained material collected by CD (see Expression 2d ed., p. iii). See letter from J. V. Carus, 20 January 1877 and n. 1. Carus did not think that Eduard Koch, CD’s German publisher, would require maps from Smith, Elder & Co. for the German edition of Geological observations 2d ed. (Carus trans. 1877a and 1878b). See letter from J. V. Carus, 20 January 1877 and n. 11. CD’s earlier papers, ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’, ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’, and ‘Illegitimate offspring of dimorphic and trimorphic plants’, were reworked in Forms of flowers, which was published on 9 July 1877 (Freeman 1977). See letter from J. V. Carus, 20 January 1877; see also Cross and self fertilisation, p. 155. CD had referred to finding a flower with the stamen ‘prised up’.

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To W. H. Leggett   22 January 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 22. 1877 Dear Sir, I read some time ago a short article by you in the Bull: Bot: Club on Pontederia, in which you speak of making further observations.1 I should esteem it a great favour if you would inform me of the result. From Fritz Müller’s paper & from an examination of the dried flowers which he sent me, & of which I measured the pollen grains, I can hardly doubt that F. Müllers two species are trimorphic like Lythrum salicaria &c.2 You seem inclined to attribute the different lengths of the pistil to complete or incomplete growth, but as Müller closely examined a multitude of flowers, I cannot believe that so good an observer could have overlooked this cause of difference.3 Hoping that you will excuse the liberty which I take in writing to you, I remain, dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS The New York Public Library. Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations. The Henry W. and Albert A. Berg Collection of English and American Literature. 1

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Leggett described Pontederia cordata (pickerel weed) in the Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club (Leggett 1875). CD’s letter evidently crossed in the post with the letter from W. H. Leggett, 15 January 1877, in which Leggett informed CD that he had not been able to observe the plant again. Müller had discussed trimorphism in Pontederia crassipes (a synonym of Eichornia crassipes, common water hyacinth) in ‘Ueber den Trimorphismus der Pontederien’ (On the trimorphism of Pontederia; Fritz Müller 1871). He later identified other trimorphic species (see letter from Fritz Müller, 25 March 1877). In Forms of flowers, pp. 183–7, CD described flowers of some species of Pontederia as heterostyled trimorphic based on observations made by Müller of three species in Brazil. Leggett made further observations and confirmed tristyly in Pontederia cordata in a later article (Leggett 1877). In the preface to Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. viii, CD added a reference to Leggett 1877. See also letter to W. H. Leggett, 19 August 1877.

From George Paul   22 January 1877 The “Old” Nurseries, Cheshunt, Herts, | N. | Near the Cheshunt Station on the Cambridge Line of Great Eastern Rail. Jan 22 1877 Chas Darwin Esq | Hollies Sir When staying with Mr friend Mr Charles Fisher of Handsworth Sheffield—he recently told me he had completed a list from careful observation of those kinds of the many varieties of Hollies grown by the firm (Fisher Holmes & Co) which produced fertile flowers1 and he showed me some new seedling varieties of the large leaved green hollies which he believed had resulted from the judicious side by side planting of different varieties the distinctive characters of which he wished to produce united on one plant.

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It appeared to me, more especially in some hybrids? of ovata & nobilis he had attained success.2 I venture to write you thinking the matter may interest you. and to suggest that Mr Fisher though perhaps? not caring to give the information to another nurseryman would give you for scientific work his list. The varieties with which he has worked are amongst those recently described by Mr Thos Moore in the Gardeners Chronicle.3 May I mention that at our Hill Nursery in Epping forest the yellow berried hollies were berry laden whilst the red berried kinds were very without berries.4 Is it not possible the yellow berried kind is a later flowering kind & so escaped the spring frost. I also notice that in two rows of specimen hollies—2  plants of a very erect quick growing kind which had overtopped the others, have both a few berries near the tops of the plants but none up to the same level where the other plants are berryless. I am Sir | Yours obedly | George Paul DAR 174: 31 CD annotations 1.1 Handsworth] ‘Handswick’ pencil 1.2 careful observation] underl pencil 1.3 varieties of Hollies] underl pencil 1.4 produced fertile flowers] underl pencil 5.1 May … berries. 5.2] scored pencil 1 2

3 4

Fisher’s firm, formerly Fisher, Holmes, & Co., became Fisher, Son, and Sibray in 1868 (Gardeners’ Chronicle, 12 April 1902, p. 247). Ilex aquifolium ‘ovata’ was a horticultural variety described and figured by Thomas Moore in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 12 December 1874, pp. 751–2; ‘nobilis’ had been described and figured by Moore in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 3 October 1874, pp. 432–3. Moore’s ‘The common holly and its varieties’ appeared in parts in Gardeners’ Chronicle between 1874 and 1876 (Moore 1874–6; see also n. 2, above). The Royal Nurseries in Waltham Cross near Epping Forest were owned by William Paul, George Paul’s uncle (Banister 2012, p. 206). The nursery had a large collection of hollies and some of its specimens had been provided to Moore for his monograph (see T. Moore 1874–6, p. 432). For CD’s interest in the recent scarcity of holly-berries, see the letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 17 January [1877] and n. 2.

To Asa Gray   23 January 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 23. 77 My dear Gray, Thanks for the card about Pontederia, & I have written to Mr Leggett.1 I am going to trouble you once again but I honestly believe for the last time. In a letter dated Nov 21, 1870 you say that Phlox subulata presents two forms which have been named as species & which you are inclined to think is a case of di or tri morphism:

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you speak of this as a common species, & if so could you send me two or three dried flowers of the different forms that I might compare their pollen grains & stigmas.2 In the same letter you mention Gilia aggregata (pulcella) with the stamens & pistils varying much in length; I suppose this is a rare plant; but if not so, I should much like to examine the two forms.—3 Forgive me & believe me | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS(A) Gray Herbarium of Harvard University (120) 1

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The card has not been found, but Gray had asked William Henry Leggett to write to CD about Pontederia cordata (pickerel weed; see letter from W. H. Leggett, 15 January 1877). CD’s letter to Leggett of 22 January 1877 evidently crossed in the post with Leggett’s. See Correspondence vol. 18, letter from Asa Gray, 21 November 1870. Gray’s description of Phlox species is in A. Gray 1870, pp. 248–58, and his discussion of P. subulata and P. nivalis is in ibid., pp. 248, 252. Gray suggested that the two species might be different forms of the same species; CD referred to Gray’s conclusions in Forms of flowers, p. 120. In A. Gray 1870, p. 275, Gray wrote of Gilia: ‘the tendency to dimorphism, of which there are traces, or perhaps rather incipient manifestations in various portions of the genus, is most marked in G. aggregata’. CD quoted him in Forms of flowers, p. 118. Gilia aggregata, a synonym of Ipomopsis aggregata (scarlet gilia), is highly variable, and as a result various epithets including pulchella have been applied to it (see A. Gray 1870; see also Grant and Wilken 1986, p. 359).

From J. J. Murphy   23 January 1877 Old Forge | Dunmurry Co Antrim 23 Jan 1877 Sir I am preparing a second edition of Habit and Intelligence (of which I sent you a copy when the first edition was published in 1869) and am having it illustrated.1 In the new edition there is to be a chapter on Metamorphosis, which will be nearly the same as the paper now enclosed.2 To illustrate this I wrote to Murray asking if I could be allowed the use of some of the woodcuts of Müller’s Facts for Darwin and on what terms. To this I received the enclosed reply.3 I then wrote to Mr Dallas to know if I could get the woodcuts copied from my own copy of the book.4 He replies that he does not think there would be any objection, but he believes if there is any copyright in the woodcuts at all you are the owner of it, and I consequently take the liberty of asking you whether you would make any objection to my doing so.5 I suppose if I were to take leave instead of asking it I should not be in much danger of any unpleasant consequences, but I do not intend to do any thing of the rectitude of which there could be any doubt. I remain, with sincere respect, Yours truly | Joseph John Murphy Charles Darwin Esq DAR 171: 324

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CD’s annotated copy of Murphy 1869 is in the Darwin Library–CUL (see Marginalia rev. ed.). There were no illustrations in the first edition. The second edition, described on the title page as ‘illustrated, thoroughly revised and mostly re-written’, was published in 1879 (Murphy 1879). Murphy sent a copy of his paper ‘On the origin and metamorphoses of insects’ (Murphy 1874). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. John Murray’s letter to Murphy has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Murray had published the English translation of Fritz Müller’s Für Darwin (Fritz Müller 1864) as Facts and arguments for Darwin (Dallas trans. 1869). The illustrations for Dallas trans. 1869 were made from clichés of the woodcuts used for the German edition and had cost CD 22 talers (£3 6s.; see Correspondence vol. 16, letter from Theodor Engelmann, 25 April 1868). Four illustrations made from woodcuts included in Dallas trans. 1869 were used in Murphy 1879, pp. 287, 289, 290, 291.

To J. D. Hooker   25 January [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan. 25th My dear Hooker I have just read with great interest your R. Soc. address, for it told me much that was new, & how wonderfully active the Soc. is.2 I cannot think what will be done in the future, the work augments so much that it can hardly be done by volunteers. As Owen sneered, I think hereafter the Pres. will have to be a paid officer, & then it will be frightfully difficult to get a good one!3 You were a good man to write to me the other day & to tell me about the seeds exposed to intense cold.4 By an odd chance I had been speculating a few days before whether any degree of cold would kill the germs of Bacteria & such like, & had supposed it wd. not; though there cannot be many such germs in Esquimauxs’ dens, otherwise all the inhabitants would perish. You ask what I & we all are about, & I have nothing to say, as I am only working up & adding to old matter about Dimorphic & Trimorphic plants.5 In about a month’s time I shall ask you to let Frank to come to Kew to examine the dried specimens of certain genera, about which I know of indications of dimorphism; & to beg, if you have sufficient specimens, to give me a flower of each form; for I will rank no plant as dimorphic without comparing pollen-grains & stigmas. Frank has nearly finished his paper on the protrusion of Protoplasmic filaments from the glands of Dipsacus, & the discovery seems to me a very remarkable one.6 I know that it will make you savage, but I think the great honour of its being printed in the R. Soc. Transactions, (shd. the referees so order) would stimulate his zeal & make him think better of his work, so that I have resolved to communicate it to Socy.7 Ever yours affectionately | C. Darwin DAR 95: 430–1 1

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 18 January 1877.

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Hooker had delivered the president’s address to the Royal Society of London on 30 November 1876 ( J. D. Hooker 1876). CD alludes to Richard Owen’s address on 3 December 1873 to the fellows of the Royal Society on the questions of income, elections, presidents, and payment of secretaries (R. Owen 1873). Owen had hinted that Hooker, who was elected president on 1 December 1873 (The Times, 2 December 1873, p. 7), would accept payment as president of the Royal Society (see Correspondence vol. 21, letter to J. D. Hooker, 20 December [1873]). See letter from J. D. Hooker, 18 January 1877. Much of the material from CD’s earlier papers, ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’, ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’, and ‘Illegitimate offspring of dimorphic and trimorphic plants’, was reworked in Forms of flowers, which was published on 9 July 1877 (Freeman 1977). Francis Darwin had discovered protoplasmic filaments protruding from the glandular hairs of leaves of common or fuller’s teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris, a synonym of D. fullonum; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Francis Darwin, [28 May 1876]). In the published paper (F. Darwin 1877b, p. 272), he hypothesised that the protrusion of the filaments in some way corresponded to the process of aggregation seen in insectivorous plants like those of the genus Drosera (sundews). CD communicated Francis’s paper to the society and it was read on 1 March 1877; an abstract of it was published in Proceedings of the Royal Society of London (F. Darwin 1877a). The Council of the Royal Society later decided not to print the full paper (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 23 May 1877). The full paper was published in the Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science, July 1877 (F. Darwin 1877b).

From Hermann Müller   25 January 1877 Lippstadt, Jan 25. 77. My dear Sir, I am glad of being reminded by you of a considerable error of my book “Die Befruchtung”.1 When trying on Hottonia, I was not aware of the necessity of calculating the whole-average-numbers of seeds contained in a capsule from the average-numbers on the single plants in observation; but I was of opinion that I must not consider the fertility of the long-styled flowers legitimately fertilised, as greater than the fertility of the long-styled flowers illegitimately fertilised, unless every single long-styled plant legitimately fertilised yielded a greater average-number of seeds than every single long-styled plant illegitimately fertilised. Hence, the first of the former yielding a greater average-number than the first of the latter, the other of the former, on the contrary, yielding a smaller (although but little smaller) number than the other of the latter, I thought that any remarkable difference of their fertility was not proved by my observations. The figures p. 351 are quite right, but the conclusion of “eben so hohe Fruchtbarkeit” p. 352 is to be corrected, and I will be very much obliged to you if you will be good enough and correct it in your review on the observations on heterostyled plants.2 Nothwithstanding this error, it is striking that the difference of fertility between legitimately and illegitimately fertilised plants is much smaller in the long-styled than in the short-styled form; and, as far as the small number of my observations permits any generalisation, the conclusion which I have drawn from the supposed

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equal fertility of legitimately and illegitimately fertilised long-styled plants of Hottonia, will, I think, be appliable to their, in comparison with the short-styled form, less differing fertility. I have to return to you my hearty thanks for your kindly sending to me the second edition of your Work on Orchids, which always will remain the standard-work for every one who will explain structures of flowers.3 If any success has rewarded Hildebrand’s, Delpino’s etc., my brothers and my own attempts in this department of research, it is essentialy owing to the incitation and to the splendid model given to us by your work on Orchids.4 It has been with great delight that I have reviewed the many new observations made since the first edition.5 Believe me | Yours very sincerely | H. Müller. DAR 110: A26–7 CD annotations 5.1 I have … edition. 5.7] crossed pencil Verso of last page: ‘I think I must say something about his view— | supported by Lythrum, but contradicted by *short-sty [interl] Primula, in above the short-styled form is most likely to receive own pollen is the more sterile—whilst in Pulmonaria the long-styled is the most likely to receive it is the more sterile & with Linum grandiflorum the long-styled always receives own pollen & is absolutely barren.—6 | Would it be worth while to give Table of relative [interl] fertility of the [illeg del] illegitimate union of each dimorphic species.— taking fert of short-styled as 100— that of Linum wd be 0— that of Hottonia wd be 180?7 | (Read letter)’ pencil 1

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The letter from CD concerning Müller’s error in Die Befruchtung der Blumen durch Insekten (Fertilisation of flowers through insect agency; H. Müller 1873) has not been found; CD evidently pointed out a flaw in Müller’s experimental method (see n. 2, below). CD had referred to the crosses of plants of the same form as ‘homomorphic’ unions and later as ‘illegitimate’ (see ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’, p. 87 (Collected papers 2: 55), and ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’, p. 187 (Collected papers 2: 121)). In his description of experiments with Hottonia palustris (water violet), Müller had concluded, ‘illegitime Kreuzung zwischen verschiedenen Stöcken der langgrifflegen Form bei Hottonia eben so hohe Fruchtbarkeit ergibt als legitime Kreuzungen’ (an illegitimate cross between different plants of the long-styled form in Hottonia results in just as great fertility as legitimate crosses; H. Müller 1873, p. 352). CD double-scored the passage in his copy. In Forms of flowers, p. 52, CD used Müller’s data on Hottonia, but followed his own practice of deriving mean numbers of seeds and included a table showing that the proportion of seeds legitimately produced to those illegitimately produced was as 100 to 85. In the English translation of Müller’s book (H. Müller 1883, p. 388), Müller added a footnote to his statement, noting the correctness of CD’s approach and giving the proportion of seed from the two types as CD had done. Müller’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Orchids 2d ed. (Appendix IV). Friedrich Hildebrand, Federico Delpino, and Fritz Müller had written many works on aspects of floral morphology that promoted cross-fertilisation; all had acknowledged CD’s pioneering role (see, for example, Hildebrand 1867, pp. 4–5, Delpino 1867, p. 4, and Fritz Müller 1868). CD had added many further observations based on information received from Fritz and Hermann Müller, Hildebrand, and Delpino among others. CD listed relevant works published since the first edition in Orchids 2d ed., pp. vii–x. In Forms of flowers, pp. 263–8, CD discussed Müller’s suggestion (H. Müller 1873, p. 352) that homostyled plants might have been rendered heterostyled from the effects of habit (Müller observed flies frequently carrying pollen from the long-styled form of Hottonia to the stigma of the same form), since some illegitimate unions were highly fertile, as in the case of long-styled Hottonia. CD concluded that differences in the degree of sterility of illegitimate unions in various species were incidental, following

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from changes gradually effected in their reproductive systems, in order that the sexual elements of the distinct forms should act perfectly on one another. In Forms of flowers, pp. 188–243, CD did provide tables showing the fertility of illegitimate offspring of heterostyled plants.

From A. W. Malm   26 January 1877 Göteborg. Museum of history naturelle. 26. 1. 77. Prof Dr Charles Darwin. Dear Friend and highly estimated College! I have the honour herewith to send to You my printed papers; 1, On the development of the Rajæ, and, 2, on Monœcious fishes, viz. Scomber scombrus and Clupea harengus.1 I think that that last fenomen, will be of much importance for the Scientia vera. Monoecious vertebrata are now abnormals fenomena only therfore that this fenomena very seldom are to be met.2 In the prior times of the development of the earth this fenomen was everywhere ordinary, and therefor a normal character for the organisated life, the product of the inorganisated. The fenomen by the vertebrates are a appearance of tendencity of a development backwards, or no a development in some parts of the systems of the body. My friend at Stockholm, the coleopterolog O. J. Fåhræus, but our antagonists tell my that you have citated my paper on the devolepment of the pleuronectoides, but he hav not told my the titel on your work.3 Will You have the godness to from your own hand send my a copy! then will i be wery glad. Your trouly | Dr A. W. Malm. The greath Linné was a very distinguished naturalist [> :] “Darwinist”. He placed directly, the most developed wild Simiæ, in the Genus Homo!4 A book, on descendent of domesticated or cultivated plantes and animals, shortly and concisely wroten, for the larg. publicum, were of a great importance in this days. The parallelismus between the man, the cat, the horse &:cet and our most common Cerealia-plants are evident. The Cat, or ewerywhere domesticated organismus, is no more a product of a isolated “creation” at the mans idem. DAR 171: 33 1

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Malm’s papers, ‘Bidrag till kännedom om utvecklingen af Rajæ’ (Contribution to knowledge about the development of Rajæ; Malm 1876a) and ‘Om monoecism hos fiskar’ (On monoecism in fishes; Malm 1876b) were published in Öfversigt af Kongl. Vetenskaps-Akademiens Förhandlingar. CD’s copy of Malm 1876a has not been found, but his annotated copy of Malm 1876b is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection– CUL. In Malm 1876a, Malm described embryonic development in Raja clavata (thornback ray). In Malm 1876b, he described the gonads in male, female, and monoecious (possessing both male and female gonads) specimens of Scomber scombrus (Atlantic mackerel) and in monoecious specimens of Clupea harengus (Atlantic herring). Scientia vera: true knowledge (Latin). Most vertebrates are gonochoristic, that is, they have separate sexes, but among teleost (bony) fishes, several forms of monoecism had been observed, including

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simultaneous hermaphroditism, where male and female gametes exist at the same time, and sequential hermaphroditism, where individuals change sex over time (see Descent 2d ed., p. 161 n. 28; on different patterns of hermaphroditism, see Avise and Mank 2009). Olof Immanuel Fåhraeus may have seen a reference to Malm’s paper ‘Bidrag till kännedom af Pleuronektoidernas utveckling och byggnad’ (Contribution to knowledge of the development and structure of the Pleuronectidae; Malm 1867) in Origin 6th ed., pp. 186–7. A copy of a manuscript translation of large portions of Malm 1867 is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Pleuronectidae is the family of righteye flounders. Linnaeus (Carl von Linné) included the chimpanzee within the genus Homo (Homo troglodytes, Linnaeus 1766–8, 1: 33; in modern classification, the chimpanzee is Pan troglodytes). In a letter to Johann Georg Gmelin of 25 February 1747, Linnaeus challenged Gmelin to point out a single generic difference between man and simian based on the principles of natural history (‘Sed quaero a Te et Toto orbe differentiam genericam inter hominem et Simiam, quae ex principiis Historiae naturalis. Ego certissime nullam novi’; The Linnaean Correspondence, Centre internationale d’étude du XVIIIe siècle, L0783; linnaeus.c18.net/Letters/index.php, accessed 9 October 2015).

From G. J. Allman   27 January 1877 Athenæum Club | Pall Mall Jan 27 1877 Dear Mr. Darwin I have to thank you very much for your note. Before I received it I had made up my mind that Kowalowsky had much greater claims than Semper whose name along with that of Rudolph Leuckart was before us at the last meeting of Council.1 Had I remembered Kowalewsky at the time I should certainly have brought him forward instead of Semper, but some how I overlooked him. There is another name however which, as I think you will admit, can scarcely be passed by. Indeed it was because I was under the belief that it had alread been on our list that I did not mention it when we were discussing the claims of foreign workers. I mean that of Gegenbaur.2 Gegenbaur assuredly comes into the first class of workers and whether by his original researches, both among vertebrate and invertebrate animals, or by his exposition of a philosophic Zoology in the present stand point, ought before now to have been offered the honor of our foreign membership. I have since the last meeting suffered his name instead of Semper’s to be voted for at the next Council. After Gegenbaur and Leuckart I should certainly place Kowalewsky and I should hope that on the occasion of the next vacancy he may be chosen.3 Leuckart is now an old man; This honor ought to have been long ago conferred on him and ought not to be deferred to an opportunity which may never occur. Gegenbaur though much younger than Leuckart has been very much longer at his work than Kowalewsky and the toil and heat of the day which he has borne ought not to go for nothing.4 I quite agree with you that where we can recognise the claims of a young worker by offering him an honor like this, provided it can be done without injustice to the older men, age ought not to be taken into consideration; but at the same time we cannot overlook the enormous advantage which the younger investigators have

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over their predecessors by the work which those very predecessors have placed at their disposal; and of this work I have no hesitation in placing your own among the most valuable aids to research and the surest clue to the discovery of the most important morphological and physiological laws which have of late years rewarded the researches of our younger collaborateurs. Most truly yours | Geo. J. Allman DAR 159: 55 1

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CD’s note has not been found; he had probably recommended Alexander Onufrievich Kovalevsky for foreign membership of the Royal Society of London. Carl Gottfried Semper was professor of zoology and director of the Zoological Institute at Würzburg; Leuckart was professor of zoology at Leipzig. The last mention of foreign membership in the council minutes was on 26 October 1876, when the death of a foreign member and the existence of four vacancies on the list of foreign members was announced. No other mention has been found in the minutes or Journal Book records in the Royal Society Archives. Carl Gegenbaur was professor of anatomy and comparative anatomy at Heidelberg. Leuckart was elected a foreign member of the Royal Society on 13 December 1877; Gegenbaur was elected on 31 January 1884; Kovalevsky was elected on 10 December 1885 (Record of the Royal Society of London). Leuckart was four years older than Gegenbaur and eighteen years older than Kovalevsky.

From E. A. Darwin   27 January [1877]1 Jan 27 Dear Charles Carlyle was here today & said he hoped you had not been annoyed by that forged letter of his.2 The little paragraph I sent you was written by Mr Leckie by his desire.3 He said the letter expressed just the reverse of his opinions that you were a noble generous good Man and your intellect of the highest scientific order. He said he had been bothered to death by the number of letters he got on it 3 yesterday & 1 this very day & he had not heard the last of it. Going down stairs he said give my compliments & say it was an infernal lie Yours affc. | EAD [Enclosure] The Ardrossan and Saltcoats Herald4 publishes the following extract of a letter written to a friend by Mr Carlyle:—5 “A good sort of man is this Darwin, and well meaning, but with very little intellect. Ah, it’s a sad, a terrible thing to see nigh a whole generation of men and women professing to be cultivated, looking around in a purblind fashion, and finding no God in this universe. I suppose it is a reaction from the reign of cant and hollow pretence, professing to believe what in fact they do not believe. And this is what we have got to. All things from frog spawn; the gospel of dirt the order of the day. The older I grow—and I now stand upon the brink of eternity—the more comes back to me the sentence in the Catechism which I learned when a child, and the fuller and deeper its meaning becomes—‘What is the chief end of man?

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To glorify God and enjoy him for ever.’ No gospel of dirt, teaching that men have descended from frogs through monkeys, can ever set that aside.’ DAR 105: B99–100 1 2

3

The year is established by the date of the enclosure, which was pasted to the bottom of the letter (see n. 2, below). The ‘forged letter’, purportedly written by Thomas Carlyle to a friend, appeared in The Times, 17 January 1877, p. 5 (see enclosure). Carlyle had visited Down House on a number of occasions in 1875 (see Correspondence vol. 23). Erasmus refers to a brief notice that appeared in The Times, 20 January 1877, p. 7: “Mr. Carlyle on Darwinism.”— “L.” writes:— “Allow me to state on the best authority that the letter about Darwin and his doctrine which was quoted in The Times of the 17th inst. from the Ardrossan and Saltcoats Herald, and was ascribed to Mr. Carlyle, was not written by him.”

4

This note, probably written by William Edward Hartpole Lecky (see n. 5, below), has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. The Ardrossan and Saltcoats Herald was a Scottish newspaper. In the original article in the Herald of 13 January 1877, the following introduction was given to the quotation: The recent letter of Mr Carlyle on the Eastern Question gave profound satisfaction to his many thousands of admirers in this and other lands: but we have just been privileged with the perusal of another testimony on a greater theme, lately addressed by the Sage of Chelsea to a friend, which will be read by multitudes, especially in his native country, with even greater gladness, not unmingled with thankful gratitude. That the faith in which he was nurtured at his mother’s knee in the old Dumfriesshire home has not lost its hold upon Mr Carlyle, is made abundantly obvious from such words as these:—

5

The authenticity of the extract was discussed by William Howie Wylie in Thomas Carlyle. The man and his books (Wylie 1881, pp. 328–9). Wylie reported that the so-called letter was actually an account of a conversation Carlyle had had with an American visitor, and that, in spite of the denial in The Times, which Wylie described as having been written by ‘Mr Lecky, the historian’, the account was verified by other witnesses to the conversation. Another version of the account, citing it as ‘remarks addressed to a visitor’, appeared in the Tablet, 12 February 1881, p. 245.

From J. D. Hooker   27 January 1877 Royal Gardens Kew Jay 27/77. Dear Darwin Dyer is full of your Cross & Self Fertilization & about to review it for “Nature”—1 he gloats over it— I do hope that Frank will come & stay with us at Kew— I can promise him quiet:— he shall of course have the run of the Herbarium & get all the flowers that Oliver can give him.2 I am not in the least savage at his sending his “Dipsacus” paper to Royal, where I shall welcome it & where it will cut a figure in the Transactions.—3 What I so much object to is, young authors sending all their papers to the Royal;—solely with a view to entrance, most if not all such papers being far better suited to the Linnean, where

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they would get better discussion at the meeting & better circulation— This does not apply to a paper of such extreme interest as the Dipsacus “pseudopods”.— Dyer however regrets its going to Royal because, he says, truly enough, it will be buried in the Phil: Transactions, & would not be so in the Linnean.4 Last night we had the last part (at Royal) of Gunthers fine paper on the big Tortoises.5 He speculated wildly on former land connections between the African Islands & Continent of Africa & this with Continent of America, & the Galapagos, to account for the affinity of the Maroccan & Galapagos beasts—which affinity is certainly a crux major.6 Oddly enough it never occurred to him that the said Tortoises all inhabit Volcanic Islands; which when I pointed it out, he demurred to in regard of Rodriguez, which however as we now know from Balfour to be Volcanic. I am doubtful as to Aldebach, have you any data? it’s neighbour Johanna is Volcanic.7 Huxley went in for a sunk area connecting India & Africa & so on across Pacific, & quoted the gigantic tortoises of the Sivaliks as evidence of a Miocene development of Tortoises of which the modern ones are relics.—8 In so far as the Indian ocean is concerned Plant distribution supports a sunk area joining Madagascar, Seychelles, Ceylon & the Malay Archipelago of which Nepenthes distribution is the most striking support.—9 Ever aff yrs | J D Hooker DAR 104: 77–9 1 2

3

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6

7

William Turner Thiselton-Dyer’s review of Cross and self fertilisation was published in Nature, 15 February 1877 (Thiselton-Dyer 1877). In his letter of 25 January [1877], CD had asked Hooker whether Francis Darwin could spend some time at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, to look for dimorphic plants and obtain specimens of different flower forms. Daniel Oliver was keeper of the herbarium at Kew. CD had decided to submit Francis’s paper on Dipsacus sylvestris (a synonym of D. fullonum, common or fuller’s teasel) to the Royal Society of London, but worried that Hooker, who was president of the society, would disapprove (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 25 January [1877] and n. 7). The Linnean Society of London specialised in botany and zoology. An abstract of Francis’s paper was published in Proceedings of the Royal Society of London (F. Darwin 1877a). The full paper was published in July 1877 in the Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science (F. Darwin 1877b). The third and fourth parts of Albert Günther’s ‘Description of the living and extinct races of gigantic land-tortoises’ were read at the Royal Society on 25 January 1877, and an abstract was published in the Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 25 (1876–7): 506–7. The first two parts had been read on 18 June 1874 and published in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London (Günther 1874). The third and fourth parts were not published in full by the Royal Society; Günther combined the papers read at the Royal Society in 1874 and 1877 with part of one read at the Zoological Society of London and these were published as The gigantic land-tortoises (living and extinct) in the collection of the British Museum (Günther 1877; see ibid., pp. iii–iv). In Günther 1877, pp. 8–9, Günther briefly discussed the possible ways that tortoises might have been transported to islands of Africa and South America. No account of the discussion following the reading of Günther’s paper was included in the abstract published in the Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 25 (1876–7): 506–7. Aldabra is a large outlying coral atoll of the Seychelles in the Indian Ocean; Johanna Island (now Nzwani) is one of the three main islands of the Comoros Islands in the Mozambique Channel, Indian Ocean (Columbia gazetteer of the world). Isaac Bayley Balfour had been on the expedition to Rodriguez

January 1877

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Island (now usually spelled ‘Rodrigues’) to observe the transit of Venus (ODNB); he described the volcanic nature of the island in a letter to the secretary of the Royal Society, published in Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 23 (1874): 135–6. Thomas Henry Huxley supported the view that a sunken continent, known as Lemuria, had once existed in the Indian Ocean (see Bowler 1996, p. 412). Fossil remains of giant tortoises had been found in the Sivalik Hills, a mountain range of the outer Himalayas. The tortoise Colossochelys atlas (a synonym of Megalochelys atlas) was described in Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London 12 (1844): 54–5. Nepenthes is the genus of tropical pitcher-plants; it has about 150 species with the greatest number found in Borneo and the Philippines (see McPherson 2009 and McPherson 2011). Species are found as far west as Madagascar and the Seychelles, and as far south as Australia.

To Albert Günther   28 January [1877]1 Down| Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 28. 76 r My dear D Günther, I have signed the enclosed certificates with the greatest pleasure.2 If you think it worth while to send me the numbers of any labels which are still attached, I can give the habitat with certainty.3 In some few cases I recorded the colours, & more especially the habits of the species. Believe me | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS Trustees of the Natural History Museum (Archives DF ZOO/200/11/113) 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letters to Albert Günther, 25 February [1877] and 3 March 1877; 1876 was evidently written in error. CD signed Günther’s certificate of recommendation for fellowship of the Linnean Society; Günther was elected on 1 March 1877 (Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London (1876–77): xvi). Günther had evidently enquired about spider specimens that CD deposited at the British Museum after the Beagle voyage. Günther made notes on the back of this letter for his reply: ‘tube with spider. No. 2 | — — — No. 235 tin label | — — — No. 1442 " "’. His reply has not been found, but see the letter to Albert Günther, 3 March 1877.

To J. D. Hooker   28 January 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington S.E.R. Jan 28. 77 My dear Hooker, I am delighted to hear that I have not made you savage about Frank’s paper.1 I enclose an extract from my Coral book which tells all I know about Aldabara, & you will see that it merely shows that the island is not an ordinary atoll.2 I said to Günther many months ago that the most probable view about his tortoises seemed to me to be that various closely allied forms had once been distributed over almost the whole world. How the deuce they get to volcanic islands I cannot pretend to say.3 Every yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin

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[Enclosure] “Thirdly, Aldabra,— it consists of three islets, about 25 feet in height, with red cliffs (Horsburgh vol 1 p. 176)4 surrounding a very shollow basin or lagoon. The sea is profoundly deep close to the shore. Viewing this island in a chart, it would be thought an atoll; but the foregoing description shows that there is something different in it’s nature; Dr Allan also states that it is cavernous, & that the coral-rock has a vitrified appearance.5 Is it an upheaved atoll, or the crater of a volcano?—uncoloured.—” LS DAR 95: 432–3 1 2 3 4 5

See letter from J. D. Hooker, 27 January 1877 and n. 3. CD planned to submit Francis Darwin’s paper on Dipsacus (F. Darwin 1877b) to the Royal Society of London. Aldabra is a large outlying coral atoll of the Seychelles in the Indian Ocean (Columbia gazetteer of the world). CD described it briefly in Coral reefs, p. 186, but did not visit it. Albert Günther had speculated on how giant land tortoises had been transported to islands in a paper presented to the Royal Society (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 27 January 1877 and n. 6). James Horsburgh had mentioned the red cliffs in Horsburgh 1836, 1: 176–7. CD had received the account of the Scottish physician James Brands Allan from John Grant Malcolmson (see Correspondence vol. 2, letter from J. G. Malcolmson, 7 October 1839).

To Pietro Siciliani1   28 January 1877 Down Beckenham, Kent, Gennajo 28, 77. Carissimo Signore, La ringrazio della sua gentil lettera e del dono ch’ella mi fa della sua Opera intorno alla biologia moderna, e che io ho ricevuto solamente ieri.2 Le osservazioni che leggo nella sua lettera mi hanno recato molto piacere, e mi onorano grandemente. Per mia disgrazia io non intendo la bella lingua italiana, ma c’è nella mia famiglia chi la conosce, e subito mi farò tradurre parecchie parti dell’opera sua le quali, a quel che vedo, m’interessano in sommo grado. Questo dono mi riesce assai gradito anche perchè mi viene dall’Italia, l’antica madre delle scienze. Le rendo vivissime grazie, e con rispetto profondo mi dichiaro. | Suo affimo | Carlo Darwin. Siciliani 1877, pp. 7–8 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Siciliani’s letter has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. CD’s copy of the book, La critica nella filosofia zoologica del XIX secolo (Critique of zoological philosophy in the nineteenth century; Siciliani 1876), inscribed from the author and dated 20 January 1877, is in the Darwin Library–CUL.

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From C. C. Graham   30 January 1877 Office of | Public Library | and | Festival Halls, | Louisville, Ky. P. A. Towne, Manager. | Louisville, January 30th, 1877. Mr Hon. Charles Darwin, M.A. F.R.S. As a convert to your doctrine and a defender of the faith against the pulpits of Louisville, I take the liberty of droping you a line, and of sending you my little Book.1 The clergy, in this country, commenced a tirade upon modern scientists, and one of their ablest, said he would bring to shame the whole batch, and after annihilating Prof. John Tyndall, he would expose the heresy of Darwin, Huxly and Spencer; and his positions were so ridiculously unscientific, that I, in the judgement of sound thinkers in Louisville, annihilated him.2 I sent to Prof. Tyndall one of my numbers, and he thought so well of it as to let me know he had received it, and I have his letter fraimed, to be seen in the Kentucky Musium, (Graham-Musium so called, becaus I bestowed it upon the Public Library,) and I am anxious to get a letter from you for the same purpose. I aim to get five letters only, from yourself, Tyndall, Huxly, Spencer and Draper,3 of our own country, which I purpose to have separately framed, and then inclosed in a large spledid frame, for our Musium and cabinet of Natural History, where I hope it may remain for centuries to come, by which time science will have gained the victory over ignorance and superstition.— Your Book has had a large circulation in Kentucky, and if I had any of my numbers of its defence on hand, I would send them to you.4 Should you write, and I hope you may, let it be on one side only, of about the size of the smaller sheet, here inclosed, so that it can be framed.5 I have one of the finest collections in the united states, the product of seventy years search throughout america, north and south, mostly fossils to which we have added the great Troost Cabinet of minerals, (at the cost of twenty five thousand dollars) said to be superior to Humboldts in [Germania].6 Supposing you may say, who are you thus boring me with your long letters, I will say, I am not John the baptist from the wilderness of locusts and wild honey and girdled about with leather, but one from the far wilderness of the far west of coons, opossums, wild beasts and savage forms, who not only girdled but dressed in leather. And now, I will say, my history has been published in full in the Histories of Kentucky, and the last devotes 60 pages to it and three pages to that of Mr. Clay, he being simply a politician and I having lived a long, rough and adventurous life.7 I was born in 1784 amidst the “dark and bloody land”8 parted from savages and wild beasts, and being left an orphan without a friend or a dime in the world, it was to root pig or die, and better it was for me than to have heired a fortune and a herald of fame, as it threw me upon my own resources, which gave me health, strength and fortune, having retired on some two hundred thousand dollars. I never went to school in my life, and what book knowledge I have, has been acquired at night, never haveing lost one hour from active outdoor exertion through the day; and so far as I have published my thoughts, it has been from pencil notes set down in my various wanderings through the world, it being an illustrated book of nature ever open

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before me, and my own mind being present day and night, I thought for myself. I have been a soldier of three wars—first in 1812 against your country—secondly in the war of Mexico for independence from her mother country Spain, and thirdly, Jefferson Daveys, (late President of the southern Confederacy,) and myself, were messmates in the Black-hawk Indian war, of 1832.9 I have been a prisoner twice by Indians, first in Canada, and secondly with the southern Comanchys and Appachys, on the borders of Mexico, and was once tied to be burnt.10 I have spent two winters in Mexico, first during the civil war that dethroned the Emperor Iturbide in 1822,11 and again in 1852—was on one of the first railroad surveys to California—speculated at Chicago Galena and at the falls of St. Antony12—hunted the Moose deer in the Adarhondic mountains, at the head of the great Hudson of New-York.— In short, I have checkered this continent over and over. I am now in my 93rd year and my hand shakes so that I can with difficulty write, but my muscular strength and health is such that I can walk my 20 miles per day, and feel assured that I shall cast my first century behind me. In giving you a farther knowledge of ego, I—the [illeg] first person, I will say that Governor Bramlette of Kentucky, was a son in law of mine, General Adams of New Orleans also, and the Hon. Joseph Blackburn, a leader now in Congress, from Ashland, Mr. Clay’s district, is another13 If Frederic Peal, son of Sir Robert, is living, he can tell you who I am, as he brought a letter to me from Mr. Clay, and was with me, for a time, at Harrodsburg Springs, when on his way to the Mammoth cave.14 Your Father’s writings were very popular in my class, when a student of medicine, and I feel assured that he was the very closest and most unerring observer, best of the animal and vegetable kingdoms that ever lived, and his doctrine of the sensorial powers will some day be granted as a mental axiom15 The reason why writers on the mind have been lost in wandering mazes and found no end, is that they have assumed an non entity, a thing that has no existence—and then nothing to show its powers. Mind, so called, is a result, some effect not a cause. You may see that I have [examined] and catered to popular sentiments, in my little book, as we must do, not to shock the faith of others too suddenly. If you answer, direct to Doct. C.  C.  Graham, Public Library, Louisville, Kentucky, and if I am lucky with you, I will address Huxly and Spencer. I inclose you my advice to the wrangling parties for the Presidency, written a few days ago.16 Most sincerely, | C. C. Graham, M. D. DAR 165: 83–4 1

2 3 4 5 6

No publication by Graham has been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL or in the Darwin Library– Down. Graham may have sent a copy of his book The true philosophy of mind (Graham 1869); in it, Graham defended empiricism and attacked the clergy, while maintaining a broadly Christian outlook. The clergyman has not been identified. Graham refers to Thomas Henry Huxley and Herbert Spencer. John William Draper. The publications in which Graham defended Origin have not been identified. CD did reply in a now missing letter (letter from C. C. Graham, 28 March 1880 (Calendar no. 12551)). Graham had a large mineral collection and had excavated mammoth fossils at Big Bone Lick in 1876 (Duvall 2004, pp. 145–7). The mineralogical and fossil collection of Gerard Troost, consisting of over

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twenty thousand specimens, was sold to the Louisville Free Public Library by Troost’s estate in July 1874 (Goldstein 1984, p. 142). Alexander von Humboldt had collected mineral specimens on his travels in North and South America and in Russia (NDB). The biography of Henry Clay in A history of Kentucky was short, but he was mentioned several times throughout the book (W. B. Allen 1872, pp. 236–8 and passim). For the biography of Graham, see W. B. Allen 1872, pp. 299–335. In the last quarter of the eighteenth century, the Ohio River was often called ‘that dark and bloody river’ and the territory of the Ohio River Valley ‘that dark and bloody land’, in allusion to conflicts between settlers and indigenous people of the area (see Eckert 1995). For more on the War of 1812, see W. B. Turner 2000; on the Mexican War of Independence (1810–21), see McFarlane 2014; on the Black Hawk War (1832), see Trask 2006. Davis was a lieutenant in the First Infantry of the US Army during the Black Hawk War but did not take part in any fighting as he was on sick leave. He did escort Black Hawk (Mà-ka-tai-me-she-kià-kiàk), the leader of the Sauk rebellion, as prisoner to St Louis (Scanlan 1940, pp. 178–9). For the story of Graham’s capture by Indians near Fort Malden in Ontario and his escape, see W. B. Allen 1872, pp. 309–10. While Graham was employed on the Survey of the Southern Atlantic and Pacific Railroad in 1852, his party was captured by Apaches and later ransomed (Duvall 2004, p. 148). There is no other mention of his having been captured by Comanches. In 1822, Graham went to Mexico City and was reputed to have smuggled out the constitution written for the new Mexican government (Duvall 2004, p. 148). Agustín de Iturbide was briefly emperor of Mexico, from May 1822 until his abdication in March 1823 (Encyclopaedia Britannica, britannica.com, accessed 30 October 2015). In 1832, Graham acquired a lead interest in the town of Galena, Illinois (W. B. Allen 1872, p. 313). The Falls of St Anthony were the only natural waterfalls on the Mississippi; the area began to be commercially developed in the 1830s (see Wills 2005, pp. 17–27). Thomas Elliott Bramlette married Mary Graham Adams, a widow, in 1874 (ANB). Her first husband was Thomas E. Adams, a Confederate general. Joseph Clay Stiles Blackburn married Theresa Graham in 1858 (ANB). Graham probably alludes to Samuel Taylor Coleridge’s ‘the adorable I am’ or primal self (see Evans 2009, p. 330). Graham had owned a spa at Harrodsburg Springs in Mercer County, Kentucky. Frederick Peel, son of Robert Peel, visited the establishment, bringing a letter of introduction from Henry Clay (W. B. Allen 1872, p. 334). Erasmus Darwin, CD’s grandfather, had discussed his theory of sensorial powers in Zoonomia (E. Darwin 1794–6, 1: 32–3, 54–61). The enclosure has not been identified.

From J. B. Saint-Lager1   30 January 1877

Lyon 30 janvier 1877

Monsieur et illustre Maître, Mon ami Mr. Mulsant m’a communiqué la lettre par laquelle vous demandez un article de Mr. Magnin sur l’hétérostylie chez les Primulacées, publié dans nos Annales.2 Bienque l’article demandé ne soit qu’une simple note ne correspondant pas aux espérances que le titre a pu vous faire concevoir, je vous envoie les années 2 et 3 de nos Annales, regrettant de n’avoir plus d’exemplaire disponible de la 1ere année.3 J’ai remis à notre Collègue Mr Grenier de Tenay un exemplaire de la 4e année No 1 de nos Annales, pour vous être envoyé, et je pense qu’il vous est parvenu.4 Vous y trouverez un extrait de votre admirable ouvrage insectivorous plants dont la lecture a vivement intéressé nos Collègues, même ceux d’entre eux qui ne partagent pas vos opinions; j’ai le regret d’ajouter que je suis au nombre de ces derniers.5

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Je ne conteste pas que le suc visqueux excrété par les Drosera, et probablement par beaucoup d’autres plantes, ne facilite une décomposition des substances animales, à l’instar des sucs digestifs contenus dans l’estomac des animaux. Mais je crois qu’on peut faire vivre de la manière la plus prospère des Drosera qu’on aurait soin de préserver de toute approche d’insectes et que, par conséquent, ces plantes vivent, comme toutes les autres, des éléments empruntés au sol et à l’aïr. Mr. Grenier dit à la fin de son mémoire que vous pensez que la meilleure démonstration à l’appui de votre doctrine consisterait à cultiver deux lots de plantes à l’un desquels on fournirait des insectes.6 Il me semble que cette expérience n’aurait pas la portée que vous lui attribuez; car il n’y aurait rien d’étonnant à ce que des plantes qui ont été soumises aux émanations résultant de la décomposition de matières animales reçoivent un surcroît d’activité, comme il arriverait par l’emploi d’un fumier riche en matières azotées. Je crois donc que l’utilité des sucs visqueux des plantes, si toutefois elle est réelle, n’est pas encore connue, malgré vos très-intéressantes recherches, et je persiste à penser que les plantes ne vivent que de substances minérales. Les matières organiques ne sont utiles aux plantes qu’autant qu’elles sont réduites, par une décomposition avancée, à l’état d’éléments minéraux. Le Végétal a pour rôle dans la nature de fabriquer des produits organiques et, comme je le dis dans un article sur l’influence chimique du sol, ce serait un cercle vicieux et une véritable anarchie s’il fallait qu’il trouve des substances organiques déjà faites pour en produire lui-même.7 Je vous prie d’excuser la liberté que je prends de vous adresser mes observations, sans avoir pu y être invité par vous et malgré mon peu d’autorité. Croyez d’ailleurs à mes sentiments de vive et profonde admiration. | St Lager Lyon 8 cours de Brosses. DAR 177: 7 1 2

3 4

5 6

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD’s letter to Étienne Mulsant has not been found. Antoine Magnin’s short article ‘Sur l’hétérostylie chez les Primulacées’ (On heterostyly in the Primulaceae; Magnin 1875) was published in the third volume of Annales de la Société botanique de Lyon. No copies of the journal have been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. CD gave Louis Grenier permission to summarise Insectivorous plants in the Annales de la Société botanique de Lyon (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Louis Grenier, 22 December 1875, and Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Louis Grenier, 20 May 1876). Grenier’s article was read at a meeting of the society on 10 February 1876 and published in Annales de la Société botanique de Lyon 4 (1875–6): 96–114 (Grenier 1876). The article has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Grenier translated CD’s description of the leaves of Drosera rotundifolia (common sundew) from Insectivorous plants, pp. 4–5 (Grenier 1876, pp. 97–8). Grenier had written to CD asking whether CD had new observations on insectivorous plants and whether CD’s theory could be tested by growing plants in a sealed container (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Louis Grenier, 20 May 1876 and nn. 2 and 5). CD evidently responded in a now missing letter that a set of plants cultivated under fine netting to protect them from insects could be compared to another set exposed to insects in order to determine whether the latter set was more vigorous. Grenier presented the additional material to the botanical society on 27 July 1876, and it was added

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to the published version of his original resumé (see Grenier 1876, p. 114; see also Annales de la Société botanique de Lyon 4 (1875–6): 185). See Saint-Lager 1876, p. 78.

To G. S. Ffinden   31 January 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 31. 77 My dear Sir, I beg leave to enclose a cheque for £25 as my contribution to the fund which you are collecting.1 my dear Sir | yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS DAR 261.11: 12 (EH 88206064) 1

CD recorded a payment of £25 on 31 January 1877 for ‘Ffinden Living’ in his Classed account books (Down House MS). CD appears on the list of subscribers to the Downe Vicarage Endowment Fund for 1876, having donated £25; the payment made in January 1877 was evidently for the fund of 1876, since CD did not contribute to the fund in any other year (London Borough of Bromley Archives, P/123/3/6).

From Thomas Palmer   February 1877 Lower Camden | Chislehurst. Febry. 1877. Honoured Sir, Though I have scrupiously and thoroughly read all your admirable books, more especially those relating to the science of botany; it was only a few weeks ago that I was tempted to invest in the one entitled “The expression of the emotions” this I have now read I may say thoroughly and I must say it has made me notice and remember many things which when they took place were unheeded. Some years ago I had a dog of the Pomeranian species who was much attatched to me and who because he would not sleep in any other place was allowed the mat outside my bedroom door which was a sheep skin, this mat he used to scratch up into a lump at one end for his head to lie upon, after sundry turns he would lie down, the nose back and tail were in a complete line the back legs distended towards the tail, the front ones towards the nose but the head was always perched against the pillow at an angle of about 45o. to the rest of his body in this way he would always lay if in a room his head was reclined against the leg of a chair or table but never flat: he was moreover a pugnacious rascal which latter accomplishment cost him his life, though he was exceedingly cautious, when fighting he would spring on his enemy like a cat & would never approach another if he desired a fight in any other way: prior to making a spring he crouched just like a cat with head on the ground teeth fully uncovered ears set forward hair all on end and tail straight out, when in a friendly mood he never jumped up at you but would keep forming a circuit round you wriggling his body showing his front teeth and continually sneezing1

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And now no doubt you will think it curious that I should send you these particulars, well I have done so because I find nothing in your book to coincide with my faithful companions antics. When children we had a cat who used to watch for my Fathers return from town in the evening when it used to jump on his shoulder and caress him in the most affectionate manner this cat was a Persian and as a rule rather ill tempered Hoping what I have said may interest you | I remain | Your’s respectfully | Thos. Palmer. DAR 174: 14 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘There is no end to the many points which may be [‘observed’ del] noted & yet are not [transposed from after ‘observer’] by a good observer’ ink 1

In Expression, pp. 116–29, CD had described various facial movements and bodily gestures in dogs and cats.

To J. W. Judd   [after 1 February 1877]1 As a writer ought to consider himself as an [unimpassioned] judge bound to give a true verdict, I suppose that it is very improper in me to thank you for the article wh. I have just read in Nature.2 But it has pleased & surprised me so greatly, that whether right or wrong I must thank you heartily.— Believe me | Yours sincerely | C. D. J. W. Judd Esq ADraftS DAR 202: 69 1 2

The date is established by the reference to Judd’s article in Nature (see n. 2, below). Judd’s review of Geological observations 2d ed. appeared in Nature, 1 February 1877, pp. 289–90. It praised CD’s ‘scientific candour’, especially his habit of raising objections and addressing possible defects in his arguments, as a model of ‘how to reason in geology’ (ibid., p. 290).

To H. W. Bates   6 February [1877]

From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham

Please return me Prof. Weismann’s letter, as it contains reference about eggs.1 I shall be curious to hear some time how you succeed in your negotiation about the drawings.—2 C.D. Feb. 6th ApcS Postmark: FE 6 77 Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection)

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August Weismann’s letter has not been found. CD had suggested that Weismann investigate the colour of birds’ eggs in his letter to Weismann of 12 January 1877. Bates was trying to obtain the loan of drawings of the stages of caterpillars of British Lepidoptera for Weismann (see letter to August Weismann, 12 January 1877 and n. 8).

From A. A. van Bemmelen and H. J. Veth   6 February 1877 Rotterdam, 6th February 1877 Sir,– In the early part of the present century there resided in Amsterdam a physician, Dr. J. E. Doornik, who, in 1816, took his departure for Java, and passed the remainder of his life for the greater part in India.1 His name though little known elsewhere than in the Netherlands, yet well deserves to be held in remembrance, since he occupies an honourable place among the pioneers of the “Theory of Development”. Among his numerous publications on Natural Philosophy, with a view to this, are worthy of mention his “Wijsgeerig-natuurkundig onderzoek aangaande den vorspronkelijken mensch en de oorspronkelijke stammen van deszelfs geslacht” (“Philosophic researches concerning original man and the origin of his species”), and his treatise, “Over het begrip van levenskracht uit een geologisch oogpunt beschouwd.” (“On the idea of vitality considered from a geological point of view”).2 The first already appeared in 1808, the latter, though written about the same time, was published in 1816, together with other papers, more or less similar in tendency, under the title of “Wijsgeerig-natuurkundige verhandelingen” (“Treatises on the Philosophy of Natural History”).3 In these publications we recognise Doornik as a decided advocate of the theory that the various modifications in which life was revealed in consecutive times originated each from other. He already occupies the point of vantage on which, shortly afterwards, Lamarck, with reference to the Animal Kingdom, and in his wake, Prévost and Lyell, with respect to the Geological history of our globe, have taken their stand.4 Yet the seeds scattered by Dr. Doornik did not take root in fertile soil. It is true that a Groningen Professor, G. Bakker,5 combated at great length some of his arguments regarding the origin of man, it attracted but little public attention, and they soon passed into oblivion. A generation had passed away ere the Theory of Evolution began to attract more attention in the Netherlands. The impulse was given by the appearance of the well-known work, “Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation,” of which a Dutch translation was published in 1849 by Dr. T. H. van den Broek, Professor of Chemistry at the Military Medical College in Utrecht, with an introductory preface by the celebrated chemist, Prof. J. G. Mulder, as well known in England as elsewhere.6 This work excited a lively controversy, but its opponents were more numerous than its partisans. Remarkable enough, it found more favour with the general public, and especially with some theologians of liberal principles, than with the representatives of the Natural Sciences. The majority of Zoologists and

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Botanists of any celebrity in the Netherlands looked upon the writer’s opinions as chimera, and speculated on the weaker points rather than on the merits of the work. Notwithstanding, this presented no obstacle to a comparative success, and in 1854, even a third edition of the translation was published, enriched by the translator with numerous annotations.7 Among the few Dutch savants to recognize the light which the Theory of Development spreads over creation must be mentioned two Utrecht professors, viz., F. C. Donders and P. Harting.8 The former, in his inaugural address pronounced in 1848, “De Harmonie van het dierlijk leven, de openbaring van wetten” (“The Harmony of Animal Life, the Revelation of Laws”), expressed his opinion that, in the gradual change of form consequent upon change of circumstances, may lie the cause of the origin of differences which we are now wont to designate as species.9 The latter, in the winter of 1856, delivered a series of lectures before a mixed audience, on The History of Creation, which he published the following year under the title of “Voorwereldlijke Scheppingen” (Antemundane Creations), with a diffuse supplement devoted to a critical consideration of the Theory of Development.10 Though herein he came to a stand-still with a “non liquet,”11 yet it cannot be denied that there gleamed through it his prepossession in favour of a theory which several years later his famed and learned colleague, J. van der Hoeven, Professor at Leyden, making a well-known French writer’s words his own, was accustomed to signalize as an explanation, “de l’inconnu par l’impossible.”12 In 1858 your illustrious countryman, Sir Charles Lyell, was staying for a few days in Utrecht. In the course of conversations with this distinguished savant on the Theory of Development, for which Lyell himself, at least in his writings, had hitherto shown himself no pleader, the learned of this country were first made observant of what had been and what was being done in that direction in England.13 He attracted attention to the treatise of Wallace in the Journal of the Linnean Society, and related how his friend Darwin had been occupied for years in an earnest study of this subject, and that ere long a work would appear from his pen, which, in his opinion, would make a considerable impression.14 From these conversations it was evident that Lyell himself was wavering. In the following edition of his “Principles of Geology,” he declared himself, as we know, a partisan of the hypothesis of development,15 and Prof. Harting speedily followed in the same track. In his “Algemeene Dierkunde” (“General Zoology”), published in 1862, he was able to declare himself with full conviction a partisan of this hypothesis.16 Also another famous savant Miquel, Professor of Botany at Utrecht, who had previously declared himself an opponent of the Theory of Development, became a convert to it in his later years, for although this is not expressed in his published writings, it was clearly manifest in his private conversation and in his lectures.17 To what must this conversion be attributed? With Harting and Miquel, as well as with Lyell and so many others in every country of Europe, this was the fruit produced by the study of your “Origin of Species,” published in 1859, which first furnished one vast basis for the Theory of Development. That work, translated into

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Dutch by Dr. F. C. Winkler, now Conservator of the Geological, Mineralogical and Palæontological collections in “Teyler’s Foundation” at Haarlem excited great and general interest.18 It is true that a theory, striking so keenly and so deep at the roots of existing opinions and prejudices, could not be expected at once to meet with general approbation. Many even amongst Naturalists offered vehement opposition. Prof. J. van der Hoeven, bred up as he was in the school of Cuvier,19 endeavoured to administer an antidote for what he regarded as a baneful poison by translating into our tongue Hopkin’s well-known article in Fraser’s Magazine.20 However, neither this production nor the Professor’s influence over his students could withstand the current, especially when, after his death, the German Zoologist, Professor Emil Selenka, now Professor of Zoology at Erlangen, was appointed at Leyden.21 A decided advocate of your theory he awakened in the younger zoologists a lively enthusiasm, and founded a school in which the conviction survives that, the theory of development is the key to the explanation of the History of Creation. In Utrecht, Prof. Harting, with convictions more and more decided, was busy in the same direction; and Selenka’s successor in Leyden, Prof. C. K. Hoffmann,22 did not remain in the rear. Other names, among which Groningen and Amsterdam Professors, might here be cited. By the translations of your “Descent of Man” and “The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals,” with copious explanatory notes and by various original papers and translations treating on your theory, Dr. Hartogh Heys van Zouteveen has also largely contributed to the more general spread of your opinions in the Netherlands.23 To testify how generally they are held in esteem among the younger Zoologists and Botanists, and more and more obtain among Professors of analogous branches in this Country, we might refer to a multitude of less important papers and articles in the Periodicals. This however we deem superfluous, since by offering for your acceptance an Album containing the portraits of a number of Professional and Amateur Naturalists in the Netherlands,24 we offer a convincing proof of our estimation of your indefatigable endeavours in the promotion of science and our admiration of you, Sir, as the cynosure in this untrodden path. We recognise with pleasure Dr. Hartogh Heys van Zouteveen as the primary mover of such a demonstration of our homage. The execution, however, devolved upon the Directors of the “Netherland Zoological Society,” who reasoned that, with the presentation of this unpretending mark of esteem, a few words on the History of the Theory of Development in the Netherlands would not be entirely unacceptable, the more so, since this historic sketch clearly shows that, albeit some ideas in that direction had already been suggested here, yet to you alone reverts the honor of having formed by your writings a school of zealous and convinced partisans of the Theory of Development. Among the names in the accompanying list you will observe several Professors of Natural History, Anatomy, and Physiology at the three Dutch Universities, the “Athenæum Illustre” of Amsterdam, and the Polytechnical Academy of Delft, the Conservators of the Zoological Museums, the Directors of the Zoological Gardens, and several Lecturers on Zoology and Botany at the High Burghal Schools.25

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Accept, then, Sir, on your 68th Birthday this testimony of regard and esteem, not for any value it can have for you, but as a proof, which we are persuaded cannot but afford you some satisfaction, that the seeds by you so liberally strewn have also fallen on fertile soil in the Netherlands. We are, Sir, &c., | The Directors of the Netherland Zoological Society, | A. A. van Bemmelen, President. | H. T. Veth, Secretary. English Heritage, Down House (EH 88202653) 1 2 3 4

5 6

7 8 9 10 11 12

13 14

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16 17 18 19

Jacob Elisa Doornik travelled to Java for the Dutch East India Company; he lived there from about 1810 to 1827 (NNBW). Doornik 1808 and Doornik 1816a. Doornik’s evolutionary views are mentioned in Berkel et al. 1999, p. 111. Doornik 1816b. On Jean Baptiste Lamarck’s transformism and the views of Louis-Constant Prévost, see Corsi 1988; Charles Lyell’s opposition to transmutation is discussed in L. G. Wilson ed. 1970 and Bartholomew 1973. Gerbrand Bakker. The Dutch translation of the sixth edition of Vestiges of the natural history of creation ([Chambers] 1847) was by Jan Hubert van den Broek (Broek trans. 1849); it contained a foreword by Gerrit Jan von Mulder. On Mulder’s introduction and the reception of the book in the Netherlands, see Rupke 2000, pp. 214–17. The third Dutch edition was enlarged with commentary (Broek trans. 1854). Frans Cornelius Donders and Pieter Harting. Donders had written to CD about his early work on the origin of living beings (Donders 1848; see Correspondence vol. 19, letter from F. C. Donders, 14 March 1871). De voorwereldlijke scheppingen, vergeleken met de tegenwoordige (Prehistoric creations compared with those of the present; Harting 1857). ‘Non liquet’: it is not clear (Latin). In law, ‘non liquet’ refers to a case for which there is no statute or legal precedent (Law ed. 2015). Jan van der Hoeven defended creationism against Darwinian evolution in his popular science writings (see Berkel et al. 1999, p. 464, and Leeuwenburgh and Heide 2008, p. 177). ‘De l’inconnu par l’impossible’: of the unknown by the impossible (French); probably an allusion to Victor Hugo’s Les Misérables (Hugo 1862), part 3, book 5, chapter 5: ‘Chacun rêve l’inconnu et l’impossible selon sa nature’ (everyone dreams the unknown and the impossible according to their nature). On Lyell’s visit to Utrecht and his discussions about evolution with Harting, see Bulhof 1974, p. 278. Lyell, together with Joseph Dalton Hooker, had communicated the joint paper by CD and Alfred Russel Wallace to the Linnean Society on 1 July 1858 (C. Darwin and Wallace 1858; see Correspondence vol. 7, letter from J. D. Hooker and Charles Lyell to the Linnean Society, 30 June 1858). In the tenth edition of his Principles of geology, Lyell substantially revised his discussion of the progressive development of organic life, conceding that the geological record supported the case for transmutation; however, he still maintained that human beings were distinct from all other species (Lyell 1867–8, 1: 146–73; see also Rudwick 1998). CD had been especially disappointed with Lyell’s reluctance to support transmutation theory in Antiquity of man (Lyell 1863; see Correspondence vol. 11, letter to Charles Lyell, 6 March [1863]). Harting 1862–74. On Harting’s changing position on evolutionary theory, see Bulhof 1974, pp. 280–4. Joseph Dalton Hooker had visited Friedrich Anton Wilhelm Miquel in 1869 and described him as a ‘convert’ in his letter to CD of 24 June 1869 (Correspondence vol. 17). Tiberius Cornelis Winkler’s translation of Origin was published in 1860 (Winkler trans. 1860). He was curator of the Teylers Museum in Haarlem. On Georges Cuvier’s defence of the permanence of species and his ‘school’ of functional anatomy, see Appel 1987. On Jan van der Hoeven’s support of Cuvier, see Berkel et al. 1999, p. 464.

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21 22 23

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A Dutch translation of William Hopkins’s critical review of Origin (Hopkins 1860, Van der Hoeven trans. 1860) was published together with the Dutch translation of Origin (Winkler trans. 1860). Van der Hoeven wrote a preface supporting Hopkins’s criticisms (see Bulhof 1974, pp. 279 and 286, and Heide 2009, p. 68). Emil Selenka declared his support for CD’s theory in his 1868 inaugural address as professor of comparative anatomy and zoology at the University of Leiden (Bulhof 1974, p. 279). Christiaan Karel Hoffmann. Dutch translations of Descent and Expression were made by Hermanus Hartogh Heijs van Zouteveen (Hartogh Heijs van Zouteveen trans. 1871–2 and Hartogh Heijs van Zouteveen trans. 1873). Both works contained notes by the translator at the end of each chapter (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter from Hermanus Hartogh Heijs van Zouteveen, 28 February 1874). On the reception of Descent and Hartogh Heijs van Zouteveen’s support for Darwinism in the Netherlands, see Leeuwenburgh and Heide 2008, pp. 181–3. The photograph album is at Down House. For a list of the persons included in the album, together with their professional affiliations, see Appendix V.

From Asa Gray   6 February 1877 Cambridge Feb. 6, 1877 Dear Darwin Specimens in herb. glued down had to detach & present satisfactorily. And I have lately culled out & sent away superfluous sheets from herb. in Polemoniaceæ   But I send you a little of Gilia pulchella = aggregata.1 Under some of its names seeds are to be had. Get & raise various lots. It is because Phlox subulata2 is a common plant that I can’t help you.  much    Common plants always get sparingly into herbaria. But I can fish up some flowers & buds for you. Note that long stamens do not go with short style & vice versa.— A hasty line—being post-day. You have not sent me title page & preface to Orchid-book. Rest of sheets complete.3 In haste | Ever Yours | Asa Gray Dont hesitate to ask every thing of me, tho, you get little. DAR 165: 193 CD annotations 1.1 Specimens … lots. 1.4] crossed pencil 3.1 Note … versa.— ] scored pencil and red crayon 1 2 3

Gilia aggregata is a synonym of Ipomopsis aggregata (scarlet gilia), a species in the phlox family (Polemoniaceae; see letter to Asa Gray, 23 January 1877 and n. 3). See also Forms of flowers, pp. 118–19. On CD’s interest in Phlox subulata (moss phlox), see the letter to Asa Gray, 23 January 1877 and n. 2. Gray had requested proof-sheets of Orchids 2d ed. in order to write a notice of the book (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Asa Gray, 12 November 1876).

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From D. T. Fish   7 February 1877 Hardwicke Feby 7th 1877 Dear Sir No apology is needed from you   On the contrary had it not been for troubling you I have often longed for the privilege of sending singular specimens to you— The holly is not yet in flower. But I send you a specimen as it is No 1— to show you how late it is in flowering in comparison with other specimens 2— 3— and 4 sent—1 It may seem presumptuous in me—to state that I believe this difference of season of flowering among individual plants of the same family—is one great cause of the degrees of barrenness and fertility so often met with. For instance the varigated holly sent No 4, is generally an early flowerer—and never shows fruit   I have also sent three examples of Yews collected—almost side by side to illustrate the wide differences in their season of flowering  The Irish yew never misses a crop of seeds here—and you will observe that it is a long way the latest—in flowering— We are familiar with the fact among fruit trees— it is the late flowerers that win on the crops in spite of spring frosts and had we a race of Apples as late flowering as Court pendu Plat we would be sure of a crop in all seasons.2 The pruning of pyramidal and other pears and also of Roses is often left as late as possible to assure the safety of the late buds and fruits— It also occurs to me that failure of berries and fruits often arises from the male and female flowers—not advancing simultaneously. Often for instance there is an absence of yew berries which can hardly arise from a scarcity of pollen—for that is so plentiful as to fill the air with golden dust—to such an extent that it resembles a fog— Assuring you of the pleasure it will to send samples of the holly when in flower and thanking you for your letter and communication in the Gardeners Chronicle on this subject | I am dear Sir | Your obedient servant | D T. Fish Chas. Darwin Esqre [Enclosure] No. 1— specimen of holly—that bore the berries— a second specimen shall be sent when in flower  a berry or two only left after Christmas decorations and birds 2. Holly in full flower ♂ 3. Common Holly do— ♂ 4. Varigated holly always flowers with the utmost profusion has not produced a berry for 20 years 5 specimen of the variegated Irish or common yew showing the different seasons of flowering, 6. Common hazel nut male and female in full flower— DAR 164: 123

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CD had evidently requested holly specimens from Fish. In his letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 17 January [1877], CD had acknowledged Fish and others for correcting an error of his regarding the scarcity of holly-berries across England (see also letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 3 January [1877], and Fish’s letter in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 20 January 1877, p. 83). Court-Pendú-Plat is a dessert apple, known as the wise apple because its late flowering makes it less susceptible to spring frosts (see Hogg 1884, pp. 53–4).

From Ernst Haeckel   9 February 18771 Jena 9 Februar 1877 Hochverehrter Freund! Zu Ihrem bevorstehenden 69sten Geburtstage sende ich Ihnen meine herzlichsten Grüsse und wärmsten Glückwünsche.2 Möge Ihnen dieser Tag noch oft in voller geistiger und körperlicher Frische wiederkehren und Ihnen Gelegenheit geben, die ungeheuren Fortschritte der biologischen Wissenschaften zu überschauen, zu denen Sie durch Ihre epochemachenden Werke den ersten Anstoss gegeben haben. Sie werden an diesem Tage das Album mit Photographien von einer Anzahl Ihrer deutschen Verehrer erhalten, von dessen Vorbereitung Sie leider schon vorzeitig durch die Zeitungen gehört hatten.3 Sie werden also nicht überrascht sein durch das Album selbst, vielleicht aber dadurch, dass die Zahl der Beitragenden nicht grösser und die Ausstattung nicht glänzender geworden ist. Zu unserem grossen Bedauern haben eine Anzahl von hervorragenden Naturforschern, welche zu Ihren Verehrern gehören, sich nicht am Album betheiligt. Namentlich fehlen manche Professoren, die ich gern in der Gesellschaft gesehen hätte. Immerhin werden Sie finden, dass Viele unserer bedeutendsten Männer Ihrer huldigen.4 Hier in Jena wird Ihr Geburtstag durch eine besondere Feier verherrlicht werden, welche ich mit meinen Schülern veranstaltet habe. Als Beilage sende ich Ihnen die gesammelten “Studien zur Gastraea-Theorie”, deren einzelne Theile Sie bereits besitzten.5 Am 24. Februar werde ich Jena verlassen und nach Triest (von dort wahrscheinlich nach Lesina) reisen, um 6–7 Wochen am Mittelmeer zu arbeiten (hauptsächlich über Medusen).6 Mit grösstem Vergnügen denke ich noch oft an den September-Besuch in Down zurück, den Ihre Güte mir erlaubte.7 Indem ich Sie bitte, Ihre liebe Familie freundlichst von mir zu grüssen, bleibe ich | mit unveränderlicher | Liebe und Verehrung | Ihr treu ergebener | Ernst Haeckel DAR 166: 70 1 2 3

4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD was in fact 68 on 12 February 1877. The photograph album was sent by Emil Rade (see letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877 and n. 3). Otto Zacharias had sent CD a printed notice about the album, and later informed him by letter (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Otto Zacharias, 2 October 1876). 165 German and Austrian scientists appeared in the album, see Gries 2006. Haeckel’s portrait appears first in the album and is full-page in size; the other photographs are grouped according to university. Haeckel also appears at the centre of a group portrait of zoology students at the University of Jena.

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The final part of Haeckel’s Biologische Studien: Studien zur Gastraea-Theorie (Haeckel 1870–7) was published in 1877; all the parts are in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. A copy of the single-volume edition (Haeckel 1877) is in the Darwin Library–Down. Trieste and Lesina are both on the Adriatic Sea. The University of Vienna maintained a marine zoological station at Trieste (Dean 1893, pp. 703–5). Lesina was the Italian name for the Croatian city of Hvar on the island of Hvar (or Lesina); Haeckel had spent a month there in 1871 (see Correspondence vol. 19, letter from Ernst Haeckel, 21 December 1871). Haeckel visited Down on 26 September 1876 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

To T. M. Reade   9 February 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 9th 1877 My dear Sir, I am much obliged for your kind note & the present of your Essay.1 I have read it with great interest & the results are certainly most surprising.2 It appears to me almost monstrous that Prof: Tait should say that the duration of the world has not exceeded 10 million years. The argument which seems the most weighty in favour of the belief that no great number of million of years have elapsed since the world was inhabited by living creatures is the rate at which the temperature of the crust increases; & I wish that I could see this argument answered.3 I hope that you will continue your interesting & laborious researches, & I remain | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin LS Liverpool University Library (TMR1.D.7.2) 1

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3

CD had requested a copy of Reade’s address, ‘On geological time’ (Reade 1876; see letter from T. M. Reade, 12 January 1877). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet collection–CUL. Reade’s letter to CD has not been found. Reade estimated the age of the earth at 526 million years, based on an analysis of the rates of erosion and sedimentation of the earth’s crust (Reade 1876, p. 233). For a discussion of Reade’s method of calculation, see Burchfield 1990, pp. 98–9. Peter Guthrie Tait had estimated that the temperature of the earth’s crust increased by a degree for every 100 feet of descent, and concluded from this estimate that the earth had formed about ten million years ago (see P. G. Tait 1876, pp. 166–8, and Burchfield 1990, pp. 109–10). For a previous discussion of Tait and the age of the earth, see Correspondence vol. 17, letter to J. D. Hooker, 24 July [1869].

From Asa Gray   10 February 1877 Herbarium of Harvard University, | Botanic Garden, Cambridge, Mass. Feb, 10 1877 Dear Darwin Just in time this post day, a friend has sent me some thing of the 2  forms of Rhamnus lanceolata.1 But the scarcer long styled is too old, I fear. A. Gray DAR 109: A84

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CD had mentioned Rhamnus lanceolata (lanceleaf buckthorn; see letter to Asa Gray, 3 January 1877 and n. 5).

From Hugo Schneider   10 February 18771

Berlin d 10 februar 1877

Hochverehrter Herr! Wenn ich es wage, Ihnen zum 12ten Februar2 meine innigsten Glückwünsche entgegen zu bringen, so geschieht dies nur mit einiger Zaghaftigkeit, denn ich fühle mich, zumal als Laie—zu winzig klein, an jenem Tage mit in der Reihe derjenigen zu stehen, die, als Koryphäen der Wissenschaft aus aller Herren Länder zusammengekommen sind, Ihnen ihre Gratulation darzubringen—und dennoch wage ich es, in der festen Überzeugung, Sie, hochverehrter Herr—werden auf meine—der innersten Überzeugung enstammende Gratulation, gütig hinnehmen! Möchte doch das Schicksal Sie für ein mühevolles, arbeitsames Leben durch ein hohes, glückliches Alter entschädigen, und möchte es Ihnen in diesem Alter—in voller Rüstigkeit & Gesundheit—vergönnt sein, nicht nur selbst noch viel für die Wissenschaft, für Licht & Wahrheit zu wirken, sondern auch stets mehr & mehr diese,—von der großen, unbegreiflich verblendeten Masse verketzerten—Wahrheit triumphiren zu sehen. Möchte Ihnen ganz besonders noch zu sehen vergönnt sein, wie der Kampf ums Dasein von uns Menschen lediglich nur noch auf geistigem Gebiete ausgefochten wird!— Das ist mein inniger, aufrichtiger, herzlicher Wunsch! Gleichzeitig erlaube ich mir noch eine bescheidene Bitte auszusprechen: Ich besitze bereits die Photographie meines grossen Landsmannes (im engsten Sinne) Ernst Haeckel3—sowie die von Ludwig Büchner—vielleicht erfüllen Sie meinen lang’ gehegten Wunsch und senden mir auch die Ihrige mit Unterschrift von Ihrer Hand! In der Hoffnung, Ihnen hochverehrter Herr, mit dieser meiner Bitte nicht lästig zu fallen, grüßt Sie mit | vollkommenster Hochachtung | in treuester Verehrung | Hugo Schneider Berlin S.W. | Jerusalemerstr 63.— DAR 177: 60 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD was 68 on 12 February 1877. Schneider was evidently from Brandenburg, the same province as Haeckel.

To Francis Galton   11 February [1877]1

Down. Feb. 11th

My dear G. The enclosed is worth your looking at. It was sent me from N. Zealand, as the writer thought we shd. not in England see Ticknor’s life.!—2 I shd. think T. was to be

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trusted, & if so case very curious. It makes me believe statement about inherited hand-writing.—3 I shall never work on inheritance again, so extract need not be returned.— Ever yours | C. Darwin I do hope Mrs Galton4 is pretty well again.— UCL Library Services, Special Collections (GALTON/1/1/9/5/7/24) 1 2

3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter, the letter to Julius von Haast, [c. 11 February 1877], and the letter from Francis Galton, 22 February 1877. CD had received an extract from Life, letters, and journals of George Ticknor (Ticknor 1876, 1: 196–7) from Julius von Haast (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Julius von Haast, 16 December 1876 and n. 1, and this volume, letter to Julius von Haast, [c. 11 February 1877]). CD remarked on the inheritance of handwriting in Variation 2: 6 and Descent 1: 58. Louisa Jane Galton.

To Julius von Haast   [c. 11 February 1877]1

Down, | Beckenham, Kent. My dear Sir, I am much obliged for the extract from Ticknor. It is one of the most curious cases of inheritance which I have met with, & I should think he was a trustworthy man.2 I am not likely to write upon inheritance again, & have therefore sent the extract to Francis Galton who always attends to the subject.3 Many thanks also for your kind & interesting letter. It amuses me to hear how the battle of Evolution rages at the Antipodes.4 I hope all your important scientific work progresses favorably & I remain | dear Sir | yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS Alexander Turnbull Library (MS-Papers-0037-051) 1 2

3 4

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Galton, 11 February [1877]. Haast had sent CD a passage from Life, letters, and journals of George Ticknor (Ticknor 1876, 1: 196–7) that described deaf children who, despite having learned Spanish by visual imitation from Castilian teachers, spoke with the accents of their various native provinces (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Julius von Haast, 16 December 1876 and n. 1). See letter to Francis Galton, 11 February [1877]. Haast had reported on a recent controversy over Darwinian evolution among the religious communities of Dunedin, New Zealand (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Julius von Haast, 16 December 1876 and n. 2).

From Karl Beger   [12 February 1877] Though no man of science but a simple bookkeeper, I have read and admired in the highest degree all your immortal works. My dear little wife, who understands and

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loves you, having presented me yesterday with a pretty boy, I have taken the liberty to give him your illustrious name.1 I most humbly beg to ask your kind permission, and promise to make him an honorable man. Believe me, | Dear Sir, | Your humble servant | Carl Beger. Hamburg, on Charles Darwins | 70th. Birthday. 2 Charles Darwin Esqre. | FRS | England ApcS Postmark: 12 2 77 DAR 201: 3 1 2

Beger’s wife was Emma Friedrike Caroline Dalchow; their son, Darwin Richard Beger, was born on 11 February 1877. CD was in fact 68 on 12 February 1877.

To A. A. van Bemmelen   12 February 1877 Sir! I received yesterday the magnificent present of the album, together with your letter. I hope that you will endeavour to find some means to express to the two hundred & seventeen distinguished observers & lovers of natural science, who have sent me their photographs, my gratitude for their extreme kindness.1 I feel deeply gratified by this gift, & I do not think that any testimonial more honourable to me could have been imagined. I am well aware that my books could never have been written and would not have made any impression on the public mind, had not an immense amount of material been collected by a long series of admirable observers; & it is to them that honour is chiefly due. I suppose that every worker at science occasionally feels depressed, & doubts whether what he has published has been worth the labour which it has cost him; but for the few remaining years of my life, whenever I want cheering, I will look at the portraits of my distinguished co-workers in the field of science, & remember their generous sympathy. When I die the album will be a most precious bequest to my children. I must further express my obligation for the very interesting history contained in your letter of the progress of opinion in the Netherlands with respect to Evolution, the whole of which is quite new to me. I must again thank all my kind friends, from my heart for their ever memorable testimonial, and I remain, | Sir | Your obliged & grateful | Servant | Charles R. Darwin Feb. 12th 1877 | to the Donors of the Netherlands Album DraftS(A) DAR 202: 31

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See letter from A.  A.  van Bemmelen and H.  T.  Veth,  6  February  1877. The photograph album of Dutch admirers of CD is at Down House, Downe, Kent. For a list of the persons in the album, see Appendix V.

From Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte    12 February 18771 Berlin, den 12ten. Februar 1877 Hierdurch benachrichtigen wir Sie, hochgeehrter Herr, dass die Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte in ihrer Sitzung vom 10ten. Februar  1877 Sie zu ihrem correspondirenden Mitgliede ernannt hat. Wir hoffen, dass Sie diese Ernennung annehmen und die Interessen unserer Gesellschaft in Ihrem Kreise befördern werden. Das Diplom wird Ihnen alsbald zugehen.2 Der Vorstand der Gesellschaft | für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte zu Berlin. | R. Virchow. | Vorsitzender | Max Kuhn. | Schriftführer. Herrn Sir Charles Darwin F.R.S. LS DAR 230: 47 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. For a transcription of the diploma of the Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology and Prehistory, see Appendix III.

To Alpheus Hyatt   13 February 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 13. 77 Dear Sir, I thank you for your very kind, long & interesting letter1   The case is so wonderful & difficult that I dare not express any opinion on it. Of course I regret that Hilgendorf has been proved to be so greatly in error, but it is some selfish comfort to me that I always felt so much misgiving that I never quoted his paper.2 The variability of these shells is quite astonishing, & seems to exceed that of Rubus or Hieracium amongst plants.3 The result which surprises me most is that the same form should be developed from various & different progenitors. This seems to show how potent are the conditions of life, irrespectively of the variations being in any way beneficial. The production of a species out of a chaos of varying forms reminds me of Nägelis conclusion as deduced from the study of Hieracium that this is the common mode in which species arise.4 But I still continue to doubt much on this head, & cling to the belief expressed in the first edit of the Origin that protean or Polymorphic species are those which are now varying in such a manner that the variations are neither

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advantageous nor disadvantageous.5 I am glad to hear of the Brunswick deposit, as I feel sure that the careful study of such cases is highly important.6 I hope that the Smithsonian Institn. will publish your memoir,7 & I remain | dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin LS Maryland Historical Society (Alpheus Hyatt Papers MS 1007) 1 2

3

4 5 6 7

Letter from Alpheus Hyatt, January 1877. Hyatt had reached different conclusions from Franz Hilgendorf on the genealogy of fossil snails in the Steinheim crater at Heidenheim, Germany (see letter from Alpheus Hyatt, January 1877 and n. 9, and Rasser 2013). Rubus is the genus of brambles and raspberries; Hieracium is the genus of hawkweeds. CD had remarked on variation in Rubus and Hieracium in his letter to Gaston de Saporta, 30 May 1874 (Correspondence vol. 22). For details of Carl Wilhelm von Nägeli’s work on Hieracium see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Gaston de Saporta, 10 September 1876 and n. 3, and ibid., Supplement, letter from C. W. Nägeli, 31 March 1867. CD discussed Rubus, Hieracium, and other ‘protean or polymorphic’ genera in Origin, p. 46. Fossil remains of marine organisms had been found near New Brunswick, Canada (see letter from Alpheus Hyatt, January 1877 and n. 17). Hyatt hoped to publish a paper on his findings at Steinheim in the memoirs of the Smithsonian Institution (see letter from Alpheus Hyatt, January 1877 and n. 16).

To Karl von Scherzer   13 February 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington S.E.R. Feb. 13/1877 My dear Sir Thanks for the extracts, which I will look at; but I received some time ago the [Hardman’s] Darwin book from the author, & have never found time to read it.1 In fact owing to the kindness of authors I receive 10 times as many books, as I can possibly read, though there are very many which I shd. much like to read.— I have, however, made time to read a very large part of the Novara voyage, & I found it very pleasant reading.2 You have collected an astonishing amount of diversified information. I was very glad to hear about the old places which I had visited, but more especially about the new places. The parts which interested me most were those on Amsterdam & the atoll in the Caroline Archipelago.—3 I always wanted to have a true history of the French Proceedings in Tahiti, for I thought that the English newspapers had probably exaggerated the case. Your account made me burn with indignation.4 It is really a scandal how the French behaved. With many thanks for your valuable present, I remain, my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin University of Chicago Library, Special Collections Research Center ( Joseph Halle Schaffner collection, box 1, folder 2)

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2

3

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The extracts have not been found. Scherzer evidently sent CD a copy of Eduard von Hartmann’s Wahrheit und Irrtum im Darwinismus (Truth and error in Darwinism; Hartmann 1875). Two copies of Hartmann 1875 are in the Darwin Library–Down. The Austrian Novara expedition (1857–9) circumnavigated the globe, exploring parts of South America and the South Pacific that CD had visited on the Beagle voyage. Scherzer was the author of the Narrative of the expedition (Scherzer 1861–3). Amsterdam Island is in the southern Indian Ocean (see Scherzer 1861–3, 1: 323–35). The Caroline Islands are in the western Pacific, north of New Guinea. Scherzer described the ring-shaped coral reefs or atolls in the archipelago, and remarked on the evidence supporting CD’s theory of coral-reef formation (Scherzer 1861–3, 2: 556–8 and 585). According to Scherzer’s Narrative, French naval officers visiting Tahiti in 1842 had declared the island a French colony on the false pretext that the islanders had insulted France by flying the British flag. Although the actions of the officers were not officially supported by the French crown, thereafter Tahiti became a French protectorate (Scherzer 1861–3, 3: 206–9).

To Ferdinand von Hochstetter   14 February 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Feb. 14th 1877 Dear Sir I request that you will be so good as to return to the Trustees of your Anthropological Socy. my most sincere thanks for their congratulations on my birth-day, just received by Telegram.1 I can assure you that I feel very deeply the honour thus conferred on me.— I remain, dear Sir, with much respect.— Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin R & R Enterprises Autograph Auctions (dealers) (April 2006) 1

The telegram from the Anthropologische Gesellschaft in Wien (Anthropological Society of Vienna) has not been found. CD was 68 on 12 February 1877.

From Lawson Tait   14 February 1877 Birmingham Feb. 14 1877 My Dear Sir, I enclose another extract from my book which may interest you.1 In my review in the Spectator last Saturday by a stupid omission it appears as if I thought your industry does not attract attention because you are not at the prime of life.2 I presume however, you read my words as they were intended & not as they seemed. Pray do not trouble to acknowledge this unless there is something in the proof you may want to know more about Yours truly, | Lawson Tait DAR 178: 37

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The enclosed page-proofs from Tait’s book, Diseases of women (L. Tait 1877), have not been found. Tait had sent an earlier set of page-proofs with his letter of 16 January 1877. In his review of Cross and self fertilisation (Spectator, 10 February 1877, p. 17), Tait remarked: ‘It is marvellous that at a time of life when most men have at least ceased to labour in fresh fields, Mr. Darwin pours forth book after book, edition after edition, with a perseverance which would have attracted attention had he been in the prime of life.’

To Richard Kippist   15 February 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | ☞Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 15th. 77 My dear Sir Will you be so kind as to send me the 3 or 4 books as below per Rail.— Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin (1) Bot: Zeitung for 1857. (2) Bull: Bot. Soc. de France Vol. VII. p. 465. M. Michalet (3) — do do. do Vol. X M. Duval-Jouve1 In the Nat. Hist. Review No VIII Oct. 1862 p. 419 I find following reference “Baillon H., sur l’emission des tube polliniques des Helianthemum” p. 56 Now I have no idea whether this is separate book, or article in some of his other books.—2 Can you aid me & send the article if you have it? Forgive me for being so troublesome. yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (506) 1

2

CD cited a paper on cleistogamic flowers by Daniel Ernst Müller from Botanische Zeitung (D. E. Müller 1857) in Forms of flowers , p. 314. He also cited articles by Louis Eugène Michalet (Michalet 1860) and Joseph Duval-Jouve (Duval-Jouve 1863) from the Bulletin de la Société botanique de France (Forms of flowers, pp. 321, 325, and pp. 313, 333–4). Kippist was librarian of the Linnean Society. The article by Ernest Henri Baillon on Helianthemum (the genus of frostweed and rock rose) appeared in the journal Adansonia (Baillon 1861; see Forms of flowers, p. 337 n.).

From C.-F. Reinwald1   15 February 1877

Paris. Febr. 15th. 1877

To Charles Darwin Esq. |  Down, Beckenham | Kent Cher Monsieur Depuis notre dernière lettre du 16 Novembre nous avons eu l’honneur de recevoir la vôtre du 18 du même mois, ainsi que plus tard le volume On Cross and Self Fertilisation, que vous avez publié et pour lequel vous avez la gracieuseté de nous offrir le droit de traduction en français.2 Nous sommes heureux de pouvoir vous dire que nous nous sommes entendus avec Mr le Professeur Heckel de Grenoble pour cette traduction et que nous avons déjà commencé à en faire faire la composition typographique. Comme il a été

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convenu entre vous et le Professeur Heckel les épreuves de la traduction vous seront soumises avant le tirage.3 Les Plantes insectivores sont toujours encore sous presse et ne paraîtront guère avant la fin du présent mois.4 Le sujet spécial du livre sur les Plantes grimpantes n’a permis jusqu’ ici que’une vente limitée.5 Vous pouvez pourtant être assuré que dès que le chiffre de vent〈e〉s nécessaires pour couvrir nos frais aura été obtenu, nous vous ferons jouir du percentage convenu lequel sera proportionné au prix du volume et en nombre du tirage. Nous espérons que pour les Insectivores et la Cross Fertilisation nous pourrons compter sur un plus large débit et que par conséquent le percentage de ces deux volumes sera plus promptement réalisé. Veuillez agréer, Monsieur, l’expression de nos sentiments de dévouement et de reconnaissance | C Reinwald & C DAR 176: 104 1 2 3 4 5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Reinwald’s letter and CD’s reply have not been found. Reinwald’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Cross and self fertilisation (Correspondence vol. 24, Appendix III, n. 36). Édouard Marie Heckel’s French translation of Cross and self fertilisation (Heckel trans. 1877) was published in 1877. See Correspondence vol. 24, letter from E. M. Heckel, 27 December 1876. The French translation of Insectivorous plants was made by Edmond Barbier; it was published in 1877 (Barbier trans. 1877). Richard Gordon’s French translation of Climbing plants was published in 1877 (R. Gordon trans. 1877).

From Emil Rade1   [before 16] February 18772 Münster i./Westf. im Februar 1877. Hochverehrter Herr! Mit der hier beifolgenden Ehrengabe deutscher Vertreter der freien Naturforschung und deutscher Verehrer des grossen Meisters und Vorbildes bringen dieselben zu dem Tage, an welchem vor nun 69 Jahren Ihr für die Welt so bedeutungsvolles Leben begonnen hat, mit hohem Dankgefühl, in aufrichtiger Bewunderung und in ehrfurchtsvoller Liebe ihre innigsten Glückwünsche dar.3 Möge es Ihnen, Sir, vergönnt sein noch lange zu wirken für die Wissenschaft und noch lange zu geniessen die Früchte Ihres ruhm- und thatenreichen Lebens! Ihrem Auge, hochverehrter Herr, vor dem so manches dunkel geschwunden; Ihrem Geiste, der so viele Räthsel gelöst, wird auch nicht verborgen bleiben, warum an diesem Tage nicht Alle erscheinen, die da theilhaftig geworden sind Ihrer unschätzbaren Gaben—die aber erschienen, sind auch vereinigt in dem festen Vorsatze: die Fackel, welche Sie, Sir, uns entzündet hochzuhalten durch alle Finsterniss und mitzuwirken, dass sie zu einer Sonne werde für die gegenwärtigen und zukünftigen Generationen. Mir aber, dem es gelungen ist, die Blüthe deutscher Forscher in dieser Anerkennung Ihrer unsterblichen Verdienste um die Wissenschaft zu vereinigen, gestatten

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Sie, Sir, mich nennen zu dürfen Ihren | ehrfurchtsvollen Bewunderer | Rade | Rendant der zoolog. Section des westfäl. Provinzial-Vereins.4 P.S. Eine Anzahl nachträglich eingegangener Photographien, sowie einige, dem hochverehrten Jubilar gewidmete Gedichte sind dem Album besonders beigefügt.5 DAR 261.11: 29 (EH 88206080) 1 2 3 4 5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Emil Rade, 16 February 1877. The gift was a photograph album, which is still at Down House. Darwin was in fact 68 on 12 February 1877. On the making of the album and for a list of the persons included, see Rade 1877 and Gries 2006. The full name of the society was Westfälischen Provinzialvereins für Wissenschaft und Kunst (Westphalian Provincial Society for Science and Art). The album contained 165 photographs of German and Austrian scientists. Seventeen additional photographs were sent; however, these have not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL or at Down House (see Gries 2006, p. 39). An accompanying series of poems by Friedrich Adler is in DAR 261.11: 30. These have been transcribed and translated in Appendix VI. A number of other poems were included in Rade 1877.

To Ernst Haeckel   16 February 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 16— 1877 My dear Häckel The album has just arrived quite safe.—1 It is most superb. It is by far the greatest honour which I have ever received, & my satisfaction has been greatly enhanced by your most kind letter of Feb. 9th together with your gift of the your Gastræa theory.2 The album contains some of the most highly honoured names in Germany, & your own photograph is wonderfully good.— I thank you all from my heart.— I have written by this post to Herr Rade, & I hope he will somehow manage to thank all my generous friends.3 Farewell | Yours gratefully | Ch. Darwin I hope that you will have successful work in the Mediterranean.—4 Ernst-Haeckel-Haus (Bestand A-Abt. 1: 1–52/43 [9896]) 1 2 3 4

On the photograph album of German and Austrian scientists, see the letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877. See letter from Ernst Haeckel, 9 February 1877 and n. 5. Haeckel had sent CD his Studien zur Gastraea-Theorie (Haeckel 1877). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–Down. See letter to Emil Rade, 16 February 1877. See letter from Ernst Haeckel, 9 February 1877 and n. 6.

To Emil Rade   16 February 1877

Feb 16th 1877 Sir, Your magnificent album has just arrived, and I cannot find words to express my feeling of deep gratification at this extraordinary honour.1 I hope that you will

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inform the one hundred & fifty-four men of science including some of the most highly honoured names in the world, how grateful I am for their kindness & generous sympathy in having sent me their photographs on my birthday. This ever memorable testimonial will stimulate me to renewed exertion as long as I am capable of any work, & on my death it will be a most precious bequest to my children. The honour which you have conferred on me is quite beyond my deserts, for I know well that nearly all my work is based on materials collected by many distinguished observers. Allow me further to thank you warmly for the enclosed letters & the poetry, all so highly grat to me.2 I have expressed my feelings quite inadequately & shall ever remain, | Sir | Your obliged & grateful servant | C. R. Darwin DraftS(A) DAR 202: 78 CD note: Big Album

139 13 2 154

1 2

See letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877. Rade sent additional photographs and poems (letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877 and n. 5). For a transcription and translation of the poems, see Appendix VI.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   16 February 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 16th 1877 Dear Dyer I must tell you how greatly I am pleased & honoured by your article in Nature which I have just read.1 You are an adept in saying what will please an author,—not that I suppose you wrote with this expressed intention. I shd. be very well contented to deserve a fraction of your praise. I have, also, been much interested, & this is better than mere pleasure, by your argument about the separation of the sexes. I daresay that I am wrong, & will hereafter consider what you say more carefully; but at present I cannot drive out of my head that the sexes must have originated from two individuals, slightly different, which conjugated. But I am aware that some cases of conjugation are opposed to any such view.—2 With hearty thanks | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 60–1) 1

Thiselton-Dyer’s review of Cross and self fertilisation appeared in Nature, 15 February 1877, pp. 329–32.

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For CD’s argument on the development of hermaphroditism from the primordial condition of separate sexes in plants, see Cross and self fertilisation, pp. 409–13; for Thiselton-Dyer’s counter-argument, see Nature, 15 February 1877, pp. 330–2.

To August Weismann   17 February 1877 Down, Beckenham, Kent Feb: 17th. 1877 My dear Sir I grieve to say that Mr. Bates’ negotiations for the loan of the drawings have failed, as you will see by the enclosed note addressed to him. Mr. Buckley must be a sulky disobliging man.1 I have not yet had time to read your essays on “Daphnoiden”, which you kindly sent me, for I have had to read so much on subjects at which I am at work, but I certainly will do so hereafter.—2 Without intending to do so, all my observations have of late been directed towards plants. With the highest respect, | my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 148: 349 1 2

Henry Walter Bates was trying to obtain drawings of caterpillars of British Lepidoptera made by William Buckler (see letter from H. W. Bates, 11 January 1877). The enclosure has not been found. Weismann sent parts 2, 3, and 4 of Weismann 1879 to CD at this time; these parts were published in 1877. CD’s annotated copy of parts 2, 3, 4, 6, and 7 of Weismann 1879 are in the Darwin Library–CUL (see Marginalia 1: 854–5). Weismann’s work was a study of egg and embryo formation in various groups of ‘daphnoids’ (Weismann’s category included genera now placed in the suborder Cladocera (water fleas), and the related suborder Laevicaudata).

To Asa Gray   18 February [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 18th My dear Gray Your abstract of my book is inimitably good.2 You have given everything,—you have quite eviscerated it. By Jove I ought to owe you a grudge! In earnest it could not in my opinion be improved. Very many thanks, also, for the specimens, & for not hating me for bothering you so much.3 In about a week’s time I shall examine them with greatest interest. I shall send my son Frank to Kew on Wednesday to look at specimens of Leucosmia & some of the Polemoniaceæ &c.4 I long to get this old work off my hands & so shall publish too soon to profit by sowing seeds of Gilia.—5 I did despatch Title &c of Orchis book, but have now written to Murray to send you by post complete copy.6 Some of your criticisms & suggestions in your two reviews are very good.7 Ever yours gratefully | Ch. Darwin

February 1877

94 In Cross-Fertilisation Pray correct a dreadful erratum p. 275, 6 lines from top for self-fertilised plants read crossed plants.8

Gray Herbarium of Harvard University (122) 1 2 3 4

5 6 7 8

The year is established by the reference to Cross and self fertilisation. Gray’s review of Cross and self fertilisation appeared in the American Journal of Science 3d ser. 13 (1877): 125–41. See letter from Asa Gray, 6 February 1877 and n. 1. Forms of flowers was published in July 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). For CD’s interest in Leucosmia burnettiana (a synonym of Phaleria disperma), see the letter to Asa Gray, 3 January 1877 and nn. 1 and 2. Polemoniaceae is the phlox family. CD refers to Francis Darwin and the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. See letter from Asa Gray, 6 February 1877 and n. 1. Gray was planning to write a notice of Orchids 2d ed. (see letter from Asa Gray, 6 February 1877 and n. 3). The letter to John Murray has not been found. Gray had written a two-part review of the first edition of Orchids (A. Gray 1862; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Asa Gray, 9 August 1876 and n. 4). For CD’s corrections to Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., see the letter to J. V. Carus, 4 March 1877 and n. 2.

To J. V. Carus   19 February 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Feb 19. 1877 My dear Sir, Will you be so good as to correct the following unfortunate misprint which produces a mistake of some importance: Cross & Self-Fertilisation p 275. line 6 from top For ‘self-fertilised’ read ‘crossed’1 My dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859 Darwin, Charles, Bl. 160–161) 1

Carus was translating Cross and self fertilisation into German (see letter from J. V. Carus, 20 January 1877). For CD’s corrections to Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., see the letter to J. V. Carus, 4 March 1877 and n. 2.

To Down Friendly Society   19 February 1877 To The Members of the Down Friendly Club. As one of your Honorary Members who has acted to the best of his power as your Treasurer for the last Twenty-seven years, I hope that you will permit me to

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address a few words to you, on this important occasion, when you have to decide whether the Club shall be dissolved.1 You founded and joined this Club in order to receive assistance when ill or when permanently invalided, and to be decently buried when dead; and is it not an extraordinary fact that you should now wish to dissolve the Club, for no other reason that I can hear of, except that it is now rich and in a perfectly sound condition? I have been informed that absurd rumours are afloat that the Government intends to unite all the Clubs throughout England into a single one, and then divide their Funds.2 I can assure you that all such rumours are lies, spread for some evil purpose. I am also informed that an actuary has calculated that you may divide £150, but that about £1,000 must be retained in order to ensure the safety of the Club. I suppose some of you think that this is a larger sum than is necessary, but let me beg you to remember that an actuary can have no motive to deceive you, and that he has great means for obtaining accurate information as to what are the chances of sickness and death, about which no ordinary man can form any judgment. No reasonable man will doubt that the above sum is necessary to pay the Burial Fees and to ensure Provision during ill-health, to which every Member of the Club is liable. Remember how many unregistered Clubs, not only in this neighbourhood but throughout England, have become bankrupt, and have left their Members destitute in their old age. Therefore I hope that you will allow me to warn you all in the most earnest manner, to deliberate for a long time before you dissolve the Club, not only for the sake of your wives and children, but for your own sakes, so as to avoid the degradation of being supported by the Union.3 The younger Members should reflect that they will receive only a small sum, and for this they forego all the advantages of belonging to a really safe Club; and the elder Members will find it impossible to join any Club which can pretend to safety. Should you resolve to dissolve our Club, all your officers, including myself, are bound under the penalty of imprisonment to see that every provision of the law is strictly followed, and this will cause much delay and expense; but as far as lies in my power the law shall be obeyed. Finally, I hope that you will admit that I can have no bad motive in expressing my deliberate judgment: it is no pleasure to me to keep your accounts and to subscribe to your funds, except in the hope of doing some small good to my fellow Members, who have hitherto always treated me in a considerate and friendly manner. I remain | Your faithful Treasurer, | CHARLES DARWIN. Down, February 19, 1877. Printed circular DAR 138: 5 1 2

CD had helped to found the Down Friendly Club in 1850 (see Correspondence vol. 4, letters to J. S. Henslow, [7 October 1849] and 17 January [1850], and J. R. Moore 1985, pp. 468–9). The Friendly Societies’ Act of 1875 established an administrative department to oversee local friendly societies; however, authority over the distribution of funds was retained by each society. For more on the regulation of friendly societies by the state, and the changes introduced by the 1875 Act, see Gosden 1961, pp. 173–97.

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February 1877

After 1834, parishes were grouped into Poor Law Unions that administered poor-relief to local residents. Down village was in the Poor Law Union for Bromley.

To Gardeners’ Chronicle   19 February [1877]1 In the last number of the Gardeners’ Chronicle (p. 203) Mr Henslow quotes my words that “the seeds from which the self-fertilised plants of the third generation” (of Petunia) were raised were not well ripened.”2 The word self-fertilised is a misprint for crossed, as he would have seen if he had looked to the full account of my experiments given at p. 191, where I say, “The sole conjecture which I can form is that the crossed seeds had not been sufficiently ripened, &c.”3 But I have no right to expect a critic to take so much trouble, and I am much obliged to him for having led me to detect this unfortunate misprint. Mr. Henslow then goes on to say that “Mr. Darwin also accounts for the greater growth of the eighth generation of Ipomœa from them having been raised from unhealthy seeds.” He ought, I think, to have added that the greater growth of the self-fertilised plants was confined to the early part of their lives, & that they were ultimately beaten in height by the crossed plants in the ratio of one hundred to eighty-five. It was this anomalous manner of growth which led me to compare these plants with those of Iberis which were raised from seeds not well ripened.4 I have long been convinced that controversy is a mere waste of time; I will, therefore, not make any other remarks on Mr. Henslow’s criticisms, though I think that I could answer them satisfactorily. I hope that any reader who is interested in the subject will not take Mr. Henslow’s interpretation of my statements without consulting my book. Charles Darwin, February 19. Gardeners’ Chronicle, 24 February 1877, p. 246. 1 2

3 4

The year is established by the date of publication of this letter in Gardeners’ Chronicle. George Henslow’s review of Cross and self fertilisation appeared in seven parts in Gardeners’ Chronicle (13 January 1877, p. 42, 3 February 1877, p. 139, 17 February 1877, pp. 203–4, 3 March 1877, pp. 270–1, 17 March 1877, p. 336, 28 April 1877, pp. 534–5, and 5 May 1877, pp. 560–1). See Cross and self fertilisation, p. 275. For CD’s corrections to Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., see the letter to J. V. Carus, 4 March 1877 and n. 2. See Gardeners’ Chronicle, 17 February 1877, p. 204. CD compared self-fertilised and crossed specimens of Ipomoea purpurea (morning-glory) over ten generations (see Cross and self fertilisation, pp. 38–43). On specimens of Iberis umbellata (candytuft) raised from less well-ripened seed, see ibid., p. 103.

To Arnold Dodel-Port   20 February 1877 Down. | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 20. 77 Dear Sir, I beg leave to thank you for having so kindly sent me your interesting articles in which you give some account of the noble Testimonial I have lately had the pleasure

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of receiving from Germany1   I also thank you heartily for the gratifying & eulogistic manner in which you mention my name   The number of distinguished men who have done me the honour to contribute their portraits, is rendered very striking by arranging (them as you have done) under their various universities2 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS Zentralbibliothek, Zürich (Ms Z VIII 417.2) 1

2

Two lectures by Dodel-Port on the theory of descent and natural selection were published together in pamphlet form (Dodel-Port 1877). CD’s copy in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL is uncut, except for the opening pages of the second lecture, which describe the album that he had received containing photographs of German and Austrian scientists. For more on the album, see the letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877. The album was arranged partly by institution, and included portraits of staff and students at educational institutions in Jena, Vienna, Berlin, Tilsit (now Sovetsk, Russia), Hoexter, Mainz, Stuttgart, and Münster.

From John Gibbs   20 February 1877

Writtle Road Chelmsford 20th February 1877

Dear Sir I took occasion of your kindness in sending me your work on the Fertilisation of Orchids to write a notice of it for the Chelmsford Chronicle of last Friday a copy of which I took the liberty to send you by post.1 In a letter which I wrote you the week before last I mentioned the fact of my having corresponded with Pr. Balfour about Inflorescences.2 That is a subject which I consider interesting in connection with the Variation of Plants inasmuch as the character of a seedling is influenced by the position on the peduncle of the flower which gave origin to the seed. The seeds of the sunflower which grow near the middle of the capitulum produce plants shorter and more bushy than those from seeds nearer the circumference. But the modes of inflorescence are so various in different plants that I have no idea whether the fact I have stated represents any general rule or not. Flowers of Vinca minor3 are always unilateral on the stem except when they are obviously terminal yet this plant is taken by eminently good botanists as an illustration of the simplest form of axillary inflorescence. I have some little reason for suspecting that plants proceeding from seeds that lie uppermost in the capsule of Lychnis Githago4 flower sooner than those from seeds lower down in the same capsule. Trusting the above observations will be sufficiently interesting for you not to think I have wasted my time in writing them | I remain | Dear Sir | yours very respectfully | John Gibbs To | C. Darwin Esqre DAR 165: 38

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February 1877

CD evidently sent Gibbs a copy of Orchids 2d ed. The notice of the book appeared in the Chelmsford Chronicle, 16 February 1877, p. 7. CD’s copy of the notice has not been found. The letter from Gibbs mentioning his correspondence with John Hutton Balfour, professor of botany at Edinburgh University, has not been found. Vinca minor is the lesser periwinkle. Lychnis githago is a synonym of Agrostemma githago, common corncockle.

From Franz von Rekowsky   20 February 1877 Messina, 20th febry 77 (Transld.)1 Sir, Though my wish to possess a memorial of a celebrated man should seem unjustifiable, and although I may appear to be over bold in asking for it, I will gladly bear the reproach if I may but have my request granted. I venture however to hope that you will not look so unfavorably on it, but will kindly bestow this favor on so sincere an admirer of the writer whose books, more than any hitherto, have shed light on questions of such primary interest to mankind.— I would merely take the liberty to add that a double value would be imparted to the autograph I venture to hope for, did it contain some remark referring to one or other of the questions treated of in your works. Trusting to be pardoned this intrusion on the part of a stranger I am, Sir, | yours very respectfully | (signed) Franz von Rekowsky Professor | Charles Darwin | Down Bromley | Kent DAR 176: 119a 1

This letter, a translation of the original, was enclosed with the letter from O. Dill, 26 February 1877.

From C.-F. Reinwald1   21 February 1877 15, Rue des Saints-Pères | Paris 21 février 1877. To Charles Darwin, Esq. Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Cher Monsieur Nous avons l’honneur de confirmer notre lettre du 15 de ce mois, depuis laquelle nous avons déjà reçu quelques chapitres de la traduction de votre livre sur la Cross & Self fertilisation par le Prof. Heckel de Grenoble.2 Nous desirons pourtant avec M Heckel connaître votre avis sur l’indication des mesures dans vos tableaux. Vous verrez par les preuves placards que nous vous adressons aujourdhui que ces mensurations ont été indiquées seulement en mesures centésimales usitées en France, et que nous avons laissé de coté les indications en pouces et lignes anglais.

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Le traducteur desire vivement connaître votre opinion à cet égard et savoir si vous croyez nécessaire de mettre à coté des mesures centésimales les mensurations en pouces anglais. Il nous a semblé que cela serait inutile, et même gênant dans la lecture et aussi dans la composition typographique du livre, car il foudrait partout élargir les cadres et changer les tableaux. Veuillez pourtant bien croire que nous suivrons entièrement l’avis que vous nous donnerez à cet égard.3 Nous venons encore vous demander, cher Monsieur, si vous n’avez pas à nous fournir quelques observations pour une nouvelle édition de votre livre sur les Emotions, dont la première édition va être bientot épuisée et que nous nous préparons de faire réimprimer dans le même format que la première édition française. Mr. le Dr Pozzi va peut-être vous écrire pour le même sujet, car c’est naturellement lui qui est chargé de la revision de la 2e édition.4 Il parait qu’en Angleterre il n’a pas été faite de nouvelle édition depuis la première.5 Nous vous serions fort obligés si vous vouliez avoir la bonté de nous repondre par quelques mots au sujet de ces questions et nous vous prions | Cher Monsieur, d’agréer l’expression de nos | sentiments les plus distingués | C Reinwald & C DAR 176: 105 1 2 3 4

5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 15 February 1877. The French translation of Cross and self fertilisation was made by Édouard Heckel (Heckel trans. 1877). Cross and self fertilisation contained numerous tables showing the heights of crossed and self-fertilised plants. In the French translation, these were given in metres. Samuel Jean Pozzi had made the French translation of Expression (Pozzi and Benoît trans. 1874); he was assisted by René Benoît. A second edition, revised and corrected, was published in 1877 (Pozzi and Benoît trans. 1877). No new English edition of Expression appeared in CD’s lifetime. The second edition of Expression, edited by Francis Darwin, contained new material collected by CD (see Expression 2d ed., p. iii).

From Francis Galton   22 February 1877 42 Rutland Gate Feb 22/77 My dear Darwin By this book post I return Tschouriloff1 with many thanks (after keeping in an unconscionable time, but I knew you did not want it & it was useful to refer to, to me.) About the deaf & dumb men speaking with Castilian &c accent, according to their teachers I cannot help thinking it sufficiently explained by their imitation of the actions of the lips & of the teachers.2 I have tried in a looking glass, & it seems that I mouth quite differently when I speak broad Scotch; again, last year I was trying some experiments with Barlows “logograph” and the traces were greatly modified under different conditions of cadence.3

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February 1877

Let me before ending, heartily congratulate you on the German & Dutch testimonial of which I see a notice in to days “Times”.4 and take the opportunity of wishing you many, very many happy returns of the birthday.5 Ever sincerely Yrs. | Francis Galton My wife is convalescent & already walks out a little.6 DAR 105: A97–8 1 2 3 4

5 6

Galton had borrowed Tschouriloff 1876 (see letter from Francis Galton, 12 January 1877). See letter to Francis Galton, 11 February [1877]. William Henry Barlow invented a recording device for the human voice called the logograph; it was presented at the Royal Society of London in 1874 (see Barlow 1874). A short notice on the two photograph albums sent to CD appeared in The Times, 22 February 1877, p. 11. On the German and Austrian album, see the letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877; on the Dutch album, see the letter from A. A. van Bemmelen and H. J. Veth, 6 February 1877. CD was 68 on 12 February 1877. In his letter of 11 February [1877], CD had asked about Louisa Jane Galton’s health.

From John Gibbs   22 February 1877 Writtle Road Chelmsford 22nd February 1877 Dear Sir Allow me to thank you heartily for the advice you have kindly given in your esteemed favor of yesterday which came duly to hand this morning.1 I have no doubt that one may be much misled by the results of a few experiments in matters on which so many opposing forces come into play. I have now 23 plants of Lychnis Githago from the seeds of a single capsule which I sowed in a row last November.2 I mean to note the day when each of them shall come into flower and will make the results a basis for future experiments. I have chosen that plant as being more manageable than many others though perhaps less variable and suppose that the results I shall obtain will throw light on the variations of Dianthus and other Caryophyllaceæ.3 In the autumn of 1873 I cut a cabbage which proving very tender when cooked I resolved on sowing seed from the plant which I accordingly did and finding a few seeds ripe in the middle of August 1874 I sowed them at once but was disappointed at finding that they had been spoiled apparently by the pollen of Borecole4 and that the leaves were very rough   One of the plants started into flower the first thing in the spring notwithstanding the lateness of the time of sowing. I should have attributed the precocity to the flowers having been crossed but that some seedling plants of Portugal cabbage raised in like manner from seed sown immediately on its ripening in August 1875, blossomed in the spring of 1876 when the plants were no larger than a 10 week stock: which makes me think that the seed first ripened produces plants that will make haste to flower and in the course of several generations would probably give origin to annual plants instead of perennials. Annual and perennial

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species being frequently found in the same genus. I should imagine the perennial to be the original form. Wishing you yet many years of active and happy life | I remain | Dear Sir | yours very respectfully | John Gibbs To | C. Darwin Esqre. DAR 165: 39 1

2 3 4

CD’s letter, evidently a reply to Gibbs’s letter of 20 February 1877, has not been found. Gibbs had suggested that the character of seedlings was related to the position of the seed in the inflorescence of the parent plant. Lychnis githago is a synonym of Agrostemma githago, common corncockle. See letter from John Gibbs, 20 February 1877. Like the genus Agrostemma, Dianthus (the genus of pinks and carnations) is in the family Caryophyllaceae. Borecole (curly kale) is a cultivar of the species Brassica oleracea (wild cabbage).

From Hunter Nicholson   23 February 1877 Knoxville Tenn U.S.A. Feb’y 23.rd. 1877. Mr. Charles Darwin Dear Sir: I take the liberty of reporting to you what seems to me to be a remarkable case of Atavism. The common cattle of the United States are, as you know, descended from colonial and subsequent importations from England and Scotland, with a few from the continent. Bred without care they have lost all breed marks. Seven years ago my attention was attracted by a number of white cows with red ears and noses. upon enquiry I learned that some 15 or 20 years ago a White Short-Horn bull ran on the commons hereabout. Since then I have found similarly marked cattle in various parts of this state and learn from correspondents that they occur in New York state, Kentucky and Virginia. In every case where I have been able to get any history of these cattle they are said to be decendants of a cross between short-Horn bulls and native cows. This peculiar marking only occurs after several removes from the Short-horn and when the cattle have been neglected— The point of interest with me is the close resemblance between these cattle and the Chillingham Cattle as described in your Plants & Animals under Domestication.1 It is a notable fact that among the native or scrub cattle solid whites are rarely, or never found where no Short-Horn blood has been introduced. If these facts are of any interest to you I shall be gratified— With great respect | Hunter Nicholson | (Prof. Agr. Tenn Agr. College.) | Knoxville Tenn. | U.SA. DAR 172: 54

102 1

February 1877

The Chillingham cattle were an ancient breed, thought by many to be descended from the wild Bos primigenius (aurochs), a species domesticated in Switzerland during the Neolithic period. On the history of the breed, see Ritvo 1992. In Variation 1: 84–5, CD described the cattle as white, with the inside of the ears reddish-brown, and muzzles brown.

From Otto Zacharias   23 February 18771 Geestemünde, den 23. Febr. 1877 Hochgeehrter Herr! Ich bin eben dabei aus Ihrem Reisetagebuche (Beagle) diejenigen Stellen zusammenzustellen, in denen bereits der Keim Ihrer epochemachenden Theorie zu liegen scheint. z.b. Ihre bemerkungen ueber den Tinochorus rumicivorus u.a.m.2 Die Hauptfrage ist nun—und desshalb erlaube ich mir diese Zeilen an Sie zu richten—ob Sie schon damals (1839?) von der Inconstanz der Arten ueberzeugt waren, oder ob sich Ihnen diese Ueberzeugung erst viel später aufgedrängt hat.3 Von Ihrer Antwort auf diese Frage hängt es natürlich ab: ob ich in der Zusammenstellung fortfahre oder sie unterlasse. Das Album ist, wie ich aus Ihrem liebenswürdigen Briefe an Herrn Rade ersehe sehr verspaetet angekommen.4 Das that mir recht leid. Ich habe es am 7. Febr. hier zur Post befördert. Die Zeitschrift für Entwickelungstheorie erscheint nun am 15. Maerz unter dem Titel “Kosmos”. Ich bin nur Mitarbeiter, nicht Redacteur.*) Haeckel wollte aeltere Leute an der Spitze haben.5 Ich bin erst 30 Jahr alt, und ausserdem nicht Zoolog von Fach. Dies〈es〉 nur zur Nachricht, damit Sie nicht glauben, ich hätte damals mich bloss mit Redensarten bei Ihnen eingeführt. Hochachtungsvoll | Otto Zacharias Die Redacteure sind: Dr. G. Jaeger Dr. O. Caspari und Dr. E. Krause (Carus Sterne)6 P Scr. | Anbei 2 Photogr., die nachtraeglich fuer das Album eingetroffen sind.7 DAR 184: 5 CD annotations8 End of letter: ‘[‘The receipt of the magnificent’ del] Until the day of my death I shall look at the [‘magnificent’ del] album with the portraits of [‘the’ del] so many honoured German naturalists, as by far the [‘m’ del] greatest honour which has ever been or could be conferred on me.’ ink Verso of last page: ‘July 1837.’ pencil 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. In Journal of researches (1860), p. 94, CD described Tinochorus rumicivorus (a synonym of Thinochorus rumicivorus, the least seedsnipe) as ‘a very singular little bird ... it nearly equally partakes of the characters, different as they are, of the quail and snipe.’ See also Birds, pp. 117–18, 155–6, and Correspondence vol. 1, letter to J. S. Henslow, [c. 26 October –] 24 November [1832] and n. 8.

February 1877 3 4 5 6 7 8

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On the formation of CD’s transmutation theory, see Origin, p. 1, and Recollections, pp. 410–11; see also M. J. S. Hodge 2010. On the photograph album of German and Austrian scientists, see the letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877. The first issue of Kosmos appeared in April 1877. On Ernst Haeckel’s support for the journal, see the letter from Otto Zacharias, 7 January 1877 and n. 5. Krause had published under the pseudonym Carus Sterne. No additional photographs have been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL or at Down House. The notes are for CD’s reply (see letter to Otto Zacharias, [24 February 1877]).

To Nature   24 February [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 24th Dear Sir I shall feel pleased & honoured, shd Mr Lockyer think the correspondence worth inserting in Nature. But in this case I earnestly hope that it will be stated that Prof. Harting has sent it you, for it wd. have been intolerable vanity in me to have sent it.2 My name is as below, but generally I drop the R.— Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Robert Darwin The 19th Century Shop (dealers) (July 2004) 1 2

The year is established by the reference to the correspondence published in Nature, 8 March 1877 (see n. 2, below). Joseph Norman Lockyer was the editor of Nature. The letter from A. A. van Bemmelen and H. J. Veth, 6  February  1877, and CD’s reply of 12  February  1877 were published in Nature, 8 March 1877, pp. 410–11, with a covering letter from Pieter Harting.

From John Scott   24 February 1877 Deegah, | Bankipore, Feby 24th./77. Dear Sir, I have to thank you for your kind remembrance in sending me a copy of your work on cross-fertilisation, which I have read with much interest.1 The increased vigour of the crossed progeny is very striking. I have some very striking examples of it in crosses between certain varieties of the opium poppy. In three cases they are indeed surprising    The parent forms rarely exceeding 312 feet in height, whereas the mongrel progeny is from five to six feet in height with leaves proportionately increased in size and general grossness of habit. I shall this season when the progeny attain maturity make careful measurements and weighments of all, as I am sure they will interest you. It is to be observed however that we have no corresponding increase of the reproductive organs, either as regards size or fertility.— You will find a cursory notice of some of these varieties in a little work on opium Husbandry

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which I have just received from the printer. It is unfortunately too late to send you a copy of it by this mail, but I shall do so by the following.2 I am carrying out the experiments you suggested with the varieties of our opium poppy.3 I have already many curious results on the simple intercrossing of varieties, but it did not occur to me to try the mixed pollen. This I am now doing: following out with care your directions.— I have been and still am greatly surprised at the none natural intercrossing of the various varieties grown here on a large scale and on adjoining plots.— I have been this year carefully watching them for insects, but though just now I have many acres around my house in full flower, the all but utter absence of insect life amongst them is most striking, and certainly they are so far as I have observed here and in the opium districts generally haunted by none. I have also attended to them during the night, and find two species of Noctua4 not infrequent, but in no instance have I observed them visiting the flowers: these as you are well aware close regularly every night, and could indeed with difficulty be entered by such insects. There appearance amongst the poppy is easily explained: the larvæ feeding on the young plants and proving most destructive pests. It is rather a striking instance of a plant with large flowers depending on the wind for cross-fertilisation. Each variety must needs have a prepotent pollen, seeing as I have observed we have no natural intercrossing of the varieties. This however I shall fully test this season. I much regret that your letter on Lagerstrœmia did not reach me in Calcutta but had been kept along with others until my return here.5 I at once wrote to Dr. King,6 and asked him to look over the fossils in the herbarium, or if he had not time to spare to send them to me here. He promised to look over them himself on an early day, and afford me all the information you asked for. I know he has lately been very busy with the examinations of students, and this probably is the cause of his not yet having complied with the request. I shall remind him however. I regret that I am so busy with opium duties just now, that I cannot run down to Calcutta and examine the plants myself. I am also making a careful series of observations on barometric pressure as influencing the exudation of the opium juices. You will find this briefly treated in the work I am now sending you and an explanation of the phenomena of cyclosis.7 By an early mail, I will send a paper for the Linn. Society, on the circulation of the sap and other correlated phenomena.8 It remains to be seen how my views may be received, as I have nobody here with whom I can discuss them. In referring to Lagerstrœmia, I quite forget to say that the Common Flax,9 plant which is largely cultivated here for its seeds is perfectly hermaphrodite: pistils of the long-styled and stamens of the short-styled form: it is perfectly self-fertile and scarcely if at all, in so far as I have seen visited by insects. I will send specimens along with the Lagerstroemia flowers. I remain | Dear Sir | Yours truly | John Scott DAR 177: 122

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CD note: H. Muller | P. rhœas is fertilised by many of the small bees— several Diptera & *[some quite beautiful] [illeg]. [interl] Meligethes—10 The latter in *the [hotter [interl] season] work for cross-fertilisation. It is possible that you might have overlooked them My F. is much obliged for your interesting letter—11 Are there not too many plants for the results *7 Vars of Bees [pencil] 1 2

3 4

5

6 7 8 9 10 11

Scott’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Cross and self fertilisation (see Correspondence vol. 24, Appendix III). Scott was in charge of the experimental gardens at Deegah and Meetapore near Bankipore, India (ODNB). An annotated copy of his Manual of opium husbandry (Scott 1877) is in the Darwin Library– CUL (see Marginalia 1: 748). In his letter to John Scott, 1 July 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24), CD had suggested a series of crossing experiments between varieties of the opium poppy (Papaver somniferum). The genus Noctua is now restricted to yellow underwing moths, but for much of the nineteenth century included species now placed in other genera of the family Noctuidae (owlet, underwing, and dagger moths). Scott evidently uses the term in a broader sense. CD had asked for further information about sterility and dimorphism in Lagerstroemia (crape myrtle) in his letter to John Scott, 15 December 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24); he cited earlier observations by Scott on the species in Forms of flowers, pp. 167–8. See also Correspondence vol. 13, letter from John Scott, 21 July 1865. George King was superintendent of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Calcutta (now Kolkata). The discussion of pressure experiments has not been found. Cyclosis is a term for the circulation of latex in the vessels of plants or the circulation of protoplasm in certain cells (OED). The paper has not been identified. Scott was a fellow of the Linnean Society. Common flax is Linum usitatissimum. CD had worked on dimorphism in some species of Linum and briefly discussed Linum usitatissimum in Forms of flowers, pp. 100–1. Hermann Müller reported in H. Müller 1873, p. 127, that Papaver rhoeas (corn poppy) was visited by the beetle Meligethes and other insects. CD evidently intended Francis Darwin to reply to Scott’s letter; however, no reply has been found.

To Otto Zacharias   [24 February 1877]1 Until the day of my death I shall look at this magnificent Album with the portraits of so many honoured German naturalists as by far the greatest honour, which ever has been or could possibly be conferred on me. How very kind it was of your distinguished artist to execute so beautiful a titlepage for the Album!2 When I was on board the Beagle, I believed in the permanence of Species, but, as far as I can remember, vague doubts occasionally flitted across my mind. On my return home in the autumn of 1836, I immediately began to prepare my journal for publication, and then saw, how many facts indicated the common descent of species, so that in July 1837 I opened a note book to record any facts which might bear on the question.3 But I did not become convinced that species were mutable until, I think, two or three years had elapsed. Incomplete4 Zacharias 1882, pp. 76–7

106 1 2

3

4

February 1877

The date is given in the printed source. On the album of German and Austrian scientists, see the letter from Emil Rade, [after 16] February 1877. The title page was illustrated by the poet and painter Arthur Fitger (see Gries 2006, pp. 35–6). It carried the heading: ‘Dem Reformator der Naturgeschichte Charles Darwin’ (To the reformer of natural history Charles Darwin) See letter from Otto Zacharias, 23 February 1877 and n. 2. CD refers to his Journal of researches and his notebooks, which were published posthumously (Notebooks). His first notebook on species was started about July 1837 (see Notebooks, pp. 167–9). The text is reconstructed from three separate quotations that are reproduced here as separate paragraphs in the order in which they appear in the printed source.

From Alfred Grugeon   25 February [1877]1 3 Laura Cottages | Papworth Street | Leyton. Feby 25th. Dear Sir Pardon me once again if I trespass on your time.2 If what I am about to call your attention is irrelevant, do not trouble to answer it. I reading your last book I was much struck with the results of self fertilization in Mimulus, where the new variety appeared with the white ground, and with increased powers of self fertilization.3 Varieties like this although perhaps having little chance in competition with the cross fertilized plants may be valuable to the Florist who rases plants for the public It seems to me therefore that you have conferred a great boon on that profession or calling, in laying down a definite plan of action on which they may rely. Also the tendency to monstrosoty that you have noticed in self fertilized plants, is likely to be utilized by the sam〈e〉 people.4 Do not these observ〈ations〉 of yours account for some facts that have hitherto been to me a puzzle. I have been mixed up for a many years with enthusiastic amateur gardeners. The Spitalfields weavers. These men in my boyish days were passionately fond of Stocks5 and were the best growers of them I have ever known. there were usually one or tw〈o who〉 excelled in producing the greatest percent〈age〉 of doubles, and to be able to get a dozen of thier young plants or a pinch of thier seed was the desire of thier neighbours, as no seed supplied by the trade ever produced such good results. I believe these men never allowed more than two single plants to remain for seeding. were not therefore these men unconsciously isolating thier plants and encouraging self fertilization, and the increase of monstrosoty. May I ask also if the new variety of Cotton that was written of by the correspondent of the Da〈  〉 at Alexandria, as having appeared spontaneously 〈in〉 the plantations in the Menutie district, have originated by this means6   If so what a vast field of enterprise is opened for the improvement of all Vegetable products. With sincere apologies for my intrusion | I Remain Dear Sir | Yours gratefully | Alfred Grugeon DAR 165: 238 1

The year is established by the reference to Cross and self fertilisation and by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Alfred Grugeon, 14 January [1877].

February 1877 2 3 4 5 6

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See also letter from Alfred Grugeon, 14 January [1877]. In Cross and self fertilisation, p. 79, CD described the appearance of a new white-flowered variety of Mimulus luteus (monkey flower), which became increasingly self-fertile over successive generations. See Cross and self fertilisation, p. 40. The common name ‘stock’ usually refers to Matthiola incana, but may be applied to other species of the genus. A note from an Alexandria correspondent to The Times, 15 February 1877, p. 6, described a new cotton plant, known as ‘Bamia’ cotton, discovered in the ‘province of Menouf ’. Al Minūfīyah governorate is in the Nile Delta of Egypt (Columbia gazetteer of the world). The cotton was identified by Joseph Dalton Hooker as a variety of Gossypium barbadense (Kew Gardens. Report on the progress and condition of the Royal Gardens at Kew during the year 1877, House of Commons Parliamentary Papers 1878 (303) LXI. 183, p. 16).

To Albert Günther   25 February [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 25th r My dear D. Gunther Your note has led me to discover to my dismay that my catalogue of specimens, which I lent several years ago to the museum at Cambridge, has never been returned to me.—2 I have written about it, & if it has not been lost will hereafter answer your query. I shall be very sorry if it is lost, but it will not signify much with respect to the spiders, as the labels have been detached. That poor mad creature Adam White no doubt was the sinner.—3 It was too bad of him, for I told him that I had notes about the habits of some of the species.— Believe me | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Natural History Museum (Archives DF ZOO/200/11/114) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Albert Günther, 3 March 1877. Günther’s note has not been found; he had enquired about the descriptions of spider specimens collected by CD on the Beagle voyage and deposited at the British Museum (see letter to Albert Günther, 28 January [1877] and n. 3; see also letter to Albert Günther, 3 March 1877). CD had also deposited specimens at the Museum of Zoology, University of Cambridge; on his catalogue of specimens, see R. D. Keynes ed. 2000, pp. 317–19). CD’s letter has not been found. Adam White had worked in the zoological department of the British Museum and described some of CD’s spider specimens; he had a nervous breakdown following the death of his first wife in 1861 (ODNB). The specimen labels had been removed by White’s colleague, George Samouelle, who was dismissed from the British Museum in 1841 for this and other misdemeanors (Stearn 1981, p. 206).

To J. B. Innes   25 February [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Feb 25 Dear Innes I have received the book. Many thanks for you & your son for the extracts from the Act; but I procured a copy from London.2 Last night I gave the club a long

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February 1877

harangue, which I think produced some effect; at least it acted like a bomb-shell for all the members seem to have quarrelled for the next two hours. I do not think there is the least chance of the dissolution of the Club. I had much satisfaction in reading aloud the penal clause3 Yrs very sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Down Friendly Club, 19 February 1877. The book and extracts from Innes and his son, John William Brodie Innes, have not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. CD evidently obtained a copy of the Friendly Societies’ Act of 1875 (Public general statutes passed in the thirty-eighth & thirty-ninth years of the reign of Queen Victoria, 1875, c. 60, pp. 514–58). For CD’s concerns about the dissolution of the Down Friendly Club, see the letter to Down Friendly Club, 19 February 1877 and n. 2. The penalties under the Friendly Societies’ Act were listed in section 32 (Public general statutes passed in the thirty-eighth & thirty-ninth years of the reign of Queen Victoria, 1875, c. 60, p. 549).

To Miss Jacobson   25 February 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Charles Darwin | Feb. 25th. 1877. | Down   Kent Mr. Darwin has pleasure in acceding to Miss Jacobson’s request.1— American Philosophical Society (507) 1

Miss Jacobson had probably requested an autograph from CD; no letter from her has been found, and she has not been further identified.

From Lawson Tait   25 February 1877 7, G.t Charles Street, | Birmingham. Feb 25/77 My Dear Sir, At page 106 of “Descent of Man” I find a sentence: “as I have so lately endeavoured to shew that the social instincts—the prime principle of man’s moral constitution39.—” & a footnote: ‘The Thoughts of Marcus Aurelius, &c p. 139. But I cannot find in any list of books under your name one with that title & I never heard of it1  Can you tell me its full title & where to get it? I am amazed at my ignorance of it! Yours ever, | Lawson Tait I am engaged in a short “Kritic of the Individuum” which may interest you & of which I hope to send you a copy in a day or two.2 It is intended as a mite towards evolutionary theosophy. DAR 178: 38

February 1877 1

2

109

In Descent 1: 106, CD paraphrased the following passage from Aurelius 1862: ‘The prime principle then in man’s constitution is the social.’ The title of the work by Marcus Aurelius is usually translated as Meditations. The article by Tait has not been found; he had recently written on the evolution of morality (L. Tait 1876; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Lawson Tait, 4 August [1876] and n. 3).

From J. V. Carus   26 February 1877

Naples, | Zoological Station, Febr 26. 1877

My dear Sir, Of course I shall correct the “self-fertilised”, as you desire me to do.1 But I cannot help thinking, that “self-fertilised” might be right after all; at least I find, in putting “crossed” instead, it does not give the sense if one goes on reading, which you intend to express   You say: selffertilised seedlings of Petunia exceed the crossed; this is an anomaly; but as with Iberis self fertilised seeds, not fully matured, grew quicker, so that they retained their advantage, so the most probable explanation is, that the seeds from which the selffertilised plants of Petunia were raised, were also not well ripened, and grew therefore quicker.2 Here “crossed” would be out of the way. The sheet, where this passage stands, is printed already; but I shall give it as an Erratum, if you wish it. However, I cannot as yet see, that it is wrong. I beg your pardon for doubting; but please read the whole paragraph, and I think my doubts are justified. With my best wishes for your health | Yours ever sincerely | J. Victor Carus DAR 161: 107 1 2

CD had suggested a correction for the German translation of Cross and self fertilisation (see letter to J. V. Carus, 19 February 1877). Petunia and Iberis (candytuft) are genera of flowering plants. CD realised his mistake and suggested a different correction (see Cross and self fertilisation, p. 275 and letter to J. V. Carus, 4 March 1877).

From O. Dill   26 February 1877

Liverpool, 26th febry 77

Sir, At the request of my friend Mr Franz von Rekowsky, an officer of the German Imperial Guard & Secretary to the German Diplomatic Consulate at Messina, I beg to enclose translation of a draft of a letter, in which he himself expresses the great desire he has to possess a specimen of manuscript by you;1 Bespeaking your pardon for trouble given and hoping to be favored with your kind reply for transmission to my friend, | I am, Sir, | yours very respectfully | O. Dill Prof. Chas Darwin. | Down Bromley 16 Percy Str. | Canning Str DAR 176: 119

February 1877

110 1

See letter from Franz von Rekowsky, 20 February 1877.

To ?   26 February 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 26. 77 Dear Sir, I am very much obliged to you for your kindness in having sent me your new work.1 The subject undoubtedly is a most important & abstruse one; & I hope that I may not find the German too difficult for me to understand With my best thanks & respect | I remain, dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS eBay (September 2001) 1

The publication has not been identified.

From John Colby   27 February 1877 Pantyderi | Blaenffos R.S.O | South Wales 27 Feb 77 Sir On seeing a review of your book on ‘the Effects of Cross & Self fertilization &c’ in the Spectator1 it struck me that a phenomenon I observed some years ago was explained. The case I refer to was as follows   On the ‘Siebengebirge’ in Germany2 I found a plant (a species of blue bell) on which two blooms were close side by side & joined partly together thus.—3 The conjunction was evidently abnormal but the curious thing I observed was that though both blooms had stamens, only one had a pistil growing within it, & that pistil bent away through an aperture in the bell, where they joined so that rather more than the upper half of it was in the bell which had no proper pistil of its own. My impression was that there was an effort of nature to make one female portion receive the advantage of all the male portions of both blooms on a kind of economical principle. But now I think the pistil must have taken advantage of the pistil-less condition of the adjoining bell to secure a sort of cross fertilization from it. I hope the fact may be deemed curious enough to serve as an excuse for troubling you with this letter. yrs truly | John Colby DAR 161: 207

February 1877 1 2 3

111

The review of Cross and self fertilisation was published in the Spectator, 10 February 1877, p. 17. The Siebengebirge or ‘Seven Hills’ are on the east bank of the Rhine south-east of Bonn, Germany. Based on the sketch, the species is probably of the genus Campanula, commonly known as the bellflower.

To Oswald Heer   28 February 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 28. 1877 Dear Sir, I thank you sincerely for your great kindness in having sent me your fine work on the Fossil Arctic Flora.1 It forms a valuable addition to the many similar gifts with which you have honoured me Dear Sir | With my thanks & high respect | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS Landesarchiv des Kantons Glarus, Switzerland (Bestand Oswald Heer (1809–83) LAGL PA 22.A 1:14) 1

Heer evidently sent volume 4 of Flora fossilis arctica (Heer 1868–83), published in 1877; CD’s copies of volumes 3–6 are in the Darwin Library–CUL.

From J. D. Hooker   [2 March 1877]1 Kew Friday Mg (To be returned) Dear old Darwin, I cannot tell you with what pride & satisfaction I heard Frank deliver his communication last night.—2 He spoke slowly, clearly, & at ease, & was perfectly heard & understood—by all but Huxley!—3 I suppose that “Homer nodded”4 for he understood Frank to say that the filaments had no motion except under stimulus, whereas nothing could be clearer, fuller or more explicit than Frank’s description of the various spontaneous movements. I could not help wishing that Mrs Darwin had been there to see her son’s debût before the R.S. Tell Frank that Mr Huxley had been up all the previous night, having travelled from Edinburgh by night train,—that he had sat with me at the R.S. Govt. Grant Committee5 from 3  till 6 —& that I suspect he slept through a good part of the paper! It must have been rather droll for the Fellows to hear me first liken the motion to Amœba & the protoplasmic masses of the Myxomycetes;6 & then to hear Huxley get up & point out the difference between Dipsacoid & Amoeboid substance to consist in the former not having spontaneous motion!!! Ever yr affec | J D Hooker I hope you have received Moseleys Photographs &c which he asked me to send on to you7 1 2

DAR 104: 93–4

112 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

March 1877

The date is established by the reference to Francis Darwin’s reading of his teasel paper (see n. 2, below). Francis read his paper ‘On the protrusion of protoplasmic filaments from the glandular hairs of the common teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris)’ (F. Darwin 1877a) at the Royal Society of London on 1 March 1877. Thomas Henry Huxley. Homer nods: even the best, or cleverest, of people have lapses (Oxford dictionary of English idioms). The Royal Society Government Grant Committee had been set up in 1850 to administer applications for funds given to the society by the British Government (see MacLeod 1971). Myxomycetes are plasmodial slime moulds, which have a phase that displays amoeboid movement. The photographs from Henry Nottidge Moseley have not been identified; they probably related to the HMS Challenger expedition or to facial expression, as Moseley had sent CD a photograph and books relating to these topics in November 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24, letters from H. N. Moseley, 3 November 1876 and [after 17 November 1876]).

To G. B. Ercolani   3 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 3, 77 Dear Sir, I am much obliged for your great kindness in having sent me your essay on the placenta, a subject on which it is well known that you have worked with great success.1 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin LS Biblioteca dell’Archiginnasio Bologna (Coll. autografi XXIII*6542) 1

Ercolani had sent his essay ‘Sull’unità del tipo anatomico della placenta nei mammiferi e nell’umana specie, e sull’unita fisiologica della nutrizione dei feti in tutti i vertebrati’ (On the unity of anatomical type in the placenta in mammals and the human species and on the physiological unity in the nutrition of foetuses in all vertebrates; Ercolani 1877).

To Albert Günther   3 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station. | Orpington. S.E.R. March 3. 77 My dear Dr Günther, I think No 2 cannot be my number; if printed on white paper, it then may be mine & the entrance in my catalogue is “caught on board the Beagle”. No 235 on tin label is a spider caught at Rio de Janeiro which I say is closely allied to Epira. The abdomen coloured brilliant red. The animal makes a very regular nearly horizontal web with concentric circles & rests in the centre on the inferior surface, where there is an irregular & thin tissue of network. But this tissue is sometimes placed in the centre above the concentric web. No 1442. Spiders caught by sweeping at King Georges Sound Australia. I am sorry to say this is all the information I can give,1 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS Natural History Museum (Archives DF ZOO/200/11/115)

March 1877 1

113

The letter from Günther has not been found, but he had asked CD about spider specimens collected on the Beagle voyage; see letters to Albert Günther, 28 January [1877] and 25 February [1877]. For CD’s specimen lists including these items, see R. D. Keynes ed. 2000, pp. 321, 38 and 328, and 367. Epira is a misspelling of Epeira, a synonym of Araneus, a genus of orbweaver spiders. In the nineteenth century, many spiders were classified in Epeira that are now in different genera and families. The spider ‘allied to Epira’ was later identified as Leucauge venusta, the orchard orbweaver. Adam White formally described it in 1841 as Linyphia (Leucauge) argyrobapta and included this description from CD’s notes: ‘Web very regular, nearly horizontal, with concentric circles; beneath, but sometimes above, the concentric web, there is an irregular or thin tissue of network; the animal rests in the centre, on the inferior surface: abdomen brilliant; the red colour like a ruby with a bright light behind’ (White 1841, p. 474).

To J. D. Hooker   3 March [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 3d My dear old Friend How kind it was of you to write.— Your note has pleased us beyond measure.2 I did not know how Frank would succeed in explaining himself; nor could I gather from his own account how far he had succeeded.3 So your note was most welcome. It has done him good & his manner since has been more completely than hitherto like his old manner.— But poor dear fellow no doubt it constantly crosses his mind that he has no sympathy when it wd have given him most joy.—4 The filaments from Dipsacus will have to be examined by other good workers; but I do not think that anyone cd see their spontaneous action & that under the most diversified stimulants or reagents, & doubt that they were formed of living matter. Dyer’s objection in a note to Fr. today is the best, viz that protoplasm cd not pass through a cell-wall; but white blood corpuscles pass through the walls of vessels; & in a growing cell there must be protoplasm between the molecules of cellulose.—5 I have been working at the rich treasure of specimens & information which all you good botanists at Kew gave F. for me.—6 I received Moseley’s splendid collection of Photo’s all safe: it did not occur to me, but I ought to have acknowledged them.7 Yours affectionately | Ch. Darwin DAR 95: 435–6 1 2 3 4 5 6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, [2 March 1877]. See letter from J. D. Hooker, [2 March 1877]. Francis Darwin had delivered his paper on the teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris; F. Darwin 1877a) at the Royal Society of London on 1 March 1877. CD alludes to Francis’s wife, Amy, who had died on 11 September 1876; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to J. D. Hooker, 11 September [1876]. William Turner Thiselton-Dyer’s note has not been found. The material observed between the cells was later characterised as plasmodesma. Francis Darwin had collected specimens from Kew for CD’s research on Forms of flowers; see letter to J. D. Hooker, 25 January [1877].

114 7

March 1877

Henry Nottidge Moseley; see letter from J. D. Hooker, [2 March 1877] and n. 7.

To J. V. Carus   4 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 4. 1877 My dear Sir, I am quite ashamed of my self for my stupidity & am much obliged to you. There is an error but it is exactly the reverse of what I pointed out. Will you please to have an erratum inserted as follows.1 p 191 bottom line beginning with the words “The sole conjecture which I can form is that the crossed seeds &c” read “The sole conjecture which I can form is that the self-fertilised seeds had not been sufficiently ripened, & thus produced weakly plants which grew at first at an abnormally quick rate, as occurred with Iberis.”2 Pray forgive me & believe me yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin There is no error in p. 2753 LS(A) Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859 Darwin, Charles, Bl. 162–163) 1

2

3

In his letter of 19 February 1877, CD had pointed out a supposed error on p. 275 of Cross and self fertilisation for Carus to correct in the German translation. Carus questioned whether it was an error in his letter of 26 February 1877. The correction was made to Carus trans. 1877d, p. 182, and to Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., pp. 191–2, with the final clause expanded to ‘as occurred with seedlings from not well-ripened self-fertilised seeds of Iberis.’ See n. 1, above.

To Édouard Heckel   4 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Mar 4. 1877 Dear Sir, I have much cause to apologise for troubling you again; but I made a great blunder in my last note; & the error which I want you to correct in your translation is not at line 6, p 275  as I informed you, but at p 191  bottom line.1 The sentence commencing “The sole conjecture which I can form &c” should run— “The sole conjecture which I can form is that the self-fertilised seeds had not been sufficiently ripened & thus produced weakly plants which grew at first at an abnormally quick rate, as occurred with Iberis”—2 There is therefore no error at p 275 Allow me to repeat how sorry I am that I felt compelled from want of health & strength to decline looking over your proof-sheets.3 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch Darwin LS Barbara and Robert Pincus (private collection)

March 1877 1

2

3

115

The note from CD has not been found. Heckel was making the French translation of Cross and self fertilisation (Heckel trans. 1877). For CD’s initial correction to p. 275 of Cross and self fertilisation, see the letter to J. V. Carus, 19 February 1877. Julius Victor Carus had questioned it in his letter of 26 February 1877. See also letter to J. V. Carus, 4 March 1877. The correction was not made to Heckel trans. 1877, p. 192, but it was made to Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., pp. 191–2, with the final clause expanded to ‘as occurred with seedlings from not well-ripened self-fertilised seeds of Iberis.’ In his letter of 27 December 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24), Heckel had asked whether CD would read the manuscript of his translation before publication.

From C. F. Claus1   5 March 1877 Wien d 5. März 77 Hochgeehrter Herr! In den Zeitungen lese ich, dass Ihnen hochverehrter Herr von den deutschen Gelehrten durch Vermittlung des Herrn Rechnungsrathes Rade in Münster ein photographisches Album zum Zeichen der hohen Verehrung zugegangen ist.2 Wenn Sie meinen Namen und mein Bild in demselben vermissen so bitte ich hieraus nicht einen Rückschluss auf meine Gesinnung machen zu wollen, die nach wie vor der grössten Hochschätzung bei jeder Gelegenheit Ausdruck zu geben sucht. Der Grund liegt einzig und allein darin, dass ich nicht zur Theilnahme aufgefordert worden bin. Man hat mich bei diesem Ihnen zugedachten Geschenke an dem ich mich sicher mit grosser Freude betheiligt haben würde, übergangen und wie es scheint, als nicht existirend betrachtet Indem ich mir somit erlaube, Ihnen den Grund des Fehlens meines Bildes, als das eines Ihrer eifrigsten Anhänger mitzutheilen, ersuche ich Sie den Ausdruck meiner wärmsten und innigsten Wünsche für Ihre Person nachträglich gütigst aufzunehmen. Ihr | Hochachtungsvoll und aufrichtigst | ergebener | C Claus DAR 161: 179 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The photograph album of German and Austrian scientists was sent to mark CD’s 68th birthday by Emil Rade (see letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877). It is at Down House, Downe, Kent.

From Asa Gray   6 March 1877 Herbarium of Harvard University, | Botanic Garden, Cambridge, Mass. March 6 1877 Dear Darwin I am very thankful for the new Orchid-Book, just received from Murray.1 But still, if it can be spared from the oversheets, I wish Murray would make up for me

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March 1877

the title-form, which I never received, and which would complete the copy you sent me in sheets I should have “eviscerated” this book too for Silliman’s Journal, if I had the titlepage, and if I was not too crowded with my Fl. N. America work.2 You are quite wrong in saying I have taken all good out of the X Fert. book.3 On the contrary, I was reproaching myself for leaving so much untouched But my object in writing this line, is to say that only yesterday, my good wife, in calling upon the Norton’s, was told by Madame Norton of the sad bereavement in your family last autumn.4 They supposed we knew of it. But Hooker was too much occupied in the happy rehabilitation of his own family to remember to tell me.5 My good wife—who remembers you all with undiminished affection—desires to send, with mine, sincerest sympathy. In haste, as ever, | Yours | A. Gray DAR 165: 194 1 2

3 4

5

Orchids 2d ed. was published in January 1877 by John Murray (Publishers’ Circular, 1 February 1877, p. 93). CD praised Gray’s abstract of Cross and self fertilisation in the American Journal of Science and Arts and claimed Gray had ‘quite eviscerated it’ in his letter of 18 February [1877]. Benjamin Silliman Jr was one of the proprietors and editors of the journal. Gray was working on his Synoptical flora of North America (A. Gray 1878–84). Cross and self fertilisation; see n. 2, above. Gray’s wife, Jane Loring Gray, had visited Charles Eliot Norton and his mother, Catherine Eliot Norton, where she found out about the death of Francis Darwin’s wife Amy in September 1876; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to J. D. Hooker, 11 September [1876]. After the death of his first wife, Frances Harriet, in 1874, Joseph Dalton Hooker had married Hyacinth Jardine in 1876; he had heard the news of Amy Darwin’s death while on a trip to Scotland to celebrate this recent marriage (see Correspondence vol. 24, letters from J. D. Hooker, 4 July 1876 and [24 September 1876]).

From James Torbitt to the House of Commons   6 March 1877 58, North Street, Belfast, 6th March, 1877. TO THE RIGHT HON. AND HON. THE MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. My Lords and Gentlemen, In your capacity, as guardians of the public purse, I beg leave to bring under your notice a leak in the Revenue which exists at this port. The amount I do not know, of course, but I take it to be several times the amount of the cost of the Viceregal establishment in Dublin. £300 per week is supposed to be about the amount of profit realized from it by one firm alone. The modus operandi is this—and I acknowledge that in self-defence I have been compelled to become a participator in the matter— A dealer, or distiller, fills ten puncheons of whisky, or a hundred, or a thousand, and in the course of a few days the staves of the casks drink up about one gallon and a-half of proof spirit each, the duty on which amounts to fifteen shillings on each cask.

March 1877

117

The dealer then sends a thousand empty puncheons to the bonded warehouse, and pumps into them the thousand puncheons whisky. These second thousand casks proceed to suck up each another gallon and a-half of whisky, and the operator, in the meantime, brings home the first thousand casks, pours into each of them a few gallons of boiling water (steam is better, and is used by the more scientific operators), and extracts the gallon and a-half of whisky free of duty. The strength of this spirit is then brought up by the addition of 65 over proof spirit,* and the amount of duty “saved” here is £750 on this one “operation,” and this is repeated ad infinitum. I have myself “blended” (this operation is called “blending”) whisky down from 124°° to 109°°, thereby clearing £9 per puncheon, at the expense of the general tax payers of the community; and to stop this all that is requisite is an order that whisky shall be blended only once in the bonded stores. I have the honour to be, | My Lords and Gentlemen, | Your most obedient servant, | J. TORBITT. * in order to make it of saleable strength. In relation to this. Sir Stafford Northcote was informed by the Customs that in the previous year £13.000 was lost in our warehouse, alone and it was a suppressio vere.1 The firm alluded to (Dunville’s) cleared as they have admitted just double that per annum and they have now bought these landed estates.2 My gain was about £600 a year, but in consequence of cultivating the potato I was compelled give the whiskey to my Bankers and cease “blending”—3 I have not yet got much thanks for this saving to the people nor do I want any. J.T. DAR 178: 136 1 2 3

Stafford Northcote was chancellor of the Exchequer. Suppressio veri: suppression of truth (Latin). Dunville & Co. was a Belfast firm of whiskey blenders and tea importers. For Torbitt’s scheme to improve the cultivation of the potato, see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from James Torbitt, 22 April 1876.

To Smith, Elder & Co.   7 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 7. 1877 Dear Sir Mons: Baillière wishes to bring out a French translation of my ‘Coral Reefs’; & I should be very glad for him to do so.1 I hope that you will be so good as to aid me with respect to the wood cuts & maps. In this case will you inform me what would be the cost of stereotypes of the wood cuts, & of copies of the three plates. But of the map at least, it would be much the best plan, I should think, if you would supply them with say 500 copies all ready coloured. Would you be so good as to let me have an estimate; as no doubt it will largely depend on the cost whether M. Baillière will continue to wish to bring out a French edit. I hope therefore you will not charge much more than the cost price. I am sorry to give you so much trouble, & remain yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin PS. It has just occurred to me that possibly our maps will not serve on account of the english names. When ever you answer this letter will you be so good as to

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March 1877

send me a perfect copy in sheets that it may be transmitted to M. Baillière & when he hears the cost of copies he will decide whether to have fresh engravings made2 LS Lehigh University Special Collections (Honeyman Collection) 1

2

Jean Baptiste Marie Baillière was a French publisher and bookseller; no letters from him to CD have been found. He published a French translation of Coral reefs 2d ed. (published by Smith, Elder & Co.) in 1878 (Cosserat trans. 1878). The maps in Cosserat trans. 1878 were printed with French place names.

To Asa Gray   8 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 8th 77 My dear Gray Perhaps you wd like to hear what little I have been able to make out about your flowers. Leucosmia Burnettiana is in all probability dimorphic judging from relative length & positions of stamens & pistils, but more especially from difference in the stigmas of the 2 forms, but the pollen-grains do not differ in size, which is the best evidence.—1 Gilia pulchella: the two forms differ in their stigmas & do not differ in their pollen-grains, & I shd. have left this case quite doubtful, had not G. micrantha differed in exactly the same manner in the stigma, & moreover in the diameter of the pollen-grains: therefore I do not doubt that both Gilias & others to which you allude are truly heterostyled.2 Phlox subulata is a devil incarnate & as bad as Rhamnus: perhaps it was once heterstyled, with the short-styled form since rendered more feminine in nature.3 Altogether I now know on fairly good evidence of 39 genera, in 14 Families, which include heterstyled species.4 This pleases me. It is dreadful work making out anything about dried flowers; I never look at one without feeling profound pity for all botanists, but I suppose you are used to it like eels to be skinned alive.— With hearty thanks | Ever Yours | Ch. Darwin Gray Herbarium of Harvard University (117) 1

2

3 4

In his letter of 22 December 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24), Gray had offered to send two flowers of Leucosmia burnettiana (a synonym of Phaleria disperma, a tropical plant in the family Thymelaeaceae). CD received flowers from Kew and described them in Forms of flowers, pp. 114–15. See also letter to Asa Gray, 3 January 1877. Gray sent a flower of Gilia aggregata (a synonym of Ipomopsis aggregata, scarlet gilia) with his letter of 6 February 1877. In his letter of 22 December 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24), Gray instructed CD to grow Gilia micrantha (a synonym of Leptosiphon parviflorus, variable linanthus), but CD received damaged flowers from Kew (Forms of flowers, p. 119). CD described both these species in ibid., pp. 118–19. See letter to Asa Gray, 23 January 1877 and n. 2. Phlox subulata is moss phlox; Rhamnus is the genus of buckthorns. See also Forms of flowers, pp. 119–20. For the genera and families that CD examined in which heterostyly was present, see Forms of flowers, p. 255.

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To C. H. Blackley   9 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Mar 9. 1877 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your essay which I have read with interest.1 Your calculation of the weight of pollen grains is wonderful.2 It might be worth your while to look at p. 376 & p. 405 of my “Effects of cross & self-fertilization” where I give the number of pollen-grains produced by some few plants. Typha, which is an anemophalous species, is said to yield 144 grains weight of pollen—3 The preparations of the leaves of Drosera shew the structure of the glands with admirable clearness—4 I remain dear Sir | yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin LS Yale University Medical Historical Library, Harvey Cushing / John Hay Whitney Medical Library (MMS) 1

2

3

4

An offprint of Blackley’s paper ‘New observations on hay-fever, with new experiments on the quantity of ozone in the atmosphere’ is in DAR 136: 9; delivered in 1876, it was published in 1879 under the title ‘On the methods and the instruments used in investigating the causes of hay-fever’ together with the discussion of the paper before the British Homoepathic Society (Blackley 1879). In Blackley 1879, pp. 129–31, a method was described for determining the weight of pollen-grains using a balance, microscope, and specially made apparatus. Blackley used this data to determine the weight of pollen required to bring on an attack of hay fever. On p. 133, he cited some of CD’s comments on Blackley 1873 (see Correspondence vol. 21, letter to C. H. Blackley, 5 July [1873]). In Cross and self fertilisation, pp. 376–7, CD referred to Blackley’s experiments showing that more pollen was released by the anthers in dry conditions than wet (Blackley 1873), and cited other authors who had estimated the number of pollen-grains produced by the dandelion, the peony, Wistaria sinensis, and hibiscus. On pp. 405–6, CD gave the weight of pollen produced by a bulrush plant (Typha latifolia), and referred to Blackley’s experiments showing that there were many more pollen-grains in the higher atmosphere than the lower. CD made notes for this reply on the back of his offprint of Blackley 1879, which is now in DAR 136: 9. The nature of the preparations has not been identified, but for Blackley’s interest in Drosera (the genus of sundews), see the letter from C. H. Blackley, 18 June 1877. Blackley was interested in CD’s experiments showing the very small amounts of substances that induced physiological action in Drosera, as supporting evidence for his own research on the very small amounts of pollen that could cause hay fever; see Blackley 1882, pp. 608–9.

To C. F. Claus   9 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 9th 1877 My dear Sir I thank you warmly for your letter.—1 I can assure you that I did not require any word from you to be perfectly convinced of your very kind feelings towards me, & of your estimation of what I have been able to do in Science, which is far higher than I deserve. Believe me Dear Sir | With much respect | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859 Darwin, Charles, Bl. 210–211)

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See letter from C. F. Claus, 5 March 1877.

To Melchior Neumayr   9 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Mar 9. 1877 Dear Sir From having been obliged to read other books, I finished only yesterday your essay on “Die Congerien &c”.1 I hope that you will allow me to express my gratitude for the pleasure & instruction which I have derived from reading it. It seems to me to be an admirable work; & is by far the best case which I have ever met with, shewing the direct influence of the conditions of life on the organization. Mr Hyatt, who has been studying the Hilgendorf case, writes to me with respect to the conclusions at which he has arrived, & these are nearly the same as yours.2 He insists that closely similar forms may be derived from distinct lines of descent; & this is what I formerly called analogical variation.3 There can now be no doubt that species may become greatly modified through the direct action of the environment; I have some excuse for not having formerly insisted more strongly on this head in my Origin of Species, as most of the best facts have been observed since its publication.4 With my renewed thanks for your most interesting essay; & with the highest respect, I remain | dear Sir | yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin LS(A) Wellcome Library (MS.7781/16) 1

2

3

An annotated copy of Neumayr and Carl Paul’s Die Congerien- und Paludinenschichten Slavoniens und deren Faunen: ein Beitrag zur Descendenz-Theorie (The Congeria and Paludina strata of Slavonia and their faunas: a contribution to the theory of descent; Neumayr and Paul 1875) is in the Darwin Library–CUL. Paul wrote the geological part and Neumayr the palaeontological; Congeria is a genus of bivalve molluscs and Paludina (a synonym of Vivipara) a genus of gastropod molluscs. The book traces the lineage of gastropod shell evolution in freshwater Pliocene sands and clays of Slavonia (Croatia); for a recent analysis, see Posilović and Bajraktarević 2010. See letter from Alpheus Hyatt, January 1877 and n. 9. Hyatt had questioned Franz Hilgendorf ’s phylogeny of the Steinheim fossil shells, which suggested that all forms were directly descended from a single foundation species. In Origin, pp. 427–8, CD distinguished ‘real affinities’ (those which revealed common descent) from analogical or adaptive resemblances: animals, belonging to two most distinct lines of descent, may readily become adapted to similar conditions, and thus assume a close external resemblance; but such resemblances will not reveal—will rather tend to conceal their blood-relationship to their proper lines of descent. We can also understand the apparent paradox, that the very same characters are analogical when one class or order is compared with another, but give true affinities when the members of the same class or order are compared one with another.

4

CD was sceptical about ‘direct action of the environment’ contributing to evolutionary change, but he recognised it as a more potent force in the development of the individual organism. In the first edition of Origin, p. 206, he wrote:

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For natural selection acts by either now adapting the varying parts of each being to its organic and inorganic conditions of life; or by having adapted them during long-past periods of time: the adaptations being aided in some cases by use and disuse, being slightly affected by the direct action of the external conditions of life, and being in all cases subjected to the several laws of growth. In Origin 5th ed., pp. 253–4, he removed ‘slightly’, and in Origin (1876), pp. 166–7, he changed ‘some’ to ‘many’.

From J. G. F. Riedel   10 March 1877

Tandjang pandan | Belitoong1 10 Mars 1877.

Sir! I beg you to published in the Nature & other papers the following notice.2 Yours | Riedel To Charles Darwin Esq

According to the informations received from trustworthy inhabitants of the island, it is not uncommon to meet amongst the aborigenes in the interior of Hainam, Bay of Tangkeen, persons, men & females, with a largely developped rumpbone, os coccyx, having the form of a moveable tail, and a length from two till four centimetres. In the Hainam language they are called Miau-tse.3 The attention of travellers & anthropologists in the eastern parts of the asiatic continent may be fixed on this fact.— J. G. F. Riedel | Corresp. member of the Anthr. Soc. of Berlin etc. DAR 176: 156 1 2 3

Tanjungpandan, Belitung, Indonesia. Belitung is an island, Tanjungpandan a town. The notice was not published in Nature and has not been found in any other publication. In Descent 1: 16, CD compared some features in the human embryo to related structures in adult mammals and noted that the os coccyx projected ‘like a true tail’; on p. 30 he cited evidence that it corresponded to the true tail in lower animals. Hainan is the island south of China in the South China Sea with the Gulf of Tangkeen (now Tonkin) to the west. The Miautse or Meaou-tsze (now usually referred to as Miao) are one of the original tribes of southern China (EB 9th ed.).

From Ernst Krause   11 March 1877 The kind permission you gave Professor Haeckel that the Biological Journal with the editorship of which he intrusted me, might make its appearance in the world under the victorious banner of your celebrated name, adds to the admiration I always felt for your discoveries the sentiments of deepest thankfulness for the granting of so signal a favour. It shall be my most earnest endeavour that the German Journal under your protection prosper to give you joy as soon as it has overcome the manifold impediments of the outset.1 The editors of the new periodical would be grateful if you would in any way kindly give them hints or directions or—is it not

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too temerary to utter any such wishes?—if you occasionally disposed in our favour of some article or aphoristic thought pointing out perhaps some new particularly important field for observation, or any contribution in any shape. Perhaps you are accustomed from time to time to commit notes to some English periodical; if this be the case I should venture the humble demand that you would render it accessible to us and authorise us at the same to reproduce them. The same desire I dare express in reference to the publications of your sons in the field of natural science where they have already given so telling signs of being to follow up the great traditions of your family.2 You might, most honoured Sir, ask with some astonishment what encourages so bold wishes in a correspondent as yet unknown unto you? nothing but the entire devotion which for many years past he has been consecrating to the work of reformation begun by you. I was among the few who first united to smooth the path to the evangely of intellectual deliverance come from England. As early as in 1866 I published a work on genealogical botany in which I strove to show that in the vegetable kingdom too there can be traced a pedigree however deeply branched.3 The indifference, though, with which among us in Germany botanists heedlessly look on the accomplishing scientific revolution caused the book to pass without producing an appreciable effect. Ever since I have been doing my best in periodicals of every description to gain over disciples to the manner of viewing things reconised by you, as well as to refute opponents. Two years ago yielding to the pressure of my publisher I even went as far as trying to open unto larger numbers of readers a view in general outlines of the newly won conception of the universe and beg to join this attempt hoping for your receiving it with kind indulgence.4 You will in all likelihood, most honoured Sir, find strange that though having for years been given up to propagating the results and method of your investigations I should so long have foregone giving utterance by letter to the high admiration they struck me with. Without any regret on the account of this omission I may say that it was solely motivated by regard for your time and the conviction that nobody ought less than you to be deprived of any part of leisure by correspondance. My now departing from this well considered principle I trust you will kindly grant in behalf of the young enterprise so wholly depending on your continued benevolence; nothing in fact can more further “the Kosmos” than your agreeing to look on it as an intellectual tie realising your own live connexion with the exceedingly vast number of your admirers in Germany. With the expression of an illimited veneration and the wish that these lines may find you in best health I am, Sir, | Yours | respectfully | Ernst Krause Berlin, N.O. Friedenstrasse | No. 10. | 11.3.77. LS DAR 169: 105

March 1877 1

2 3 4

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Ernst Haeckel wrote to CD on 30 December 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24), asking him whether he would agree to put his name to a new journal, Kosmos. The subtitle was: Zeitschrift für einheitliche Weltanschauung auf Grund der Entwickelungslehre in Verbindung mit Charles Darwin und Ernst Haeckel (Journal for uniform worldview based on the theory of development in connection with Charles Darwin and Ernst Haeckel). The editors were Krause, Otto Caspari, and Gustav Jäger. Otto Zacharias had served as editor in the planning stages but Haeckel did not want him to be part of the editorial board (see letter from Otto Zacharias, 23 February 1877); for more on the founding of the journal, see Daum 1998, pp. 359–69. CD’s sons George Howard and Francis Darwin had published several scientific articles, including G. H. Darwin 1875, 1876b, and 1877, and F. Darwin 1875a, 1876a, 1876b, and 1877a. Die botanische Systematik in ihrem Verhältniss zur Morphologie (Botanical systematics in relation to morphology; Krause 1866). Under the pseudonym Carus Sterne, Krause had published Werden und Vergehen: eine Entwicklungsgeschichte des Naturganzen in gemeinverständlicher Fassung (Genesis and decline: a history of the whole of nature in popular form; Krause 1876). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL.

To John Andrews   [before 12 March 1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dear Sir, I have been expecting to receive my waggonette before this time & shall be much obliged to you to let me know when I can send for it. Unless it is finished within a week, I should be glad if you would let me have a waggonette or phaeton meanwhile2 Yours faithfully | Ch Darwin L(S?) Haslemere Educational Museum (HAEEM.LD.5.729) 1 2

The date is established by entries in CD’s Account books; see n. 2, below. Waggonette: a four-wheeled carriage, made open or with a removable cover and furnished with a seat or bench at each side facing inwards and one or two seats arranged crosswise in front; phaeton: a type of light four-wheeled open carriage, usually drawn by a pair of horses, and having one or two seats facing forward (OED). In his Account books–cash account (Down House MS), CD recorded paying Andrews £128 12s. 6d. on 12 March 1877 for ‘New Carriage less old one £14’.

From Leonard Blomefield   12 March 1877 Belmont | Bath. March 12th | 1877.— My dear Darwin, I cannot refrain from writing you a few words of congratulation, in reference to the splendid Testimonial you have lately received from the savans of Germany & The Netherlands, & which I have read an account of in “Nature”.1 No more decided mark of approbation could have been stamped upon the many years’ hard work you have devoted to the Natural History Sciences,—nor better proof afforded of the favourable view foreigners take of the theory you have laboured to establish.—

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It must be a great satisfaction to you in the evening of life to think that your researches, so multifarious & at the cost of so much health & trouble,—have come at length to be duly appreciated;—& that both you & your theories have outlived the fierce opposition that was made to them when first laid before the scientific world.— You, it appears, have just entered your 70th. year.—2 I, in a very little more than two months—shall be entering my 78th. My work for science—of small account compared with yours—I consider done.— But yours I hope will continue many a year longer.— And valuable as have been your many laborious contributions to Biology, here is yet one still wanting for the full development of your theory,—which I have been eagerly looking for, ever since your first announcement in 1868 of its title that was to be—“The variability of Organic beings in a state of Nature”,— but which has never yet come to the birth as a publication.—3 I doubt not you have amassed precious materials for such a work.— Shall I live to see it?—Or am I likely ever to see yourself again?— How few Naturalists of the present day there must be who have known you longer than myself—or so long.— How far back in life is even the occasion of our last meeting!—4 I am thankful to say I am still in as fair health as any of my own age, and wishing you, too, many years of health & happiness to enjoy the world-wide reputation you have earned,— Believe me, | My dear Darwin, | Ever your’s, Most Sincerely.— | Leonard Blomefield. DAR 168: 59 1

2 3

4

Nature, 22 February 1877, p. 356, reported that on the occasion of CD’s 69th birthday, he had received an album of photographs of 154 German scientists, and another one containing photographs of 217 distinguished professors and lovers of science from Holland. CD was 68 on 12 February 1877. The German album was sent with the letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877, and the Dutch one was sent with the letter from A. A. van Bemmelen and H. J. Veth, 6 February 1877. CD had entered his 69th year; both albums made a mistake with his age, see n. 1, above. In Variation 1: 4–9, CD described two projected works based on his unpublished ‘big book’ on species (Natural selection). The first was to be on ‘variability of organic beings in a state of nature’, but neither was published. Blomefield (formerly Jenyns) held a living at Swaffham Bulbeck, near Cambridge, while CD was an undergraduate at Cambridge from 1828 to 1831. They had met through an interest in entomology, and Blomefield later described the Beagle fish specimens. The last known meeting between Blomefield and CD was at the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting at Southampton in September 1846; see Correspondence vol. 3, letter to J. S. Henslow, [5 October 1846].

From Daniel Oliver   12 March 1877 Herbm. | Royal Gardens Kew 12 Mar. 1877. Dear Mr Darwin With regard to cleistogamic flowers of Oxalis: is it quite clear that those which you find in O. sensitiva are cleistogams in the same sense as the late flowers of O. acetosella & Violet?1

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I shd. suspect that they are merely arrested or imperfectly developed normal flowers—as you may find in probably many many-flowered inflorescences not of Oxalis only. The species you name is a many-flowered one.2 Of course there may subsist some relationship between such so-called arrested or abortive flowers & true cleistogams—but a distinction between them generally speaking is clear. From my own limited experience amongst true cleistogams I shd certainly say they are not likely to lend themselves to di- or tri-morphic practices! The style if present in normal flower is nearly always 0 in true cleistogs. & the stamens anything from 1 anther to nine: Corolla 0 or 1–2 or nine little petals. However—I fear the Herbm.—any help we can get out of it would be most unsatisfactory. It is so rarely, to begin with, that specimens are selected with reference to 2–3-morphism. The only specimens that I remember collected to illustrate this matter are some sent by M. Gibert from the Monte Video Country & these are mostly if not all 1-flowd. species like O. Acetosella.3 I think it wd. be very desirable to apply to him specially for flowers in fluid.— I think it possible we may have some in fluid from him at the Museum. I will have enquiry made & let you know if we have.— Very Sincerely yrs | D. Oliver DAR 173: 35 1

2 3

No letter from CD to Oliver asking about species of Oxalis has been found. CD described the cleistogamic flowers (permanently closed flowers adapted for self-fertilisation) of Oxalis sensitiva (a synonym of Biophytum sensitivum) and O. acetosella (wood sorrel) in Forms of flowers, pp. 321–4. CD had previously corresponded with Oliver about Oxalis acetosella in 1862 and 1863; see Correspondence vol. 10, letter to Daniel Oliver, 20 [April 1862], and Correspondence vol. 11, letter from Daniel Oliver, 27 November 1863 and n. 6. CD discussed Biophytum sensitivum in Cross and self fertilisation, p. 377, as an example of a species in the process of developing cleistogamic flowers. He was aware of the synonymy, since he referred to it as Oxalis (Biophytum) sensitiva in Forms of flowers, p. 322, and he also recognised that its cleistogamic flowers were structurally similar to open flowers as well as being heterostyled. For CD’s conclusions about cleistogamy in the common violet (Viola odorata), see Forms of flowers, pp. 317–18. The species mentioned has not been identified. CD discussed several species of Oxalis in Forms of flowers; for a list see ibid., p. 350. Joseph Ernest Gibert sent plants to Kew from Montevideo, Uruguay (letter from Gibert to Joseph Dalton Hooker, 15 March 1872, JSTOR Global Plants, http://plants.jstor.org/stable/10.5555/al.ap. visual.kldc10326, accessed 24 November 2015).

To Leonard Blomefield   13 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 13th. 77 1 My dear Jenyns (I see I have forgotten your proper name.) Your extremely kind letter has given me warm pleasure.2 As one gets old ones thoughts turn back to the past rather than to the future, & I often think of the pleasant & to me valuable hours which I spent with you on the borders of the fens.3 You ask about my future work, I doubt whether I shall be able to do much more that is new, & I always keep before my mind the example of poor old Gray of the British

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Museum who in his old age had a cacoethes for writing.4 But I cannot endure doing nothing so I suppose that I shall go on as long as I can without obviously making a fool of myself. I have a great mass of matter with respect to variation under nature, but so much has been published since the appearance of the Origin of Species, that I very much doubt whether I retain power of mind & strength to reduce the mass into a digested whole.5 I have sometimes thought that I would try, but dread the attempt. The birth-day presents of the albums have pleased me very much, more especially as they contain the photographs of some illustrious men6 I am heartily glad that your health keeps good. Again let me thank you cordially for your letter, & I remain | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Bath Royal Literary and Scientific Institution (L16163.017b) 1 2 3 4

5

6

In 1871, Leonard Jenyns received a considerable property on condition that he change his name to Blomefield (ODNB). See letter from Leonard Blomefield, 12 March 1877. See letter from Leonard Blomefield, 12 March 1877 and n. 4. See letter from Leonard Blomefield, 12 March 1877 and n. 3. John Edward Gray was incapacitated by a stroke in 1869 but continued writing articles and remained in his post of keeper of the zoological collections at the British Museum until 1874 (ODNB) . In Origin, p. 4, CD said of variation in nature that he was ‘compelled to treat this subject far too briefly’ and that it could ‘be treated properly only by giving long catalogues of facts’. Some material was included in CD’s ‘big book’ on species (Natural selection), which was not published in his lifetime. See letter from Leonard Blomefield, 12 March 1877 and n. 1. CD had received two albums of photographs of Dutch and German scientists and well-wishers.

From Karl von Estorff1   15 March 1877 Bern. Schweiz. Hôtel Bellevue, d 15 März 1877. Hochgeehrter Herr! Durch meine sehr bedeutende Krankheit (Blasenstein-Leiden) beständig an mein Schmerzenslager gefesselt, bin ich erst heute in der Lage, Ihnen, dem berühmten und verehrten Regenerator der Naturwissenschaften, meine allerinnigsten Glückwünsche zu Ihrem stattgefundenen Geburts-Tage ergebenst darzubringen,—2 Möge Ihnen, zum Frommen der Wissenschaft, welche Ihnen so Grosses verdankt, und zur Freude Ihrer zahlreichsten Freunde und Verehrer, noch gar manches Lebens-Jahr beschieden sein!— Erlauben Sie mir, Ihen gleichzeitig, unter Kreuzband, meine vor Kurzem in zweiter Auflage erschieene archäologische Broschüre: “Brief … an Professor E. Desor, mit Vorrede des Professor Dr. A. Sprenger (des berühmten Orientalisten), hiermit zu überreichen.—3 Hoffentlich wird sie Ihnen einiges Interesse gewähren, da, wie Sie ersehen werden, ich in derselben bereits vor circa neun Jahren ganz

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neue, seitdem, so viel mir bekannt, nicht widersprochene, daher wohl als richtig anerkannte Ansichten über die prähistorischen Stein-Monumente Europas, sowie über die Einwanderungsrichtung der Germanen aus ihrem asiatischen Ursitze nach Europa, welche ich vorzugsweise, anstatt von Süd-Osten, wie man bislang annahm, von Süd-Westen (durch Nord-Afrika) behaupte, aufgestellt habe.— Sehr erfreuen würden Sie mich, wenn Sie die Wohlgewogenheit haben wollten, das beiliegende weisse Quartblatt, bestimmt für mein Album (autographisches) ausgezeichnetster Zeitgenossen, mit einigen Zeilen, am liebsten bezüglich der Naturwissenschaft, zu beschreiben und mir alsdann baldmöglichst hierher rückzusenden.—4 Genehmigen Sie, im Vertrauen auf freudliche Erfüllung dieses meines Wunsches, im Voraus meinen verbindlichsten Dank, sowie die Versicherung ausgezeichneter Hochachtung, mit welcher ich die Ehre habe, mich zu nennen | Hochgeehrter Herr | Ihr | ergebenster | Baron Karl von Estorff | Mitglied mehrerer Akademien der Wissenschaften Mit einer Anlage. DAR 163: 35 1 2 3

4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD was 68 on 12 February 1877. No copy of Estorff’s pamphlet ‘Brief des Freiherrn Karl von Estorff an Professor E. Desor (Erörterung der Frage: von wem die Vorhistorischen Stein-Denkmale errichtet wurden)’ (Letter of Baron Karl von Estorff to Professor E. Desor (discussion of the question: by whom the prehistoric stone monuments were erected); Estorff 1876) has been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Aloys Ignatz Christoph Sprenger, professor of oriental languages in Bern, wrote the preface; the first edition was published in 1869. Estorff’s dispute with Edouard Desor concerned the prehistoric barrows of Lower Saxony; Estorff had published his archaeological findings on them in Heidnische Alterthümer der Gegend von Uelzen im ehemaligen Bardengaue (Pagan antiquities in the region of Uelzen in the former Bardengau; Estorff 1846). CD probably signed and returned the card Estorff had enclosed.

From R. D. Fitzgerald   15 March 1877 Surveyor Generals | Offices Sydney 15th March 77. Dear Sir Accept my best thanks for your works on fertilisation and for the flattering reference to my Australian Orchids in the last.1 I have read them with great interest. I regret that the third part of my Orchids as yet unpublished was not in your hands as I believe you would have been interested in at least one peculiar modification to be described in it.2 Though of course there can be no doubt from your experiments that a cross is of advantage in general I am compelled still to believe that there are some plants so constituted as to dispense with it altogether or only to be crossed under the most exceptional circumstances and that the numbers of individuals to be

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found in any species is dependent on other causes and not on this circumstance of whether their seed comes from self or cross-fertilisation. I have discovered a curious series of forms in Thelymitra between dependent and independent fertilisation and am inclined to believe that self fertilisation was the ancient method to which they are reverting or from which they are departing3 I remain Dear Sir | Yours truly | Robt D Fitzgerald DAR 164: 131 1

2

3

Fitzgerald’s name was on CD’s presentation lists for Cross and self fertilisation (see Correspondence vol. 24, Appendix III), and for Orchids 2d ed. (see this volume, Appendix IV). CD cited the first volume of Fitzgerald’s Australian orchids (Fitzgerald 1875–94) in Orchids 2d ed., pp. 89–91, 115, 127, and 279–81. Fitzgerald 1875–94 was published in parts in two volumes. The first volume had seven parts, and the second, five parts. Vol. 1, part 3 was not published until June 1877; a copy is in the Darwin Library– CUL. Thelymitra is the genus of sun orchids. In Orchids 2d ed., p. 127, CD discussed Fitzgerald’s observations of Thelymitra carnea (pink sun orchid) and T. longifolia (common sun orchid) being fertilised in the bud but noted that the flowers had some structures adapted for crossing. In Forms of flowers, p. 313, CD added Thelymitra to his list of genera that included cleistogamic species on the basis of Fitzgerald’s observation that the flowers in its native region never opened, but that they did not appear to be reduced in size (ibid., n.). For more on Fitzgerald’s studies of Thelymitra fertilisation, see Edens-Meier and Bernhardt 2014, pp. 175–81.

From C. C. Babington   16 March 1877 5 Brookside | Cambridge 16 Mar. 1877 Dear Darwin, I think that the flowers of Hottonia project from the stem nearly horizontally as represented in Eng. Bot. 364 (Syme 1128), perhaps slightly upwards.1 I am sorry that I cannot help you about Pulmonaria angustifolia as my supply of that plant is exceedingly small.2 I have never seen it growing myself. Will not Borrers Herb.3 at Kew help you in the matter, as I cannot. I am alway rejoiced when I can help you. Yours very truly | Charles C. Babington. DAR 111: B49 1

2

3

No letter from CD asking about the plants mentioned in this letter has been found. Hottonia palustris (water violet or featherfoil) is described and illustrated in English botany; or, coloured figures of British plants, with their essential characters, synonyms, and places of growth (J. E. Smith and Sowerby 1790–1814, 6: 364). It appeared in the third edition (Syme ed. 1863–92 7: pl. 1128, opposite p. 130). CD described H. palustris in Forms of flowers, pp. 50–4. In 1863 and 1864, CD corresponded frequently with his son William Erasmus Darwin on the two forms of Pulmonaria angustifolia (narrow-leaved lungwort; see Correspondence vols. 11 and 12). CD described P. angustifolia in Forms of flowers, pp. 104–10. Borrers Herb.: the herbarium at Kew had acquired the extensive collection of British plants of William Borrer on his death in 1862 (ODNB).

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From R. F. Cooke   16 March 1877 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. March 16 1877 My dear Sir I have the pleasure of enclosing you Mr Murray’s cheque for £140 on a/c of the present edition of Cross & Self Fertilization (1500) which are nearly all exhausted. Also £120 on a/c of the present edition (1250) of Origin of Species, of which we still have in stock about 500 copies, but the expenses have all been paid & we are sure of their moving off soon.1 I hope this may be satisfactory & With Mr Murray’s & my own compliments Believe me | Faithfully Yours | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 485 1

John Murray was CD’s publisher. CD recorded the receipt of £140 for profits from Cross and self fertilisation, and £120 for Origin (1876), from Murray in his Account books–banking account (Down House MS) on 17 March 1877.

To C. E. Norton   16 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) March 16 1877 My dear Mr. Norton I am very much obliged for your kind present of poor Chauncey Wright’s works, received this morning.1 It is an exceedingly handsome memorial to him, & one which I cannot doubt he wd. have preferred to any other. I had no idea that he had written so much.— I have already read with very great interest your account of his remarkable character & attainments; & it makes one bitterly regret his early death.— Some of your remarks, I must add, make me feel not a little proud.2 I have not much strength for reading, which tires me more than writing, but I will certainly read some of the essays which are new to me & reread some of the old ones. So let me again thank you heartily for your kindness. I trust I may take the publication of this book as a proof that your health is fairly good, & so I hope is that of all your party. Pray give to them all our kind & cordial remembrances. We go on in the same very quiet fashion, as when you were in England, & I have no news to tell.3 By the way your old landlord Mr. Thompson of Keston is dead of creeping paralysis, & poor fellow he is no great loss. His house has now been fitted up for a new person of the name of Huxley, who boasts that he is “no relation to that horrid Professor Huxley”,—so he won’t be much of a neighbour to us.—4 Our quiet, however, was broken a couple of days ago by Gladstone calling here.—5 I never saw him before & was much pleased with him: I expected a stern, overwhelming

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sort of man, but found him as soft & smooth as butter, & very pleasant. He asked me whether I thought that the United States would hereafter play a much greater part in the history of the world than Europe. I said that I thought it would, but why he asked me, I cannot conceive & I said that he ought to be able to form a far better opinion,—but what that was he did not at all let out. Once again accept my thanks | & with all good wishes | believe me, Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Harvard University, Houghton Library (Charles Eliot Norton Papers, MS Am 1088: 1596) 1

2

3 4

5

Wright had died suddenly at the age of 44 on 12 September 1875; see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from C. E. Norton, 22 September 1875. His articles were collected with a biographical sketch by Norton in Philosophical discussions (Wright 1877); CD’s lightly annotated copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL. In his biographical sketch of Wright (Wright 1877, p. xvi), Norton discussed the influence of John Stuart Mill and CD on Wright, praising both authors. Norton concluded: ‘their respective methods of investigation and of statement are of such excellence, and their desire for truth so sincere and impersonal, that their works would remain as models of scientific investigation and philosophic inquiry even though they should lose their doctrinal authority.’ Charles Eliot Norton and Susan Ridley Sedgwick Norton had visited Down several times in 1868 and 1869 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). In 1868, the Nortons had rented Keston Rectory in the village of Keston, two miles north-west of Down, for four months; see Correspondence vol. 16, letter to J. D. Hooker, [8–10 September 1868]. They rented the property from Joseph Thompson, rector of Keston, who died on 31 October 1876. Thomas Scott Huxley took over as rector in 1877. Professor Huxley: Thomas Henry Huxley. According to Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), William Ewart Gladstone visited Down on 11 March 1877. The visit was part of a weekend party held by John Lubbock at High Elms; for an account, see Morley 1903, 2: 562. In his diary, Gladstone referred to CD’s appearence as ‘pleasing and remarkable’ (Foot and Matthew eds. 1968–94, 9: 199).

From R. F. Cooke   19 March 1877 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. March 19 1877 My dear Sir I return the enclosed a/c receipted. You acknowledge the receipt of £280.0.0, but we only sent £260. I note what you say about your new work, but of course we will not announce it, until you tell us.1 Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke C. Darwin Esq DAR 171: 486 1

The letter from CD has not been found, but see the letter from R. F. Cooke, 16 March 1877. Cooke had sent two cheques totalling £260 for profits from sales of Cross and self fertilisation and Origin (1876).

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CD did not send the manuscript for Forms of flowers until April 1877 (letter to R. F. Cooke, 11 April 1877) and it was published on 9 July 1877 (Freeman 1977).

To Asa Gray   19 March [1877]1 Down March 19th. My dear Gray I daresay the enclosed will do for sticking up with the sheets to make the volume complete.— I feel sure that Murray cd not send a hot-pressed copy without breaking up a set—2 We thank you & Mrs. Gray for your kind sympathy.— It was a most dreadful blow, but poor dear Frank sticks to his work like a man, & this is the sole alleviation possible.—3 Yours affectionately | C. Darwin Harvard University, Houghton Library (tipped into Orchids 2d ed., EC85 D2593 862oba) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Asa Gray, 6 March 1877. In his letter of 6 March 1877, Gray had requested a title page to complete his copy of Orchids 2d ed., which CD had sent him in sheets. This letter of 19 March was found in this copy (see provenance). John Murray was CD’s publisher. See letter from Asa Gray, 6 March 1877 and n. 4; Gray and his wife, Jane Loring Gray, had just found out about the death of Francis Darwin’s wife, Amy.

To Pieter Harting   19 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 19th 1877 Dear Sir I have been deeply gratified by the very great honour which has been conferred on me by a naturalist so well known as yourself, having thought it worth while to publish an account of what I have been able to do in natural Science.—1 I cannot read the Dutch language, but one of my sons has translated to me large portions of your essay, & the extremely kind manner in which you speak of my works has delighted me. An account of your countrymen’s generous sympathy in having sent me on my birthday the magnificent Album has been published in almost every newspaper throughout England.; & you may well believe that the present has given me & my family lasting pleasure.2 I beg you once again to accept my cordial thanks, & to believe me with much respect, Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Leiden University Libraries (BPL 1938 / Darwin 1877)

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Harting had sent a copy of his article ‘Darwin’ from Album der Natuur (Harting 1877); CD’s annotated offprint is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Harting prefaced his article on CD’s contributions to science with a translation into Dutch of the letters published in Nature, 8 March 1877, pp. 410–12 (see letter from A. A. van Bemmelen and H. J. Veth, 6 February 1877, and letter to A. A. von Bemmelen, 12 February 1877). For his 68th birthday, CD had been sent an album containing photographs of 217 distinguished professors and lovers of science from Holland; it accompanied the letter from A. A. van Bemmelen and H. J. Veth, 6 February 1877. Apart from the announcement in Nature (see n. 1, above), reports of the album also appeared in The Times, 22 February 1877, p. 11, and many other newspapers, including the York Herald, 23 February 1877, p. 8, and the Bristol Mercury, 24 February 1877, p. 3.

From Friedrich Hildebrand   19 March 1877 Freiburg i/B. March 19th 1877. My dear Sir I am realy very sorry that I cannot help you in the Oxalis Question.1 Though I remember, that I found several species of Oxalis in the Herbariums with cleistogamic flowers, I cannot tell you the names of them, for at that time, about 12 years ago, as I made my first observations on the Trimorphismus of Oxalis I thought that the cleistogamic flowers in this genus were sufficiently known, so I did not notice them. In my papers of that time I find only a notice that I saw three specimens of the trimorphic O. incarnata with cleistogamic flowers in the Herbarium of Seelmejer, that belongs to the: “Naturhistorischer Verein von Rheinland und Westphalen en Bonn”; but I think that they would not be of much use to you as you want living specimens.2 Regretting very much, that I cannot send you the desired Oxalis I remain,—dear Sir,—with much respect | yours | sincerely | Hildebrand DAR 111: A84 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Cleistogams’ red crayon 1

2

CD’s letter to Hildebrand has not been found. CD was working on cleistogamy and heterostyly in species of Oxalis (the genus of wood sorrels) for Forms of flowers. CD had probably asked Hildebrand whether he knew of species of Oxalis with cleistogamic flowers; see letter to J. D. Hooker, 20 March [1877] and n. 3. Hildebrand’s earlier observations on Oxalis were published in Hildebrand 1866 and 1867; he discussed cleistogamy in Oxalis in Hildebrand 1867, pp. 74 and 78. In Forms of flowers, p. 322, CD cited Hildebrand 1866, p. 369, for Hildebrand’s observation that many species of Oxalis produced cleistogamic flowers, and remarked that he had heard from Hildebrand about O. incarnata (pale pink-sorrel or crimson wood sorrel) from the Cape of Good Hope. The Rheinische herbarium of the Naturhistorischer Verein der Rheinlande und Westfalens (Natural Historical Society of Rhineland and Westphalia) includes an important collection from Johann Friedrich Sehlmeyer (Naturhistorischer Verein der Rheinlande und Westfalens e. V., Das Rheinische Herbar, www.naturhistorischerverein. de/herbar.html, accessed 20 November 2015).

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From J. D. Hooker   19 March 1877 Royal Gardens Kew March 19/77 Dear Darwin Oliver has brought me your letter of 13th. from which he gathers that you wish him to hunt through Oxalis for cleistogamic flowers or trimorphous species, which would be a very long job indeed. & heavier than he is disposed to undertake.1 He will however be most glad to aid Frank in the search if he could come over.2 Pray send him   he will find a bed here & a hearty welcome Ever aff yrs | J D Hooker DAR 104: 80–1 1 2

The letter from CD has not been found, but see the letter from Daniel Oliver, 12 March 1877. Oxalis is the genus of wood sorrels. See letter to Francis Darwin, [c. 20 March 1877].

To Richard Kippist   19 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) March 19th. 1877 Sir I beg that you will be so good as to lay the following request before the Council of the Linnean Soc.— I wish to republish my papers on dimorphic & trimorphic plants, which appeared in the Proceedings, & should therefore be greatly obliged for the four wood-blocks, or for stereotypes from them, which accompanied my papers. I append on the next page a list of the four.1 Should my request be granted, I beg that the blocks be sent to Mr. Murray of Albemarle St, marked outside “for Mr Darwin”.2 Sir | I have the honour to remain | Your obliged & obednt. servant | Charles Darwin Journal of Proceedings of Linn Soc Bot Vol VI 1862. Cuts p 78 & 90. Vol VII 1863 Bot Cut p79 Vol VIII 1864 cuts p171 Linnean Society of London 1

2

CD was reworking material from his papers published in the Journal of the Proceedings of the Linnean Society (Botany) for Forms of flowers. The illustrations appeared in ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’, pp. 78 and 90, ‘Two forms in species of Linum’, p. 79, and ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’, p. 171. Kippist was librarian of the Linnean Society. John Murray, CD’s publisher, had premises at 50A Albemarle Street, London.

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From J. C. Morton   19 March 1877 Agricultural Gazette Office, | 7, Catherine Street, Strand, W.C. March 19 1877 Dear Sir. You have once or twice when this Paper was part of the Gardeners Chronicle done it the great honour of addressing a note to its readers; & that encourages me to submit to you a point now under discussion in its pages.1 A correspondent is endeavouring to prove the harmlessness of using bulls so inbred that they carry scrofulous tendencies with them—provided only they be put to cows of undoubted constitutions “Duchess” Shorthorn bulls (& not they alone) do I believe more or less carry this tainted reputation.2 Of course if the fear, attaching to their use on this account be groundless it ought not to exist and “Sheldrake”—(the Red Holt Beever)—himself a Shorthorn breeder—whose last letter I have pasted on the other side—ought to be encouraged—3 But if he is only encouraging an already extravagant estimate of a fashionable family—by preaching what I fear is a dangerous doctrine—he ought to be authoritatively condemned Your great field of observation & experience of course enables you to speak with greater confidence than any other person can pretend to on any question influencing descent   And if you had the time to look at the paragraph I have marked on the back of this page which is the outcome of several previous letters I should be exceedingly obliged if you could state whether & within what limits the use of a so called scrofulous bull—which being of a fashionable family there is a strong temptation to employ—is consistent with the ultimate interest of the breeder i.e. of course with the ultimate interest of the meat producer— With many apologies and great respect | I am Dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | J. Chalmer Morton | (Editor of the Agr Gazette since ’43) Charles Darwin Esqr From “Scrofula & inbreeding” | Agricultural Gazette— March 19— ’77 [Enclosure]4 But to take another side of the question, I was brought to book for suggesting the use of scrofulous males at all, supposing them to be so affected. This skilled practitioner fully indorsed my idea. He said, ‘Pair a young scrofulous bull with a heafer of weakly constitution, and you will probably find scrofulous mischief in their offspring; but pair him with a sound strong female, and there will probably result no signs of scrofulous disease.” What more did I say? But further, of course the subject generally would scarcely be discussed from the breeding point of view in treatises upon the human frame. Still I find in one work, and that one of credit in the profession, the following observations under the head of “Tuberculosis:”— “The development is favoured by all conditions which render the blood unhealthy.

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Treatment.— To prevent its transmission, well assorted marriages to be obtained; great care to be taken of maternal health during pregnancy; attention to infant’s food and clothing, as well as the air it breathes. A strumous mother not to be allowed to suckle her child. Avoidance of ill-ventilated, badly-drained, or damp houses. Curative Treatment.— Improvement of the faulty nutrition; the formation of healthy blood to be promoted; special attention to diet, dress, exercise, &c.”— Dr. Tanner’s Index of Diseases.5 If, then, in a terribly in-bred cow there be reason to suspect constitutional weakness, have, as most eminent breeders have, a strong healthy young cow for a wet nurse. Anyhow, I am glad that a subject has come to the surface which candid breeders will tell you has been long a matter of private apprehension to them, as now it need no longer be.—6 Sheldrake (It seems plain to us that this conclusion cannot be admitted.— Ed. A. G.) DAR 171: 248 1 2

3

4 5 6

The Gardeners’ Chronicle and Agricultural Gazette ran from 1844 to 1873, after which they became separate publications. CD had made several contributions (for details, see Shorter publications). Duchess shorthorn cattle were bred over sixty-four generations from 1800 to 1849 by Thomas Bates, who maintained a level of forty per cent inbreeding. After his death, breeders inbred the Duchess family to a much greater extent, and the cattle became popular in North America for their purity and fetched high prices. However, their increasing infertility led to the line’s dying out in 1883 (see Derry 2003, pp. 19–27). William Holt Beever wrote on shorthorn cattle under the pseudonym ‘Sheldrake’ in the Agricultural Gazette (‘Death of Rev. W. Holt Beever’, Weekly edition of the National Live Stock Journal, 16 August 1887, p. 514). The pasted newspaper cutting was from ‘Scrofula and in-breeding’, Agricultural Gazette, 19 March 1877, p. 278. The quotation is from Thomas Hawkes Tanner’s An index of diseases and their treatment (Tanner 1866, pp. 267–8). The final seven words are underlined in ink, presumably by Morton.

From G. J. Wilson   19 March 1877 3 Western Road | Gresham Road | Brixton | London S.W 19/3/77 Sir As you seem inclined to yield to Mr. Galtons arguments as to the non-existence of Pangenetic gemmules in the circulating fluid I wish to point out some weaknesses in his position as well as to bring to your notice an important phase of your hypothesis.1 As far as I can gather from the reports I have seen of Mr. Galton’s experiments, the intertransfusion, tho’ ingeniously carried out to a large extent never amounted to anything like a replacement of the circulatory medium of one animal by that of another & even in the partial replacements which took place, the fibrin of the blood was to a large extent excluded.2 These facts of themselves should prevent us from yielding to Mr. Galton too readily even if we did not take into consideration the facts that the gemmules at any moment existing in the blood might be insignificant in number in proportion to those constantly being poured into the circulation &

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dormant in the tissues & that of the gemmules fibrin might be a conveyer. I am led to the conclusion that the various operations of Growth, Nutrition, Repair & Reproduction are carried on by the same agents & are essentially similar processes. These agents are the gemmules of your hypothesis. I hold that tissues are composed of gemmules which in the performance of their functions become partially exhausted & carried chiefly in the higher animals by the lymphatic circulation into the blood, these to be brought within the reach of nutriment & to be purified in glands & finally restored by the systemic capillaries to their appropriate places. At certain times aggregations of these gemmules are secreted from the blood by the testes as spermatozoa collect in the ovary as ova & are effused at the seats of injuries as the elements of repair. You can now see how, on this view, insignificant in proportion would be the number of the gemmules which could be conveyed from one animal to another by intertransfusion, how they would be incorporated with the living being & probably lose their distinct character. Within the bounds of a letter which I, a stranger, could venture to ask you to read, I could not give the reasons,—medical, surgical, Physiological & pathological—which have led me to the above conclusions nor point out the numerous facts which are explained on the above hypothesis. Nor could I within such limits dwell upon the reasons which lead me to the conclusion that fibrin is rich in gemmules & that in all probability the fibrinogen & fibrinoplastin of the chemists are but illusory products of german laboratories.3 When I have completed such researches as I can make without experiment I hope to throw more light on the subject. I remain, Sir | yours very truly | George John Wilson DAR 181: 127 1

2

3

In the early 1870s, Francis Galton had performed experiments transfusing rabbits with other rabbits’ blood and breeding from them in an attempt to test CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis; see Correspondence vols. 18–21, Variation 2: 357–404, and Galton 1871. CD responded to Galton’s inconclusive results by stating that the gemmules that conveyed inheritance in pangenesis did not necessarily circulate in the blood (see Correspondence vol. 19, letter to Nature, [before 27 April 1871]). Galton had considered the possibility that by not transfusing fibrin from the blood he was eliminating a potential source of gemmules. He developed a procedure to establish cross-circulation between rabbits (eliminating the need to defibrinise the blood); see Correspondence vol. 18, letter from Francis Galton, 25 June 1870, and Galton 1871, p. 397. For contemporary usage of the terms fibrinogen, fibrinoplastin, and fibrin, see Ralfe 1873, pp. 33–5.

To Francis Darwin   [c. 20 March 1877]1 [Down.] Ask Hooker to mollify Oliver (or whoever you have to apply to) & say I ask only for what I wd. give my life’s blood for.—2

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AL DAR 211: 19 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to J. D. Hooker, 20 March [1877]. The year is confirmed by an early archivist’s note on the letter. CD refers to a now missing letter he wrote to Daniel Oliver, asking him to hunt through species of Oxalis for cleistogamic flowers or trimorphic species. In his letter of 19 March 1877, Joseph Dalton Hooker wrote that Oliver thought it would be a long job but that he would be glad to aid Francis if CD sent him to Kew. CD replied that it was not worth Francis’s giving up two days (letter to J. D. Hooker, 20 March [1877]).

To J. D. Hooker   20 March [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 20th My dear Hooker I am ashamed of myself to have asked Oliver to take an unreasonable amount of labour, but indeed I did not foresee that this would be the case, & I beg you to tell him so.— Though the point is a rather curious one in my eyes, I do not think that it wd be worth asking to Frank to give up two days for it, but he is very much obliged for your kind invitation.—2 Hildebrand formerly attended to the cleistogamic flowers of Oxalis, & I have written to him & he perhaps will without much trouble know at once where to look & send me specimens.3 I have seen your notice about Forsythia & you I observe, consider the plants diœious, but the specimens sent me from Kew were clearly heterostyled, with differently sized pollen-grains & other usual differences in the 2 forms of heterostyled plants.4 Do not forget to tell Oliver how sorry I am to have troubled him. Ever yours | Ch. Darwin DAR 95: 437–8 1 2

3

4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 19 March 1877. CD had asked Daniel Oliver to examine herbarium specimens of flowers of Oxalis species; Hooker wrote that the task was too time consuming but invited Francis Darwin to Kew to do it; see letter from J. D. Hooker, 19 March 1877. Friedrich Hildebrand had published the results of experiments on cleistogamy in Oxalis in Hildebrand 1866, p. 369, and 1867, pp. 73 and 78. CD’s letter to Hildebrand has not been found, but see the letter from Friedrich Hildebrand, 19 March 1877. Hooker’s note on Forsythia appeared in Gardener’s Chronicle, 17 March 1877, p. 343. He sent CD dried flowers of Forsythia suspensa (weeping forsythia) collected from different locations with his letter of 13 December 1876, and CD reported them to be dimorphic in his reply of 15 December 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24); see also Forms of flowers, p. 117.

March 1877

138 From Charles Layton   20 March 1877

Sales by D. Appleton & Co to Feby 1/77 for a/c Chas Darwin Origin of Species 1876 Feby 1. Feby 1/77

On hand Printed since on hand sold

Expression of Emotions Feby 1/76 Feby 1/77

Descent of Man Feby 1/76 Mch. Feby 1/77.

On hand " sold

on hand Printed 1 Vol Ed On hand Ed short Damaged sold

Insectivorous Plants Feby 1/76 On hand " 1/77 "

287  750 310  727 5% of $2 $72.70

1371  1310 61 10% of $350. 21.35

83  500 583 1 Vol Ed 2 " "

158 00 8 3 414 10% of $2 82.80 Found $ 176.85

682 475 sold 207 10% of $2 41.40 $218.252

Stg value Exch 110 Gold 106 £42.2.4 Feby 1/77,

On hand Ed short Damaged sold

1 vol Ed 2 " "

158 00 8 3 414 10% of $2 82.80 Found $ 176.85

March 1877

139 16 Little Britain (City) March 20/77

Charles Darwin Esq Dear Sir I enclose cheque on Union Bank for £42.2.4 in payment of above a/c, a receipt will oblige | Yours Respectfully | Charles Layton | Agt D. Appleton & Co1 DAR 159: 99 1 2

The payment was royalties for the US editions of CD’s works; CD recorded the receipt of £42 2s. 4d. in his Account books–banking account (Down House MS) on 2 April 1877. Origin 3d US ed. was published from stereotypes of the sixth London edition in 1873. Expression US ed. was published in December 1872 from stereotypes of the English edition but has an 1873 imprint on the title page. Descent 2d US ed. was published in 1875 from stereotypes of Descent 2d ed. (tenth thousand). Insectivorous plants US ed. was published in 1875 from stereotypes of the English edition. (Freeman 1977.)

To Enrique Godínez   21 March 1877

Down | Beckenham, kent. Mars 21th 1877

Dear Sir: I received only this morning the sheets of the spanish translation of my Origin of Species, and like much the appearance of the type etc., and am glad to see what progress has been made.1 With reference to your obliging note of the 14th2 I am extremely sony to say that on account of my weak health and being much overworked I cannot undestake to read over the sheets. The labour would be considerable, as from waut of practice I have forgolten much of waht I formedy knew of your fine language.3 The few pages which I have read seem to me very cleacy expressed whith cordial wishes for the success of the work I remain, dear Sir, yours faithfully. Ch. Darwen.4 Godínez trans. 1877, p. [VIII] 1 2 3

4

Godínez was translating Origin 6th ed. into Spanish; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Enrique Godínez, 28 April 1876. The letter from Godínez has not been found. CD studied Spanish in 1831 (see Correspondence vol. 7, Supplement, letter to C. T. Whitley, [12 July 1831]: should now be dated [19 July 1831]) and he became familiar with the language on the Beagle voyage (1831–6). The spelling errors appear in the printed version of the letter; the original has not been found.

To Agricultural Gazette   22 March 1877 [Down.] Dear Sir,— You ask my opinion as to whether the employment of a bull supposed to be scrofulous is consistent with the ultimate interest of the breeder.1 As a general rule I

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should defer to the judgment of any one who had experience on such a point, supposing that he was not biassed by interest or prejudice. But in this particular instance we have such good evidence of the inheritance of constitutional diseases, such as scrofula, consumption, &c., that it seems to me very rash to breed from an animal thus tainted. In all probability a large majority of the offspring from a scrofulous bull, paired with a perfectly sound cow, would be to all appearance sound, but it can hardly be doubted that the evil would be latent in many of them, and ready to break out in subsequent generations.2 I will venture to add a few remarks on the general question of close interbreeding. Sexual reproduction is so essentially the same in plants and animals, that I think we may fairly apply conclusions drawn from the one kingdom to the other. From a long series of experiments on plants, given in my book On the Effects of Cross and SelfFertilisation, the conclusion seems clear that there is no mysterious evil in the mere fact of the nearest relations breeding together; but that evil follows (independently of inherited disease or weakness) from the circumstance of near relations generally possessing a closely similar constitution. However little we may be able to explain the cause, the facts detailed by me show that the male and female sexual elements must be differentiated to a certain degree, in order to unite properly, and to give birth to a vigorous progeny.3 Such differentiation of the sexual elements follows from the parents and their ancestors having lived during some generations under different conditions of life. The closest interbreeding does not seem to induce variability or a departure from the typical form of the race or family, but it causes loss of size, of constitutional vigour in resisting unfavourable influences, and often of fertility. On the other hand, a cross between plants of the same sub-variety, which have been grown during some generations under different conditions, increases to an extraordinary degree the size and vigour of the offspring. Some kinds of plants bear self-fertilisation much better than others; nevertheless it has been proved that these profit greatly by a cross with a fresh stock. So it appears to be with animals, for Shorthorn cattle—perhaps all cattle—can withstand close interbreeding with very little injury; but if they could be crossed with a distinct stock without any loss of their excellent qualities, it would be a most surprising fact if the offspring did not also profit in a very high degree in constitutional vigour. If, therefore, any one chose to risk breeding from an animal which suffered from some inheritable disease or weakness, he would act wisely to look out, not merely for a perfectly sound animal of the other sex, but for one belonging to another strain which had been bred during several generations at a distant place, under as different conditions of soil, climate, &c., as possible, for in this case he might hope that the offspring, by having gained in constitutional vigour would be enabled to throw off the taint in their blood.— Charles Darwin, March 22. Agricultural Gazette, 2 April 1877, pp. 324–5

March 1877 1

2 3

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John Chalmers Morton, the editor of the Agricultural Gazette, had asked CD to respond to William Holt Beever’s unsigned comments on scrofula and inbreeding; see letter from J. C. Morton, 19 March 1877. For CD’s views on the reappearance of latent characteristics, see Variation 2: 51–4. For CD’s conclusions regarding the advantages of crossing, see Cross and self fertilisation, p. 443.

From J. V. Carus   22 March 1877

Zoological Station | Naples March 22, 1877

My dear Sir, I have to point out a curious mistake in your “Crossing”-book, which I found out too late.1 You speak of cleistogenous flowers and quote Kuhn’s paper in the Botan. Zeitung  1867, p 65. But here Kuhn as well as later authors (H. Müller f i.) call this form of flowers “cleistogamous”, so that the term corresponds to dichogamous. I found a copy of the Botan. Zeitung and of Müller’s book here in Naples, so that I could refer to them   I have now mentioned it in an Erratum; in a second Edition it has to be altered throughout, I think2   A young botanist, who works here at the station, was struck by my speaking of cleistogenous flowers and Termites, and this made me look at the original paper. I have to beg your pardon for not having been attentive enough. But as I have not got the Botanische Zeitung myself and as Botany is now rather rich in new terms, I took the word as you had given it. After rather severe cold for this latitude the spring commences at last. But I scarcely wanted any cheering up, for my work has always been exceedingly nice. Dr Dohrn has done an immense service to science by his Station.3 He desires me to remember him to you and your family. I have not sent my photo, neither to Haeckel nor to Harting in commemoration of your birthday, because you have it already and because I thought, that you would trust on my most sincere devotion and heartfelt thankfulness for all you have done as a man of science and as the kindest friend, without a public testimonial, which I don’t feel myself worth to give you4 Hoping that you have no reason to complain of your health I remain My dear Sir, | Yours ever sincerely. | J. Victor Carus DAR 161: 108 1 2

Carus was translating Cross and self fertilisation into German. In Cross and self fertilisation, CD used ‘cleistogene’ throughout, and on p. 90, he cited Max Kuhn’s article ‘Einige Bemerkungen über Vandellia und den Blüthenpolymorphismus’ (Some remarks about Vandellia and polymorphism in flowers; Kuhn 1867, p. 66) as the source of the term, although Kuhn used the terms ‘cleistogamismus’ and ‘cleistogami’ in this article. Hermann Müller used ‘cleistogam’ in H. Müller 1873, pp. 13 and 19. In Carus trans. 1877d, an erratum at the back replaced ‘cleistogen’ with ‘cleistogam’. In Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., the term ‘cleistogene’ was changed to ‘cleistogamic’ throughout.

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Anton Dohrn founded the Zoological Station at Naples in 1874. On the occasion of CD’s 68th birthday, he had received albums containing photographs of 154 German scientists and 217 distinguished professors and lovers of science from Holland (see letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877, and letter from A. A. van Bemmelen and H. J. Veth, 6 February 1877). Ernst Haeckel was involved with the German album (see letter from Ernst Haeckel, 9 February 1877). Pieter Harting had sent a copy of a Dutch testimonial honouring CD and Harting communicated the gift to CD of Dutch album to Nature (see letter to Pieter Harting, 19 March 1877, and letter to Nature, 24 February [1877] and n. 2).

From W. E. Darwin   [25 March? 1877]1 Sandown Sunday My dear Father, I see Mr Fox has Pulmonaria out, and he says it is well out in the woods. Do you want any points looked at or want any plants? I can run over next Sunday to the same old wood near Cowes & should enjoy the expedition.2 My stay here is very pleasant, as they are all very friendly and Mr Fox very kind & pleasant to listen to; there are 3 sisters 2 boys at home, and 3 friends staying besides me, so we are chuck full.3 It is the best house in Sandown with a nice Garden & fair view. The garden is overrun with thoroughbred fowls & tame wild ducks; & heaps of dogs about the place. Sandown is really a far nicer place than I remembered it, I prefer it to Shanklin now.4 I am very glad I have made the Fox, acquaintance & shall come over again during the summer. I have just been to evening church, as they all went, and am only now shaking off my rage against the sermon; we had a beautiful organ which kept me cooler. We have a tremendous lot of talk about your Father5 whom Mr Fox seems to admire more than anyone he has known. Your affect son | W E Darwin Frightfully written better be read by M.6 Cornford Family Papers (private collection) 1

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The year is established by an early archivist’s note on the letter. The date is conjectured from the relationship between this letter, the letter from W. D. Fox, 3 April [1877], and the letter from W. E. Darwin, 4 April 1877. The Sunday following 25 March 1877 was 1 April, and would have been when William planned to make his observations. William was visiting William Darwin Fox. William Erasmus Darwin had made observations on the forms of flowers of Pulmonaria angustifolia (narrow-leaved lungwort) in 1864 (see Correspondence vol. 12). Cowes is a town on the Isle of Wight, about fifteen miles from William’s home in Bassett, Southampton. William had visited Cowes to make botanical observations in 1862 (see Correspondence vol. 24, Supplement, letter from W. E. Darwin, 11 October [1862]). The ‘sisters’ were probably Fox’s youngest daughters, Theodora, Gertrude Mary, and Edith Darwin Fox; Reginald Henry and Gilbert Basil Fox were his youngest sons. The friends have not been identified.

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Sandown and Shanklin are neighbouring seaside towns on the east coast of the Isle of Wight. CD went on holiday to both these places with William and the rest of the Darwin family in 1858; see Correspondence vol. 7, letter to W. D. Fox, 21 [July 1858]. Robert Waring Darwin. M: mother (Emma Darwin).

To Ernst Krause   25 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Mar 25. 1877 Dear Sir, I received only yesterday your letter dated Mar  11.1 I thank you cordially for your very kind expressions towards me, but your estimation of my scientific work is much too high. It would give me pleasure to aid your new Journal; but I really have at present nothing to say which is worth printing. I have been so accustomed to collect materials for books instead of for detached papers that it is a very rare event for me to write anything in a Journal.2 But I will not forget your wish, should any fitting occasion arise. I have spoken to my son Francis who may hereafter be able to communicate an abstract of new observations made by him.3 I will suggest one point which you as Editor will perhaps find an opportunity of urging on your readers, & which seems to me of paramount importance with respect to the descent theory,—namely the investigation of the causes of variability. Why for instance are the wild cattle which roam over the Pampas uniformly coloured, whereas as soon as they are half domesticated, they are said by Azara to change colour; & so in endless other cases. We want to know what is the nature of the change in the environment which induces variability in each particular instance, & why one part of the organisation is affected more than another; though it seems hopeless at present to attempt solving this latter problem. I cannot but think that light might be thrown on this difficult subject by experiments & observations made on freshly domesticated animals & cultivated plants.4 With all good wishes for the success of your Journal, I remain, | dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin P.S. | I beg leave to thank you for your kind present of your ‘Werden und Vergehen’ & for the article on Insectivorous Plants both of which are new to me5 LS The Huntington Library (HM 36172–36216) 1 2

Letter from Ernst Krause, 11 March 1877. A German translation of CD’s essay ‘A biographical sketch of an infant’ (Mind 2 (1877): 285–94) was simultaneously published in Kosmos 1 (1877): 367–76. German translations of CD’s short articles ‘Fertility of hybrids from the common and Chinese goose’, ‘The sexual colours of certain butterflies’, ‘Inheritance’, and ‘The parasitic habits of Molothrus’ (Nature, 1 January 1880, p. 207, 8 January 1880, p. 237, 21 July 1881, p. 257, 17 November 1881, pp. 51–2) appeared in Kosmos 7 (1880): 72–74, 77–8; 9 (1881): 458–9; 10 (1881–2): 301–2.

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In 1881, Francis Darwin published ‘Kletterpflanzen: Eine populäre vorlesung’ (Climbing plants: a popular lecture) in Kosmos 9 (1881): 101–16. These two paragraphs were reproduced verbatim in English under the title ‘Aus einem Briefe von Mr. Charles Darwin an die Redaktion’ (From a letter by Mr. Charles Darwin to the editor) in Kosmos 1 (1877): 173. In Variation 2: 259, CD cited Félix d’Azara’s Essais sur l’histoire naturelle des quadrupèdes de la province du Paraguay (Azara 1801, 2: 319) for evidence of increased variability in colour of semi-domesticated horses and cattle compared with their feral counterparts. Krause had sent CD his book Werden und Vergehen (Krause 1876; see letter from Ernst Krause, 11 March 1877 and n. 4). He probably also sent an offprint of an article by Alexander Feodorowicz Batalin, ‘Mechanik der Bewegungen der insektenfressenden Pflanzen’ (Mechanics of the movements of insectivorous plants; Batalin 1877); CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection– CUL.

From Fritz Müller   25 March 1877 Blumenau (Itajahy), Sa Catharina | Brazil, March 25. 1877. My dear Sir I have just finished reading with the most lively interest the new edition of your Orchid-book, which you have been kind enough to send me and for which I beg you to accept my most sincere thanks.1 The day before yesterday I have returned home from a second excursion to the “Campos dos Curitibanos”.2 Among the plants, which I there observed, I was particularly interested in a fine trimorphic Pontederia growing in small ponds. You will no doubt have received some years ago a small paper of mine on this genus. I had then seen the long-styled and short-styled forms of one species and the mid-styled form of a second species and thence concluded that these two species were trimorphic but I did not actually observe the three forms of either. I was therefore very glad to find all the forms of the third species.—3 A few months ago I sent to your son some hygroscopic seeds of grasses, which I had gathered on my first excursion to Curitibanos.4 I have now seen some more of these interesting grasses.— One species of Aristida5 is remarkable by dropping the whole flower-stalks, when the seeds are ripe; these flower-stalks with their long slender branches are carried away by the wind and sometimes accumulated so as to form a thick layer of hay. In this species the lateral branches of the trifid awn are rudimentary. Another grass is remarkable by its cleistogene flowers; the whole large panicula is enclosed within the sheath of the uppermost leaf, forming a long (0,5 Metre) fusiform envelop, which opens laterally, when the seeds are ripe. On the wayside some plants of this grass had been cut off, when the paniculae6 were developing and these had produced new paniculae, much smaller than the primitive ones, but free, (not enclosed within the sheath of the uppermost leaf) and bearing open flowers.— On the campos of the southern provinces of Brazil (S. Paulo, Paraná, Sa Catharina, Rio grande do Sul) there appears to be a general belief in the existence of a gigantic subterraneous animal, which they call “Minho cão” (i.e. huge earth-worm).

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Most of the accounts given of it are truly fabulous; it is said to be “as big as a house”, six meters in diameter and sixty meters long!— It would have its skin covered by thick hard scales, like a Tatú, etc.— From the various accounts, I have been able to collect during my last excursion, I have come to the conclusion, that it is highly probable, that some very large animal (about 1 mètre in diameter), probably some cousin of Lepidosiren and Ceratodus, lives as yet in the large swamps which accompany the course of many of the smaller tributaries of the rivers Uruguay and Paraná.7 Repeating my hearty thanks, I am, dear Sir, with the deepest respect | very faithfully yours | Fritz Müller. DAR 111: A89–90 CD annotations 2.8 third] underl blue crayon 3.1 A few … flowers.— 3.13] ‘(Frank)’ added pencil 4.1 On the … Paraná. 4.11] ‘(Mastodon)’ added pencil 1 2

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Müller was on CD’s presentation list for Orchids 2d ed. (see Appendix IV). This was Müller’s second expedition (February to March 1877) to the grasslands (campos) of the central highland plateau in Santa Catarina, near the city of Curitibanos in southern Brazil; for more on Müller’s expeditions, see West 2003, pp. 191–4, and the map in ibid, p. 70. CD’s copy of Müller’s paper ‘Ueber den Trimorphismus der Pontederien’ (On the trimorphism of Pontederias; Fritz Müller 1871) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. In the paper, Müller described two species of Pontederia, a genus of water hyacinth. In Forms of flowers, p. 185, CD mentioned that Müller had sent dried specimens of all three forms of a newly discovered species. Müller’s first excursion to the highland plateau was made in late October to December 1876 (see West 2003, pp. 191–4). In June 1876, Francis Darwin had published ‘On the hygroscopic mechanism by which certain seeds are enabled to bury themselves in the ground’ (F. Darwin 1876c). Aristida is a genus that includes wiregrasses, speargrasses, and needlegrasses. In a letter to Nature, 1 March 1877, p. 374, Francis Darwin described the seeds of two species of Aristida that Müller had sent. In his note ‘Die Grannen von Aristida’ (Kosmos 1 (1877): 353–4), Müller described the hygroscopic awns of some Aristida seeds, as well as a second type of Aristida that lacked them but showed evidence, in the form of hairs at the tip of the seed, that it formerly possessed awns. Paniculae: in inflorescences of the panicle type the individual florets are attached to branches rather than the main axis. Southern Brazil includes the regions São Paulo, Paraná, Santa Catarina, and Rio Grande do Sul. Campos: fields (Portuguese; in Brazil it typically refers to the grasslands of the highland plains). Tatú: armadillo (Portuguese). Lepidosiren and Ceratodus are genera of lungfishes but the genus name Ceratodus is now reserved for extinct species. Müller wrote an article for Zoologische Garten detailing several reports on the so-called minhocão (Fritz Müller 1877d); a summary later appeared in Nature, 21 February 1878, pp. 325–6.

To J. V. Carus   26 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Mar 26. 1877 My dear Sir, Many thanks for your never-failing kindness. I am always making mistakes. Perhaps I am deceiving myself, but I think I saw the word cleistogene used by some one

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else & that made me forget the true term. I found out my error some time ago, for I am now writing on cleistogamic flowers.1 These flowers form the subject of a chapter in a small book which I shall send to the printers in about a months time, & which relates chiefly to heterostyled plants. When this book is published I shall have worked up all my old materials on plants, & as far as I can see you will have a long or final rest from the labour of translation.2 Accept my cordial thanks for your kind expressions towards me, & believe me, | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin P.S. | Give my very kind remembrances to Dr Dohrn; I am very glad to hear that you so much enjoy yr work there3 LS Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859 Darwin, Charles, Bl. 164–165) 1 2

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See letter from J. V. Carus,  22 March 1877 and n. 2. CD reworked material from ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’, ‘Two forms in species of Linum’, ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’, ‘Illegitimate offspring of dimorphic and trimorphic plants’, and ‘Specific difference in Primula’ for Forms of flowers, which was published on 9 July 1877 (Freeman 1977). Carus translated Forms of flowers into German (Carus trans. 1877e). See letter from J. V. Carus,  22 March 1877 and n. 3. Carus spent three months working at Anton Dohrn’s Zoological Station in Naples from February 1877; see letter from J. V. Carus, 20 January 1877.

From William Saville-Kent   26 March 1877 1 Beaufort Villas, Queen’s Road | Sth Norwood. March 26th. 77 My dear Sir, Ever since my association with the Aquarium Movement in this country it has been my ambition to establish an Aquarium on such a footing that it shall be a real benefit to Science as well as a sound financial investment.1 A favourable opportunity for the realisation of such a project having at length arrived I am now labouring to put it into tangible shape— My express purpose in addressing you on the subject is to solicit your kind countenance of the scheme to the extent of permitting me to place your name on the list of the “Honorary Scientific Committee”, should I succeed in establishing it under the auspices referred to in the marked paragraph of my accompanying printed letter.2 Provided, likewise, I am able to satisfy you upon all necessary points of inquiry. Trusting you may afford me a favourable reply I remain, my dear Sir— | Yours very truly | W Saville Kent. PS. A few words that I might make use of in recommendation of the proposed scheme would I need scarcely say be much esteemed. Charles Darwin Esqre. FRS DAR 202: 106

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Saville-Kent had been resident naturalist at the Brighton, Manchester, and Westminster aquaria (ODNB). The printed letter has not been found, but for details of Saville-Kent’s proposal for a Channel Islands zoological station, museum, and institute of pisciculture on Jersey, see his letter to Nature, 6 December 1877, pp. 102–3. Saville-Kent floated a company with Richard Owen’s backing to establish a national marine laboratory but this, and a subsequent venture, failed (ODNB).

To G. H. K. Thwaites   26 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Mar 26. 1877 Dear Thwaites, I have just been looking with very great interest at the specimens which you have been so kind as to send me. The difference between the male & female is wonderful, & almost reminds me of my old friends the complemental males of certain cirripedes.1 I hope Westwood will make a very interesting paper on the subject. I wonder whether they play any part in the fertilisation of the fig,—a subject Dr Crüger in the W. Indies was beginning to attend just before his death.2 The day before yesterday I was pleased to hear some account of you in a letter from Miss North which was sent me to read by a mutual friend, & in which she speaks with having many pleasant walks with you in the evenings.3 Do you remember sending me several years ago flowers of Oxalis sensitiva in spirits? I have only just examined them, & find them beautifully trimorphic, & in addition bearing cleistogamic flowers, which to my great surprise are long-styled, mid-styled, & short-styled like the perfect flowers; & this was quite a new fact to me.4 With all good wishes for your health & with many thanks | I remain, dear Thwaites | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin LS American Philosophical Society (508) 1

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Thwaites’s letter has not been found, but he sent CD insects that were parasitic on fig fruit; see letter from G. H. K. Thwaites, 28 August 1877. CD discovered ‘complemental males’ in several species of Cirripedia; he observed minute males attached to the bodies of hermaphrodites, and differing greatly from them in size and structure (see Living Cirripedia (1851), pp. 231–2 and 281–93, Living Cirripedia (1854), pp. 23–30, and Newman 1993, pp. 377–81). John Obadiah Westwood published on specimens of fig wasps sent to him by Thwaites in Westwood 1882, pp. 39–44, and Westwood 1883, pp. 375–8. Hermann Crüger published on figs’ requiring insects for fertilisation in Crüger 1851. Shortly before his death in 1864, Crüger was performing experiments suggested by CD to verify this (see Correspondence vol. 12, letter from Hermann Crüger, 21 January 1864). In 1877, Marianne North visited Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) where Thwaites lived (ODNB); the ‘mutual friend’ was probably Joseph Dalton Hooker. CD had mentioned Oxalis (the genus of woodsorrels) to Thwaites in his letter of 20 June [1862] (Correspondence vol. 10). He described specimens of Oxalis sensitiva (a synonym of Biophytum sensitivum) sent by Thwaites in Forms of flowers, p. 181, and on pp. 322–3, suggested that the three cleistogamic forms could be accounted for by the principle of correlated growth.

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To W. R. S. Ralston   27 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Mar 27. 1877 My dear Mr Ralston, Many thanks for the reviews. I have read that in the Times with extreme interest. This seems a sort of judgment on me because I said to you that reviews never helped one in forming an opinion on a book.1 I shall be pleased & proud to see Mr Wallace if he thinks it worth while to come so far  You had better tell him that Orpington is our station. I would suggest his leaving Charing X at 11.15 & coming here to luncheon; & if he will let me know beforehand I will sure to be at home.2 One word more,—as I should be very sorry to appear ungracious, pray tell him that I am unable to converse long with anyone, as my health suffers afterwards Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS The Huntington Library (Inserted in Bulwer-Lytton, E. R., Life of Lord Lytton, fol. p. 244, RB 131334 v. 1) 1

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Ralston’s letter to CD has not been found. He probably sent reviews of Donald Mackenzie Wallace’s Russia (D. M. Wallace 1877). A long review appeared in The Times, 18 January 1877, p. 3. Ralston had been contracted by the publisher Cassell & Co. to write a large historical work on Russia but ceded the commission to Wallace (McCrimmon 1988, p. 183). CD probably met Ralston in December 1875; see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from W. R. S. Ralston, 2 December 1875. No letter from Wallace mentioning a visit has been found.

To William Saville-Kent   28 March [1877]1 March 28th Private | W. S. Kent E Dear Sir There can be no doubt that the position of an A. & Z. station in Jersey might be of much service to natural science; but without attending more to the subject & learning more details, than the state of my health & opportunities permit, I do not feel justified in expressing any public opinion with respect to your scheme or having my name placed on a Committee when it is quite possible for me [to not] attend.2 You have much better means than I can have of passing a sound judgment, but I have heard that Aquaria, as places of amusement, now that so many have [here been founded], are not likely to answer commercially.— If you form an one for solely scientific purposes, I shall be very, be glad to consider whether I will subscribe to it.— I am sorry that my answer shd be so uncertain & remain Dear Sir | Yours faithfully r

ADraft DAR 202: 70 1

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from William Saville-Kent, 26 March 1877.

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Saville-Kent had sent CD a commercial proposal for an aquarium and zoological station at Jersey; he wanted CD to be a member of the honorary scientific committee (see letter from William Saville-Kent, 26 March 1877).

From Asa Gray   30 March 1877 Herbarium of Harvard University, | Botanic Garden, Cambridge, Mass. March 30 1877 My Dear Darwin Thanks for your note about the dimorphics.1 The Lithospermums of S Batschia are dimorphic—as is well known. But one of them, L. longiflorum (Pentalophus A. D.)l turns out to bear, later in season (and in some plants from the first?) smaller and smaller flowers,—of which some must be cleistogenous.2 Now of this a long series of the long-flowered state in the herbm. shows only one form of stamens & style, i.e. is not dimorphic, that I can see. It is the only one that is cleistogenous. Curious, that it should take to this instead of dimorphism Yours ever | A. Gray DAR 165: 195 1 2

See letter to Asa Gray, 8 March 1877. Kurt Polycarp Joachim Sprengel’s edition of Carolus Linnaeus’s Systema vegetabilium classified of species of Lithospermum (Sprengel ed. 1825–8, 1: 543–7); it identified five species as synonymous with Batschia species. Lithospermum longiflorum (Pursh) Spreng. and Pentalophus longiflorus (Pursh) DC are synonyms of Lithospermum incisum (fringed gromwell). In the third thousand of Forms of flowers 2d ed. (1884, p. v), Francis Darwin mentioned recent research on the variable length of the style of Lithospermum longiflorum, confirming that it was not dimorphic.

To ?   30 March 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 30th 1877 Dear Sir I have pleasure in sending you my autograph as you request.— You can cut off my signature & paste it in your album.— Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin L’Autographe (dealers) (1997?)

To Leonard Darwin   31 March 1877 March 31st. 1877 My dear old Leonardo. I must write a few words to say how awfully glad, or as you used to say when you were a little chap with long silky hair.—how very awfully glad, I am at your appointment. It is grand to have you home for several years, and I am so low minded

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as to rejoice at your being so rich.1 As far as I can make out you will have 800£. per annum— The only thing I am uneasy about is that I cannot think that you can have chemical knowledge enough for lecturing, and still less for analysing, and I hear from D. Ruck that this is expected of you.2 If I were in your place I would begin at once reading Chemistry, as though reading does not do much, yet it must be a very great aid for getting up the science thoroughly. How pleased I should be if you ever took to any original work in chemistry. Poor dear Frank often makes his jokes, and the other day he was saying—“it is just as I wished, I shall now have a chemist, a mathematician, and an engineer to help me in my experiments”3 I think Frank will do good work in phys. Botany: everybody seems to have been much impressed with his teazle—protoplasmic—filament paper.4 By the way Col. Clarke at Southampton let it accidently slip out that George’s paper on the earth’s axis has been referred to him by the Royal Socty., and he spoke in the very highest terms about George’s mathematics, as very profound.5 William is here now, and Miss Shaen, and we are a very pleasant party6 Be sure let us hear all about your plans | My dear Leonard | Your affectionate Father | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 153: 92 1

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Leonard, an officer in the Royal Engineers, had been appointed instructor in chemistry and photography at the School of Military Engineering, Chatham (ODNB). He had been posted to Malta in September 1875 (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter to C. E. Norton, 7 October 1875). Richard Matthews Ruck (known as Dicky; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Francis Darwin, 16 September [1876]) was also in the Royal Engineers. Francis Darwin was referring to Leonard’s appointment and to his other brothers George Howard, who was a mathematician at Trinity College, Cambridge, and Horace, who was an engineer. Francis had published several papers on physiological botany, including ‘On the protrusion of protoplasmic filaments from the glandular hairs on the leaves of the common teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris)’ (F. Darwin 1877b). Alexander Ross Clarke had evidently refereed George Howard Darwin’s paper ‘On the influence of geological changes on the earth’s axis of rotation’ (G. H. Darwin 1876b) for publication in the Philosphical Transactions of the Royal Society of London. William Erasmus Darwin and Margaret Shaen.

From Edward Harris   April 1877 15 Broad S.t Bloomsbury W.C April 1877 Sir, Kindly excuse a total stranger in thus addressing you, for a long time I have intended to do so knowing the great interest you take in all matters relating to animated creation. I am the proprietor and have been so for twenty four years of a Cockatoo brought from S.t George’s Sound Australia.1 I devoted twelve years to the education of this

Advertisement for a performance by Cockie, the trained cockatoo. © The British Library Board. Evanion 1792

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bird, which according to Mr. Gould belongs to the most unteachable of all the family of Cockatoos.2 Under my tuition it has developed an amount of intelligence that has surprised those who are acknowledged to be familiar with bird-life. Perhaps the following may serve as my introduction to you. Mr. Frank Buckland writing in “Land and Water” on December 7/72, says, “Mr. Darwin ought to see him to get some notes for his “Anatomy of Expression”, for certainly I never saw such a clever faced bird before. My old parrot who is by no means a fool, for he can talk famously, looked quite an idiot by the side of this preternaturally learned bird”3 If necessary I could quote many other testimonials as to my Cockatoo’s attainments. If you should wish to see the bird I shall only be too glad, gratuitously of course, to show him to you at any time you may mention. He is a performer but not a talker, and I should wish you to test his capabilities in the strictest manner possible. There is no trickery in what he does, but of this you will be better able to judge when you have him before you. Pray excuse my forwardness in thus writing to you. I would not have done so were I not convinced in my own mind and by the testimony of others, that my Cockatoo is a phenomenon, a veritable rara avis.4 I remain, Sir | Yours most respectfully | Edward Harris DAR 166: 105 1 2 3 4

King George’s Sound (now King George Sound) is on the southern coast of Western Australia. John Gould described several species of cockatoo in his Handbook to the birds of Australia, but no passage relating to the difficulty in teaching any species of cockatoo has been identified ( J. Gould 1865, 2: 1–30). The passage quoted is from Buckland 1872. CD’s Expression was published on 26 November 1872 (Freeman 1977). A handbill from 1872, advertising the performance of ‘Cockie’ is reproduced on p. 151. Rara avis: rare bird (Latin).

To Josef Kořenský   2 April 1877 Down, Kent April 2d. 1877.— Charles Darwin With Mr Darwin’s compliments.— Museum of Czech Literature/Památník národního písemnictví (fond Varia Literární archiv)

From Hermann Müller   2 April 1877 Lippstadt, April 2, 1877. My dear Sir Your agreement to my suggestions and criticisms on your work is a great pleasure to me, and I am very much obliged to you for your advices regarding the experiments

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to be made with Viola tricolor and the other plants with two kinds of flowers. Four years ago I began such experiments, but unforeseen difficulties frustrated them.1 Rhinanthus and Euphrasia being parasites during their youth, I did not succeed in getting seedlings from them.2 The small-flowered Viola tricolor commonly is self-fertilised before opening its flowers. Supposing that pollen from a distinct stock would be prepotent, I crossed many of its flowers; but my experiments were interrupted before being finished by my absence during the vacancies. Induced by your letter I will collect as soon as possible and sow a large number of seeds of the small flowered V. tricolor in order to discover whether both forms appear amongst the seedlings. I will also, with greater perseverance, repeat the cross and self fertilisation of the large and small flowered form of Viola tricolor and perhaps of Lysimachia vulgaris and Calamintha alpina.3 My brother lately in the highlands (Campos) of South Brazil has discovered a white flowered Viola species with subterraneous cleistogameous flowers. He says in his last letter to me, that he has in view to collect seeds of both kinds of flowers in order to experiment on them.4 My brothers paper on the neuration of the wings of the two sexes of Lepidoptera has not yet been printed. I will send it to you as soon as I have received it.5 In the next numbers of Kosmos two essays of mine will appear, in which I have attempted to explain some pecularities of entomophilous flowers by what you have statet on the effects of cross and self-fertilisation.6 With the highest respect | yours very sincerely | H. Müller DAR 111: A88 CD annotation 3.1 My brother … on them. 3.4] double scored pencil and red crayon 1

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Neither Müller’s letter nor CD’s reply have been found. Müller had received copies of Cross and self fertilisation (Correspondence vol. 24, Appendix III) and Orchids 2d ed. (this volume, Appendix IV); his suggestions probably related to Cross and self fertilisation, which he had received in December 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Hermann Müller, 6 December 1876). In his book Befruchtung der Blumen durch Insekten (Fertilisation of flowers through insect agency; H. Müller 1873, p. 145), Müller had described insect visitors to the large open flowers of Viola tricolor. He discussed his continuing observations of insects that visited V. tricolor and the self-fertilising form of the species in letters of 19 May 1873 and 10 June 1873 (Correspondence vol. 21). Rhinanthus or rattle is a genus of hemiparasitic plants, that is, it draws some nutrition from the roots of grasses, but also photosynthesises. All species of Euphrasia (the genus of eyebright) are also hemiparasitic on grasses. Lysimachia vulgaris is garden loosestrife; Calamintha alpina is a synonym of Clinopodium alpinum, alpine calamint. CD reported Fritz Müller’s observation in Forms of flowers, p. 318. Some of Fritz Müller’s letters to Hermann are reproduced in Fritz Müller. Werke, Briefe und Leben (Möller ed. 1915–21), but the letter mentioned is not included. Fritz Müller’s paper ‘Beobachtungen an brasilianischen Schmetterlingen’ (Observations on Brazilian butterflies; Fritz Müller 1877a) appeared in three parts in Kosmos between September and December 1877. The first section of the first part, ‘Die Flügeladern der Schmetterlingspuppen’ (Wing neuration of butterfly pupae) appeared in the September issue.

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Hermann Müller’s papers ‘Darwin’s Werk “Ueber die Wirkungen der Kreuzung und Selbstbefruchtung im Pflanzenreich” und seine Bedeutung für unsere Verständniß der Blumenwelt’ (Darwin’s work ‘On the effects of cross and self fertilisation in the plant kingdom’ and its meaning for our understanding of the world of flowers; H. Müller 1877a) and ‘Ueber den Ursprung der Blumen’ (On the origin of flowers; H. Müller 1877b) appeared in the April and May issues of Kosmos.

From W. D. Fox   3 April [1877]1 Broadlands, | Sandown, I.W. Ap 3 My dear Darwin It is much easier to ask questions than answer them. “Pulmonaria” does not exactly answer either of your propositions. It does not “look up to the sky nor down to the ground”.2 After looking at it several times I brought Mrs Fox3 & held a council or Inquest upon the body. It is agreed that P: angustifolia looks up, but not very much up.4 “P. grandiflora” (as Sir P Egertons Gardener gave it me) but which I never can see any differences between it & the broader leaved varieties (this has a bit of tape tied round it.) does not look quite so much up.5 But decidedly neither look “down to Earth”.

These lines are about the angle, upwards decidedly— In haste yours very truly | W D Fox DAR 110: B62 CD annotations Top of letter : ‘(Used under Pulmonaria)’ pencil, square brackets in ms End of letter : ‘(say flowers [‘f ’ over ‘F’] projecting obliquely upwards.)’6 ink, square brackets in ms 1 2

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. E. Darwin, 4 April 1877. CD had evidently written to either Fox or William Erasmus Darwin regarding the placement of flowers of Pulmonaria (the genus of lungworts) on the stem; however, no letter on the subject has been found. See also letter from W. E. Darwin, [25 March? 1877]. Ellen Sophia Fox. Pulmonaria angustifolia is narow-leaved lungwort.

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Pulmonaria grandiflora is large-flowered lungwort; its status as a distinct species is currently unresolved (The Plant List; www.theplantlist.org, accessed 18 November 2015). William Muir was head gardener at Oulton Park, the home of Philip de Malpas Grey-Egerton. In Forms of flowers, p. 110, CD noted, ‘with Pulmonaria angustifolia, it is evident, from the corolla projecting obliquely upwards, that pollen is much more likely to fall on, or to be carried by insects down to the stigma of the short-styled than of the long-styled flowers’.

From W. E. Darwin   4 April 1877 Bank, Southampton, Ap 4 1877 My dear Father, I send Mr Fox’s reply which I fancy will be sufficient for you.1 I have just heard from the lawyer. If you will send me a cheque (payable to me) for £477— it settle the payment of the land.2 I am paying him today. I hope the bothering Spottiswoode did not keep you long in a state of waiting.3 Your affect son | W E. Darwin P.S. the lawyer’s Bill will come afterwards Cornford Family Papers (private collection) CD annotation End of letter : ‘House [‘30’ pencil del blue crayon] t’ pencil; ‘40’ blue crayon 1 2

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William enclosed a letter from William Darwin Fox of 3 April [1877]. Fox had replied to a query from CD on Pulmonaria (the genus of lungworts; see letter from W. D. Fox, 3 April [1877] and n. 2). CD recorded a payment of £477 on 5 April 1877 with the notation ‘W. E. Darwin for Beesby Farm (Invested)’ in his Account books–banking account (Down House MS). CD had owned Beesby Farm in Lincolnshire since 1845 (see Correspondence vol. 3). The lawyer has not been identified. The reference to ‘the bothering Spottiswoode’ (William Spottiswoode) has not been identified.

From John Colby   9 April 1877 Pantyderi— Blaenffos R.S.O | South Wales. 9 Ap 77 Dear Sir I am much obliged to you for your letter anent the blue bell.1 In this part of the country the tendency of the dioecious principle to win the race of life is very marked. This place has, from time unknown, been called Pantyderi (Vale of Oaks) and there are still some good old oak trees standing. But very rarely now do I find a seedling oak tree, though ash seeds itself in abundance & grows up like a weed— It seems to push all other trees out of the premises.2 The only one which holds its own against it being sycamore. This beats ash on the higher grounds, exposed to the S.W & W winds off the Sea.3 But is beaten by ash in sheltered places. Of other trees,

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Alder does well along rivers; wild cherry formerly seeded itself freely, but seems now to get less common; Holly grows freely; Mountain ash fairly; Beech seedlings are occasionally found; Elm never seeds itself but young trees occasionally grow up from root suckers.4 Laurel, & Silver fir occasionally grow from seed without assistce.. But Spruce fir, scotch fir, larch, poplar, aspen would I believe soon die out but for artificial care. Rhododendron occasionally grows from seed.5 I knew of one which grew high up in the hollow of an oak branch, near this— But as I said before nothing comes near the ash for taking care of itself in the lower grounds— In some places they grow up like corn & could be mowed with a scythe— By the way, turning from plants to animals, do you know if the Brown Owl has been known to build in chimneys? For this morning a nest with four young owls was taken from our kitchen chimney, although a “culm” fire burns in the kitchen without intermission day & night.6 I had seen the old owls about the house but had no idea they were chimney builders. The other chimneys are frequented by jack daws, perhaps the owls thought the young daws would come in handy for feeding the owlets.7 This is a famous winter resort for birds for there are plenty of evergreens, & running water which I have never known to freeze over, the birds however are mostly small the largest wild bird being the heron.8 Hoping these brief notes may be of interest to you & that you can tell whether the owls are singular in their chimney predilections I am yours faithfully | John Colby— DAR 161: 208 1 2

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CD’s letter has not been found, but see the letter from John Colby, 27 February 1877. Colby had written about a peloric flower he had seen in Germany. The native oak species of the region was Quercus petraea (sessile oak), which is monoecious, having male and female flowers on the same tree. Fraxinus excelsior (European ash) is usually dioecious, having male and female flowers on separate trees. CD discussed the advantages and disadvantages of monoecism and dioecism for trees in Cross and self fertilisation, pp. 411–14. Acer pseudoplatanus (sycamore) is monoecious and can tolerate both very poor soils and a marine environment. Alnus glutinosa (European alder), Sorbus aucuparia (mountain ash or rowan), and Fagus sylvatica (beech) are monoecious; Ilex aquifolium (common holly) is dioecious. Prunus avium (wild cherry) and Ulmus glabra (wych elm) are hermaphrodite, that is, have flowers with both male and female organs. Laurus nobilis (laurel), Populus alba (white poplar), and Populus tremula (European aspen) are dioecious. Abies alba (silver fir), Picea (the genus of spruces), Pinus sylvestris (Scots pine), and Larix (the genus of larches) are, like most conifers, monoecious. The genus Rhododendron has both monoecious and dioecious species. Strix aluco (tawny owl or brown owl) typically nests in tree holes. Culm is coal dust or slack; the term was applied to the slack of anthracite or stone-coal from the Welsh collieries (OED). Corvus (Coloeus) monedula (Eurasian jackdaw) is well known for nesting in chimneys. Ardea cinerea (grey heron).

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From Johannes Schön1   10 April 1877 Stettin den 10ten. April 1877. Höchst verehrter Herr. Wenn von einem Naturforscher eine neue Hypothese aufgestellt wird, welche alle bisherigen Ansichten völlig umstösst, so ist es ganz natürlich, dass sich hierbei unter den Gelehrten die mannigfaltigsten Streitfragen über diesen oder jenen Punkt solcher neuen Theorie erheben. Dass aber auch Laien den lebhaftesten Antheil daran nehmen, dürfte wohl nicht leicht vorkommen und kann nur darin seine Erklaerung finden, dass eine solche neue naturwissenschaftliche Hypothese von so durchgreifender Wirkung ist, dass von ihr nicht nur die gelehrte Welt sondern auch die gewöhnliche Menschenklasse hingerissen und begeistert wird. Und dass Ihre herrliche Theorie über die Entstehung der Organismen solche Wirkung auch im Auslande hervorgebracht hat, das können Sie, hochverehrter Herr, aus diesem Schreiben abnehmen; denn wir, die Unterzeichneten dieses Briefes, sind durchaus keine Männer von Fach sondern Schüler höherer Lehranstalten und bitten deshalb um gütige Nachsicht. Wir bilden nämlich, um Ihnen mit wenigen Worten den Sachverhalt auseinanderzusetzen, einen kleinen wissenschaftlichen Verein, und haben dabei den Zweck, unsere allgemeine Bildung zu erweitern. Es war unvermeidlich, dass wir, beim Studiren der Naturwissenschaften, auch Ihre Theorie kennen lernten, und wir Alle ohne Ausnahme gehören zu den eifrigsten Anhängern derselben. Dennoch aber können wir uns bis heute noch nicht über einige Punkte einigen und sind endlich überein gekommen uns mit unserer Angelegenheit an den Begründer der Theorie, an Sie, zu wenden. Die Punkte aber um deren gütige Auskunft wir bitten sind folgende: Schon vorher, ehe wir uns mit Ihrer Hypothese bekannt machten, hatten wir uns oft die Frage zu beantworten versucht, wie sich der Mensch geistig vom Thier unterscheidet, und es hatten sich unter uns zwei ganz verschiedene Ansichten geltend gemacht, nämlich: Die Einen meinten, der Unterschied zwischen Mensch und Thier sei ein ganz allmählicher, so dass der geistige Uebergang vom höchststehenden Thier zum tiefststehenden Menschen ebenso unmerklich sei, wie derjenige eines geistig minderbefähigten Thieres zu einem geistig begabteren. Die Anderen dagegen behaupteten, der Mensch und das Thier seien in ihren geistigen Anlagen gar nicht zu vergleichen, denn auch der tiefststehende Mensch überrage weit das höchstehende Thier. Die Ersteren schrieben ferner dem Thiere vollständig freien Willen zu, während die Anderen wieder sagten, der freie Wille käme nur dem Menschen zu und gerade das sei ein Hauptunterschied zwischen Thier und Mensch. Nachdem wir nun Ihre Theorie kennen gelernt hatten, wurde diese Frage über den geistigen Unterschied von Neuem aufgeworfen, und die Ersteren suchten ihre

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Ansicht dadurch zu begründen, dass sie sagten, auch Darwin wäre sicherlich ihrer Meinung; denn auch er liesse den Menschen aus dem Thiere hervorgehen, also wäre auch der Geist des Menschen nichts als ein etwas vollkomnerer thierischer Geist. Dagegen erwiederten die Anderen: Darwin hätte in seiner Theorie nur eine Erklaerung geben wollen, wie sich der Stoff allmählich entwickelt habe, wie aus dem formlosen Protoplasma durch langsame Bildung in ganz allmählichen Uebergängen schliesslich die vollendetste Gestalt der Schöpfung, der Mensch, hervorgegangen sei; aber die Entwickelung des Geistes wäre mit der Darwin’schen Theorie durchaus nicht in Einklang zu bringen. Mit diesen beiden ganz entgegengesetzten Ansichten steht auch die schon erwähnte Meinung über den freien Willen in richtigem Verhältniss. Diejenigen von uns nämlich, welche glauben, Ihre Theorie erkläre nicht nur die Entwickelung des Stoffes, sondern auch des Geistes, schreiben dem Thiere den freien Willen zu, während die Anderen ihm einen solchen abläugnen. Nur der Mensch, so behaupten die Letzteren, hat vollständig freien Willen. Er kann thun und lassen, ganz nach seinem Belieben; das Thier dagegen muss seinem Naturtriebe gehorchen, das heisst mit anderen Worten: Der Mensch will, das Thier muss. Der Zugvogel, zum Beispiel, muss seinem Naturtriebe folgen, wenn der Winter naht, und muss südlicher ziehen. Ueberhaupt fahren die Vertreter derselben Ansicht fort, hat eigentlich nur der Mensch Geist und Vernunft, während die Thiere zum Ersatz dafür Sinne haben, die dem Menschen fehlen. Solche Sinne sind zum Beispiel nach ihrer Meinung der Ortssinn, welcher den Schlittenhund Sibiriens beim furchtbarsten Schneegestöber seinen Weg einhalten lehrt; ferner der Raumsinn, welcher sich bei den Affen und Katzen zeigt, indem sie ihre Sprünge genau zu berechnen wissen; ferner der Zeitsinn bei zur Arbeit verwendeten Hunden, welche die Stunden und sogar die Wochentage genau kennen, wo die Reihe sie trifft.— Demgegenuber lautet nun die Meinung der Anderen von uns folgendermassen: Den freien Willen hat das Thier ebenso gut, wie der Mensch; der Zugvogel wird durchaus nicht vom Naturtriebe gezwungen, seine Heimath beim Nahen des Winters zu verlassen, sondern ob er nach Süden zieht oder nicht, hängt von seinem freien Willen ab, wie sich dies namentlich darin zeigt, das hie und da wirklich einige Zugvögel sich nicht zum Abreisen, sondern zum Ueberwintern entschliessen, so zum Beispiel der Edelfink. Auch brauchen wir durchaus bei dem Thiere keine Sinne anzunehmen, die dem Menschen fehlen, sondern das Thier verrichtet alles genau nach Ueberlegung und Berechnung wie der Mensch. Diese Streitpunkte sind es, über welche wir uns, wie gesagt nicht einigen können, und um endlich eine Entscheidung herbeizuführen, haben wir Sie zum Schiedsrichter erwählt in der freudigen Erwartung, dass Sie unsere Bitte nicht abschlagen werden. Wir wünschen also, um es noch einmal kurz zusammenzufassen, über folgendes gütige Auskunft: 1. Ist nach Ihrer Theorie die Entwicklung der Organismen eine nur körperliche oder geht Hand in Hand damit auch die geistige Entwicklung? 2. Haben die Thiere freien Willen, oder nicht?

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3. Hat das Thier Sinne, die dem Menschen fehlen oder verrichtet auch das Thier seine Handlungen nach Ueberlegung und Berechnung, wie der Mensch? Endlich halten wir es noch für unsere Pflicht Ihnen das Buch zu nennen, aus dem wir unsere Kenntniss von Ihrer Theorie geschöpft haben, denn wir sind nicht in der Lage gewesen, Ihre eigenen Werke zu studiren, wir kennen aber den Inhalt derselben aus dem Buche: “Jäger, die Darwin’sche Theorie”.2 In der Hoffnung, dass wir Sie, höchstverehrter Herr, mit unserer Bitte nicht belästigen werden, und dass Sie auf uns als Laien und Schüler billige Rücksicht nehmen werden, unterzeichnen wir mit vorzüglichster Hochachtung: Der Wissenschaftliche Verein. | gezeichnet: | Johannes Schön | Schriftführer. Stettin grosse Domstrasse 22. DAR 177: 62 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Gustav Jäger had attempted to reconcile Darwinian theory and Christianity in his book Die Darwin’sche Theorie und ihre Stellung zu Moral und Religion (The Darwinian theory and its relation to ethics and religion; Jäger 1869). CD received two copies of the book, one of which was given to the Linnean Society; CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL (see Correspondence vol. 17, letter to Gustav Jäger, 9 September 1869, and Correspondence vol. 18, letter to Gustav Jäger, 17 February 1870).

To R. F. Cooke   11 April 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 11th— 77 My dear Sir I wish the accompanying M.S. to be published; & though I believe it is of value, it is not likely that more than a few hundred copies wd. be sold, unless indeed those who possess my other books wish to complete the series.1 As far as I can at present see this will be my last book.2 Under these circumstances I wish Mr Murray to consider whether he will publish it on the usual terms; or if not, whether he will publish it on commission for me.3 If on commission, I think he is bound to publish it on as favourab[le] terms as he can afford, seeing that my other books have sold well. I must beg him to let me have an early answer. If you will read my letter to Messrs Clowes, you will see how I wish the book to be set up.4 There are 15 wood-cuts, 4 of which I have used in my papers & which will be sent (or perhaps have been sent) to you from Messrs Taylor & Francis, & they must hereafter be returned to them.5 I have agreed with Mr Cooper for the engraving of ten of the others for £9£.6s.6d; so that the 11 will cost about £10.6 Believe me my dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS(A) National Library of Scotland ( John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 ff. 304–5)

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CD enclosed the manuscript for Forms of flowers; the first edition of 1250 copies was published on 9 July 1877 (Freeman 1977). CD wrote two further books, Movement in plants and Earthworms. John Murray usually published CD’s books at his own expense and paid CD a percentage of the profits on publication (an advance against royalties). On CD’s astute management of royalty payments for his books, see Browne 2002, pp. 97, 461. CD’s letter to William Clowes & Sons, printers to Murray, has not been found. Taylor & Francis were printers to the Linnean Society, which had published CD’s earlier botanical papers. CD reworked material from ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’, ‘Two forms in species of Linum’, ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’, ‘Specific difference in Primula’, and ‘Illegitimate offspring of dimorphic and trimorphic plants’ for Forms of flowers. No letter from CD to James Davis Cooper on the subject of engravings for Forms of flowers has been found, but on 30 July 1877, CD recorded a payment to Cooper of £13 6s. 6d. in his Account books– banking account (Down House MS).

From R. F. Cooke   12 April 1877 50A, Albemarle Street, London, W. April 12 1877 My dear Sir Your parcel has safely come to hand & has gone to Clowes’.1 Mr Murray will have much pleasure in publishing this new work at his own expense & on the same terms as he has done with your recent works.2 I believe you do not wish the work announced for the present.3 May you have fine weather for your short holiday.4 Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 487 1 2 3 4

CD had sent the manuscript of Forms of flowers (see letter to R. F. Cooke, 11 April 1877). See letter to R. F. Cooke, 11 April 1877 and n. 3. John Murray usually advertised CD’s forthcoming works in the press (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 24, Supplement, letter to A. R. Wallace, 21 October 1869 and n. 4). CD visited London from 20 to 28 April 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From John Scott   12 April 1877 Bankipore 12th. April/ 77 Dear Sir, I had hoped to get down to Calcutta ere this and get some papers, which I have there, looked over, for my notes on Lagerstrœmia (as I have none here) but I am detained and will be, I find for a week or two longer.1 I have heard from Dr. King, but only to the effect that he can make nothing whatever of the specimens in the

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herbarium.2 I was surprised at this but he has lately sent me a few of the specimens of L. indica and elegans, all truly worthless as I find for your purpose.3 Not a single flower has an entire pistil or stamen, indeed scarcely a trace of them: the work doubtless of the herbarium boys, who are employed brushing mouldy specimens during the rainy season. In so far as I recollect the species I particularly referred to was L. elegans Wall. I have never observed it produce a single seed in our gardens or in those of Calcutta, though it is very generally grown as an ornamental shrub. Moreover, it is everywhere associated with L. indica, of which I believe it is now regarded as a variety.4 L. indica the normal var. with red flowers is fairly fertile in the Calcutta gardens if I recollect aright, but in gardens here I have rarely seen a single seed vessel on it, and that never containing more than two good seeds. I find only one form in the gardens here (Bankipore), I enclose flowers; I am sorry I could not get more of them.5 Lafoensia Vandelliana and Duabanga Sonneratiaoides, are peculiarly variable from season to season in their fertility.6 I have notes somewhere on them, but I cannot lay my hands on them. I have no doubt however the variability is due to the flowers being visited or neglected by insects. The frequency of flower-visiting insects in our fields and gardens varies much from season to season. I think much more so than in temperate climates. I have this season been struck with the numbers of two small bees which have haunted the flowers of a Litchi (Nephelium Litchi) in my garden here. The result of this is that a very large of fruits are twin: this I assure you is most exceptional, indeed I never in the Calcutta gardens observed it. of the normally 2-celled ovary one only attains maturity. Different specimens bear varying proportions of male and hermaphrodite flowers.7 I made as I wrote you before a series of intercrosses &c as you suggested with our vars. of the opium poppy.8 However, I have now learned, that the real secret of the varieties not intercrossing is wholly due to the absence of insects at the period of their flowering; i.e the months of December, January & February. I have just had a provoking illustration of this. Last season, I had seeds of Turkey, Spanish, Italian and French opium poppy, sent me. I had five crops of each, but they did not come into flower until well on in March, and thus afforded a very late crop. Being much occupied with other work I did not observe that insects were haunting the flowers, but I was much astonished to find that the vars. were hopelessly intercrossed: a red-flowered French var. being the prepotent as evidenced by the preponderance of flowers approaching it in form and colour. I have thus attended particularly to them during the flowering period, and I find various species of Bees greedily feeding on their pollen. This is so much the case that in looking over the flowers an hour or so after the first expansion in the morning, you can scarcely find a trace of pollen. Indeed they scarcely leave a trace of it on the stigma, and I am sure that this season anyhow, the plants can be but very sparingly fertile. I shall not fail to let you know the results when I gather the crop. As I told you before, I never observed insects

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affecting our local vars. of poppy which flower early. It is indeed very remarkable that, the winds (often very strong during their flowering period to not effect general intercrossing of the vars. This no doubt the explanation of the apparent permanency of the vars. remarked on by M. Jourdan.—9 I have just finished, and having finally copied a rather lengthy paper on Sap Circulation, in which I have shown it I think satisfactorily to be mainly due to barometric pressure.10 I have also giving I think good and sufficient reason for the rejection of the theory of a descending, elaborated sap. In it I have given illustrations of those vessels in the poppy on which the peculiar rythmical motion of the milk-sap depends. I remain | Dear Sir | yours truly | John Scott DAR 47: 207–9 CD annotations 4.2 I have … climates. 4.6] crossed blue crayon; ‘April 1877’ added red crayon 4.6 temperate climates.] highlighted red crayon 6.1 I made as I wrote you] opening square bracket red crayon; marked with cross red crayon 6.1 I made … February. 6.4] ‘April 12 77’ added red crayon 6.6 but they … the flowers, 6.9] scored pencil 7.1 I have … depends. 7.6] crossed blue crayon 1

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Scott, who was curator of the Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta (now Kolkata), had been seconded in 1872 to the opium department and was in charge of the experimental gardens at Deegah and Meetapore (Digha and Mithapur, Patna) near Bankipore (Bankipur, Patna; Scott 1876). As part of his research for Forms of flowers, CD had asked Scott for more information on species of Lagerstroemia, a genus of the family Lythraceae (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to John Scott, 15 December 1876). George King was superintendent of the Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta. In a letter of 21 July 1865 (Correspondence vol. 13), Scott had reported that Lagerstroemia indica (crape myrtle) and L. elegans (see n. 4, below) were sterile in the Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta. Lagerstroemia elegans Wall. is a synonym of L. indica, and considered to be a variety of the latter with paler flowers. The enclosure has not been found. In his letter to Scott of 15 December 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24), CD had asked for flowers of each form in order to measure the size of the pollen-grains. CD described the extreme variability in the length of the stamens and the uniformity in size of the pollen-grains of Lagerstroemia indica, and cited Scott’s observations, in Forms of flowers, pp. 167–8. Lafoensia vandelliana and Duabanga sonneratioides (a synonym of D. grandiflora) are also members of the family Lythraceae. Nephelium litchi is a synonym of Litchi chinensis (lychee). Scott probably observed members of Trigona, a genus of small stingless bees (see Heard 1999, p. 195). Lychees produce functionally female flowers with fully developed pistils and non-dehiscent anthers, and two types of functionally male flowers, some with rudimentary pistils and others with developed but non-functional pistils (Sedgley and Griffin 1989, p. 66). Scott probably mistook some flowers for hermaphrodite. The opium poppy is Papaver somniferum. CD had suggested crossing experiments for Scott to perform on varieties of P. somniferum to determine whether they were, in fact, species (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to John Scott, 1 July 1876). For Scott’s earlier comments on crossing in varieties of poppy, see the letter from John Scott, 24 February 1877. Alexis Jordan had argued that there was a group of poppies similar to Papaver dubium that ought to be classed as separate species because they bred true even when grown together for several years ( Jordan 1860, pp. 467–8). Scott’s work on sap circulation has not been identified.

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From G. N. de Stoppelaar   14 April 1877

Middleburgh 14 April 1877.

Most honoured Sir, In the name of the executive Direction of the Scientific Society of Zeeland1 I have the honour to inform You, that in our last general meeting You have be nominated Member of our Society. We beg leave to proffer You this membership as a plain and sincere homage of Your invaluable deserts on the scientific dominion. The Statutes of our society,—a copy of which I have the honour of inclosing,— do not prescribe to the Foreign Members any obligation in form of the society.2 We only beg to recommend our library in their kind remembrance, in case they might publish any new work. Permit me, in conclusion, to state that we shall be very glad at being honoured with any reply, significing that the membership of our society is accepted by You. I am, | most honoured Sir, | Yours most respectfully, | G. N. de Stoppelaar. | Secretary. To | Dr. Charles Darwin, Esq. | at | Down. DAR 230: 51 1

2

Zeeuwsch Genootschap der Wetenschappen te Middelburg (Zeeland Scientific Society at Middelburg). The society was founded in 1769 and based in Middelburg from 1801 (Koninklijk Zeeuwsch Genootschap de Wetenschappen, Historie, www.kzgw.nl/kzgw/historie/, accessed 26 November 2015). The statutes sent to CD have not been found. For the diploma of the society, see Appendix III.

From H. N. Ridley   15 April 1877

Exeter College. | Oxford. April 15. 1877.

Sir. I have taken the liberty to send to you several specimens of Saxifraga tridactylites by the viscous hairs of which minute Diptera are caught.1 I hope they will arrive with the insects adhering to the leaves. It seems to me but a little step from the mere adhesion of accidentally caught insects to the power of holding and consuming them which the Sundew possesses.2 Does not the red colour of the leaves serve to attract insects? I observe that the red leaves are generally more viscous than the green ones. It cannot be merely accidental that the Sundew and Saxifrage have red hairs. I have observed no sign of inflection of the hairs when insects or meat are placed on it   I have never seen any insects except this species of Gnat, caught by this plant. It generally grows about here on old walls. I remain Sir | Yours truly | H. N. Ridley. DAR 86: B10–11 1

Saxifraga tridactylites is rue-leaved saxifrage; it has red stems with sticky hairs.

164 2

April 1877

Drosera, the genus of sundews, was the principal subject of CD’s experimental work for Insectivorous plants.

To H. N. Ridley   16 April [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April. 16th Dear Sir I am much obliged to you for so kindly sending me the Saxifrage, & am glad to hear about the gnats.—2 In my book on Insectivorous Plants, I have shown that the glands in this genus certainly possess some power of absorption.—3 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Letters to H. N. Ridley CLE–GUR, 1878–81: f. 43) 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from H.  N.  Ridley, 15 April 1877. Ridley had sent CD specimens of Saxifraga tridactylites (rue-leaved saxifrage) with small gnats attached to the sticky hairs of the stems (see letter from H. N. Ridley, 15 April 1877). See Insectivorous plants, pp. 345–48; CD mentioned Saxifraga tridactylites in a note on p. 346.

To G. N. de Stoppelaar   17 April 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Ap 17. 1877 Sir, I hope that you will be so good as to convey to the Scientific Society of Zeeland my sincere thanks for the honour which they have done me in electing me a member.1 With my best wishes for the welfare of your Society, I beg leave to remain, | Sir, | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin LS Zeeuws Archief (Koninklijk Zeeuwsch Genootschap der Wetenschappen) 1

See letter from G. N. de Stoppelaar, 14 April 1877.

To G. H. Lewes   18 April 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Ap 18. 1877 My dear Mr Lewes, I thank you very heartily for your kind present of The Physical Basis of Mind.1 From looking into parts, I am sure that it will interest me greatly, & I hope that there will not be much in it beyond the scope of my understanding Pray believe me, yours | sincerely obliged | Charles Darwin LS DAR 185: 45

April 1877 1

165

Lewes’s book, The physical basis of mind (Lewes 1877) was published in the last half of April 1877 (Publishers’ Circular, 1 May 1877, p. 311). CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL (see Marginalia 1: 500).

From G. H. Darwin   19 April 1877 Trin. Coll. Camb Ap 19. 77 My dear Father The reference to the Worm paper is Zeitschrift für Wissenschaftliche Zoologie. Bd. XXVIII 1877  p 354.1 F.  Balfour asked me to give you a message the other day which I quite forgot. He saw Lacaze Duthier when he was in Paris, who told him that you are about to be proposed again for the Academy, but that Huxley is proposed at same time & it is not unlikely may succeed as against you as being more orthodox!!2 Duthier is unwell himself but is doing what he can but, fears he will not be able to be present himself. He asked Balfour to let you know this. I have just received the enclosed from Galton, which will give you a more accurate account of poor Mrs Galton’s state than you will have been likely to have received lately.3 Horace has taken his M.A today, & dined at the high table tonight4 We went to King’s afterwards to try to find Bradshaw but failed there & so went to another man’s room; & I’ve just got back leaving him to make another try for Bradshaw.5 This disgusting East wind has brought back my cold again and has been making me pretty wretched, but I contrive to stick to work fairly tho’ it’s uphill work. I don’t think I’ve any more news. Yours affectionately | G H Darwin DAR 210.2: 57 1

2

3

4

5

The worm paper was Victor Hensen’s ‘Die Thätigkeit des Regenwurms (Lumbricus terrestris L.) für die Fruchtbarkeit des Erdbodens’ (The action of earthworms (Lumbricus terrestris L.) for the fertility of earth; Hensen 1877). Francis Maitland Balfour was a fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and lecturer in animal morphology. Félix Joseph Henri de Lacaze-Duthiers had supported the nomination of CD for election to the anatomy and zoology sections of the Académie des sciences in 1872 (see Correspondence vol. 20, letter from Armand de Quatrefages, 12 January 1872). CD was not elected to the académie until 5 August 1878, and then it was to the botanical section (Comptes rendus hebdomadaires des séances de l’Académie des sciences 87 (1878): 245; see also Stebbins 1988, pp. 147–9). Thomas Henry Huxley was never elected to the académie (see L. Huxley ed. 1900, 2: 472). The enclosure has not been found. Louisa Jane Galton had been ill but Galton reported she was convalescent and had started to go out a little in his letter to CD of 22 February 1877 (for more on her health, see Gillham 2001, p. 206). Horace Darwin had received his BA from the University of Cambridge in 1874 (Alum. Cantab). The Cambridge MA is conferred on holders of the BA degree of the university and entitles the holder to dine at High Table on occasion in many colleges and to borrow books from the University Library. Henry Bradshaw was the librarian at Cambridge University Library and a fellow of King’s College.

166

April 1877

From Thomas Howie   20 April 1877

Vinita Cherokee Nation | Ind Ter April 20th 1877

Dr Sir a young gentelman of this place a beleaver in science requists me to make the following statement as he like myself thinks if you are not already aware of it, it might be a link that would enable you to solve the great work you have already progresed with (viz) In the year 1863 whilst working in the Colony of Victoria Australia at gold mining on the devide between the head of the Golbourn and the Yara rivers I discovered that many of the Young Ferns Shrubs that I dug up that the roots were alive and moved like worms or Grubs1   In fact they were not so repulsave haveing the apearance more like small human fingers than any thing I could compair them to   the lower ends had more life than the uper part which resembeled the ordinary roots of other shrubs   I observed that theire were genarly three live roots to each plant if the foregoeing should be of any service to you all I ask of you is to acknolage it by droping me a few lines eather to my adress In this countray or to to my sister Mrs H Carson 25 St Pauls Place Cannonbury Islington London England2   if to the later I will be shure to get it very respectfully | Thos Howie P O Box 104 Vinita | Cherokee Nation | Ind Ter | U S America PS I am well known In Australia being the first white man that ever crossed the Australian Alps from Gipps Land via the Baw Baw range and the first to discover the head watters of the La Trobe the Yara and Big river   I succeded whare Dr Müller failed eaven with Black Guides   My report was published in the Melbourne argus Feby 14th 62 or 63 and is on file In the National Liberary Melbourne3 DAR 166: 276 1

2 3

The Goulburn and Yarra rivers rise in the Great Dividing Range in Victoria, Australia; the Goulburn flows north-west while the Yarra flows west through Melbourne (Columbia gazetteer of the world). The ferns and shrubs have not been identified. Howie’s sister was Helen Carson. The Latrobe River is in West Gippsland and rises from the Baw Baw plateau, part of the Great Dividing Range. Howie probably refers to the Big River, which rises on the north of the Yarra range, part of the Great Dividing Range, and descends into the Goulburn River. Ferdinand von Mueller had explored many regions of Australia as government botanist from 1853 (Aust. dict. biog.). Howie’s letter to the editor describing his discovery appeared in the Melbourne Argus, 11 February 1862, p. 6.

To W. C. Marshall   20 [April 1877]1

2 Bryanston Court Friday 20th

[Discussing alterations to Darwin’s country house, and asking Marshall to arrange for some ‘good locks and window-fastenings’ which Darwin has discovered

O’Beirne 1892, p. 434. Image from archive.org. Digitised by Allen County Public Library Genealogy Center.

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April 1877

are not included in his contract. He proceeds to discuss the question of a cornice in a passageway. A note on the verso in another hand concerns another building problem—‘the knotty point of the bell-pull’.]2 John Wilson (dealer) catalogue 19 (1976) 1

2

The month and year are established by the address, the day of the week, and the subject (see n. 2, below). In 1877, the twentieth of the month fell on a Friday only in April and July. CD stayed at 2 Bryanston Street, London, the home of his daughter and son-in-law, Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield, from 20 to 24 April 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). CD had engaged Marshall as architect to build an addition to Down House in September 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to W. C. Marshall, 19 September 1876).

To J. D. Hooker   21 April [1877]1 2. Bryanston St Ap. 21. My dear Hooker Will you give the enclosed to M. DeCandolle, if still in England.—2 If not, burn it.— I fear that there is no ghost of a chance of seeing you here, or at 6. Q. Anne St (where we go on Tuesday Morning) any day—3 We always lunch at 1 oclock.— It would be very very pleasant to see you, but I fear there is no chance. I doubt whether I shall be able to get my steam up to go to the R. Soc. on Wednesday & I forgot to bring my card,; but I will write to Down for it.4 Ever Affectionately yours | C. Darwin DAR 95: 439 1 2 3

4

The year is established by the address and the reference to going to Queen Anne Street (see n. 3, below). Casimir de Candolle had arrived in England in January 1877 (see letter from Alphonse de Candolle, January 1877). The enclosure has not been found. CD visited London from 20 to 28 April 1877, staying first with his daughter and son-in-law, Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield, and from Tuesday 24 April, with his brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). The meeting of the Royal Society of London on Thursday 26 April 1877 was chaired by Hooker (Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 26 (1877): 163). The Royal Society annual conversazione took place at Burlington House on Wednesday 25 April 1877 (Nature, 3 May 1877, p. 16); the card CD refers to was probably an invitation to the event.

From Otto Zacharias1   21 April 1877 Geestemünde, den 21. April 1877 Hochgeehrter Herr! In einem beifolgenden Paquet erlaube ich mir, Ihnen die Vorderpfote eines Schweins zuzusenden, an welcher der Daumen in wunderbarer Weise ausgebildet

April 1877

169

ist. Die andere Pfote habe ich hier behalten, um sie photographiren zu lassen. Sie würden mir einen grossen Dienst erweisen, wenn Sie die Güte hätten und mir mittheilten, ob Ihnen eine derartige (oder aehnliche) Monstrosität schon öfter vorgekommen ist, oder ob der Grad der Daumenausbildung an dieser Pfote ein abnorm grosser ist. Alle Schweineschlächter, die ich hier gefragt habe, erinnern sich nicht schon jemals eine gleich prononcirte Daumenausbildung gesehen zu haben. Als ich diese Pfoten sah, dachte ich gleich daran, dass es für Sie von Interesse sein müsste, wenn Sie autoptisch davon Kenntniss nehmen. Desshalb habe ich mir erlaubt eine davon Ihnen zu schicken. Ich ersuche Sie freundlichst, hochgeehrter Herr, mir meine obige Frage gelegentlich beantworten zu wollen, denn begreiflicherweise interessirt es mich sehr, was Sie zu der Monstrosität sagen. Ich werde dann auch im “Kosmos” eine Notiz darüber bringen.2 Hochachtungsvoll | Otto Zacharias P Scr. Das Paquet wird heute Abend (via Hamburg) an Ihre werthe Adresse versandt. DAR 184: 6 CD annotation Top of letter : ‘Answered’3 pencil, circled pencil 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. No article on the pig’s foot appeared in Kosmos. CD had briefly discussed abnormalities in the feet of pigs in Variation 1: 75. See letter to Otto Zacharias, 26 April 1877.

To G. H. Darwin   [23 April 1877] 2 Bryanston St.— | From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. Frank has sent the cards here. We move tomorrow to 6 Q. A. St.—1 I am very sorry to hear of your cold.2 C. D. ApcS Postmark: AP 23 77 DAR 210.1: 58 1

In his letter to Joseph Dalton Hooker of 21 April [1877], CD mentioned he had forgotten his card (an invitation to the Royal Society conversazione that took place on 25 April 1877) and would send for it; Francis Darwin sent the card from Down. CD visited London from 20 to 28 April 1877, staying first with his daughter and son-in-law, Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield, and from Tuesday 24 April with his brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

170 2

April 1877

See letter from G. H. Darwin, 19 April 1877.

From Robert McLachlan   23 April 1877 39, Limes Grove, | Lewisham, S.E. 23 Apl. 1877 Dear Sir I take this opportunity of thanking you very much for your support in my now succesful candidature for Royal. Soc.1 You probably know that the Arctic insects have been entrusted to me for working-out.2 There is one point that I think may be of special interest to you: up to the extreme point reached (nearly 83o N.) a Bombus was observed, & it always frequented the flowers of Pedicularis hirsuta.3 I believe that this flower is one in which cross-fertilization is almost absolutely necessary or self fertilization not easy, but shall be glad to be set right if I am wrong. Presuming it to be necessary, it is of great interest to find the principle carried out in these high latitudes, where the continuous existence of insect-life in a given locality, must be somewhat precarious. There are at least 6 (perhaps 8) species of Butterflies from the extreme North, & fine handsome insects, Colias 1 species; Argynnis 3 (perhaps 5) sp.; Chrysophanus 1 sp.; Lycæna 1 sp.4 I am | Yours faithfully | R. McLachlan C. Darwin Esq FRS. &c &c DAR 171: 1 CD annotation Top of letter : ‘Answered’5 ink 1

2 3

4

CD had signed the certificate, dated 10 February 1876, proposing McLachlan for election to the Royal Society of London (Royal Society archive, GB 117, EC/1877/11). CD had supported McLachlan’s earlier application for fellowship in 1874 as well (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter from H. T. Stainton, 15 January 1874). The council of the Royal Society had drawn up a list of candidates recommended for election at their meeting of 19 April 1877, and evidently informed the successful candidates (Royal Society council minutes, CMO/XV). Although the formal election took place on 7 June 1877, those recommended by the council were always elected by the fellows. The British Arctic Expedition of 1875–6 was led by George Strong Nares (ODNB). McLachlan’s ‘Report on the Insecta’ was published in the Journal of the Linnean Society of London (M‘Lachlan 1877). See M‘Lachlan 1877, pp. 101, 106; the species described from specimens collected as far north as 81° was Bombus balteatus (golden-belted bumblebee). Pedicularis hirsuta is hairy lousewort; like most Arctic species of Pedicularis, it is entomophilous and is pollinated by both bees and flies, but also self-pollinates above the northern limits of these insects (Savile 1964, pp. 254–5). In his report, McLachlan described Colias hecla (Arctic sulphur) and C. boothii (a synonym of C. tyche boothii, Booth’s sulphur), Argynnis polaris (a synonym of Boloria polaris polaris, Polaris fritillary) and A. chariclea var. obscurata (a synonym of Boloria chariclea arctica), Chrysophanus phloeas var. fieldeni (a synonym of Lycaena phlaeas, small copper), and Lycaena aquilo (a synonym of Polyommatus aquilo; M‘Lachlan 1877, pp. 108–11).

April 1877 5

171

CD’s reply has not been found.

To E. S. Morse   23 April 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. [2 Bryanston Street, London.] April 23d./77 My dear Sir You must allow me just to tell you how very much I have been interested with the excellent Address which you have been so kind as to send me & which I had much wished to read.—1 I believe that I had read all or very nearly all the papers by your countrymen to which you refer, but I have been fairly astonished at their number & importance, when seeing them thus put together. I quite agree about the high value of Mr Allen’s works, as showing how much change may be effected, apparently through the direct action of the conditions of life.2 As for the fossil remains in the west, no words will express how wonderful they are.—3 There is one point which I regret that you did not make clear in your Address,—namely what is the meaning & importance of Prof. Cope & Hyatts views on Acceleration & Retardation: I have endeavoured & given up in despair the attempt to grasp their meaning.—4 Permit me to thank you cordially for the kind feeling shown toward me througout your Address, & I remain | My dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Peabody Essex Museum: Phillips Library (E. S. Morse Papers, E 2, Box 3, Folder 11) 1

2

3 4

Morse had given the vice-presidential address, ‘What American zoologists have done for evolution’, to the natural history section at the meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science at Buffalo, New York, in August 1876 (Morse 1876). CD’s annotated offprint of the address is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Myron Leslie Baxter had told CD about the address in his letter of 28 September 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24). Morse had referred to Joel Asaph Allen’s observations on geographical variation in birds and mammals, summarised in Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History 15 (1872–3): 156–9, and to Allen’s paper on colour variation in North American squirrels ( J. A. Allen 1874; see Morse 1876, pp. 146–8). Much of this section of Morse 1876 is scored in CD’s copy (see n. 1, above). See Morse 1876, pp. 160–3. Edward Drinker Cope and Alpheus Hyatt promoted a theory of evolution based on acceleration and retardation of development. CD mentioned their work in Origin 6th ed., p. 149. For CD’s views and uncertainty on the topic, see Correspondence vol. 20, letter to Alpheus Hyatt, 10 October [1872]. For more on the background and development of Cope’s and Hyatt’s ideas, see S. J. Gould 1977, pp. 85–96.

From W. E. Darwin   [24 April 1877?]1 Basset, | Southampton. Tuesday My dear Father I am sorry to say I have no dried Rhamnus cath.cus. at all.

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April 1877

I find I marked 11 shrubs in June 1867, and I think I remember going to the Isle of W. afterwards to see about the fruit and finding I was too late to judge.2 I am sure I did I also find mem: to measure size of anthers & length of stamens, & that when I went over in June 1867 the flowers were too withered.3 I do not suppose these notes are any good. “In the buds the petals of each kind (i.e. short & long pistilled males) about the same size, in one bud of short pistilled the anthers were larger than in any of the long pistilled, this is probably always the case” “Short styled wither soonest?” the only distinguishing marks to the naked eye (between the short & long pistilled males) are smaller flowers (slightly) and decidedly shorter pedicals in the shortpistilled, also the stamens & petals rather shorter, especially the stamens”4 “Certainly so says my Father. The stamens are more aborted in the females than the pistils in the males”5 I find I have 2 sketches of long pistilled females & short pistilled females, and written underneath “stamens entirely abortive in each” “The short pistilled (female) ripest the soonest, larger ovary and ovules, disc more cup shaped than in long-pistilled.”6 Rhamnus lanceolata petal two lobed, embracing anther, (in one longpistilled & one shortpistilled)   the petals of S-pistilled were largest, the length of filament when the anther had been pulled off came up just to the bifurcation of petal, while in long pistilled it fell some little way short of it also in this pair of S–p–d L–p–d flowers the anthers were a good dead smaller in the shortpistilled— in long pistilled top of stigma reaches nearly up to base of stamen— but in another long pistilled the filaments reached up almost above the bifurcation of petal.7 I enclose diagram & measurements shewing pollen grains in L-pistilled Rh. Lanceolata to be the largest8   Rhamnus flowers soon so I could easily run over in May & measure stamens. My impression is that there is little difference in the stamens of the two female forms., Your affect son | W. E. Darwin P.S. As far as can be seen & measured from my sketches the much greater depth of calyx tube in the long styled male in Rh. cath. (and it is also much deeper in lanceolata) just makes two pairs of equal heights from base of ovary to top of stigmas or stamens—viz height of longstyled males = height of long pistilled female short styled male = " of sh. p-d female " “in long styled Male of Cath. & (of lanceolata?) the ridges of the stamens in some cases are carried down inside of disc and form a wheel looking appendage to ovary sometimes attached to it & sometimes not”,— this was not the case in the short styled males as far as my notes9

April 1877

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[Enclosure 1]

Long pistilled Rhamnus Lanceolata diameters of globular pollen grains.

z

z

short pistilled Rh— Lanceolata diameters of globular pollen grains

Short pistilled 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 1 2 3 4

5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

Long pistilled

diameters of Short & Long pistilled are placed on two lines, leaving out z as it is nearly twice the size is probably an error

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April 1877

on measuring it is seen that 15 of S— pistilled equal 14 of L— pistilled therefore L— pistilled pollen grains the largest. [Enclosure 2]

Long pistilled pollen grains Rh Lanceolatus.

other diameters

Short pistilled pollen grains

April 1877

175

[Enclosure 3] therefore 10 short p— diameters = L— p—d diamet ∴ L— pistilled pollen are largest S

1

L

1

2 2

3

4

3

4

5 5

6

7 6

8 7

9

10

8

9

DAR 109: A44, A71–6 CD annotations 1.1 I am … judge. 2.2] crossed pencil 6.1 “Short … stamens” 6.4 scored red crayon 7.1 “Certainly … males” 7.2] scored red crayon 10.1 (in … shortpistilled 10.2] ‘∴ ♂’ink Enclosure 1: Verso: ‘Long

Short

1 13

1+×

1

1-×

1+×

1-×

1+×

1

1+×

1

1-×

1-×

1+×

1

1+×

1+×

1

1+×

1+×

1+×

1 1’ pencil 1

2

The date is conjectured from the address, from the reference to planning to observe Rhamnus in May, and from the period when CD was writing Forms of flowers, that is, between November 1876 and June 1877 (see ‘Journal’ (Appendix II) and Correspondence vol. 24, Appendix II). William moved to Basset by 1870 (Correspondence vol. 18, letter to W. D. Fox, 18 February [1870]). In 1877, the last Tuesday in April was 24 April. See also n. 2, below. William had made observations on heterostyly in Rhamnus catharticus (a synonym of R. cathartica, common buckthorn) in 1866 on the Isle of Wight (see Correspondence vol. 14). The notes in his botanical notebook (DAR 186: 43.61–5) are undated but were probably made in May and June 1866. His notes on R. frangula (a synonym of Frangula alnus, alder buckthorn), dated 8 and 9 August 1866, are in DAR 186: 43.67, and his notes on R. lanceolata (lanceleaf buckthorn) are in DAR 186: 43.68–9; one note, dated 28 August 1866, refers to flower specimens obtained from Asa Gray.

176 3

4 5 6 7 8 9

April 1877

This memorandum is at the end of William’s notes on Rhamnus catharticus and also includes a reminder to himself to ‘examine stigmas of each for papilea [sic]’ and ‘ridges of middle pistilled [stamens]’ (DAR 186: 43.65v). Stigma papillae are minute projections on the surface of the stigma; usually, these are larger in long-styled flowers (see Forms of flowers, pp. 253–4). These passages are from notes in DAR 186: 43.63v. The passage is from notes in DAR 186: 43.64r. These passages are from notes in DAR 186: 43.65v. In his notebook, William actually wrote ‘stamens entirely imperfect in each’. The passages on Rhamnus lanceolata and the diagram are copied from notes in DAR 186: 43.68v. The three diagrams are on separate sheets of paper; William sometimes added loose sheets to his notebook; similar sheets are in DAR 186: 43. The passage is from notes in DAR 186: 43.64v; DAR 186: 43.64v includes a sketch of the wheel-shaped appendage.

From J. W. Judd   24 April 1877

Royal School of Mines | Jermyn Street. S.W. 24th. April 1877.

My dear Sir, I greatly regret that I was absent when you called to-day—1 I am usually here soon after 12 o’clock—but if it would suit you better I could come in at an earlier hour on any day that you named— Now that the election for the Royal Society has taken place, I hope that I may be forgiven for expressing the great gratification I feel in the circumstance that you did me the great honour of placing your name on my certificate—2 I assure you that the remembrance of this will always be a source of pleasure and an incentive to work to me Believe me to remain | Yours very faithfully | John W Judd. C. Darwin Esq. DAR 168: 83 1

2

CD visited London from 20 to 28 April 1877, staying first with his daughter and son-in-law, Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield, and from Tuesday 24 April with his brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). CD had signed the certificate, dated 22 December 1875, proposing Judd for election to the Royal Society of London (Royal Society archive, GB 117, EC/1877/09; see also Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Nevil Story-Maskelyne, 26 December 1875); Judd’s nomination was resuspended in 1877. The council of the Royal Society had drawn up a list of candidates recommended for election at their meeting of 19 April 1877, and evidently informed the successful candidates (Royal Society council minutes, CMO/XV). Although the formal election took place on 7 June 1877, those recommended by the council were always elected by the fellows.

From Francis Darwin to G. N. de Stoppelaar    25 April 1877 down, beckenham, kent april 25 1877 dear sir, in my father’s absence from home, i beg leave to acknowledge the safe arrival of the diploma which you have been so good as to send to him.1

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i trust that you wil have received the letter in which my father had the pleasure of expressing his thanks for the honour which you have conferred on him.2 i beg leave to remain, | dear sir, | yours faithfully | Francis Darwin TLS Zeeuws Archief (Koninklijk Zeeuwsch Genootschap der Wetenschappen) 1

2

CD visited London from 20 to 28 April 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). For the diploma from Zeeuwsch Genootschap der Wetenschappen te Middelburg (Scientific Society of Zeeland at Middelburg), see Appendix III. See letter to G. N. de Stoppelaar, 17 April 1877.

From C. G. Semper   26 April 1877 Würzburg 26th April 1877. Dear Sir You will have noticed perhaps with some astonishment that my photograph is wanting in the Album, which has been presented to You by German Naturalists.1 I would be very sorry if You should have taken this fact as proving, that I did not belong to Your admirers and followers and I trust You will allow me a few words in explanation thereof. The reasons why I did not send in my photograph were the following two. Firstly, I am of opinion that a man ought not to make a present with such bad portraits as photographs are, especially if he has not been asked for them; secondly, the proposed plan of adorning or embellishing such bad pictures did not seem to my sense of modesty very tasteful. It appears to me that it had been a much better token of gratitude and devotion, if we German Naturalists would have presented to You on Your birthday a work containing new and original researches. The best photograph of a scientific man is to my understanding his scientific work. In this sense I venture today to ask You the great favour of accepting the dedication of a little work “On eyes of the Vertebrate type on the back of Molluscs”, which will soon be published as an appendix to the third volume of my “Reisen etc”.2 I have just received a copy of a short preliminary communication on this subject in the “Archiv f. mikrosk. Anat”, which I have the pleasure to send You together with some microscopic—unluckily not very good—sections through these eyes and also some adult animals, on whose back You will easily be able to distinguish the eyes with a pocket-lens.3 I subjoin a MS. copy of the introduction of the work, which as I earnestly hope may be judged by You as deserving the honour, which You will confer on it by accepting my dedication. I remain dear Sir | Yours devotedly | C. Semper.

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[Enclosure]4 Ueber Sehorgane vom Typus der Wirbelthieraugen auf dem Rücken von Schnecken. Von C. Semper Einleitung. Es besteht bekanntlich zwischen den Augen der Wirbelthiere und denen der Wirbellosen ein fundamentaler Gegensatz in der Schichtfolge der Retina; bei jenen bilden die Opticusfasern immer die innerste, bei diesen immer die äußerste Retinaschicht. Darwin hat die große Bedeutung dieses Gegensatzes anerkannt, indem er in der 6ten. Auflage seines “Origin of Species” (englische Ausgabe 1875 p. 152) auf ihn hinwies.5 Bei der anatomischen Durcharbeitung von 19  Arten von Onchidium, einer meist in tropischen Ländern lebenden Gattung schalenloser Pulmonaten, habe ich nun aber Augen aufgefunden, welche, obschon im Einzelnen wesentlich einfacher gebaut, doch fast alle Elemente des Wirbelthierauges in absolut mit diesem übereinstimmender Schichtfolge aufweisen. Auf die stark convexe Cornea folgt eine aus mehreren Schichten von Zellen bestehende Linse; diese wird an ihrem vorderen Abschnitt durch einen Ciliarring festgehalten, sodaß eine wahrscheinlich auch erweiterbare Pupille entsteht; die eng sich an die Linse anschließende Retina weist hart an dieser die Faserschicht auf, darauf folgt die einfache Retinazellenlage, und dann eine Stäbchenschicht, die mit ihren Stäbchenenden an eine Pigmentumhüllung herantritt. Der Sehnerv durchbohrt die äußeren Lagen der Retina, um sich dicht hinter der Linse becherförmig zur Faserschicht auszubreiten; in Folge davon entsteht ein echter blinder Fleck, wie bei den Wirbelthieren. Dies allein schon würde, wie mir scheint, eine eingehende Untersuchung solcher Augen rechtfertigen. Sie gewinnen aber noch an Interesse durch die Art ihres Vorkommens. Sie stehen nemlich nicht auf den Tentakeln der Onchidium-arten, sondern auf ihrem Rücken, während die gleichfalls vorhandenen Tentakelaugen nach dem gewöhnlichen Typus des Molluskenauges gebaut sind. Es kommen hier also zweierlei Augentypen auf demselben Thiere vor. Die Rückenaugen stehen ferner durch ihre Nerven nicht mit dem Cerebralganglion in Verbindung, sondern mit dem Visceralganglion, während die Optici der Tentakelaugen sich an jenes ansetzen. Es zeigen weiter diese Rückenaugen eine auffallende Variabilität der Zahl selbst innerhalb der Species; so schwankt bei O. verruculatum die Menge derselben bei den einzelnen Individuen zwischen 12 und 82.6 Und es stehen endlich verschiedene Entwickelungsstufen der Augen auf dem Rücken desselben erwachsenen Individuums nebeneinander. Keine einzige Schneckengattung ist bekannt, welche solche Augen trüge. Bergh,7 der unstreitig beste Kenner der Nacktmollusken des Meeres, schreibt mir, es kämen bei diesen Mollusken keine solchen Augen vor; ich selbst, der ich meiner Jugendliebe zu den Landmollusken nie ganz untreu geworden bin, habe bei diesen so wenig, wie bei Kiemenschnecken derlei Organe gefunden; die beiden Gattungen Fissurella und Haliotis, bei welchen ich aus anderen Gründen noch am Ehesten

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glaubte Mantelaugen erwarten zu können, besitzen sie nicht, wenigstens nicht bei den mir momentan vorliegenden Arten.8 Es scheinen also diese Rückenaugen in der Gattung Onchidium selbst enstanden zu sein; dafür spricht ferner der Umstand, daß es auch gänzlich derselben entbehrende Arten derselben Gattung giebt. Diese Thatsachen mußten den Wunsch rege machen, auch die Entwicklungsweise der Rückenaugen zu untersuchen. An jungen Thieren oder Larven dies zu thun, war mir leider nicht möglich. Dagegen fand ich bald, daß auf demselben Thier verschieden große Augen nebeneinander vorkämen, und daß dann immer die kleinsten auch am einfachsten gebaut seien. Parallel damit ging eine Entwicklungsreihe innerhalb der ausgewachsenen Augen selbst, indem manche von ihnen auf verschiedenen Entwicklungsstufen beharrt zu haben schienen. Durch Ausdehnung der Untersuchung auf die Entwickelung der die Augen tragenden Rückenpapillen selbst gelang es mir schließlich den allgemeinsten Entwicklungstypus Augen mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit aufzufinden und zu constatiren, daß das hier innerhalb der Gattung jetzt in Bildung oder Umbildung begriffene Sinnesorgan direct auf die einfachsten überhaupt und überall in den Papillen vorkommenden Bildungen zurückzuführen sei. Durch hypothetische Verknüpfung der Lebensverhältnisse dieser Thiere mit der Entwicklungsreihe ihrer Rückenaugen ergab sich dann schließlich auch die physiologische Möglichkeit ihrer Entstehung, Fixirung und weiteren Ausbildung. DAR 177: 137 1 2

3

4 5

CD had been presented with an album of photographs of German and Austrian naturalists (see letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877 and n. 3). Semper’s work Über Sehorgane von Typus der Wirbelthieraugen auf dem Rücken von Schnecken (On visual organs of the vertebrate eye type on the backs of slugs; Semper 1877b) appeared in July 1877 (see letter from C. G. Semper, 13 July 1877). The dedication read ‘Herrn Charles Darwin | in aufrichtiger Verehrung | gewidmet | vom Verfasser’ (Dedicated to Mr Charles Darwin with sincere devotion from the author). Semper had published on land molluscs of the Philippine archipelago in the third volume of Reisen im Archipel Philippinen. Zweiter Theil: Wissenschaftliche Resultate (Travels in the Philippine archipelago. Second part: scientific results; Semper et al. 1868–1916), which was published in 1870. Semper 1877b was a supplement to this volume. Semper’s paper ‘Ueber Schneckenaugen vom Wirbelthiertypus nebst Bemerkungen über einige andere histologische Eigenthümlichkeiten verschiedener Cephalophoren’ (On vertebrate-type slug eyes with remarks on some other histological characteristics in various gastropods; Semper 1877a) was published in the Archiv für mikroskopische Anatomie. CD’s copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. For a translation of this enclosure, see Appendix I. The printed version of the introduction is unchanged from this manuscript (see Semper 1877b, pp. 1–2). The sixth edition of Origin was published in 1872 and various printings were made up to 1876 when a sixth edition with additions and corrections was published. The edition Semper had, published in 1875, was the fifteenth thousand (Freeman 1977). In Origin 6th ed., p. 152, CD had discussed the differences in the structure and formation of vertebrate and invertebrate eyes. He concluded: As two men have sometimes independently hit on the same invention, so in the several foregoing cases it appears that natural selection, working for the good of each being, and taking advantage of all favourable variations, has produced similar organs, as far as function is concerned, in distinct organic beings, which owe none of their structure in common to inheritance from a common progenitor.

180 6 7

8

April 1877

Onchidium verruculatum is a synonym of Peronia verruculata, a species of air-breathing marine slug (pulmonate gastropod) in the family Onchidiidae. Rudolph Bergh was the author of the malacological volumes of Semper et al. 1868–1916 (for more on the subdivisions of Bergh’s work within Semper et al. 1868–1916 and dates of their publication, see Winckworth 1946). Fissurella is a genus of limpets in the family Fissurellidae (keyhole limpets); Haliotis is a genus of abalone in the family Haliotididae.

To Otto Zacharias   26 April 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station [6 Queen Anne Street, London.] April 26th 77 My dear Sir I am sorry to say that I have not osteological knowledge enough for my opinion to be of any value with respect to the anomalous foot of the pig, which you have been so good as to send me.—1 I do not know whether it has arrived at Down, for I am at present away from home; but when it arrives I will send it to Prof. Flower, at the R. Collg. of Surgeons who has made a special study of the limbs of the Ungulata & who is a most careful & admirable observer.—2 I have asked him to send me a note, if the foot presents any remarkable peculiarities, & should I receive any such note, I will forward it to you.—3 I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (510) 1 2

3

See letter from Otto Zacharias, 21 April 1877. William Henry Flower was curator of the Hunterian Museum at the Royal College of Surgeons of England (ODNB). The former order Ungulata is now divided into the orders Artiodactyla and Perissodactyla (even and odd-toed ungulates). Suidae, the family of pigs, is in Artiodactyla. Flower discussed the degree of development of the bones of the toe among even-toed ungulates in Flower 1876, pp. 269–71. Zacharias reported that CD later forwarded the letter from W. H. Flower, 3 May 1877, to him (see Zacharias 1882, p. 77).

To G. C. Robertson   27 April 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [6 Queen Anne Street, London.] April 27th/ 77/ Dear Sir I hope that you will be so good as to take the trouble to read the enclosed M.S. & if you think it fit for publication in your admirable Journal of Mind, I shall be gratified.—1 If you do not think it fit, as is very likely, will you please to return it to me. I hope that you will read it in an extra critical spirit, as I cannot judge whether it is worth publishing from having been so so much interested in watching the dawn of the several faculties in my own infant.— I may add that I shd. never have thought

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of sending you the M.S. had not M. Taine’s article appeared in your Journal.2 If my M.S. is printed I think that I had better see a proof. I remain Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin UCL Library Services, Special Collection (Croom Robertson: 92) 1

2

CD sent his manuscript of ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’; it was published in the July 1877 issue of the journal Mind. A Quarterly Review of Psychology and Philosophy. CD had kept notes on his children’s development from the birth of his first child, William Erasmus, in December 1839; the notebook is in DAR 210.11: 37. An article by Hippolyte Taine, ‘On the acquisition of language by children’, had appeared in translation in the April 1877 issue of Mind (Taine 1877). Taine’s original article had been published in the first issue of Revue philosophique (Taine 1876).

To G. O. Sars   29 April 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Ap 29. 1877. Dear Sir, Allow me to thank you much for your kindness in having sent me your beautiful memoir on Brisinga.1 It contains discussions on several subjects about which I feel much interest. I congratulate you on your discovery of the new process of Autography which promises to be of much service to those who like yourself are good draughtsmen.2 With the most sincere admiration for your varied works in Science, I remain, | dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin LS Nasjonalbiblioteket, Oslo (Brevs. 233: Letters to Georg Ossian Sars) 1

2

Sars had sent his monograph Researches on the structure and affinity of the genus Brisinga, based on the study of a new species: Brisinga coronata. (Sars 1875a); CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Brisinga coronata (a synonym of Hymenodiscus coronata) is a species of sea star of the family Brisingidae. Sars had worked with a lithographer to improve the process of transferring a drawing made on paper to a lithographic stone. He had sent CD a pamphlet, ‘On the practical application of autography in zoology, and on a new autographic method’ (Sars 1875b), together with two plates made using the autographic process that were later published in his work on molluscs of the Arctic regions of Norway (Sars 1878; fifty-two autographs were included in this work). CD’s copy of the pamphlet and plates is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

To C. G. Semper   30 April 1877 [Down.] […] I shall consider your dedication as a high & most gratifying honour.1 Your observation on the dorsal eyes of Onchidium are interesting & surprising in the

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highest degree.2 That the same animal should be provided with eyes of two widely different types is remarkable enough; but that you should have discovered gradations in the scale of their development on the same individual is most wonderful & shows us probably by what steps they were developed. On two occasions I have found gradations on the same individual but in structures of comparatively small importance, namely in the tendrils of the vine & in the ocelli on the feathers of the argus pheasant.3 Even theses cases interested me much though they are quite trifling compared with your case. There is much truth in what you say about photographs in comparison with published memoirs or books; but the generous sympathy which I have received from so many men in Germany & Holland, some of them distinguished workers in science, has naturally given me much pleasure—4 Allow me to repeat that your intended dedication will always be considered by me as a very high honour, & I return you my most sincere thanks | Believe me, my dear Sir | Yours sincerely, | Charles Darwin LS incomplete5 J. A. Stargardt (dealer) (March 1994); Kotte Autographs (dealer) (March 2016) 1 2 3 4

5

See letter from C. G. Semper, 26  April  1877. Semper had asked to dedicate his forthcoming work (Semper 1877b) to CD. Semper had sent a copy of his preliminary report on the anatomy and development of the dorsal eyes found in many species of Onchidium, a genus of marine slugs (Semper 1877a). CD had discussed gradations from tendril to flower in common grape vines in Climbing plants, pp. 81–2; his discussion of gradations in the ocelli of feathers in the Argus pheasant was in Descent 2: 141–50. Semper had not provided a photograph of himself for the album of photographs of German and Austrian naturalists that was sent to CD to celebrate his birthday (see letter from C. G. Semper, 26 April 1877 and n. 1); CD had received a similar album from Dutch admirers (see letter from A. A. van Bemmelen and H. J. Veth, 6 February 1877). Semper argued that a more fitting tribute to CD would be a work with original research. The letter is described in the dealer’s catalogue as complete and four pages long. The transcription is from the dealer’s catalogue and an image of the fourth page (from ‘which I have received’).

To [Francis Lloyd]   1 May [1877]1 May 1st Dear Sir— I am sorry to hear of your illness.— I do not feel at all sure what you want me to do, but I suppose that you wish me to apply to some wealthy person to assist you.2 I know of no one to whom I could possibly apply, & to the best of my belief it would be impossible to get up any subscription in your aid. I have taken a part in some such work & I know from experience that any such attempt would be hopeless, except in the case of men who have pursued with success some definite branch of science.— Philosophical work of a general nature is esteemed by but few persons.

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On painful occasions like the present, it is the best plan to speak without any reserve, & as I think you must be at present in want of cash, I hope that you will allow me to send you a cheque for 10£, which I presume you could get converted into money where you now are.— 3 I will only add that from living in the country & from being in weak health, I am very ill fitted either to give advice or assistance.— With my best wishes for your improved health, I am Dear Sir ADraft DAR 202: 91 1 2 3

The correspondent and year are established from the entry in CD’s Classed account books (see n. 3, below). No letter from Lloyd has been found. Lloyd had written a critique of Francis Galton’s theory of heredity in 1876 (Lloyd 1876); a copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. An entry in CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS) on 1 May 1877 records under ‘Charities’ a payment of £10 for ‘F. Lloyd’.

From C. W. Thomson   1 May 1877 University | Edinburgh May 1st. | 1877 My dear Sir, Since our return to England I have been gradually getting the great collection of Invertebrates made in the ‘Challenger’ into something like order. I have just gone over the Crustacea with Mr. Norman and we have separated out the different groups.1 There is a very fine little set of Cirripeds not very extensive but with some very large and marked forms, some of them from great depths. I do not know at all whether you would be inclined to take them up— At all events it is only my duty to put them at your disposal, and to say how much I feel having your name among our collaborators would enhance the value of the final Report—2 I send a list of the observing Stations, and the ‘preamble’ will give you an idea of our plan of operation.3 Believe me | My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | C. Wyville Thomson DAR 178: 114 1 2

3

Thomson was chief of the civilian scientific staff of the HMS Challenger expedition, which had returned to England in 1876. Alfred Merle Norman was an expert on marine invertebrates. CD had studied Cirripedia (barnacles) from 1846 until 1854 (see Living Cirripedia (1851) and (1854), and Fossil Cirripedia (1851) and (1854)). Paulus Peronius Cato Hoek described the Challenger Cirripedia specimens (Hoek 1883 and Hoek 1884). The enclosure has not been found; the Challenger narrative included a short preface and tables and charts of the sounding and dredging stations (see Tizard et al. 1885, pp. xi–xii and 1007–15).

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To W. H. Flower   2 May [1877] From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. The pigs-foot has been despatched to day per Rail.1 C.D. May 2d. ApcS Postmark: MY 2 77 American Philosophical Society (B/D25.352) 1

CD had received the pig’s foot from Otto Zacharias (see letter from Otto Zacharias, 21 April 1877, and letter to Otto Zacharias, 26 April 1877 and n. 2).

From W. H. Flower   3 May 1877 Royal College of Surgeons of England, | Lincoln’s Inn Fields, | (W.C.) 3rd. day of May 1877 My dear Mr. Darwin Thank you for sending the pig’s foot (a left fore foot)1   It will make a valuable addition to our series of similar specimens, as it differs somewhat from any we possess. The four usual digits are quite normal, and on the inner side is situated another, quite complete, and with a complete and distinct carpal bone (trapezium) not usually present. Unfortunately the foot was cut off between the first and the second rows of carpal bones, so that we can not tell what the condition of the former was. The additional digit differs however from the one which it seems to represent in ordinary 5 toed mammals in being larger, instead of smaller than the one next to it (or the second of the normal series) and of course it would be quite open to anyone to say that it really represented the normal inner or second toe of the pig, and that a supernumerary had been interposed between it and the third. It looks however, as if the former supposition was the correct one, though on the reversionary hypothesis it would have been more satisfactory, if it had been a rudimentary rather than an over well developed digit.2 The interest of the case will be much increased if it can be ascertained whether— (1). the other fore-foot was similarly malformed— (2) whether the hind feet were affected— & (3) whether it was a family or only an individual peculiarity. At all events I am very glad of the specimen, for we can not have too large a series Believe me | Yours very truly | W. H. Flower American Philosophical Society (511) 1 2

See postcard to W. H. Flower, 2 May [1877]. CD had previously corresponded with Flower about a rudimentary sixth toe in frogs (see Correspondence vol. 11, letter to W. H. Flower, 11 July [1863]). CD discussed polydactylism and inheritance in Variation

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2: 12–17, including rudimentary extra digits in dogs, horses, goats, sheep, and pigs. The other forefoot had not been sent to CD, but was to be photographed (see letter from Otto Zacharias, 21 April 1877).

To Albert Günther   4 May [1877]1 From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. The box of pigeon’s skins from Yarkand has been dispatched to you today2 May 4 pc Natural History Museum (Archives DF ZOO/200/11/115a) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this postcard and the letter to Albert Günther, 7 May 1877. CD had received from Yarkand, China, a box of pigeon skins collected by John Scully (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to George King, 19 September 1876, and letter to J. D. Hooker, 17 October [1876]). There is a collection of twenty-nine skins donated by Scully in the Museum of Natural History at Tring (BMNH 1883.6.6.1–29).

To Albert Günther   7 May 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 7. 1877 My dear Dr Günther, I have just received the enclosed M.S. about the Yarkand pigeons which ought to be deposited with the specimens as it greatly to their value—1 Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS Natural History Museum (Archives DF ZOO/200/15/112) 1

The manuscript has not been found; it was to accompany the collection of pigeon skins from Yarkland, China (see postcard to Albert Günther, 4 May [1877] and n. 2).

To George King  7 May 1877 Down | Beckenham. May 7. 1877 My dear Sir, I am very much obliged to you for sending me the seeds of the Melastomaceæ, & for your kindness in taking so much trouble in forwarding me the skins of the pigeons. Will you be so good as to give Dr Scully the enclosed note?1 Believe me, my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin LS DAR 185: 113i

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May 1877

CD was interested in heterostyly in the family Melastomaceae (now Melastomataceae; see Correspondence vol. 23, letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 3 October [1875] and nn. 5 and 6). The pigeon skins were forwarded by King from John Scully, who had collected them in Yarkand, China (see postcard to Albert Günther, 4 May [1877] and n. 2). The note to Scully has not been found.

From A. G. Butler   8 May 1877

10 Avington Grove, Penge 8th. May 1877

My dear Sir Can you tell me if the House-Sparrow is the most stupid of all birds? I do not believe that this bird has either memory or reflection.1 A pair of sparrows just three weeks ago fixed upon a sun-blind at the back of my house as a place in which to build their nest, (the blind does not quite close up at one end which permits them to enter) Every morning this blind is pulled down, and regularly every morning the commencement of the nest comes down with it, but (although I have even buried the nest) as soon as the blind is pulled up, the two sparrows who have been watching from the house-top immediately fly down and recommence operations; they are now engaged in collecting rubbish for about the 22nd. time. Upon my word I don’t believe that birds reflect a bit more than bees and ants do (if so much). If this sort of thing goes on I think I must write a note upon it for the Annals & Magazine of Nat. Hist!2 I thought this little fact might be useful to you some time or other. Believe me to be | yours very sincerely | Arthur G. Butler Charles Darwin Esq. F.R.S. | &c. &c. &c. DAR 160: 388 1 2

CD had remarked on the ability of sparrows to learn songs from other birds in Descent 2: 55. Butler contributed many articles on insects to Annals and Magazine of Natural History.

To A. G. Butler   9 May 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 9th 77 My dear Sir I have been always inclined to think that sparrows were acute & crafty birds, but you certainly show that they are fools, & if they go on behaving in so ideotic a manner, you will do quite right to expose their conduct in some public Journal!—1 Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Natural History Museum (General Library MSS DAR: 67) 1

See letter from A. G. Butler, 8 May 1877 and nn. 1 and 2.

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To Fritz Müller   9 May 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May. 9th. 77 My dear Sir I have been particularly glad to receive your letter of March 25th. on Pontederia, for I am now printing a small book on Heterostyled plants & on some allied subjects.1 I feel sure that you will not object to my giving a short account of the flowers of the new species which you have sent me. I am the more anxious to do so, as a writer in the U. States has described a species & seems to doubt whether it is Heterostyled; for he thinks the difference in the length of the pistil depends merely on its growth!—2 In my new book I shall use all the information & specimens which you have sent me with respect to other heterostyled plants, & your published notices.3 One chapter will be devoted to Cleistogamic species, & I will just notice your new grass case.—4 My son Francis desires me to thank you much for your kindness with respect to the plants which bury their seeds.5 I never fail to feel astonished when I receive one of your letters at the number of new facts you are continually observing.— With respect to the great supposed subterranean animal, may not the belief have arisen from the natives having seen large skeletons embedded in cliffs? I remember finding on the banks of the Parana a skeleton of a Mastodon, & the Gauchos concluded that it was a burrowing animal like the Bizcacha.6 With all good wishes & thanks, | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin British Library (Loan 10:41) 1 2 3 4 5 6

See letter from Fritz Müller, 25 March 1877. In Forms of flowers, pp. 183–7, CD described some species of Pontederia as heterostyled trimorphic based on observations of three unnamed species sent by Müller. The American writer was William Henry Leggett (see letter from W. H. Leggett, 15 January 1877 and n. 1, and letter to W. H. Leggett, 22 January 1877 and n. 3). CD referred extensively to Müller’s specimens and published notes in Forms of flowers, which was published on 9 July 1877 (Freeman 1977). Müller described the grass with cleistogamic flowers in his letter of 25 March 1877; CD noted it in Forms of flowers, p. 333. Francis Darwin; see letter from Fritz Müller, 25 March 1877 and n. 5. Müller had reported accounts of a huge earthworm in southern Brazilian provinces (see letter from Fritz Müller, 25 March 1877 and n. 7). In Narrative 3: 147, CD had described his discovery of Mastodon bones in the cliffs above the Rio Paraná near Santa Fe de la Vera Cruz, Argentina, in October 1833. Bizcacha (now known as viscacha (chinchillas)) are burrowing rodents of the genera Lagidium and Lagostomus.

From C.-F. Reinwald1   9 May 1877

Paris le 9 Mai 1877

Monsieur Charles Darwin | Down Cher Monsieur J’ai l’honneur de vous informer que nous avons enfin pu terminer l’imprimons des Plantes insectivores qui a été retardée par bien des empêchements, mais qui finalement ont été surmontés.2

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Je vous ai envoyé hier par Mess Zwinger un exemplaire de notre édition.3 Il va sans dire que d’autres exemplaires sont à votre disposition, si vous croyez devoir les faire adresser à des amis de France ou de l’étranger. Dès que nous aurons vendu le nombre voulu pour nous couvrir de nos frais nous vous remettrons un mandat sur Londres pour le percentage convenu. Cela ne tardera probablement pas pour les Plantes insectivores;— mais nous n’osons pas avoir le même espoir pour les Plantes Grimpentes, qui ne se vendent pas aussi rapidement que les autres volumes.4 Nous imprimons sans discontinuer aux feuilles des Cross & Self fertilisation que Mr. Heckel pousse avec beaucoup de fermeté.5 Nous espérons finir ce nouveau avant le 1 Août. Jusque là nous aurons encore l’honneur de vous ecrire et de vous envoyer la nouvelle édition des Emotions.6 Veuillez agréer cher Monsieur, l’expression de nos sentiments les plus distingués | C Reinwald & C DAR 176: 106 1 2 3 4

5 6

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 15 February 1877; the French translation of Insectivorous plants was made by Edmond Barbier (Barbier trans. 1877). Zwinger has not been identified. The payment concerned the author’s rights for the French translation of Insectivorous plants; see letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 13 October 1877. Les mouvements et les habitudes des plantes grimpantes was the title of the French translation of Climbing plants (R. Gordon trans. 1877). Édouard Marie Heckel was translating Cross and self fertilisation (Heckel trans. 1877) into French. See letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 21 February 1877 and nn. 4 and 5. A second French edition of Expression, ‘revue et corrigée’ (revised and corrected), was published in 1877 (Pozzi and Benoît trans. 1877). See also letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 13 October 1877.

From George Rolleston1   9 May 1877 Anatomical Department, | Museum, | Oxford. May 9. 1877 My dear Mr Darwin— I had Rütimeyer2 staying with me some 10 days back & I asked him about Canestrini’s observations as to brachycephalic crania from the Drift with persistent frontal sutures.3 He said he could only suppose that some find of Cocchi’s was the one referred to—4 He could not give me any references, and as I have only spent some 15 years or so of my life in the study of Latin I cant read Italian at all! However I came upon the short paper by Paul Broca upon one discovery of Cocchi’s which looks very like the one you refer to in your Descent of Man p. 39.5 I got my wife6 to copy it out for you & I forward it. On your principles a skull from the drift should not be brachycephalic nor should it I think have an open frontal suture which in my experience is very rare in savage races— Please excuse this style of writing; I am leaving Oxford to sit in a General Medical Council for 10 days & I am consequently greatly pressed for time—7 Do not trouble yourself to answer this. | Yours very Truly George Rolleston

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[Enclosure]8 Memoires d’Anthropologie de Paul Broca Tome II. p. 354–355 XII Sur le crâne post pliocène de l’Olma (Vallée de l’Arno.) (Bulletins de la Societé d’anthropologie, 2e. serie, t. II, p. 674–675. 19 Dec. 1867. En communiquant à la Societé l’important mémoire de M. Cocchi sur le crâne de l’Olmo (vallée de l’Arno.) M. Pruner-Bey9 fit remarquer que ce crâne datait de l’époque post pliocène: il était disposé à admettre avec l’auteur que c’était le plus ancien reste connu de l’homme paléontologique, et il ajoutait que ce crâne, dont l’indice céphalique etait,10 disait il, de 86.4., etait très brachy-céphale   J’étudai à mon tour le memoire et la planche de M. Cocchi,11 et je trouvai au contraire que le crâne de l’Olmo n’était devenu brachycéphale que par suite d’une faute d’impression. Le fait découvert par M.  Cocchi, et dont M.  Pruner-Bey vient de nous présenter le résumé, parait donner raison à notre collègue sur la préexistence du type brachycéphale en Europe, puisqu’un crâne plus ancien que tous les autres, provenant d’une couche de terrain postpliocène, serait non seulement brachycéphale, mais encore extrêmement brachycéphale, avec un indice céphalique de 86.4. Ce fait est assez important à mes yeux pour que j’aie voulu en prendre connaissance dans l’exemplaire du mémoire de M. Cocchi qui vient d’être disposé sur le bureau. Je trouve effectivement, dans le tableau de la page 69, que l’indice céphalique est de 86.40. Il serait même de 88.44. Si l’on établissait le rapport des deux diamètres inscrits sur le même tableau, savoir: diamètre antero-postérieur, 199  millimètres: diamètre transversal bipariétal, 176 millimètres. Mais il est clair que cette dernière mesure est impossible: elle l’est en soi, puisque jamais crâne humain, hors le cas d’hydrocéphalie, n’a pu atteindre une pareille largeur; elle l’est surtout en égard aux autres mesures du même crâne, puisque la courbe transversale n’est que de 200 millimètres. Il y a dans ce tableau au moins une faute d’impression, relative au diamètre transversal, plus une erreur de calcul relative à l’indice céphalique. Heureusement que l’auteur, pour nous tirer de l’embarras, a fait représenter son crâne sur une belle planche lithiographiée qui accompagne son mémoire et qui paraît de grandeur naturelle. Vous pouvez voir, à première vue, que ce crâne est très dolichocéphale. La longueur, que je viens de mesurer, est de 198 millimètres, la largeur maximum n’est que de 144 millimètres, ce qui donne un indice céphalique de 72.72. J’admets que le dessin puisse n’être pas d’une rigueur absolue: mais ce ce qui ne peut être douteux c’est que ce crâne post-pliocène est très-dolichocéphale.12 Les conclusions que j’avais tirées de l’étude du dessin publié par M.  Cocchi ont été pleinement confirmées lorsque le moule du crâne de l’Olmo a été donné à la Société par M.  le professeur Cocchi, au mois de Janvier  1868. M.  Mortillet, en présentant ce moule, donna des preuves multipliées de l’antiquité du crâne de l’Olmo, qu’il n’hésita pas à rapporter à l’époque quaternaire (Bull Soc. d’anthrop., 2e

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série, t. III. p. 40).13 Dans une séance ultérieure, M. Hamy décrivit complétement ce crâne et établit qu’il était très-dolicho-céphale, avec un indice céphalique de 73 pour 100. (Hamy, “Etude sur le crâne de l’Olmo, in Bull. de la Soc. d’anthrop.”, 2e série, t. III, p. 112–117. 6 février 1868).14 DAR 176: 214 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

9 10 11 12 13 14

For a translation of the enclosure to this letter, see Appendix I. Ludwig Rütimeyer. Giovanni Canestrini had described brachycephalism and sutures in the frontal (malar) bone in skulls found in glacial drift (see Canestrini 1867, p. 83). Igino Cocchi examined human fossil remains from central Italy (DBI; see n. 8, below). CD discussed Canestrini’s findings as cases of reversion in Descent 2d ed., p. 39. Grace Rolleston. Rolleston was the University of Oxford’s representative on the General Medical Council from 1875 (ODNB). The enclosure is from Broca 1871–88, 2: 354–5. It described an exchange at the Société d’anthopologie de Paris in 1867 between Paul Broca and the German anthropologist Franz Ignaz Pruner regarding the discovery of an ancient human skull by Cocchi; this was originally published in Bulletins de la Société d’anthopologie de Paris 2d ser. 2 (1867): 672–5. The final paragraph gives Broca’s conclusions after the skull was re-examined in Paris by Gabriel de Mortillet and Ernest-Théodore Hamy. Pruner was given the title ‘Bey’ (sir or lord) while serving as personal physician to the king of Egypt (NDB). Cephalic index: the ratio of the breadth to the length of the skull expressed as a percentage (Chambers). L’Uomo fossile nell’Italia centrale (Cocchi 1867). Dolichocephalic: long-headed, having a breadth of skull (from side to side) less than 75 (or 78) per cent of the length (front to back) (Chambers). Mortillet 1868. Hamy 1868.

From D. B. Miller   12 May 1877 Cincinnati Ohio U.S.A. May 12th 1877 Chas. Darwin Esqr. FR.S. etc | Down Beckenham Kent England Dear Sir I have been reading your very interesting work on Sexual Selection.1 I did not bring to its perusal by any means a scientific knowledge—only that amount that was acquired by studies necessary to prepare myself as a Physician and even these studies have been long interrupted by business pursuits While reading your work I could not help thinking that you do not give sufficient prominence to a very important factor or at least one that seems to me to be a starting point. There is an essential difference in the reproductive functions of the male and female. How this difference arose in the progress of evolution you may be able to explain, but I start with the idea of this differentiation. In the male the stimulus arising from its specialized reproductive organs is a constant quantity liable to be sure to some variation in intensity, as for instance during the breeding season. In the

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female however this stimulus is an interrupted, recurrent quantity. It seems to me, the influence of the testicle is more potent and persistent than that of the ovary. The stimulus from the testicle is stronger and ever present—from the ovary it is weaker periodical with partially dormant intervals. If this is so the male would necessarily be different from the female in physical and moral characteristics   It is this stronger force in the system that makes the male more pugnacious than the female as a rule. You have given some curious instances in birds when the female shows the most pugnacity and in these cases the females are the more highly colored as to plumage— the instincts of the two being completely transposed,2 I think even in this case the starting point of the difference is the fact that in this particular class, the stimulus from the reproductive organs is exceptionally stronger in the female than in the male, just as we sometimes see some women with very strong sexual passions and my observation is that they are usually masculine in their characteristics. Anyhow in the instance you give the female sought and fought for the male indicating more ardour and had some other characteristics of the male as brighter plumage. The conclusion is as the more ardent passion gave it the moral characteristics of the male it also gave it the physical characteristics that usually belong to the male   Where gelding is practised there is always a modification of the physical characteristics as well as the pscychical. I do not know that spaying has ever been practised except in the son and the change effected by it in the physical appearance is not appreciable according to my observation But the main fact to which I call your attention is that the stimulus of the reproductive organs is a modifying constitutional influence and usually this has greater force in the male than in the female. You say yourself in the breeding season when this stimulus is strongest, the comb, wattles and plumage of the males feel the influence and exhibit it by heightened color etc. you constantly speak of the greater eagerness and ardour of the male.3 This shows a strong stimulus in the constitution that certainly would modify to a much greater extent than any slight changes in the conditions of life. As a matter of course this view does not affect your arguments as to what is accomplished by variability sexual selection and the complex laws of inheritance. You merely have in the male and female a constitutional difference that of itself will modify which can be modified still further by variability sexual selection and inheritance. Emasculation of the male effects considerable changes in physical characteristics, even in some instances to the extent of changing the color. It arrests the growth of appendages that you consider ornamental   Does not this show that the stimulus of the testicle has an important influence on physical characteristics. It leads my mind to the conclusion that the male has various differences in physical conformation because he is a male and therefore subject to a stimulus adequate to produce these differences. I think whatever these may be we can safely conclude that they would be limited in transmission to the male. Whatever marks come from variability, not dependent upon the influence of the reproductive organs would be transmitted to both sexes and I think varieties have been formed merely on account of some variation being coincident with a favored male who through success in securing females became the father of a numerous progeny and it would be easy for

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this variation to become cumulative through interbreeding. I know within my own observation that a large majority of the equine race in a neighborhood where I was raised, became mouse colored from the fact that the only stallion that served the mares for many years in this district was mouse colored. Suppose now in a state of Nature this stallion beat all rivals it would have produced a mouse colored variety. In closing I will merely say that these views may be entirely the result of a limited vision for I confess the only knowledge I have on the subject comes from reading your works, for pastime rather than study. Yours very Respectfully | D. B. Miller M.D. P.O. Box #271 Cincinnati Ohio U.S.A. DAR 171: 179 1 2 3

Descent. For CD’s examples, see Descent 2: 200–8. In Descent 1: 271–9, CD compared differences between males and females in animals and humans, arguing that the adult male was nearly always more modified from the juvenile than the female, and that males possessed stronger passions. The modifications were used mostly for combat and display in the pursuit of females.

To Fritz Müller   14 May 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 14. 1877 My dear Sir, I wrote to you a few days ago to thank you about Pontederia,1 & now I am going to ask you to add one more to the many kindnesses which you have done for me. I have made many observations on the waxy secretion on leaves which throw off water (e.g. cabbage, tropæolum) & I am now going to continue my observations.2 Does any sensitive species of mimosa grow in your neighbourhood? If so will you observe whether the leafletes keep shut during long-continued warm rain. I find that the leaflets open if they are continuously syringed with water at a temperature of about 19c but if the water is at a temperature of 33–35c they keep shut for more than 2 hrs & probably longer. If the plant is continuously shaken so as to imitate wind the leaflets soon open. How is this with the native plants during a windy day? I find that some other plants, for instance Desmodium3 & Cassia, when syringed with water, place their leaves so that the drops fall quickly off; the position assumed differing somewhat from that in so called sleep. Would you be so kind as to observe whether any of your plants place their leaves during rain so as to shoot off the water; & if there are any such I should be very glad of a leaf or two to ascertain whether they are coated with a waxy secretion There is another & very different subject, about which I intend to write & should be very glad of a little information. Are earth worms (Lumbricus) common in

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S. Brazil, & do they throw up on the surface of the ground numerous castings or vermicular masses such as we so commonly see in Europe? Are such castings found in the forests beneath the dead & withered leaves. I am sure I can trust to you kindness to forgive me for asking you so many questions4 my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin LS British Library (Loan 10:42) 1 2

3 4

See letter to Fritz Müller, 9 May 1877. CD had begun studying bloom (the epicuticular waxy coating on the leaves and fruit of many plants) in August 1873 (see Correspondence vol. 21, letter to J. D. Hooker, 13 August 1873 and n. 2). He carried out experiments to compare the effects of water on berries and leaves with the bloom left on and on those that had the bloom removed (see DAR 66: 8, 24). He suspended his work on the subject in 1874 in order to concentrate on finishing Insectivorous plants (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 28 [June 1874] and n. 7). CD never published on bloom, but Francis Darwin published some of the results of their experiments, made in 1878, in his paper ‘On the relation between the “bloom” on leaves and the distribution of the stomata’ (F. Darwin 1886). The genus Desmodium is commonly known as tick clover. CD had worked intermittently on the action of earthworms (Lumbricus terrestris) since the late 1830s, when he published ‘Formation of mould’. He had given the subject more systematic attention in 1871 and 1872; see Correspondence vols. 19 and 20.

To Karl von Scherzer   14 May [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May. 14th My dear Sir I received M. Wagner’s essay’s, & suppose I ought to have written to you, but indeed I am often quite overwhelmed with letters to write.2 I wrote a long letter to M. Wagner about his views, with which I am sorry to say I cannot agree.— He does not offer any explanation, as far as I can see, of the endless beautiful adaptations throughout Nature.—3 Thanks for Büchners essay, which I will read if I can, but he writes difficult German.4 I have not received the grand Novara work.5 I am sorry to hear of your ill-health & hope that the Baths may do you good.—6 My dear Sir | yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Uppsala University Library: Manuscripts and Music (Waller Ms gb-00526) 1 2

3

The year is established by the reference to Wagner 1877 (see n. 2, below). Scherzer had sent CD a two-part article by Moritz Wagner that was published in Beilage zur Allgemeinen Zeitung (Wagner 1877; CD’s copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL). It was later reprinted in a posthumous collection of Wagner’s essays (Wagner 1889, pp. 376–95). In 1876, Scherzer had sent copies of Wagner’s earlier essays (Wagner 1875; reprinted in Wagner 1889, pp. 282–342); see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Karl von Scherzer, 22 September 1876 and n. 1. See Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Moritz Wagner, 13 October 1876. In his copy of Wagner 1877, p. 161, CD double scored a passage in which Wagner stated that CD’s main objection to his theory was that it did not account for the many morphological adaptations of different species.

194 4

5

6

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CD probably refers to Ludwig Büchner’s Die Darwin’sche Theorie von der Entstehung und Umwandlung der Lebewelt (The Darwinian theory of the origin and transformation of the living world; Büchner 1876). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL. Scherzer had offered to send CD the complete series of volumes from the Novara expedition (Novara exedition 1861–75; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Karl von Scherzer, 24 December 1876). He had previously sent CD the reports on anthropology (Weisbach 1867), ethnography (Friedrich Müller 1868), and craniology (Zuckerkandl 1875); see Correspondence vol. 15, letter from Karl von Scherzer, 21 November 1867, and Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Karl von Scherzer, 24 December 1876. CD also received a copy of the geological report from its author (Hochstetter 1864–6; see Correspondence vol. 16, letter from Ferdinand von Hochstetter, 26 March 1868). CD’s copies of these works are in the Darwin Library–CUL. Scherzer planned to go to the hydropathic establishment at Sudbrook Park, near Ham, Surrey (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Karl von Scherzer, 24 December 1876 and n. 3).

From W. B. Bowles   17 May 1877 Paris, | No. 5 Rue Scribe. May 17th. 1877. Dear Sir, During a late visit to the U.S. I read a book by some german author, whose name I have not retained and which purported to be an exposition of the “Darwinian Theory”. Of that I can form no opinion as I have but a vague idea of what your theory really is. According to his statement, the chain of life, from the earliest and most most imperfect created animal, up to the latest and most perfect, is complete— with the exception of one missing link, viz: the link which connects the highest order of mammals with mankind.— This link he designates as a race of “Speechless Men”, and which race he declares has become extinct, having left no trace behind.1 Supposing the theory to be true, I think he is mistaken in his last position. I think I can point out this missing race, show where and how it lives, and that it is owing to its influence upon humanity that the enlightenment of the 19th. Century is not what it ought to be, or what we might expect of it considering the means for instruction and knowledge within easy reach of every man.— The german author above referred to, has then, made a mistake, and that but a slight one, in the name by which he has called the missing race. He had the right idea, and had he said, instead of “Speechless Men”, what is practically the same thing—Speaking Monkies—he could have added—“My chain is perfect”. They live in our midst, these speaking monkeys, they marry our sons and our daughters, and by the intermingling of their impure and animal blood, they repress the strong tendency to good, which without such adulteration would develope to quick perfection in this century where progress is still made in spite of this and other drawbacks. Is it not within our daily experience to meet men and women—so called—who are cruel, selfish, licentious and imitative, having all or a portion of these monkey attributes—and no other qualifications to distinguish them from the money tribe, except the power of speech. And how much does that say?— Simply that they communicate their wants to each other by means of a different

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set of articulate sounds from those used by their true progenitors, the monkey tribes:—thoughts they have none; of course. This fact being established we can expunge from our language a remark often made and always repulsive i.e. “What a human expression that monkey has”—he has not—he merely resemblish some one of brothren, who can speak.— Here now is a chance for the lights of science to illuminate our darkness. Let the skilled physician, Surgeon and perhaps the phrenologist apply themselves more deeply to their studies, and point out to us if they can, some way by which we may distinguish surely and at sight these creatures who contaminate our blood and thus keep back our civilization.—2 But a question now arises as to how this inferior race came to occupy the position it does in our midst? One solution occurs to me. We often see what we call retribution, overtaking us even here below, for the wrong we commit, and the infliction in question may have been sent as a punishment to the nations for the crime of slavery itself and those which it entails. I have read the works of du Chaillu, Livingston and others in which are described tribes of Africans who are not one whit superior in their intellectuality, in their manner of living or their habits to the monkey tribes of eaqual stature and intelligence by whom they are surrounded.3 What more likely than that co-habitation should take place between the females of these inferior tribes and the male monkeys—by rape probably. Perhaps some of these travellors could enlighten us on this point. The ofspring of such connection, would in its turn mingle its mixed blood with that of its own tribe & these tribes being continually at war with each other, make captives who are sold into slavery to various countries where the females become the mistresses & often the wives of men of the white race. I have seen it myself in the Southern United States of America, in the West Indian Islands and on the Spanish Main. In this way the blood & nature of the monkey may have been introduced into that of mankind and in this way we may account for the existence of Speaking Monkeys among us—and—the “Missing Link”.—4 Very truly yours | Wm. B Bowles Charles Darwin. Esq F.R.S. etc. etc. | London. DAR 160: 263 1

2 3

4

The German author was Ernst Haeckel. In his Natürliche Schöpfungsgeschichte (History of creation), Haeckel had posited twenty-two stages in human evolution, the twenty-first of which, Pithecanthropus alalus (or speechless ape-man) was missing (see Haeckel 1870, pp. 590–1, and 1876a, 2: 293–4 (English translation)). For more on nineteenth-century debates over the ‘missing link’, see Kjærgaard 2011. On race and degeneration in nineteeth-century phrenology, medicine, and anthropology, see Pick 1989 and A. Desmond and Moore 2009. Paul Belloni Du Chaillu argued that a ‘vast chasm’ lay ‘between even the lowest forms of the human race and the highest of apes’ (Du Chaillu 1861, p. 376). David Livingstone did not make comparisons between apes and humans but he commented on the intelligence of South African people (see D. Livingstone 1857, pp. 19–20). On ideas about bestiality and cross-breeding between humans and apes in the nineteenth century, see Durbach 2010, pp. 89–114; on miscegenation, slavery, and the colonies, see Young 1995, pp. 133–42.

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From W. H. Flower to Otto Zacharias   17 May 1877 Royal College of Surgeons of England, | Lincoln’s Inn Fields, | (W.C.) 17th. day of May 1877 My dear Sir I am much obliged to you for the information about the pig’s foot so kindly supplied to me in your letter of the 10th. of May.1 Your plan for collecting and publishing similar cases appears to be a very good one, and I hope that you will be able to carry it out successfully. As you are interested in the subject I will send you a copy of the Catalogue of our Teratological Series; many additions have been made since its publication, including the one which is most like your specimen, it is a pig’s fore foot (and as in your case both fore feet were similarly malformed, and the hind feet normal) with an additional toe on the inner side of the foot—the difference being that the toe is not quite so large, and, is articulated above with the same bone as the 2d. toe, whereas in yours there is an additional bone in the carpus. This is a sketch of the arrangement in our specimen No 297A.2 Yours will be very interesting to place beside it, as a further development of the same condition Believe me | your’s very faithfully. | W. H. Flower American Philosophical Society (512) 1

2

The letter from Otto Zacharias to William Flower has not been found. Zacharias had sent CD a pig’s foot, which CD had forwarded to Flower for examination as a possible case of polydactylism (see letter from Otto Zacharias, 21 April 1877, and letter from W. H. Flower, 3 May 1877). Flower intended to send the Descriptive catalogue of the teratological series in the museum of the Royal College of Surgeons of England (Lowne 1872). The pig’s foot described by Flower and the one sent by Zacharias were added to a later edition of the catalogue (Lowne and Masters 1893, p. 100, specimens 391 and 393).

To John Price   17 May 1877 Down, Beckenham, Kent | Railway Station, Orpington. S.E.R May 17, 1877. My dear Price I quite agree with you that stripes on animals offer a curious subject for investigation, and that every stripe has a meaning of some sort.1 But I am not likely ever again to take up this subject. With respect to your “present craze”, as you call it, I would suggest your cutting off a little bit of the stem whilst under water; for de Vries, who is a very good authority, asserts that even a momentary exposure of a young cut stem to air affects the power of the stem to absorb water.2 I hope that you are regaining some tranquility, and I remain, my dear Price

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Copy DAR 147: 279 1

2

No letter from Price on this subject has been found. In Variation 1: 56–64, CD discussed stripes in horses and asses, stating that he was ‘convinced that even a character so unimportant as this had a distinct meaning’, and concluding that stripes were evidence of ‘partial reversion in colour to the common progenitor of these two species, as well as of the other species of the genus’ (ibid, p. 64). In 1873, Hugo de Vries had reported experiments in his paper ‘Ueber das Welken abgeschnittener Sprosse’ (On the wilting of cut shoots; Vries 1873). He concluded that cutting in water slowed wilting, especially in the youngest shoots (ibid., p. 297).

From W. B. Bowles   18 May 1877

5, Rue Scribe. | Paris, le 18th. May— 1877

Dear Sir, Now that the letter is written which accompanies this, I hesitate to send it, as altho’ I pass for a man of good common sense, I cant make up my mind whether what I have written is sense or nonsense1 The subject interests me greatly, and as I have met these speaking monkey in society all over the world I should like to account for their presence in some way or other. Their presence is not confind to the lower orders where generations of ignorance and poor living might account for them, but you find them in multituds among the higer classes where often a superficial polish serves to hide the absence of humanity beneath.— Respy yours | Wm. B Bowles Charles Darwin, Esq F.R.S. | London. DAR 160: 264 1

See letter from W. B. Bowles, 17 May 1877.

From E. S. Morse   18 May 1877

Salem Mass. May 18th 77

My dear Sir. I can hardly express my gratitude for your kind and encouraging words which you have from time to time honored me with in acknowledgement for my papers.1 Though strongly tempted I have yet refrained from writing to you knowing how overwhelmed you must be with correspondence. In your letter just recd, and which I greatly prize relating to my Buffalo Address you express the regret that I have not made clear the views of Hyatt and Cope regarding Acceleration and Retardation.2 Must I confess to a lack of frankness or to a want of honesty in not having the courage to say that I was in utter despair in not being able to make out what these gentlemen meant. Prof Cope a friend of mine of several years standing, and Prof Hyatt a class mate with me with Agassiz and a most intimate friend.3 I had neither

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the heart nor the courage to confess my ignorance after the patient manner in which Hyatt has time and again endeavoured to make the views clear to me. I think some light dawns on me when he is with me but it vanishes at once. To night I start for San Francisco and Japan for the express purpose of looking into the Brachiopods there particularly their embryology.4 If I can be of any aid to you in any special line of work I pray you will command me. My address will be Tokio Japan. With the deepest regards | I remain | Faithfully Yours | Edw S Morse P.S. | It may be of interest to you to know that during the past winter I gave public courses of lectures on Darwinism in Cincinnati, Minneapolis Buffalo, New York City and many single lectures on the same subject. The New York lectures were given in large Hall of the Cooper Inst. before an audience of 3500 people.5 DAR 171: 245 1

2

3 4 5

CD had praised Morse’s earlier work on protective coloration in molluscs and on the systematic position of the Brachiopoda (see Correspondence vol. 19, letter to E. S. Morse, 3 December 1871, and Correspondence vol. 21, letter to E. S. Morse, 16 September 1873). Morse had discussed the evolutionary views of Edward Drinker Cope and Alpheus Hyatt in his address to the American Association for the Advancement of Science at Buffalo, New York (Morse 1876, pp. 159–60). See letter to E. S. Morse, 23 April 1877 and nn. 1 and 4. Morse and Hyatt studied with Louis Agassiz at Harvard University. Morse studied coastal brachiopods in Japan from 1877 to 1880 (ANB). Morse gave his four lectures on evolution in New York on 6, 13, 20, and 27 January 1877, and three lectures on evolution and ‘The origin of man’ in Cincinnati on 16, 20, and 22 February 1877 (New York Herald, 16 November 1876, p. 10; Cincinnati Daily Star, 10 February 1877, p. 1). A report on the second New York lecture is in the New York Herald, 14 January 1877, p. 6. The Cooper Union for the Advancement of Science and Art was founded in 1859 and is in Cooper Square, Manhattan.

From E. H. von Baumhauer   19 May 1877 Société Hollandaise | des | Sciences | à Harlem. | Harlem, Mai 19th. 1877 Dear Sir! It is my pleasing duty to inform You that the Dutch Society of Sciences at Haarlem (the eldest Scientific Society in the Netherlands erected 1752) today in general meeting has chosen You unanimously to its foreign member, in appreciation of Your great merits in different branches of sciences.1 This nomination, to which I add my sincere congratulations, affords me the great pleasure to enter in scientific relation with You, I therefore avail myself of this opportunity to express to you my high esteem and regards | Yours truly | Dr. E. H. von Baumhauer To Dr Charles R. Darwin | Down. Beckenham | Kent DAR 230: 52

May 1877 1

199

The full title of the society was Koninklijke Hollandsche Maatschappij der Wetenschappen (Royal Holland Society of Sciences and Humanities).

To W. H. Flower   19 May [1877] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R May 19th. My dear Flower We shall be delighted to see you & Mrs. Flower here on the 26th.— I would suggest your coming by the train which leaves Charing X at 4o12′ (or Cannon Str. a few minutes later) & we will send our carriage to Orpington Stn. to meet you.— I shall be very glad if Sir Victor Brooke can come with you & stay here till Monday morning; but if he desires he can return on Sunday morning.1 As I shd. be extremely sorry to appear rude to Sir Victor Brooke, I hope that you will tell him that I find it impossible to talk long with anyone, & that I have often to go & sit quietly, for if I talk too long my head suffers much afterwards.— My wife wanted to write to Mrs. Flower, but I have told her that I am sure Mrs. Flower would consider this note sufficient. Believe me | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Postmark: MY 20 77 Bonhams (dealers) (15 July 2004) 1

Flower and his wife, Georgiana Rosetta, and Victor Brooke visited Down on 26 May 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Charing Cross and Cannon Street are railway stations in London; Orpington is the nearest station to Down.

To C. V. Riley   19 May 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 19th 77 My dear Mr. Riley I must send you a line to thank you very much for sending me your ninth Report, which like all its eight predecessors has interested me much.— You always manage to discuss points of general interest, besides those of practical importance. What a pretty illustration of a sub-rudimentary organ is that of the ovipositor of the saw-fly!—1 With many thanks & all good wishes | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin Garrett Herman (private collection) 1

Riley sent the ninth Annual report on the noxious, beneficial, and other, insects of the State of Missouri (Riley 1869–77). CD’s copies of the reports from 1871 to 1877 are in the Darwin Library–CUL. For drawings of perfect and imperfect ovipositors of sawflies, see Riley 1869–77, 9: 20.

200

May 1877

From Francis Darwin   [before 21 May 1877]1 The Limes | Erith My dear Father, I enclose a letter from Ray-Lankester by which you will see that he wants to reprint ‘Food-bodies &c’ in the Quarterly J.  of Mic: Sc:. I suppose the Linnean can’t object? & by Ray L’s asking me I gather that it is a customary thing.2 But if it is against etiquette I should get the blame, so I thought I had better ask you about it. If you think it all right will you please send on the enclosed letter to Ray L:. If not we will talk & I can write on Sat & send it off on Sunday morning I am glad Hermann Müller approves of it— what an odd chance Fritz M. having found out the fern glands—3 I have done nearly all the drawings I shall want now, so I shall soon have done the whole thing.4 I hope you havn’t wanted help about pollen grains. I quite forgot that you might when I went away. I am glad your joke is appreciated5 Yr affectionate son | Frank Darwin H6 & I come by train getting to Orpington either at 3.20 (saturdays only train) or 3.46 DAR 274.1: 22 1 2

3

4

5

6

The date is established by Francis Darwin’s communication to Nature (see n. 3, below). Edwin Ray Lankester’s letter to Francis Darwin has not been found. Francis’s paper, ‘On the glandular bodies on Acacia sphærocephala and Cecropia peltata serving as food for ants’, had been published in the Journal of the Linnean Society (Botany) on 23 October 1876 (F. Darwin 1876d). Lankester was one of the editors of Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science; the paper was not reprinted. Hermann Müller’s letter mentioning F. Darwin 1876e has not been found. Fritz Müller’s observations on the honey glands of Pteris aquilina protecting ferns from leaf-cutting ants were communicated by Francis in his letter, dated 21 May 1877, to Nature, 7 June 1877, pp. 100–1. Francis’s paper ‘On the protrusion of protoplasmic filaments from the glandular hairs on the leaves of the common teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris)’ (F. Darwin 1877b) included several drawings of experimental apparatus and a plate with sixteen figures. Francis was evidently visiting his brother Horace, who worked for the engineering firm Easton and Anderson of Erith, Kent. CD was measuring pollen-grains for Forms of flowers; see, for example, letter from W. E. Darwin, [24 April 1877?] and n. 8. The joke has not been identified. Horace Darwin.

To ?   [before 22 May 1877?]1 Dear Sir, I enclose the document with, as I hope all the information which you require.2 The Clerk3 left the audited Report with you, & as the only point in it, which you will require is the sum total of F. at the end of last years Treas a/c I beg you to copy out this sum & to return the Report me at once, as I suppose I ought not to have let it get out of my hands, moreover our yearly meeting will soon arrive when I read

May 1877

201

aloud, the whole document to the members, & shd be sorry to intermit a custom of many years standing.—4 Lastly I hope that you will forgive me for remarking that as in your note you say your “fee shd be eight guineas,”5 & as the members, (who are few in number & are all with 2 or 3 exceptions poor labourers with 2 or 3 exceptions) understand that your fee is be less for any second distribution, might I beg you to reconsider the question. Though of course the Club must pay the proper charge. Begging you to excuse for my freedom in the interest of the Club—which I started & have always undertaken to the best of my power.6 | I remain Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Treasurer to the Down Friendly Club ADraftS DAR 96: 166 1

2

3 4

5 6

The day and month are conjectured from the reference to the annual meeting of the Down Friendly Club (see n. 4, below); the year is conjectured from the relationship between this letter and the letter to Down Friendly Club, 19 February 1877 (see n. 2, below). In 1877, Whit Tuesday fell on 22 May. The enclosure has not been found. It may have pertained to the recent decision by the members of the Down Friendly Club to distribute a surplus of funds in their account (see letter to Down Friendly Club, 19 February 1877, and letter to J. B. Innes, 25 February [1877]). The Down Friendly Club was an assistance fund supported by members’ subscriptions (see J. R. Moore 1985, p. 469, and Browne 2002, p. 453). Stephen Whitehead (National Archives, TNA FS 1/232/626620) or Thomas Lewis (Correspondence vol. 24, letter to J. M. F. Ludlow, 11 February 1876). CD was treasurer of the Down Friendly Club. Its annual meeting was held on Whit Tuesday on the lawn in front of Down House, where CD would report on the financial condition of the Club ‘in a little speech seasoned with a few well-worn jokes’ (LL 1: 142–3). The note has not been found. CD had helped to found the Down Friendly Club in 1850, and had acted as its treasurer since its inception (see Correspondence vol. 4, letter to J. S. Henslow, 17 January [1850] and n. 6).

To E. H. von Baumhauer    22 May 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 22d. 1877. Dear Sir I beg leave to acknowledge your letter of the 19th, in which you announce to me that the “Societè Hollandaise des Sciences” has conferred on me the distinguished honour of electing me one of its Foreign Members.1 I hope that you will express for me to your ancient & well-known Society my most sincere acknowledgements & gratitude for this honour. I further thank you personally for your very kind & courteous letter to me.— I remain | Dear Sir | Your obliged & obedient servant | Charles Darwin Hortus botanicus Leiden Bibliotheek

May 1877

202 1

See letter from E. H. von Baumhauer, 19 May 1877.

From Asa Gray   22 May 1877 Herbarium of Harvard University, | Botanic Garden, Cambridge, Mass. May 22 1877 My Dear Darwin I asked my good correspondent Prof. Bessey to see if Lithospermum longiflorum (= angustifolium) being cleistogenous later, is, like its relatives, also dimorphous.1 Here is his first reply just in season to send to you by this post. I forgot to ask him to examine pollen. I will do so. Yours ever | Asa Gray [Enclosure] Iowa Agricultural College. | Ames, May 19th 1877 My dear Doctor Gray. As to the dimorphism of Lithospermum longiflorum, Spreng. or L. angustifolium Michx. I send you measurements made upon freshly gathered specimens this morning. I examined ten flowers from five different plants; enough to show that if there is any dimorphism it is a wonderfully irregular one.2 I copy my notes entire. Plant No 1. Flower No. 1.

⎛

⎨

⎝

Length of

.32 inch 1.04 " (tubular portion " " only) 1.03 " " Style " (from base of corolla) to middle of .87 " " anthers of anthers .10 " " Pollen falling freely from anthers.

Flower No 2

Length of

Calyx Corolla

Calyx Corolla Style Stamens anthers

.32 1.00 1.00 .82 .10 —

May 1877

203

Pollen falling freely. Stamens irregular in height: From top of uppermost to bottom of lowermost .15 inch Plant No 2. Flower 3d.

Calyx Corolla Style Stamens Anthers Anthers dried up and old.

"

.35 1.08 1.08 .93 .08

Flower 4th.

Calyx .35 Corolla 1.18 Style 1.06 Stamens 1.03 Anthers placed irregularly, old and dried up.

Plant No 3. Flower 5th.

Calyx Corolla Style Stamens Anthers Anthers old and dried up.

.30 1.09 .92 .95 .06

Flower 6th.

.31 1.14 .95 .98 .09

"

Calyx Corolla Style Stamens Anthers Pollen falling freely.

Calyx .39 Corolla 1.37 Style 1.05 Stamens 1.20 Anthers old and dried up. The corolla fell as the flower was plucked

Plant No 4 Flower 7th

May 1877

204 Flower 8th.

Calyx Corolla Style Stamens

.39 1.30 1.19 1.17

Flower in “full bloom” possibly a little past. Stamens of irregular height. Stigma in the midst of the anthers, and covered with pollen. Corolla 4 lobed! Anthers 4! Sepals of irregular size, one only 23 the size of the others. Flower 9th.

Calyx Corolla Style Stamens Anthers

.32 1.18 1.03 1.05 .06

Anthers shedding pollen, and of irregular height. Plant 5. Flower 10th.

Calyx Corolla Style Stamens

.39 1.06 .83 .90

Flower old. Calyx with five perfect sepals, and an additional one alternating with and within the normal whorl: this extra one smaller than the others and with yellow petaloid edge. Flower 11.

Calyx— Corolla— Style Stamens Anthers

.34 1.15 .51 .97 .07

This flower had 6 perfect sepals, 6 slightly irregular corolla lobes, and 6 stamens. The short style appeared to be abortive, possibly from an injury, as the stigmatic end was black, and not lobed. Pollen falling freely from the anthers. Note. Two other flowers (young) on this plant had a 6-sepaled calyx. One had a 6-lobed corolla, both had but 5 stamens each.3

May 1877

Plant 1 ⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞ 1 2

Plant 2 3⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞4

Plant 3 5⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞ 6

205

Plant 4 ⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞ 7 9 8

Plant 5 ⏞⏞⏞ 10

Top of corolla tubes

Stigma

Anther

Add six inches below this. ☟

In order to show at a glance the relative lengths of corolla tube, style and stamens, I have constructed these diagrams. They are magnified ten times. Every inch

206

May 1877

in diagram represents .10  inch actual. To save space the lower six inches of the diagrams are cut off. I will make further measurements as I have the time, but these show that there is great irregularity in these flowers. I notice that in the forms where the styles are generally shorter than the stamens—the styles are much longer than the stamens in the bud. I think the small flowers (late ones) are cleistogamous.4 Will watch them when they appear. This long flowered form seems to be thrown into a state of confusion by the vice of self-fertilization which is almost certainly indulged in by the small flowered forms. The long ones appear to be trying to be heterostylous, but are probably balked by the habits of the short ones. Very truly | C. E. Bessey. Thanks for pamphlets. I’ll inquire about artichokes. DAR 110: B53–7; DAR 165: 196 1

2 3 4

Charles Edwin Bessey. Gray had informed CD that Lithospermum longiflorum became cleistogenous later in the season, but was probably not dimorphic (letter from Asa Gray, 30 March 1877). Lithospermum longiflorum and L. angustifolium are synonyms of L. incisum (fringed gromwell). Gray used the non-standard term cleistogenous instead of cleistogamic; see also letter from J. V. Carus, 22 March 1877, n. 2. In Forms of flowers, p. 3, CD cautioned that mere variability in the floral organs did not automatically mean the forms were truly distinct. The diagram is reproduced at 80 per cent of its original size. Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. xix, edited by Francis Darwin, confirmed that Lithospermum longiflorum had cleistogamic flowers, based on Bessey’s later published work on the subject (Bessey 1878).

To G. C. Robertson   22 May 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 22d 77 My dear Sir I return the proofs, with some corrections which will require looking to in the revise, if you will be so good as to do so.— I am gratified that you should think my little paper worth inserting in your Journal, & I can assure you that I took pains to observe accurately.—1 If compatible with the rules of your Journal, I shd be very glad to have 25 or even 30 copies, struck off at my expence, as several of my many relations wd. like to have a copy My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin UCL Library Services, Special Collections (Croom Robertson: 114–15) 1

See letter to G. C. Robertson, 27 April 1877 and n. 1. ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ was published in the July 1877 issue of Mind.

May 1877

207

To G. J. Romanes   23 May 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 23d. 77 Dear Romanes Pray thank Mr Grant Allen for his kindness in having sent me his Work. The subject is a very difficult & interesting one, & I shall be very glad to read the passages which you have so kindly marked, & indeed, if I can find time, other parts.1 But good Heavens what a lot of books there is to read.— I have heard nothing about the “rub” at the R. Soc; & I wish you had told me more. I suppose it refers to “spontaneous Generation” & I shall be glad of anything which helps to settle that question for the present. Huxley recently told me that he thought Tyndall’s recent work about old germs withstanding long-continued boiling was most important & apparently decisive.2 The Council have refused to print Frank’s paper on the Teazle glands—on what grounds I know not. I have not been so much mortified for many a year; but he does not care much, all such things being mere trifles to him. My opinion about the value of his work remains quite unchanged & I care not who the referees may have been. But it is foolish in me to speak thus.—3 I wish that any of my sons could have attended your lecture, but it is not possible.4 When I last saw you I remember I wished you all good luck with your grafting experiment, & ill-luck with spiritualism; & in one sense my wishes seem to have come true, though in another sense your negative results are highly pleasing,—delightful to me, for I felt convinced that Williams was a very clever rogue.—5 Many thanks for your pleasant letter | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (513) 1 2

3

4 5

Romanes had marked passages in Allen’s Physiological aesthetics (G. Allen 1877). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–Down (Marginalia 1: 15). John Tyndall had read his paper ‘Further researches on the deportment and vital persistence of putrefactive and infective organisms from a physical point of view’ (Tyndall 1877) on 17 May 1877 at the Royal Society of London. Tyndall had been repeating Henry Charlton Bastian’s experiments on spontaneous generation and pointing out errors in Bastian’s methodology and reasoning since 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from John Tyndall, 2 February 1876). Tyndall had communicated his early results to the Royal Society on 18 January 1877 (Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 25: 503–6). In February 1877, after hearing of Thomas Henry Huxley’s favourable opinion, Tyndall wrote to Huxley about further experiments; the letter was published as ‘On heat as a germicide when discontinuously applied’ in ibid., pp. 569–70. For more on the debate about spontaneous generation and Tyndall’s role in it, see Strick 2000, pp. 157–82. Francis Darwin had delivered his paper on the teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris) at the Royal Society on 1 March 1877; an abstract was published in the society’s Proceedings (F. Darwin 1877a). The full paper was published in the Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science (F. Darwin 1877b). Romanes was to deliver a lecture, ‘Evolution of nerves and nervous systems’, at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on 25 May 1877. It was published in three parts in Nature (G. J. Romanes 1877b). CD had lunch with Romanes in London on 8 January 1877 (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 4 January 1877 and n. 2, and letter from G. J. Romanes, [after 8 January 1877]). Romanes was carrying out experiments on graft hybrids to test CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis (see letter from G. J. Romanes, [after 8 January 1877] and n. 5). Romanes had begun investigating spiritualist phenomena in 1876 (see

208

May 1877

Correspondence vol. 24, letter from G. J. Romanes, [after 23 September 1876], and Oppenheim 1985, pp. 281–2). For details of his investigations at his home with the medium Charles E. Williams, see A. R. Wallace 1905, 2: 317–26. Williams had been hired by George Howard Darwin for a séance at Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s house in 1874 (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter to J. D. Hooker, 18 January [1874]). Thomas Henry Huxley had attended a later séance hosted by Hensleigh Wedgwood and sent a long report to CD about Williams’s trickery (see ibid., letter from T. H. Huxley, 27 January 1874, and letter to T. H. Huxley, 29 January [1874]).

To C. H. Drinkwater   24 May 1877 [I have before me now an autograph letter, dated, May 24 1877, in which Charles Darwin wishes me success in an undertaking afterwards fully carried out, and encloses a substantial contribution. He writes in a kindly spirit, displaying his interest in the welfare of a district, now a parish, in which his boyhood was spent.]1 Shrewsbury Chronicle, 12 January 1894, p. 8 1

This is an extract of a letter from Drinkwater, dated 11 January 1893, and addressed from St George’s Vicarage, Shrewsbury; the letter was printed with a proposal for a Darwin memorial in Shrewsbury, Shropshire. CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS) record payment of a cheque for £10 to ‘Drinkwater Frankwell School’ on 24 May 1877. As a boy, CD lived at The Mount in the Frankwell area of Shrewsbury (Freeman 1978).

To J. D. Hooker   25 May [1877] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 25th. My dear Hooker I have been looking over my old notes about the ‘bloom’ on plants, & I think that the subject is worth pursuing, though I am very doubtful of any success.—1 Are you inclined to aid me on the mere chance of success; for without your aid I could do hardly anything. Frank has got a short list of seeds, which ought to be sown at once, if you can let me have them.—2 There are also several plants which I suppose it wd. be impossible to buy, & a loan of which wd be of the greatest use; but I shd. not require them for about six weeks, after a visit to Southampton, & by that time I presume that you will be starting for the U. States.3 This is the reason why I have given the list to Frank to show you, as when you are away I suppose there will be no one authorised to lend me any plant.— I often wish that I could be content to give up all scientific work & then I shd. bother no one, but I find that I cannot yet endure to be an idler. May your & Mrs. Hooker’s4 tour be in every way interesting & delightful. | Farewell | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin

May 1877

209

[Enclosure] I shd be glad of seeds soon5 Seeds of Melilotus officinalis or Italica or both — M. cærulea — Papaver somniferum (I wrote to a nurseryman, & he said he had none!) — Trifolium resupinatum — Arachis hypogæa or plant of — Mimosa sensitiva or plant of (Brazilian species)6 Loan of Plants of following species (if possible) but I shall not want them for about six weeks.— Averrhoa Carambola Linn: (this vy valuable to me) Marsilea quadrifolia or —— pubescens Strephium Guianense7

⎫ ⎬ ⎭

A. Brongniart says that the leaves of these plants go to sleep.!!8

Musa glauca Castor-oil Plant 9 Mimosa albida (a plant which I formerly borrowed)10 Desmodium gyrans. N.B I suppose that I could buy this plant.— Would Veitch be best man to apply to for out of way plants??11 Nelumbium & 1 or 2 other Water-plants with good “bloom”.—12 Possibly other plants may be found to be almost indispensable.— Endorsement: ‘/77’ DAR 95: 440–1; Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: f. 69) 1 2 3

4 5

6

7 8

On CD’s interest in bloom, see the letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2. Francis Darwin. The list is included as an enclosure to this letter, although it was not enclosed with the letter but taken to Kew by Francis. CD visited William Erasmus Darwin in Southampton from 13 June to 4 July 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Hooker travelled across the United States in July and August 1877; he departed for New York on 28 June 1877 (see L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 205–17). Hyacinth Hooker. This is the list of plants mentioned in the letter above; it was found in the archives of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, among the correspondence of William Turner Thiselton-Dyer. Hooker wrote on it: ‘Seeds all sent Dyer to send plants you asked for JDH’. Melilotus officinalis is yellow sweet clover; M. italica is a synonym of M. italicus, Italian melilot; M. coerulea is a synonym of Trigonella caerulea, blue fenugreek. Papaver somniferum is the opium poppy; Trifolium resupinatum Persian clover; Arachis hypogaea, the peanut. Mimosa sensitiva is a sensitive plant native to Brazil and Peru. The correspondence with the nurseryman has not been found. Averrhoa carambola is the starfruit; Marsilea quadrifolia, four-leaf clover. Marsilea pubescens is an unresolved name. Strephium guianense is a synonym of Raddia guianensis. Adolphe Théodore Brongniart made these observations in ‘Note sur le sommeil des feuilles dans une plante de la famille des Graminées, le Strephium guianense’, Bulletin de la Société botanique de France 7 (1860): 470–2. See also Movement in plants, p. 391.

210 9 10 11

12

May 1877

Musa glauca is a synonym of Ensete glaucum, the snow banana. The castor-oil plant is Ricinus communis. CD borrowed a plant of Mimosa albida in November 1873 (see Correspondence vol. 21, letter from J. D. Hooker, [1 November 1873] and n. 4). Desmodium gyrans is a synonym of Codariocalyx motorius (the telegraph plant); the Veitches were a large family firm of nurserymen with several branches; it is not known whether CD refers to a specific member of the firm. Nelumbium is synonym of Nelumbo, the genus of lotuses.

To G. J. Romanes   27 May [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 27th My dear Romanes I must thank you most cordially for your letter.2 It has been a greater relief to me than you would easily believe.— I did not know what the referees may have thought or said about Frank’s paper.3 Whether the moving filaments are protoplasm or not seems to me an open question, but that they are there is a new & surprising phenomenon, seen by Ray Lankester & Balfour.4 The latter by the way said he could not conceive any one who had seen them doubting that they ought to be called protoplasm.— It is terribly discouraging to a young worker to have his work rejected because the facts are quite new. But again I thank you heartily for your letter, which I will show to Frank when he comes home.— Your letter has interested me much in other ways. I shall be delighted to read your Lecture when it appears in Nature.5 If any friend has been deceiving you in your sceances, how wicked & scandalous such a proceeding is.—6 I am soon going away from home for a month for I want rest & a change.7 Farewell | Yours | Ch. Darwin I have read through about a 13 of Mr Grant Allen’s book.— it seems to me wonderfully clever, but is rather too much in the deductive strain for me,—though I know this is very illiberal.—8 I cannot but think that he neglects too much the effects of habits, in modifying tastes of all kinds, but perhaps I shall come to this hereafter. American Philosophical Society (514) 1 2 3

4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G. J. Romanes, 23 May 1877. The letter from Romanes not been found. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 23 May 1877 and n. 3. The council of the Royal Society of London had decided not to publish the full version of Francis Darwin’s paper on the teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris; F. Darwin 1877a). Francis had suggested that the filaments protruding from the glandular hairs lining the cups formed by some of the leaves of the common teasel were protoplasmic in nature and that they enabled the plant to absorb nitrogenous matter (see F. Darwin 1877a and 1877b). Edwin Ray Lankester and Francis Maitland Balfour had evidently confirmed Francis’s observations. Lankester was one of the editors of

May 1877

5

6 7

8

211

the Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science, where the full paper was finally published (F. Darwin 1877b). Balfour had ordered the strong lens that enabled Francis to make some of the observations; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Francis Darwin, [1 June 1876]. Romanes’s lecture, ‘Evolution of nerves and nervous systems’, delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on 25 May 1877, was published in three parts in Nature, 19 July, 2 and 9 August 1877 (G. J. Romanes 1877b). See letter to G. J. Romanes, 23 May 1877 and n. 5. CD was away from home from 6 or 8 June until 4 July, visiting first Caroline Sarah Wedgwood and Josiah Wedgwood III at Leith Hill Place in Surrey, then moving on to visit William Erasmus Darwin in Southampton on 13 June (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II), Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). G. Allen 1877. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 23 May 1877 and n. 1.

From G. H. Darwin   [before 28 May 1877]1 Trinity College, | Cambridge. Dear Father, They are going to formally offer you the L.L.D degree   I daresay you will get the letter along with this if you do—please do not answer by return of post as there is no hurry as I want to write about the manner of refusal if refuse you must2 Your’s affec | G H Darwin DAR 210.2: 58 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 May 1877. George refers to the honorary LLD degree (legum doctor, Latin; doctor of laws) from the University of Cambridge. No letter from the university has been found; see, however, the letter to Edward Atkinson, 9 June 1877.

From G. H. Darwin   28 May 1877 Trin Coll: Tuesday Mg. | May 28. 77 My dear Father, I wrote to stop you answering in a hurry the offer of the degree because I have several things to say about it. In the first place I hear from Trotter & Hughes that a good many of the Council are very keen about offering the degree—1 They say you have never received any recognition by any of the public bodies of England & that yr. own University wd. like to be the first.2 I hear the master of Emman. wishes it particularly.3 But what I now want to say is this. They want you to accept formally, with the arrière pensée4 (if you think it really necessary) that you don’t intend to come. Trotter who is on the council is aware of this & therefore there is nothing underhand in doing so. If you refuse point-blank it will never come formally before the University that it has ever been offered, but they want to proceed at least as far as

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having a regular grace of the Senate, so that everything will have been done except the actual conferring of the degree   Of course this wd. give you no more trouble than actually refusing straight off.— It will give absolutely no inconvenience to anybody even if your ultimate refusal is by telegraph & is delayed until the actual day of conferring the degree. The only thing is that they pass at once to other business. If you are willing to carry out this idea I shd. think you might say in accepting that the state of yr. health always renders it quite uncertain whether you are able to fulfill engagements of this kind. I do not know whether you know how very short an affair the whole thing is— the whole thing would barely last quarter of an hour beginning at two.— If you receive an invitation to the Lodge at Christ’s5 you may be already engaged as I would arrange everything for you & cd. stop you seeing people— that is assuming that you have any thoughts of coming. The journey here from London is just about the same length as that from Down to London & not so bothering because the train goes right thro!6 The degree will not be offered until the Oct. term—or rather wd. not be conferred until then. Yours affectionately | G. H. Darwin DAR 210.2: 59 1

2 3 4 5 6

Coutts Trotter and Thomas McKenny Hughes served on the senate of the University of Cambridge, which intended to offer CD the honorary degree of doctor of laws (LLD). See letter from G. H. Darwin, [before 28 May 1877]. CD studied at the University of Cambridge from 1828 to 1831 (Correspondence vol. 1). Samuel George Phear was master of Emmanuel College, Cambridge. Arrière-pensée: concealed thought (French). Christ’s College, Cambridge. Orpington was nearest station to Down. It was on the Chislehurst to Sevenoaks extension of the South Eastern Railway; the branch opened on 3 March 1868 and it went to London via New Cross (Cox 1988, p. 48).

From J. D. Hooker   29 May 1877 Royal Gardens Kew May 29/77 Dear Darwin 1000 thanks for your kind letter— the only objection to Dyer for Harriet is that it is ridiculously a propos1 ie common-place—& reminds me of Hogarth’s industrious apprentice—as it did Huxley.2 I never had any ambitious desires for my sons or daughters, & a good scientific man though poor (if otherwise honest, as Sydney Smith? says of a poor man) is the best of all matches in my eyes3. Not that Dyer is poor— he has some £750 of income & will have a few thousands when his Mother4

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dies.— What especially pleases me is that he is just the Brother in law I should like my sons to have5    I had long wondered whether D. cared for Harriet & neither my late wife nor this ever made out.6 Still less did we know whether H. cared for him— Now it appears that the attachment has been most strong on Dyer’s part for 4 years, & that Harriet has of late returned it. I am very glad that you will take up bloom again. I think we can easily send you almost all the things you want.7 We generally have plenty of Desmod. gyrans.8 The nurserymen always come to us for it.— I will let you know immediately. Dyer or Smith9 will attend to all your wants in my absence. Ever aff yrs | Jos D Hooker DAR 104: 82–8 1

2

3 4 5 6 7 8 9

No letter from CD regarding the proposed marriage of Hooker’s daughter Harriet Anne to William Turner Thiselton-Dyer has been found; the couple were married on 23 June 1877 (L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 206). Dyer was assistant director to Hooker at Kew. À propos: opportune or convenient (French). William Hogarth produced the series of engravings, Industry and idleness, in 1747; the sixth plate was entitled The industrious ’prentice out of his time, & married to his master’s daughter (see Paulson ed. 1989, pp. 132–3 and 355). Hooker also refers to Thomas Henry Huxley. The reference to the work of Sydney Smith has not been identified. Catherine Jane Thiselton-Dyer. Hooker’s sons were William Henslow Hooker, Charles Paget Hooker, Brian Harvey Hodgson Hooker, and Reginald Hawthorn Hooker. Hooker’s first wife was Frances Harriet Hooker, and his second, Hyacinth Hooker. For CD’s intention to resume work on bloom (the epicuticular waxy coating on the leaves and fruit of many plants) and his request for seeds and plants, see the letter to J. D. Hooker, 25 May [1877]. CD had listed Desmodium gyrans among the plants he requested from Kew (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 25 May [1877]). Desmodium gyrans is a synonym of Codariocalyx motorius, the telegraph plant. John Smith.

To G. H. Darwin   30 May [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 30th My dear George. I have not yet received any letter, but when I do I will answer according to your advice.—2 As October is so far off, I can endure the thoughts of coming up & being hooted, at or cheered, but whether my courage will be up to the mark hereafter is another question. Ever Your affecty Father | Ch. Darwin Natural History Museum (General Library MSS DAR: 44) 1

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G.  H.  Darwin, 28 May 1877.

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CD refers to a letter offering him an honorary degree of doctor of laws (LLD) from the University of Cambridge. George Darwin had told him the details of the offer in his letter of 28 May 1877.

From J. D. Hooker   31 May 1877 Kew. May 31/77

Dear Darwin I send seeds of two of your desiderata, & can get you most of the others.1 We can send you plants of Arachis hypogæa Marsilea quadrifolia2 Strephium floribundum � but not guineanse3 Castor oil— Mimosa albida— Desmod: gyrans (too young to send yet)4 ✓Nelumbium—as soon as the leaf is up. I suppose you want leaves only—it is a huge thing—we can send you plant easily enough—i.e. rhizome. ✓Musa glauca we have not but I can send other glaucous Musas5 Mimosa sensitiva we lost & I fear cannot get again— I have written to Brazil for the seeds. ✓Averrhoa Carambola we never had; but we can lend you A. Bilimbi which probably goes to sleep the same way6 Strephium guineanse— I can find no such name in Bot. works.7 “Other water plants with good bloom”— I know of none such.. “English wild plants with bloom”— I think I remember a good many,—& would suggest you looking at Aquilegia— Papaver somniferum Chelidonium ✗Glaucium luteum Fumaria some. ✗Brassica.— Crambe.— ✗Cakile— Isatis— Dianthus— Saponaria. Stellaria glauca Lathyrus sylvestris—palustris. Rubus stems of various Sedum dasyphyllum ✗Eryngium maritimum Chrysanthemum segetum. Tragopogon Lactuca virosa— Sonchus

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Chlora perfoliata ✗Mertensia maritima Primula farinosa Polygonum bistorta — maritimum Chenopodium glaucum Atriplex Aristolochia clematitis Euphorbias various Salix various various Grasses as Psamma arenaria & Phragmitis communis.8 The above I think are all more or less glaucous9 especially on one or other surface of the leaf.— Those with a ✗ are more or less glaucous all over & are maritime— heaps more are glaucous here or there. I will get together some observations, from the Garden & write again.— answer required where I have placed ✓. Ever yr affec | J. D Hooker DAR 104: 84–5 CD annotations 1.1 I send … none such. 2.1] crossed red crayon Top of letter : ‘See—side’ red crayon 1

2 3 4 5

6 7 8

Desiderata: things wanted (Latin). For the list of seeds and plants CD required for his work on bloom (the epicuticular waxy coating on some leaves and fruit), see the enclosure to the letter to J. D. Hooker, 25 May [1877]. Arachis hypogaea is the peanut; Marsilea quadrifolia, four-leaf clover. Strephium floribundum is a synonym of Raddia brasiliensis; Strephium guianense is a synonym of Raddia guianensis. The castor-oil plant is Ricinus communis; Mimosa albida is a Central American shrub in the family Fabaceae; Desmodium gyrans is a synonym of Codariocalyx motorius (the telegraph plant). Nelumbium is a synonym of Nelumbo (the genus of lotuses); Musa glauca is a synonym of Ensete glaucum (the snow banana). The family Musaceae includes the genera Musa and Ensete; they include bananas and plantains. Mimosa sensitiva is a sensitive plant native to Brazil and Peru; Averrhoa carambola is carambola or starfruit; Averrhoa bilimbi is the bilimbi or cucumber tree. CD wrote Strephium guianense in the list of plants he gave Francis Darwin to take to Kew; the enclosure to letter to J. D. Hooker, 25 May [1877], and n. 3, above. Aquilegia is the genus of columbine; Papaver somniferum is the opium poppy; Chelidonium majus is greater celandine; Glaucium luteum is a synonym of Glaucium flavum (yellow hornpoppy). Fumaria is the genus of fumitory, Brassica, the genus of mustard, Crambe, the genus of seakale, Cakile, the genus of sea rocket, and Isatis, the genus of woad. Dianthus is the genus of pink, and Saponaria, the genus of soapwort. Stellaria glauca is a synonym of Stellaria palustris (marsh stitchwort). Lathyrus sylvestris is narrow-leaved everlasting pea, Lathyrus palustris, the marsh pea. Rubus is the genus of brambles and raspberries. Sedum dasyphyllum is the thick-leaf stonecrop; Eryngium maritimum is sea holly. Chrysanthemum segetum is a synonym of Glebionis segetum (corn marigold). Tragopogon is the genus of goatsbeard or salsify. Lactuca virosa is bitter lettuce; Sonchus is the genus of sow thistle. Chlora perfoliata is a synonym of Blackstonia perfoliata

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(yellow-wort). Mertensia maritima is oysterleaf; Primula farinosa is bird’s-eye primrose. Polygonum bistorta is a synonym of Persicaria bistorta (common or meadow bistort). Polygonum maritimum is sea knotgrass. Chenopodium glaucum is a synonym of Oxybasis glauca (oak-leaved goosefoot). Atriplex is the genus of saltbush. Aristolochia clematitis is birthwort. Euphorbia is the genus of spurge. Salix is the genus of willows. Psamma arenaria is a synonym of Ammophila arenaria (European beachgrass). Phragmites communis is a synonym of Phragmites australis (common reed). Glaucous: covered with a powdery greenish or bluish bloom (Chambers).

To J. D. Hooker   31 May 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 31. 1877 My dear Hooker, I am very much obliged for the two packets of seeds & shall be glad if you can get me the others.1 But after doing this I earnestly beg you to take no other trouble whatever, as I well know how much overworked you are. If you will speak to Dyer or Mr Smith about lending me such plants as I may require I will communicate with them early in July.2 Many thanks for the list of plants with bloom, & I again repeat take no more trouble. You have omitted to complete yr final sentence beginning “Answer required when I have—’3 Yours affectionately | Charles Darwin LS DAR 95: 442 1 2 3

Hooker had sent seeds with his letter of 31 May 1877. William Turner Thiselton-Dyer and John Smith; for CD’s request, see the letter to J.  D.  Hooker, 25 May [1877]. For Hooker’s list of plants with bloom (an epicuticular waxy coating on leaves and fruit), see the letter from J. D. Hooker, 31 May 1877. The end of Hooker’s letter is written across the left-hand margin of the first sheet and is: ‘answer required where I have placed ✓.’

From W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   [ June 1877 or later]1 Royal Gardens Kew Trans: Med. & Phys. Soc. Calc. vij pp. 221–2242 I avail myself of this opportunity for making a few remarks relative to the production of glaucedo or bloom of plants. Although this substance in a remarkable degree covers all the pubaceous parts of our plant Hitchenia glauca,3 wall. (which in fact derives its specific name from the circumstance), and is in fact easily separable, yet it cannot be altogether removed, as is proved by the surface beneath always

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continuing opaque and of a dull-green pallid colour; nor is a fresh or exterior layer again reproduced when once it has been rubbed off. In the common castor oil plant, the case is quite different. Here the bloom is likewise very copious and easily separable, but after being removed, the surface below appears quite shining, and it is reproduced again as often as it is removed. Several plants of the red variety, which had been raised from seeds sent down from the Botanic Garden of Saharunpore, in 1832, were growing within a few feet from each other in one of the nurseries of the Calcutta Garden; they measured from 12 to 14 feet in height. One of these plants was densely covered throughout with glaucedo; all the other individuals were perfectly destitute of it, and had a uniformly red and glossy surface. During the rainy season of the succeeding year, in the months of June, July, and August, the following experiments were made. I rubbed off every particle of bloom from the individual first mentioned, so that the stem, branches, and leaves became quite naked and shining. Within a fortnight a thin layer of bloom had already formed, and in six or eight days more, the surface was as much covered as it had ever been before; this process was several times repeated, and uniformly with the same result.4 In Musa glauca, Roxb. the sheaths of the leaves are very thickly covered by a white powdery bloom, which is constantly reproduced.5 The preceding experiments seem to invalidate an observation of De Candolle Phys: viz. ii. 2326 Malgré l’extrême analogie qu’on observe entre la cire excrétée par les feuilles et par les fruits, elle m’a présenté une différence physiologique que je dois mentionner. La poussiére des prunes peut être enlevée plusieurs fois en les brossant doucement avant leur maturité, et à chaque fois elle se reproduit. Celle des feuilles de ficoïdes ou de cacalies une fois enlevée ne s’est pas reproduite, et semblerait être excrétée par les feuilles seulement pendant leur jeunesse. With respect to the Mesembryanthemum and Cacalia the fact is undoubtedly as stated by the Author7 AMem DAR 68: 32–5 CD annotation Top of letter : ‘Wallich’ blue crayon 1 2 3 4 5 6

The date is established by CD’s renewed investigations on bloom (see letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2, and letter to J. D. Hooker, 31 May 1877). The whole text of this letter is quoted (with a few omissions) from a paper by Nathaniel Wallich published in Transactions of the Medical and Physical Society of Calcutta (Wallich 1834). Hitchenia glauca is a species of ginger native to Myanmar. Wallich 1834, pp. 221–2. Saharunpore (now Saharanpur) is in north-west India. See Wallich 1834, p. 223. Musa glauca is a synonym of Ensete glaucum, the snow banana. Wallich 1834, p. 223. Wallich quoted from Augustin Pyramus de Candolle’s Physiologie végétale ou exposition des forces et des fonctions (A. P. Candolle 1832, 1: 232; ‘ii’ refers to ‘livre II’, a subdivision of vol. 1). The passage may be translated: In spite of the extreme similarity observed in the wax excreted by leaves and fruits, there is a physiological difference that I must mention. The coating on plums can be

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removed several times before maturity by brushing gently, and each time it is reproduced. That of leaves of the ficoïde or cacalia once removed does not come back, and would seem to be excreted by leaves only when they are young. 7

Ficoïde is the French common name for ice plants (family Aizoaceae, but Ficoidaceae was a synonym). Wallich 1834, p. 224. Most species in the genus Cacalia have been subsumed within other genera, such as Adenostyles and Arnoglossum. Mesembryanthemum is a genus of flowering plants indigenous to southern Africa.

From J. M. Rodwell   1 June 1877 28, Fellows Road, | S. Hampstead, N.W. June 1. 1877 My dear Sir/ As one of those who have derived immense instruction and satisfaction from the perusal of your various works and not least from that on the Descent of Man, with the conclusions of which, I upon the whole quite agree (—while at the same time I am not presumptuous enough to think my opinion as a mere smatterer in science of the smallest worth—) will you excuse my forwarding to you for your amusement an extract from a volume of Sermons just forwarded to me from Chios and there preached by a certain Archimandrite of the name of “Gregory” who has the repute of being one of the best men of his order in the Greek Islands.1 It will perhaps be a source of satisfaction to you to know that your works are read in those parts & apparently believed in, and that the worthy priest can only meet your arguments by abuse. He says—the vol.  by the way is entitled. Ἑρμηνεια τ. Κυριάκης προσευχῆς — at p.  36 — βλεπει τις νεους μολις ψελλιζοντας ὀλιγα γαλλικα, ἐρημους πασης ἐμβριθους κ ἐπιστημονικης παιδευσεως, συζητοντας παντολμως περι θρησκευτικων κ μεταφυσικων ζητηματων ᾀτινα πανταπασιν ἠγνοονται, κρινοντας κ ἐπικρινοντας μωρως κ ἀμαθως παν ὁτι ὁ Χριστιανισμος ως θειον κ ἱερον γεραιρει κ αποθαυμαζοντας ἀγυρτικωτερον τον Βολταιρον ἥ τον Ρενὰν ἥ τον ἄθλιον ἐκεινον ἀπόγονον του πιθηκου Δαρβιν κ.τ.λ.2 You will I am sure excuse my troubling you with this extract—as I thought it might provoke a laugh.3 I am | with much respect | yours faithfully | J M Rodwell DAR 176: 190 1

2

Chios is in the Aegean Sea near the coast of Turkey; it is one of the largest Greek islands. The priest was Gregorios, Metropolitan of Chios. An archimandrite is a priest in the Eastern Orthodox church, ranking below a bishop and usually in charge of a large monastery or group of monasteries. The passage may be translated as: Interpretation of the Lord’s prayer,—at p. 36—one sees young men only just babbling a few French [words], bereft of all dignity and scientific education, shamelessly debating together religious observance and metaphysical enquiry that they know absolutely nothing about, stupidly judging and ignorantly pontificating over everything that Christianity reveres as godly and holy and marvelling at the scoundrel Voltaire or Renan or that wretched monkey’s descendant, Darwin etc.

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CD asked George Howard Darwin to translate this extract from the Greek (see letter to G. H. Darwin, [3 June 1877]).

From P. L. Sclater   2 June 1877 44, Elvaston Place. | Queens Gate. S.W. June 2nd. 1877 My dear Mr Darwin I believe Flower has spoken to you about the attack that has been made upon Wyville-Thomson which is explained in the enclosed memorandum and that you have expressed your willingness to join us in repudiating any share in it. The enclosed was drawn up by Flower Huxley and myself and is agreed to by Hooker. I hope you will be able to sign it. Please return it to me in the enclosed envelope.1 I was glad to hear from Sir Victor Brooke such a good report of you.2 When you come to London do not forget to come and see | Your’s most sincerely | P. L Sclater DAR 177: 76 1

2

The enclosure was a memorial supporting Charles Wyville Thomson. He had been criticised by Peter Martin Duncan for assigning some of the specimens from the Challenger expedition to foreign zoologists. The memorial was published in Annals and Magazine of Natural History 4th ser. 20 (1877): 79–80; the debate over Thomson’s decision had arisen in ibid. 4th ser. 19 (1877): 429–30, 506–9. The memorial defending Thomson’s choice of ‘competent naturalists without regard to their nationality’ was signed by CD, Sclater, Joseph Dalton Hooker, Thomas Henry Huxley, William Henry Flower and seven others; it was reprinted in Nature, 14 June 1877, pp. 117–19. Victor Brooke had visited CD at Down on 26 May (see letter to W. H. Flower, 19 May [1877]).

To G. H. Darwin   [3 June 1877]1 Down Sunday Dear G. I have not yet heard from Cambridge, & perhaps they are not intending to give me the degree.2 Perhaps you will like to see the enclosed letter & if you can make out the modern Greek I should be glad of a translation.3 C. D. LS DAR 210.1: 59 1 2 3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter, the letter from J. M. Rodwell, 1 June 1877, and the letter to Edward Atkinson, 9 June 1877. In 1877, the Sunday before 9 June was 3 June. CD refers to the honorary LLD degree (doctor of laws) from the University of Cambridge (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 May 1877 and letter to Edward Atkinson, 9 June 1877). The Greek passage appears in the letter from J. M. Rodwell, 1 June 1877.

220 To J. M. Rodwell   3 June 1877

June 1877 Down 3 June 1877

My Dear Sir I am very much obliged to you for sending me the extract from the sermon, which has amused me. It is as great an honour to be abused by an archimandrite, as according to the old story to be horsewhipped by a duke! …1 LS Phillips (dealers) ( June 1995) 1

See letter from J. M. Rodwell, 1 June 1877 and n. 1. An archimandrite is a priest in the Eastern Orthodox church, ranking below a bishop and usually in charge of a large monastery or group of monasteries. The source of the expression ‘horsewhipped by a duke’ is an article by Thomas Babington Macaulay that first appeared in the Edinburgh Review ([Macaulay] 1827, p. 246). CD used the phrase in his letter to Friedrich Max Müller, 15 October [1875] (Correspondence vol. 23).

To Asa Gray   4 June [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 4th My dear Gray Prof. Bessey’s case has come too late for me, as the sheets on this subject are printed off.2 Nor indeed if it had come earlier, should I have known what to do with it. The pollen-grains & stigmas ought to be compared. The case seems to be well worth careful investigation & I wd. have given my eyes for seeds formerly; but now I have done with the subject. If Prof. Bessey likes experimental work he might raise seedlings & fertilise short & long pistils with pollen from long & short stamens from distinct plants & on the same plant: counting the proportion of flowers which set fruit, when fertilised in the various ways & the number of seeds per fruit. His diagram shows the nature & the difference between the flowers excellently. I will send him my book, when published in 4 or 5 weeks, & if he thinks it worth reading he can see how to experimentise on the plants.—3 The case may be one merely of great variability, but it may be one of incipient heterostylism; & under this point of view I would formerly (if I could) have investigated it most carefully.— When you reeive my little book, you will see that I have done an audacious deed with respect to you.—4 I am now trying to make out the use or function of “bloom” or the waxy secretion on the leaves & fruits of plants, but am very doubtful whether I shall succeed.—5 Can you give me any light? Are such plants commoner in warm than in colder climates? I ask because I often walk out in heavy rain & the leaves of very few wild dicotyledons can be here seen with drops of water rolling off them like quicksilver. Whereas in my flower garden, greenhouse & hot-houses there are several. Again are bloom-protected plants common on your dry western plains; Hooker (Sir Joseph Hooker) thinks that they are common at the C. of Good Hope.— It is a puzzle to me if they are common under very dry climates, & I find bloom very common on the Acacias & Eucalypti of Australia.6 Some of the Eucalypti which do not appear

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to be covered with bloom have the epidermis protected by a layer of some substance which is dissolved in boiling alcohol.— Are there any bloom-protected leaves or fruit in the Arctic regions?— If you can illuminate me, as you so often have done, pray do so; but otherwise do not bother yourself by answering Yours affecty | C. Darwin Gray Herbarium of Harvard University (119) 1 2

3 4 5 6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Asa Gray, 22 May 1877. Gray had forwarded a letter from Charles Edwin Bessey on a possible case of dimorphism in Lithospermum longiflorum (a synonym of Lithospermum incisum, fringed gromwell; see letter from Asa Gray, 22 May 1877). CD’s manuscript of Forms of flowers was sent to the publisher on 11 April (see letter to R. F. Cooke, 11 April 1877 and n. 1); he remarked that the proof-sheets had all been corrected in his letter to J. V. Carus, 17 June [1877]. Bessey’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Forms of flowers (see Appendix IV). He later published the article ‘The supposed dimorphism of Lithospermum longiflorum’ (Bessey 1880). CD dedicated Forms of flowers to Gray, ‘as a small tribute of respect and affection’. For CD’s interest in bloom, see the letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2. CD had recently resumed experiments on Australian eucalyptus and acacia, having previously worked on these plants in 1873; his notes are in DAR 209.12: 148.

From Charles Bradlaugh   5 June 1877 10, Portland Place, | Circus Road, | London, N.W. June 5th. 1877

Sir I want to subpœna you in an indictment now pending against myself & Mrs Annie Besant, which will be tried June 18th.1 Would you kindly say when it will be convenient for me to send & serve you. Yours obediently | C. Bradlaugh Charles Darwin Esqre. M.A. LS DAR 160: 275 1

Bradlaugh and Besant were prosecuted for obscenity for re-publishing a birth-control pamphlet (Knowlton 1832). For details of the charges brought against Bradlaugh and Besant, and the resulting trial, see Manvell 1976.

To [Henry Huntsman?]   5 June [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 5th Dear Sir Will you be so good as to send me as soon as you can by Post. (as I leave home on Friday morning)2 a pair of webbing bracers, with cat-gut & pulleys in front.—3 Please remember that I am 6 ft high & require rather long bracers. Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Barton L. Smith (private collection)

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2 3

The correspondent is conjectured from the reference to ‘webbing bracers’ (see n. 3, below). The year is established by the form of the address on the printed stationery, which was used by CD from November 1874, and by CD’s departure for Leith Hill Place on 8 June 1877 (see n. 2, below). In 1877, 8 June was a Friday. CD stayed at Leith Hill Place in Surrey, the home of his sister, Caroline Sarah Wedgwood, and her family, from 8 to 13 June 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Bracers: a pair of braces or suspenders (OED). CD obtained his clothing from the London tailor Henry Huntsman; he usually settled his account in January and July each year (CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS)).

To G. J. Romanes   5 June 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 5. 1877 Dear Romanes, I thought that you might like to see the following extract on which I stumbled by chance, as bearing on the effects of habit in the passage of nervous force. Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Lamarck Philosophie Zoolog 1830 Tome 2, p 3181 Dans toute action, le fluide des nerfs qui la provoque, subit un mouvement de déplacement qui y donne lieu. Or, lorsque cette action a été plusieurs fois répétée, il n’est pas douteux que le fluide qui l’a exécutée, ne se soit frayé une route, qui lui devient alors d’autant plus facile à parcourir, qu’il l’a effectivement plus souvent franchie, et qu’il n’ait lui-même une aptitude plus grande à suivre cette route frayée, que celles qui le sont moins.2 LS American Philosophical Society (515) 1

2

Jean Baptiste Lamarck’s Philosophie zoologique was originally published in 1809 and reissued in 1830 (Lamarck 1809 and Lamarck 1830). CD’s copy of Lamarck 1809 is in the Darwin Libary–CUL (volume 1 only); it has the cover and title page of the 1830 edition (see Marginalia 1: 477–80). The quotation from Lamarck 1830, pp. 318–19, may be translated as follows: In every action, the nerve fluid that excites it undergoes a movement of displacement that gives rise to it. Yet, when this action has been repeated many times, there is no doubt but that the fluid that performs it clears a path, which becomes all the more easy to traverse, which it has effectively crossed more often, and that it has a greater tendency to follow this open route, than those which are less so. Romanes was working on the nervous system of of medusae (see G. J. Romanes 1875, 1876, 1877a, and 1877b).

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To Charles Bradlaugh   6 June 1877 June 6 77 Sir I am much obliged for your courteous notice.1 I have been for many years much out of health & have been forced to give up all Society or public meetings, & it would be great suffering to me to be be a witness in a court.— It is indeed not improbable that I might be unable to attend. Therefore I hope that if in your power you will excuse my attendance. I may add that I am not a medical man. I have not seen the book in question, but from notices in the newspapers, I suppose that it refers to means to prevent conception.2 If so I shd be forced to express in court a very decided opinion in opposition to you, & Mrs Besant; though from all that I have heard I do not doubt that both of you are acting solely in accordance to what you believe best for mankind.— I have long held an opposite opinion, as you will see in the enclosed extract, & this I shd. think it my duty to state in court. When the words “any means” were written of artificial means of preventing conception.3 But besides the evil here alluded to I believe that any such practices would in time spread to unmarried women & wd destroy chastity, on which the family bond depends; & the weakening of this bond would be the greatest of all possible evils to mankind; In conclusion I shd likewise think it my duty to state in Court; so that my judgment, would be in the strongest opposition to yours., On Friday the 8th I leave home for a month & my address for the 8th to … will be at my sisters house & from the 13th at my sons house, BS.4 If it is not asking too great a favour, I shd be greatly obliged if you wd inform me what you decide; as apprehension of the coming exertion would prevent the rest which I receive doing me much good. Apologising for the length of this letter. | Sir your obedient | C. R D. ADraftS DAR 202: 32 1 2

3

See letter from Charles Bradlaugh, 5 June 1877 and n. 1. Bradlaugh and Annie Besant were charged with obscentity for reprinting a birth-control pamphlet by the American physician Charles Knowlton (Knowlton 1832). The pamphlet advocated contraception within marriage as a means of checking population, while still allowing for gratification of the ‘reproductive instinct’ among married couples. On Knowlton’s work and forms of contraception in the nineteenth century, see Brodie 1994. Bradlaugh and Besant gave a new subtitle to the work (‘an essay on the population question’), and added a preface (Knowlton 1877). The case was reported extensively in newspapers (see, for example, The Times, 20 April 1877, p. 11). The extract has not been found; however, CD evidently enclosed a passage from Descent 2d ed., p. 618: The enhancement of the welfare of mankind is a most intricate problem; all ought to refrain from marriage who cannot avoid abject poverty for their children, for poverty is not only a great evil, but tends to its own increase by leading to recklessness in marriage. On the other hand, as Mr. Galton has remarked, if the prudent avoid marriage, whilst the reckless marry, the inferior members tend to supplant the better members

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of society. Man, like every other animal, has no doubt advanced to his present high condition through a struggle for existence, consequent on his rapid multiplication, and if he is to advance still higher it is to be feared that he must remain subject to a severe struggle; otherwise he would sink into indolence, and the more gifted men would not be more successful in the battle of life than the less gifted. Hence our natural rate of increase, though leading to many and obvious evils, must not be greatly diminished by any means. 4

This extract was quoted by Annie Besant in the trial (see Peart and Levy 2008). CD stayed at Leith Hill Place in Surrey, the home of his sister, Caroline Sarah Wedgwood, and her family, from 8 to 13 June; he stayed at William Erasmus Darwin’s house in Bassett, Southampton, from 13 June to 4 July (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From D. T. Fish   6 June 1877

6 〈    〉 June 6th 1877

Sir I enclose—specimens of the holly in flower the solitary plant that bo〈re〉 a full crop of Berries here last year〈.〉1 Also a second specimen of one that bore a few berries    Also a fine specimen of male flowering holly—that bears 〈n〉one    The latter seems to have a more fulsome smell than the two former. The berries are well formed and being so late and bees abounding— when the wind permits 〈    〉 take their sweeps abroad    our prospects seem good for holly berries this winter— It seems as if hollies and Apples—will be our chief fruits with in some districts perhaps a few go〈os〉eberries and cherries as in most ha〈  〉 tre〈  〉 Peaches, Apricots, Nectarines Pears and Plums are a complete failure I am Sir | Your obedient servant | D T Fish Hardwicke DAR 164: 122 1

Fish had written to Gardeners’ Chronicle in reply to CD’s query about the scarcity of holly-berries (see letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 17 January [1877] and n. 2).

To [Charles Roberts?]1   6 June 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 6th 77 Dear Sir I have the pleasure to send you half-a-dozen of photographs of myself, with my signature, as a small contribution towards your charity, which I hope may be successful—2 Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Haverford College Quaker & Special Collections (Charles Roberts Autograph Letter collection)

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The recipient is conjectured from the letter’s provenance. The charity has not been identified.

From G. J. Romanes   6 June 1877 June 6, 1877. I am very glad you sent me the extract from Lamarck, for I had just been to the R.S., hunting up several of the older authors to see whether any mention had been made of the theory before Spencer wrote.1 While at Down I forgot my speculations about inter-crossing, and, therefore, although I do not think they are much worth, I send you a copy of my notes.2 The ideas are not clearly put—having been jotted down a few years ago merely to preserve them—but no doubt you will be able to understand them. Do not trouble to return the MS. I had intended to ask you while at Down if you happen to know whether stinging nettles are endemic plants in South America.3 The reason I should like to know is, that last year it occurred to me that the stinging property probably has reference to some widely distributed class of animals, and being told—rightly or wrongly, I do not know—that ruminants do not object to them, I tried whether my tame rabbits would eat freshly plucked nettles. I found they would not do so even when very hungry, but in the same out-house with the rabbits there were confined a number of guinea-pigs, and these always set upon the nettles with great avidity.4 Their noses were tremendously stung, however, so that between every few nibbles they had to stop and scratch vigorously. After this process had been gone through several times, the guinea-pig would generally become furious, and thinking apparently that its pain must have had some more obvious cause than the nettles, would fall upon its nearest neighbour at the feast, when a guinea-pig fight would ensue. I have seldom seen a more amusing spectacle than twenty or thirty of these animals closely packed round a bunch of nettles, a third part or so eating with apparent relish, another third scratching their noses, and the remaining third fighting with one another. But what I want to ask you is this. Does it not seem that the marked difference in the behaviour of the rabbits and the guinea-pigs points to inherited experience on the part of the former which is absent in the case of the latter? If nettles are not endemic in South America, this inference would seem almost irresistible. Dr. Hooker5 tells me nettles grow there now, but he does not know whether they did so before America was visited by Europeans. Possibly there might be some way of ascertaining. I have now made a number of grafts at Kew. In about a month, I should think, one could see which are coming up as single and which as double sprouts.6 If, therefore, Frank is going to work in the laboratory in July,7 he might perhaps look over the bed (which is just outside the door), and reject the double-stalked specimens. I could trust him to do this better than any one at Kew, and if the useless specimens were

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rejected, there would afterwards be much less trouble in protecting the valuable ones. But do not suggest it unless you think it would be quite agreeable to him. If he is in town within the next fortnight, I wish he would look me up. [Enclosure] Natural Selection of Organic Types The only serious difficulty which the theory of natural selection has yet encountered, is that which was originally raised & admirably rendered by a writer in the North British Review.8 This difficulty, as all who are in any degree acquainted with the literature of the subject must be well aware, is that of the swamping influence of intercrossing upon individual variations. Of course this difficulty could be removed if any cause could be suggested sufficient to account for numerous individuals varying in the same direction at the same time. A paragraph in First Principles, although not originally written with any such purpose, seems in this way partly to remove the difficulty. (See pp. 444–447.) 9 The substance of this paragraph is, that geological changes, by successively altering in a given area the conditions of life under which the organisms upon it exist, successively modify the character of these organisms in virtue of the direct influence of the changes themselves, & altogether apart from the indirect influence of natural selection. Now, although I cannot agree with Mr. Spencer when he says, “in the absence of these successive changes of conditions, ‘natural selection’ would effect comparatively little”;10 still I think that such successive changes might in some cases materially assist the influence of natural selection, by causing similar variations to arise in a number of individuals simultaneously. The question as to the relative importance of the direct action of the environment in calling forth responsive changes in the organism, & the indirect action of survival of the fittest, is a question which the present generation can scarcely hope to see answered. I may observe, however, that to Darwinists in general the chief value of the passage above aluded to will be felt to consist in the increase which it affords to the sphere of natual selection’s agency. For, in whatever degree geological changes exert an influence of the direct kind, they must also increase, in a high proportional degree, the indirect influence of natural selection, by increasing at the same time the variability of the organisms & the severity of the struggle for existance to which the organisms are exposed. Thus, remembering that increase of area does not necessarilly belong to geological change, I believe that the principal effect of the latter in modifying species is probably that of intensifying the influence of natural selection, & hence that the converse of the above-quoted sentence is most likely to be true, namely, that in the absence of natural selection, geological changes would effect comparatively little. Still, as it is manifestly desirable to seek for additional causes which may be supposed to mitigate the swamping influence of intercrossing upon incipient variations, I venture to suggest the following possibilities, which although of a purely speculative

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character, nevertheless to my mind appear entitled to rank as à priori probabilities of no inconsiderable weight. For the sake of clearness, let us suppose that England and Scotland are slowly rising, that they are seperated from one another by a narrow strait, & that each of the two resulting islands contains a peculiar variety of the same terrestrial species. Let us further suppose that of these two varieties the more northern one is the better fitted to survive; & for the sake of allowing the smallest amount of strength to the influence of natural selection, & so the greatest amount of strength to the swamping influence of intercrossing, let us lastly suppose that the superiority of the northern type over the southern one is of a kind which natural selection cannot effect at all when acting in the ordinary way—i.e. that the superiority of the type is of such a kind that it confers no benefit upon the individual. Now the question is, when the elevation of the British Islands proceeds sufficiently far to unite England with Scotland & the two varieties are thus allowed to intermingle, is there any possibility of the superior variety supplanting the inferior? Of course at first sight it seems that the only answer open to us is an unequivocal negative; for the only probality seems to be that the two types would merely intermingle upon their common border-land, & that in time they would undergo more or less of mutual diffusion. That is to say, survival of the fittest appearing to have no basis of operation supplied to it—the superiority of the northern type being supposed to confer no benefit upon its constituent individuals,—amalgamation of the two varieties by free intercrossing appears to be the sole possibility. And so it undoubtedly is, if we grant that survival of the fittest can only act on individuals. I believe, however, that survival of the fittest may possibly act in the interest of varieties, quite independently of benefit to individuals, or even in opposition to such benefit. To take the simplest case I can think of: great expenditure in reproduction is certainly of benefit to such species as exhibit this character, while it is no less certainly detrimental to their constituent individuals. How then was the character acquired? There seems to be only one answer possible, viz.  that throughout the life-history of the species, those individuals which produced most young had always the best chance of leaving offspring to inherit a peculiarity, which, although detrimental to themselves, was notwithstanding of benefit to their species. I say this is the simplest case I can think of; let us then apply it to our illustration, & suppose that the advantage which the Scottish type has over the English one consists in its possessing a higher degree of fertility. Now, when the two types begin to emigrate into each other’s territory, it is manifest that the northern one would have more penetrating power, so to speak, than would the southern one; for the superiority of the former over the latter would assert itself in two ways at the same time: it would prevent immigration of the English type, & it would assist emigration of the Scottish one; for whenever any representatives of the English type passed into Scotland & there crossed with endemic type, the resulting progeny would not have so good a chance of perpetuating their mixed chararacters as would any of the other progenies around it have of perpetuating their pure character; while, contrariwise, whenever an individual of the Scottish breed crossed with English blood

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on English soil, the progeny would have the very best chance of perpetuating their hybrid type; & so in all proportions of admixture. Hence, if we suppose the struggle for existence to be tolerably severe, it is quite conceivable that the diffusive power of the one variety over the other might be very considerable. But now, would not the Scottish type, after it had affected the English one over a comparatively narrow band of territory, become lost by intercrossing? Not necessarily. Imagine a band of country 50 miles wide, stretching across the North of England & occupied by the offspring of the various intercrosses between English & Scottish blood. Above the northern limit of this band—i.e., slightly north of the border-line between the two countries—the Scottish type is still quite pure; the diffusive power of the English one having been but slight. On the other hand, the further South we go from the border-line, the more diluted does the Scottish type become. What then should we expect to ensue? Surely that the Scottish type should penetrate still further into England. Each of the types is subject to a greater or less degree of pressure—each would multiply itself indefinitely if only supplied with a large enough area free from opposition,— Hence it seems but natural that the Scottish type should extend itself in the line of the least resistance—i.e. progressively creep over the 50-mile band of territory, in its advance both purifying the previously mixed breed, & extending the latter further south. In this way I think there might be a continual gravitation of the one variety into the area previously occupied by the other—the rapidity of the process being determined by the intensity of the struggle for existence in relation to the intensity of what we may term the specific pressure. And that the line of least resistance in such a case would probably be well pronounced is evident, if we remember how keen the struggle for existence generally is between closely allied types. In this way I think that the Northern variety might either extirpate the Southern one altogether, or supplant it over a large portion of its territory. During this process, however, new variations would be arising in the Northern type, spread as it now is over a larger area, & subject to numerous & important changes in its conditions of life. Some of these variations would almost certainly be in the direction of increased fertility; & if in any one part of the now greatly increased area occupied by the Northern type, a comparatively large number of individuals varied in this direction at the same time (in consequence of increased food or other local influence) so as to give rise to a local variety in this respect; then this local variety might serve as a new centre from which there might radiate a further modification of the entire specific type. And by a series of such processes taking place either successively or simultaneously, one species might sooner or later become transmuted into another; for, as survival of the fittest is in this case selecting large numbers of individuals collectively, specific characters might be changed by a comparatively small number of stages. How far this theory may seem probable at first sight, I do not know; but we must remember that, as a matter of fact, most species do exhibit local varieties; that even slight geographical changes must frequently bring strongly pronounced varieties into collision; & that in such cases numerous species might be thus undergoing transmutation at the same time. In some cases, too, a small amount of sterility (or

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in the case of the higher animals, of sexual aversion) between members of the two varieties, would greatly assist the process. Moreover, the example which for the sake of simplicity I have chosen—viz. fertility—is not in other respects a good one; for it depends so much upon the mere doctine of chances. If, however, natural selection ever operates in the way now suggested, it must do so most energetically when in association with the principle acting in the ordinary way; for then the two methods of action would mutually assist each other. G. J. Romanes E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 53; DAR 47: 139–42 1

2

3 4 5 6 7 8

9 10

CD had sent an extract from Jean Baptiste Lamarck’s Philosophie zoologique (Lamarck 1830; see letter to G. J. Romanes, 5 June 1877 and n. 2). R.S.: Royal Society of London. In a lecture delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on 25 May 1877, Romanes had discussed Herbert Spencer’s theory of the genesis of nerve-fibres from undifferentiated protoplasm ‘by a process of integration which is due simply to use’ (see G. J. Romanes 1877b, p. 232; see also Spencer 1864–7, 2: 372–5). For more on Romanes’s research on the formation of the nervous system in medusae, see the letter from G. J. Romanes, 13 August 1877. Romanes had visited Down House on 30 May 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). For the notes, see the enclosure. Another note on intercrossing by Romanes, undated and evidently not enclosed with this letter, is in DAR 47: 143–4. Urtica dioica (stinging nettle or common nettle) is not native to South America, but has been naturalised there. The guinea pig (Cavia porcellus) originates from the Andean region of South America. Joseph Dalton Hooker. Romanes had been doing grafting experiments at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew to test CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from G. J. Romanes, 1 June 1876 and n. 10). Francis Darwin had been assisting CD with observations on dimorphic and trimorphic plants at Kew (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 25 January [1877]). In his review of Origin, Henry Charles Fleeming Jenkin had argued that natural selection would be unable to operate on individual variations, because these would be lost through blending and swamped within a larger population ([Jenkin] 1867). For CD’s response to Jenkin, see Origin 5th ed., pp. 104–5, and Correspondence vol. 17, letters to A. R. Wallace, 22 January [1869] and n. 7, and 2 February [1869]. For more on Jenkin’s review, see Hull 1973, pp. 344–50. Romanes refers to the second edition of Herbert Spencer’s First principles (Spencer 1867). Spencer 1867, p. 447 n.

From C. F. Martins1   7 June 1877 Jardin | des Plantes | de | Montpellier. Montpellier, le 7 Juin 1877. Cher et illustre Maitre, Je suis hereux d’apprendre que la Traduction de vos Plantes insectivores en francais vous ait satisfait et j’ai transmis vos compliments à Mr. Barbier.2 Vous trouverez ci joint un Compte rendu de votre ouvrage qui a paru dans le Journal le Temps sous le pseudonyme de A. Vernier.3 L’auteur est Mr. Auguste Laugel Ingenieur des Mines et Secretaire du Duc d’Aumale pendant son séjour en Angleterre.4

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Tous les jeunes Naturalistes français intelligens sont vos disciples mais les Professeurs officiels qui sentent bien combien vos idées sont justes se tiennent sur la reserve, ils n’osent aborde ces questions de peur d’etre accusés de materialisme, d’atheisme de communisme &c &c. Quand j’ai lu à l’Institut et à la Société botanique le Memoire que je vous ai envoyé sur les arbres et arbrisseaux qui gelent dans les grands hivers du Midi de la France, j’ai soutenu leur origine paléontologique, soutenu la continuité des creations, nié les revolutions du globe et la réalité de l’espèce; personne n’a fait d’objections mais personne ne m’a approuvé sauf Mr. Bureau qui a dit que la végétation actuelle datait de l’epoque crétacée.5 Tout cela tient à l’influence catholique et à la crise religieuse dont nous souffrons en ce moment.6 L’Angleterre a eu le bonheur dembrasser la reforme c’est le malheur de la France de ne pas l’avoir imitée. Veuillez agréer cher Monsieur la nouvelle expression de ma profonde sympathie pour vos ecrits et votre personne | Votre devoué | Ch: Martins DAR 171: 63 1 2

3 4

5

6

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD’s letter to Martins has not been found. Martins had written an introduction to Edmond Barbier’s translation of Insectivorous plants (Barbier trans. 1877). The French edition was published in May 1877 (see letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 9 May 1877). The review of Insectivorous plants was published in Feuilleton du temps, 22 May 1877, pp. 1–2; a clipping is in DAR 139.18: 14. Auguste Laugel had written a review of Origin (Laugel 1860), and an article on CD’s French critics (Laugel 1868). Henri Eugène Philippe Louis d’Orléans, duc d’Aumale, was exiled to England after the revolution of 1848; he returned to France in 1871 (EB). Martins’s paper was read at the 19 March 1877 meeting of the Académie des sciences (Martins 1877), one of five academies of the Institut de France, Paris. A summary of the paper was also given at the Société botanique de France on 23 March 1877 (Bulletin de la Société botanique de France 24 (1877): 127). A longer version was published the previous year in Mémoires de l’Académie des sciences et lettres de Montpellier (Martins 1876). For a discussion of Martins’s views on evolution, see Rioux 2011, pp. 339–42. M. Bureau: Édouard Bureau. On ultramontanism and the conflicts between Catholic, royalist, and republican allegiances in the early Third Republic, see Passmore 2013, pp. 21–37.

To ?   7 June 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station. | Orpington. S.E.R. June 7. 1877 My dear Sir, I am much obliged to you for sending me your paper with its kind allusions to my last book.1 I leave home early tomorrow2 & will take your essay with me. The subject is a very interesting one. I fear that you will not care about my next book.3 My dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin

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LS The Morgan Library and Museum, New York (MA unassigned) 1 2 3

The paper has not been identified. CD’s most recent book was Cross and self fertilisation. CD stayed at Leith Hill Place in Surrey, from 8 to 13 June 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II). CD’s next book was Forms of flowers.

To Edward Atkinson   9 June 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington S.E.R.) [Leith Hill Place, Surrey.] June 9th. 1877 Sir I am greatly obliged to the Council for their wish to offer a grace to the Senate for conferring on me the Honorary Degree of L.L.D..— I should consider this as an extraordinary honour, & it would be particularly gratifying to me as coming from the University at which I was formerly a student.1 I feel, however, bound to add that my health is so precarious that I may be prevented, when the day arrives, from attending to receive this honour.— Permit me further to return to you my sincere thanks for your very kind & courteous letter.2 I beg leave to remain, Sir | Your obedient servant | Charles R. Darwin To the | Vice-Chancellor.— Cambridge University Library (MS Add. 6582: 377) 1

2

For previous correspondence about the offer to CD of the honorary degree of doctor of laws (LLD), see the letter to G. H. Darwin, 30 May [1877] and n. 2. CD entered Christ’s College, Cambridge, in January 1828 (ODNB); he obtained a BA in 1831 (Freeman 1978). The letter from Atkinson has not been found.

To L. H. Morgan   9 June 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington S.E.R.) [Leith Hill Place, Surrey.] June 9th. 1877 My dear Sir Pray accept my cordial thanks for your great kindness in having sent me your fine work ‘Ancient Society’, which I hope before long to read.—1 My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin University of Rochester Libraries, Department of Rare Books, Special Collections and Preservation 1

Morgan’s book, Ancient society, or, researches in the lines of human progress from savagery, through barbarism to civilization (Morgan 1877), has not been found in the Darwin Library–CUL or the Darwin Library–Down.

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To Francis Darwin   [10 June 1877]1 L. H. Pl.2 Sunday My dear Frank Please look in my washing corner in study & on upper shelf, you will find a bottle of dirty salmon-coloured mixture (Waugh) (for eczema) with brush, & little vessel—3 Please send them by William to Southampton.—4 ( ) Remember Carbonate of Ammonia.— Also please look in tin box on floor, beneath a pile of paper portfolios, for a portfolio on Worms & in this there is a paper or bundle of papers by William on covering of earth within Beaulieu Abbey spread by earth-worms over the ancient floor.— Do not waste time in hunting for it, but I shd. rather like to look over the notes, as if I am strong enough I will visit the abbey5 Dear old Backy | Your affect Father | C. Darwin I sometimes fancy I hear Baby talking & spitting beautifully.—6 DAR 211: 20 1 2 3 4 5

6

The date is established by the period of CD’s stay at Leith Hill Place (see n. 2, below), and by the reference to his visit to Beaulieu abbey (see n. 5, below). In 1877, 10 June was a Sunday. CD stayed at Leith Hill Place in Surrey, the home of his sister, Caroline Sarah Wedgwood, and her family, from 8 to 13 June 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD had received a treatment for eczema from the London chemists George Waugh & Co. in 1863 (see Correspondence vol. 11, letter to J. D. Hooker, 26 [March 1863]). CD stayed at William Erasmus Darwin’s house in Bassett, Southampton, from 13 June to 4 July 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). William had examined earth at the base of stones at the ruined abbey in Beaulieu, Hampshire, on 5 January 1872 (see Correspondence vol. 20, letter from W. E. Darwin, [1 January 1872], and Correspondence vol. 24, Supplement, letter from W. E. Darwin, [4 January 1872]). CD visited Beaulieu on 22 June 1877 (Earthworms, p. 195). Bernard Darwin.

From Asa Gray   10 June 1877 Herbarium of Harvard University, | Botanic Garden, Cambridge, Mass. June 10th 1877 My Dear Mr. Darwin Except when you are to be aided in your work I decline to give letters of introduction to you, knowing how you are occupied and how infirm your health at any time may be. So please take this note to mean just this. The happy couple who bear it would be delighted to call some day, if you say so, and pay their respects to you, and I will tell you why I am disposed to promote their wishes. Mr.  Burgess1 was a favorite pupil of mine, and is a young naturalist of much promise.—not in my department, however, but in entomology. He takes particularly to the anatomy of insects, draws capitally, and shows talent for research, which we

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trust will bring forth good fruit. I cannot blame him if his modesty and caution have kept him back from publication as yet, but he has time before him, and even a sight of you will be a stimulus to his ambition as well as something to remember in after years. I need not say that he takes to Evolution; all young naturalists of any good do. He has just married the daughter of my dear old friend, the late Mr. Sullivant, who did for Muscology in this country more than one man is likely ever to do again.2 The young lady is very dear to your good friend Mrs. Gray3 and to me; and, as you have more than once made a remark complimentary to American ladies, and as you are such an excellent judge, I must even give you the opportunity of extending your range of instances.4 But, please, do not give our young friends the opportunity of calling upon you, unless it quite suits you. By the time this reaches you, Dr. Hooker will be on the way to us, we expect, and we are looking to have a great run together over the Rocky Mountains, and perhaps across the continent.5 Wherever we may be, you may believe me | Always Yours cordially | Asa Gray DAR 165: 197 CD annotation Top of letter : ‘11o.15 | 2o.50′’6 ink 1 2 3 4

5 6

Edward Burgess. Caroline Louisa Burgess was the daughter of the bryologist William Starling Sullivant. Jane Loring Gray. After a visit from the family of Charles Norton, who were friends of the Grays from Boston, Massachusetts, CD wrote: ‘I then verified a grand generalisation, which I once propounded to you, that all persons from the U. States are perfectly charming’ (Correspondence vol. 17, letter to Asa Gray, 1 June [1869]). Joseph Dalton Hooker departed for New York on 28 June 1877, and toured America with Gray, reaching the Rocky Mountains in late July (see L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 205–17). The annotations are probably train times for the visit to Down made by the Burgesses on 10 July 1877 (Caroline Louisa Burgess’s diary (private collection)).

From Francis Darwin   11 June 1877 Down June 11. 1877 My dear Father I have got yr messages & will do them all square—1 There was a bigger sediment in the “cleaned” dish—but it is not soluble in ether.2 The teasels are all planted out & the case will be done tomorrow.3 Lettington is gone this morning for Drosera—4 I have made another big pot of mixture; the seeds have sprouted & he has begun watering— I am glad you approve of the Nature letter.5 Here is a nice letter from Romanes6   Babs7 is all right: on Sat he lay on his back on a rug under the limes & roared

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with laughter looking up into the branches. We had a beautiful day for Atty & the D’Arcys8   On Sat Jimi and I dined at the Nashes to meet Moreley who spent sunday there9   They get on first rate I think. This is written in an awful hurry Good bye dearest father | your affec son | Frank Please thank mother with my love for the key   I will give her messages to Mary Ann10 DAR 274.1: 2 1 2 3 4

5

6 7 8 9

10

See letter to Francis Darwin, [10 June 1877]; there was evidently another letter to Francis that is now missing. CD was at Leith Hill Place in Surrey from 8 to 13 June (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD’s remarks on the sediment may have been in a letter to Francis that is now missing. Francis had recently completed a paper on the teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris; F. Darwin 1877a). See letter to G. J. Romanes, 27 May [1877] and n. 3. Henry Lettington was the gardener at Down House. Francis would soon undertake further experiments on the digestive powers of Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew; see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 18 July [1877] and n. 10). Francis’s letter on the nectar-secreting glands of Pteris aquilina (a synonym of Pteridium aquilinum, bracken fern), was published in Nature, 7 June 1877, pp. 100–1. See also letter from Francis Darwin, [before 21 May 1877] and n. 3, and F. Darwin 1876d. See letter from G. J. Romanes, 6 June 1877. Bernard Darwin. Atty: Arthur Ashley Ruck. He married Elizabeth Eleanor D’Arcy in 1877 (BMD (Marriage index)). Jim or Jemmy were Horace Darwin’s nicknames. Louisa A’hmuty Nash and Wallis Nash lived in Down. John Morley had corresponded with CD about the moral and aesthetic sense (see Correspondence vol. 19). Mary Ann Westwood was Bernard Darwin’s nurse.

To G. J. Romanes   11 June [1877]1 My address will be “Bassett, Southampton.” [Leith Hill Place, Surrey.] June 11th. Dear Romanes I have read the crossing paper, which you were so kind as to send me.— It is very clear & I quite agree with it. But the point in question has not been a difficulty to me, as I have never believed in a new form originating from a single variation.—2 What I have called unconscious selection by man illustrates, as it seems to me, the same principle as yours, within the same area. Man peruses the individual animals or plants which seem to him the best in any respect,—some more so & some less so—& without any matching or pairing, the breed in the course of time is surely altered3 The absence in numerous instances of intermediate or blending forms in the border country between two closely allied geographical races or close species seemed to me a greater difficulty, when I discussed the subject in the Origin.—4 With respect to your illustration, it formerly drove me half-mad to attempt to account for the increase or diminution of the productiveness of an organism; but

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I cannot call to mind where my difficulty lay.5 Natural selection always applies, as I think, to each individual & its offspring, such as its seeds, eggs, which are formed by the mother & which are protected in various ways.6 There does not seem any difficulty in understanding how the productiveness of an organism might be increased, but it was, as far as I can remember in reducing productiveness that I was most puzzled.— But why I scribble about this I know not.— I have read your review of Mr. Allen’s book & it makes me more doubtful even than I was before whether he has really thrown much light on the subject.—7 I am glad to hear that some physiologists take same view as I did about your giving too much credit to H. Spencer;8 though Heaven knows this is a rare fault!— The more I think of your Medusa nerve work the more splendid it seems to me—.9 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (516) 1 2

3

4 5 6

7 8

9

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G.  J.  Romanes, 6 June 1877. Romanes had written notes on the problem of evolution by means of individual variations, including the swamping of such variations by intercrossing. See enclosure to letter from G. J. Romanes, 6 June 1877 and n. 8. In Origin, pp. 34–40, CD discussed how the ‘unconscious selection’ of breeders over many generations could alter a breed. Romanes had proposed that environmental conditions could ‘account for numerous inviduals varying in the same direction at the same time’ (see enclosure to letter from G. J. Romanes, 6 June 1877). On the tendency of intermediate forms to become extinct, see Origin, pp. 121, 128, and 281. CD eventually concluded that neither fertility nor sterility in an organism could be acted on directly by natural selection (see Variation 2: 185–9, and Correspondence vol. 16, letter to A. R. Wallace, 6 April [1868]). CD addressed the question of whether natural selection operated on an individual organism or a group (such as a variety, type, or community) in Descent 1: 163, 166. For a discussion of units of selection in evolutionary theory, see Sober 1984, pp. 215–19. Romanes’s review of Grant Allen’s Physiological aesthetics (G. Allen 1877) appeared in Nature, 7 June 1877, pp. 98–100. CD had been reading the book (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 27 May [1877]). In his review, Romanes remarked that Allen had failed sufficiently to ackowledge the work of Herbert Spencer (Nature, 7 June 1877, p. 100 n.). For previous correspondence between CD and Romanes about Spencer, see Correspondence vol. 22, letter from G. J. Romanes, 24 July 1874, and letter from CD and Francis Darwin to G. J. Romanes, 28 July [1874]. G. J. Romanes 1875. See letter from Charles and Francis Darwin to G. J. Romanes, 2 January [1877] and n. 6.

From J. V. Carus   13 June 1877

Leipzig June 13th | 1877

My dear Sir, I beg your pardon for drawing again your attention to what I think will turn out to be a misprint. In the 2 ed. of the Orchid-book, p. 58, l. 7 from bottom it is stated, that there is a close analogy between “a sexual propagation” and long-continued self-fertilization. I should think you have written asexual propagation and not ‘a sexual.’1

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June 1877

As the publisher announces already your book ‘on different forms of flowers’ you will perhaps be able to tell me, how large it will be about, and when it will be out.2 Herr Koch wishes very much to complete the botanical volume, which is now in print.3 You would oblige me greatly, if you would kindly tell me, how it stands. I have come back from Naples, where I have profited immensely both scientifically and bodily.4 I regret only that I could not stay longer. I hope your health is fairly well. Believe me | My dear Sir, | Yours ever sincerely | J. Victor Carus DAR 161: 109 1 2 3

4

Carus was translating Orchids 2d ed. into German (Carus trans. 1877c). The mistake was corrected in Orchids 2d ed. rev. (1882). Forms of flowers was published in July 1877 (Freeman 1977); it was 352 pages long, not including preliminaries. Eduard Koch was head of the German firm E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, which was publishing a collected edition of CD’s works (Carus trans. 1875–87). Carus’s translation of Forms of flowers (Carus trans. 1877e) was published in volume 9 of this series, together with his translations of Climbing plants 2d ed. and Orchids 2d ed. (Carus trans. 1876, 1877c). Carus spent three months at the Zoological Station in Naples (see letter from J. V. Carus, 20 January 1877 and n. 11).

From Frederic Harrison to G. H. Darwin   13 June [1877]1 Reform Club, | Pall Mall. S. W. June 13. Dear Darwin, Madame Michelet, widow of the French historian Jules Michelet, writes to me to try if there are not some readers of his in England who would contribute to the tomb she is raising over his grave in Père la Chaise.2 And she mentions your father as the Englishman whom Michelet most venerated, & of whom he oftenest spoke.3 She is very desirous that I should try to get his cooperation in the tribute of respect. Can you tell me if your father at all reciprocated the admiration of the old poet. Carlyle,4 whom I have seen, approves of the scheme & will contribute Yours ever truly Frederic Harrison DAR 251: 1914 1 2 3

4

The year is established by the date of CD’s contribution to the Michelet memorial as recorded in his account books (see letter from Frederic Harrison to G. H. Darwin, 27 June [1877] and n. 2). Jules Michelet’s widow was Athénaïs Michelet. Le Père Lachaise cemetery is in Paris. See Correspondence vol. 20, letter from Jules Michelet, 15 November 1872. CD had also corresponded with Athénaïs Michelet in 1872 and 1873 about cats and her husband’s health (Correspondence vols. 20 and 21). Thomas Carlyle.

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From Lawson Tait   13 June [1877]1 June 13 My Dear Sir, I take the liberty of forwarding to you a copy of my book on Diseases of Women. If you will look in the index under your name you will see why I send it. I look upon your discovery as the key to an immense deal in medicine2 Yours truly, | Lawson Tait DAR 178: 39 1 2

The year is established by the reference to L. Tait 1877 (see n. 2, below). Tait remarked on the importance of CD’s views on the evolution of sexual instincts in L. Tait 1877, p. 48; the index also includes references to CD on hermaphroditism (p. 200) and pangenesis (p. 232). See also letter from Lawson Tait, 15 January 1877 and nn. 1 and 2.

From ?   13 June 1877 Tuesday 13 June 1877 Sir Will you allow me who have not the honour to know you except from your books, to call your attention to a passage in one of them, which would, as I respectfully submit to you, be better left out. It is, so far as I am aware, the only passage in your writings which is calculated to wound the feelings of any man of common sense. Furthermore, this single objectionable passage is not of your own composition at all, but is a quotation, which you have incorporated in your book, from some ephemeral production of Mr Greg; nor is it in the slightest degree necessary to your argument, but a mere illustration The passage to which I refer occurs on page 174 of the 1st Volume of the “Descent of Man”, 1st Edition and begins thus “or as Mr Greg puts the case ‘The careless, squalid unaspiring Irishman &c &c.... .1 Now Sir, I am an Irishman accustomed to see, and not much vexed at seeing, this sort of thing in a newspaper. But your book is not newspaper. It is a great Scientific work destined to go to all Time and into all languages, and the passage to which I refer you, is, I take the liberty of saying, quite unworthy of such a book, and of you. You are in it allowing Mr Greg to do for you, what in no instance, as far as I am aware, have you done for yourself—viz generalize from insufficient data That there are in the large English and Scotch towns, Irishmen who are “careless squalid and unaspiring” is unfortunately true. But such is not the character of the Irish race as a whole, nor even of the majority of the Irishmen who come to this country. No unprejudiced man who has lived among or studied them would so describe them Therefore I respectfully invite you for the sake of your own fame as well as of our feelings, to leave this passage out in the next Edition of your great book, for the

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qualities displayed in which, as in all your books, you have no more sincere admirer than the Irishman who now addresses you. As for Mr Greg—the fly whom I invite you to take out of Amber—I bear him no malice. Indeed I have a sneaking kindness for him. True he is the sworn foe of every thing Celtic. Yet he writes with such pungency and smartness, that I’ll engage Sir, if we had his pedigree before us, we’d find a Mac2 in it somewhere, as indeed so we would in the pedigrees of most Scotchmen & not a few Englishmen too May be there is a Mac in yourself, Sir. I would be proud to believe there was, and would even have more satisfaction than I have now in signing myself, your warm admirer and obedient Servant | An Irishman DAR 69: A12–13 1

In Descent 1: 174, CD quoted from William Rathbone Greg’s article, ‘On the failure of “natural selection” in the case of man’ ([Greg] 1868, p. 361). CD omitted several of Greg’s more extreme remarks, which are given here in square brackets. The passage reads: The careless, squalid, unaspiring Irishman [fed on potatoes, living in a pig-stye, doting on a superstition,] multiplies like rabbits [or ephemera]: the frugal, foreseeing, selfrespecting, ambitious Scot, stern in his morality, spiritual in his faith, sagacious and disciplined in his intelligence, passes his best years in struggle and in celibacy, marries late, and leaves few behind him. Given a land originally peopled by a thousand Saxons and a thousand Celts—and in a dozen generations five-sixths of the population would be Celts, but five-sixths of the property, of the power, of the intellect, would belong to the one-sixth of Saxons that remained. In the eternal ‘struggle for existence’, it would be the inferior and less favoured race that had prevailed—and prevailed by virtue not of its good qualities but of its faults [by reason not of its stronger vitality but of its weaker reticence and its narrower brain].

2

‘Mac’, meaning ‘son’, is common in Irish and Scottish surnames of Celtic origin (OED).

From Francis Darwin   [14 June? 1877]1 Dear Father, You will find one of these letters opened. I opened it to see what he had to say about the specimen & have thanked him for it & said you had no collection.2 I hope things are prosperous & you are having a good rest.3 Please tell mother I have read the letters to Aunt Eliz, she seemed more indignant than worried I think. I shall come up on Thursday perhaps but my bassoon man hasn’t written—4 My love to every body | yr affec son | F. Darwin There is something abt scrofula in the newspaper5 Bernard very jolly & two teeth really through DAR 274.1: 3 1

The date is conjectured from the content of the letter. Bernard Darwin’s fifth tooth was ‘nearly

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5

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through’ on 23 July 1877 (F. Darwin 1920b, p. 6), so this letter must have been written a month or two earlier, from the reference to Bernard’s first two teeth. CD and Emma Darwin were away from home from 8 June until 4 July, visiting first Caroline Sarah and Josiah Wedgwood at Leith Hill Place in Surrey, then moving on to visit William Erasmus Darwin in Southampton on 13 June (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Francis evidently stayed in Down for the first part of their absence (see letter from Francis Darwin, 11 June 1877). A report of an inquest on a death from starvation and scrofulous disease appeared in The Times, 14 June 1877, p. 13. In 1877, 14 June was a Thursday; apparently Francis did go to Southampton on or around the following Thursday (21 June), as he wrote from Southampton on CD’s behalf to P. P. C. Hoek in a letter of [c. 24 June 1877]. The letter and Francis’s reply have not been found. See n. 1, above. See n. 1, above, for Francis’s visit to Southampton. Elizabeth Wedgwood, Emma’s sister, lived in Down. The letters to her have not been found. Francis played the bassoon. His ‘bassoon man’ was William Henry Stone, a physician at St Thomas’s Hospital, London (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [3] February 1877 (DAR 219.9: 144)). See n. 1, above. For CD’s interest in scrofula, see the letter to Agricultural Gazette, 22 March 1877.

From J. D. Hooker   14 June 1877 Kew June 14/77. Dear Darwin I got home at 1.30 this morning from the R.S. Soirée1 with a crick in my shoulder & “phalangitis” from pumphandling some 500 people, to find a telegram from “my friend” the Emperor of Brazil,2 saying that he would be out at 6 this morning; & sure enough here he has been, with his heart-set on seeing you— I pleaded your illness &c &c. but it was no good. First he suggested that I should write to Owen3 & offer himself you & me to dejeuner!!! Of course I would have none of that; then he wanted me to ask himself & you to dejeuner at Kew with me, to which I could only express myself proud & pleased if you were well enough to come.—an alternative which he met by suggesting that if so He & I, should go to Down & dejeuner with you!— he made me promise to write at once, to you to this effect.— Pray my dear fellow do not suppose that I in any way ever countenanced all this— I can wriggle out of a bad hypothesis, but not out of such a pertinacious old bird as this Emperor— What is to be done? I will do anything you like that I can. He is coming to my wife’s4 “At Home” here on Wednesday 4–7 PM. to which we had asked a whole lot of R.S. friends, but did not go through the form of sending you & Mrs Darwin cards.— Or shall I bring him down to Down. We might drive, or go by train—on Sunday, or will you meet him at a quiet dejeuner here? on Monday or Tuesday? I think the best way would be for you Mrs Darwin & Frank5 to come here on Wednesday—early if you like or at 4–7. I am off to town for R.S. Council 1–6.—& then to the evening meeting, so I shall be pretty well used up by bed-time. Ever yr affec friend | J D Hooker

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June 1877

Telegraph if you can make up your mind what is best done. DAR 104: 86–7 1 2 3 4 5

Hooker hosted a large reception at the Royal Society on 13 June (The Times, 14 June 1877, p. 10). The emperor of Brazil was Pedro II. Richard Owen. Hyacinth Hooker. Francis Darwin.

From Frederic Harrison to G. H. Darwin   15 June [1877]1 1 Southwick Place June 15. Dear Darwin, I have no intention of pressing the Michelet scheme on your father or on any one. The indefatigable widow speaks so much of him, that I thought there had been some friendship.2 We go next week to Sutton Place till August, when we intend going in force to Fontainbleau for a couple of months, if the Prussians do not anticipate us.3 Yrs ever | F. Harrison. DAR 251: 1915 1 2 3

The year is established by the date of CD’s contribution to the Michelet memorial as recorded in his account books (see letter from Frederic Harrison to G. H. Darwin, 27 June [1877] and n. 2). Harrison was raising contributions for a memorial to Jules Michelet at the request of his widow, Athénaïs Michelet (see letter from Frederic Harrison to G. H. Darwin, 13 June [1877] and n. 2). Sutton Place in Surrey was the home of Harrison’s father, Frederick Harrison (F. Harrison 1893). Fontainbleau is a town approximately thirty-one miles south of Paris. A constitutional crisis had arisen in Paris in May 1877 (see Annual register (1877): 133–9); however, no Prussian troops invaded France. For more on the political crisis in France, see the letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 13 October 1877 and n. 4.

To Lawson Tait   15 June [1877]1 Bassett, Southampton. June 15th My dear Sir Your note & kind present of your work on the Diseases of Women has been forwarded to me here where I am staying for a little change & rest.— I have read the interesting passages to which you refer me, & will hereafter look at some other portions of your book.—2 You never fail to honour me much more than I deserve. My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin P.S | I was much interested by your letter on a cat rearing chickens, which is the

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converse case of a hen rearing young ferrets, as described by Romanes some time ago in Nature.—3 What a wonderful instinct is the maternal one! Photocopy DAR 221.5: 39 1 2

3

The year is established by the reference to L. Tait 1877 (see n. 2, below). See letter from Lawson Tait, 13  June [1877] and n. 2. In his recent book (L. Tait 1877), Tait had acknowledged the importance of CD’s work on the inheritance of sexual instincts, on hermaphroditism, and on pangenesis. CD stayed at William Erasmus Darwin’s house in Bassett, Southampton, from 13 June to 4 July (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). The letter from Tait has not been found. In a letter to Nature, 28 October 1875, pp. 553–4, George John Romanes had described the maternal instincts of a hen that kept three young ferrets in her nest (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter to G. J. Romanes, [4 November 1875] and n. 6.

To J. D. Hooker   16 June [1877]1 Bassett, Southampton Sat. June 16th— My dear Hooker I have just received your letter of the 14th & have telegraphed in answer.2 If I had been at Down I would certainly have come to Kew to wait on the Emperor, but I suppose that even an Emperor will not expect an old invalid to travel so far at the cost of great fatigue.—3 The Emperor has done so much for science, that every Scientific man is bound to show him the utmost respect,4 & I hope that you will express in the strongest language, & which you can do with entire truth, how greatly I feel honoured by his wish to see me, & how much I regret my absence from home. What a life of labour you are leading! I wonder that you do not break down, & I rejoice that before very long you will be on the quiet wide Atlantic.—5 One word more,— when I heard that you were made a Knight of the Star of India, not one of your friends rejoiced more heartily than I did, but I resolved not to write, as I knew that you would be troubled with endless congratulations.6 I should think & hope that even you must be pleased with this peculiar honour,— anyhow it has delighted me.— My dear old Friend | Yours affectionately | Charles Darwin DAR 95: 443–4 1 2 3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 14 June 1877. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 14 June 1877. The emperor of Brazil was Pedro II. CD was at William Erasmus Darwin’s house in Bassett, Southampton, from 13 June to 4 July (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). On Pedro II’s interest in science see, for example, Nature, 28 June 1877, p. 173.

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Hooker was planning a trip to the United States; he departed for New York on 28 June 1877 (see L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 205–17). The Star of India was an order founded in 1861; it had three classes: Companion, Knight Commander (KCSI), and Knight Grand Commander (EB). Hooker had been offered a knighthood in 1869, but had declined it (see Correspondence vol. 17, letter from J. D. Hooker, 14 November 1869).

From J. D. Hooker   16 June 1877 Royal Gardens Kew June 16 / 77. Dear Darwin When I wrote to you in re Emperor, I stupidly forgot that you were from home— pray keep away!— I think that the old gentleman’s brains are addled. For the last 3 years or more he has been gadding about, stuffing his long-suffering calvarium with facts new & old of all sorts of sorts; & he is I think used up.1 I thought him much changed—washed out in short, & I feel sure that you would not have the same interest in seeing him that all had 3 years ago, when he was eager, fresh & full of intelligent enquiry Ever affly yrs | J D Hooker DAR 104: 88–9 1

See letter to J. D. Hooker, 16 June [1877] and n. 3. The emperor of Brazil, Pedro II, had asked Hooker to arrange a visit with CD at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, or Down. On Pedro II’s travels to the United States, Europe, and the Middle East in 1876 and 1877, see Barman 1999, pp. 275–86.

From G. J. Romanes   16 June [1877]1 June 16. I have deferred answering your letter until having had a talk with Mr.  Galton about rudimentary organs. He thinks with me that if the normal size of a useful organ is maintained in a species, when natural selection is removed, the average size will tend to become progressively reduced by inter-crossing, and this down to whatever extent economy of growth remains operative in placing a premium on variations below the average at any given stage in the history of reduction.2 I think I thoroughly well know your views about natural selection. In writing the manuscript note, so far as I remember, I had in view the possibility which Huxley somewhere advocates, that nature may sometimes make a considerable leap by selecting from single variations.3 But it was not because of this point that I sent you the note; it was with reference to the possibility of natural selection acting on organic types as distinguished from individuals—a possibility which you once told me did not seem at all clear, although Wallace maintained it in conversation.4 I do not myself think that Allen made out his points, although I do think that he has made an effort in the right direction. It seems to me that his fundamental

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principle has probably much truth in it, viz. that æsthetic pleasure in its last analysis is an effect of normal or not excessive stimulation.5 Very sincerely and most respectfully yours, | Geo. J. Romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 55 1 2

3

4 5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G. J. Romanes, 11 June [1877]. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 11 June [1877]. CD had commented on Romanes’s notes on the effect of intercrossing in swamping individual variations. In some of his recent work, Francis Galton had emphasised the role of discontinuous variation, or ‘sports of nature’, in evolution (see, for example, Galton 1869, pp. 367–70). In a review of Origin, Thomas Henry Huxley had criticised CD’s insistence on the role of small variations in the production of new species, remarking that nature did ‘make small jumps’ ([T. H. Huxley] 1860, pp. 549–50). See also Correspondence vol. 7, letter from T. H. Huxley, 23 November 1859. See letter from G. J. Romanes, 6 June 1877 and enclosure. On CD’s and Alfred Russel Wallace’s views concerning individual and group selection, see Richards 1987, pp. 167–8, 214–17. CD had remarked on Romanes’s review of Grant Allen’s Physiological aesthetics (G. Allen 1877; see letter to G. J. Romanes, 11 June [1877] and n. 7).

To J. V. Carus   17 June [1877]1 Bassett, Southampton. | (where I shall be for next 2 or 3 weeks).2 June 17th. My dear Sir I am heartily glad that your Naples expedition has answered so well for you in every way.—3 My new book is not a long one, viz 350 pages, chiefly of the larger type, with 15 simple wood-cuts. All the proofs are corrected, except the Index, so that it will soon be published.—4 I have sent you the 8  first sheets in two parcels, each of 4 sheets, which you ought to have received ere this.— I do not suppose that I shall publish any more books, though perhaps a few more papers. I cannot endure being idle, but Heaven knows whether I am capable of any more good work:— Thanks for erratum, the troublesome printers separated the “a” from the “sexual”, after I had seen the last proof—5 With cordial thanks for your never failing kindness towards me. Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859 Darwin, Charles, Bl. 166–167) 1 2 3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. V. Carus, 13 June 1877. CD stayed at William Erasmus Darwin’s house in Bassett, Southampton, from 13 June to 4 July (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Carus had spent three months at the Zoological Station in Naples (see letter from J. V. Carus, 13 June 1877 and n. 4. Forms of flowers was published in July 1877 (Freeman 1977); it was 352 pages long, excluding preliminaries. Carus translated the book and it was published as part of volume 9 of the German edition of CD’s collected works (Carus trans. 1877e).

244 5

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Carus had noted this mistake in Orchids 2d ed., p. 58 (see letter from J. V. Carus, 13 June 1877 and n. 1).

From C. H. Blackley   18 June 1877

Arnside House, | Stretford Road, | Manchester. June 18th. 1877

Dear Sir, Nine days ago a friend sent me for experiment a few plants of the Drosera rotund.1 The specimens were freshly gathered and were placed in a match box from which the matches had been emptied recently. I received them by post some fifteen or sixteen hours after they had been gathered and at once placed them in moist sand. The leaves looked healthy but were evidently not secreting and when small particles of lean beef were placed on them there was no inflection   In spite of being kept moist the leaves have gradually withered and seem now quite dead; some of the glands however have retained their color. The leaves that were inflected when I got the plants have not any of them opened again   Has the small quantity of phosphorous acid with which the box may have become impregnated killed the plants?2 I do not know whether you will care to be troubled with this small fragment of an experiment but as I do not see, in your “Insectiv. Plants” any experiments with Phosphorus or its acids it might, I thought, not be amiss to drop you a line. I Remain Dear Sir | Yours Very Sincerely | Chas H Blackley Chas Darwin Esq M.A F.R.S. DAR 86: B12–13 CD annotation Top of letter : ‘Keep Drosera’ red crayon 1

2

Drosera rotundifolia (the common or round-leaved sundew) had been the main subject of CD’s book Insectivorous plants. Blackley had been experimenting with the plant (see letter from C. H. Blackley, 9 March 1877 and n. 4). For CD’s experiments with phosphoric acid, see Insectivorous plants, pp. 189 and 191.

From J. D. Hooker   18 June 1877 Kew June 18 / 77. Dear Darwin I have told the H’emperor that it is impossible.1 I should have told you before of K.C.S.I. but as I knew you kindly would excuse me, I delayed.2 As Huxley will tell you, I was taken completely by surprize at R.S. by receiving a letter from Ld Salisbury informing me that he had taken a liberty with my name, proposed it to the Queen for K.C.S.I. & that I was virtually appointed!3 It went on to imply that as I was not in the Indian Service it was somewhat irregular, but that

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my Himalayan work alone “entitled me technically & substantially to the rank”— It added a little about my beneficent exertions for India4—& was altogether a very “pretty letter”— Huxley told me that I could not refuse if I would, & on recovering my senses I could not but see that both the compliment & manner of paying it were the highest & most gracious that could be. I have since heard that the Cabinet discussed the thing—that they could not longer allow my services to pass unrecognized, there was no K.C.B. vacant, & as I had refused K.C.M.G. it would be risky to ask me to accept anything else;5 so they strained a point to give me K.C.S.I. & in the handsomest manner gave it, solely for India work. I had always regarded the Star of India as the most honable of all such distinctions— it is very limited, (to 60. K.C.S.Is) is never, like K.C.B, given by court favor or on personal considerations, & it has a flavor of hard work under difficulties, of obstacles overcome, & of brilliant deeds, that is very attractive. Assuredly I would rather go down to posterity as one of the “Stars of India”, than as of any other dignity whatever that the Crown can offer. Of course it pales before P.R.S.6 but then they cannot clash. I do not know whether I told you some 5 years ago application was made to the D. of Argyll to give it me,7 on hearing of which I wrote to him begging him not, as I thought so rare an honor should be confined to actual Indian servants— He answered that he would have given it me, but implied that the Statutes of the Order forbade it! so I never thought any thing more of the matter. It is as you say a “peculiar” honor & I may well be proud of it & of the way it came. Is this not a jolly strain of self gratulation & glorification? Harriet will be married on 23 & I sail on 28 from Liverpool. What commissions have you for Niagara & Colorado? that Hayden Strachey & I can execute.8 Ever yrs affy | J D Hooker DAR 104: 90–1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

8

The emperor of Brazil, Pedro II, had asked Hooker to arrange a visit with CD (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 16 June [1877] and n. 3). Hooker had been made a Knight Commander of the Star of India (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 16 June [1877] and n. 6). Hooker refers to Thomas Henry Huxley, Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil (third marquess of Salisbury and secretary of state for India), and Queen Victoria. On Hooker’s Himalayan expedition, see J. D. Hooker 1854. On his other contributions to Indian botany, see R. Desmond 1999 and Endersby 2008. KCB: Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath; KCMG: Knight Commander of the Order of St Michael and St George. Hooker was president of the Royal Society of London. George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll, was secretary of state for India in 1869, when Hooker was recommended for a KCSI (see Correspondence vol. 17, letter from J. D. Hooker, 14 November 1869). Hooker had later been proposed for a KCB (see Correspondence vol. 18, letters from J. D. Hooker, 31 October 1871 and 2 November 1871). For a discussion of Hooker’s honours, see L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 145–51. Harriet Anne Hooker, Hooker’s daughter, married William Turner Thiselton-Dyer on 23 June 1877. Hooker departed for New York on 28 June 1877 and travelled across the United States with a party that included Ferdinand Vandeveer Hayden and Richard Strachey (see L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 205–17).

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From Emile Alglave1   21 June 1877 Revue | politique et littéraire | Revue | scientifique | Paris, Auteuil, villa de la Réunion | 91 Rue de la Municipalité le 21 juin 1877 Cher monsieur J’apprends que vous devez publier 〈34 line missing〉 〈  〉le 1er juillet2 〈34 line missing〉 〈    〉lant c〈    〉 〈12 page missing〉 commencer l’impression de vos Coral Reefs, qui seront publiés avec un certain luxe3 votre bien devoué | Em Alglave Incomplete DAR 210.11: 36 CD annotations 0.1 Revue … scientifique] crossed pencil 0.4 Cher … publier 1.1] crossed pencil Top of letter : ‘(Copy of my paper in Mind)’ blue crayon, del pencil 1 2

3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The missing portion of the letter contained a request to publish a French translation of CD’s article ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’; the article had been submitted to Mind in April 1877 and was published in July (see letter to G. C. Robertson, 24 June [1877]). The French translation appeared in Revue scientifique de la France et de l’étranger, 14 July 1877, pp. 25–8. Alglave refers to the French translation of Coral reefs 2d ed. that was published in 1878 by Germer-Baillière (Cosserat trans. 1878; see letter to Smith, Elder & Co, 7 March 1877).

To G. C. Robertson   22 June [1877]1 Bassett, Southampton June 22d My dear Sir The above address will explain why I have not answered your note sooner.—2 I can have no objection to the flattering wish of the Cologne Gazette, but at the same time I wish that the Editor had first read the article, for though you have pleased me much by admitting it into ‘mind’, I cannot help doubting whether it is worthy of admission.—3 Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin UCL Library Services, Special Collections (Croom Robertson: 98) 1 2 3

The year is established by the reference to CD’s article in Mind (see n. 3, below). CD stayed at William Erasmus Darwin’s house in Bassett, Southampton, from 13 June to 4 July (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Robertson’s note has not been found. Evidently, Robertson had forwarded a request from Max Schlesinger, the London correspondent for the Kölnische Zeitung, to publish a German translation of CD’s article ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ (see letter from Max Schlesinger, 4 July 1877). CD’s article had been submitted to Mind in April 1877, but was not yet published (see letter to G. C. Robertson, 27 April 1877).

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From Clipson Wray   22 June 1877 Beaufort West, | South Africa, June 22nd, 1877. Dear Sir,— I am about to describe to you a few facts which may possibly be of use to you in your speculations. I have not seen your book on species,1 only the “Descent of Man”   I cannot get the former here, and in the latter I cannot see that you are acquainted with what I am about to relate or I should not trouble you with a letter. Sheep and Goats. One of my friends here has not a case of twin lambs from 1500  ewes of the merino breed. The fattailed sheep of the Cape very rarely drop twins. If herbage be very plentiful before rutting-time and continue so twin lambs are not at all uncommon. Goats ewes frequently drop three, four, and even five kids. It is very curious that the ovarian vesicles should thus act in harmony with the greater or less quantity of herbage, as if their action were a foresight of what is to come. I can comprehend abortion during a drought but it rarely happens, though I cannot explain to myself how it is that impregnation of more than one vesicle does not take place.2 Bustards. One of the above is very common here; it lives in the flats amongst the sheepbush and feeds upon it. I have shot several but could find no difference in plumage between cock and hen.3 My friends here have told me that there is none. That is not an isolated fact amongst birds, but these koraan or bustards lay but one egg. I have in the Spring of the year seen them in pairs only, and in the Autumn three together, one of which is certain to be the young bird. A friend of mine who has been here some forty years has told me that he has constantly seen these twos and threes together according to the times of year. The bird is about as large as a pheasant.4 Baboons. Here they abound and live upon the mountains where they eat roots &c. They are not carnivora though so splendidly provided with canine teeth.5 Every sheep-farmer here hates to see a solitary, large old male wandering about. It is this old gentleman who is epicurean in feeding, and he will kill a lamb to enjoy the luxury of lapping the milk out of the lamb’s stomach which he cleverly opens with his teeth and claws. These canine tusks of his have been the cause of his banishment from his wives and friends, because they have grown so large and upwardly and inwardly curved that to a large extent they prevent him from biting, and thus the young males find

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out that they can bite sharper than their progenitors. Selection no doubt comes in to play for a good purpose for these old gentlemen would probably procreate a feebler progeny than the young ones. Yours sincerely, | Clipson Wray, M.D. M.R.C.S. C. Darwin, Esqr. DAR 181: 162 1 2 3 4

5

Origin. CD discussed the effect of changed conditions, especially increased food supply, on fertility in Descent 1: 132–3 (see also Variation 2: 111–13). In Descent 1: 269, CD remarked that bustards had ‘strongly-marked sexual differences’, including differently coloured plumage in moulting season (see also Descent 2: 81, 83). CD reported that the great bustard (Otis tarda) was said to be polygamous (Descent 1: 269). On species of bustard or korhaan (family Otididae) found in South Africa, see Sibley and Monroe 1990–3. Sexual dimorphism in the bustard family is usually expressed in size rather than colour, although males of some species exhibit colour changes during the breeding season. CD remarked on the canines of baboons in Descent 1: 155, 2: 320.

From Francis Darwin to P. P. C. Hoek   [c. 24 June 1877]1 Basset | Southampton Dear Sir, My father directs me to tell you that he has written to Sir Wyville Thompson in favour of yr request, & he hopes that you may be successful2 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Francis Darwin Artis Library (P. P. C. Hoek Archive: Darwin correspondence) 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from P.  P.  C.  Hoek to C. W. Thomson, 25 June 1877. CD’s letter to Charles Wyville Thomson has not been found. Hoek had written to Thomson requesting duplicates of the Pycnogonida (sea-spider) specimens collected on the Challenger expedition (see letter from P. P. C. Hoek to C. W. Thomson, 25 June 1877). CD had received copies of Hoek’s recent work on sessile cirripedes and Balanus (Hoek 1875 and 1876; see Correspondence vol. 23, letter to P. P. C. Hoek, 11 March 1875, and Correspondence vol. 24, letter to P. P. C. Hoek, [after May 1876]).

To G. C. Robertson   24 June [1877]1

Bassett | Southampton. June 24th.

My dear Sir, I beg pardon for troubling you but M.  Aglave (Editeur Revue Scientifique) to whom I lie under obligat ion, wants to bring out a French Translation of my little paper in Mind.2

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Will you kindly give me permission, & in this case will you further be so good as to direct the printers to send to me to present address3 the old proof, or a new proof of my paper. I would not ask or take so much trouble did I not feel under obligations to M. Aglave who supplicates for an immediate proof. Forgive me for causing so much trouble about so very small an affair. Yours sincerely. | In haste. | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 147: 326 1 2

3

The year is established by the reference to CD’s article in Mind (see n. 2, below). The request to publish a French translation of CD’s article ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ was in a missing portion of the letter from Emile Alglave, 21 June 1877. CD’s article had been submitted to Mind in April 1877, but was not yet published (see letter to G. C. Robertson, 27 April 1877). The translation appeared in Revue scientifique de la France et de l’étranger, 14 July 1877, pp. 25–8. CD stayed at William Erasmus Darwin’s house in Bassett, Southampton, from 13 June to 4 July (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

To ?   24 June [1877]1 Bassett, Southampton June 24th 〈1 page obscured〉 that each person shd. follow his natural bent & improve his natural special abilities. I may however mention that I can hardly doubt that a close study of Mill’s Logic would be highly improving to anyone.—2 Hardly any book ever stirred up my zeal for Science so much as Herschel’s Introduction to the study of Natural Philosophy.—3 From all that I hear I fear that both literature & Science are poor lines as a profession. I remain | Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Incomplete4 Sotheby’s (dealers) (25 July 1972); Kobunso (dealer) (1974) 1 2

3

4

The year is established by the address. CD stayed at William Erasmus Darwin’s house in Bassett, Southampton, from 13 June to 4 July 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). In the fifth edition of his System of logic, John Stuart Mill referred to CD’s theory of descent as an ‘unimpeachable example of a legitimate hypothesis’ obeying the ‘rules of induction’ (Mill 1862, 2: 18 n.; see also Correspondence vol. 11, letter from E. A. Darwin, 9 November [1863]). In ‘Recollections’, pp. 381–2, CD remarked that reading John Frederick William Herschel’s Preliminary discourse on the study of natural philosophy (Herschel 1830a), together with Alexander von Humboldt’s Personal narrative (Humboldt 1814–29), ‘stirred up in [him] a burning zeal to add even the most humble contribution to the noble structure of Natural Science’. The original letter is complete and is described in the sale catalogue as being three pages long.

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From P. P. C. Hoek to C. W. Thomson   25 June 1877 Sir! In your letter to Dr. Martin Duncan (Nature June 14) I find the list of naturalists, whose aid has been obtained for the different groups of animals, collected in the Expedition of the Challenger.1 In your “general sketch of the arrangements, as they now stand” a small group of Arthropoda, the Pycnogonida or Pantoproda (Crustacea or Arachnida?) has been omitted.2 Yet I think to be sure they will be abundantly represented in your collections: Prof. Sars got up large numbers of these curious animals, during the norwegian north-sea expedition of 76.3 I don’t know, if there is one of your country-men zoologists, who nowadays can be considered an authority on this group (Since {Hodge} 1864  as far as I know nothing has been published in England on Pycnogonida);4 nor can I call myself an authority only having published on Pycnogonida the small memoir, of which I have the honour to send you a copy.5 Therefore it would be rather arrogant, when I did ask you to be joined to the list of English and foreign celebrities, who all got parts of the collections; yet it would make me so very happy, (1) when you would like to trust me with part of the collected Pycnogonida (duplicates) and (2) when you would be so kind to communicate to me the name of the naturalist, who will be selected in this small but interesting department.6 Believe me Sir! most respectfully | your obedient Servant | P. P. C. Hoek Flushing. Zoological Station of the Netherlands Zoological Society. June 25 1877. To Sir C. Wyville Thompson. F.R.S. etc. DAR 166: 228 1

2

3 4 5 6

Thomson’s letter to Peter Martin Duncan was published in Nature, 14 June 1877, pp. 118–19. Thomson had been criticised by Duncan for assigning some of the Challenger specimens to foreign zoologists (see letter from P. L. Sclater, 2 June 1877). Pycnogonida is a class of marine arthropods (sea spiders, also called Pantopoda or pycnogonids). In modern systematics, Pycnogonida is the class and Pantopoda is an order within it (Waloszek and Dunlop 2002). Georg Ossian Sars, professor of zoology at Oslo, published descriptions of the Pycnogonida that had been collected on the Norwegian North-Atlantic Expedition in 1876 (Sars 1877; see Christiansen 1993, p. 146). George Hodge had described the British species of Pycnogonida in Hodge 1864. Hoek 1877. Hoek sent a copy of this letter to CD, who wrote to Thomson supporting Hoek’s request for duplicate specimens (see letter from Francis Darwin to P.  P.  C.  Hoek [c. 24  June  1877], and letter from C. W. Thomson, 30 June 1877).

From J. D. Hooker   25 June 1877

Royal Gardens Kew June 25/77.

Dear Darwin This insatiable Emperor has been again worrying me about you—& makes me

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promise to write to you & say that he hopes you will tell him if you should be coming to London or to Down this week as he would make a point of visiting you at either place.1 The best plan would be to write to the Viscomte Bom Retiro Claridge’s Hotel—2 The wedding went off extremely well yesterday, the weather was fine & we gave the wedding breakfast in a Tent—3 Ever affy yrs | J D Hooker DAR 104: 92 1

2 3

The emperor of Brazil, Pedro II, had asked Hooker to arrange a visit with CD (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 16 June [1877]); however, CD was at William Erasmus Darwin’s house in Bassett, Southampton, from 13 June to 4 July (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Luis Pedreira do Couto Ferraz, visconde de Bom Retiro. Claridge’s hotel is on Brook Street, Mayfair, London. Hooker’s daughter, Harriet Anne Hooker, married William Turner Thiselton-Dyer on 23 June 1877 (L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 206).

From G. G. Bianconi1   26 June 1877 Monsieur! Je me permet de me rappeler à votre souvenir dans l’occasion de vous adresser une petite brochure sur les vrilles des cucurbitacées, bien que ce travail ait été publié il y-a déja plus de vingt années.2 Ayant eu connaissance tout derniérement de votre ouvrage sur les mouvements des Plantes grimpantes, j’ai pensé qu’il ne pourrait vous être desagreable de connaitre ce petit travail sous le point de vue de l’histoire de la Science.3 Par l’analogie des arguments je me permet aussi d’y joindre un autre travail bien plus ancien, sur les mouvements des vegétaux à l’occasion de la diffusion des sémences.4 Veuillez M. les accueillir avec bonté, et agréer les sentiments de ma considération et de mon respect | v. très devoué | J. Jos. Bianconi. Bologne 26. Juin 1877 DAR 160: 183 CD annotation Top of letter : ‘(Not yet answered)’ pencil 1 2 3

4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Bianconi 1855. A copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Climbing plants was first published as a book in 1865; a second edition was published in 1875. CD discussed the movement of tendrils in the family Cucurbitaceae (or cucurbits; the gourd family) in Climbing plants 2d ed., pp. 127–36. Bianconi 1841. A copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

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To Otto Busch   26 June 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) June 26th 1877 Dear Sir I am much obliged to you for your very kind note & present of your work on Schopenhauer.1 I will endeavour to read it but fear it may be too difficult as I am but a poor German scholar. Many thanks for your remarks on bees and clover. When I spoke of the red clover producing few seeds last spring, I stated that I supposed that it was due to the extreme rarity of Humble-bees (Bombus), for I have ascertained that this plant requires insects for its fertilisation, & I knew that Hive-bees do not visit the flowers, except sometimes for a secretion on the outside of the calyx, or for sucking the nectar from the outside through holes previously bitten by Humble-bees.2 With much respect & my thanks, I remain | Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Ernst Mayr Library of the Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard University (bMs 7 Romer Library) 1

2

The notes from Busch have not been found. CD’s copy of Arthur Schopenhauer: Beitrag zu einer Dogmatik der Religionslosen (Arthur Schopenhauer: Contribution to a dogma of the religionless; Busch 1877) is in the Darwin Library–Down (Marginalia 1: 104). Busch evidently responded to CD’s letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 3 January [1877]. For CD’s observations of humble-bees boring holes in flowers, see Correspondence vol. 2, letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, [16 August 1841]; on subsequent visits by hive-bees to the same flowers, see Correspondence vol. 6, letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 18 October [1857]. See also Origin 6th ed., p. 75.

From Alfred Martinelli   26 June 1877

106 Albany St. | Regent’s Park | N.W. 26th. June 1877

Sir, I take the liberty of submitting to you the following circumstance which has come under my notice: Early last year I planted several beans which flowered in due course, but, owing I think to the poorness of the soil, bore no seeds. As annuals I expected they would have died; to my surprise, however, each formed a tuber at its root; and they have now grown again,—one sending up four shoots.1 The fact that no one to whom I have mentioned this circumstanc〈e〉 has been acquainted with it will, I trust, be sufficient excuse for my troubling you. I have the honour to be, Sir | Your’s faithfully | Alfred Martinelli DAR 171: 58 1

Martinelli later described runner beans (Phaseolus multiflorus) that had failed to fruit, but whose roots had

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formed tubers. He suggested that the nutritive material for fruiting had been stored as tubers enabling the plant to regrow in spring. (Martinelli 1879.)

From L. H. Morgan   26 June 1877 Rochester, New York. June 26th. 1877 My Dear Sir, It gave me great pleasure to receive yesterday your letter of the 9th. inst.1 I have had a strong desire each year for several years to write to you; but have restrained myself from the consideration that your correspondence must be oppressively large, quite beyond your time and strength to attend to. I remember my short visit at your house with great delight, and am glad I made the venture which at the time I had some doubts about.2 In this letter I wish to speak of Mr Spencer’s position on the Domestic Relations as it appears in Part III of his recent volume on the Principles of Sociology, and in two supplementary chapters on the Evolution of the Family which have been published here in the Popular Science Monthly.3 In my recent volume I have discussed in Part III, the growth of the Family through successive forms.4 The views presented are not precisely in antagonism with Mr Spencer’s; but the bases of facts are altogether different, and so is the treatment of them. I shall not expect you will take the trouble to answer this letter, much as I should be gratified to have you do so. The doctrine of Evolution which he has expounded and illustrated with so much ability is but an amplification of the Darwinian theory apart from which it would have no significance. You of course must be deeply interested in the results of his labors. It is the same with scholars in general. Confining myself to Part III. and the supplements I regret to find and to say, that in my judgment he has made a failure on the Domestic Relations; a failure so complete as to be very regretable. It will set back the science of Ethnology for some years because Mr Spencer has the ear of the world, and it will require time and hard labor to set his views aside. But it will certainly be done, and to his detriment as an investigator. An impression is already growing in this country among his admirers that he has covered too wide a field, and that some of his work is lamentably superficial.5 This part of his Sociology tends to prove it; at least, so it seems to me. It is a branch upon which I have worked for years, and upon which I can speak with some assurance. I am sorry thus to speak of any part of the work of one I admire so much. Mr Spencer failed to discover the organic series of savage and barbarous tribes (gens, phratry, tribe and confederacy) by means of which they were organised and held together. The gentile organisation determined their houselife and architecture, and filled these joint tenement houses with families, in the main, of the same gens or clan, who practised communism in living. These facts have to do both with the form of the family, and with the domestic relations.6 Traces of these organisations appear

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in the pages of the numerous authors he consulted; but he fails to appreciate or to consider these organisations. He also ignores entirely systems of consanguinity and affinity, which contain the oldest, the most direct and specific record of the domestic relations in existence. It is a record with as many witnesses of its verity as there are persons bound together in the recognised relationships. They have outlived the customs in which they originated, and carry us back further into the early condition of mankind than any known records. He speaks of a polyandrous, a polygynous and a monogamian family among savage and barbarous tribes, but without a special description of either;7 whereas, demonstrably, neither of these families existed generally either among savage or barbarous tribes. For example, his polyandrous family is the Nair and Tibetan form, both of which are exceptional, and neither is explained.8 This polygynous family he finds everywhere; but the polygamy he is speaking of is exceptional in every tribe where it is found. Lastly, he says the Wood Veddas of Ceylon have the monogamian family.9 If so, they must have a system of consanguinity and affinity like our own, whereas, a thousand to one, their system is Turanian, and instead of the monogamian they have the pairing family of barbarians, which sprang out of a previous punaluan family (several brothers married in a group to each others’ wives, and several sisters married to each others’ husbands) which created the Turanian system.10 The same of the Hottentot and other tribes cited as having the monogamian family.11 His general principles concerning the family are sound and excellent; but the basis of facts from which he draws his conclusions is too narrow, and the facts themselves are often misunderstood. Mr Spencer has also been led into errors of fact by following Mr McLennan.12 He speaks of exogamous tribes as though such tribes existed, whereas an exogamous tribe never has existed on the earth, and none such now exists. The cases cited by him were tribes composed of gentes. A man cannot marry a woman of his own gens for reasons of line; but he may marry a woman of any other gens of his own tribe. Several gentes are found in every tribe where exogamy is found, all the members of which are intermingled by marriage throughout the area occupied by the tribe. The gens is exogamous with respect to itself, and endogamous with respect to the remaining gentes of the same tribe. The two are always found side by side in the same tribe, and thus fail to represent opposite conditions of society, as Mr McLennan tried to show. “Exogamy” and “descent in the female line” (Mr McLennan’s “kinship through females only”) are simply rules of a gens, and ought to be stated as such.13 The gens is the primary fact, of which these rules are attributes. There again Mr Spencer by failing to ascertain the structure of savage and barbarous society lost the real basis of his theories. In the end he will regret that he ever wrote the chapter on “exogamy and endogamy”, which proves upon him an insufficient investigation of the facts. The poorest critic can say with impunity that he did not know what he was writing about, which never ought by any possibility to be said of such a man as Herbert Spencer. I am sorry to have my book appear in England under such circumstances. The positions I have taken in respect to the growth of the family through successive

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forms are not in conflict with the general principles advanced by Mr Spencer, but are in harmony with them. The facts, however, with respect to the family are interpreted so differently that one of us must be excessively out of the way. Mr Spencer had my work on Consanguinity and with it the sequence of forms of the family.14 He undoubtedly thought them of no value. Your work on the Origin of Species made a science of Ethnology possible. It is the advancement of this great science in which I am chiefly interested. We expected great help from Mr Spencer, but so far as the family is concerned, we have a set-back instead. But it will right up in time, and perhaps gain in the end through the labors of our successors. Please present my compliments to Mrs Darwin | With great respect yours truly | L H. Morgan Charles Darwin F.R.S. DAR 171: 241 1 2 3

4 5 6

7 8 9 10

11 12

13

See letter to L. H. Morgan, 9 June 1877. Morgan had visited CD at Down on 9 June 1871 (see Correspondence vol. 19, letter to L. H. Morgan, 7 June 1871 and n. 1). The first volume of Herbert Spencer’s Principles of sociology (Spencer 1876–96) was published in January 1877, although it carried a publication date of 1876 (Publishers’ Circular (1877): 17). The two-part article ‘On the evolution of the family’ appeared in the June and July issues of Popular Science Monthly (Spencer 1877); the journal was published in New York by D. Appleton & Co. Morgan 1877; CD had received a copy of the book (see letter to L. H. Morgan, 9 June 1877 and n. 1). On the reception of Spencer in America, see Lightman ed. 2016, pp. 103–48. Morgan identified four ancient forms of social organisation of increasing size and complexity: gens, phratry, tribe, and confederacy (Morgan 1877, pp. 62–3). A gens or ‘gentile’ was a social body descended, either on the male or female line, from a common blood ancestor; a phratry was an organisation of two or more gens, etc. (ibid., pp. 63–4, 88, 102–3). Morgan argued that the evolution of the human family was based partly on these more general forms of organisation or ‘systems of consanguinity and affinity’ (ibid., pp. 383–4). For more on Morgan’s theory of kinship, see Trautmann 1987. See Spencer 1876–96, 1: 672–704. On Nair (or Nayar) and Tibetan forms of polyandry, see Morgan 1877, pp. 516–17. On familial structure in the Nayar castes of India, see Fuller 1976. On the ‘Wood Veddahs’, see Spencer 1876–96, 1: 698, and Spencer 1877, p. 129. For more on the Veddas (or Wanniyala-aetto) people of Sri Lanka, see Lee and Daly 1999, pp. 169–73. According to Morgan, the ‘Punaluan’ family evolved among savage tribes through gradual exclusion of brothers and sisters from the marriage relation (Morgan 1877, pp. 384, 424–28); the Punaluan family, in turn, formed the basis of the second great system of kinship, the ‘Turanian’, characterised by collective sibling marriage (one group of siblings marrying another group of siblings; ibid., pp. 435–45). ‘Hottentot’ usually referred to peoples of south-western Africa (the Khoikhoi); Spencer used the term ‘Bushmen’ (Spencer 1876–96, 1: 698, and Spencer 1877, p. 129). Spencer discussed John Ferguson McLennan’s ethnographic work Primitive marriage (McLennan 1865) at length and adopted some of its terms (Spencer 1876–96, 1: 641–60). Primitive marriage was reprinted in 1876 with other essays under the title Studies in ancient history (McLennan 1876). CD had cited McLennan as an authority on mating and marriage customs in Descent; he had praised McLennan’s book and supported its republication (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter to John Murray, 9 May [1874]). Annotated copies of McLennan 1865 and McLennan 1876 are in the Darwin Library–CUL (see Marginalia 1: 559–61). In Primitive marriage, McLennan defined endogamy as the practice of taking women from the same tribe, and exogamy as the practice of taking women belonging to other tribes (McLennan 1865,

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pp. 48–9). For a more extended criticism of McLennan’s use of the terms exogamy and endogamy, and his account of kinship through females, see Morgan 1877, pp. 511–16. For more on McLennan’s ethnology and his debates with Morgan, see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from J. F. McLennan, 7 November 1876, and Trautmann 1987. Morgan 1870. A copy of the book is in the Darwin Library–Down (see Correspondence vol. 18, letter from L. H. Morgan, 9 August 1870, and Correspondence vol. 19, letter from L. H. Morgan, 1 August 1871).

To ?   26 June [1877]1 Dear Sir Please send a copy to Down, but mark outside “Not to be forwarded.” for I shall not return home for a week’s time.— I am obliged to you for informing me Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Bassett, Southampton | June 26th John Wilson (dealer) (5 May 2008) 1

The year is established by the address. CD stayed at William Erasmus Darwin’s house in Bassett, Southampton, from 13 June to 4 July 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From Frederic Harrison to G. H. Darwin   27 June [1877]1 Sutton Place | Guildford June 27.

My dear Darwin, Many thanks for your letter & the cheque for £5 from your father which reached me here today.2 I wrote to Madame Michelet on receiving your former letter to tell her of Mr Darwin’s intention to join in the subscription & I am sure it will give her & her friends the greatest pleasure.3 There was no one in England, or perhaps in Europe, for whom Jules Michelet had such reverence.4 This feeling of his was so strong that I believe it principally converted Michelet at the close of his life from the unreasonable anti-English tone of his early days. And he used to speak of England as “le pays de Charles Darwin” We are staying here now (at my fathers) until August.5 It is a lovely country, & this is a very fine old house of 1529 in red brick & terracotta. I have established myself & am working in a room which is a perfect student’s dream. It is a long gallery 90 feet long with mullioned windows, bays &c, lined with old oak pannelling & hung with faded tapestries   It is in a disused wing of the house, & was formerly the chapel. It is like a long gallery in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. I have my table & my books in one of the overhanging bays, & through the lattices on the other side, I get exquisite views over the Dorking hills, the scent of the new mown hay, & the singing of the birds. It is hard to imagine oneself in the XIXth Century   This gallery has hardly been touched for 3 centuries & there is nothing in it but the old wood carving,

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tapestries, & some old wooden chests & carved chairs of the time. The only modern thing is some books of science which I have brought up here to work at. The terrific account of burglars here which the newspapers published on Monday is almost pure invention— there was no fight, no masks, no jewels, no one seen & nothing taken but the sugar tongs.6 Two men did get in, but they spent their efforts in trying to force the old mediæval chests & an iron safe of the period which they could not open, & in which there was nothing. Yours very sincerely | Frederic Harrison. DAR 251: 1916 1 2

3 4 5 6

The year is established by the date of CD’s contribution to the Michelet memorial as recorded in his account books (see n. 2, below). Athénaïs Michelet had asked Harrison to obtain CD’s support for a memorial to be erected at her husband’s grave in Le Père Lachaise cemetery in Paris (see letter from Frederic Harrison to G. H. Darwin, 13 June [1877] and n. 2). An entry in CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS) records a payment of £5 on 25 June 1877 for Jules Michelet’s memorial. Harrison wrote a letter to The Times, 25 June 1877, p. 10, advertising the subscription for Michelet’s tomb, and naming CD as one of the contributors. See Correspondence vol. 20, letter from Jules Michelet, 15 November 1872. Harrison’s father, Frederick Harrison, acquired the lease of Sutton Place, a Tudor manor house in Surrey, in 1874. Harrison wrote a history of the house (F. Harrison 1893). A report of the attempted robbery at Frederick Harrison’s home in Surrey was published in The Times, 25 June 1877, p. 8.

From C. E. Bessey   28 June 1877

Iowa Agricultural College. | Ames, June 28th 1877

My dear Mr. Darwin. Dr Gray forwarded to me your letter to him of date of June 4th—in which you so pleasantly refer to my notes on Lithospermum longiflorum, and promise me a copy of your new book.1 I shall be delighted to receive it, and shall be glad to follow up its hints. I have been watching our little Oxalis violacea for some time and have partially put into shape my last year’s observations, in a paper read before the Iowa Academy of Sciences at its May meeting in 1877.2    You are, no doubt, familiar with the heterostylism so common in this genus.3 I carefully measured the lengths of Calyx, Corolla, pistils and the two rows of Stamens, and found a wonderful correspondence

Form B, = short pistils.

Form A, = long pistils

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stamens

stigma of A 4.57 mm.

stamens

3.55 mm

2.54 mm stamens of A 2.03 mm

stigma of B.

Form B

Form A

This diagram will show the relation of the parts in each form, and also their relation to each other. In my paper I say “The tendency must be towards dioeciousness, for, the long pistils of A and the long stamens of B are the ones (according to my view) which perpetuate their kind to the greatest extent.” I further say that these and other observations “incline me to believe that this kind, of dimorphism is to be looked upon as but the early stage of a change which eventually will result in the complete separation of the sexes; that is, in complete dioeciousness.” I will communicate to Dr. Gray (as I have promised to do) the results of further observations on this plant and Lithospermum, and he will no doubt show them to you if they appear worth your notice.4

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Again thanking you for your pleasant words | I am | Very truly | Your obt servant | C. E. Bessey. DAR 160: 178 1 2 3 4

See letter to Asa Gray, 4 June [1877] and n. 2. Bessey’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Forms of flowers (see Appendix IV). Bessey’s paper on Oxalis violacea (violet wood-sorrel), a species native to North America, has not been found. CD’s interest in dimorphism in Oxalis began in 1861 (see Correspondence vols. 9 and 10); he published the results of his observations in Forms of flowers, pp. 169–83, 321–4. Bessey went on to publish on Lithospermum longiflorum (a synonym of Lithospermum incisum, fringed gromwell); he concluded that the species was not dimorphic, but that it presented a possible case of incipient heterostyly (Bessey 1880). See letter from Asa Gray, 30 March 1877 and n. 2.

From R. F. Cooke   29 June 1877 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. June 29 1877 My dear Sir I am sorry to find you consider there has been more delay with yr new work than necessary.1 The fact is the paper had to be made & this prevented the sheets being printed off & then we are obliged to get forward the set of the stereotype plates for Messr. Appleton, so as to despatch them before we publish here.2 Only half of them are yet done & cannot be sent off before next week. I am however urging Messr. Clowes3 to get on faster & will try & get your own copies bound as soon as possible, so that your friends may have copies.4 It is a very bad time for publishing new works for the booksellers will not speculate, owing to the dullness of trade Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Chas. Darwin Esq DAR 171: 488 1 2 3 4

CD had finished correcting the proof-sheets of Forms of flowers by mid-June (see letter to J. V. Carus of 17 June [1877]). Forms of flowers US ed. was published by D. Appleton & Co. William Clowes & Sons were printers to John Murray. Forms of flowers was published on 9 July 1877 (Freeman 1977). For CD’s presentation list, see Appendix IV.

To R. F. Cooke   30 June [1877]1

Bassett, Southampton June 30th

My dear Sir Many thanks for your note.2 I return home early on Wednesday 4th, so that my (cut) copies must be sent to Orpington Stn.—3

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I have not yet heard from Mess Appleton whether they wish to bring out an edition of my present book; so that unless you have heard or had some communication with their agent, I think no more stereotype plates had better be made. Of course if they do not wish for an edition, I will pay for the plates already made.— I asked Mess Appleton to telegraph to me, & time has, I think, fully elapsed for an answer.—4 Many thanks for your uniform wish to oblige me in every way, I remain | My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S I have not heard how many copies you think best to print off.— National Library of Scotland (John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 ff. 302–3) 1 2 3

4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from R. F. Cooke, 29 June 1877. Letter from R. F. Cooke, 29 June 1877. CD was at William Erasmus Darwin’s house in Bassett, Southampton, from 13 June to 4 July 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). He was expecting his presentation copies of Forms of flowers. CD strongly objected to the common practice of selling books with the pages uncut (see Correspondence vol. 15, letter to Athenæum, 1 January 1867). Charles Layton was the London agent for D. Appleton & Co. No correspondence between CD and Appleton about the US edition of Forms of flowers has been found; see, however, the letter from R. F. Cooke, 2 July 1877.

To Ernst Krause   30 June 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. [Bassett. Southampton.] June 30. 1877 Dear Sir, I have been much interested by your able argument against the belief that the sense of colour has been recently acquired by man.1 The following observation bears on this subject. I attended carefully to the mental developement of my young children, & with two or as I believe three of them, soon after they had come to the age when they knew the names of all common objects, I was startled by observing that they seemed quite incapable of affixing the right names to the colours in coloured engravings, although I tried repeatedly to teach them. I distinctly remember declaring that they were colour blind, but this afterwards proved a groundless fear. On communicating this fact to another person he told me that he had observed a nearly similar case. Therefore the difficulty which young children experience either in distinguishing, or more probably in naming colours, seems to deserve further investigation. I will add that it formerly appeared to me that the gustatory sense, at least in the case of my own infants & very young children, differed from that of grown-up persons: this was shown by their not disliking rhubarb mixed with a little sugar & milk, which is to us

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abominably nauseous, & in their strong taste for the sourest & most austere fruits such as unripe gooseberries & crab-apples2 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS The Huntington Library (HM 36172–36216) 1

2

In the June 1877 issue of Kosmos, Krause argued that colour sense had developed in the animal kingdom at an early stage of evolutionary history, and therefore all human groups had the same physiology of colour perception. The lack of expressions for colour in ancient and primitive languages, he suggested, was due to linguistic deficiencies (Krause 1877a). Krause’s article was a review of Hugo Magnus’s Die geschichtliche Entwickelung des Farbensinnes (The historical development of colour perception; Magnus 1877a). CD’s copies of Kosmos are in the unbound journal collection in the Darwin Library– CUL; his copy of Krause 1877a contains scoring and underlining. For more on the German debate about the evolution of colour vision and colour language, see Krause 1877b, MacLaury et al. eds. 2007, pp. 107–21, and Sanders ed. 2007. CD’s notebook of observations of his children (Correspondence vol. 4, Appendix III) does not contain information on the development of colour sense or the sense of taste.

From William Roberts   30 June 1877

89 Mosley S.t | Manchester June 30/77

Dear Sir, Will you pardon me troubling you with a brief inquiry?. I have been appointed to read the address in Medicine at the approaching meeting of the British Medical Association—to be held in Manchester in the beginning of August.1 My subject is the parasitic nature of infective & contagious diseases. I propose to develop the idea that pathogenic organisms are variations of some common bacterium of similar morphology—that the Bacillus anthracis for example (the organism of Splenic fever) is a parasitic variation of the Bacillus Subtilis.2 And the question I wish to ask you is this:— do you know of any animal or plant which has varied in this way—i.e. has acquired the parasitic habit.—or can you refer me to any source of information on the subject. I have been looking over your volumes on “the variation of plants & animals under domestication” without finding what I want.3 My excuse for troubling you is the great pressure on my time—and the short period between this and the 7th of August. I hope you will pardon my intrusion on your valuable leisure. Believe me | yours faithfully | Wm. Roberts C. Darwin Esq F.R.S. etc DAR 176: 185 1

Roberts’s address was given to the forty-fifth annual meeting of the British Medical Association, held at Owens College, Manchester, where Roberts was professor of clinical medicine. A copy of the paper (Roberts 1877) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

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Bacillus subtilis, also known as hay or grass bacillus, is a normally harmless bacterium found in soil and the gastrointestinal tract of ruminants and humans. Bacillus anthracis had been recently identified as the agent of anthrax (or splenetic fever) by Robert Koch (R. Koch 1876). Roberts discussed microscopical work by Koch and Ferdinand Julius Cohn, which showed developmental and morphological similarities between the two bacilli (Roberts 1877, pp. 35–8). Roberts cited cases of bud variation described by CD in Variation 1: 340, and suggested that Bacillus anthracis had evolved as a sport of Bacilius subtilis (Roberts 1877, pp. 38–9).

From C. W. Thomson   30 June 1877

Bonsyde | Linlithgow, N.B. June 30th. 1877—

My dear Sir, I heard from M. Hoek about the Pycnogonida and your note has of course decided me to send them to him—1 He will be rather surprised when he sees them for some are about 2 feet across!— Might I ask you to take the trouble to write me a line whether you think I might also offer him the Cirripeds?—2 Or perhaps you might suggest someone else for them— I have a difficulty about the Crustacea— there are many very normal new species, and a good many abnormal and very interesting deep-sea things—but on the whole the description of them will be a dry and lengthy task. Prof: Claus will not undertake the drudgery of the ordinary Decapods and will restrict himself to the Schizopods and such closely allied things as Nebalia—and to larval forms. I wished of course to get G.  O.  Sars but he is too much engaged at home.3 The British Museum people urge me to send the whole to Mr. Miers but I fear I should only get something in the style of a Brit: Mus: catalogue The catalogue of the Crustacea of New Zealand seems to me to be excessively meagre and bald—4 Perhaps you would kindly give me your advice— It is possible that A. Milne Edwards might undertake them or Buchholz who did the German arctic forms but I would rather not send them abroad if I could help it.5 Thank you and my other friends very heartily for your kind defence in ‘Nature’.6 Believe me | yours very truly | C. Wyville Thomson DAR 178: 115 1 2 3

4

See letter from P. P. C. Hoek to C. W. Thomson, 25 June 1877. CD’s letter to Thomson has not been found. Pycnogonida is a class of marine arthropods (sea spiders). Hoek wrote reports on the Pycnogonida and the Cirripedia collected by the Challenger expedition (Hoek 1881, 1883, and 1884). Carl Friedrich Claus did not produce a report on the Challenger Crustacea. The Schizopoda were described by Georg Ossian Sars, professor of zoology at Oslo (Sars 1885). Species of Nebalia, a large genus in the order Leptostraca, were described in the report on Phyllocarida, also by Sars (Sars 1887). Decapods, an order in the class Malacostraca, were described in the report on Amphipoda by Thomas Roscoe Rede Stebbing (Stebbing 1888). Edward John Miers, assistant in the zoological department of the British Museum, produced Catalogue of the stalk- and sessile-eyed Crustacea of New Zealand (Miers 1876). He wrote the Challenger report on Brachyura (Miers 1886).

July 1877 5 6

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Reinhold Wilhelm Buchholz had described the Crustacea collected by the German Arctic expedition of 1869–70 (Buchholz 1874); he had died in 1876. CD had signed a memorial printed in Nature, 14 June 1877, pp. 117–19, supporting Thomson’s decision to assign some of the Challenger specimens to foreign zoologists (see letter from P. L. Sclater, 2 June 1877).

To Alfred Espinas   [before 1 July 1877]1 I have now read your work but I have nothing particular to say.2 It seems to be a valuably & very valuable Work & you have been quite indefatigable in acquiring great knowledge from all sources. Every one alluding to the mental power & nature of animals wd be bound to study it— p 5 43 As you hardly admit the principle of evolution we view all subjects from such widely differt points of view, that it is not surprising that we should often differ. Allow me to point out that you have unintentionally misrepresented me at p. 47. I have not discussed the origin of the instinct of domesticity, & have only alluded to them with respect to the question whether the aphides receive any advantage from giving to the ants the sweet secretion.—4 I shd have added defence from enemies ADraft Darwin Library–CUL: tipped into Espinas 1877 1 2

3

4

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Alfred Espinas, 1 July 1877. There is an annotated copy of Espinas’s Des sociétés animales: étude de psychologie comparée (Espinas 1877) in the Darwin Library–CUL (see Marginalia 1: 223). This draft, along with other notes, is written on a sheet of notepaper tipped into the back of the book. In his notes on Espinas 1877, CD wrote, ‘54 Actions performed without distinct reasoning—good’. Espinas had written: ‘Does not the experimenter in the laboratory torment matter in a thousand ways without always knowing what he expects from his experiments?’ In Espinas 1877, p. 47, Espinas wrote that CD attributed the aphid-farming instinct in some ants to natural selection. See Origin, pp. 210–11, where CD discussed whether the aphids were benefited by being relieved of their sticky secretion by ants.

From Oscar Comettant1   1 July 1877 Institut Musical | 64, rue Neuve-des-Petits-Champs Paris, 1 juillet 1877 Monsieur Je viens, en qualité de collègue, comme ayant pris part au dernier congrès des amèricanistes à Nancy,2 apporter le fait suivant à votre connaissance. Mon gendre, Mr. Ernest Lavigne, ancien èlève de l’ècole normale supèrieure, membre de l’universitè de France, homme de lettres et traducteur de Lucréce,3 a rèsolu de prendre chez lui six jeunes ètrangers (chiffre maximum) pour leur donner l’instruction universitaire les preparer au baccalaurèat et les rendre aptes à suivre les diffèrentes facultès de mèdicine, de droit, ou à embrasser tout autre carrière scientifique ou d’art.

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Cette instruction génèrale faite en vue d’obtenir les diplomes de l’université de France, ne devra pas empècher l’étude particulière de la langue maternelle des jeunes étrangers et de l’histoire de leur pays. A cet effet, des maitres nationaux leur seront donnés. Ces jeunes gens trouveront chez Mr. et Mme. Ernest Lavigne, dans leur maison située dans un des plus beaux quartiers et des plus aèrés de Paris, les soins affectueux et delicats de la famille avec un paternelle surveillance.4 Ils vivront comme les enfants de la maison: chacun aura sa chambre particulière comfortablement meublée et ils jouirent tous de cette sage liberté qui laisse à l’esprit son essor et rend le travail fructueux en le faisant agréable. Sous la direction d’un maitre expèrimenté tel que Mr. Ernest Lavigne, il n’est pas tèmèraire d’assurer que les jeunes gens placès sous sa direction obtiendront leurs diplomes dans un temps relativement court. Je n’entierai point dans le détail des ètudes qui suivront les les èlèves de Mr. Lavigne: le programme des ètudes classiques est suffisamment connu. Mais il me parait utile d’insister sur un point important que devront grandement apprècier, suivant moi, les familles. Mr. Ernest Lavigne jugeant justement qu’une èducation reste incomplète si l’élève en même temps qu’il reçoit l’instruction proprement dite, n’èlève pas son esprit par d’utiles récrèations, entend que les jeunes gens qui lui seront confiés suivront le mouvement de la littèrature actuelle les progrès qui se rattachent aux Beaux Arts et à l’industrie   En consèquence, au moins deux fois par mois, les èlèves de Mr. Lavigne seront conduits dans les principaux théatres de Paris, dans les concerts de choix, aux expositions de peinture, aux expositions industrielles, etc. de telle sorte qu’il ne resteront ètrangers à rien de ce qui peut alimenter sainement l’intelligence et fortifier l’imagination. Entre tous les jeunes gens, ceux qui se trouvent momentanèment èloignés de leurs parents ont plus particulièrement besoin de nobles distractions. L’education du beau privilège exclusif des enfants èlevès dans leur famille, les pensionnaires de Mr. Lavigne la recevront à Paris, sans qu’il encoute aux parents aucun surcroit de depense. En effet, nul supplèment ne viendra se joindre au prix invariable de la pension pour les thèatres, les concerts, les visites aux expositions, aux musèes, en un mot pour aucun des divertissements aux quels Mr. Ernest Lavigne croira pouvoir conduire ses èlèves, pas plus que pour les soins à donner en cas de maladie, par le médecin attachè à la maison. Le prix de la pension est de 5,000 francs par an, payables par semestre d’avance. Telle est en peu de mots, monsieur et honorè collègue, l’exposé du plan d’èducation particulière adoptè par Mr. Lavigne. Il m’a paru qu’il était de nature à intèresser les familles étrangères et je prends la liberté de vous recommander mon gendre. Comme homme de science, ses ètudes brillantes entre toutes et ses titres universitaires le recommandent suffisamment; aussi est-ce bien plutot pour me porter garant des soins intelligents et affectueux dont seront entourés les èlèves chez mon fils et ma fille, qui, en père de famille, je m’adresse aux pères de famille.

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Permettez-moi de vous prier de communiquer les présentes explications aux personnes qui seraient dans l’intention d’envoyer leurs enfants à Paris pour y faire une éducation sèrieuse et obtenir leurs diplomes. Je vous serais reconnaissant, Monsieur et honoré collègue, si vous trouviez le temps de m’accuser rèception de cette lettre, et je vous prie de recevoir à l’avance tous mes remerciements pour ce que vous voudrez bien faire en faveur de Mr. Ernest Lavigne. Avec mes salutations les plus distinguèes | Oscar Comettant | homme de lettres, Directeur de l’institut musical 64, rue Neuve des Petits champs, Paris. Duplicated circular DAR 161: 216 1 2

3 4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The first international congress of Americanists took place at Nancy, France, in 1875 (Compte-rendu du Congrès international des Américanistes, vol. 1). The congress brought together experts on the ethnology, linguistics, geography, history, archaeology, and sociology of the Americas. See Lucretius 1870. Ernest Lavigne’s wife was Comettant’s daughter, Ernestine Clara. The location of their home is unknown.

From Alfred Espinas1   1 July 1877

Dijon, 1er juillet 1877.

Monsieur et cher maitre, Vous avez dit quelque part qu’on peut être convaincu pour des raisons philosophiques de la filiation des espèces;2 si vous n’aviez eu que ces raisons, il est probable que le Darwinisme ne serait pas né. C’est avec des arguments zoologiques et biologiques que le transformisme veut être soutenu— Vous ne trouverez donc pas étonnant qu’un philosophe de profession, dans une thè〈se〉 philosophique, garde sur ce point, une prudente réserve, et se borne à déclarer (p. 361) qu’il croit à l’universalité de la loi d’évolution.3 Votre impartialité tiendra compte aussi des conditions de milieu dans lesqelles se meut un français qui desire entrer à l’heure qu’il est dans les facultés de l’Etat. Je n’insiste pas sur ces conditions: elles sont pénibles à dire surtout vis à vis d’un étranger. Je puis affirmer seulement que dans aucune thèse présentée a la faculté des lettres de Paris on n’a encore été aussi loin que je l’ai fait dans le sens de l’évolution.4 J’ajoute que—quelles que soient les modestes objections que je me suis permis d’élever contre quelques unes de vos vues, et bien que je ne sois pas disposé à aliéner mon indépendance d’esprit—cependant je considère votre oeuvre comme la plus importante du siècle avec celles de Comte et de Spencer.5 Vous êtes pour moi comme pour la plupart de ceux qui etudient en Europe la psychologie zoologique, un maitre vénéré. Tu pater et rerum inventor.6 Mon essai est plein de votre nom; et tel chapitre n’est que le développement d’une page de votre Descent of Man.

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July 1877

Je n’ai pas voulu vous dire ces choses avant d’avoir obtenu votre jugement. J’ai pris la liberté de vous le demander, parceque trop longtemps retenu en effet dans les études littéraires et metaphysiques, je ne savais vraiment que penser de ma tentative pour parler le langage de la science. Je vous remercie vivement de votre réponse.7 Je regrette beaucoup d’avoir, bien involontairement en effet, altèré votre pensée. Je profiterai de vos remarques, je relirai vos écrits, et loin de rester indifférent à vos vues, je croirai toujours avoir progressé dans le mesure où je me serai inspiré de votre méthode. Croyez-moi, cher Monsieur, votre dévoué, | A.  Espinas | co-traducteur avec M. Ribot de la Psychologie de Spencer.8 DAR 163: 34 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The reference has not been identified. Espinas taught philosophy at Dijon. In Espinas 1877, p. 361, a copy of which he had sent to CD (see letter to Alfred Espinas, [before 1 July 1877]), he wrote that evolution was the sole fundamental law. Espinas 1877 (Des sociétés animales) was the doctoral thesis Espinas had submitted to the Sorbonne, Paris (Tort 1996). On the critical reception of CD’s theories in France, see Harvey 2008 and Tort 2008. Herbert Spencer and Auguste Comte. Tu, pater, es rerum inventor : You, father, are the uncoverer of truths (Lucretius, De rerum natura 3: 9. Espinas’s slight misquotation changes the meaning to, ‘You are the father and uncoverer of truths’. See the draft letter to Alfred Espinas, [before 1 July 1877]. Espinas translated Spencer’s Principles of psychology with Theodule Ribot (Espinas and Ribot trans. 1874–5).

From Thomas Meehan   1 July 1877 St Clare, Ryde, I. of Wight July 1st. 1877 Charles Darwin Esqre My Dear Sir, I beg to send you with this a copy of a review of your works, which appeared in the Penn Monthly since I left America, and which has just been mailed to me.1 I should have sent it to you with more pleasure had I been able wholly to agree with you,—for I do not know that I am indebted to anything so much as your works for the pleasure I have derived in the life studies of plants. There is however one thing which has much pleased me in a perusal of your last work. It is of course known to you, that much of the work on “Self fertilization and cross fertilization”, which has been done in America, though not nominally, yet has been really prompted by my own,—that is has been the work of friends who thought I was extreme in my views as regards those which you hold. I see now why you thought my Detroit paper extravagent in its presentation of views I was opposing—2 You did not know how much further your friends had advanced than yourself. It is now clear that I am much more in accord with you than with some of your friends. One whom I am proud to call my friend also, Prof. Asa Gray, with that generous

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candor which I have always found in him when thoroughly convinced, has written to me that he is now satisfied that there is far more self fertilization among flowers than he had supposed until your book appeared. There is no difference between us now except as to the proper interpretation of the facts of cross fertilization.3 I was interested in noting here, where Yucca gloriosa is flowering freely, that it is visited by Honey bees, and more abundantly by other insects which come out of the flowers when the plant is jarred,—but are too far away from the eye for identification. It does not mature seed here,— it seems as if only the Pronuba Yuccasella can fertilize the Yucca, but, as you are no doubt aware, the Pronuba fertilizes the flower with its own pollen,— and it seems to me a great mystery why the plant should not be arranged to use any itself, and not be necessitated to have insect aid in the use of its own pollen.4 I leave England again for America by the Indiana from Liverpool for Philadelphia 18th. of July,—but shall be in London (care of Editor of Garden)5 during the week 6th–13th. In my arrangements I should have planned a brief call on you, but feel how much you must be impeded in your labors by visitors and correspondents, as I am when at home,—and so I have brought myself to be satisfied with the infliction of this review and accompanying letter on you. Very truly Yours | Thomas Meehan DAR 171: 112 1

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5

There is an offprint of Meehan’s review of Cross and self fertilisation (‘Darwin on the fertilization of flowers’; Meehan 1877), from the June 1877 issue of Penn Monthly, in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection– CUL. Meehan had read a paper, ‘Are insects any material aid to plants in fertilization?’ (Meehan 1875), at the 1875 meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science in Detroit. In this paper, Meehan argued that insects played a limited role in plant fertilisation and that self-fertilised plants were as vigorous as and more productive than those dependent on insect aid. CD had feared that Meehan had travestied the views of Hermann Müller and John Lubbock (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter to Thomas Meehan, 3 October 1875; see also ibid., letter from Hermann Müller, 23 October 1875). Meehan argued that cross-fertilisation was not an adaptation that increased the vigour and reproductive success of plants, but a precursor to extinction (Meehan 1877). Gray reviewed Cross and self fertilisation in the American Journal of Science and Arts (A. Gray 1877c), drawing attention to self-fertilisation as a back-up strategy even in cross-fertilised species. Yucca gloriosa, the moundlily yucca, is native to the south-eastern US. Pronuba yuccasella is a synonym of Tegeticula yuccasella, the yucca moth. On pollination and mutualism in the yucca moth, see Pellmyr et al. 1996. The Garden, a horticultural magazine published in London, was edited by William Robinson.

From R. F. Cooke   2 July 1877 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. July 2 1877 My dear Sir Young Mr Appleton was in London a few weeks back (he has now retd. to New York) & he distinctly told us here to send a set of the stereotype plates of yr new work to their house, so I think we are all right.1

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We are printing off 1000 Copies & keeping the type standing. Your’s faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 489 1

See letter to R. F. Cooke, 30 June [1877]. CD had questioned whether his US publisher, D. Appleton & Co., wanted stereotypes of Forms of flowers. Young Mr Appleton: William Worthen Appleton, the son of the head of the firm, William Henry Appleton.

From Arnold Dodel-Port1   3 July 1877 Hottingen | Zürich, 3. Juli 1877. Herrn Charles Darwin in Down, Beckenham (England) Hochgeehrtester Herr! Ich schätze mich glücklich, Ihnen heute eine Rolle mit 2 chromolithographirten Tafeln zusenden zu können, die Sie vielleicht ebenso interessiren dürften, wie ich hoffe, dass dies von Seite der Professoren & Lehrer der Botanik an verschiedenen Schulen geschehen wird.2 Seit Jahren mit dem Gedanken beschäftiget, ein Tafelwerk für den botanischen Unterricht an Hoch- & Mittelschulen herauszugeben, welches durch wissenschaftliche Naturtreue & künstlerische Ausführung, die Haupt-Eigenschaften eines guten Hülfsmittels beim Lehren & Lernen, in Vorlesungen und mikroskopischen Cursen einem längst empfundenen Bedürfniß abhelfen soll, habe ich endlich im letzten Winter ernsthafte Vorbereitungen getroffen, diesen Gedanken zu realisiren. Während meiner siebenjährigen academischen Lehrthätigkeit an der Universität Zürich, da ich mich stets zahlreicher Zuhörer & Praktikanten zu erfreuen hatte, fand ich Gelegenheit, die Bedürfnisse eines fesselnden botanischen Unterrichtes nach allen Richtungen kennen zu lernen. Ich fertigte daher ca. 60 große colorirte Tafeln für meinen Unterricht, die geeignet sein sollten, dem Schüler zur Auffassung der schwierigsten Themata aus der botan: Anatomie, Morphologie & Entwicklungsgeschichte gute Dienste zu leisten. Da ein derartiges Anschauungsmittel für die mittlere & höchste Schulstufe noch nicht in der wünschenswerthen Ausführung vorliegt und da nicht alle Lehrer & Professoren Zeit und Talent haben, sich selbst ein derartiges Hülfsmittel eigenhändig herzustellen, so theilte ich den Gedanken über die projektirte Ausgabe meines Tafelwerkes zweien der berühmtesten Botanik-Professoren Deutschlands mit, nämlich: Herrn Professor Dr. Carl Nägeli in München (meinem hochverehrten Lehrer) und dem bekannten Herausgeber der Jahrbücher für wissensch. Botanik—Herrn Prof. D .r N.  Pringsheim in Berlin. Diese beiden Gelehrten begrüßten meinen Gedanken u. versprachen mir bereitswilligst Rath & Hülfe. Erst schriftlich wurde das Programm besprochen u.  soll dasselbe im nächsten Septbr., da ich die Herren Professoren Nägeli & Pringsheim in München u. Berlin aufsuchen werde, mündlich definitiv festgesetzt werden. Es wird dieses Tafelwerk als Botanischer Atlas in zwei Ausgaben projectirt: die einen Ausgabe, 60 Tafeln stark, soll

Volvox globator, Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878–83, plate 4. © The British Library Board. 1899.a.5.

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in systematischer Folge die interessantesten & wichtigsten Momente aus der Entwicklungsgeschichte, der Anatomie, Morphologie & Physiologie, von den niedrigsten Pflänzchen (Schizomyceten3 & Gährungspilze) an bis hinauf zu den höchsten Dicotyledonen u. zwar aus allen Klassen etliche Objekte zur Darstellung bringen. Diese große Ausgabe ist für Universitäten, Polytechnica, Academieen, Collegien, land- u. forstwirthschaftliche Hochschulen, für Lehrer-Seminare etc. bestimmt und sollte nicht allein in Deutschland u.  der Schweiz, sondern auch in England, America, Frankreich, Oesterreich, Italien, Russland etc. Eingang finden. Der kurzgefasste erklärende Text würde demnach in deutscher, französischer & englischer Sprache erscheinen. Die 2te Ausgabe ist auf eine Auswahl von 40 Tafeln (aus den übrigen 60 ausgewählt) in gleichem Format u. in ganz gleicher Ausführung berechnet. Es würden also von der großen Ausgabe nur 20  Tafeln (sexueller Natur) aus pädagogischen Gründen weggelassen. Diese kleinere Ausgabe ist für Mittelschulen, Secundar- & Bezirksschulen, Realschulen, Gewerbeschulen, Gymnasien & Industrieschulen berechnet, in welchen Anstalten man die intimern Sexualprocesse kaum zur Erklärung bringen dürfte4 Durch die wissenschaftliche Treue & die hübsche Ausführung sollte diese kleinere Ausgabe leicht in jeder guten Bürgerschule Eingang finden u. schlechtere Anschauungsmittel nach & nach verdrängen. Wir Schweizer hüldigen dem Grundsatz: “Das Beste ist für die Schule gerade gut genug” u.  ich glaube, dass die meisten braven Pädagogen dem gleichen Worte huldigen. Eine große deutsche Verlagsfirma, welche ich um die Uebernahme des Verlages dieser kostspieligen Tafeln anfragte, wünschte zuerst Probeblätter zu sehen, ehe sie auf Verhandlungen eingehen könnte. Da dieser Tage die ersten 2 Probeblätter fertig wurden, so beeile ich mich, erst einige Autoritäten um ihr Urtheil über diese Tafeln zu bitten, ehe ich mit dem Verleger verkehre. Morgen werde ich diese zwei Blätter auch an Herrn Prof. Nägeli in München, an Herrn Professor Dr. N Pringsheim in Berlin u. an Herrn Professor D.r Ferd. Cohn (Monograph von Volvox Globator)5 versenden. Ich denke, daß alle diese Herren mit der Art der Ausführung beider Tafeln einverstanden sein werden u. bin daher sehr neugierig, zu erfahren, was der Herr Verfasser der “Insectivorous plants” über das Drosera-Blatt sagen wird. Das Urtheil von Herrn Charles Darwin wird das maßgebendste sein u. je nachdem dasselbe ausfallen wird, soll dies Blatt 52 in dieser oder in anderer Art zum definitiven Abdruck gelangen.6 Das andere Blatt (No. 6) mit Volvox Globator wurde im Original von meiner Frau7 nach der bekannten Monographie von Ferd. Cohn angefertiget. Sie kennen ohne Zweifel die Cohn’sche Arbeit und meine Frau ist begierig, von Ihnen durch zwei Worte angedeutet zu sehen, ob Sie mit der vorliegenden Ausführung dieser Tafel einverstanden sind. Diese Tafel (Volvox) dürfte wohl auch manchen Zoologen interessiren, da bis in die neueste Zeit die vorragendsten Zoologen in den Lehrbüchern diese Organismen trotz ihrer unzweifelhaften Pflanzen-Natur zu den Thieren rechnen. Sobald wir das Urtheil der hervorragenden Autoritäten in Briefform vor uns sehen werden, sollen die Verhandlungen mit dem Verleger beginnen. Diese Vorsicht war unbedingt nothwendig, da es sich hier um ein großes internationales Unternehmen

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handelt, zu welchem die Professoren Nägeli & Pringsheim nicht leichtfertig Rath & Hülfe zugesagt haben. Wir müssen durchaus auf ein großes Absatzgebiet speculiren, da eine Auflage von ca. 2000 Ex: ungefähr auf frs. 100,000 lithograph: Conti zu stehen kommen wird. Wäre einen solche Auflage abzusetzen, so dürfte das ganze Werk mit den 60  Tafeln sammt Text auf ca.  frs 120–150 (5–6  Li)8 u die kleinere Ausgabe auf 80–100 fr. (3–4 Li) zu stehen kommen. Trotz dieser ungeheuern Zahlen verzweifle ich keineswegs am Gelingen des Werkes, an welchem ich u. meine Frau vielleicht 2 Jahre (ohne Honorar) arbeiten werden. Gelingt dies Unternehmen, so glaube ich im Dienste der Wissenschaft und Schule mein bescheidenes Schärfchen zur Propaganda um Aufklärung u Fortschritt beigetragen zu haben. Hier in den Anschauungsmitteln für die Schule, gibt’s ein ausgiebiges Feld zur Verbreitung der Descendenz-Lehre; denn was man sieht, das hat man nicht nöthig zu glauben. Schliesslich bitte ich Sie, mir—vielleicht durch Ihren Secretär—gefälligst mittheilen zu lassen, ob die Rolle mit den zwei genannten Lithographieen, die gleichzeitig mit diesen Zeilen per Post (recommandirt) von hier abgeht, nach 7–10 Tagen richtig bei Ihnen eingetroffen ist oder nicht u ob sie keinen Schaden genommen hat. Wäre dies letztere der Fall (Schädigung der 2 Blätter), so würde ich Ihnen unter anderer Verpackung zwei neue Blätter nachsenden. Sie entschuldigen wohl gefälligst, hochgeehrtester Herr, daß ich Sie mit diesen Zeilen zu belästigen wagte. Wir Jüngeren müssen immer fürchten, wenn wir an unsere Lehrer & Meister gelangen, die Menschheit um ein schönes Stück kostbarer Zeit beraubt zu haben, indem wir die Aelteren u Bewährten in ihrer segensreichen Arbeit aufhalten. Für uns gibt es in solchen Fällen keinen andere Trost, als das Bewußtsein, das Gute, wenn auch mit schwacher Kraft gewollt & ehrlich angestrebt zu haben. Hoffend, daß Sie diese Zeilen in bester Gesundheit antreffen, habe ich das Vergnügen, Sie meinerseits u.  von Seite meiner l. Frau & Mitarbeiterin | der ausgezeichnetsten Hochachtung & Ergebenheit zu versichern: | Ihr | Dr. Arnold Dodel-Port | Docent der Botanik | a/d. Universität | Zürich (Hottingen, freie Straße No. 22.) DAR 162: 196 1 2 3 4

5 6

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The plates have not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. On chromolithography, see Twyman 2013. Schizomycetes is a former taxonomic class of unicellular organisms, including bacteria. A forty-two plate version was published: the Anatomisch-physiologischer Atlas der Botanik für Hoch- und Mittelschulen (Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878–83); there is no evidence that the longer version was published. For an English translation of the explanatory texts, see Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1880–3. In Cohn 1856, Ferdinand Julius Cohn described the form and reproduction of Volvox globator, which he identified as a species of green algae. A plate of Drosera rotundifolia (the common sundew) was included in Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878– 83.

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Carolina Dodel-Port. Volvox globator appeared as plate IV in Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878–83. Li: libra, pounds (sterling).

From Hermann Hoffmann   4 July 1877 Presentlÿ I have under observation a verÿ remarkable calyptra-like way of opening of the flower of Papaver hybridum (2  pots with 50–60 specimens); all of them cleistogamous, and verÿ fertile; by the bÿ somewhat dwarfish (from standing on too narrow ground). The case has some resemblance with Vitis vinifera.—1 Not recorded in Masters’ teratologÿ.2 Quite new to me, and pet very different from the ordinarÿ behaviour of this plant in previous generations and even now (of her sisters) under ordinary circumstances (in open ground). Yours v. f. | H. H

cal stam

Giessen. 4. Julÿ 77 ApcS DAR 166: 231 1

2

Hoffman described these plants in Botanische Zeitung, 10 May 1878, p. 290; for the illustration, see ibid., 3 May 1878, facing p. 280. Papaver hybridum is the rough poppy. A calyptra is a hood or hoodlike structure. For a colour reproduction of Hoffmann’s sketch, see the plate section following p. 468. Vitis vinifera: wine grape. Maxwell Tylden Masters, Vegetable teratology, an account of the principal deviations from the usual construction of plants (Masters 1869).

From Max Schlesinger   4 July 1877 25, Upper Bedford Place. W.C. 4. July 877 Dear Sir, You had the great kindness of allowing me to translate your latest, most valuable article from the “Mind” in the Cologne Gazette. As the London representative of that paper I beg to express to you my very best thanks for that kindness and to forward to you the two numbers of the “Gazette”, in which the Article appeared.1 Trusting that the translation will meet with your approval, I have the honour to be, dear Sir | Yours most respectfully | Max Schlesinger Charles Darwin Esq DAR 177: 54

July 1877 1

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CD’s article, ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’, was published in the July 1877 issue of Mind. Schlesinger was the London correspondent for the Kölnische Zeitung. The issues sent to CD have not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL; the translation was published in Kölnische Zeitung, 2 July 1877 (erstes Blatt), [p. 3], and 3 July 1877 (erstes Blatt), [p. 3].

To Constantin James1   5 July 1877 Dow, Beckenham, Kent, 5 juillet 1877. Mon cher Monsieur, En rentrant hier chez moi, j’ai trouvé votre livre et votre lettre si parfaitment courtoise, pour lesquels je vous offre mon double remerciement.2 Je suis maintenant tellement absorbé par ces questions, que je n’ai pas encore pu trouver le temps de lire votre livre avec l’attention voulue. De plus, votre lettre en est une nouvelle preuve, des écrivains dont les vues diffèrent autant que les nôtres croient généralement que l’un comprend ou interprète mal les travaux de l’autre. Aussi, ce qu’il y a de mieux à faire, selon moi, c’est de laisser le public juger la chose, sans chercher à l’influencer. Permettez-moi encore une fois de vous remercier cordialement de votre extrême courtoisie, et croyez-moi, cher Monsieur, bien sincèrement à vous. | Charles Darwin. James 1892, p. [V] 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The only version that survives is James’s published translation of it. The Darwins returned from a visit to their son William Erasmus Darwin in Southampton on 4 July 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). James’s letter has not been found. The book he sent was Du Darwinisme ou l’homme singe (James 1877), which blamed all the evils of the time on the theories of CD and his supporters.

To Thomas Meehan   5 July [1877]1 Down. | Beckenham. Kent (&c) July 5th. My dear Sir. On my return home yesterday I found here your very kind & courteous letter, together with the Review2 I fear that our minds are so differently-constituted that we shall never take the same view of any subject; so that “we must agree to differ” but I feel sure that we shall not on this account have any mutual feeling of animosity I shall soon publish another small book, consisting of republished papers with some new matter, & I will have the pleasure of sending you a copy as soon as it appears—3 I would with the greatest pleasure have asked you to come here, but my health is weak & conversation tires me more than anything else, so that I am always afraid of

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seeing anyone, & it really would not be worth your while to come to this inconvenient place for half an hour or an hours talk— Wishing you all success in your future observations & that we may sometimes agree! I remain, my dear Sir | Yours faithfully. Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 146: 355 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Meehan, 1 July 1877. See letter from Meehan, 1 July 1877, enclosing his review of Cross and self fertilisation (Meehan 1877). Forms of flowers was published on 9 July (Freeman 1977).

From John Brigg   6 July 1877 Keighley July 6th. 1877 C. Darwin Esqre Dear Sir Many thanks for the account of Pouchet’s experiments1   the information is exactly what I wanted. I am not yet in a position to dispute his conclusions but I think I can prove a few more points beyond those which he mentions. My fish are the ordinary Gold Fish (Carp,2 in our mill ponds we breed large numbers   a proportion are dark coloured placing these in a white vase with bright sunlight they become yellow. I have been led into this by finding that the introduction of a weed into one pond prevented the fish from changing to Golden or White   the same fish in another pond; where the water is too hot for the weed to grow: are almost all Gold yellow or white. If you have any interest in the experiments I shall be glad to inform you of their results. I remain | Dear Sir | Yours ms truly | John Brigg— I have two Alligators now about 3 feet long, which I keep in the mill ponds. I have good opportunity for noting their habits should you wish to know about them DAR 160: 309 CD annotation Top of letter : ‘[has] Pouchets papers’ pencil 1 2

Félix Archimède Pouchet worked on spontaneous generation (see Pouchet 1859). CD’s letter to Brigg has not been found. Goldfish (Carassius auratus) are in family Cyprinidae (carps and minnows).

To Arnold Dodel-Port   6 July 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 6. 1877 Dear Sir, I am much obliged for the two plates received this morning.1 They both seem to me excellent. Nothing can be better than the manner in which the secretion

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round the glands is shown. The drawing of the Volvox2 tells the whole history of the organism in a wonderfully clear manner; I cannot doubt but that the publication of your atlas will be most useful to all who have to teach Botany; & I hope that you may be successful in finding a good publisher. I know from experience how useful large diagrams are to a lecturer, for when I was at Cambridge above 40 years ago the Professor of Botany there (Henslow) made a large number of diagrams at the cost of much time; & he used to say that the great success & popularity of his lectures was largely due to these diagrams, which we nearly on the same scale as yours, but not nearly so well executed.3 Wishing you all success, I remain, dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin LS Zentralbibliothek, Zürich (Ms Z VIII 417.2) 1

2 3

See letter from Arnold Dodel-Port, 3 July 1877. The plates were for a projected publication, Anatomisch-physiologischer Atlas der Botanik für Hoch- und Mittelschulen (Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878–83); they have not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Volvox globator, a species of green algae. On John Stevens Henslow’s illustrated lecture-demonstrations, see Walters and Stow 2001, pp. 61–2.

From William Preyer   6 July 1877 Jena July 6, 1877 Dear Sir, You would extremely oblige me by sending me a copy of your paper “biography of a child” published in the “Mind”.1 I have myself made some observations on the movements of new-born children and animals and particularly such mammals that are born with open eyes and teeth.2 I have cut out of the womb of guinea-pigs the young with their placentae and brought them up with bread and cow’s milk. These animals which never saw their mother behaved nearly in every respect like young guinea-pigs that are brought up by their mother. They begin to suck immediately, and, what seems very remarkable, one krept beneath the other ever so often and moved about pushing and knocking against the abdomen with the mouth exactly like young guinea-pigs behave towards their mother. Once I convinced myself that a human child when only the head was out began to suck the finger I introduced into its mouth, particularly when I put it on the tongue. The eyes were then opened and even in this critical moment seemed to brighten and the face of the child 3 minutes after the head was out of the vagina seemed to betray that the introduction of the finger caused an agreeable sensation. But when I only touched the lips, the child did not suck. I have repeated this and several other experiments with new-born mammals and as they prove that undoubtedly many coordinated muscular actions are not acquired but inherited, I am occupied to find

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out which movements are only inherited and never acquired. As I am informed that your own observations are of the highest importance in this respect, you can easily imagine of how great an interest the original communication to the “Mind” (a periodical scarcely known here) must be for me. Your’s most truly | Wm. Preyer DAR 174: 70 1 2

‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ was published in the July 1877 issue of Mind. Preyer published his observations on newborn babies and guinea pigs in Die Seele des Kindes (The mind of the child; Preyer 1882). This book was based on observations of his own son, Axel Thierry Preyer, born in November 1877 (Richter and Wagner 2003, p. 130), and made regular reference to CD’s ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’. See also Preyer’s Specielle Physiologie des Embryo (Preyer 1885).

From C. L. Bernays   7 July 1877 St. Louis. Juli 7th. 1877 Dear Sir After an interval, during which I was too deeply involved in politics, to think of almost any other study, I take the liberty of thanking you for the great pleasure I had in reading your last publications especially the one on the self fertilisation of plants. I had an english edition but the wonderful book has since been reprinted in the United states.1 Shall we never be so happy as to see you here? As matters now stand, I believe the conquest of this country for your theories would be easier than ever before. But for this desirable result as for any moral or intellectual conquest the American people require strong external impulses. I can not imagine any stronger one, than your presence among us, were it only for a few short months. At the same time I take the liberty of joining to these rapidly written lines a report of Mr. Riley on his campaign against the migratory locusts. I suppose that you know that the federal government has put him deservedly at the head of the entomological commission, which was created last fall.2 I thought that you would read a report on our warfare against the great enemy of the western farmer with some interest. In begging you to excuse the liberty of addressing you by my unalterable admiration of you I remain your most obediant servant and friend. Chas. L. Bernays | Col. Lt. Cal. U.S.A. DAR 160: 176 1 2

Cross and self fertilisation was published in the US by D. Appleton and Company in 1877 (Cross and self fertilisation US ed.). Bernays probably sent a copy of Charles Valentine Riley’s latest Annual report on the noxious, beneficial, and other insects of the State of Missouri (Riley 1869–77). CD’s copies of the reports from 1871 to 1877 are

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in the Darwin Library–CUL. The report for 1877 contains Riley’s compliments slip (see also letter to C. V. Riley, 19 May 1877). Riley was chief of the Department of the Interior’s US Entomological Commission (formed to deal with outbreaks of the Rocky Mountain locust) from 1877 until 1882 (ANB).

To William Preyer   8 July 1877 July 8. 1877 My dear Sir I am very glad to hear of the subject which you are investigating, as the results will be very interesting. I fear that you will find very little in my paper, which I dispatch by this morning’s post.1 Have you ever heard of Douglas Spalding’s experiments of blinding chickens by placing a little bandage over their heads, as soon as they were removed from the egg. The results were extremely interesting and showed how much was done through inheritance. If you have the volumes of “Nature” for the last five years, you would easily find the article by the index.2 My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S.— If you cannot find Spalding’s paper, perhaps I may succeed, but am not at all sure that I can.— There is a curious paper in Nature 1876 by Romanes on a hen bringing up young ferrets.3 Copy DAR 147: 268–9 1 2 3

In his letter of 6 July 1877, Preyer asked for a copy of CD’s paper, ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’. See Spalding 1872. George John Romanes’s remarks were in a letter in Nature, 28 October 1875, pp. 553–4.

From Ernst Krause1   9 July 1877 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10. I. d. 9. Juli 77. Hochverehrter Herr! Die grosse Freundlichkeit, mit der Sie vor einigen Wochen meinen Brief beantworteten, und mich dadurch sehr glücklich machten, giebt mir den Muth, Ihnen heute schon wieder mit einer Bitte zu nahen.2 Soeben las ich in dem Journale “Mind” vom Juli Ihren bewunderungswürdigen Aufsatz: “A biographical Sketch of an Infant”, hinsichtlich dessen ich Sie herzlich bitten möchte, dass Sie mir erlauben wollten, eine wörtliche Uebersetzung desselben in unserm Journale “Kosmos” geben zu duerfen.3 Um Ihnen moeglichst geringe Muehe durch die Correspondenz zu verursachen, moechte ich mir erlauben, Ihnen vorzuschlagen, dass Sie mir nur einfach durch eine offne Postkarte Ihren guetigen Entschluss mittheilen wollten. Was das unter dem Schutze Ihres Namens stehende deutsche Journal anbetrifft, so nimmt dasselbe einen zufriedenstellenden Fortgang. Auch sein Inhalt wird sich, wie

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ich hoffe, in der Folge immer werthvoller gestalten. Zunaechst hat es freilich durch die unglueckselige Zersplitterung und Uneinigkeit der deutschen darwinistischen Schule, die ich mir nicht so schlimm vorgestellt habe, zu leiden, aber das sind wohl unvermeidliche Entwickelungs-Krankheiten, die keiner jungen Zeitschrift erspart sein moegen.4 Ich wünsche von Herzen, dass diese Zeilen Sie wohl und munter antreffen mögen, und zeichne, hochverehrter Herr | Ihr ehrfurchtsvoll ergebener | Ernst Krause DAR 169: 106 1 2 3 4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter from Ernst Krause, 11 March 1877, and letter to Ernst Krause, 25 March 1877. A German translation of CD’s ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ appeared in Kosmos 1 (1877): 367–76. On disagreements about Darwinism in Germany at this time, see Ruse ed. 2013, especially p. 240.

To L. H. Morgan   9 July [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 9th My dear Sir I thank you sincerely for your very kind, long & interesting letter.2 I write in fact merely to thank you, for I have nothing else to say. I have lately been working so hard on plants, that I have not had time even to glance at H. Spencers recent work, & hardly to do more than glance at your last work.3 But I hope before long to find more time: It is, however, a great misfortune for me that reading now tires me more than writing,—that is if the subject sets me thinking.— I am as great an admirer as any man can be of H. Spencer’s genius; but his deductive style of putting almost everything never satisfies me, & the conclusion which I continually draw is that “here is a grand suggestion for many years work.”.—4 Your last work must have cost you very much labour & therefore I infer that you are strong & well.—5 I can assure you that I have by no means forgotten my short & very pleasant interview with you.—6 Believe me, my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin University of Rochester Libraries, Department of Rare Books, Special Collections and Preservation 1 2 3

4 5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from L. H. Morgan, 26 June 1877. See letter from L. H. Morgan, 26 June 1877. In his letter of 26 June 1877, Morgan had criticised Herbert Spencer’s views on the evolution of the family in the first volume of his Principles of sociology (Spencer 1876–96), and in two articles in Popular Science Monthly (Spencer 1877). CD made the same point in ‘Recollections’, pp. 404–5. Morgan had sent CD a copy of his Ancient society (Morgan 1877; see letter to L. H. Morgan, 9 June 1877).

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Morgan had visited Down on 9 June 1871 (see Correspondence vol. 19, letter to L. H. Morgan, 7 June 1871 and n. 1).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   9 July [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 9th My dear Dyer. I know how you are overworked, but I am puzzled about culture of four of the Kew plants.— Please do not write, but on enclosed slip under each name add—“water plant freely” or “keep dry” or “put pot in shallow saucer with water”— or “put pot in deep saucer with water”.—&c. “Hot-house or or Greenhouse”2 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Envelope addressed enclosed. Have you ever observed that the plants of rather warmer countries than England oftener are protected by bloom than English plants? I ask because I can find only a few wild English plants with bloom, whilst there are a good many in the flower-garden & greenhouse.3 Would Bentham4 be a likely man to ask.— Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 67–8) 1

2

3 4

The year is established from references in the Kew Outwards book (Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew; see n. 2, below). The year 1877 is the only one in which CD is recorded as receiving a batch of plants in early July. CD frequently used plants from the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, where Thiselton-Dyer was assistant director. The enclosed slip has not been found, and the particular plants referred to have not been identified, but according to the Kew Outwards book, the following plants were sent to Down on 3 July 1877: Arachis hypogaea (peanut); Desmodium gyrans (a synonym of Codariocalyx motorius, telegraph or semaphore plant); Marsilea quadrifolia (four-leaf clover); Mimosa albida; Ricinus communis (castor-oil plant); Limnocharis plumieri (a synonym of L. flava, yellow velvet-leaf); Pistia stratiotes (water lettuce); Thalia dealbata (powdery alligator-flag); Crinum capense (a synonym of C. bulbispermum, hardy swamplily); Comarum palustre (purple marshlocks); Elymus condensatus (a synonym of Leymus condensatus (giant wildrye); Iris pseudoacorus (yellow flag); Oenanthe fistulosa; Typha latifolia (bulrush). See also letter to J. D. Hooker, 31 May 1877. CD resumed his earlier work on bloom, the waxy or powdery coating on some flowers and fruits, in 1877; see letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2. George Bentham.

From George Bentham   10 July 1877 25, Wilton Place. | S. W. July 10/77 My dear Mr Darwin I cannot help troubling you with a few lines to offer you my most cordial thanks for the fresh valuable contribution to the physiology of plant life contained in your

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‘Different forms of Flowers’ just received1   In glancing through it my attention was specially called to the Chapter on Cleistogamic flowers which have always been to me a most interesting subject since I first observed them now more than fifty years ago—especially in Ononis minutissima as I noted in my Catalogue des plantes des Pyreneès (1826)2 and in Viola as I ascertained immediately 〈4 or 5 words missing〉 investigating 〈2 or 3 words missing〉 〈3 or 4 words missing〉 some slight alterations to make in your list of genera p. 312— Chapmannia and Stylosanthes to be omitted and Trifolium to be reinserted3    I mention this because I believe I was responsible for the supposed apetalous flowers of Arachis Stylosanthes and Chapmannia an account of which I published in the Linnean Transactions vol. XVIII. My error was pointed out by a Mr Neisler and I duly acknowledged it in Hooker’s Kew Journal vol VIII. p. 380.4 The fact is that the three genera Arachis Stylosanthes and Chapmannia are precisely similar in the exceptional structure of their flowers. The petals and stamens are fixed at the top of the slender calyx-tube   the long style enclosed in the tube is before fecundation continuous with the erect point of t〈 〉 [5 or 6 words obscured] 〈fecun〉dation the [5 or 6 words obscured] falls off with [4 or 5 words obscured] the ovary bends to a [3 or 4 words obscured] ovary is still so slender that I thought it was still unimpregnated and mistook the scar of the style for the stigmatic surface. When once I had discovered my error I carefully searched living and dried specimens of Stylosanthes and could discover no really cleistantherous or apetalous flowers. They exist however in trifolium— not indeed in trif. subterraneum or other South European species which bury their pods but in the South American T. polymorphum Poir. Mart. Fl Bras. Legum— p. 36. In which the clusters of flowers at the base of the stems are I believe all Cleistogamous after the fashion of Lespedeza.5 I observe p. 79 you say that “hybrids of the first generation if raised from uncultivated plants are generally uniform in character”. Is that really the case? I observed natural hy〈b〉rids a good deal in the Pyrenees an〈d〉 〈  〉 of France especially i〈n〉 [large] [3 or 4 words illeg] Cistus Helianthemum Lin〈n〉 [3 words illeg] alluded to in my 〈2 or 3 words missing〉 Catalogue6 I concluded that certain individuals were hybrids 1. because they only occurred where the two parents grew in proximity 2 because the individuals were very few where the parents were in great numbers 3 because they set no seed however abundantly they flowered and 4 because few as they were no two were alike— And since that time all my observations on wild plants have tended to confirm these data especially as to species habitually propagated by seed. Where individuals are perpetuated by suckers or other bud-separation the conditions may be a little altered. Pray excuse these observations   I am anxious to be corrected if I am wrong Yours very sincerely | George Bentham For various reasons I think that wild hybrids are generally if not universally of the first generation DAR 160: 168

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CD annotations 1.6 Catalogue … Pyreneès 1.7] underl red crayon 1.7 (1826)] double underl red crayon 1 2 3

4

5

6

Bentham’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Forms of flowers (see Appendix IV). In Bentham 1826, p. 108, Bentham noted that flowers of Ononis minutissima growing in the lower Languedoc always lacked corollas in the spring. In his Handbook of the British flora (Bentham 1858, p. 109), Bentham wrote of Viola: ‘In all the British species, except the Pansy, perfect flowers seldom set their fruits. The capsules and seeds are generally produced by minute flowers, almost without petals or stamens, which appear later in the year.’ In Forms of flowers, pp. 312–13, CD listed genera that included cleistogamic species. Trifolium is the genus of clovers. Stylosanthes is the genus of pencilflowers. Arachis is the genus of peanuts. For Bentham’s statement about the existence of apetalous flowers in Arachis and Chapmannia, see Bentham 1838, pp. 156, 161. He retracted the claim, in particular as it regarded Stylosanthes, in Hooker’s Journal of Botany and Kew Garden Miscellany 8 (1856): 380 (see also ibid. 7 (1855): 177–9). For Hugh Mitchell Neisler’s remarks, see Neisler 1855. Trifolium subterraneum: subterranean clover. Trifolium polymorphum: peanut clover. Martius ed. 1840–1906 (Flora Brasiliensis), vol. 15, part 1 (Leguminosae), was edited by Bentham. In the second edition of Forms of flowers, p. xviii, CD wrote, ‘Mr. Bentham informs me that the S. American Trifolium polymorphum produces true cleistogamic flowers.’ Lespedeza is the genus of bush clovers. For Bentham’s observations on hybrids in the related genera Cistus and Helianthemum in the family Cistaceae (rock rose), see Bentham 1826, pp. 72, 87–9.

To Ernst Krause   11 July [1877]1

Down, | Beckenham, Kent. July 11th

Dear Sir You are perfectly welcome to translate the paper, (of which I send separate copy by this post) if on further reflexion you think it worth while, but really it hardly appears to me deserving of the honour. Moreover translations have already appeared in the Cologne Gazette & in another German newspaper..—2 I am extremely glad to hear that Kosmos succeeds fairly well.— Several of the articles have interested me much, & I believe almost all would have done so, if I did not find German so difficult to read.3 The discussion written I suppose by you on the sense of colour having been acquired within a recent period seemed to me very curious, & I wrote a short letter to you in regard to what had struck me with respect to my own infants’ power of distinguishing or rather naming colours.— I wrote this when away from home, & forgetting your address addressed it to the care of the publisher of Kosmos, Herr Günther in Leipzig.— It was only a short note of no value.—4 With many thanks, I remain Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin The Huntington Library (HM 36172–36216) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Ernst Krause, 9 July 1877. See letter from Ernst Krause, 9 July 1877 and n. 3. CD’s ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ had been reprinted in Kölnische Zeitung (see letter from Max Schlesinger, 4 July 1877). The other newspaper has not been identified.

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CD’s copies of Kosmos are in the unbound journal collection in the Darwin Library–CUL. See letter to Ernst Krause, 30 June 1877 and n. 1. CD’s letter was inspired by Krause’s review in Kosmos of Hugo Magnus’s Die geschichtliche Entwickelung des Farbensinnes (Magnus 1877a; Krause 1877a). Kosmos was published by Ernst Günther of Leipzig; he has not been further identified.

To George Bentham   12 July 1877 Down, Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 12. 1877 r My dear M Bentham, I am very much obliged for your corrections about Cleistogamic Plants.— I have great confidence in Gärtner, & my statement was founded on what he says, supported by other observations. He adds that his rule does not apply to cultivated plants, & I should not expect that it would hold good with variable plants in a state of nature. As Verbascum does not I think vary much I was surprised at the case which I record. Your facts clearly show that the rule is very far from always holding good.1 My son Francis & I are trying to make out the function of bloom or waxy secretion on leaves fruit &c of plants; but I much doubt whether we shall succeed.2 It would be a guide to us if you have any decided opinion whether bloom-producing plants are more common under a hot or cold climate, under a dry (such as in Australia or the Cape of Good Hope) or rainy climate. Judging from the plants of England, the species which grow close to the sea seem to be often covered with bloom. If you can give us any hints we should be greatly obliged. Believe me, my dear Mr Bentham | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin LS Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Bentham Correspondence, Vol. 3, Daintree–Dyer, 1830–84, GEB/1/3: f. 721) 1

2

See letter from George Bentham, 10 July 1877. Bentham had queried CD’s statement in Forms of flowers, p. 79, that hybrids of the first generation, if raised from uncultivated plants, were generally uniform in character. CD made the statement in the context of a discussion of wild and highly variable first-generation hybrids of Verbascum lychnitis (white mullein) and V. thapsus (great or common mullein; see also ‘Specific difference in Primula’, p. 454). CD’s heavily annotated copy of Karl Friedrich von Gärtner’s Bastarderzeugung im Pflanzenreich (Creation of plant hybrids; Gärtner 1849) is in the Darwin Library–CUL (see Marginalia 1: 256–98). For CD and Francis Darwin’s work on bloom, see the letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2.

From W. E. Darwin   [12 or 19 July 1877]1 Basset Thursday My dear Father I was away on Friday Saturday, Sunday, Monday & on Tuesday I found the bason

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in which cleaned leaf was dried up having stupidly forgotten to tell them to give water. The leaf seemed all right & green except that there was a longish brown mark on one leaflet as if it was decayed, the uncleaned leaf seemed all right.2 I could start the thing again if you thought it worth while & will tell me as to cleaning. When I got back on Monday I found poor Brindle had been taken ill moping on Saturday, & was very bad on Sunday foaming at the mouth & snapping and seemed almost dead by the evening, & on Monday morning Dick killed him— it sounds very like hydrophobia, & I see there have been mad dogs about. Mrs. C.3  says he snapped at Jet who was fastened to him on Sunday morning. So I have chained Jet up in dog kennel in back yard with a notice that no one should touch him. Mrs. C is anxious not to kill him straight off, so I shall wait & see if he mopes too much, as he is very miserable now. the back yard is more cheerful than the kennel & he is easier watched, & I think a strong chain is precaution enough with sheep hurdles to keep Dick away— Your affect son | W. E. D Dick does not think it was madness, but something to do with distemper his nose & face swelled up again as before DAR 210.5: 14 1

2 3

The date is established from the reference to Jet the dog’s possible infection with hydrophobia. In a letter to Emma Darwin of [24 July 1877] (DAR 210.5: 15, dated by a postmark), William wrote that he had killed Jet with prussic acid on the advice of a friend who thought that Jet certainly had hydrophobia. CD and Emma Darwin stayed with William until Wednesday 4 July 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). There were three Thursdays between 4 and 24 July, but given William’s own recent absence, this letter could not have been written on the first Thursday, which leaves 12 and 19 July. William was probably helping CD with experiments to see whether bloom on leaves protected them from water damage (see letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2). Mrs C.: Mrs Cutting (probably Mary Ann Cutting), William’s housekeeper (letter from Sara Darwin to Emma Darwin, [3 December 1877] (DAR 210.5: 23)). Dick was William’s manservant (letter from Emma Darwin to Leonard Darwin, 12 November [1876] (DAR 239.23: 1.52)). He has not been further identified.

From Daniel Oliver   12 July 1877 Kew 12 July, | 1877 My dear Mr Darwin You are really the most generous man in the world! Dyer has handed me a copy of your “Forms of Flowers” inscribed from the author.1 Thank you very much. But I do not deserve this consideration one bit. Prof. Alex. Dickson of Glasgow has been making observations in his elaborate way on the singular epidermal cells lining the pitcher of Cephalotus. He wants to know if any of those “confounded Germans” (as he disrespectfully calls them) have anticipated him. I am not aware that anybody has described histolog. l details of

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Cephalotus. May I ask if you happen to have any such reference you wd. very kindly let him—or me for him—have it?2 Very sincerely yours | D. Oliver DAR 173: 34 1 2

Oliver’s name and William Turner Thiselton-Dyer’s appear on CD’s presentation list for Forms of flowers (see Appendix IV). CD’s reply has not been found. Alexander Dickson read a paper on Cephalotus follicularis at the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in August 1877; an abstract was published in the Journal of Botany, British and Foreign (Dickson 1878). Cephalotus follicularis is the Australian pitcherplant.

From George Bentham   [after 12 July 1877]1 My dear Mr Darwin My impression is certainly 〈1 word missing〉 strong that plants with a smooth glauc〈ous〉 epidermis to their foliage and branches are chiefly prevalent in hot dry situations— in the Mediterranean region in Australia in South Africa in the dry parts of Mexico—in plants that grow in exposed rocky sunny situations—in apricis et maritimis—and are rare in moist climates in rich soils—2 The Eucalypti and Phyllodineus3Acacias of Australia the Mexican Cacti the Mediterranean Caryophylleae e.g. Gypsophila and Cruciferae4 and many others show a large proportion of glaucous plants, but the case may 〈2 or 3 words missing〉 〈w〉ith the fugacious bloom 〈1 or 2 words missing〉 〈 〉ch as plums grapes etc   Olive〈r〉5 tells me that this bloom has been the subject of researches of some of the German physiologists and refers me to de Barys elaborate paper in Mohl’s Botanische Zeitung 1871, 128, 145, 161, 566, 593 589, 605—but this you are probably acquainted with.6 It has always appeared to me that similar hot exposed situtations tend to the development of rigid hairs and cottony wool—much more abundant in species or varieties belonging to such situations than in those grown in moist rich ones Yours very sincerely | George Bentham DAR 160: 169 1 2 3 4 5 6

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to George Bentham, 12 July 1877. CD had asked Bentham about bloom, the waxy or powdery coating of some plants; see letter to George Bentham, 12 July 1877. In apricis et maritimis: exposed to the sun or sea (Latin). Phyllodineous or phyllodinous: an expanded petiole funtions as a leaf-blade, the true leaf-blade being absent or reduced in size (OED). Gypsophila is a genus in the carnation family (now Caryophyllaceae); Cruciferae (now Brassicaceae) is the mustard and cabbage family. Daniel Oliver. Anton de Bary and Bary 1871 (‘Ueber die Wachsüberzüge der Epidermis’: On the wax coating of the epidermis). Hugo von Mohl was the editor of Botanische Zeitung.

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To G. C. Robertson   13 July [1877]1 Down. | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July. 13th. My dear Sir. I do not know whether you will ever receive this, but I write to thank you very much for the 50 Copies—a most magnificent supply. I guessed why I did not hear from you & ventured to send a copy to M. Aglave.—2 Several Germans have asked permission to translate the little article & I have assumed that you would not object. if they thought it worth while.3 Yours sincerely & obliged | Ch Darwin. Copy DAR 147: 327 1 2 3

The year is established by the allusion to CD’s article in Mind, ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’. Robertson was the editor of Mind. Emile Alglave. See letter to G. C. Robertson, 24 June [1877]. See letter from Ernst Krause, 9 July 1877. Robertson himself had forwarded such a request to CD; see letter to G. C. Robertson, 22 June [1877], and letter from Max Schlesinger, 4 July 1877.

From C. G. Semper   13 July 1877 Würzburg 13th July 1877. Dear Sir It gives me the greatest pleasure that I am able to send You before leaving for America a copy of my work on the dorsal eyes of Onchidium, of which you have been so kind to accept the dedication.1 You will allow me to give here a postscript to the work. On the authority of Dr. Bergh I stated, that in some Dorides (Sphaerodoris) existed black spots on the dorsum, which might be dorsal eyes.2 Since then, I have received from Bergh two species of the genus; but the black spots are only pigment spots without the slightest trace of eyes in them. You will see, that this result is a strong argument in favour of my hypothetical view, that the eyes have originated independently in the genus Onchidium, no other molluscs being known to possess the same or similar organs. I have tried to explain the existence of these dorsal eyes by the relation, which exists between the Onchidium and the Periophthalmus, which preys on them.3 The latter is only to be found, where there exist Onchidium; the only exception being the existence of the fish at the West Coast of Africa, from where no Onchidium have been described till now, as far as I know. This exception is [rare], as I know now; the African Expedition of Berlin has brought home two or three species of these snails from Western Africa. It remains only to be seen, whether they have dorsal eyes or not. Those Onchidium, which live in places where no Periophthalmus hunts

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them—f.i. at South Australia, New Zealand, Galapagos, N. America and Europe (Onchidium celticum)4—are blind on the back. I remain Dear Sir | Devotedly Yours | C. Semper. DAR 177: 138 1

2 3 4

See letter from C. G. Semper, 26 April 1877 and n. 2, and letter to C. G. Semper, 30 April 1877. The work was Über Sehorgane von Typus der Wirbelthieraugen auf dem Rücken von Schnecken (On visual organs of the vertebrate eye type on the backs of slugs; Semper 1877b). Onchidium is a genus of air-breathing sea slugs. See Semper 1877b, p. 2 and n. Semper cited Rudolph Bergh. Sphaerodoris is a synonym of Actinocyclus, a member of the superfamily Doridoidea. Periophthalmus is a genus of mud skippers. See Semper 1877b, p. 32. Onchidium celticum is a synonym of Onchidella celtica, the Celtic sea slug.

From Ernst Krause1   14 July 1877 Berlin | Friedenstrasse 10. I. den 14. 7. 77. Hochverehrter Herr! Ihr gütiges Schreiben vom 30 Juni ist sehr verspaetet in meinen Besitz gelangt, weil es die Verlags-Buchhandlung nicht sofort expedirt hatte. Ich danke Ihnen tausendmal für Ihre freundliche Mittheilung hinsichtlich der Farbentheorie, sowie für die Erlaubniss die “biographische Skizze” im Kosmos abdrucken zu duerfen. Ich werde mir erlauben, Ihre hoechst merkwürdige Beobachtung ueber die Schwierigkeit der Farben unterscheidung fuer Kinder am Schlusse hinzuzufügen.2 Diese Thatsachen sprechen allerdings fast zu Gunsten der Geiger–Gladstone’schen Auffassung.3 Dennoch kann ich mich nicht entschliessen derselben beizustimmen. Auch Herr Professor Jaeger4 schreibt mir, dass er den Geiger’schen Aufstellungen kein Gewicht beimessen könne, und der berühmte Aegyptologe Professor Duemichen5 in Strassburg, den ich um sein Urtheil bat, ob in den allerältesten aegyptischen Gemälden die Farben der Natur, wie wir sie heute sehen, entsprechend angewendet worden seien, antwortete mir: sie seien es. Gleichwohl muss ich gestehen dass ein definitives Urtheil in dieser Frage recht schwierig ist, wenn ich auch zunächst entschieden auf meinem Standpunkte beharre. Was die Artikel des Kosmos betrifft, so hoffe ich dass wir allmälig von der blossen unfruchtbaren Speculation zu mehr praktischen unmittelbareren Diskussionen gelangen werden, und mein ganzes Bestreben ist dahin gerichtet, diese rein philosophischen Discussionen auf ein geringeres Maass zu beschraenken, und dagegen die Beobachtungs-Resultate zu begünstigen. Leider ist die Spaltung der Unterparteien sehr gross. Herr Prof. Wagner will nichts anderes als die Migrations-Theorie gelten lassen; Herr Pr. Carl Vogt findet nichts anderes studirenswerth als die Microcephalen, Prof. Semper schwärmt für die Anneliden-Verwandschaft der Wirbelthiere, und Alle befehden sich gegenseitig statt einander in die Hände zu arbeiten.6

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Sehr merklich mindert sich dagegen bei uns die Opposition der Geistlichkeit gegen die neue Weltanschauung; die Anhänger des sogenannten Protestanten-Vereins haben bereits wiederholt auf ihren Versammlungen sich mit dem Darwinismus beschaeftigt, und gefunden, dass er gar nicht so unvereinbar mit Religion und Sitte sei, als man geglaubt hatte.7 Langsam aber unwiderstehlich vollzieht sich die Revolution der Geister. Ich bitte Sie, nicht ungehalten zu sein dass ich Sie mit so allgemeinen Bemerkungen aufhalte und zeichne Mit herzlicher Verehrung | Ihr | treulich ergebener | Ernst Krause. DAR 169: 107 1 2

3

4 5 6 7

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letters to Ernst Krause, 30 June 1877 and 11 July [1877]. A German translation of CD’s ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’, with the additional note from the letter of 30 June on colour perception, appeared in Kosmos 1 (1877): 367–76. William Ewart Gladstone and Lazarus Geiger both claimed that speakers of ancient languages did not name colours as precisely and consistently as speakers of modern European languages, and hypothesised that there was a universal evolutionary sequence in which colour vocabulary evolved in tandem with the senses (Gladstone 1858, 3: 457–96, Geiger 1871). Gustav Jäger published an article on colour perception, ‘Einiges über Farben und Farbensinn’, in Kosmos 1 (1877): 486–95. Johannes Dümichen. Moritz Wagner, Carl Vogt, and Carl Gottfried Semper were German Darwinists (see Wagner 1868, Vogt 1867, and Semper 1874.) The Protestantenverein was a German liberal religious organisation founded in 1863 with the aim of unifying the German Protestant churches and promoting change in harmony with secular culture and on the basis of Christianity (EB). For a discussion of Darwinism in the Jahrbuch des Deutschen Protestanten-Vereins, see Zittel 1871. For more on the reception of Darwinism in Germany, see W. M. Montgomery 1988.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   14 July [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 14th My dear Dyer Can you give me a few seeds of Lotus ornithopodoides, (which is very important for me) or wd. it be possible to get me 2 or 3 very young plants. Seeds of Any other species of Lotus perhaps wd. be very useful.2 Only one seed of Neptunia monosperma (which you sent me from Australia) germinated, & the seedling alas! has died.— I tried all sorts of plans to save it.— Have you any plant, & cd. you lend me one?— Mimosa sensitiva (not M. pudica) none of the seeds have germinated. Have you a plant you can give or lend?3 Hooker thought that you had a grass, Strephium, & could lend me a plant,: but none came.4 It is the sole monocotyledon which sleeps.—

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Have you seeds of Passiflora gracilis; I shd be very glad of a few.5 Malva Peruviana, Linn. Averrhoa Carambola Linn. Hæmatoxylon campechianum Linn. I put down these 3 plants, (which are mentioned by Linnæus as peculiar sleepers) for the bare chance of your having them.6 I hope & think I shall give no more trouble; & give yourself as little as possible i.e. by not writing.— Frank & I are working very hard on bloom & sleep &c.; but I am horribly afraid all our hard work will yield uncommonly little if any fruit.—7 Your’s very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. | I have just thought of another point.— Can you spare me 1, 2, or 3 succulent species with good bloom on them, so that I may try effects of removing it & placing water on— Also if possible effect on evaporation, but to do this I shd have to break off 2 or more large leaves.— I possess only a Sedum, & there is not enough to form any judgments about. Inhabitants of a dry country wd. be best I think.— You will be a very good man, if you do not hate me. Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 70–1) 1 2 3

4

5 6

7

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1877. CD discussed Lotus ornithopopoides (sic, for ornithopodioides) and other members of the genus in Movement in plants. CD had asked for seeds or a plant of Mimosa sensitiva in the list he gave his son Francis Darwin to show to Joseph Dalton Hooker (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 25 May [1877]). Hooker replied that they no longer had a plant and had sent to Brazil for seeds (letter from J. D. Hooker, 31 May 1877). Hooker had offered CD Strephium floribundum instead of the species CD asked for, S. guianense. Hooker misread CD’s handwriting and could not identify the species he intended; see letter to J. D. Hooker, 25 May [1877], and letter from J. D. Hooker, 31 May 1877). CD mentioned S. floribundum in Movement in plants, p. 391. Strephium is a synonym of Raddia; S. floribundum is now R. brasiliensis, and S. guianense is now R. guianensis (Ohrnberger 1999). CD described Passiflora gracilis (crinkled passion-flower) in Movement in plants, pp. 383–4. Malva peruviana is a synonym of Fuertesimalva peruviana. CD asked for a plant of Averrhoa carambola (the carambola or star fruit) in his earlier list (see n. 3, above). Hooker had replied that they did not have it at Kew (letter from J. D. Hooker, 31 May 1877). The nocturnal movement of the leaves of Haematoxylon campechianum (a synonym of Haematoxylum campechianum, logwood) is discussed in Movement in plants, pp. 368–9. Malva peruviana is mentioned in Somnus plantarum, p. 15 (Linnaeus 1755), but not the other two; according to Somnus plantarum, the flowers of M. peruviana are protected by the leaves at night. For CD’s interest in bloom, see the letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2.

To Rudolph Ludwig   [16 July 1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dear Sir, I received only this morning your very kind letter of July 4th, together with your

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essay dedicated to me.2 I thank you sincerely for the great honour thus conferred on me. It is always very interesting to discover in the same ancient form characters which are now present in distinct species or subgroups; & Crocodilus Darwinii seems an excellent illustration of this remarkable fact.3 I remain, dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin LS American Philosophical Society (517) 1 2

3

The date is established by a note on the letter, probably made by an archivist, recording the address to which it was sent, and the date, presumably from a postmark on the cover. Ludwig’s letter has not been found. There is a copy of his Fossile Crocodiliden aus der Tertiärformation des Mainzer Beckens (Fossil Crocodilia from the Tertiary formation of the Mainz basin; Ludwig 1877) in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Ludwig had named an alligator for CD: Alligator darwini (a synonym of Diplocynodon darwini).

From W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   16 July 1877 Royal Gardens Kew July 16, 1877

Dear Mr Darwin I enclose seeds of all the species of Lotus I can lay hands upon. L. ornithopodiodes is amongst them.1 I am afraid I cannot guarantee accuracy in nomenclature or capability of germinating. All our seeds of Neptunia failed to germinate. This is a testimony to your horticultural skill. I shall write to Australia for a fresh supply of seed. Mimosa sensitiva we do not possess.  a plant sent us from America under that name turned out to be M. albida and this I think you have.2 Strephium floribundum3 will go to you tomorrow. Passiflora gracilis I am afraid I can’t manage but will make further enquiries. Malva peruviana we have not but I will write to Decaisne at Paris to see if he can supply it.4 Nor have we Averrhoa Carambola. I am sending however, Averrhoa Bilimbi which may be worth looking at. though I am afraid the leaves are not irritable   Hæmatoxylon Campechianum will go to you— I have only sent a small plant. As no doubt you know, it is the Logwood tree.5 I am sending you Senecio (Kleinia) ficoides, Cape of Good Hope; Cotyledon bracteosum, Mexico; and C. pulverulenta, California which I hope will have their bloom intact on arrival.6 You may sacrifice them if need be but we shd. be glad to have the plants back otherwise, especially the C. pulverulenta. Leaves of course may be freely removed. I am sending you also a small [clump] of Nelumbium7 which shd. be kept growing in a tub of water in your warmest corner. The leaves have such a remarkable power of resisting wetting and look almost metallic in consequence when immersed. This may be thrown away when done with as also some Pistia Stratiotes8 which simply floats in water in a stove and is equally averse to wetting.

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The habit of the Nelumbium to resist wetting is singular because it is no distant ally of Sarracenia and a morphological comparison has been instituted between the saucer like leaves of the one and the urn-shaped leaves of the other.9

The notion was that the upper surface in Sarracenia was only more depressed than in Nelumbium You see I cannot give heed to your admonition not to write letters. But assisting you is a relief in the general monotony of routine. I am delighted to send you anything you want and would transfer the whole establishment to Down if it lay in my power and you thought it wd. help you Yours very sincerely | W. T. Thiselton Dyer DAR 178: 98 CD annotations 1.1 I enclose … germinate. 2.1] crossed pencil Top of letter : ‘Only names of Plants’ pencil 1 2 3 4 5

6

See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 14 July [1877] and n. 2. See letters to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 9 July [1877], n. 2, and 14 July [1877] and n. 3. Strephium floribundum is a synonym of Reddia brasiliensis (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 14 July [1877] and n. 4). Joseph Decaisne. Malva peruviana is a synonym of Fuertesimalva peruviana. The plant is native to Chile and Peru and was cultivated at the Jardin des plantes. Averrhoa carambola is carambola or starfruit. CD discussed Averrhoa bilimbi (bilimbi or cucumber tree) in Movement in plants, pp. 330–5. On Haematoxylon campechianum (logwood), see the letter to W. T. ThiseltonDyer, 14 July [1877] and n. 6. Senecio ficoides is a synonym of Kleinia ficoides. Cotyledon bracteosum is a synonym of Pachyphytum bracteosum. Cotyledon pulverulenta is a synonym of Dudleya pulverulenta (chalk dudleya).

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Nelumbium is a former misspelling of Nelumbo, a genus of aquatic plants with large, showy flowers. CD was interested in bloom on plants (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 14 July [1877]). Pistia stratiotes is water lettuce. Sarracenia is a North American genus of pitcher-plants. For the comparison with Nelumbium, see Baillon 1870.

To C. G. Semper   18 July 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 18th. 1877 My dear Sir I received safely this morning your Memoir together with your kind note. The figures are wonderful, & I find that I understood rightly parts of what I saw in the slides which you sent me. What a very curious reaction between the fish & the slug! I suppose that the latter remains motionless if it sees with its dorsal eyes the fish.1 I can assure you that I feel deeply the honour of so remarkable a Memoir having been dedicated to me. I wish you a pleasant & successful expedition to the U. States, & remain | My dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Düsseldorf (slg 60/Dok/56: Kasten I) 1

See letter from C. G. Semper, 13 July 1877. Semper had sent CD his Über Sehorgane von Typus der Wirbelthieraugen auf dem Rücken von Schnecken (On visual organs of the vertebrate eye type on the backs of slugs; Semper 1877b). Semper hypothesised that the sea slug Onchidium developed dorsal eyes in regions where it was hunted by the mud skipper, Periophthalmus.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   18 July [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 18th Dear Dyer I thank you heartily for all the treasures just arrived, & even more heartily for the kind manner with which you take great trouble for me.2 The plants have all arrived in very fair condition; but the ends of 2 leaves of the precious Cotyledon pulverulenta (with its wonderful bloom) were broken off:3 however I can experimentise on their basal parts & thus, I hope, injure no other leaves. The Nelumbium4 is a most beautiful leaf, & one is perfect, the other has withered since arrival, though I have put the pot in tub, & kept it out of the sun. Averrhoa5 looked piteous, but has now revived

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wonderfully by aid of shade & a watering. I am so glad of the Logwood-tree6 & of all.— Seeds of Lotus very interesting to me; for if I fail in all other respects, I think I shall be able to describe a few odd facts about the sleep of Plants.7 By the way I observed last night to my surprise that Tropæolum minus sleeps.—8 I think Frank will do some good work on bloom & evaporation, & this is to be his share.9 It delights me to see that he is becoming a better & more careful observer than I am.— Once again hearty thanks Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. I must just add that Frank has been feeding Drosera & we can now see a decided difference throughout the whole larger series between the fed with atoms of cooked meat & unfed plants.— This delights me as throughout Europe Botanists have been saying digestive power & absorption all useless—& the effects pathological.10 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 72–3) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1877. See letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1877. Thiselton-Dyer had sent plants from the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. Cotyledon pulverulenta is a synonym of Dudleya pulverulenta. CD was interested in the bloom on the leaves of certain plants (see letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2). Now spelled Nelumbo (see letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1877 and n. 7). Averrhoa bilimbi (see letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1877 and n. 5. Haematoxylon campechianum (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 14 July [1877] and n. 5). CD discussed the genus Lotus extensively in Movement in plants. CD discussed Tropaeolum minus (dwarf nasturtium) in Movement in plants, p. 27. Francis Darwin’s work on bloom was published in F. Darwin 1886. In his paper in the Journal of the Linnean Society on the results of his experiments on feeding Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew), Francis gave a detailed list of persons who were sceptical of CD’s theory in Insectivorous plants: they included Édouard Morren, Casimir de Candolle, Heinrich Robert Göppert, Charles Victor Naudin, and Filippo Parlatore (F. Darwin 1878a). See also letter to G. J. Romanes, 9 August [1877] and n. 8.

From W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   18 July 1877 Royal Gardens Kew July 18. 1877 Dear Mr Darwin The plants were sent to you yesterday and I hope have reached you in good condition.1 With regard to Mimosa Sensitiva, I see that Bentham in his monograph of the Mimoseæ. Trans, Linn. Soc. XXX, p. 390 considers that the Linnean species comprised four or five nearly allied forms that are now considered distinct.2 You have I think our plant of Mimosa albida Humb. & Bonpl. of which Bentham

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remarks “This is the species or variety which most commonly represents the M. sensitiva of our gardens”.3 It is also no doubt the plant which has always been intended in horticultural literature as M. Sensitiva. So I think you may safely take it as the plant which physiologists have had in their minds and laboratories. The true plant is practically the same but the leaflets are more acute and the whole plant is hairy or villous rather than cano-pubescent4   They are in fact only geographical races. M. sensitiva Eastern, & M. albida western. However I have written out to Brazil for seed Yours very truly | W. T. Thiselton Dyer DAR 209.2: 159 1 2

3 4

See letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1877. See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 14 July [1877]. In Bentham 1874, George Bentham noted that Carolus Linnaeus had the Brazilian species in view when he described Mimosa sensitiva, but that he would probably have included other species, including M. albida, under the same head, since they were so similar. Bentham 1874, p. 390. CD cited Thiselton-Dyer for bringing the reference to his attention in Movement in plants, p. 379 n. See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 9 July [1877], n. 2. Villous: hairy. Cano-pubescent: covered in white down.

From Adam Fitch   20 July 1877 The Vicarage | Thornton Steward | Bedale July 20th. 1877 Dear Sir, The recollection of the very kind way in which you have replied to my gardening queries from time to time, induces me to trouble you on the present occasion.1 A few years since Messrs. Veitch introduced an autumnal Cauliflower, which I then considered a most valuable vegetable, fit to cut latter end of August and continuing to latter end of Novr.2 Its character quite different from Asiatic Cauliflower, which if it buttons early runs at once to seed— On the other hand Veitch’s Cauliflower as soon as it buttons, instead of running to seed, goes on increasing its head—3 I have cut specimens more than a foot in diameter. When I commenced growing it some four years ago, the only objection was its tendency to go blind, this tendency I find increases year by year, and this season from 200 plants, sown at different times—some under glass—some in open air—I have only 20 plants left— this blindness occurs in different stages of growth, from plants in seed pan or bed, to plants 1 inch diameter in the stem.4 I should feel so much obliged if you could tell me the cause of this blindness and suggest a remedy. As I am troubling you with a letter, I enclose two leaves from a seedling mulberry, about seven years old—taken out of a geranium pot, near to a mulberry tree at Waterbeach—5 of course this leafy development as regards seedling mulberries may

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be common, but as I never saw a seedling mulberry before, I venture to call your attention to the fact. I have the honor to be | Dear Sir | Faithfully yours | A. Fitch. Charles Darwin Esqre. DAR 164: 128 1 2

3 4 5

Only one previous letter from Fitch survives; see Correspondence vol. 10, letter from Adam Fitch, 18 November 1862. James Veitch & Sons was a nursery firm based in Chelsea, London. Their ‘Veitch’s Autumn Giant’ cauliflower was awarded a first-class certificate by the Royal Horticultural Society in 1870 (Gardeners’ Chronicle, 26 November 1870, p. 1564). Buttoning: the premature production of heads on relatively small plants (OED). The Asiatic cauliflower was a variety originating probably in the 1840s (Crozier 1891, pp. 130–1). Blind: failing to produce expected growth or flowers (Chambers). The leaves have not been preserved with the letter. CD’s reply has not been found.

To H. H. M. Herbert   20 July 1877 To the Right Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon, Her Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State for the Colonies. We beg respectfully to address your Lordship on the subject of the proposed establishment in South Africa of a confederation of Colonies and States.1 We observe, with great regret, that your Lordship, in a despatch addressed to his Excellency Sir Henry Barkly on December 14, expresses an opinion against any direct representation of natives in the Legislative Assembly of the Union.2 We have no desire to see masses of uncivilized men invested with political rights which they would be wholly unable to exercise in either a responsible or an intelligent manner; but we venture to submit, on the ground alike of justice and of policy, that native Africans who have acquired both education and property should not be excluded from the possession of the elective franchise. We understand that in this particular no distinction of race is recognized in the Australian Colonies; while in the Cape colony itself, as well as in New Eealand3 and in the Dominion of Canada, equal civil and and political privileges have long been placed—with the best results—within reach of such individual members of the aboriginal race as are able to comply with the requirements of the law. We think it is of the utmost importance that when a new Constitution is in course of being framed for a country in the position of South Africa, the organic law of the State should embody the principle of an equality of rights, without regard to colour or race, leaving the principle itself to be applied only to those natives who have qualified themselves for the satisfactory performance of the duties of citizenship. We, therefore, earnestly hope that your Lordship will take steps to insure to the civilised portion of the coloured population of the British Dependencies in South

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Africa civil and political privileges, similar to those which it may be intended to confer upon persons of European descent. We feel that such a policy would entirely accord with the spirit which has hitherto characterized your Lordship’s administration of native affairs. We have the honour to be your Lordship’s obedient servants, Ebury;4 Charles Darwin; [and 87 others] 17, King William-street, Strand, July 20, 1877. The Times, 23 July 1877, p. 10 1 2

3 4

Herbert was involved in an attempt to organise a confederation of British and Dutch states in South Africa (Annual register (1877), pp. 76–80; ODNB s.v. Herbert, Henry Howard Molyneux). Henry Barkly had been governor of Cape Colony until March 1877 (ODNB). Voting rights varied across the states of the projected confederation; according to Annual register (1877), p. 76, in Cape Colony natives could and did vote, while in the Dutch states they could not. The South Africa Act, passed in August 1877, contained a provision ‘for the due representation of the natives in the Union Parliament and in the Provincial Councils, in such a manner as shall be deemed by Her Majesty to be without danger to the stability of the Government’ (South Africa Act, 40 and 41 Vict., c. 47, clause 19; see Newton 1968, pp. 51–68). Printer’s error for ‘Zealand’. Robert Grosvenor, first Baron Ebury.

To J. M. F. Ludlow   20 July [1877]1 July 20 Sir I hope that the enclosed documents are properly filled up.— Permit me to beg you earnestly to let me have an answer as soon as you can. many of the members wish to dissolve the club & to divide all the funds; & I have had great difficulty in persuading them not to do so; & if there is much delay in them receiving the bonus which the Actuary has allotted to each member, a fresh agitation for the dissolution of the Club.— will arise.2 Sir | I beg leave to remain | your ob serv | C. R. D. | One of the Trustees of the Club Under these circumstances, I trust that you will do what you can to aid those reasonable Members of the Club ADraftS DAR 202: 52 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Down Friendly Club, 19 February 1877. See letter to Down Friendly Club, 19 February 1877. Ludlow was the chief registrar of Friendly Societies. The members of the club had decided to receive the surplus funds of the club as a bonus, rather than dissolving the club. See also letter to J. B. Innes, 25 February [1877], and letter to ?, [before 22 May 1877?]. The documents, signed by Stephen Whitehead as secretary (or clerk), witnessed by CD, and

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dated 20 July 1877, are in the National Archives (TNA FS 1/232/626620). They pertained to a change in the club rules allowing the surplus to be distributed to members. There are drafts of this letter, dated 16 and 17 July, in DAR 202: 50 and 51.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   22 July [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 22nd My dear Dyer Many thanks for seeds of the Malva & information about Averrhoa, which I perceived was sensitive as A. carambola is said to be; & about Mimosa sensitiva.—2 The Log-wood has interested me much:3 the wax is very easily removed especially from the older leaves, & I found after squirting on the leaves with water at 95°, all the older leaves became coated after 48 hours in an astonishing manner with a black Uredo, so that they looked as if sprinkled with soot & water. But not one of younger leaves was affected. This has set me to work to see whether the “bloom” is not a protection against parasites. As soon as I have ascertained a little more about this case (& generally I am quite wrong at first) I will ask whether I could have a very small plant, which shd. never be syringed with water above 60°, & then I suspect the leaves wd. not be spotted, as were the older ones on the plant when it arrived from Kew, but nothing like what they were after my squirting. In an old note of yours, (which I have just found) you say that you have a sensitive Schrankia: could this be lent me?4 I have had lent me a grey Coral-tree (Erythrina) which is very sickly, yet shows odd sleep movements: I suppose I cd.  buy one, but Hooker told me first to ask you for anything.5 Lastly: have you any sea-side plants with bloom? I find that drops of sea-water corrode sea-kale if bloom is removed; also the var. littorum of Triticum repens6 (By the way my plants of the latter grown in pots here are now throwing up long flexible green blades, & it is very odd to see on the same culm, the rigid, grey, bloom-covered blades & the green, flexible ones) Cabbages, ill-luck to them, do not seem to be hurt by salt-water. Hooker formerly told me that Salsola Kali, a var. of Salicornia—1 sp. of Suæda—Euphorbia peplis—Lathyrus maritimus—Eryngium maritimum—were all glaucous & sea-side plants.7 It is very improbable that you have any of them or of foreigners with the same attributes.— God forgive me: I hope that I have not bored you greatly | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin By all the rules of right the leaves of the Logwood ought to move (as if partially going to sleep) when syringed with tepid water: the leaves of my little plant do not move at all, & it occurs to me as possible, though very improbable, that it wd. be different with a larger plant with perhaps larger leaves: would you some day get a gardener to syringe violently with water kept in hot-house a branch on one of your

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largest Log-wood plants & observe whether leaves move together towards the apex of leaf.— The largest leaf on my plant is only 212 inches in extreme length. Frank has made a beautiful observation on Drosera, viz that the leaves fed with meat include incomparably more starch-granules than the unfed leaves.—8 By the way what astonishing nonsense Mr. Andrew Murray has been writing in Gardener’s Chronicle about leaves & carbonic acid.9 I like to see a man behaving consistently like a fool.— What a lot I have scribbled to you! Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 74–7) 1 2

3 4 5 6 7

8

9

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1877. See letters from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1877 and 18 July [1877]. Thiselton-Dyer had sent to Paris for seeds of Malva peruviana (a synonym of Fuertesimalva peruviana). He had also sent CD a plant of Averrhoa bilimbi instead of Averrhoa carambola, which they did not have at Kew. See letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1877. Logwood: Haematoxylum campechianum. See Correspondence vol. 23, letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 28 September 1875 and n. 4. Joseph Dalton Hooker. CD discussed Erythrina corallodendron in Movement in plants, p. 367. Seakale: Crambe maritima. Triticum repens is a synonym of Elymus repens (couch grass). Var. littorum: seaside variety (Latin). Salsola kali: prickly Russian thistle. Salicornia: glasswort. Suaeda: seepweed. Euphorbia peplus: petty spurge. Lathyrus maritimus is a synonym of L. japonicus var. maritimus (beach pea). Eryngium maritimum is sea holly. See F. Darwin 1878a, p. 23. Francis Darwin was experimenting on Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew), to prove CD’s theory in Insectivorous plants that the plants derived signficant advantage from a carnivorous diet. See A. Murray 1877. Murray denied that plants derived carbon dioxide from the the atmosphere.

From A. R. Wallace   23 July 1877 Rosehill, Dorking. July 23rd. 1877 My dear Darwin Many thanks for your admirable volume on “The Forms of Flowers."1 It would be impertinence of me to say anything in praise of it except that I have read the Chapters on “Illegitimate Offspring of Heterostyled Plants”—and on “Cleistogamic Flowers” with great interest. I am almost afraid to tell you that in going over the subject of the “Colours of Animals &c. for a small volume of essays &c. I am preparing I have come to conclusions directly opposed to voluntary sexual selection, and believe that I can explain (in a general way) all the phenomena of sexual ornaments & colours by laws of development aided by simple “natural selection”.2 I hope you admire as I do Mr Belt’s remarkable series of papers in support of his terrific “oceanic glacier” river damming” hypothesis. In awful grandeur it beats everything “glacial” yet out, & it certainly explains a wonderful lot of hard facts.

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The last one, on the “Glacial Period in the Southern Hemisphere” in the Quarterly Journal of Science, is particularly fine, & I see he has just read a paper at the Geol. Soc. It seems to me supported by quite as much evidence as Ramsay’s “Lakes”—but Ramsay I understand will have none of it—as yet.3 Believe me | Yours very faithfully | Alfred R. Wallace DAR 106: B134–5 1 2

3

CD’s Forms of flowers was published in mid-July 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD and Wallace had long debated CD’s theory of sexual selection as described in Descent (see, especially, Correspondence vols. 15 and 16). Wallace included his objections to the theory in a chapter titled ‘The colour of animals and sexual selection’ in his book Tropical nature and other essays (A. R. Wallace 1878). He published an earlier version in his two-part paper ‘The colours of animals and plants’, in Macmillan’s Magazine in September and October 1877 (see A. R. Wallace 1877, pp. 398–408). Wallace argued that bright coloration occurred as a matter of course in the process of development of different species and especially as a signal of vitality in males; female coloration was often muted for the sake of protection. Females, in his view, chose or more likely submitted to the most vital and persistent males, who only happened to be the most brightly coloured. In two papers in the January and July issues of the Quarterly Journal of Science, Thomas Belt argued that during the Glacial Period, ice in the ocean had dammed river outlets from the continents, causing flooding, extinction of some species, and the creation of silt-covered plains (Belt 1877a and 1877b; copies of both papers are in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL). He read a paper based on the same theory, ‘The steppes of southern Russia’ (Belt 1877c), at the Geological Society of London on 20 June 1877. No comments by Andrew Crombie Ramsay are recorded in the notes on the discussion following the paper. In 1862, Ramsay had put forward the view that lakes could be formed by glacial action (Ramsay 1862).

From J. F. McLennan   24 July 1877 Woodbury Cottage, | Biggin Hill, Norwood, S.E. 24 July 77 My dear Mr. Darwin, In “The Descent of Man” you represent Sir George Grey as stating the proportion of women to men in Australia to be 1 : 3; & “others” as stating it to be 2 : 3; Also you refer to Azara (on Lubbock’s authority) as mentioning some tribe in South America as near extinction owing to the practice of female infanticide.1 These statements much interest me at present as I am making an induction of the facts as to systems of infanticide. Can you help me to your references? Where does Grey make his statement & who are the “others”; & who is Azara that I may consult him.2 I have not your book here, only a brief note I had made with a view to consult you. The only books of Grey’s I had in Algiers were his N. Western Travels (1st. Edition) & Polynesian Mythology & a small Australian Vocabulary.3 I searched in vain for any thing on female infanticide in him; but came on some figures pretending to show that in Australia fewer women were born than men by nearly as 2 : 3. We were sorry not to be able to go to you on Saturday & also sorry to be so far from you & Hayes. We tried, without success, to get a cottage near Hayes or Down.4

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The infanticide facts are very striking. If you have any to give me I will duly acknowledge the donor. The Origin of Exogamy—ie of Laws of Incest—will I am sure much interest you.5 It leads, by sure signs, back to the brute state & so hooks man on to his “fellow creatures” by stronger links of evidence than have hitherto been forthcoming— apart from your general proposition of development I mean. Give our best regards to Mrs. Darwin & the family. We are hoping to see Mr. & Mrs. Litchfield6 here someday soon. Just at present I regret to say Mrs. McLennan is an invalid;7 I am by comparison the strong one though nowise good for much. Yrs. very sincerely | J. F McLennan. Dont answer this till it is absolutely convenient for you,—if it shd. ever so be. DAR 171: 24 CD annotation Top of letter : ‘p 592’ pencil circled pencil 1 2

3 4 5 6 7

See Descent 2d ed., p. 592. CD cited Félix d’Azara and mentioned John Lubbock’s views on the same page. CD’s reply has not been found, but see the letter from J. F. McLennan, 30 July 1877. In Grey 1841, 2: 251 (Journals of two expeditions of discovery in north-west and western Australia), Grey wrote that in a sample taken by himself of 222 births, there was 1 female to every 1.3 males. CD also referred to Azara 1809, 2: 116 (Voyages dans l’Amérique méridionale). Grey 1855 (Polynesian mythology) and 1840 (A vocabulary of the dialects of South Western Australia). Hayes is about four miles from Down. On exogamy (a term coined by McLennan), see McLennan 1865, pp. 48–9; see also letter from L. H. Morgan, 26 June 1877 and n. 13. Richard Buckley Litchfield and Henrietta Emma Litchfield, CD’s son-in-law and daughter. Eleonora Anne McLennan.

From W. G. Smith   24 July 1877 15, Mildmay Grove, N. 24 July 1877 My dear Sir During the next day or two I will carefully examine the leaves sent & report with pleasure— They do not however seem especially promising to the fungus eye—1 I have just been observing a most curious thing that will no doubt interest you— When at the B.  Musm.  last week Mr Carruthers handed me a transparent slice through a fossil Lepidodendron from the Coal Measures (He has recently referred to this slice as containing a fossil fungus, in his address before the Geological Association—the cut he gives is however of no value as it was drawn by some one who knew nothing about fungi)2 There can be no doubt whatever that the parasite in question is a true Pythium & in no way to be distinguished from the species of this genus now living (several species were engraved for me for Gardeners Chronicle July. 1. 1876). No doubt you know the genus well. Berkeley, De Bary, I & many others believe them to be true

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fungi, other men place them with the Algæ or Saprolegnieæ but this is of no moment as all the plants run together at this point3 Now the curious thing about this fossil Pythium is this— Many of the oogonia are still balanced on their tender threads, and within some of the oogonia the Zoospores may be most distinctly seen in situ I think the fact of a fossil fungus with fossil zoospores within the Vascular bundles of a Lepidodendron is quite new Mr Carruthers has given me permission to describe & engrave the plant for publication— The species is the same size as Pythium proliferum De Bary engraved in G. Chron4 Yours faithfully | W. G. Smith Chas Darwin Esq | F.R.S. DAR 177: 201 1

2

3

4

No letter from CD to Smith on this subject has been found, but he had evidently sent Smith some leaves of seakale and iris so that Smith could analyse what CD suspected to be fungal damage (see letter from W. G. Smith, 27 July 1877). William Carruthers was keeper of the botany department at the British Museum. Lepidodendron is an extinct genus of tree-like plants closely related to modern club mosses. In the printed version of his 1876 presidential address to the Geologists’ Association, an illustration of ‘mycelium of a fungus in the scaliform axis of a Lepidodendron from the Coal Measures’ was included (Carruthers 1876, p. 22). The engravings appeared with Smith’s article ‘The resting-spores of the potato fungus’, Gardeners’ Chronicle, 1 July 1876, pp. 10–12. Smith refers to Anton de Bary and Miles Joseph Berkeley. The genus Pythium was originally classified as a form of Algae but is currently considered to be a genus of water mould in the class Oomycetes in the kingdom Chromista. Smith later decided that Carruthers’s Pythium was a fossil Peronospora (named by him Peronosporites antiquarius), writing of its relationships, ‘The Peronosporæ are closely allied to the Algæ—so closely, indeed, that De Bary says the species of the former may with reason be compared with the species of one group of the latter, named the Saprolegnieæ; other botanists place the Saprolegnieæ amongst true fungi’ (W. G. Smith 1877, p. 499). See Gardeners’ Chronicle, 1 July 1876, p. 11. Pythium proliferum is a synonym of P. middletonii.

From R. I. Lynch   25 July 1877 List of plants sent to Mr. Darwin July 25th. 77 Glaux maritima Silene maritima Eryngium maritimum Oxalis enneaphylla Salicornia macrostachys Medicago marina Veronica pinguifolia Rhodiola sibirica Euphorbia Myrsinites

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Lotus creticus Glaucium sp Elymus arenarius Suæda fruticosa Helichrysum maritimum 2 spp Erythrina Haematoxylon Schrankia we not possess.1 AMem DAR 209.12: 184 CD annotations 4.1 Silene maritima] ‘“Sea shores”’ ink 5.1 Eryngium maritimum] ‘abundant especially near the sea.—’ ink 7.1 Salicornia macrostachys] ‘Australia littoral’ ink 8.1 Medicago marina] ‘S. Europe’ ink 11.1 Euphorbia Myrsinites] ‘S. Europe’ ink 15.1 Suæda fruticosa] ‘Britain’ ink 16.1 Helichrysum maritimum] ‘C. of Good Hope’ ink 1

Lynch was foreman of the propagating department at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. Glaux maritima is a synonym of Lysimachia maritima (sea milkwort). Silene maritima is a synonym of Silene uniflora (sea campion). Oxalis enneaphylla is scurvy-grass sorrel. Salicornia macrostachya is a synonym of Arthrocnemum macrostachyum. Veronica pinguifolia and Rhodiola sibirica are unresolved names. The former is a New Zealand species of hebe (see J. D. Hooker 1864–7, 1: 210) and the latter name was published as a horticultural variety of rose-root in Don 1831–8, 3: 114. Euphorbia myrsinites is myrtle spurge. Lotus creticus is Cretan trefoil. Glaucium is horned poppy. Elymus arenarius is a synonym of Leymus arenarius (sand ryegrass). Suaeda fruticosa is a synonym of Suaeda vermiculata (seablite). Helichrysum maritimum is a synonym of H. dasyanthum. Haematoxylon is a synonym of Haematoxylum; H. campechianum is logwood. Schrankia is a synonym of Mimosa. All the items from ‘Glaux maritima’ to ‘Helichrysum maritimum’ have been ticked off in pencil in the left-hand margin. CD had asked for seaside plants with bloom on them for his experiments on the effects of salt water on foliage; see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 22 July [1877].

From W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   25 July 1877 Royal Gardens Kew July 25. 1877 Dear Mr Darwin t On the recp. of your letter I looked out amongst our pot plants all the maritime and glaucous things that I thought might be useful to you.1 We could have supplied you with a good collection of seaside plants if we could have foreseen that you would work at them this year. But most of our things are planted out and cannot be disturbed so as to be worth anything afterwards. I could not, however, refrain from digging up our plant of Eryngium and sending it to you to take its chance. Oxalis Enneaphylla is a Falkland Island plant. Euphorbia myrsinites is not a littoral species— perhaps its ancestors were as it is very like E. Paralias in habit.2

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2 spp: of Erythrina have gone. Also, I hope, a Hæmatoxylon though I found this was omitted on the ground that it had been sent before.3 But I hope the parcel was stopped in time. Schrankia we do not possess this year. I understand, however, that the Rev H. N. Ellacombe of Bitton nr Bristol 〈1 page or more missing〉4 P.S. I am horribly weary of letter writing so please excuse any slips. I have been obliged to call my wife5 to my aid all the morning AL incomplete DAR 178: 99 1 2 3

4 5

See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 22 July [1877]. Oxalis enneaphylla is scurvy-grass sorrel. Euphorbia myrsinites is myrtle spurge or blue spurge. Euphorbia paralias is sea spurge. According to the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, Outwards book, p. 432, the Erythrina species and a Haematoxylon, possibly a second one, were sent on 16 July 1877. There is no record of an earlier Haematoxylon being sent. CD mentioned, and figured, Haematoxylon campechianum (a synonym of Haematoxylum campechianum, logwood) in Movement in plants, pp. 368–9. See letter to H. N. Ellacombe, 30 July [1877]. Harriet Anne Thiselton-Dyer.

To F. J. Cohn   26 July 1877 Down. | Beckenham. Kent. | (&c) July 26. 1877. My dear Sir. My son Francis has dispatched to you by this days post a copy of his paper on certain filaments (apparently protoplasmic) which are protruded from the leaf glands of Dipsacus sylvestris. This subject interests me greatly & I have thought that you would excuse my drawing your attention to it—1 We have in England hardly any one who has attended to the Physiology of plants, but several skilled zoologists, have seen the moving filaments & been astonished at them— If you could persuade any of your pupils to examine these glands & report on them in some Journal I should feel extremely grateful— I hope that you yourself will just look at them It is a great satisfaction to me to remember your short visit to Down,2 & I remain | my dear Sir. | Yours very faithfully. | Charles Darwin. P.S. | To see the filaments it is best to cut thin transverse sections of the young leaves, growing in the axils of the main leaves— It is of importance that the leaves should be perfectly fresh without any drying, therefore put them in water directly gathered. They are seen best mounted in water. Copy DAR 143: 266 1

Francis Darwin’s paper on Dipsacus sylvestris (common or fuller’s teasel) was published in the Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science (F. Darwin 1877b). Dipsacus sylvestris is a synonym of D. fullonum. CD

July 1877

2

303

suspected that the plant was feeding on particles of decaying insects (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to J. D. Hooker, 21 June [1876]). Cohn and his wife, Pauline, visited Down on 28 September 1876; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to F. J. Cohn, 26 September [1876], and letter to Francis Darwin, [28 September 1876].

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   26 [ July 1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. 26 My dear Dyer The plants have arrived & most of them in excellent condition,—a few somewhat crushed.—2 We will take all the care we can of them.— It is hopeless & useless to thank you for such kindness.— We were much pleased with the Russian, though I did not see him for a long time, as it was a rather bad day with me.—3 It will be a shame & a sin if we do not make out about bloom, but I am very very doubtful.4 Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: f. 78) 1

2 3

4

The year and month are established by the reference to Kliment Arkadievich Timiryazev’s visit to Down (see n. 3, below), and by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. T. ThiseltonDyer, 25 July 1877. See letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 25 July 1877. Timiryazev visited Down on 25 July 1877; Thiselton-Dyer had furnished him with a letter of recommendation to Francis Darwin, and warned him that he would be unlikely to be able to see CD himself. His account of the visit is in Timiriazev 2006. CD and Francis were interested in bloom, the powdery or waxy coating on some plants (see letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2).

From A. H. Sayce   27 July 1877 Queen’s Coll. | Oxford. July 27th 1877. Dear Sir, I hope you will forgive a stranger like myself for addressing you, but I trust that the interests of scientific knowledge will be held a sufficient excuse for my troubling you. I should be very much obliged if you could give me some information on one or two points connected with your recent valuable article in Mind.1 For some time past I have been collecting facts relative to the first attempts of children at speaking, & after making due allowance for inherited capacities & the existence of a fully-formed

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language round the child it seems to me that these facts will throw much light on the origin of language. (1) Were you able to trace the sound of mum from an inarticulate into an articulate stage of pronunciation? I gather from M. Taine that the nasalised ham, wh. in the case of the child observed by him was equivalent to your mum, was first of all inarticulate.2 (2) Did you find that the child had a tendency to turn a monosyllabic word into a dissyllabic one by adding to it a short vowel like —ŏ or —y or a nasalised one like the French —en? (3) Did you find that the child paid more attention to the correct pronunciation of the vowels than to that of the consonants, or vice versa? Please excuse my troubling you with these questions. If you could answer any of them, either wholly or in part, I should be extremely obliged. I am, | Yours faithfully | A. H. Sayce DAR 177: 45 1 2

‘Biographical sketch of an infant’. Hippolyte Taine’s remarks were published in Revue philosophique (Taine 1876, p. 12). Sayce cited Taine and CD in his Introduction to the science of language (Sayce 1880, 2: 311–14). Taine’s article was reprinted in Mind in April 1877 (see letter to G. C. Robertson, 27 April 1877 and n. 2).

From W. G. Smith   27 July 1877 15, Mildmay Grove, N. 27 July 1877 My dear Sir It was very kind of you to request your publisher to forward me a copy of your “Forms of Flowers” & I return you my best thanks for the book—1 It of course has an additional value in my eyes as coming from you for I have long been a careful & admiring student of your excellent works.— During intervals of other work I have carefully looked over the Sea-Kale & Iris leaves— My son has also carefully looked over them & the conclusion arrived at is, that the decayed spots are not due to fungus-work2 Various fungi are common on the Cruciferæ but no fungus known to me leaves a scar in any way resembling the scars on your leaves— Some of these scars (where the epidermis has not yet decayed away) are thus in section & I take the small orifice to be the hole from which some very small larva has emerged— Various eggs & other traces of small beetles, flies &c (?) were on the leaf— The fine mildew on some of the spots is an after-growth. I do not think the raised & brown border round the depressions tells against insect work for as far as my experience goes, this thickening is not uncommon after the bites & punctures of insects & the gnawings of larvæ— As a case in point I have just engraved a Cattleya

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leaf for G. Chron. punctured all over by some fly (to be described by Westwood) & every puncture is surrounded by a thickening of the cells thus in section.—3

Above remarks also apply to Iris:— I can see neither spores or threads & nothing that at first sight reminds me of a fungus—or fungus-work   I am inclined to consider the elongated spots to be due to the gnawings of some larvā & the smaller stains as caused by the puncture of some insect The bloom on the 2  plants sent me appears to protect the leaves against the attacks of larvæ (& probably mites 〈    〉) Some botanists have thrown out a suggestion to the effect that hairs may possibly protect some plants from the attacks of fungus-spores, but I do not think hairy plants are so protected—there is such a great difference in size between hairs & spores or even fungus-threads— Yours faithfully | W. G. Smith Chas Darwin Esq | F.R.S. DAR 177: 202 1 2 3

Forms of flowers was published by John Murray. See letter from W. G. Smith, 24 July 1877 and n. 1. The son Smith refers to was probably Arthur Edgar Smith. See Gardeners’ Chronicle, 25 August 1877, p. 244. The illustration accompanied a short article by John Obadiah Westwood.

From R. I. Lynch   [before 28 July 1877]1 Mem Averrhoa Bilimbi I once found the leaflets in V position above the rachis. after which they placed themselves horizontally and remained at rest.2 I have looked repeatedly for the same appearance but since without success. If I remember rightly the sun shone intensely at the time and directly on the plant—in the morning DAR 209.14: 185 1

2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the first letter from R. I. Lynch, [before 28 July 1877]. The first letter contains more information on the phenomenon described here, so this letter is most likely the second to have been sent. Lynch made more detailed observations on sensitiveness of leaves of Averrhoa bilimbi (the bilimbi or cucumber tree) in his first letter of [before 28 July 1877]. The rachis is the axis of a pinnate leaf.

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From R. I. Lynch   [before 28 July 1877]1 Automatic motion of Averrhoa Bilimbi — An instance of leaf motion which I believe to have some physiological interest. The leaflets of Averrhoa Bilimbi are depressed by their own act, with more or less frequence during the day, to nearly the position of sleep, but so slowly in succession that the phenomenon very easily escapes observation.2 The motion is steady and continuous up to completion of the movement—not spasmodic as in the case of Desmodium gyrans.3 Usually there is only one leaflet of a leaf in downward motion at the same time, the next to follow is generally the one most nearly opposite, or the one next on the same side. From slight observation there is no evident law in the order of succession but the leaflets of a leaf are never all down at the same time. The downward movement is quickly performed but the return motion is so slow as to imperceptable. The activity of the plant appears to be chiefly influenced by the degree of light. During bright weather if the plants are shaded there is little or no movement, but on the shading being drawn up there immediately commences a lively depression of the leaflets Averrhoa Bilimbi is subject to the condition of sleep and is sensitive to mechanical irritation, with also the automatic motion above mentioned These phenomena have not perhaps been together recorded of the same plant. Desmodium gyrans having the automatic movement is not appreciably influenced by mechanical irritation, Mimosa pudica having a high degree of “sensitiveness” is without the automatic movement, while both are subject to the condition of sleep.4 Desmodium gyrans though less active during the night, even then continues the gyration of its small leaflets, Averrhoa on the other hand is only active during the day and is then greatly affected by the degree of light R. Irwin Lynch | Royal Gardens | Kew AMemS DAR 209.14: 184 CD annotations 2.1 interest.] before ‘Movt of Leaves’ red crayon 3.1 are depressed … so slowly 3.2] ‘& Desmodium’ in margin, red crayon 1 2 3

4

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 28 July [1877]. Averrhoa bilimbi is the bilimbi or cucumber tree. In Movement in plants, p. 330, CD cited Lynch’s published communication to the Linnean Society of London on the movements of the leaves (Lynch 1877). Desmodium gyrans is a synonym of Codariocalyx motorius (telegraph or semaphore plant). CD discussed both circumnutation and nyctitropic movements of this species as well as its leaf morphology in Movement in plants, pp. 357–65 Mimosa pudica is a species of sensitive plant; CD discussed the movement in its cotyledons in relation to leaf morphology in Movement in plants, pp. 113–15. The mechanism by which leaflets and leaves folded up in response to touch had yet to be worked out, but CD made several observations on the process, later published in Movement in plants, pp. 374–8.

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To Bartholomaeus von Carneri   28 July 1877 July 28. 77. Dear Sir I am much obliged for your kind and courteous letter. From what I have observed in various periodicals I can see that the discussion of the Philosophy of Evolution is at present very important. In the course of a few days I will read what you have been so kind as to point out to me with reference to instinct.1 I remain, with much respect | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin. Copy Wienbibliothek im Rathaus, Handschriftensammlung (Kryptonachlass of von Carneri) 1

Carneri’s letter has not been found. Carneri had previously sent CD copies of his works on morality, psychology, and Darwinism (see Correspondence vol. 19, letter to Bartholomaeus von Carneri, 17 April [1871], and Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Bartholomaeus von Carneri, 22 April 1876). Carneri was probably working on his Grundlegung der Ethik (Foundation of ethics, Carneri [1880]; see letter from Bartholomaeus von Carneri, 30 October 1880 (Calendar no. 12784).

To A. H. Sayce   28 July 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 28/77 Dear Sir, It would be a great pleasure to me to give you any information, but I dare not trust my memory after so long an interval. In my little paper I have given only facts which were recorded at the time.1 My impression however is that “mum” arose from opening & shutting the mouth repeatedly as a sign of wanting to eat, for this movement makes a sound like the letter m. I feel sure that several of the consonants (m, b & d being excepted) were much more difficult for my children to utter correctly than the vowels. I can only repeat my regret that I cannot aid you in your very interesting investigation. I remain, dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS Bodleian Libraries (Eng. lett. d.63: 51–2) 1

Sayce had asked CD to expand on comments he made in ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ (see letter from A. H. Sayce, 27 July 1877).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   28 July [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 28th My dear Dyer Will you please to thank Mr. Lynch for his M.S. which I have read with much interest. I have been observing the Averrhoa every day for special purposes, but have

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never noticed the phenomenon!2 Now that my eyes are opened I will look sharp for the movement.— Be so kind as to fill up the enclosed card, as I know not what temperature to keep the plants, & whether it is a littoral species.3 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: f. 79) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 25 August 1877. Richard Irwin Lynch was foreman of the propagating department at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. For his discovery about the spontaneous movements of the leaflets of Averrhoa bilimbi, see the first letter from R. I. Lynch, [before 28 July 1877], Lynch 1877, and Movement in plants, p. 330. CD had received plants from Kew on 26 July (letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 26 [July 1877]).

To Thomas Druitt   29 July [1877]1 July 29 Dear Sir I have acted as Trustee & Treasurer to a Friendly Club for very many years, & we are now going to withdraw a sum (about £290) from the National Debt Office & I want to beg the great favour of you to act as my agent in withdrawing the money.—2 The Office informs me that an agent must be employed who resides in London, & I know not to whom else to apply.—3 On a former occasion your bank was so good as to act for me in this manner.—4 All that has to be done is to present the draft & 4 days afterwards the money will be paid you & cd be placed to my account; I will then send my Butler5 up to you for the money Hoping that you will grant me this favour | I remain yours sincerely ADraft DAR 202: 95 1 2

3 4 5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the draft letter to J. M. F. Ludlow, 20 July [1877]. Members of Down Friendly Society had decided to distribute the surplus funds of the society among themselves. See letter to J. M. F. Ludlow, 20 July [1877] and n. 1, and letter to the National Debt Office, [after 29 July 1877]. Thomas Druitt was the manager of CD’s bank, the Union Bank at Charing Cross, London. The letter from the National Debt Office has not been found. The former occasion has not been identified. Joseph Parslow.

From Oswald Heer1   29 July 1877 Mein verehrter Herr! Empfangen Sie meinen verbindlichsten Dank für die freundliche Uebersendung Ihres Werkes “the different Forms of Flowers”, welches wieder eine so reiche Fülle

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von wichtigen Beobachtungen enthält. Mehrere dieser Abhandlungen habe ich schon früher mit grossem Interesse gelesen, freue mich aber darauf die in dieser umgearbeiteten u.  durch neue Beobachtungen erweiterten Form studieren zu können,2 was freilich erst später geschehen kann, da ich gegenwärtig sehr mit der Untersuchung der Pflanzenreste beschäftigt bin, welche Cap. Feilden bei der letzten engl. Polar expedition im Grinnell-Land bei nahe dem 82o N.Br. entdeckt hat.3 Dieselben stimmen grossentheils mit Arten überein, welche Nordenskiöld seiner Zeit am Cap Staratschin in Spitzbergen gesammelt u. die ich im zweiten Bande der Flora foss. arctica beschrieben habe; so die Taxodien, die Birke, Ulme u. Haselnuss.4 Vonbesonderm Interesse ist die Torellia rigida.5 Diese erhielt ich seiner Zeit aus Spitzbergen nur in einzelnen Bruchstücken aus denen ich das Blatt zusammengesetzt habe (Flora arct. II. Taf. VI. Fig. 3–12); aus Grinnellland liegen nun die vollständig erhaltenen Blätter vor mir, welche die früher gegebene Deutung bestätigen. Sie bilden eine eigenthümliche Gattung der Familie der Taxineen aus der Gruppe der Salisburieae und schliessen sich zunächst an die merkwürdige Gattung Phoenicopsis, die ich in der Jura Flora nachgewiesen habe (Flora foss.  arct. IV.  Sibirica p.  49) an; wie anderseits an Baiera. Diese Gruppe der Salisburieen hatte in der Jura-Flora die reichste Entfaltung ud. tritt uns hier in einer Reihe von Gattungen (Phoenicopsis, Baiera, Czekanovskia, Trichopytis u. Gingko) und in zahlreichen Arten entgegen; wir finden sie noch in der Kreide in Baiera u. Ginkgo; im Tertiär in Gingko u. Torellia, in der jetztigen Schöpfung aber nur noch in Gingko u. nur in einer einzigen Species (G. biloba).6 Jetzt ist diese Art auf Ostasien beschränkt, während wir die miocene Gingko-Art aus Grönland, Deutschland, Italien und von der Insel Sachalin kennen; damals war daher dieser Pflanzentypus noch weit verbreitet u. zwar in einer Art, welche der lebenden ungemein nahe verwandt ist. Torellia aber scheint auf den höchsten Norden beschränkt zu sein. Wie ich meine Arbeit vollendet werde ich einen Bericht darüber an Hooker7 einsenden. Meinen wärmsten Dank wiederholend | Ihr [hochachtungsvollester] | Oswald Heer Zürich 29 Juli 1877. DAR 166: 133 1 2

3 4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Heer’s name appeared on CD’s presentation list for Forms of flowers (see Appendix IV). Forms of flowers consisted of revised versions of five of CD’s earlier papers on heterostyly, with new material on dioecy and cleistogamy. The five papers were ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’, ‘Two forms in species of Linum’, ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’, ‘Illegitimate offspring of dimorphic and trimorphic plants’, and ‘Specific difference in Primula’. Henry Wemyss Feilden was naturalist on HMS Alert during the polar expedition of 1875. Grinnell Land is the central section of Ellesmere Island. Adolf Erik Nordenskiöld made several voyages of Arctic exploration. See Heer 1868–83, vol. 2, ‘Die Miocene Flora und Fauna Spitzbergens’, p. 7 (papers are independently paginated). The family Taxodiaceae is now merged with Cupressaceae.

310 5

6

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In Heer 1868–83, 5: 20 (‘Die Miocene Flora des Grinnell-Landes’, published in 1878), Heer noted that he had renamed Torellia as Feildenia, since Torellia had already been used as the name of a genus of molluscs. In his classification, Heer divided the Coniferae into two sections, Taxineae and Taxoidieae, and placed the genus Ginkgo in Taxineae. (Ginkgo is now placed within its own class, Ginkgoopsida.) Salisburia was an alternative genus name for Ginkgo (Smith 1796), but is now considered to be illegitimate. Heer’s Salisburiae group consisted of Phoenicopsis, Baiera, Ginkgo, Trichopitys, and Czekanowskia (Heer 1868–83, 4: 48–9 (‘Contributions on the Jurassic flora of east Siberia and Amurland’)). Joseph Dalton Hooker.

To the National Debt Office   [after 29 July 1877]1 Sir We the undersigned two Trustees of the D.F.S.  wish to withdraw the sum of 290£  from the money standing in our names in the National Debt Office, for distribution as a bonus to the members in accordance with the permission of our Actuary.—2 Will you be so good as to send us the proper form & any requisite instructions.— We wish to appoint the manager of the Union Bank, Charing Cross Branch as our agent for receiving the money, & believe that we have to fill up some form to this purpose.—3 We beg leave to remain | Sir | Your obd servants ADraft DAR 202: 73 1 2

3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Thomas Druitt, 29 July [1877]. The trustees of Down Friendly Society were CD, Charles Pearson, and John Brodie Innes (Correspondence vol. 24, letter to J. M. F. Ludlow, 11 February 1876). Since Innes lived in Scotland, the other signatory was probably Pearson. On the distribution of the bonus, see the letter to J. M. F. Ludlow, 20 July [1877] and n. 1. The National Debt Office invested funds for the Post Office Savings Bank, which received deposits from Friendly Societies (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to J. B. Innes, 7 February [1876] and n. 2). See letter to Thomas Druitt, 29 July [1877].

From H. N. Ellacombe   30 July [1877]1 Bitton Vicarage | Bristol— July 30th Dear Sir, It is a very great pleasure to me in any way to help in your valuable researches. I have two small plants of Schrankia, both in the open ground— When I was at Kew last week, I offered to send them my second plant— But I have no hesitation in sending it in the first place to you, with the request that after you have quite done with it, you will return it, not to me, but to Kew— I will tell Mr. Smith that I have sent it, to explain to him why it does not come at once to Kew— When they get it

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I hope they will propagate it, for I think it very likely that mine are the only plants in England.2 The plant is decidedly sensitive— It was sent to me from New York about three years ago— My attention was first drawn to it in the Hortus Collinsonianus,3 as a plant grown by Collinson4 more than 100 years ago— As you may not have the book, the following extract may interest you— “Arthur Dobbs Esqe. Governor of North Carolina, in a letter to Mr. Collinson dated at Brunswick Jan 24. 1760, says—‘the most curious plants I have seen here are two of the sensitive kind; one grows two or three feet high & the stalks are all over prickly, like a brier; by striking a bush with a whip, it will instantly close up all its leaves, and bears a pretty blush red globular flower, the size of a nut—’ In 1765 Mr. Collinson received ‘a sensitive Brier’ from Mr. Bartram”—5 Hoping that the plant will soon recover its transplanting & interest you—I am | Yours vy faithfuly | Henry N. Ellacombe DAR 163: 15 1 2

3 4 5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 7 August 1877. CD was interested in a sensitive Schrankia mentioned by William Turner Thiselton-Dyer in 1875 (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 22 July [1877] and n. 4).Thiselton-Dyer had referred him to Ellacombe (letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 25 July 1877). John Smith was curator of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. Dillwyn 1843. Peter Collinson. Dillwyn 1843, p. 50. The plant was listed under the name Schrankia uncinata, which is a synonym of Mimosa microphylla. The sensitive brier came from John Bartram.

From J. F. McLennan   30 July 1877 Woodbury Cottage, | Biggin Hill, Norwood, S.E. 30th. July 77 My dear Mr. Darwin, With this I send Azara by book post & with many thanks. I found no other passages bearing on Infanticide than those you directed me to; but see p 146 & 152 for systems of abortion. Page 92 gives me a fresh instance of Nair polyandry in connectn. with female infanticide.1 As to abortion: I think it must be counted a refinement on & advance from infanticide & since the evidence shows that a system of infanticide is always, on the whole, a system of female infanticide we must infer a former practice of female infanticide where we find a practice of abortion. What I say as to systems of infanticide being always on the whole systems of female infanticide rests not on speculatn. but evidence. Spencer has just given us all a terrible lesson as to the evils of taking things “out of one’s head”.2 I wish I had been nearer you that I might borrow books freely. I fear I am terribly in arrear, having nearly 8 years’ books of travels to overtake. I am making a list of

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books to buy to take with me to Algiers. If you can suggest any I shd. buy I shall be obliged.— At last we have warm weather & I am thankful. The late damp tried me much. Mrs. McLennan3 is some what better & joins me in kind messages to you all. We are expecting to see the Litchfields4 here on Friday. I am yours very sincerely | J. F McLennan DAR 171: 25 CD annotation 4.2 I am … shall be obliged 4.4] ‘Falconer Palaeog’ blue crayon 1

2

3 4

CD’s letter has not been found. He had evidently sent McLennan his copy of Azara 1809 (Voyages dans l’Amérique Méridionale). See letter from J. F. McLennan, 24 July 1877. McLennan referred to what he took to be a very early form of family organisation as Nair polyandry from its prevalence among the Nairs of southern India; women usually lived with their mother or a brother, and had several husbands (see McLennan 1865, pp. 184–8; see also letter from L. H. Morgan, 26 June 1877 and n. 8). Azara 1809, 2: 92–4, discussed the marriage customs of the Guanas of Paraguay, alleging that the mothers buried most of their female babies alive, because they believed this was to the advantage of the surviving females. CD scored these pages in his copy now in the Darwin Library–CUL; see Marginalia 1: 26. In an article in Fortnightly Review, 1 June 1877 (McLennan 1877), McLennan had criticised Herbert Spencer’s remarks on exogamy in his Principles of sociology 1: 649ff. (Spencer 1876–96). See also letter from L. H. Morgan, 26 June 1877. Eleonora Anne McLennan. Henrietta Emma Litchfield, CD’s daughter, and her husband, Richard Buckley Litchfield.

From A. H. Sayce   30 July 1877 Queen’s Coll. | Oxford. July 30th 1877. Dear Sir, Let me thank you very much for your kind reply to my questions. May I quote your words in regard to “mum” & the greater difficulty experienced in pronouncing certain consonants than in pronouncing the vowels in a forthcoming work of mine on Language?1 If I do not hear from you, I shall assume that you give me permission to do so. It is very difficult to collect trustworthy information about the attempts of children to learn to speak. Unfortunately the majority of people have not had the necessary amount of scientific training to enable them to observe & report the facts correctly, & malobservation is worse than no observation at all. This must be my excuse for having troubled you. With many thanks, I remain, | dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | A. H. Sayce. DAR 177: 46 1

See letter from A. H. Sayce, 27 July 1877, and letter to A. H. Sayce, 28 July 1877. Sayce cited CD in his Introduction to the science of language (Sayce 1880, 2: 313–14).

July 1877 To James Torbitt   30 July 1877

313 Down, July 30, 1877.

Dear Sir Your letter seems to me very clear and good, and I hope that the Daily News will accede to your very liberal proposition. I do not take in this Paper. If therefore any Report is made will you kindly send me a copy?1 I would suggest an alteration in p. 3. your selection plan is more important probably than cross-fertilisation. Therefore I would suggest that your sentence should run somewhat as follows. “Mr. Darwin permits me to say that my plan, namely the preservation during successive generations of those seedling plants, all the tubers of which are sound, and the destruction of all other plants, in conjunction with cross-fertilisation, is in his opinion by far the most likely method by which to obtain a sound &c. &c. &c. &c.” On p. 2 is not the statement that the difference can be seen at the distance of a “couple of miles” too strong? Heartily wishing you success I remain, dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 95 1

Torbitt’s letter to CD has not been found. He presumably wanted to publish a notice in the London Daily News about his experiments in producing a blight-resistant potato (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 24, letter from James Torbitt, 7 April 1876). However, no such article was published in the Daily News in 1877.

From Alphonse de Candolle1   31 July 1877

Genève 31 Juillet 1877.

Mon cher Monsieur Je vous remercie extremement de votre volume sur les Forms of flowers.2 C’est un exposé très curieux de faits observés d’abord par vous et ensuite par d’autres, avec des comparaisons et reflexions d’un grand intérêt. La question de l’origine probable des plantes uni et bisexuelles s’est presentée à moi en travaillant les Smilacées. Je regrette de n’avoir pas eu votre ouvrage avant l’impression des premières feuilles de notre volume de Monographies où j’en ai parlé. Quand vous recevrez ce volume, en automne, vous verrez mes conjectures sur l’apparition et la dispersion géographique des trois genres de Smilacées proprement dites, l’un dioique, sans trace d’organes avortés (Heterosmilax), un second dioique, avec filets d’etamines stériles dans les fleurs femelles (Smilax), le 3ème hermaphrodite (Rhipogonum).3 La forme la moins compliquée, Heterosmilax, m’a paru probablement la plus ancienne; ensuite les commencements d’etamines des Smilax se seraient formés, et enfin l’anthère serait venue, dans les Rhipogonum. Ce qui m’a fait incliner vers cette hypothèse (je ne l’ai pas expliqué expressement dans l’imprimé et j’ai eu tort), c’est que les feuilles se developpent sur la plante dans cet ordre. Le cotyledon et les premières feuilles de chaque rameau sont composées seulement

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de la gaine ou partie inférieure de la feuille; ensuite au milieu se developpent les feuilles pourvues de limbe. Dans le bourgeon floral, c’est la même chose: les sépales et petales sont des feuilles réduites à la base, et les petales manquent même dans les Heterosmilax; enfin les feuilles centrales sont plus developpées sous forme souvent d’etamines, pourvues d’anthères (limbe), mais pas toujours. Dans le genre le plus developpé, Rhipogonum, une espèce de la Nouvelle Zelande m’a offert quelque chose de bien rare, qu’on n’avait pas remarqué. La fleur n’est jamais fermée en bouton. Les plus jeunes montrent déjà des etamines à découvert, sans préfloraison. C’est le contraire de la Cleistogamie. Qu’en resulte-t-il pour la fécondation? Je ne sais. Les ètamines des Rhipogonum, en particulier de celui-ci, contiennent peu de pollen. Le Rhip. scandens est imparfaitement hermaphrodite, plus encore que les autres. Il est vrai qu’il se reproduit énormement par les pousses venant des rhizomes, comme c’est le cas de beaucoup de Smilax du Bresil, qui fleurissent rarement. Le pollen des Smilacées est hérissé de petites papilles, de sorte que la fécondation doit se faire plus par les insectes que par le vent. Dans les Rhipogonum les papilles sont très courtes, le pollen est presque volatil. Comme ils sont hermaphrodites, cela rentre dans vos idées. La fècondation se ferait d’une plante à l’autre malgré l’hermaphroditisme apparent, sans quoi (direz-vous) les produits auraient moins de vigueur.4 En lisant votre page 11 je remarque que les Smilacées dioiques ne sont pas comme les Restiacées dont vous parlez. Les pieds males et femelles sont impossibles à distinguer, autrement que par les fleurs ou fruits, à moins que l’elévation (la taille) ne soit différente selon le sexe, ce qu’on ne voit pas dans les herbiers.5 Plusieurs passages de votre dernier ouvrage et des précédents m’ont fait faire une recherche linguistique, d’après laquelle il parait que les mots purpose, end, n’ont pas en anglais le sens précis que nous donnons en francais aux mots but, fin. Je me disais en lisant au haut de la p. 7 “their corollas have been increased in size for this special purpose, et p.  9, vers le bas, “subserve any special end”. Mr. Darwin, dont l’esprit philosophique poursuit methodiquement les causes et les effets, aurait mieux fait de dire: their corollas being increased in size the consequence is, etc, et p. 9 au lieu de subserve any special end … have any effect, car l’observation ne montre que des formes et des conséquences ou effets, non des buts ou intentions. Nos mots but, fin supposent une intention, une volonté extérieure, ou pour connaitre une intention, il faut questionner celui au quel on l’attribue ou l’entendre s’expliquer, ce qui n’arrive pas dans les phénomènes naturels. Que diraient des francais ou des hollandais s’ils lisaient dans un livre de géologie: “à la fin de l’epoque tertiaire la vallée de la Tamise s’est abaissée dans le but que Londres eut un commerce immense etc,” ou … “les côtes de France se sont élevées dans le but que les Français ne fussent pas navigateurs”— Ils diraient assurement: qu’en sait-on? L’auteur a pris des consequences pour des buts, des effets pour des causes. Mais ces doutes et ces critiques de mon esprit sont tombés en ouvrant mon dictionnaire anglo-francais, de Spiers:6 Purpose. But, fin, effet, intention, dessein, usage. End. Bout, extrémité, fin, but, objet, cause.

July 1877

315

Ainsi, chacun de ces mots anglais a deux sens contradictoires, tantot un but prémédité, tantot un effet—tantot une cause, tantot un resultat. Je doute que vos traducteurs aient fait attention à cette difficulté et je crains que l’ambiguité de ces mots anglais ne conserve dans le public anglais une certaine confusion d’idées peu philosophique. En tous cas si je vous ai critiqué dabord in petto,7 c’etait ma faute; je n’avais pas compris le vague inévitable determiné par la langue. Mon fils qui comte comme un de ses bons jours, celui que vous avez bien voulu lui accorder, se rappelle à votre souvenir.8 Dites, je vous prie, à Mr Francis Darwin, que Mr Delpino a été plus heureux que nous en observant des Smilax. Je soupconnais une excretion de l’extremité des feuilles et nous ne l’avions pas vue, moi à Genève sur le Smilax excelsa, et Mr Francis à Kew sur des Smilax probablement en serre, mais les pieds observés n’etaient pas dans des conditions ordinaires de climat et végétation. A Gênes, Mr Delpino a vu, sur deux espèces (S.  aspera et bonanox) une matière sucrée produite par le tissu glandulaire qui se trouve au bout de la feuille, du côté extérieur, surtout dans les jeunes feuilles des pousses annuelles.9 Cette matière sucrée est recherchée par les fourmis. D’après les échantillons d’herbiers, la secretion doit être plus forte dans certaines espèces de Chine, du Bresil, etc. Delpino, tout pénétré des anciennes théories sur les causes finales, cherche le but, l’intention pour les quels la secretion et l’abord des fourmis existent dans ce cas. Il croit, en général, que les fourmis arrivent afin de débarrasser les arbres des larves d’insectes nuisibles. J’aimerais mieux l’hypothèse que les matières sécrétées ont pour but de nourrir les fourmis. Les jardiniers ont une troisième manière de voir, qui est de considérer les fourmis comme un fléau, dont il faut se débarrasser le plus possible. Enfin, je préférerais aux hypothèses une bonne expèrience; dans une rangée de cerisiers ou autre arbre frequenté par les fourmis, enduire quelques troncs de coal tar de manière à empêcher la visite de ces insectes, et voir si la végétation, floraison et fructification seraient differentes sur les arbres avec et sans fourmis. On saurait alors les conséquences, les effects, au lieu de faire des suppositions de toute nature sur des intentions! Je me suis laissé entrainer au plaisir de causer avec vous. Il ne me reste qu’à vous prier de m’excuser de la longueur et d’agréer, mon cher Monsieur, l’assurance de tout mon dévouement | Alph. de Candolle DAR 161: 21 CD annotation 4.3 l’autre … l’hermaphroditisme] bracketted by crosses, pencil 1 2 3

4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Candolle’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Forms of flowers (see Appendix IV). See A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96, vol. 1. The first three volumes of this work are in the Darwin Library–Down. Candolle worked on the publication with his son Casimir de Candolle. Smilaceae is a synonym of Smilacaceae (the family of greenbrier). See A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96, 1: 26–7. Candolle suggested that dioecious species of Smilax with sticky pollen must be pollinated by insects. The pollen of the monoecious Rhipogonum,

316

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6 7 8 9

July 1877

however, was easily transported by the wind, which Candolle thought supported CD’s views on the advantages of cross-fertilisation. In Forms of flowers, p. 11, CD commented that differentiation of the sexes in the Restiaceae (a large family of rush-like flowering plants of the southern hemisphere; see letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [before 17 January 1877] and n. 3) had affected the whole plant, not just the flowers, to such an extent that botanists were sometimes unable to match up male and female forms of the same species. See A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96, 1: 6. Alexander Spiers’s English–French dictionary was published in many editions; see, for example, Spiers 1869. In petto: in private, in secret (Italian). Casimir de Candolle was in England in January 1877 (see letter from Alphonse de Candolle, January 1877); it is not known when he met CD. Federico Delpino published on Smilax in Delpino 1880. Smilax bononox is now usually rendered as S. bono-nox. In his paper on Acacia and Cecropia, Francis mentioned Delpino’s view that sweet fluid secreted anywhere other than nectaries was to attract ants (see F. Darwin 1876d, p. 408).

To T. H. Farrer   31 July [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 31st My dear Farrer I cannot advise, as I know hardly any of the younger entomologists. The man ought to know the larvæ of the genus, & very few entomologists in England have attended to the larvæ of insects. He ought, also, to have attended to the destruction of insects.2 I think Prof Westwood of Oxford wd. be the best man to advise, as he formerly & for many years wrote for Gardener’s Chronicle.— He was lately or is Pres. Ent. Soc. & so knows the younger men; & the man ought to be young & active.3 I may tell you privately that the man who probably wd.  expect to be appointed & whom many persons wd.  recommend is Andrew Murray, who has lately been propounding wild schemes about the destruction of all insect-pests;4 but he is in my judgment a prodigy for his incapacity for forming a reasonable opinion on any subject.— He has just published such nonsense about carbonic acid & Plants.—5 Lindley, former Ed. of Gard. Ch.6 & a very acute man, I know, thought Andrew Murray a wonderful blockhead & yet he is in one sense a clever man. This is all the little which I have got to say.— | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin We shall be quite delighted to come to Abinger.—7 V&A / Wedgwood Collection (MS W/M 546) 1 2

3 4

The year is established by the reference to Andrew Murray’s remarks on plants and carbonic acid (see n. 4, below). Farrer’s letter to CD has not been found, and the subject of his enquiry has not been identified. It may have had to do with the expected arrival of the Colorado beetle, a potato pest (see J. F. M. Clark 2009, pp. 135–53). John Obadiah Westwood was entomological referee for the Gardeners’ Chronicle, and had been president of the Entomological Society of London for three terms, 1851–2, 1872–3, and 1876–7 (ODNB). For Murray’s campaign against onion and carrot flies, see Journal of the Society of Arts, 8 June 1877, pp. 734–43, and J. F. M. Clark 2009, p. 134.

August 1877 5 6 7

317

In an article in Gardeners’ Chronicle (A. Murray 1877), Murray denied that plants derived carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. See also letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 22 July [1877]. John Lindley. The Darwins stayed at Farrer’s home, Abinger Hall, near Dorking, Surrey, from 20 to 25 August 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From D. Appleton & Co.   [1 August – 15 September 1877]1 Sales by D. Appleton & Co to Aug 1/77 of “Origin of Species” for a/c Chas Darwin Febry 1/77. On hand 310 May Printed 250 Ed over 6  Aug 1/77. On hand 307 Sold 259. 5% of $2. $25.90 deduct copyright on 34 sold under cost— 12 is Expression of Emotions Feb 1/77. On hand 1310  Aug 1/77 " 1184 sold 126.

$1.70 $24.20

10% of $3.50 $44.10

1 2

deduct copyright on % sold under cost, 17 12 Descent of Man Feb 1/77 On hand 158  Mch Printed 500  Aug 1/77 on hand 472. Sold 186 10% of $2

$1.22

1 2

deduct copyright on 15 sold under cost 1.50 Stg value of $10278 Exch 48888. Gold 105 12 £19.18.62

42.88

$37.20 35.70 $102.78

Insectivorous Plants. No sales to report in consequence of an Error of 100 copies in stock on hand Feb 1/77—reported as 475—should have been 575— sales should 〈have〉 been 107 instead of 207 D DAR 159: A100

1

The date range is established by the date of the statement and by the date when CD recorded receiving payment (see n. 2, below).

318 2

August 1877

CD recorded a payment on 15 September 1877 of £19 18s 6d in his Account books–banking account (Down House MS) under the heading ‘Appleton per Ch Layton for sale of my Books in U. States.’ Charles Layton was the London agent for D. Appleton & Co., CD’s American publisher.

To Friedrich Ludwig   1 August 1877

Down Beckenham Kent Aug 1. 1877

Dear Sir, I am very much obliged to you for your clear account of the cleistogamic flowers of Collomia, together with the dried flowers.1 The case seems to me a very striking and interesting one. I remain, dear Sir, | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin LS American Philosophical Society: B/D25. 346 1

Ludwig had sent CD his description of cleistogamic flowers of Collomia grandiflora (large-flowered mountain trumpet or phlox) from the Verhandlungen des botanischen Vereins für die Provinz Brandenburg (Ludwig 1876). CD’s annotated copy of Ludwig’s description is in DAR 133.19: 6. CD added a reference to Ludwig 1876 in the preface to Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. x.

To W. D. Whitney   1 August [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug 1st. Dear Sir I am much obliged for your kind note & the newspaper abstract, which I have forwarded to Mr. Sayce, who is attending to nearly similar subject.—2 I shall be pleased to receive your paper when printed.—3 I send a copy of my own, which is really of hardly any value & the observations were made before the present admirable advances & interest in Philology.—4 I will give your message to my son5 & remain in Haste | Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Getz 11088) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from A. H. Sayce, 2 August 1877. Whitney’s letter has not been found. The newspaper abstract that was forwarded to Archibald Henry Sayce has not been identified, but was evidently a report relating to the 10 to 12 July 1877 meeting of the American Philological Association in Baltimore (for a full report of the meeting, see Transactions of the American Philological Association 8 (1877): 3–39). After reading CD’s article ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’, Sayce had written to CD to ask for information on sounds made by infants (see letter from A. H. Sayce, 27 July 1877, and letter to A. H. Sayce, 28 July 1877). Two papers read at the Baltimore meeting concerned language acquisition in children (Holden 1877 and Whitney 1877). Whitney’s paper ‘The principle of economy as a phonetic force’ later appeared in Transactions of the American Philological Association (Whitney 1877), but no copy has been found in the Darwin Archive– CUL.

August 1877 4

5

319

CD’s article, ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’, had appeared in the July 1877 issue of the journal Mind: a Quarterly Review of Psychology and Philosophy. The article was based on notes CD had made on his children’s development from the birth of his first child, William Erasmus, in December 1839; the notebook is in DAR 210.11: 37. The message has not been found, but was probably for George Howard Darwin. George had published an article titled ‘Professor Whitney on the origin of language’ in the Contemporary Review (G. H. Darwin 1874).

From Theodor von Heldreich1   2 August 1877 Athènes le 2 Aout 1877 Monsieur, Un de Vos plus humbles disciples, mais certes un de vos plus sincères admirateurs et partisans, qui le premier en Grèce j’ai possedé et étudié votre immortel ouvrage “Ueber die Entstehung der Arten, etc.” übersetzt von Bronn—1860,2 j’ose vous offrir aujourd’hui un petit travail, que je viens de términer sous le tître: “Die Pflanzen der attischen Ebene”. C’est une petite étude de Géographie botanique, qui a été redigée pour un ouvrage de Mr. August Mommsen (“Griechische Jahreszeiten”) dans un but plutôt philologique.3 Si jamais vous aurez un moment de loisir pour y jeter un coup d’oeuil, vous y trouverez quelques notes sur les phénomènes périodiques, les plantes cultivées et autres conditions de notre Flore, qui peut-être pourront avoir quelque interêt pour vous, comme venant d’un pays, qui n’est pas encore assez exploré et comme sous le point de vue de l’histoire naturelle. En vous demandant mille pardons si, étant tout-à-fait inconnu à vous, j’ai osé vous importuner, je vous prie, Monsieur, de vouloir bien agréer l’assurance de ma considération très respectueuse, avec laquelle j’ai l’honneur de signer | Votre | très-devouè | Th. de Heldreich | Directeur du Jardin botanique et Conservateur du Musée botanique de l’Université d’Athèns (Grèce.) Sir Charles Darwin | etc., etc., etc. | Down, Beckenham, Kent. P.S. Je lis & je comprends l’Anglais, mais j’ai perdue l’habitude de l’écrire; vous voudrez donc m’excuser si je n’ai pas osé d’écrire en anglais, mais de me servir plutôt d’une langue étrangère. Le [mèm.] Je possède tous vos ouvrages jusqu’en dernier pour un traduction allemande par Carus “Die Wirkungen der Kreuz- und Selbst-Befruchtung im Pflanzenreich”.4 Si jamais il me servit possible de pouvoir vous fournir quelque information en renseignement dont vous pourriez avoir besoin je le considererais comme un grand bonheur pour moi et vous n’aurez qui à me commander. DAR 166: 135 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The first German translation of Origin was made by Heinrich Georg Bronn (Bronn trans. 1860).

320 3

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Heldreich’s work, Die Pflanzen der attischen Ebene (The plants of the Attic plain), appeared as the fifth volume of Griechische Jahreszeiten (Greek seasons; Mommsen ed. 1873–7), edited by August Mommsen; the work also appeared separately (Heldreich 1877). Julius Victor Carus’s German translation of Cross and self fertilisation (Carus trans. 1877d) was published in May 1877 (Botanische Zeitung, 11 May 1877, p. 312).

From A. H. Sayce   2 August 1877

Queen’s Coll. | Oxford. Aug. 2nd 1877.

Dear Sir, Very many thanks for your kind permission to quote your words1 as well as for the account of the last meeting of the American Philological Association & your allowing me to keep it. What Professor Holden & Professor Whitney say is at once interesting & important.2 The first word on the list of the children’s vocabulary I notice is birdie, & among other words quoted are ‘dollie & my footies.3 This illustrates one of the results to wh. the facts I have collected seem to point, namely the inclination children show for changing a monosyllable into a dissyllable by the addition of a short vowel or nasal. Other results are a clearer pronunciation of the vowels than of the consonants, a dislike to double consonants especially at the beginning of words, a use of aspirated gutturals & semi-articulate sounds very difficult for us to imitate, & an inclination to change initial s with h. I also observe in some cases that where a child has learnt to pronounce isolated words clearly & distinctly it fails to do so when it tries to combine them into sentences. With many thanks | Yours faithfully | A. H. Sayce. DAR 177: 47 1

2

3

The letter in which CD gave permission to Sayce has not been found, but see the letter from A. H. Sayce, 30 July 1877, for the request. Sayce cited CD’s article ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ in his book Introduction to the science of language (Sayce 1880, 2: 313–14). CD had sent Sayce a newspaper abstract of the proceedings of the meeting of the American Philological Association (see letter to W. D. Whitney, 1 August [1877] and n. 2). Edward Singleton Holden and William Dwight Whitney had written papers relating to language acquisition in children (Holden 1877 and Whitney 1877). Sayce evidently refers to the newspaper abstract; in Holden’s published article, the words ‘birdie’ and ‘dollie’ appear in alphabetical lists of vocabulary spoken by one child (Holden 1877, pp. 62–3) and ‘footie’ in the vocabulary of another child (ibid., p. 65).

To Alphonse de Candolle   3 August 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug 3. 1877 My dear Sir I must have the pleasure of thanking you for your long & interesting letter.1 The cause & means of the transition from an hermaphrodite to a unisexual condition seems to me a very perplexing problem, & I shall be extremely glad to read your remarks on Smilax, whenever I receive the essay which you kindly say that you will send me.2 There is much justice in your criticisms on my use of the terms object, end, purpose;

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but those who believe that organs have been gradually modified by natural selection for a special purpose, may I think use the above terms correctly though no conscious being has intervened.3 I have found much difficulty in my occasional attempts to avoid these terms; but I might perhaps have always spok[en] of a beneficial or serviceable effect. My son Francis will be interested by hearing about Smilax. He has dispatched to you a copy of his paper on the glands of Dipsacus, & I hope that you will find time to read it, for the case seems to me a new & highly remarkable one.4 We are now hard at work on an attempt to make out the function or use of the bloom or waxy secretion on the leaves & fruit of many plants; but I doubt greatly whether our experiments will tell us much.5 If you have any decided opinion whether plants with conspicuously glaucous leaves are more frequent in hot than in temperate or cold,—in dry than in damp countries, I should be grateful if you would add to your many kindnesses by informing me. Pray give my kind remembrances to your son, & tell him that my son has been trying on a large scale the effects of feeding Drosera with meat, & the results are most striking & far more favourable than I anticipated.6 With the highest respect, | I remain, my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin LS Archives de la famille de Candolle 1 2

3 4

5 6

See letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 31 July 1877. In his letter of 31 July 1877, Candolle had informed CD that he would send a copy of the first part of the forthcoming work, Monographiae phanerogamarum (A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96), which included a section on the Smilaceae (a synonym of Smilacaceae, the greenbrier family), written by him. CD’s copies of the first three volumes of the work, published between 1878 and 1881, are in the Darwin Library–Down. For Candolle’s discussion of different methods of fertilisation in genera of Smilaceae, see A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96, 1: 26–8 (see also letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 31 July 1877 and n. 3). See letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 31 July 1877. Francis Darwin sent Candolle a copy of his paper ‘On the protrusion of protoplasmic filaments from the glandular hairs on the leaves of the common teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris)’ (F. Darwin 1877b). For more on Francis’s research, see the letter to J. D. Hooker, 25 January [1877] and n. 6. For CD’s earlier research on bloom, see the letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2. Casimir de Candolle had studied the effects of feeding insects to Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap; C. de Candolle 1876). Francis began his experiments with Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew) on 11 June 1877 (see F. Darwin 1878a, p. 21). In his published results, Francis briefly discussed Candolle’s paper (F. Darwin 1878a, p. 19) and reviewed much of the literature on the subject that questioned both the necessity of animal food to plants and the ability of leaves of plants to digest animal matter.

From F. J. Cohn   5 August 1877 Pflanzenphysiologisches Institut | der | K. Universität Breslau. | Breslau den 5 August 1877 My dear Sir As from an inexhaustible fountain, there come out from your creative genius so many invaluable productions that we can scarcely follow with the expression of our

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thanks the unintermitted series of your gifts. Still engaged in the study of your book on cross-fertilisation of plants, I am presented with your last work on dimorphic flowers; and now, Mr. Francis Darwin having favoured me with a copy of his paper on Dipsacus, you are kind enough to draw my special attention to the admirable facts discovered by your son and confirmed by yourselves.1 Immediately V after the reception of your very kind letter of July  26, I went to fetch Dipsacus, several species of which grow in our Botanical Garden; and proceeding after your recommendations, I put transverse sections of the IV cup-like bases of young leaves, or the epidermis of these parts, drawn of III carefully from the green parenchyme, into distilled water.2 So I had the happiness to witness with my own eyes the most curious discovery of II those last week’s. At first I ascertained the anatomical structure of the pearlike glands, which are rather elegant and remarkable: from the basal cell (I) rises the stalk-cell(II); in the second story there are two(III), in the third I four(IV), and in the uppermost eight cells(V)., cuneiform, all converging to the centre. But you may conceive how much I was surprised, by seeing the filiform protuberances protruded from out the apex of the glands. It was quite perplexing a spectacle: the filaments are in their refrangibility very like to the pseudopodia of some Rhizopods (Arcella or Difflugia f.i).3 I followed their changes through some time, and I did remark quite definitely as I find exposed in the paper of Mr. Francis: how the protuberaces slowly prolong, crook themselves, hooklike or winding, then extend again straight on, get knopped on their summit or midway; I saw the knops or beads glide down along the thread and lastly be sucked into a globulous mass adhering to the gland. I saw the protuberances always rise between the septa of two or more adjoining cells, but nearly as frequently between the lateral septa as on the apical centrum; generally there were many protuberances on the same glands pressed forward out of different spots; sometimes I saw two diverging branches proceed from the same point like to a pair of compasses, each behaving particularly in its changes. But the most curious appearance in those protuberances was a constant waving undulation along their extension, sometimes slower and difficultly perceivable, sometimes vigourous and quicker—but never ceasing; more delicate filaments appeared to me very like to Vibrio, or to the vibratory flagella of some Infusoria.4 Not finding a special description of the waving movements of the filaments in your son’s paper, I asked some of my pupils, if they saw something remarkable on the filaments, without indicating what? but they all had the same impression as myself. The only facts I could not yet witness of your son’s discoveries, are Fig 6, 14, 15 and the moniliform contractions; nor did I find time hitherto to apply chemical reagents of which Mr. Francis D. has made so admirable a use.5 Of course I am not able after two day’s inspection to form a definite judgment about the true nature of the filiform protuberances. Putting aside the hypothesis of a parasitic Rhizopod, there are two probabilities which still balance in my mind, as Mr. Francis D. has already exposed with so great discernment: 1). The protuberances

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are secretions of some colloidal matter, absorbing water but insoluble in it; the movements are physical, not vital ones, the prolonging depending upon the imbibition, the contraction upon the withdrawing of water by different reagents. There are such substances, f.i myeline which shows rather similar changes in water.6 Please also to repeat the experiments I produced in the meeting of the British Association of last year: Into a cylindrical glas containing soluble silicate of alcali (Wasserglas) diluted by water, half and half, put a small piece of crystallised chloride of iron; from the fragment there rises a hollow reddish tube, growing upwards and moving very quickly, like an Entermorpha.7 But if you put into the diluted Silicate some Protochloride of iron (the latter mostly powderlike but easily brought by gentle pressure of the fingers into greater crumbs) then from the lump there arise innumerable filaments, very delicate and transparent, very like to the glas threads of Hyalonema, which grow in fascicles vertically till they reach the superficies of the fluid.8 But I cannot deny, the general impression of Dipsacus does not contradict the hypothesis that the changes of the filaments are a vital phenomenon of protoplasmatic pseudopodium’s. A French biologist, whose name I could not yet make out, has proved many years ago, (I suppose, in some elder publication of the Bulletins de la Société Botanique de France) the water in the cups of Dipsacus not to be a simple collection of rain in a gutter, but a secretion of the leaf-bases.9 If this truly be the case, then it is quite probable that the glands may have a special adaptation for this purpose. Indeed I should not hesitate to agree with the vital theory if there were any analogy known in plants. But pursued study of the phenomenon and the repetition of the chemical reactions which Mr. Francis D. has already indicated, will, I hope, in short time enable me to a more decided judgment in this perplexing dilemma. In meantime I am happy to congratulate Mr. Francis Darwin and yourselves on account of the extraordinary discovery he has made, and the truly scientific and sagacious paper in which he has elaborated it, and which has added a series of quite unexpected facts to the physiology of plants. Minding to write again after some time when I shall have completed my repetition of the experiments on Dipsacus, I beg to send a Report on the proceedings of the Botanical Section of the Silesion society of last year which contains a short communication on Lathraea, which plant I suspected to be carnivorous without being able to discover a confirming fact10 Mrs Cohn presents her kindest regards to Mrs Darwin and your family; we shall never forget the happy hours we past last year in your house.11 | Believe me dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Ferdinand Cohn Is Mr. Francis Darwin living in Down? Not knowing his address I am obliged to beg the favour of you to express to him in my name my best thanks for the many presents he has bestowed upon me with his papers.12 Perhaps it will interest you that a pupil of our university Dr. Penzig will publish in short time an inaugural dissertation on the anatomy of Drosophyllum lusitanicum.13 DAR 161: 203

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CD annotations 1.7 Immediately] after square bracket pencil 1.8 very kind] circled pencil 1

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Cohn’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Cross and self fertilisation and Forms of flowers (see Correspondence vol. 24, Appendix III, and this volume, Appendix IV; see also Correspondence vol. 24, letter from F. J. Cohn, 31 December 1876). Francis Darwin’s paper ‘On the protrusion of protoplasmic filaments from the glandular hairs on the leaves of the common teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris)’ appeared in the Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science, April 1877 (F. Darwin 1877b). Dipsacus sylvestris is a synonym of D. fullonum. In his letter to Cohn of 26 July 1877, CD had advised Cohn on the best method of preparing leaves in order to see the filaments described in F. Darwin 1877b. Rhizopoda are a large group of protozoan amoeboid organisms characterised by the possession of pseudopodia. Arcella and Difflugia are genera of testate amoebae within the Rhizopoda; they use pseudopods, which extrude from their shells, to move and to capture prey. Cohn had published the first sytematic classification of bacteria in 1872 (Cohn 1872); Vibrio refers to Cohn’s genus of rod-like bacterial organisms characterised by the vibratory motion of the filaments (see Cohn 1872, pp. 178–9). For the chemical reagents that Francis used, see F. Darwin 1877b, pp. 250–6. For the figures Cohn refers to, see ibid., plate xix. Myeline (now myelin) is an organic compound that constitutes the insulating layer around nerve fibres in animals or various tubular lamellar structures in both animal and plant cells. Observers had noted that when water was added to dry myeline, flexible tubular structures extruded from the margins (see, for example, Edmund Montgomery 1866, p. 317). Cohn had presented a paper, ‘Experiments on the formation and growth of artificial silica cells’, to the botany and zoology section of the meeting of the British Association at Glasgow in September 1876; only the title of the paper appeared in the Report of the 46th meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1876), Transactions of the sections, p. 146. Wasserglas or soluble glass is a popular name for any of the soluble alkaline silicates such as sodium silicate. The addition of a metal salt such as ferric chloride (crystallised chloride of iron) results in a salt metathesis (double displacement) reaction and the upward growth of the precipitate is caused by the differential pressure of the solvent in the container; the surface of the precipitate behaves like a semipermeable membrane. Enteromorpha (a synonym of Ulva) is the genus of green nori (sea lettuce). Protochloride of iron is generally referred to now as ferrous chloride (FeCl2). Hyalonema is a genus of sponge, sometimes referred to as glass rope sponge. Cohn refers to an article by Charles Royer, ‘Note sur l’eau des feuilles du Dipsacus silvestris Mill.’, that appeared in 1863 in the Bulletin de la Société botanique de France; Royer concluded that most of the fluid in the cups of Dipsacus sylvestris was the result of secretion rather than accumulation of dew or rainwater (Royer 1863, p. 747). The Bericht über die Tätigkeit der botanischen Section der Schlesischen Gesellschaft im Jahre 1876 (Report on the proceedings of the botanical section of the Silesian Society in the year 1876) was published in Jahres-Bericht der Schlesischen Gesellschaft für Vaterländische Cultur 53 (1876): 85–195 (Annual report of the Silesian Society for National Culture). It contained a number of articles by Cohn as well as a few briefer communications. The communication about Lathraea squamaria (common toothwort) is in ibid., pp. 113–15. CD’s annotated offprint, which retains the original pagination of the report, is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Cohn and his wife, Pauline Cohn, had visited the Darwins on 28 September 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to F. J. Cohn, 26 September [1876] and n. 4). Francis Darwin moved back into Down House after the death of his wife, Amy, in September 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to W. E. Darwin, 28 October [1876] and n. 5). Albert Julius Otto Penzig’s dissertation, Untersuchungen über Drosophyllum lusitanicum Lk., was submitted on 24 September 1877 (Penzig 1877). CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

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To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   7 August 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug 7. 1877 My dear Dyer, You told me that after Mr Lynch’s return, my asking for plants would not be very troublesome.1 By any strange chance have you a Robinia pseudoacacia in a pot; or so small a plant that it could be potted for me? A nurseryman potted a plant about 3 feet high for me, & it died at once.2 You know that the leaflets depress themselves a little if a branch is shaken for a minute or two. Now if you have any other species behaving in the same way, it would do equally well for my purpose. I have received Schrankia from Mr Ellacombe; it was not potted, but to my surprise has recovered. It is to be forwarded afterwards to Kew.3 If Mr Lynch can find any other plant living near the sea with bloom on its leaves I should be very glad of it4 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 80–1) 1 2 3

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Richard Irwin Lynch was foreman of the propagating department at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. Robinia pseudoacacia is the black locust or false acacia. The nurseryman mentioned has not been identified. A plant was sent to CD on 5 September 1877 (Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, Outwards book). Henry Nicholson Ellacombe sent CD a plant of Schrankia uncinata (a synonym of Mimosa microphylla, littleleaf sensitive-briar) with the understanding that it would later be sent to the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (see letter from H. N. Ellacombe, 30 July [1877]). The plant was received at Kew on 3 September 1877 (Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, Inwards book). Lynch had sent CD seaside plants with bloom and listed them in his letter of 25 July 1877. For CD’s earlier research on the epicuticular coating known as bloom, see letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2.

To F. J. Cohn   8 August 1877 Down. | Beckenham. Kent. Aug 8. 1877 My dear Sir, I thank you most cordially for your letter.1 I can declare that I have hardly ever received one in my life which has given me more pleasure. I have reason to know that some of our leading men of science disbelieve in my son’s statements, & this has mortified me not a little.2 Under these circumstances would you permit me to publish in “Nature” those parts of your letter which refer to Dipsacus? I would omit some of your very kind expressions of approbation which it might be more fitting not to publish— It is so clearly written that merely a word or two stands in need of

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alteration— The publication of this letter would pledge you to nothing beyond the mere statement of what you have duly seen. I most earnestly beg you to refuse my request without scruple if it is the least disagreeable to you; but if you agree, I should look upon it as the greatest honour to my son The word “yes” or “no” on a post card would suffice. I should really be glad to lay your interesting letter before the readers of “Nature” on account of its intrinsic interest, & apart from the pleasure it gives me with reference to my son’s work Prof. Hofmann of Giessen has kindly called my attention to the presence of apparently similar filiform protrusions from certain hairs on the ring on Agaricus muscarius described by him Bot Zeitung 1853 & figured 1859 Tab XI fig 17—3 With heartfelt thanks, I remain.| Yours, my dear Sir, | very sincerely. | Charles Darwin My son, since the death of his wife, lives with me.4 LS(A) and C Michael Silverman (dealer) (2003); DAR 143: 267 1 2

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Letter from F. J. Cohn, 5 August 1877. The Council of the Royal Society of London had decided not to print Francis Darwin’s paper on Dipsacus sylvestris (a synonym of D. fullonum, common teasel; see letter to G. J. Romanes, 23 May 1877). Francis’s paper had been read at the Royal Society and an abstract published in the society’s proceedings, but it was published in full only in the Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science (F. Darwin 1877a and 1877b). No letter from Hermann Hoffmann mentioning his articles, ‘Ueber contractile Gebilde bei Blätterschwämmen’ (On contractile bodies in gilled mushrooms; Hoffmann 1853) and ‘Ueber Pilzkeimungen’ (On mushroom germination; Hoffmann 1859) has been found. Agaricus muscarius is a synonym of Amanita muscaria, the fly agaric mushroom. Francis Darwin moved back into Down House after the death of his wife, Amy, in September 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to W. E. Darwin, 28 October [1876] and n. 5).

To Ludwig Noiré   8 August 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S. E.R.) Augt 8th 1877 Dear Sir I am very much obliged to you for so kindly sending me your work on a most important & interesting subject, & for your obliging words on the title page.—1 With my best respects, | I remain, Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Stadtbibliothek Mainz (4 MS 170) 1

Noiré sent a copy of his book Der Ursprung der Sprache (The origin of language; Noiré 1877); CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–Down. An inscription at the front of the book reads: ‘To the great Darwin this solution of one of the greatest problems in the Science of Mind is dedicated. | Mayence o/Rh. Aug 3 1877 | Prof. Dr. Noiré.’

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To James Croll   9 August 1877 Down, Beckenham, | Kent Aug. 9, 1877. My dear Sir, I am much obliged for your essay which I have read with the greatest interest.1 With respect to the geological part, I have long wished to see the evidence collected on the time required for denudation, and you have done it admirably.2 I wish some one would in a like spirit compare the thickness of sedimentary rocks with the quickest estimated rate of deposition by a large river, and other such evidence. Your main argument with respect to the sun seems to me very striking.3 My son George desires me to thank you for his copy and to say how much he has been interested by it.4 I remain, my dear Sir, | Yours very faithfully, | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 143: 356 1 2 3

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CD’s annotated offprint of Croll’s article ‘On the probable origin and age of the sun’ (Croll 1877) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. CD scored several passages where Croll calculated the time required for aerial denudation (see Croll 1877, pp. 313–14). Croll had theorised that the source of the sun’s heat could have been motion in space, noting that the collision of two bodies, each half the mass of the sun, moving towards each other at 476 miles per second would generate heat for fifty million years (Croll 1877, p. 319). In his paper, Croll had referred to calculations by George Howard Darwin regarding the effect of geological changes on the earth’s axis of rotation (Croll 1877, p. 324; see also G. H. Darwin 1876b).

To Theodor von Heldreich   9 August 1877 Down | Beckenham, Kent, | Railway Station | Orpington, S.E.R. Aug 9. 1877 Dear Sir, I am much obliged for your essay on the plants of Attica, & for your very kind & courteous letter. Should I ever require any information with respect to the plants of Greece, I will remember your very obliging offer.1 I have lately published a book which you do not possess, & which I will do myself the pleasure of directing my publisher to send you.2 I remain, dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 145: 9 1 2

See letter from Theodor von Heldreich, 2 August 1877 and n. 3. CD’s copy of Heldreich 1877 has not been found. Heldreich had offered to provide information on plants of Greece. Heldreich mentioned he had all CD’s works up to the German translation of Cross and self fertilisation (Carus trans. 1877d). CD sent a copy of Forms of flowers (Correspondence vol. 26, letter from Theodor von Heldreich, 8 February 1878).

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To G. J. Romanes   9 August [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Augt. 9th My dear Romanes I have read your two articles in Nature, & nothing can be clearer or more interesting, though I had gathered your conclusions clearly from your other papers.2 It seems to me that unless you can show that your muslin (in your simile) is rather coarse the transmission may be considered as passing in every direction from cell or unit of structure to cell or unit; & in this case the transmission would be as in Dionæa; but more easily effected in certain lines or directions than in others.3 It is splendid work & I hope you are getting on well in all respects. The Mr Lawless to whom you refer is the Honble Miss Lawless; as I know for she sent me a very good M.S. about the fertilisation of plants, which I have recommended her to send to Nature.4 As for myself Frank & I have been working like slaves on the bloom on plants, with very poor success: as usual almost everything goes differently to what I had anticipated5    But I have been absolutely delighted at two things: Cohn of Breslau has seen all the phenomena described by Frank in Dipsacus & thinks it a very remarkable discovery, & is going to work with all reagents on the filaments, as Frank did, but no doubt he will know much better how to do it.6 He will not pronounce whether the filaments are some colloid substance or living protoplasm; I think he rather leans to latter, & he quite sees that Frank does not pronounce dogmatically on the question.— The second point which delights me, seeing that half-a-score of Botanists throughout Europe have published that the digestion of meat by plants is of no use to them, (—a mere pathological phenomenon as one man says!—)7 is that Frank has been feeding under exactly similar conditions a large number of plants of Drosera, & the effect is wonderful. On the fed side the leaves much larger, differently coloured & more numerous— Flower-stalks taller & more numerous & I believe far more seed-capsules, but these not yet counted. It is particularly interesting that the leaves fed on meat contain very many more starch granules, (—no doubt owing to more protoplasm being first formed) ie so that sections stained with iodine of fed & unfed leaves are to naked eye of very different colour.—8 There, I have boasted to my heart’s content; & do you do the same & tell me what you have been doing.— Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (518) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G.  J.  Romanes, 11 August 1877. An abstract of a lecture by Romanes, ‘Evolution of nerves and nervous systems’, delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on 25 May 1877, was published in three parts in Nature, 19 July, 2 and 9 August 1877 (G. J. Romanes 1877b). CD refers to the first two parts of the article. For Romanes’s earlier papers on the nervous system of medusae, see G. J. Romanes 1875, 1876, and 1877a.

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See G. J. Romanes 1877b, p. 271. Romanes suggested that the nervous plexus of medusae could be compared to a sheet of muslin. CD had discussed the direction of the motor impulse in leaves of Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap) in Insectivorous plants, p. 366. Romanes’s letter, printed in Nature, 26 July 1877, p. 248, referred to a letter from Emily Lawless that had appeared in Nature, 19 July 1877, p. 227. The letter was signed E. Lawless and in his letter Romanes referred to the writer as Mr Lawless. No correspondence between CD and Lawless has been found, but in an article written in 1899, Lawless referred to a letter she received from ‘a great, nay the greatest zoologist’ more than twenty years earlier. She described having written about a particular burnet moth (probably Zygaena purpuralis ssp. sabulosa, the transparent burnet) fertilising flowers in the Burren, a karst landscape in county Clare, Ireland, where bees were scarce; she received a reply asking for further details on her interesting observation (see Lawless 1899, pp. 605–6). Lawless did not send her article to Nature. For the work on bloom carried out by CD and Francis Darwin, see the letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2. See letter from F. J. Cohn, 5 August 1877. Francis’s paper ‘On the protrusion of protoplasmic filaments from the glandular hairs on the leaves of the common teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris)’ appeared in the Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science, April 1877 (F. Darwin 1877b). Dipsacus sylvestris is a synonym of D. fullonum. In his published lecture on insectivorous plants, Carl Cramer had mentioned the belief of the physiologist Hermann Munk that the digestive process in such plants was pathological (Cramer 1877, pp. 33–4). Two copies of Cramer 1877 are in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL; in one copy, CD scored the section where Cramer discussed Munk’s view (see also F. Darwin 1878a, p. 19). Francis published his research on the effects of feeding Drosera rotundifolia (common sundew) in 1878 (F. Darwin 1878a).

From F. J. Cohn   [10?] August 18771 Pflanzenphysiologisches Institut | der | K. Universität Breslau. | Breslau den 1[0] August 1877 My dear Sir That you value so highly the evidence I can give of the discoveries of Mr. Francis D., is the greatest honour I ever was treated with. When you believe my witness necessary for the establishment of truth before the scientific jury of your country, then of course I am willing to testify the matter of fact. It is not without timidity that I may produce my evidence before the public being well conscious of the incorrectness of my English; but if you will kindly put right my letter which was written without regard of publicity, the readers of “Nature” I hope will not be offended.2 I was not unacquainted with the paper of my friend Professor Hoffmann, concerning the contractile filaments he saw upon the annulus of Amanita muscaria, and I had myself in view to draw your attention upon those observations; but his statements, for ought I know, never having been confirmed by another author, I left; now of course Hoffmanns researches must be taken up anew.3 The day after I had sent my letter to you, I had the happiness to witness the contraction of a big filament protruded from the summit of a gland in a section which I had made the day before and kept under the coverglass in water in a wet chamber. The filament had got a length at least ten times the diameter of the glands throughout of the same thickness and of high refrangibility, its substance very soft, being shaked and moved by the least touch of the cover glass, even by the concussion of my breath. Adding a drop of distilled water to the section, I saw at once the filament

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bend undulatory and contract within a few seconds into a globulous, large mass on the top of the gland. Perhaps it was some extract out of the leaf-section, which by the added drop of water was floated towards the gland and filament, and caused the contraction of the latter. The protoplasm in the cells of this gland was rather pellucid and, homogene, while in glands without protruded filaments generally it seems opaque and cloudy; the summit of the gland being bent upwards, showed only four cells in cruciate juxtapposition (because the tertiary division of the apical cell which produces the eight cells of the gland, very commonly takes place in rather irregular way.) I

II

⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞ III

The four crosswise cells showed each near the crossing point a small circular spot amidst the denser protoplasm of much less refrangibility, exactly as if there were a porus or hole in the cellwall; the filament itself arose from one of the marginal cells in which similar thinned spots were also visible.

The globulous masses which are very commonly found on the apex of the glands, are of very refringent matter, if freshly produced out of contracted filaments; but if kept several hours in water, they get much less dense and refracting, very like to common water, or spumous, like to soap-bubbles. Perhaps something of their substance is slowly dissolved in water. A very curious fact I discovered several times, by adding Iodine to the detached epidermis of the leaf cups of Dipsacus; but it takes place only under conditions which I have not yet made out. The whole fluid-content of the cells of the epidermis got blue like diluted starch-paste, but no starch-granules are met in any epidermis-cell, with the only exception of the Stomatia;4*) the cell-walls and nuclei of course become yellow by Iodine. The basal-cell of the glands gets also blue by Iodine, the cells of the stalk yellow, the top of the gland brownish; the excreted globules become also yellow. The cell-walls of the glands immediately under the cuticule consist of a substance capable of very much swelling; under certain circumstances those layers swell in water so much that the cell-contents appear like irregular globules amidst a gelatinous envelop. The same takes place with the club like hair’s composed of 4 cell-rows. Having applied my studies mostly to the changes and movements of the protusions from the living glands in water, I have not been able hitherto to examine with sufficient exactness their chemical properties and behaviour to reagents which alone can give evidence of their true nature and composition. But if I did remark in my last letter that there is no known analogy in plants of protoplasmatic, living protuberances protruded from gland-cells after the manner

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of pseudopopodia, I ought to aknowledge that we also do not know any case of mere secretion which behaves like the filaments of Dipsacus, and that this matter of fact stands hitherto single in biology—putting aside the observations of Hoffmann which want new confirmation. The glands of Dipsacus are extremely sensible to the least hurt; they get spoiled and shrivelled in very short time in cut twigs; perhaps in a wetter season they are more enduring; but now the materials for farther researches begin to disappear; and I am obliged to interrupt my observations for some time which I intend to spend in a journey to Tyrol. If you believe that one or another of these supplementary observations may happen to suit for publication in accession of the remarks of my last letter which you kindly wish to make known in “Nature” I leave them with pleasure to your disposition.5 As soon as I shall be able to come back to this highly interesting subject and to fill the lacunes of the present preliminary inquiry, I shall endeavour to publish a more detailed report in a German journal in agreement of the wishes you kindly made known to me.6 With the kindest regards and respects I remain | yours my dear Sir | very sincerely | Ferdinand Cohn * Blue coloration of the content of the cells of the epidermis by Iodine has been ascertained in the leaves of Ornithogalum; but their chemical nature is not yet made out.7 DAR 161: 204 1 2

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Part of the date is obscured by a blot of ink, but appears to read ‘10’. See letter to F. J. Cohn, 8 August 1877. CD had asked whether he could publish extracts from Cohn’s letter of 5 August 1877 in Nature; Cohn had confirmed some of Francis Darwin’s observations on protoplasmic filaments in Dipsacus sylvestris (a synonym of D. fullonum, common teasel). In his letter to Cohn, CD mentioned that Hermann Hoffmann had found protrusions on the ring of the fly agaric mushroom (Amanita muscaria) similar to those described by Francis in common teasel (see letter to F. J. Cohn, 8 August 1877 and n. 3). Cohn evidently intended ‘stomata’ (see letter to Nature, 15 August [1877]). CD added some of Cohn’s observations from this letter to the extracts from Cohn’s letter of 5 August 1877 in his letter in Nature, 15 August [1877]. An abstract of Cohn’s lecture, delivered to the Silesian Society for National Culture, ‘Über schwingende Fäden an den Drüsenköpfchen der Dipsacusblatter’ (On the vibrating filaments in the glandular tips of Dipsacus leaves; Cohn 1877a) appeared in the Jahres-Bericht der Schlesischen Gesellschaft für Vaterländische Cultur. Ornithogalum is a genus of plants in the family Asparagaceae.

To G. J. Romanes   10 August [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug. 10th Dear Romanes When I wrote yesterday, I had not received todays Nature & I thought that your Lecture was finished.— This final part is one of the grandest essays which I ever

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read.2 It was very foolish of me to demur to your lines of conveyance, like the threads in muslin, knowing how you have considered the subject; but still I must confess I cannot feel quite easy.3 Everyone I suppose thinks on what he has himself seen & with Drosera, a bit of meat put on any one gland on the disc causes all the surrounding tentacles to bend to this point; & here there can hardly be differentiated lines of conveyance. It seems to me that the tentacles probably bend to that point whence a molecular wave strikes them, which passes through the cellular tissue with equal ease in all directions in this particular case.— But what a fine case that of the Aurelia is!4 Forgive me for bothering you with another note—, | Yours very sincerely | C. Darwin American Philosophical Society (519) 1 2 3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G. J. Romanes, 9 August [1877]. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 9 August [1877] and n. 2. CD had commented on the first two parts of Romanes’s article ‘Evolution of nerves and nervous systems’ (G. J. Romanes 1877b). See letter to G. J. Romanes, 9 August [1877] and n. 3. CD described the inflection of the tentacles of Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew) in Insectivorous plants, pp. 19–37. Aurelia aurita (moon jelly or common jellyfish) was the principal organism that Romanes had studied.

From W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   10 August 1877 Royal Gardens Kew Aug.t 10. 77 Dear Mr Darwin Lynch has not been very successful in finding you any more plants; a few, however, have been sent as possibly useful.1 He tells me that the Echeverias Nelumbium & Pancratium all suffer when their bloom is removed.2 Do you want any maritime plants. Mr Smith the Curator is staying at Bude and would get you anything to be found there3 Yours very truly | W. T. Thiselton Dyer DAR 178: 100 CD annotation 1.3 all … removed.] double scored ink 1

2

See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 7 August 1877. A list of the plants sent, dated ‘Aug. 10. 77’, is in the archives of Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 82). It lists Nelumbium esculentum (an unpublished name), Echeveria spp., Arundo donax (giant reed), Pancratium littorale (a synonym of Hymenocallis littoralis, beach spiderlily), and Suaeda fruticosa (a synonym of S. vermiculata, seablite). Richard Irwin Lynch was foreman of the propagating department at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. Echeveria is a large genus of succulent plants in the family Crassulaceae (stonecrop or orpine). Nelumbium (a synonym of Nelumbo) is a genus of aquatic plants in the family Nelumbonaceae. Pancratium is a genus of plants in the family Amaryllidaceae.

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John Smith was staying at the seaside resort town of Bude in Cornwall.

To Veitch & Sons   [before 11 August 1877]1 I   Ought the plants to be kept in a warm or cool greenhouse?2 Cold Greenhouse close to the glass, on a shelf exposed to the light II   Ought they to be repotted soon in larger pots? No III   Ought the plants to stand in saucers of water? No plunged in Sphagnum Moss I should be grateful for any special instructions. Keep the roots moist C. Darwin LS DAR 202: 96 1

2

The correspondent is established from a note on the back of the letter made by Francis Darwin, which reads, ‘Veitch? | Dionaea’. The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 11 August 1877. CD received thirty plants of Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap) from Veitch on 11 August 1877 (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 11 August 1877). CD had evidently included this set of questions about the care of the plants with his order, and it was returned with the answers written in the spaces CD left after each query (reproduced here indented, on a new line).

From G. J. Romanes   11 August 1877 Dunskaith, Ross-shire: August 11, 1877. I was very pleased to get your long and genial letter, which I will answer seriatim.1 The ‘muslin’ in the hypothetical plexus seems to be very coarse in some specimens and finer in others—the young and active individuals enduring severer forms of section than the old. And in exploring by graduated stimuli, areas of different degrees of excitability may be mapped out, and these areas are pretty large, averaging about the size of one’s finger-nails. I am rather inclined to think that these areas are determined by the course of well-differentiated nerve-tracts, while the less-differentiated ones are probably more like muslin in their mesh. But the only reason why I resort to the supposition of nerve-tracts at all is because of the sudden blocking of contractile waves by section, and the fact that stimulus (tentacular) waves very often continue to pass after the contractile ones have been thus blocked.2 I am sorry I made the ungallant mistake about Miss Lawless, but I had no means of knowing. If I had known I should not have written the letter, because I am almost

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sure the movements of the Medusa were accidental, and my pointing out this source of error may be discouraging to a lady observer.3 I remember thinking you were too diffident about the bloom, but I suppose that is the advantage of experience; it keeps one from forming too high hopes at the first.4 The rest of your letter contains glorious news. Cohn, I suppose, is about the best man in Europe to take up the subject, and although I cannot conceive what else he can do than Frank has done already, it is no doubt most desirable that his opinion should be formed by working at the problems himself.5 The other item about the effects of feeding Drosera is really most important, and in particular about the starch. I have heard the doubts you allude to expressed in several quarters, but this will set them all at rest. It was just one thing required to cap the work on insectivorous plants. What capital work Frank is doing!6 I have nothing in the way of ‘boasting’ to set off against it. The year has been a very bad one for jelly-fish, so that sometimes I have not been able to work at them for several days at a time. The most important new observation is perhaps the following. d c a

b Fig. 3.

Suppose a portion of Aurelia7 to be cut into the form of a pair of trousers, in such a way that a ganglion, a, occupies the bottom of one of the legs. Usually, of course, contractile waves starting from a course along to b, and thence round to c and backwards to d. But in one specimen I observed that every now and then the exact converse took place—viz. the contractile wave starting at d to course to c, b, and a. On now excising the ganglion at a both sets of contractile waves ceased—thus showing that even in the case where they started from d it was the ganglion at a which started them. This power on the part of Medusoid ganglia to discharge their influence at a distance from their own seat I have also observed in other forms of section, and it affords the best kind of evidence in favour of nerves. On the days when I could get no jelly-fish I took to star-fish. I want, if possible, to make out the functions of the sand-canal and the aviculæ; but as yet I have only discovered the difficulties to be overcome. I had intended to make a cell to cover the calcareous plate at the end of the sand-canal, and to fill the cell with dye, in order to test Siebold’s hypothesis that the whole apparatus is a filter for the ambulacral system;8 but Providence seems to have specially designed that no substance in creation should be adapted for sticking to the back of a starfish. The aviculæ are very puzzling things. I am sure Allen is wrong in his hypothesis of their function being to remove parasitical growths;9 for, on the one hand, parasites are swarming around them unheeded, and on the other, they go snapping away

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apparently at nothing. It is more easy, however, to say what they are not than what they are. I went a few days ago to see the vine. It is now five feet high and vigorous, but I believe spring is the proper time for grafting.10 With best thanks for your ‘boasting’ and good wishes, I remain very sincerely and most respectfully yours, | Geo. J. Romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 57 1 2 3 4 5 6

7 8

9 10

See letter to G. J. Romanes, 9 August [1877]. CD had queried Romanes’s analogy between a sheet of muslin and the nervous plexus of medusae (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 9 August [1877] and n. 3). In a letter to Nature, Romanes had mistakenly referred to Emily Lawless as Mr Lawless (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 9 August [1877] and n. 4). See letter to G. J. Romanes, 9 August [1877] and n. 5. Ferdinand Julius Cohn had confirmed Francis Darwin’s observations of protoplasmic filaments protruding from the cups of common teasel (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 9 August [1877] and n. 6). Francis had observed the presence of many more starch granules in leaves of common sundew that had been fed with meat than in those that had not (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 9 August [1877]) and nn. 7 and 8). Aurelia aurita (moon jelly or common jellyfish) was the organism that Romanes had studied and reported on (see G. J. Romanes 1876, 1877a, and 1877b). Starfish (class Asteroidea) possess a circular calcareous plate (madreporite), the surface of which is marked by a number of radiating grooves through which water can be sucked in. The ambulacral system or water vascular system is a hydraulic system composed of a series of canals along which tubes or tube feet are arranged. Carl Theodor Ernst von Siebold had described the structure of the ambulacral system (Steincanal) and noted that its function was not determined (Siebold 1836; see also Siebold 1848, p. 80). The term ‘aviculae’ is probably a misprint or mistranscription of ‘auriculae’, a term formerly used to describe the perforated processes that arch over the ambulacra (see T. H. Huxley 1877, p. 574). Romanes may refer to Grant Allen, but the hypothesis has not been identified. See letter from G. J. Romanes, [after 8 January 1877] and n. 5. Romanes was performing a number of grafting experiments to test CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   11 August 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug 11. 1877 My dear Dyer The plants have arrived in a very fair condition; & many thanks for them.1 Pray also thank Mr Lynch for his information about the removal of the bloom & for his trials on the logwood; all of which are very useful to me.2 We are beginning to get some gleams of light, which rejoices me, for I have been much annoyed to think that I should have given you endless trouble with no result. I do not like that you should write to Mr Smith on the mere chance of his seeing any plants close to the seashore & protected by bloom which could be potted & sent to Orpington S.E.R., for I fear it would be giving you trouble with no good result, tho’ any such plant would be of use to me.3 Believe me yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin

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P.S. | Thirty plants of Dionæa have just arrived from Veitch so we will tackle them.4 LS Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 85–6) 1 2

3 4

See letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 10 August 1877 and n. 1. CD had asked for more plants for his research on the function of bloom. Richard Irwin Lynch was foreman of the propagating department at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. CD had mentioned that, in his trials on a small plant of logwood (Haematoxylum campechianum), the leaves did not move when syringed with tepid water; he asked Thiselton-Dyer whether a gardener at Kew could repeat the trial on a large tree (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 22 July [1877]). CD’s notes on his experiments with logwood, dated 18 to 31 July, are in DAR 66: 117–18. No letter from Lynch on his trials has been found. See letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 10 August 1877. John Smith, curator of the herbarium at Kew, was staying at the seaside town of Bude in Cornwall. The Veitches were a family of nurserymen with several establishments. CD had probably ordered the plants of Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap) from the Chelsea branch of the firm (see letter to Veitch & Sons, [before 11 August 1877]).

From E. W. Black   13 August 1877 East Riverside, Fayette Co., Pa | U.S.A. August 13th. ’77. Mr. Charles Darwin, F. R. S., Respected Sir: enclosed please find specimens of flowers of the common American milk-weed, (Asclepias Syriaca) with entrapped insects, which may be of interest to you on account of its bearing on the habits of plants in regard to fertilization, and hence on the theory of Evolution.1 As you will observe, the insects are of different species— although, from the lateness of the season, my specimens are rather meagre—and I have repeatedly seen many kinds not herein represented hanging dead to the flowers of this plant, and among them even the ingenious and comparatively stout hive-bee. (Apis Mellifica)2 The Bitter-Root or Jordian Hemp, a plant with closely similar flowers, has the same habit though it appears less successful in affecting a capture, as the victims are far more rare than in the case of the former plant.3 They are both quite common here, abounding in moist places in both high- and lowlands. Should you desire to communicate in regard to anything in this part of the world I will be happy to inform you on any subject of which I may have any knowledge. Hoping to hear from you soon in regard to the bearing of the specimens on the above theory, etc., I remain, | Your Obedient Servt., | E. Willson Black. DAR 160: 190 1

2

In Origin, p. 193, CD had noted that flowers of Asclepias had pollen-grains held together on pollinia. The structure of the flower is such that an insect with pollinia attached to its legs can easily be trapped in one of the narrow slits of the stigmatic chambers. Apis mellifica is a synonym of A. mellifera (European honey-bee).

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Jordan hemp and bitter-root are alternative common names for Apocynum androsaemifolium (fly-trap dogbane); CD was interested in discovering the mechanism by which it trapped insects (see letter to D. F. Nevill, 15 January 1877 and n. 1).

From G. J. Romanes   13 August 1877 Dunskaith, Ross-shire, N.B.: August 13, 1877. I thought you had given me quite enough praise in your first letter, but am not on that account the less pleased at the high compliment you pay me in the second one.1 The ending up was what the people at the Institution seemed to like best. Pray do not think that I have yet made up my mind about the ‘muslin.’ On the contrary, the more I work at the tissues of Aurelia the more puzzled I become, so that I am thankful for all criticisms.2 If Aurelia stood alone, I should be inclined to take your view, and attribute blocking of contractile waves in spiral strips, &c., to some accidental strain previously suffered by the tissue at the area of blocking. But the fact that in Tiaropsis the polypite is so quick and precise in localising a needle prick, seems to show that here there must be something more definite in the way of conducting tissue than in Drosera, although I confess it is most astonishing how precise the localising function, as described by you, is in the latter.3 In ‘Nature’ I did not express my doubts, but it was because I feared there may yet turn out to be a skeleton in the cupboard that I kept all these more or less fishy deductions out of the R.S. papers. Further work may perhaps make the matter more certain one way or another. Possibly the miscroscope may show something, and so I have asked Schäfer to come down, who, as I know from experience, is what spiritualists call ‘a sensitive’— I mean he can see ghosts of things where other people can’t. But still, if he can make out anything in the jelly of Aurelia, I shall confess it to be the best case of clairvoyance I ever knew.4 I am very glad you have drawn my attention prominently to the localising function in Drosera, as it is very likely I have been too keen in my scent after nerves; and I believe it is chiefly by comparing lines of work that in such novel phenomena truth is to be got at. And this reminds me of an observation which I think ought to be made on some of the excitable plants. It is a fact not generally known, even to professed physiologists, that if you pass a constant current through an excised muscle two or three times successively in the same direction, the responses to make and break become much more feeble than at first, so that unless you began with a strong current for the first of the series, you have to strengthen it for the third or fourth of the series in order to procure a contraction. But on now reversing the direction of the current, the muscle is tremendously excitable for the first stimulation, less so for the second, and so on. Now this rapidly exhausting effect of passing the current successively in the same direction, and the wonderful effect of reversing it, point, I believe, to something very fundamental in the constitution of muscular tissue. The complementary effects in question are quite as decided in the jelly-fish as in

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frog’s muscle; so I think it would be very interesting to try the experiment on the contractile tissues of plants. But there are so many things to write about that I am afraid of ‘bothering you,’ and this with much more reason that you can have to be afraid of ‘bothering’ me. Aurelia is, as you say, ‘a fine case,’ and I often wish you could see the experiments. Very sincerely and most respectfully yours, | Geo. J. Romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 63 1

2

3

4

See letter to G. J. Romanes, 10 August [1877] and n. 2. CD had not yet seen the last section of a three-part article based on a lecture given at the Royal Institution of Great Britain by Romanes, the last part of which was published in Nature, 9 August 1877, when he wrote his earlier letter of 9 August [1877]. CD disagreed with Romanes’s interpretation of the structure of the nervous system in the medusa of Aurelia aurita (moon jelly or common jellyfish). Romanes suggested there were lines of transmission of nerve impulses and compared these to the threads of a sheet of muslin, but CD noted that in Drosera (sundew), inflection of the tentacles was highly localised (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 10 August [1877] and n. 4). Tiaropsis is a genus of the class Hydrozoa; it has a medusa stage similar to that of members of the class Scyphozoa, to which the genus Aurelia belongs. A polypite (now more usually termed polyp) is an individual member of a colonial cnidarian such as a hydrozoan. Edward Albert Schäfer published the results of his study of the nervous system of Aurelia aurita in 1878. He concluded that each nerve fibre was entirely distinct and not structurally continuous with any other fibre (Schäfer 1878, p. 565).

From Alphonse de Candolle1   14 August 1877 Genève 14 aout 1877. Mon cher Monsieur Faites moi le plaisir de dire à Monsieur votre fils que j’ai lu avec beaucoup d’intérêt son opuscule sur les poils de Dipsacus sylvestris.2 Il s’agit d’un phénomène curieux quoique peu apparent. Faut-il le rapprocher de l’expulsion des sucs laiteux quand le tissu des Lactuca, Papaver etc, se trouve très turgescent?3 Peut-être dans ce dernier cas y a-t-il rupture de membranes cellulaires, ce qui n’est pas dans le Dipsacus. Quant à nommer la substance qui s’échappe un protoplasma, je veux bien, pourvu qu’on me permette deux reserves.  1o Ce mot ne me plait guère, à cause du proto; j’aimerais mieux dire plasma, car on n’ose à peine dire qu’une chose est première. Il y a toujours quelque état antérieur. On trouvera, je presume, un jour un proplasma, ensuite un pro-pro-plasma, etc, à mesure qu’on perfectionnera le microscope. 2o Je prends le plasma pour le quidquid ignotum de notre époque.4 Les effets semblables de divers réactifs chimiques me prouvent surtout l’ignorance actuelle des chimistes, puisque deux plasmas tirés de deux boyaux polliniques ou de deux ovules de plantes de familles differentes, qui paraissent chimiquement et sous le microscope identiques produisent des végétaux absolument differents. Force il y a de dire, d’après les effets: ou ces plasma se composent d’elements differents, ou leurs

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éléments sont disposés de manières différentes, de facon qu’une même impulsion determine d’autres évolutions. Le plasma des poils de Dipsacus sylvestris est-il sembable à celui des boyaux polliniques et du sac embryonaire de la plante? Il peut sembler identique et ne pas l’être. Pourrait-on féconder l’ovule avec le contenu des poils? Si oui, la preuve serait faite. Monsieur Francis serait-il disposé à tenter l’expérience? Vous me demandez si je crois les plantes à surfaces glauques plus frequentes dans les pays chauds que dans les pays tempérés ou froids, et dans les pays humides que dans les secs.5 Pour repondre il faudrait posseder une liste des espèces ayant une secretion cireuse glauque sur les tiges, les feuilles ou les fruits, mais on ne l’a pas et on ne peut guère l’avoir. Une infinité d’espèces n’ont pas été observées à ce point de vue. Dans les descriptions on a confondu des teintes grises ou blanches avec des poussières cireuses. Enfin il y a une multitude d’intermediaires entre les surfaces glauques et celles où la matière excretée, cireuse, est faible ou transparente. J’ai repassé dans mon esprit les exemples de surfaces vraiment glauques que je connais; ensuite j’ai regardé le mémoire capital de Mr de Bary, Bot. Zeitung 1871, sur la production des matières cireuses, et j’ai vu quelle quantité de plantes de familles differentes offrent cette spécialité.6 Il y a des centaines de cas déja connus et l’observation sur le frais en dévoilerait des milliers. Maintenant, en l’absence de toute énumération, s’il fallait énoncer des simples probabilités, comment le ferais-je? Par exemple, s’il fallait parier pour savoir si les plantes glauques (et cireuses) sont plus nombreuses dans une des trois catégories de pays chauds, tempérés ou froids, je parierais pour les pays tempérés. C’est là que se trouvent surtout des Legumineuses, Crassulacées, Ficoides, Cactées, Rosacées, Graminées dans les quelles le phénomène est frequent.7 Je parierais encore pour les pays secs, plutot qu’humides, car les plantes grasses abondent au Cap, au Méxique—et ne sont pas rares dans la région canarienne et de la Méditerranée. Les régions équatoriales ont aussi, sans doute, des Myricées, Scitaminées, Euphorbiacées etc, à surfaces frequemment glauques, mais dans une proportion qui me parait moins importante.8 Enfin dans les flores arctiques je remarque bien peu d’espèces glauques. J’ose à peine en citer, parcequ’il faudrait vérifier si ce sont des glaucescences vraies et non des teintes cendrées, sans excrétion. Pourtant le nombre total des espèces étant fort limité dans ces flores, il se peut que les espèces glauques y soient en faible proportion relativement à la totalité des espèces glauques, mais dans une proportion un peu forte relativement aux flores elles mêmes. En somme je parierais pour les pays secs, sous des latitudes de 28 à 45o, dans les deux hémisphères, mais comme dans tous les paris je pourrais bien perdre. Mon fils vous presente ses respects. Il apprendra avec plaisir le resultat des expériences sur la nutrition des Drosera.9 | Agréez, mon cher Monsieur, l’assurance de tout mon dévouement | Alph. de Candolle DAR 161: 22 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to Alphonse de Candolle, 3  August  1877 and n. 4. Francis Darwin sent Candolle a copy of his paper ‘On the protrusion of protoplasmic filaments from the glandular hairs on the leaves of

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3

4 5 6

7

8

9

August 1877

the common teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris)’ (F. Darwin 1877b). Dipsacus sylvestris is a synonym of D. fullonum (common or fuller’s teasel). Lactuca is the genus of lettuce; Papaver is the genus of poppies. Lactucarium or lettuce opium (a latex) is the milky substance secreted from the stems of several species of lettuce. Poppies also produce latex, having specialised ducts in all parts of the plant. Quidquid ignotum (Latin): whatever (is) unknown. See letter to Alphonse de Candolle, 3 August 1877 and n. 5. Anton de Bary had published a multi-part study, ‘Ueber die Wachsüberzüge der Epidermis’ (On the wax coating of the epidermis; Bary 1871), in which he had investigated the chemical composition, origin, and development of epicuticular coatings on various parts of a wide range of plants. George Bentham had also mentioned this work in his letter to CD of [after 12 July 1877]. Leguminosae (a synonym of Fabaceae): the family of peas and beans; Crassulaceae: stonecrop or orpine; Ficoidae (a former name for Aizoaceae): fig-marigold or iceplant; Cactaceae: cactus; Rosaceae: rose, apple, plum; Gramineae (a synonym of Poaceae): grasses. Myricaceae: the family of wax-myrtle; Euphorbiaceae: spurge or euphorbias. In Bentham and Hooker 1862–83, 3: 636–57, Scitamineae was a natural order that included plants now within the families Musaceae (banana), Zingiberaceae (ginger), and Marantaceae (arrowroot). Casimir de Candolle had studied the effects of feeding insects to the insectivorous plant Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap; C. de Candolle 1876). CD had mentioned Francis’s work on the effects of feeding Drosera rotundifolia (common sundew; see letter to Alphonse de Candolle, 3 August 1877 and n. 6).

From R. F. Cooke   15 August 1877

50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. t Aug. 15 1877

My dear Sir We have now the set of Electrotypes of the woodcuts in yr last work for Herr Koch & the cost will be 20s/-.1 It would be as well for him to say, how he wishes them sent. Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq We have printed 1250 Copies & not 1000 of your “Forms of Flowers”2 DAR 171: 490 1

2

Eduard Koch was head of the German firm E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, which was publishing a collected edition of CD’s works (Carus trans. 1875–87). The translation of Forms of flowers was published as the third part of volume 9 of this edition (Carus trans. 1877e). See letter from R. F. Cooke, 2 July 1877. Forms of flowers was published on 9 July 1877 (Freeman 1977).

To Nature   15 August [1877]1 The Contractile Filaments of the Teasel The observations of my son Francis on the contractile filaments protruded from the glands of Dipsacus, offer so new and remarkable a fact in the physiology of plants, that any confirmation of them is valuable.2 I hope therefore that you will publish the appended letter from Prof. Cohn, of Breslau, whom every one will allow to be one of the highest authorities in Europe on such a subject. Prof. Cohn’s remarks were not intended for publication, but he has kindly allowed me to lay them before your readers.3

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Extract from Prof. Cohn’s Letter:— “Immediately after the receipt of your very kind letter of July  26 I went to fetch Dipsacus, several species of which grow in our Botanic Garden; and proceeding after your recommendations, I put transverse sections of the cup-like bases of young leaves, or the epidermis of these parts carefully removed from the green parenchyma, into distilled water.4 I thus had the pleasure of witnessing with my own eyes this most curious discovery. First I ascertained the anatomical structure of the pear-like glands which are rather elegant and remarkable. From the basal cell rises the stalk-cell, in the second story there are two cells, in the third four, and in the uppermost series eight cuneiform cells converging to the centre. But you may conceive how much I was surprised by seeing the filiform protuberances issuing from the apex of the glands; it was quite a perplexing spectacle. The filaments are, in their refrangibility, very like the pseudopodia of some Rhizopods (e.g., Arcella or Difflugia).5 I followed their changes for some time, and remarked quite definitely, as I find described in the paper of Mr. Francis Darwin how the protuberances slowly lengthen out, crook themselves hooklike or winding, and get knobbed either at the summit or midway; I saw the knobs or beads glide down the thread, and at last be sucked into a globular mass adhering to the gland. I saw the protuberances always rise between the septa of two or more adjoining cells, but nearly as frequently between the lateral septa as on the apical centre. Generally there were many protuberances on the same gland, pressed forward out of different spots; sometimes I saw two diverging branches proceed from the same point like a pair of compasses, each behaving independently in its changes. But the most curious appearance in these protuberances was a constant waving undulation along their extension, sometimes slower and perceptible with difficulty, sometimes vigorous and quicker, but never ceasing; more delicate filaments appeared to me very like Vibrio, or the vibratory flagella of some Infusoria.6 Not finding a special description of the waving movements of the filaments in your son’s paper, I asked some of my pupils if they saw anything remarkable in the filaments, without indicating what, but they all took the same impression as myself. The only facts I have not yet been able to witness of your son’s discoveries are Figs. 6, 14, 15, and the moniliform contraction; nor have I yet found time to apply chemical reagents, of which your son has made such good use.7 Of course I am not able, after two days’ inspection, to form a definite judgment about the true nature of the filiform protuberances. Putting aside the hypothesis of a parasitic Rhizopod, there are two probabilities which still balance in my mind, as clearly stated by your son. (1) The protuberances are secretions of some colloidal matter, absorbing water, but insoluble in it; the movements are physical (not vital ones), the elongation of the filaments depending on the imbibition, their contraction on the withdrawal of water by different reagents. There are such substances, e.g., myeline, which shows rather similar changes in water.8 Please also to repeat the experiments I performed at the meeting of the British Association last year. Into a cylindrical glass containing soluble silicate of alkali (Wasserglas), diluted with half its amount of water, put a small piece of crystallised chloride of iron; from the fragment there rises a hollow reddish tube growing upwards and moving very quickly, like an Enteromorpha.9

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But if you put into the diluted silicate some protochloride of iron (the latter is usually in the form of a powder, but may easily be brought by gentle pressure of the fingers into crumb-like masses), then from the lumps there arise innumerable filaments, very delicate and transparent, very like the glass threads of Hyalonema, which rise in fascicules vertically till they reach the surface of the fluid.10 But I cannot deny that the general impression produced by Dipsacus does not contradict the hypothesis that the changes of the filaments are the vital phenomena of protoplasmic pseudopodia. A French biologist (whose name I cannot just now remember) has proved many years ago (I think in a early number of the Bull. de la Soc. Bot. de France) that the water in the cups of Dipsacus is not a simple collection of rain in a gutter, but a secretion of the leaf bases.11 If this be truly the case, it is quite probable that the glands may have a special adaptation for this purpose. Indeed, I should not hesitate to agree with the vital theory, if there were any analogy known in plants. But further study of the phenomenon and the repetition of the chemical reactions which your son has already indicated, will, I hope, in a short time enable me to form a more decided judgment in this perplexing dilemma. In the meantime I am happy to congratulate Mr. Francis Darwin and yourself on account of the extraordinary discovery he has made, and the truly scientific paper in which he has elaborated it, and which has added a series of quite unexpected facts to the physiology of plants.” In a subsequent letter, Prof. Cohn describes what appear to him as thinned points or pores in the cell wall of the glands from which the filaments seem to be protruded.12 He also mentions the very curious fact which he has discovered, that by adding iodine to the detached epidermis of the leaf cups of Dipsacus the whole fluid contents of the epidermis cells turn blue like diluted starch paste, although no starch grains are met with in any epidermis cell except in the stomata. He adds that the basal cell of the gland becomes blue, while the rest of it and the excreted globules are stained yellow. I may add that I have heard from Prof. Hoffmann, of Giessen, that he formerly observed contractile filament of a somewhat similar nature on the annulus of Agaricus muscarius. He has described them in the Botanische Zeitung, 1853, and figured them, ibid., 1859, tab. xi. Fig. 17.13 Charles Darwin Down, Beckenham, August 15 Nature, 23 August 1877, p. 339 1 2

The year is established by the publication date of the letter in Nature. Francis Darwin had discovered protoplasmic filaments protruding from the glandular hairs of leaves of common or fuller’s teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris, a synonym of D. fullonum; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Francis Darwin, [28 May 1876]). In the published paper in the Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science (F. Darwin 1877b, p. 272), Francis hypothesised that the protrusion of the filaments in some way corresponded to the process of aggregation seen in insectivorous plants like those of the genus Drosera (sundews). CD had been upset when the Council of the Royal Society of London decided not to publish the full paper, only an abstract (F. Darwin 1877a; see letter to G. J. Romanes, 23 May 1877).

August 1877 3

4 5

6

7 8

9

10 11

12 13

343

See letter to F. J. Cohn, 8 August 1877, and letter from F. J. Cohn, [10?] August 1877. The extract has minor corrections to the English of the original letter from Cohn of 5 August 1877; Cohn had agreed that CD make the changes for publication (see letter from F. J. Cohn, [10?] August 1877). In his letter to Cohn of 26 July 1877, CD had advised Cohn on the best method of preparing leaves in order to see the filaments described in F. Darwin 1877b. Rhizopoda is a wide group of protozoan amoeboid organisms characterised by the possession of pseudopodia. Arcella and Difflugia are genera of testate amoebae within the Rhizopoda; they use pseudopods, which extrude from their shells, to move and to capture prey. Cohn had published the first sytematic classification of bacteria in 1872 (Cohn 1872); Vibrio refers to Cohn’s genus of rod-like bacterial organisms characterised by the vibratory motion of the filaments (see Cohn 1872, pp. 178–9). For the chemical reagents that Francis used, see F. Darwin 1877b, pp. 250–6. For the figures Cohn refers to, see ibid., plate xix. Myeline (now myelin) is an organic compound that constitutes the insulating layer around nerve fibres in animals or various tubular lamellar structures in both animal and plant cells. Observers had noted that when water was added to dry myeline, flexible tubular structures extruded from the margins (see, for example, Edmund Montgomery 1866, p. 317). Cohn had presented a paper, ‘Experiments on the formation and growth of artificial silica cells’, to the botany and zoology section of the meeting of the British Association at Glasgow in September 1876; only the title of the paper appeared in the Report of the 46th meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1876), Transactions of the sections, p. 146. Wasserglas or soluble glass is a popular name for any of the soluble alkaline silicates such as sodium silicate. The addition of a metal salt such as ferric chloride (crystallised chloride of iron) results in a salt metathesis (double displacement) reaction and the upward growth of the precipitate is caused by the differential pressure of the solvent in the container; the surface of the precipitate behaves like a semipermeable membrane. Enteromorpha (a synonym of Ulva) is the genus of green nori (sea lettuce). Protochloride of iron is generally referred to now as ferrous chloride (FeCl2). Hyalonema is a genus of sponge, sometimes referred to as glass rope sponge. Cohn refers to an article by Charles Royer, ‘Note sur l’eau des feuilles du Dipsacus silvestris Mill.’, that appeared in 1863 in the Bulletin de la Société botanique de France; Royer concluded that most of the fluid in the cups of Dipsacus sylvestris was the result of secretion rather than accumulation of dew or rainwater (Royer 1863, p. 747). See letter from F. J. Cohn, [10?] August 1877. No letter from Hermann Hoffmann mentioning his articles ‘Ueber contractile Gebilde bei Blätterschwämmen’ (On contractile bodies in gilled mushrooms; Hoffmann 1853) and ‘Ueber Pilzkeimungen’ (On mushroom germination; Hoffmann 1859) has been found. Agaricus muscarius is a synonym of Amanita muscaria, the fly agaric mushroom.

To W. H. Leggett   19 August 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug 19. 1877 Dear Sir, I am very much obliged for your letter with respect to Pontederia, as your information & specimens will be very useful should another edition of my book be required.1 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS Redpath Museum, McGill University 1

Leggett’s letter has not been found, but see the letter to W. H. Leggett, 22 January 1877 and n. 3. CD added a reference to Leggett’s published observations confirming tristyly in Pontederia cordata to the preface to Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. viii.

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To W. E. Darwin   20 [August 1877]1

Down 20th

My dear W. The very next time you have good hard rain, (without a very high wind wd. be best) please look at the leaves of your Acacia or Robinia & observe whether the leaflets hang vertically downwards like they do when asleep.—2 Yours affect | C. Darwin There was a tree at Elizabeth’s & I have just been there & find to my dismay that it has been cut down.—3 DAR 210.6: 139 1 2

3

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and CD’s notes on Robinia mentioning William and dated August 1877 (see n. 2, below). CD was studying the movements of leaves in plants of the genera Acacia and Robinia (locust trees). During his visit to William in Southampton from 13 June until 4 July, CD had made observations on two species of Acacia and Robinia pseudoacacia (black locust); the notes, dated 15–16 June 1877, are in DAR 209.12: 13. CD continued to study the effects of water on the movement of leaves of Robinia pseudoacacia and mentioned continuing observations by William in notes dated 5–17 August 1877 (DAR 209.12: 163–4). In a note dated 20 August 1877, written at Abinger, Surrey, CD mentioned William’s earlier observation of water beading on leaves of Robinia pseudoacacia after a shower (DAR 209.12: 165). CD visited Abinger from 20 to 25 August 1877 (see ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD evidently visited Elizabeth Wedgwood’s house in Down before leaving for his stay at Abinger (see n. 2, above). CD had made observations on 4 April 1874 concerning the depression of leaflets from syringing with water; he had made a note to himself to look at Elizabeth’s tree during heavy rain (notes in DAR 209.12: 162).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   [20–4 August 1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. [Abinger Hall, Surrey.] My dear Dyer There is no end to my requests. Can you spare me a good plant (or even two) of Oxalis sensitiva. The one which I have (formerly from Kew) has been so maltreated that I dare not trust my results any longer.2 Please give the enclosed to Mr. Lynch.— The spontaneous movements of the Averrhoa are very curious.—3 You sent me seeds of Trifolium resupinatum, & I have raised plants & some former observations which I did not dare to trust, have proved accurate.4 It is a very little fact, but curious. The half X of the lateral leaflets (marked by a cross) on the lower side X have no bloom & are wetted, whereas the other half has bloom & is not wetted, so that the two sides look different to the naked eye. The cells of the epidermis appear of a different shape & size on the 2 sides of the leaf.

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When we have drawings & measurements of cells made, & are sure of our facts I shall ask you whether you know of any case of the same leaf differing histologically on the two sides, for Hooker always says you are a wonderful man for knowing what has been made out.— Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin We are staying at Abinger Hall, but return home on Saturday.5 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 87–8) (Image reproduced with the kind permission of the Board of Trustees) 1 2 3

4 5

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 25 August 1877, and by the dates of CD’s visit to Abinger (see n. 5, below). Seedlings of Oxalis sensitiva (a synonym of Biophytum sensitivum) were sent to CD on 16 August 1873 (Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, Outwards book). Richard Irwin Lynch had sent CD observations on the spontaneous movements of Averrhoa bilimbi as well as several specimens of plants with bloom, the epicuticular waxy coating of some leaves and fruits (see letter from R. I. Lynch, 25 July 1877, and both letters from R. I. Lynch, [before 28 July 1877]). Trifolium resupinatum is Persian clover. CD’s observations on bloom on the leaves of plants raised from the seeds sent from Kew, made on 10 June [1877], are in DAR 68: 47. CD visited Abinger Hall, the home of Thomas Henry Farrer, from 20 to 25 August 1877 (see ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From William Ogle   21 August 1877

10 Gordon S.t | Gordon Square Aug. 21. 1877

Dear Mr. Darwin, I am much ashamed at having allowed so long a time to elapse, without acknowledgement of your kindness in sending me a copy of the “Forms of Flowers”.1 The fact is, I thought I would read the book before writing; and fondly imagined that I should find time to do this straight off. But what with one and another interruption I have even now only imperfectly read it. I can however no longer delay expressing my hearty thanks to you, and offering my congratulations on this new block that you have added to the huge pyramid you are constructing to your glory. I owe you also minor thanks for having told me of Kerner’s book on “Unbidden guests”.2 I took it with me to Italy this spring and it did much to make a wet holiday less unbearable. I fancy that there is still much to be made out as to the hairiness of plants, and that it has more to do with preventing insects crawling up plants, than Kerner would seem to allow.3 I noticed that on some plants, where the hairs were not close or long enough to cause much mechanical hindrance, ants, though they moved about readily at first, seemed soon to suffer irritation, stopping and rubbing themselves as though stung. It is strange also, that in no few plants—e.g. Bugle and Veronica Chamædrys4—the hairs only grow on two of the four sides of the stem, changing at each node, and being so placed as always to block up the path upwards between each pair of leaves. Again it is a curious thing that no Water plant, so far as I can make out, is ever hairy. Of the many plants specifically distinguished as “hirsuta” not one seems to be a water plant. Most or all of the Veronicas that grow on dry soil

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are hairy more or less; but all the species that grow in the water are perfectly smooth. Why is this? I fancy that the explanation is, that water plants are already protected by the water from creeping insects and therefore require no hairs. But it is possible that the explanation is to be found in some of the other uses of hairs enumerated by Kerner in the note to p. 38.5 One such use for instance is to prevent evaporation, and to keep the plant duly moistened by condensing dew; and this of course is not required by water plants. Pray forgive me for venturing to trouble you with these crude and rudimentary speculations. If there be one more valuable lesson than another in your last book it is that one has no right to have any opinion at all upon such a question, without having first made a series of patiently conducted and well devised experiments. Again let me express my thanks to you, and with every good wish | Believe me | Yrs. sincerely | W. Ogle. DAR 173: 9 CD annotations 2.1 uses of hairs … condensing dew; 2.3] scored red crayon Top of letter : ‘Keep see p 5’6 circled red crayon 1

2

3

4 5 6

CD’s UK presentation list for Forms of flowers is missing (see Appendix IV). On one of the overseas lists, CD had noted, ‘I forgot to keep list but I remember following names’, after which he added several names, not including Ogle’s. Forms of flowers was published on 9 July 1877 (Freeman 1977). CD had referred to Anton Kerner von Marilaun’s essay ‘Die Schutzmittel der Blüthen gegen unberufene Gäste’ (The protective measures of flowers against uninvited guests; Kerner von Marilaun 1876) in Forms of flowers, pp. 6, 128, 331. No letter to Ogle mentioning Kerner von Marilaun 1876 has been found, but CD may have discussed the essay with Ogle in person while on a visit to London. CD’s separately paginated annotated copy of Kerner von Marilaun 1876 is in DAR 139: 15.1. In his section on the protective function of hairs or trichomes (Kerner von Marilaun 1876, pp. 223–31), Kerner von Marilaun had focused on the dual purpose of hairs in the corona, preventing access by some insects, while acting as a guide to others. He briefly noted that hairs on the stem and leaves rarely prevented insects from reaching the flower, but often served other functions (ibid., p. 224). Bugle is Ajuga reptans; Veronica chamaedrys is germander speedwell. Ogle refers to the pagination of the offprint (see Kerner von Marilaun 1876, pp. 224–5 n. 2). Kerner von Marilaun mentioned that coronal hairs might protect nectaries from rainwater. In CD’s offprint, a passage has been scored on p. 5 (Kerner von Marilaun 1876, p. 191), in which Kerner writes, ‘kein Haar ist bedeutunglos, mag es an den Cotyledonen oder am Laube, am Stengel oder an der Blüthe’ (no hair is without significance, whether on the cotyledon or leaf, stem or flower).

To R. I. Lynch   23 August [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. [Abinger Hall, Surrey.] Aug. 23d Dear Sir If you have Erythrina crista-galli2 in any of your greenhouses, will you kindly look & see whether it goes to sleep.— This is the case with E. caffra & coralliflora (which I had from Kew), as the 3 leaflets fall vertically down at night.3 On the other hand there is

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347

a plant of E. crista-galli at a house, where I am now staying, which is nailed against a wall out of doors & the leaves do not sleep, & this puzzles me.—4 I & my son Francis have been observing with great care your discovery of the very singular movements of the leaflets of Averrhoa, & the phenomenon is a very interesting one.—5 We have been able to record the exact angular amount of movement & time of movement. The case is equal to that of Hedysarum gyrans.—6 I do not believe I shd. have ever have noticed the movement had it not been for your information Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (B/D25.305) 1 2 3

4

5 6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from R. I. Lynch, [28 August 1877]. Erythrina crista-galli is the cockspur coral tree. According to an entry in the Outwards book (Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew), CD had been sent ‘Erythrinas’ on 16 July 1877; the species sent were not named, but were evidently Erythrina caffra (coast coral tree) and E. corallifera (a synonym of E. corallodendron, coral erythrina). CD discussed movement in E. corallodendron in Movement in plants, pp. 367, 405. In Movement in plants, p. 319, CD noted that Erythrina crista-galli required the proper temperature to sleep, and mentioned the fact that a specimen nailed against a wall did not sleep. CD stayed at Abinger Hall from 20 to 25 August 1877 (see ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Lynch had observed spontaneous movement during the day in leaves of Averrhoa bilimbi (see letters from R. I. Lynch, [before 28 July 1877]). CD discussed Hedysarum gyrans in Movement in plants, but referred to it as Desmodium gyrans; both names are synonyms of Codariocalyx motorius (telegraph or semaphore plant). In ibid., p. 330, CD wrote that the spontaneous movement of leaflets of Averrhoa bilimbi rivalled those of D. gyrans.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   [before 24 August 1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. My dear Dyer, Many thanks for your offer of young Dionæas, but as we have 33 our supply is ample.2 There is however another plant which I should be very glad of viz Cassia mimosoides which might be sent together with the Robinia if it recovers.3 Do you think Mr Lynch would like for me to give him a couple of my books, as it is the only way I can think of to show my obligation to him.4 If so which books do you think I had better send? You can let me know at any future time. With many thanks | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 83–4) 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton Dyer, [20–4 August 1877]. No letter from Thiselton-Dyer offering plants of Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap) has been found. In his letter to Thiselton-Dyer of 11 August 1877, CD mentioned having just received thirty plants of Dionaea from Veitch & Sons (a firm of nurserymen).

Photographs of experiments on movement in plants: probably Averrhoa bilimbi. DAR 209.15: 19 and 20. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

Tracings of movement of Averrhoa. DAR 209.14: 12 and 13. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

350 3

4

August 1877

Cassia mimosoides is a synonym of Chamaecrista mimosoides (a species of sensitive pea). Robinia is the genus of locust trees. CD was studying leaf movements in these plants as part of his research for Movement in plants. Richard Irwin Lynch was foreman of the propagation department at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. He sent CD several plants and informed him about movements of leaves in Averrhoa bilimbi (see letter from R. I. Lynch, 25 July 1877, and the two letters from R. I. Lynch, [before 28 July 1877].

From W. E. Darwin   [24 August 1877]1

Basset, | Southampton. Friday

My dear Father, I had a good chance of looking at Robbinia this morning.2 I got out within 2 minutes of a very heavy shower without wind & when it was still raining smartly, & again quarter of an hour afterwards just after another very heavy shower. The leaves were not at all depressed; but were covered with drops of water looking like quicksilver so that the tree quite glistened. The leaves did not seem to at all wet on the parts where there were no drops of water, tho’ it had been raining so much. The drops seemed to stick closely to the leaves and required a tolerable shake; a good shake seemed chiefly to send off a good part of each drop so as to leave the leaf spotted with much smaller drops, and did not thoroughly clean the leaves of water. Your affect son | W. E. Darwin P.S. The whole leaves seem to droop a little more during rain, and the leaflets seem to be flatter, but certainly do not droop below the horizontal position, except some of the tender shoots, which appear to have the leaflets continuously hanging down a little DAR 162: 85 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. E. Darwin, 20 [August 1877]. The Friday following 20 August 1877 was 24 August. See letter to W. E. Darwin, 20 [August 1877] and nn. 2 and 3. CD was interested in the movement of leaves of Robinia pseudoacacia (black locust) following heavy rain.

From W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   25 August 1877 Royal Gardens Kew Aug.t 25. 77 Dear Mr Darwin Nothing, as you know, gives me more pleasure than helping you in any way. Long may your wants be insatiable. Lynch is immensely gratified with the notice you have taken of him.1 He is a good fellow but nurses a private ambition to be a ‘Professor’. I don’t think he would be so happy as in his present vocation where he has plants & opportunities for study and observation and a good enough berth as things go.

August 1877

351

Your observations upon Trifolium resupinatum are very curious indeed. I am afraid Sir Joseph Hooker has a vastly too great opinion of my knowledge— At any rate I generally find myself at fault when you wish to know anything.2 The only instance of any histological difference in the two halves of a leaf which I call to mind is one which Dr Welwitsch brought before the Scientific Committee of the R. Hort. Soc. Ap. 17, 1872. (see Journ. R. Hort. Soc. n.s. vol. iv, p xii)3 “A new species of Maranta was remarkable for its unsymmetrical leaves, elliptical on one side, oblong on the other, and white beneath, except a marginal band on the elliptical side”. I remember the specimens which were certainly striking. I suppose this had something to do with the convolute vernation though I do not quite see how.4 AL incomplete DAR 178: 101 CD annotations 1.1 Nothing, … go. 2.4] crossed blue crayon Top of letter : ‘Trifolium resupinatum’ pencil 1

2

3 4

See letter to R. I. Lynch, 23 August [1877]. Lynch, who was foreman of the propagating department at the Royal Botanic Garden, Kew, had passed on some observations on the movement of leaflets of Averrhoa bilimbi. See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [20–4 August 1877] and n. 4. Trifolium resupinatum is Persian clover. CD had mentioned that Joseph Dalton Hooker recommended Thiselton-Dyer as someone who knew what had been ‘made out’. The report by Friedrich Welwitsch was mentioned in the Journal of the Royal Horticultural Society of London n.s. 4 (1872–7): xii (Extracts from proceedings). Welwitsch had described an unnamed species of Maranta from Angola with unsymmetrical leaves, and George Bentham had suggested the asymmetry could be the result of convolute vernation, that is, where the newly unfurling leaf has both margins curled inward, one wrapping round the other. In modern systematics, the genus Maranta is restricted to South American and West Indian species.

To Giovanni Canestrini   26 August [1877]1

Down, | Beckenham, Kent. August 26

Dear Sir I am very much obliged to you for having so kindly sent me your new work. I regret even more than I have ever done before that I cannot read Italian, so that I can get only parts translated to me.— The title of your work is a very great honour to me.2 Believe me dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin The estate of Sandro Onestinghel (private collection) 1 2

The year is established by the publication date of Canestrini’s book (see n. 2, below). Canestrini had sent a copy of his book La teoria dell’evoluzione, esposta nei suoi fondamenti, come introduzione alla lettura delle opere del Darwin e de’ suoi seguaci (The theory of evolution, explained in its fundamentals, as an introduction to the reading of the works of Darwin and his followers; Canestrini 1877). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–Down.

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August 1877

From T. H. Farrer   26 August 1877 Abinger Hall, | Dorking. | (Gomshall S.E.R. | Station & Telegraph.) 26 Aug./77 | Sunday Dear Mr Darwin, No worm casts yesterday. This morning after the tremendous rain I have counted 40 holes: the rain having washed them clear— 4 if not 5 are in the wall: which is the less surprising as the water does not lie on the top of the wall, whilst it does lie on the solid part of the concrete and in that there are no holes.— One worm I saw come out, lifting a lump of soil & leaving a hole. What a pleasant week we had—1 The sky itself wept at your parting Sincerely yours | T H Farrer I shall not be able to journalise the worms this week— DAR 164: 82 CD annotations 1.2 40] underl red crayon 1.2 4 … wall:] double underl, scored red crayon 1.4 solid part] double underl red crayon 1.4 in … holes.—] ‘I noticed this’ interl blue crayon; caret red crayon 2.1 What … week— 4.1] crossed pencil 1

CD stayed at Abinger Hall from 20 to 25 August 1877 (see ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). In Earthworms, p. 179, CD mentioned that he was present on 20 August 1877 when excavations were begun in a field at Abinger to uncover the ruins of a Roman villa. CD described the observations made by Farrer over the next seven weeks on the action of worms, and recorded the information from this letter in ibid., p. 186.

To T. H. Farrer   27 August [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug. 27th My dear Farrer Your news is glorious & it was very good of you thus to rejoice me.— I am particularly surprised at the worms coming up through the walls. Forty holes!!!2 I cannot remember a more delightful week than the last.— I know very well that Effie will not believe me, but the worms were by no means the sole charm. Affectionate remembrances to all at the paradise.— I do hope dear Fanny continues as well as over two last days.3 I have just remembered that this note is of no use as you will be away, but as it is written it shall go.4 Yours ever very truly | Charles Darwin Linnean Society of London (Farrer 26) 1

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from T.  H.  Farrer, 26 August 1877.

August 1877 2 3 4

353

See letter from T. H. Farrer, 26 August 1877 and n. 1. Katherine Euphemia (Effie) Farrer was Farrer’s wife; Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood was her mother. In his letter of 26 August 1877, Farrer had mentioned that he could not make observations the following week; he was away from 27 August to 5 September 1877 (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 23 September 1877).

From Herman Semmig   27 August 1877 Leipzig, August 27th. 1877. Honoured Sir, From a literary portion of the Parisian Journal “Le Français” (No. 210, 2  Août 1877) I have just learned that an article of the Parisian scholar Taine on the intellectual development of a child has caused you to publish a diary, which you have made about one of your children 37 years ago.1 The above mentioned article says that you have observed and marked daily the psychologic manifestations of the child. The very same thing I undertook, when on the 16th. of May  1867 à Orléans (France) at the birth of my first child, a girl, I began to keep a diary, of which the editor, Hartung et Son here, has just sent you a copy of the second edition.2 Urged on the matter by the debates on “Kraft und Stoff”, but convinced as much of the reality of the mind as of that of the matter, I hoped through close observation of the development of the child to seize, as it were, the mind it its spring.3 I did not succeed; however, “Le Français” sas as well of you as of Taine: “Deux philosophes sont entrés récemment dans cette ètude de la psychologie infantile, et, quoiqu’ils n’y aient pas fait jusqu’ici de découverte bien saillante, ils ont au moins ouvert la voie”.4 By the way I note that the mentioned Journal, being advertised through me, will say in future: Trois philosophes. My treatise was undertaken and published before Taine’s; yours, honoured Sir, is older with regard to time, but has also appeared later on the market. My observations, therefore, are quite independent and original. Now I beg you, honoured Sir, to read my book, perhaps there will be, on your recomandation, a translator in England; a little allusion to English prudery, as I hope, be pardonet, is it a saying to be heard every where.5 But to the correct judgement and appreciation I add the following: In the course of the keeping of my diary I have somewhat deviated from the original aim and purpose, or rather, I have enlarged on the plan. Of a poetic disposition, I have interspersed now and then descriptions of nature and home life in prosa and in verses, so that my book has become a picture of family life. Besides this I am also politically occupied and have, in consequence, sometimes added criticisms of social conditions and ideas of a politic and pedagogic nature etc. Yet throughout the whole the original aim is visible. In the printed book I have not marked the dates (at least not the days); but from the noted weeks and months the reader will almost learn the chronology. If you, honoured sir, would deign to

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take notice of my book, I should, in a third edition, mark the days of my observations. You will also find your name in it; it was inevitable.6 I regret not being educated in physiology, metaphysics prevailing in my youth in Germany.7 But I rest on a passage of Feuerbach to support the right of philosophic speculation with that of investigation into natural history.8 I hope, honoured sir, that you will pay a kind regard to my essay to solute the problem, as you will find the matter sufficiently interesting and important, to treat it yourself, and, therefore, hope for a favorable answer.9 You would oblige me, if you would send me your treatise, which, until now, I only know from the “Français.” With high esteem | Yours | faithfully | Herman Semmig, ph. dr. Turnerstr. 2, II. DAR 177: 134 1

2 3

4 5 6 7 8 9

Hippolyte Taine’s essay on the acquisition of language by children appeared in translation in the journal Mind (Taine 1876 and 1877); CD’s ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ was published in the July issue (see letter to G. C. Robertson, 27 April 1877 and nn. 1 and 2). The article in Le Français discussed several of CD’s observations on the sensory and intellectual development of infants (Fonssagrives 1877). Semmig’s daughter was Bertha Semmig. CD’s annotated copy of Semmig’s book, Das Kind: Tagesbuch eines Vaters (The child: diary of a father; [Semmig] 1876) is in the Darwin Library–CUL. Kraft und Stoff (Force and matter; Büchner 1855) was a book by the German philosopher and physician, Ludwig Büchner; he presented a materialistic, atheistic interpretation of the world, and notably, explained mind and conciousness as epiphenomena of the physical state of the brain, produced by matter in motion. For Semmig’s view on the mind, see [Semmig] 1876, pp. 50–2. The quotation may be translated: ‘Two philosophers have recently entered into this study of child psychology, and, while they have not yet made any remarkable discovery, they have at least opened the way.’ No English translation of Semmig’s book was published. See [Semmig] 1876, p. 81. Semmig mentioned CD’s name only in passing, noting that animals had made a deep impression on humans long before Darwin. Semmig received a doctorate in philosophy from Leipzig, where he also studied history and theology (DBE). The passage from Ludwig Feuerbach has not been identified. For Feuerbach’s changing position on the relationship between philosophy and natural science, see F. Gregory 1977, pp. 20–5. No response from CD has been found.

From R. I. Lynch   [28 August 1877] Erythrina Crista-galli1 Large plant in greenhouse —First observed at 9.30 p.m. when the leaflets were slightly depressed but scarcely so much as to suggest the condition of sleep. Taking a single leaf, the distances of the tips of the leaflets from the floor were measured, and also their distances from insertion of petiole. At 9.30 a.m. this morning the leaflet-tips were each about an inch and a half higher above floor level, partly by rising of petiole. Besides being elevated by movement of petiole were also moved away from point of insertion by

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the rising of petioles—the apex of terminal leaflet in a distance of 214 inches and the apices of the other two in a distance of 12 inch and 1 inch respectively Large specimen out of doors. —This tree was observed at 7 p.m., 9 p.m., and 9 a.m. No difference in the general appearance of the foliage could be detected. The leaflet-tips (some turned upwards) of three leaves were measured from insertion of petiole at 9 p.m. At 9 a.m. this morning the leaflets of two leaves could not be said to have changed position. The other—a younger leaf—however, had decidedly altered the position of its leaflets, the terminal one being slightly raised and the others with their apices more towards the insertion of petiole. The leaflets of the specimen indoors are all in similar corresponding position, while those of the last mentioned tree point in various directions, the terminal leaflets in particular have a tendency to turn upwards AMem incomplete Endorsement: ‘Mr Lynch | Aug 28 | 77’ DAR 209.14: 186 1

Erythrina crista-galli is the cockspur coral tree. CD had asked Lynch to observe plants of this species to see whether they slept (see letter to R. I. Lynch, 23 August [1877] and n. 4).

From G. H. K. Thwaites   28 August 1877 Peradeniya, Ceylon, 28th Augt 1877 My dear Darwin, You have afforded me much gratification by sending me your new little work on Forms of Flowers.1 I am reading it with much interest, and with the thought of how much patient research and deep pondering it represents. I was glad to find that the little fig-parasites interested you, and I have for some time been going to write to you further respecting them.2 They still occupy some of my spare time, and I have been sending from time to time consignments of these little insects to our good friend Westwood, who has written to tell me how greatly pleased he is with them; but he is rather too sparing of his letters to me about them—3 About a dozen species of figs have already yielded more than 30 kinds of which the males have no wings or very rudimentary ones; and I am still finding more. There are also to be added several of the same tribe of insects but with both sexes winged. Each kind of fig is infested with from 2  to 7  or 8  commensal species, and the individual insects are frequently so very numerous that every seed-vessel must have been occupied; and one seed is often food for 2 insects which before maturity can be seen curiously packed together in the seed vessel.

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The genera are not numerous, but are mostly represented by distinct species occurring in the several kinds of fig, as it seems to me, for I am only certain having found the same species of insect in two kinds of fig, though Westwood may possibly have detected other instances.4 I have not had time to examine these tiny insects so critically as I could wish. At one time of the year the same species of these parasites are found in the fruits of the same kinds of fig respectively; but I am finding other species in some of the same fruits ripening some time subsequently, but to what extent this may go remains to be seen. A bletting of the outer portion of the fig-fruit would seem to be the result in some cases of the presence of the parasites, but it is by no means general, even in the one species where I have observed it to be present.5 There is usually nothing about the fruit externally to indicate the presence of parasites   In the very young fruits their interior is mostly quite filled with the crowded flowers, but towards maturity a cavity is found in the centre to which the tips of the seed vessels just reach, and into this cavity first emerge the little insects, copulate there, and then the females escape from the apical aperture formed either naturally or by the action of the powerful mandibles of the males. The males of some of the species run about very actively, and fight fiercely with kindred males. Males of other species are very sluggish in their movements. The insects are best collected some little time before the fruit is ripe. Only a few of the males & these dead are to be found in the fallen fruits. With kind regards I am always most truly your’s | G. H. K. Thwaites DAR 178: 126 1 2 3 4

5

Thwaites’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Forms of flowers (see Appendix IV). Forms of flowers was published on 9 July 1877 (Freeman 1977). See letter to G. H. K. Thwaites, 26 March 1877. John Obadiah Westwood later published descriptions of some of the fig wasps sent to him by Thwaites (see Westwood 1882, pp. 39–44, and Westwood 1883, pp. 375–8). For a list of thirteen fig species, see Westwood 1882, p. 39. Westwood gave full descriptions of five species of fig wasps, but added that other specimens remained to be described and gave brief descriptions of seven of these (ibid., pp. 40–3). Bletting was a term coined by John Lindley to refer to the process by which certain fruit change after ripening, increasing the sugar content, but distinct from the process of rotting (see Lindley 1848, 2: 257–8).

From Frederick Schwerzfeger   29 August 1877 Gifhorn, in Hannover, August 29, 1877 Most honorable Mr Darwin! In this letter I transfer a petition to you. Why to you? I believe that you are wealthy and bountiful, and that you may behold my disagreeable position from a higher and easy place, not at all influenced. I cannot see a near help.

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I am of ordinary birth and without fortune. By finishing my studies—I am forester of scientific learning—I have entered some debts. In the last time I have now accomplished a military exercise of eighty weeks. Well, thereby my debts have not so much increased, yet the expenses of it must quickly be paid, moreover I am in retard with discharging me from my former engagements. In all my debts amount to 1800 Mark, whereof 250/300 Mark are pressing to be quickly paid. The remainder does not hurry and may be repaid in time— The thought to pray for your assistance may seem peculiar, however it is not wholly innatural. I cannot claim the bankers because these man certainly do not possess personal bounty concerning money affairs. In the small cercle around me nobody will be able to borrow me the sum, I want. Formerly I stood beneath my kind creditors, to-day I am already something, and therefore perhaps—I do not easily find a help. My small income of 150 Mark for the month may often be taxed as sufficient, also for extraordinary expenses. Thus I ought to look for a further help, and here I found you. If you would have the bounty to assist me with the wanted sum, I dispose you besides my greatest thanks; my serious will to restore it in ten rates of month, and will begin to repay in the third month; then in the course of a year the whole sum must be repaid. If you will demand interests, I have no objection. I could pay to a house that you instrust with it. At last I pray to be discret and to pardon my bad english. Since ten years, when I went from school, it is now the first time, that I employ that language. I am respectfully your | most humble | Frederick Schwerzfeger, | Candidat— overforester. | (in german: Oberförster—Candidat).1 DAR 201: 35 1

The correspondent has not been further identified. Oberförster was a rank given to the head of a district forest service in many German states. Gifhorn district (Landkreis) is in eastern Lower Saxony.

From E. A. Darwin   31 August [1877]1 31 Aug. Dear Charles I send you Divd.2 I have just been reading a novel I recommend you to try “The Hon Miss Ferrard”3   I’m not at all sure you will like it but I’m quite sure Emma wont. She has lovely eyes & does not say ten words in three volumes. There is a charming love scene in breaking in a colt. The third vol is by far the best & one does not feel sure how it will end up to the very last. Some irish politics you’ll have to skip judiciously but that I believe Emma is an adept in. Yours EAD DAR 105: B102

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The year is established by the publication date of the novel (see n. 3, below). The dividends were probably for shares that belonged to Emma Darwin; Erasmus was one of the trustees of Emma’s property (see Correspondence vol. 3, letter to Solicitor?, 1 October 1844). The novel appeared as The Hon. Miss Ferrard ‘by the author of “Hogan, M.P.”’ ([Laffan] 1877). The author was later revealed to be Mary (May) Laffan. The novel was published in July 1877 (Publishers’ Circular, 17 July 1877, p. 487).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   31 August [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug 31st My dear Dyer The Schrankia, which I received from Mr Ellacombe, shed at first all its leaves, but now has put forth new ones; yet does not look very healthy & will not stand any sun.— I suspect that we have kept it too much watered.— I send it off today to Kew, as it is precious & you may be able to doctor it.—2 I also send a Legum: plant from Queensland, which I raised from seed. My taller plants are really almost the most elegant plants, which I have ever seen; so that Kew ought to have it. If you know what genus it is, I shd. much like to hear, for in that case I will observe it.—3 Thirdly: do you know enclosed leaves from little very unhealthy tree at Abinger sent to Farrer from Kew: from what I could see it wd be worth observing if I could have a healthy plant on loan.—4 Very many thanks for your valuable & in many ways interesting letter of the 28th; but I really did not expect you to write about the Trifolium.— The differences in the epidermic cells are what I said with the addition that there are differently shaped glands on the two sides.—5 Pray thank Mr Lynch for his good & full observations on sleep of Erythrina.6 The case seems like that of Phaseolus which in my garden did not sleep during early part of summer out of doors, but did sleep in the greenhouse.7 Notwithstanding all our hard work (& very hard it is) God knows whether we shall make much of our subject. I hope that you saw Cohn’s letter in ‘Nature’: it has pleased me immensely after the rejection of Frank’s paper by the Royal Socy.—8 The referees seemed to think that if the filaments were not protoplasm, the discovery was worth nothing, which seems a strange conclusion. I hope Hooker will return before very long & then you will be not so hard-worked I hope.—9 I did not intend to have scribbled so much. Yours gratefully | Ch. Darwin P.S. I see that Sachs (p. 786 of your Edit). speaks of some Scitamineæ going to sleep.10 Have you any notion to what he refers? Would Mr. Lynch look to any? I have a Hedychium & will look to it, but it seems incredible that this shd. sleep.11 Sachs also

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says that species of Œschinomene & Smithia are irritable to a touch; or rather when shaken: can you help me to any species?12 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 89–91) 1 2

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6 7 8

9 10

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12

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 7 August 1877. Henry Nicholson Ellacombe sent CD a plant of Schrankia uncinata (a synonym of Mimosa microphylla, littleleaf sensitive-briar) on the understanding that it would later be sent to the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (see letter from H. N. Ellacombe, 30 July [1877]). The plant was received at Kew on 3 September 1877 (Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, Inwards book). According to the record of receipt in the Inwards book (3 September 1877, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew), the plant was an Acacia. CD had visited Abinger Hall, the home of Thomas Henry Farrer, from 20 to 25 August 1877 (see ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Thiselton-Dyer wrote the name of the tree, identified from the leaves CD had enclosed, as Gleditschia sinensis, after this sentence in the letter. Gleditschia sinensis is a synonym of Gleditsia sinensis (Chinese honey locust). Thiselton-Dyer’s reply has not been found. CD probably refers to Thiselton-Dyer’s letter of 25 August 1877; no letter from Thiselton-Dyer dated 28 August 1877 has been found. CD had mentioned that the underside of only half of each lateral leaflet of Trifolium resupinatum (Persian clover) had bloom on them and that the epidermal cells were of two different shapes on the upper and under sides of the leaf (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [20–4 August 1877] and n. 4). See letter from R. I. Lynch, [28 August 1877]; Erythrina crista-galli is the cockspur coral tree. CD’s notes on sleep in Phaseolus, dated 11 and 12 July and 15 and 17 August 1877, are in DAR 209.10: 66–9. CD had forwarded parts of two letters from Ferdinand Julius Cohn to Nature; Cohn’s letters discussed observations he made confirming some of Francis Darwin’s observations in F. Darwin 1877b (see letter to Nature, 15 August [1877] and nn. 2 and 3). Francis’s paper had been read at the Royal Society of London, but only an abstract had been published by the society (F. Darwin 1877a). Joseph Dalton Hooker was away on a three-month-long botanical trip in America (L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 204–17). Thiselton-Dyer had assisted with the English translation of Julius Sachs’s Text-book of botany (Sachs 1875). In Bentham and Hooker 1862–83, 3: 636–57, Scitamineae was a natural order of plants that included plants now within the families Musaceae (banana), Zingiberaceae (ginger), and Marantaceae (arrowroot). Sachs’s description of Scitamineae leaves with the lamina attached to the petiole by a cylindrical contractile organ (Sachs 1875, p. 786) probably refers to the pulvinus of leaves in some plants in the Marantaceae such as Thalia dealbata, which CD observed for Movement in plants. The pulvinus is the joint-like thickening at the base of these leaves that facilitates movement, allowing them to sleep. Hedychium is a genus of plants in the family Zingiberaceae (ginger; see n. 10, above). Richard Irwin Lynch, foreman of the propagating department at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, had been providing CD with both specimens and observations on sleep in plants (see, for example, letter from R. I. Lynch, [28 August 1877]). In Sachs 1875, p. 787, Sachs referred to irritable movement in Smithia sensitiva and Aeschinomene sensitiva (a synonym of Aeschynomene sensitiva, sensitive joint-vetch).

To A. R. Wallace   31 August 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug 31. 1877 My dear Wallace, I am very much obliged to you for sending your article; which is very interesting & appears to me as clearly written as it can be.1 You will not be surprised that I differ altogether from you about sexual colours. That the tail of the peacock & his

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elaborate display of it should be due merely to the vigour, activity, & vitality of the male is to me as utterly incredible as my views are to you.2 Mantegazza published a few years ago in Italy a somewhat similar view.3 I cannot help doubting about recognition through colour: our horses dogs, fowls, & pigeons seem to know their own species however differently the individuals may be coloured. I wonder whether you attribute the odoriferous & sound producing organs, when confined to the males to their greater vigour &c. I could say a good deal in opposition to you, but my arguments would have no weight in your eyes & I do not intend to write for the public anything on this or any other difficult subject. By the way I doubt whether the term voluntary in relation to sexual selection ought to be employed: when a man is fascinate〈d〉 by a pretty girl it can hardly be called voluntary, & I suppose that female animals are charmed or excited in nearly the same manner by the gaudy males. Three essays have been published lately in Germany which would interest you: one by Weismann who shows that the coloured stripes on the caterpillars of sphinx are beautifully protective: & birds were frightened away from their feeding place by a caterpillar with large eye-like spots on the broad anterior segments of the body.4 Fritz Müller has well discussed the first steps of mimicry with butterflies, & comes to nearly or quite the same conclusions as you, but supports it by additional arguments.5 Fritz Müller also has lately shown that the males alone of certain butterflies have odoriferous glands on their wings (distinct from those which secrete matter disgusting to birds) & where these glands are placed, the scales assume a different shape making little tufts.6 Farewell—I hope that you find Dorking a pleasant place? I was staying lately at Abinger Hall & wished to come over to see you but driving tires me so much that my courage failed.7 Yours very sincerely | Chas. Darwin LS British Library (Add MS 46434) 1

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5

Wallace sent a copy of the September issue of Macmillan’s Magazine, which contained the first part of his article ‘The colours of animals and plants’ (A. R. Wallace 1877). CD’s annotated copy of the issue is in DAR 133: 18.1. CD and Wallace had a longstanding debate about sexual dimorphism in regard to colour (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 16, letter from A. R. Wallace, 18 September [1868], and letter to A. R. Wallace, 23 September [1868]; see also A. R. Wallace 1866, 1867, and 1868). In his article, Wallace argued that bright, intense colours were signs of robust health (A. R. Wallace 1877, p. 398); CD double-scored the passage in his copy. Paolo Mantegazza had criticised CD’s theory of sexual selection in Descent, especially the role of female choice (see Mantegazza 1871 and Correspondence vol. 19, letter to Paolo Mantegazza, 22 September 1871). The first essay in the second volume of August Weismann’s Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie (Studies on the theory of descent; Weismann 1876) was ‘Die Entstehung der Zeichnung bei den SchmetterlingsRaupen’ (The origin of markings on caterpillars of butterflies; Weismann 1876, pp. 1–137). CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL. Weismann had studied caterpillars of Chaerocampa elpenor (a synonym of Deilephila elpenor, the elephant hawk-moth) and Chaerocampa porcellus (a synonym of Deilephila porcellus, the small elephant hawk-moth). See Fritz Müller 1876 and A. R. Wallace 1877, pp. 396–8. Wallace had earlier commented on some of

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Müller’s observations on mimicry (see Correspondence vol. 19, letter from Fritz Müller, 14 June 1871, and letter from A. R. Wallace, 7 August 1871). Müller described the glands in his article ‘Ueber Haarpinsel, Filzflecke und ähnliche Gebilde auf den Flügeln männlicher Schmetterlinge’ (On hair-tufts, felted spots and similar structures on the wings of male butterflies; Fritz Müller 1877b). CD’s lightly annotated copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. In July 1876, Wallace had moved to Dorking, Surrey, which was near Abinger Hall, the home of Thomas Henry Farrer, where CD had visited from 20 to 25 August 1877 (see Raby 2001, p. 216, and CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From Roland Trimen   2 September 1877

South-African Museum, | Cape Town. 2nd. September, 1877.

My dear Mr. Darwin, It was with great pleasure that I lately received the copy of your “Different Forms of Flowers on Plants of the same Species” which you have so kindly presented to me:—pray accept my sincere thanks for the welcome gift.1 I have read the book with great interest, particularly the chapter relating to cleistogamic flowers. I had no notion that such extraordinary flowers existed in so many genera of widely-separated groups as those given in your list. In common with most naturalists, I cannot be sufficiently grateful to you for your researches into plant physiology and economy—they impress me even more than your equally admirable investigations of animal life. I declare that, if you go on in this amazing manner to raise vegetable organisms in respect and estimation, I shall feel it a simple duty to agitate for a Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Plants! Since you taught us what orchids were capable of, I have always had my misgivings as to “pulling” flowers for mere bouquets or decoration. It is terrible to think of the infinite maiming and maltreatment plants everywhere undergo, even from those “sweet-hearted” ones “whose light-blue eyes Are tender over drowning flies.”2 I was in England last year, but only for two months (August and September), and even for that brief time was quite immersed in official scribbling in London,—being not on leave but on duty with the Cape Premier, Mr. Molteno. For the present, I am happily quit of ordinary official business (which for the last few years has almost monopolized me), as the long-neglected Museum Curatorship has at length been constituted a Civil Service appointment, and the Government has relieved me from other duties.3 Most people seem to think that this arrangement is “too bright, too pure, to last”;4 and it certainly is quite on the cards that a new Ministry or a frugallyminded Parliament might upset it;—but it has at any rate weathered the Session just over, and will I trust be more lasting than people anticipate. One of the Museum Trustees, Mr. Charles Fairbridge (who is a Member of the Legislative Assembly for Cape Town) left us about a month ago for a holiday in Europe, taking his family with him. Both publicly and privately he has been always a staunch helper of the Museum, and I perpetually regret that his absorbing legal

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business leaves him hardly any leisure for Natural History pursuits. I have ventured to give him your address, knowing that it would afford him much pleasure to meet you. He has been in correspondence with Sir J. Lubbock about arrow-heads etc. found in these parts, and will probably be visiting that gentleman while in England.5 The constant evidence of continued work which your books afford make me trust that your health is stronger than it was. If there is any little point to which you think I can attend out here with service to your labours, pray command me at any time. With true regard, and renewed thanks for your kind remembrance of me, I remain | Very faithfully yours | R. Trimen DAR 178: 192 1 2 3

4 5

Trimen’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Forms of flowers (Appendix IV). The quotation is from Alfred Tennyson’s poem, In memoriam A.H.H. (Tennyson 1850, p. 142). Trimen had acted as secretary to the prime minister of Cape Colony, John Charles Molteno, during a visit to Britain in connection with the Colony’s possible annexation of Griqualand West; the delegation left the Cape on 7 July 1876. While in England, Trimen was appointed curator of the South Africa Museum, taking up the appointment in October 1876, after his return. (DSAB; Molteno 1900, 2: 92 and 484.) The quotation is either from the anonymous To the lark (Baillie ed. 1823, pp. 81–3), or from Lines to youth, by the Rev. John Jones (The Bijou; an annual of literature and the arts (1829): 54–5). Charles Aken Fairbridge had proposed the establishment of a national museum for South Africa in 1855 and became a trustee of the museum in 1860. He had been a member of the Cape Colony legislative assembly since 1874. Fairbridge and his wife, Sarah Rebecca Anderson, had five children (DSAB). Fairbridge had corresponded with John Lubbock about stone artefacts from South Africa in 1873, and donated material to Lubbock’s collection in 1873 and 1874 (British Library, Avebury papers, vol. XL, 66–8; J. Owen 2000, pp. 241, 247, and Appendix 4.5).

From Thomas Churton   3 September 1877

Park Chambers, | (35 Park Square) | Leeds. Sep 3. 1877

Dear Sir Mr. Rickards, a Sub-Inspector of Factories, and formerly a medical practitioner at Armley near Leeds, told me to-day of a case of a tailed infant which he saw some years ago. He amputated the tail, after consultation with the late Mr. S. Smith, then Senior Surgeon to the Leeds Infirmary.1 He has forgotten the name of the patient, but knows the house, and I do not doubt that the name & subsequent history of the child could be obtained, if desired. He informs me that the tail was two inches in length, moveable (by the child), and could be drawn tightly down— apparently by an extension of the coccygens. If alive, this person would be now about 23  years old, and it might be worth observing whether his descendants have any tails. It is impossible to doubt the truth of Mr. Rickards’ account of this case. His address is Pool, n.r Otley, Yorkshire When in Aberdeen in 1876 ( July) I saw in the Hospital there, under Dr. SmithShand, a man who had 2 nipples on each side of his chest— the second being (I think) just below the ribs.2 Prof. Struthers3 was at the time informed of this case.

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I am, dear Sir Your’s very truly | Th.s Churton MD. | Lecturer in Therapeutics | Leeds Sch. Med &c Cha.s Darwin Esq. DAR 161: 148 1

2 3

George Henry Lascelles Rickards and Samuel Smith. CD had revised his disussion of the vestigial tail in humans in the second edition of Descent, stating the case for its existence more strongly and incorporating new references (Descent 1: 29–30; Descent 2d ed., pp. 22–3). James William Fraser Smith Shand. CD discussed mammary glands and nipples in male mammals in Descent 1: 30–1 and 209–11; see also Descent 2d ed., p. 36 n. 38. John Struthers.

From A. R. Wallace   3 September 1877 Madeira Villa, Madeira Road | Ventnor, I. of Wight. Septr 3rd. 1877 My dear Darwin Many thanks for your letter.1 Of course I did not expect my paper to have any effect on your opinions. You have looked at all the facts so long from your special point of view, that it would require conclusive arguments to influence you, and these, from the complex nature of the question are probably not to be had.2 We must I think leave the case in the hands of others, and I am in hopes that my paper may call sufficient attention to the subject to induce some of the great school of Darwinians to take the question up and work it out thoroughly. You have brought such a mass of facts to support your view & have argued it so fully that I hardly think it necessary for you to do more. Truth will prevail, as you as well as I wish it to do. I will only make one or two remarks. The word “voluntary” was inserted in my proofs only in order to distinguish clearly between the two radically distinct kinds of “sexual selection.” Perhaps “conscious” would be a better word to which I think you will not object, & I will alter it when I republish.3 I lay no stress on the word “voluntary”. Sound- & scent-producing organs in males are surely due to “natural” or “automatic” as opposed to “conscious” selection. If there were gradations in the sounds produced, from mere noises up to elaborate music—the case would be analogous to that of “colour” and “ornament”. Being however comparatively simple, natural selection, owing to their use as a guide, seems sufficient. The louder sound, heard at a greater distance, would attract or be heard by more females,*—but this would not imply choice in the sense of rejecting a male whose stridulation was a trifle less loud than another’s, which is the essense of the theory as applied by you to colour & ornament. But greater general vigour would almost certainly lead to greater volume or persistence of sound, & so the same view will apply to both cases on my theory. Thanks for the references you give me.4 My ignorance of German prevents me supporting my views by the mass of observations continually being made abroad, so I can only advance my own ideas for what they are worth.

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I like Dorking much, but can find no house to suit me, so fear I shall have to move again.5 With best wishes | Believe me | Yours very faithfully | Alfred R. Wallace. Charles Darwin F.R.S. *Or it may attract other males & lead to combats for the females. DAR 106: B136–7 1 2

3

4 5

Letter to A. R. Wallace, 31 August 1877. In his paper on the development of colour in animals and plants (A. R. Wallace 1877) Wallace concluded, in opposition to CD’s views, that natural selection played a much more significant role than sexual selection. For more on their disagreement, see the letter from A. R. Wallace, 23 July 1877 and n. 2. See letter to A. R. Wallace, 31 August 1877. In the published version of his paper, which came out in September 1877, Wallace characterised CD’s theory as ‘voluntary sexual selection’, that is, ‘the actual choice by the females of the more brilliantly-coloured males’ (A. R. Wallace 1877, p. 400). When the paper was republished the following year as part of a collection of essays, Wallace altered the phrase to ‘voluntary or conscious sexual selection’ (A. R. Wallace 1878, p. 193). See letter to A. R. Wallace, 31 August 1877. Wallace moved to a rented house, Rosehill, in Dorking, Surrey, in the summer of 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from A. R. Wallace, 23 July 1876).

From T. H. Farrer   5 September 1877 Abinger Hall, | Dorking. | (Gomshall S.E.R. | Station & Telegraph.) 5 Sept/77 My dear Mr Darwin I send you from the B of T two papers describing the Roman remains near Cirencester. Will you kindly return them as they belong to my cousin. From Ld Eldon I have not heard—1 Most likely he is away from home— Your very pleasant note followed me to the Severn where I have had a delightful trip with the boys and an old boating friend. I tried to find your house at Shrewsbury: but had not time to get to it.2 Not so many holes this morning— they are many of them filled up with washed dirt— But there are many worm tracks: and 5 or 6 distinct worm casts.3 Sincerely yours | T H Farrer DAR 164: 83 CD annotation Top of letter : ‘No use’ pencil 1

CD discussed the excavation of a Roman villa at Chedworth, Gloucester, in Earthworms, pp. 197–9, citing Grover 1868 and a paper by Thomas Henry Farrer’s cousin James Farrer ( J. Farrer 1866; see Earthworms, p. 198 n.). The villa was on an estate belonging to James Farrer’s nephew John Scott, third earl of Eldon. For more on the excavations, see ‘Chedworth’ in Royal Commission on Historical Monuments (England) 1976, pp. 24–9. CD had observed worm activity at Thomas Farrer’s excavation

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of Roman remains near his home at Abinger, Surrey, when he visited in August 1877 (Earthworms, pp. 178–93). Thomas Farrer worked at the Board of Trade. See letter to T. H. Farrer, 27 August [1877]. The former Darwin family home, The Mount, Shrewsbury, Shropshire, had been put up for sale in 1867 (see Correspondence vol. 15, letter from Salt & Sons, 17 July 1867). Farrer’s sons were Thomas Cecil Farrer, Claude Erskine Farrer, and Noel Maitland Farrer; the Farrers were away from 27 August to 5 September 1877 (letter from T. H. Farrer, 23 September 1877). See letter from T. H. Farrer, 26 August 1877 and n. 1, and letter to T. H. Farrer, 27 August [1877]. CD cited the observations in this letter in Earthworms, p. 186.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   5 September [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept 5th My dear Dyer One word to thank you. I declare had it not been for your kindness, we shd. have broken down.— As it is we have made out clearly that with some plants (chiefly succulent) the bloom checks evaporation.— with some certainly prevents attacks of insects— with some sea-shore plants prevents injury from salt-water—& I believe with a few prevents injury from pure water resting on leaves— This latter is as yet the most doubtful & the most interesting point in relation to the movement of plants.—2 I daresay what you say about Scitamineæ & Sachs is right.—3 I already know that Thalia dealbata (which we owe to you) sleeps magnificently; & we are now tracing the movements during the 24 hours.—4 Hearty thanks | Ch. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 93–4) 1 2

3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 31 August [1877]. Thiselton-Dyer had provided CD with specimens relating to and information on bloom (see, for example, letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 22 July [1877]). For CD’s interest in bloom, see the letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2. CD and Francis studied bloom in tandem with work on movement in plants; their experiment notes from 1877 and 1878 are in DAR 66 and DAR 68: 1–22. See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 31 August [1877] and n. 10. No reply from Thiselton-Dyer on Julius von Sachs’s description of sleeping and waking in the Scitamineae has been found. CD published his observations on the diurnal movement of the leaves of Thalia dealbata (powdery alligator-flag) in Movement in plants, p. 389. Specimens of T. dealbata had been sent from Kew on 3 July 1877 (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 9 July [1877] and n. 2), and there is a brief note, dated 8 September 1877, on the effects of shaking the plant and beating the growing tip in DAR 67: 7r. See also letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2.

To A. R. Wallace   5 September [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept 5 My dear Wallace “Conscious” seems to me much better than “voluntary”. Conscious action, I presume comes into play when 2 males fight for a female; but I do not know whether you admit that for instance the spur of the cock is due to sexual selection.2

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I am quite willing to admit that the sounds & vocal organs of some males are used only for challenging, but I doubt whether this applies to the musical notes of Hylobates or the howling (I judge chiefly from Rengger) of the American monkeys.—3 In no account that I have seen of the stridulation of male insects shows that it is a challenge.— All those who have attended to birds consider their song as a charm to the females & not as a challenge. As the males in most cases search for the females I do not see how their odoriferous organs will aid them in finding the females. But it is foolish in me to go on writing, for I believe I have said most of this in my book: anyhow I well remember thinking over it.— The “belling” of male stags, if I remember rightly, is a challenge, & so I daresay is the roaring of the lion during the breeding season.—4 I will just add in reference to your former letter that I fully admit with birds that the fighting of the males cooperates with their charms; & I remember quoting Bartlett that gaudy colouring in the males is almost invariably concomitant with pugnacity.5 But thank Heavens what little more I can do in science will be confined to observation on simple points. However much I may have blundered, I have done my best, & that is my constant comfort.— Most truly yours C. Darwin British Library (Add MS 46434) 1 2

3

4 5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from A. R. Wallace, 3 September 1877. See letter from A. R. Wallace, 3 September 1877. CD and Wallace disagreed about the relative importance of natural and sexual selection in the development of a range of secondary sexual characteristics. Wallace had sent CD an advance copy of a paper arguing for the primacy of natural selection in the development of colour and pattern in animals (A. R. Wallace 1877). CD’s annotated copy of Johann Rudolph Rengger’s account of the animals of Paraguay (Rengger 1830) is in the Darwin Library–CUL; CD made a marginal note (p. 21) that one species of monkey made noise ‘merely for pleasure’ (Marginalia rev. ed.). CD referred to Rengger’s account of the calls of American monkeys in Descent 2: 277 and 336. Hylobates is a genus of gibbons. CD discussed the bellowing of stags and roaring of male lions in breeding season in Descent 2: 274–7. Abraham Dee Bartlett was superintendent of the Zoological Gardens, London. CD cited both Bartlett and John Jenner Weir in his discussion of male display, but it was Weir who noted the coincidence of striking plumage with pugnacity (Descent 2: 93).

To R. D. Fitzgerald   6 September 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 6th. 1877 Dear Sir I must have the pleasure of once again thanking you for another number of your magnificent work on Australian Orchids.— The case of Orthoceras is indeed a very remarkable one.—1 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Ch. Darwin Mitchell Library, Sydney (A 2546)

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Fitzgerald’s Australian orchids (Fitzgerald 1875–94) was published in parts, beginning in July 1875. CD had received the first two parts from Fitzgerald in 1875 and 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter to R. D. Fitzgerald, 16 July 1875, and Correspondence vol. 24, letter to R. D. Fitzgerald, 18 August [1876]). The third part, published in June 1877, included an account of the apparently self-fertilising Orthocerus strictum (horned orchid); CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL.

From J. W. Clark   8 September 1877 Southampton | (High Street) 8 Sept 1877. Dear Sir, On my return from the Continent last month in turning over some old notes I came across the following singular case of inheritance confined entirely to one sex—1 June  1875— A friend informs me that his wife’s “large toes are united to the second toes by skin extending as far as the first joint.” This he says has been the case with all the females in her family for a long time— how long is not known. Of her 3 children the two eldest are girls who also possess the same pecularity   the boy however does not, & it appears that no male member of the family were ever known to. Believe me dear Sir yours most respectfully | J. W. Clark. DAR 161: 156 1

Clark had been studying physics and chemistry in Heidelberg, Germany. CD had discussed the transmission of characters as limited by sex in Variation 2: 71–5. He also discussed inheritance by one sex in humans in Descent 2: 316–84, but in the context of secondary sexual characteristics appearing only in adulthood.

From W. M. Moorsom   10 September 1877 Whitehaven Sep: 10/77 Dear Sir, In the Descent of Man Edition 1875 page 7. you give several instances of a taste for spirituous liquors among the lower animals. It would seem however that when once made thoroughly intoxicated the relish for these liquors is replaced by disgust for the future—1 Have you ever known a case in which one of the lower animals in a perfectly wild state and apparently otherwise healthy has displayed a taste for any article of food or drink by which it has become intoxicated more than once— I remember to have read in a Hunters book on South Africa published some 4 years ago, that there is a plant in South Africa of which the elephants are passionately fond and by eating which they are made quite drunk; that when in this state they are much feared by the native hunters, but the writer asserted that he had found them less dangerous when in this state than when sober, for though very quarrelsome & ready to attack they had not all their wits about them—2

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If this be a fact it is, I think, confirmatory of the idea that the passion for intoxicating drink which so many men exhibit is in many cases purely physical & to be encountered by physical rather than other remedies— As such the fact if it be one would be of value to those interested in temperance reform— I hope you will pardon my intrusion upon you, my only excuse is that I am unable to find any more instances of the kind mentioned by the S. African hunter, and that you are the person in all England most likely to know such facts if they have really any existence— If you are good enough to reply to me, I shall esteem it a great favour; if you are unable to throw any further light on the matter, I hope you will not trouble to reply at all, as I have no wish to occupy your time needlessly— Yours truly | W M Moorsom | B.A. Trin: Coll: Cambridge | Engineer | Hon Treasurer Church of England Temperance Socy. | Whitehaven C. Darwin Esqre | F.R.S. & & & DAR 171: 234 1 2

In Descent 2d ed., p. 7, published in 1874, CD gave accounts of a baboon and a spider monkey refusing alcohol after apparently getting drunk. William Henry Drummond described elephants becoming intoxicated after eating the fruit of the Southern African umganu or marula tree (Sclerocarya birrea) in Drummond 1875, pp. 213–14. See letter from W. M. Moorsom, 28 October 1877, and enclosure.

From F. E. Nipher   10 September 1877 Washington University | St. Louis— Sept 10 1877. Charles Darwin Esq. My Dear Sir: You may remember that I wrote you sometime ago, in regard to the prenatal influence of the mother upon her offspring.1 Another case has just come under my notice, which I will relate. Last week my wife and her mother visited the family of Rev. J. M. Williams— of West Liberty—Muscatine Co. Iowa.2 One of his children now two years old, was observed to vomit his food very soon after eating, and my wife remarked that his symptoms were exactly like those of a child whom she had formerly known in Atalissa, Iowa, who had swallowed a portion of concentrated lye, and who died of starvation, because it could not retain food. The mother then informed them that while living in Beatrice, Nebraska, a child who had swallowed concentrated lye, and who was thus starving, used to come to their house, previous to the birth of her child—that she had always felt sorry for it, but tried to keep from worrying about it, as she feared its effect upon her unborn child. The parents are both healthy, as are two children born before the one of whom I write. One born since seems all right, except that the cords on one side of the neck are slightly contracted, drawing the head out of its proper position—

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I should add that the mother thinks that the malady of her child was caused by the sympathy which she felt for the starving child, although, of course, it may be due to other causes— Very truly yours— | Francis E. Nipher— DAR 172: 71 1 2

See Correspondence vol. 22, letters from F. E. Nipher, 10 November 1874 and 11 December 1874. Sarah Matilda Nipher and her mother, Grace Aikins, were from Atalissa, Muscatine County, Iowa. J. Madison Williams was minister at the Church of the Disciples of Christ, West Liberty, Muscatine County, Iowa (History of Muscatine County, p. 555).

To W. M. Moorsom   11 September [1877]1 Down | Beckenham Kent Sept: 11. Dear Sir I wish I could give you any information as I look at your cause as one of the most important in which any man can engage—2 I suspect most monkeys would take habitually to alcohol if they could get it. I heard lately of a publican who keeps several monkeys & his customers give them drink so that they become quite tipsy— It is very difficult to draw a just line between scepticism & credulity in natural history but I sh’d not believe the Elephant story without very good & detailed evidence—3 It is almost incredible how utterly untrustworthy the stories of men not trained in science are, as I have learned by long experience & of which I could give many amusing instances Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Ch: Darwin Copy DAR 146: 385 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. M. Moorsom, 10 September 1877. See letter from W. M. Moorsom, 10 September 1877. Moorsom was a supporter of the temperance movement. Moorsom had referred to a published account of elephants becoming intoxicated after eating a particular fruit (see letter from W. M. Moorsom, 10 September 1877 and n. 2).

From J. V. Carus   13 September 1877 Leipzig Sept 13. 1877. My dear Sir, Although I am afraid that it will be too late for the first edition of your new book on different forms of flowers, yet I give you a short list of some few Errata, as usual.1

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p. 36. l.15 dele stop (,) after “plants”. p. 43. l.3 from bottom (text) read “plants” instead of plant. p 53. l.8 from bottom (text) read “form” instead of forms. p. 162. l.12 from bottom read “acts” instead of “is”. p 196 l.17 (Class III) read “stamens”, not stamen p 205. Class III read “from own-form mid-length stamens” instead of shortest stamens “Shorter” would do perhaps; but the terms “longest”, “mid-length” and “shortest” refer to three different definite lengths; and in accordance therewith, there are no shortest stamens in the short-styled form.2 In different places of the book you mention “divisions of the micrometer”. Although you speak mostly of relative lengths or distances, yet I venture to suggest, that it would be perhaps still more clear, if you would give also an absolute measure 1 May I therefore ask you, what these divisions are, 100 of an inch or AL incomplete DAR 161: 110 CD annotations 2.1 p. … stamen 6.1] del ink 7.1 p 205. … stamens 7.2] crossed pencil 8.1 “Shorter” … or 9.4] crossed ink Top of letter : ‘Victor Carus’ ink 1 2

Carus was translating Forms of flowers into German (see letter to J. V. Carus, 17 June [1877] and n. 4); the English edition had been published on 9 July 1877 (Freeman 1977). In his reply to Carus of 16 September [1877], CD explained that he had failed to correct the heading of the table that was published as ‘Illegitimate Plants raised from Short-styled Parents fertilised with pollen from own-form shortest stamens’ (Forms of flowers p. 205).

From Raphael Meldola   13 September 1877 Entomological Society | London | 11, Chandos Street, | Cavendish Square. W. Sept. 13th. 1877 Dear Sir, When collecting notes on the subject of “mimicry” some years ago you were so good as to forward to me for perusal a letter from Fritz Müller, written from Brazil.1 I came across a copy of the letter when looking through my notes recently & on reading it through again decided that it contained a good deal of valuable entomological observation which in my opinion ought to be permanently recorded. I am therefore induced to ask your permission to allow me to make suitable extracts from the letter & read them at the next meeting of our Society for publication in our “Proceedings”.2 Allow me to add whilst addressing you that we should at all times highly value

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any notes on entomological subjects which you might favour us with & doubtless a great deal of such information must come into your hands without being of immediate service in your work. I venture to think that occasional notes backed up by your authority would do a great deal towards stimulating philosophical Entomology in this Country by enforcing upon our workers the fact that the mere descriptions of species cannot constitute a true Science. In the present state of Entomology much more is thought of discovering a synonym than of observing a natural fact. To use a simile of Prof. Tait’s—the describers of species are the hodmen handing up materials to the master-builder who arranges them in order & shows their meaning.3 With the greatest respect, | I am, dear Sir, | Yours faithfully, | R. Meldola. | 21 John St. | Bedford Row, | London, W.C. Ch. Darwin Esq. M.A. F.R.S. &c &c. DAR 171: 122 1 2

3

CD had enclosed the letter from Fritz Müller, 14 June 1871 (Correspondence vol. 19), with his letter to Meldola of 23 January [1872] (Correspondence vol. 20). Although Meldola attended the meeting of the Entomological Society of London on 3 October 1877, there is no record that he read Müller’s letter (Proceedings of the Entomological Society of London (1877): xxii–xxv). Extracts from Müller’s letter did however form the basis of a later paper by Meldola in Annals and Magazine of Natural History (Meldola 1878). For Meldola’s role in publicising Müller’s work on mimicry, see Travis 2010. A hodman is a bricklayer’s labourer. Peter Guthrie Tait likened the role of mathematicians in the understanding of natural phenomena to that of skilled builders, with naturalists and others as the ‘hodmen’ providing the raw materials (P. G. Tait 1876, p. 348).

From W. M. Moorsom   13 September [1877]1 Whitehaven Sep. 13. Dear Sir, I am very much obliged to you for your courtesy in replying to my note— I am disappointed at having to consign the elephant story to the region of myths, but I unfortunately have only my memory of what the book said to trust to—2 If I come across it again I will send you all particulars— The idea which I want to get people to attend to is that the passion for Alcohol in excessive quantity is natural to mankind and when surrounding circumstances are favourable to the indulgence of this passion, all human beings will indulge except those who are more developed in the higher moral qualities than the mass of mankind are or are likely to be for a long time to come— If this be so we are wrong in looking to Education (in the every day sense of the word) as a remedy, better sanitary arrangements may do a good deal for us, but so long as the stuff itself is

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openly sold as a drink by respectable people in profuse quantity, so long it is vain to expect that the mass will resist the temptation to drink to excess— To my mind we might as well expect chastity among men in a country where brothels were at every corner held by respectable people and licensed by the state— If then the passion for Alcohol in excess, be not a disease in its first beginnings (though if indulged it may produce disease) neither due to physical nor moral derangement, but a natural desire; it is evident that it must have irresistible power over the majority— Although we may do much in individual cases, yet it will be very long before the majority will be sufficiently elevated morally to resist the passion— Meantime the indulgence produces disease which intensifies the passion & when transmitted to children makes them almost inevitable victims to a desire which in them is unnaturally strong & so the evil must increase in every generation—among the masses—3 The conclusion to which I am driven is that the public sale of Alcohol except as a “Poison”, should be forbidden— This would reduce the temptations enormously & would give time for other influences directed to physical, mental & moral improvement, to take effect. As a follower of Stuart Mill in his Economical ideas & in his principles of Liberty and also as one who believes in the principles of developement set forth by Herbert Spencer in “Social Statics” &c, it is with great reluctance that I have come to adopt such a view as this—4 But the facts seem to me to point to a gradual deterioration of our nation by Alcohol, unless we restrict its sale in public— You have expressed so great an interest in the Temperance movement, that I have been emboldened to bore you thus with a long letter  Pray forgive me for doing so. Your opinion that most monkeys would take Alcohol (I presume in excess?) if they could get it; is exactly to the point— Am I at liberty to quote what you have written to me as to 1 your interest in the question, 2 your opinion as to monkey’s tastes 3 & the publican & his monkeys? A Post Card with ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ will be quite enough—5 I am Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | W M Moorsom C. Darwin Esqr DAR 171: 235 1 2 3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. M. Moorsom, 11 September [1877]. See letter from W. M. Moorsom, 10 September 1877 and n. 2, and letter to W. M. Moorsom, 11 September [1877]. The book was a big-game-hunting memoir (Drummond 1875). On Victorian debates about the causes and hereditary transmission of intemperance, see Bynum 1984b, B. H. Harrison 1994, and Valverde 1997. Moorsom was a member of the Church of England Temperance Society. Both John Stuart Mill and

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Herbert Spencer advocated free trade and freedom from state interference except where the actions of one individual impinged on the rights of another, Mill most notably in successive editions of Principles of political economy (Mill 1848). In Social statics: or, the conditions essential to human happiness specified (Spencer 1851), Herbert Spencer argued that, according to his ‘law of equal freedom’, restrictions on trade were not only detrimental to the economy but immoral (see, for example, ibid., pp. 459–60). See letter to W. M. Moorsom, 11 September [1877]. No reply to Moorsom has been found, nor any evidence that CD complied with this request. Emma Darwin was a supporter of the temperance society in Down (Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Emma Darwin to J. B. Innes, 25 December [1875] and n. 6).

From Horatio Piggot   13 September 1877 50 Norfolk Square | Brighton 13 Sept 77 Dear Sir Allow me to make two or three suggestions that have occured to me in reading your very interesting work on Insectivorous plants at the Library here. The first is that the experiments in feeding the Drosera with Fly food &c require something more to be done to make them satisfactory: If the plant appropriates or assimilates the fly, it ought to shew it by increase of growth or weight & for this purpose the weight of the plant & the food before & after experiment should be carefully ascertained, & where mineral food has been taken, the residue of the plant should disclose it.1 I do not see except at a footnote p 301 where Mr Knight says a plant &c was much more luxuriant” that any external appearance of the plant would indicate growth from the Fly food:2 I do not know of what compound a fly is composed   I think I have read somewhere that the larva of a fly is a bag of starch. I have often made inquiries among eminent practical Gardeners having the charge of these plants & I have never found one, who agrees with the opinion that the plants derives nourishment from the victim— Saprophytes feed on other plants that have chlorophyll in their leaves— Miseltoe however has Chlorophyll:3 The behaviour of the Droseræ &c is so interesting & their natural history so little really understood that if I might suggest I would erase from the next Edition the passage p.  357 (2nd thousand Copy) beginning “Of the 6 Genera, Drosera has been necessarily the most successful in life &c & a large part of its success may be attributed to its manner of catching Insects”4 It is better not said at present: I should rather say that it grows in spots the last, from their poverty, that man cares to cultivate & therefore they have survived &c Again the passage “As it cannot be doubted that this process would be of high service to plants growing on poor soils it would tend to be perfected through natural selection, therefore any ordinary plant having a viscid gland which occasionally caught insects might thus be converted under favorable circumstances into a species capable of true digestion  It ceases therefore to be a mystery how

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several genera of plants in no way closely related have independently acquired this same power”5 This passage might well find a place in Origin of Species, if you thought it worth while to preserve it but if I might say so, keep the Book on Insectivorous plants closely to its subject, the habits of the plants accurately observed will exhaust a lifetime without theorising. At present the behaviour of the Droseræ is consistent with the ordinary pursuit of plants, obtaining their food externally from Carbon Dioxide in the air & while enjoying this occupation, keeping themselves, free from Insects by making Examples of such of them as intrude near the Laboratory: Personally I should like it amazingly to find out that they can feed on Animal food: The experiment with Carbonates was hardly the thing for vegetables as they never take their food in that form.6 The Secretion of a viscid fluid is as difficult to explain as that of a poison in serpent, & at present no theory of Natural Selection fits their case, & yet they may both be examples of (the residium) of a former state of things when it was necessary to arm plants & animals differently from more usual methods. A few plates & the Experiments thrown into Appendices would make it a very charming readable Book. I hope you will not think me taking a liberty in writing so fully, I am a Darwinist in part only. Believe me yr’s faithfully Horatio Piggot DAR 174: 44 1

2

3

4

In Insectivorous plants, CD argued that species of Drosera (sundew) absorbed matter from trapped flies by dissolving them in an acid secretion analogous to the digestive fluids in an animal stomach. Initial experiments designed to prove that the plants derived nutritional benefit from the absorption were inconclusive as the plants died, but Francis Darwin had recently completed similar experiments successfully. He went on to publish the results in a paper on the nutrition of Drosera rotundifolia (F. Darwin 1878a), where he also cited a number of critics who had raised similar concerns to Piggot’s. In Insectivorous plants, p. 301 n., quoting Kirby and Spence 1818, p. 295, CD recounted that Mr. Knight, a nurseryman in King’s Road, London, had found that a plant of Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap) on which he had laid small pieces of raw beef, grew more luxuriantly than others. The original account of Joseph Knight’s observations is in [Duppa] 1809, 1: 43–4. In Insectivorous plants, p. 453, CD classified four ways in which higher plants obtained nutrition besides the ordinary means of roots, stems, and leaves. He referred to mistletoe (Viscum album) as an example of a class of parasite that fed off living plant hosts, the other classes being those such as Drosera that digested and absorbed animal matter, those like Utricularia (bladderwort) that absorbed decaying animal matter without digesting it, and those like Neottia (bird’s nest orchid) that fed on decaying vegetable matter. Neottia, having no chlorophyll of its own, is an example of a saprophyte; mistletoe, although usually parasitic, has chlorophyll and is capable of growing independently. Piggot misquotes: the passage reads, ‘Of the six genera, Drosera has been incomparably the most successful in the battle for life; and a large part of its success may be attributed to its manner of catching insects’ (Insectivorous plants, p. 357).

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See Insectivorous plants, pp. 362–3. CD used solutions of carbonate of ammonia (now usually referred to as ammonium carbonate), which is not normally a naturally occurring compound, in many of the experiments described in Insectivorous plants. He discovered that it was particularly effective in stimulating aggregation of protoplasm, which he had identified as the cause of inflection of the tentacles in Drosera.

From R. I. Lynch   [before 14 September 1877]1

2 in – l 2 12 2 34 in – l. 3 in

l. 3 12 in

3 14 3 in – l. 3 12 in 3 in l. 3 12 in

3 8

2 12 l. 3 34

in Stationary below this line

moved slightly

Euphorbia jacquiniaeflora reduced Upper leaves in nocturnal position 9 p.m Distance between day and night positions of leaf-tips marked in red ink Length of leaf marked in pencil Euphorbia jacquiniaeflora The younger leaves are subject to sleep by curving of petiole more or less throughout its length, so that the leaves are bent down to the stem and even cross it.2 The leaves are raised by straightening of petiole so that the movement is not described from a centre. The height to which the leaves are raised depends on the intensity of light and they appear to be delicately subject to its influence. In the morning the sun shines directly on the plant observed and the leaves are then highest. On one

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occasion they were deflected considerably by the darkness of heavy rain and this happening in the afternoon they did not afterwards recover position   On the branch roughly sketched there are about a dozen leaves below those represented and these do not appear to change position in the slightest degree AMem DAR 209.14: 30–1 CD annotations 6.1 petiole more] underl red crayon 6.4 The … influence. 6.5] square bracket in margin, ink 6.4 on … influence. 6.5] scored red crayon 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to R. I. Lynch, 14 September 1877. In Movement in plants, p. 388, CD credited Lynch with calling his attention to the fact that young leaves of Euphorbia jacquiniiflora Hook. (a synonym of Euphorbia fulgens, the scarlet plume) slept by hanging vertically downwards. See letter to R. I. Lynch, 14 September 1877.

To R. I. Lynch   14 September 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sep 14. 1877 Dear Sir, I am much obliged for your notes.1 By an odd coincidence I saw last night the cotyledons of Cassia fast asleep, & this morning ascertained that they moved after being touched.2 I am interested about the Euphorbia; will you be so good as to shake the shoot for a couple of minutes, or what is perhaps better tap one of the young leaves with a delicate twig, first on the upper surface & then below; & observe whether it afterwards moves at all.3 Should this be the case & if the plant could be spared I should very much like to experimentize on it: & you could then show this note to Mr Dyer4 Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin LS(A) American Philosophical Society (B/D25.307) 1

2

3

4

See letter from R. I. Lynch, [before 14 September 1877]; see also letter to R. I. Lynch, 23 August [1877], and letter from R. I. Lynch, [28 August 1877]. Lynch, foreman of the propagating department at Kew Gardens, had been observing plants that slept on CD’s behalf. CD’s notes on his observations of Cassia calliantha, recorded at intervals throughout the day on 14 September [1877], are in DAR 209.1: 22; he continued to trace the movement of the terminal leaflets over the next few days (DAR 209.1: 23r). There are further observations from later in September in DAR 209.4: 99–107. See letter from R. I. Lynch, [before 14 September 1877]. Earlier in the year, Joseph Dalton Hooker had suggested Euphorbia (spurge) as a plant that might interest CD, but for his investigation of bloom on leaves of plants rather than their capacity to sleep (letter from J. D. Hooker, 31 May 1877). William Turner Thiselton-Dyer was assistant director at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. According to the Kew Outwards book, a specimen of Euphorbia jacquiniiflora (a synonym of E. fulgens, the scarlet plume) was sent to CD on 18 September 1877; his experimental notes are in DAR 209.14: 22–3.

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To Raphael Meldola   14 September 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sep 14. 1877 Dear Sir, I have some doubts whether Fritz Müller would like extracts from his letters being published after so long an interval,—that is if the letter relates to the origin of mimicry; for he published about a year ago an excellent paper on this subject. I believe it was in the Jenaische Zeitschrift, but the paper is out of its proper place in my library & I cannot find it.1 If you thought it worth while to send me your copy I could then judge about the publication of extracts. I fear it is not likely that I shall have anything to communicate to the Entomological Soc.2 I quite agree with you that it is a great pity that our Entomologists should confine themselves to describing species Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin LS Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1

2

See letter from Raphael Meldola, 13 September 1877 and n. 1. Meldola had proposed publishing extracts of the letter from Fritz Müller, 14 June 1871 (Correspondence vol. 19) in the Proceedings of the Entomological Society of London. CD’s copy of Müller’s paper on mimicry in Leptalis (Fritz Müller 1876a) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. See letter from Raphael Meldola, 13 September 1877.

From L. A. Errera1   15 September 1877

Venise, 15 Sept. 1877

Monsieur Depuis une couple d’années, j’ai eu occasion d’étudier l’hétérostylie chez le Primula elatior, en collaboration avec mon ami Mr. G. Gevaert. Dans un petit travail que nous avons rédigé sur ce sujet pour la Société royale de Botanique de Belgique, nous avons eu à résumer les principales conclusions de votre admirable livre “The effects of Cross & Self-fertilisation.”2 Parmi ces conclusions, il n’en est qu’une à laquelle nous ayons cru pouvoir nous permettre quelques objections: c’est à propos des effets du croisement entre fleurs différentes du même pied, comparé à la fécondation d’une fleur par son propre pollen.3 Mais comme il est fort possible que nous ayons mal compris votre manière de voir ou que nous nous trompions, je viens vous demander respectueusement la permission de vous expédier la partie de notre manuscrit que se rapporte à cette question. Nous vous serions infiniment reconnaissants de nous dire si vous avez le temps de jeter un coup d’oeil sur nos arguments et sur les faits que nous citons à l’appui de notre opinion.— La jeunesse de mon collaborateur et la mienne vous feront, nous l’espérons, excuser la hardiesse de cette démarche.

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Si vous vouliez avoir l’extrême bonté de me faire parvenir un mot de réponse, il suffirait de l’écrire en anglais, comme je comprends cette langue. Mon adresse est 6A rue royale, Bruxelles (Belgique). Veuillez agréer, Monsieur, avec mes remerciements anticipés, l’expression de toute mon admiration & de mon profond respect. | Léo Errera | étudiant, membre de la Société royale de Botanique de Belgique. DAR 163: 26 1 2

3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. At a meeting of the Royal Society of Botany of Belgium on 6 May 1877, Errera presented the results of his and Gevaert’s experiments on Primula elatior (true oxlip; see Bulletin de la Société royale de botanique de Belgique 16 (1877): 2–3). CD had mentioned P. elatior only briefly in Cross and self fertilisation, pp. 422 n., 427. CD had concluded that a cross between two flowers on the same plant ‘did no good or very little good’ (Cross and self fertilisation, p. 444).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   15 September [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept. 15th My dear Dyer In my note yesterday to Mr. Lynch I asked him to observe whether Euphorbia jacquiniæflora moved when shaken; & if it did so, to ask you whether the plant cd. be spared & sent us.2 But on further consideration with Frank, I think the movements of the leaves ought to be traced on the revolving frame for the 24  hours, for so few plants without “cushions” at the bases of the petioles have been observed.3 I know only of Pfeffers observations on Nicotiana rustica. I presume there are no such “cushions” or “glands” or whatever they ought to be called with the Euphorbia.—4 Ever yours | C. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., 1873–81: ff. 95–6) 1 2 3

4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to R. I. Lynch, 14 September 1877. See letter to R. I. Lynch, 14 September 1877 and n. 4. Richard Irwin Lynch was foreman of the propagation department at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. Francis Darwin was assisting CD with experiments on movement in plants. CD referred to ‘a so-called joint, cushion or pulvinus’ as an aggregate of small cells that had ceased to increase in size from a very early age (Movement in plants, p. 2). For CD’s conclusions on the role of the pulvinus in movement in cotyledons and in nyctitropic movements in leaves, see Movement in plants, pp. 112–13 and 396–7. Wilhelm Pfeffer had discussed movement in Nicotiana rustica (Aztec or wild tobacco) in Pfeffer 1875, pp. 17–18, 29, 51, and 175, concluding that it was caused by alternate swelling of the cells of the pulvinus, without the cells themselves exhibiting any further growth (see also Movement in plants, p. 2). CD observed that the sinking movement in young leaves of Euphorbia jacquiniiflora was due to the downward curvature of the petiole, ‘no part of which exhibited any structure like that of a pulvinus’ (Movement in plants, p. 388), and concluded that the nature of the movement was similar whether a pulvinus was absent or present (ibid., p. 396).

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To J. V. Carus   16 September [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept. 16th My dear Sir Very many thanks for the errata.2 That at p. 205 of “shortest” instead of “midlength” is a dreadful one. Originally I wrote “longer” & “shorter” stamens in each flower & afterwards changed to the 3 terms, of “shortest” “mid-length” & “longest”; & it is clear that I omitted to correct the heading of the table.—3 I cannot give actual measurements, though, as you say, it would have been far better: I was hurried & so was my son, & we thought relative size was alone of importance.4 I had intended (but it seems that I forgot) to send you a perfect copy, & will now write to Publisher to do so.— The book has been published a few weeks ago.—5 I am heartily glad that you are better.6 I can give a fairly good account of myself, & have been able to work pretty hard.— My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859 Darwin, Charles, Bl. 168–169) 1 2 3

4

5

6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. V. Carus, 13 September 1877. See letter from J. V. Carus, 13 September 1877. Carus had sent corrections to Forms of flowers, which he was translating into German. See letter from J. V. Carus, 13 September 1877 and n. 2. Carus had queried the heading of the table that was published as ‘Illegitimate Plants raised from Short-styled Parents fertilised with pollen from own-form shortest stamens’ (Forms of flowers, p. 205). In his letter of 13 September 1877, Carus had asked for the unit of calibration of the micrometer used to measure relative diameters of pollen-grains in Forms of flowers. The measurements were made by Francis Darwin (Forms of flowers, p. 186). Forms of flowers was published by John Murray on 9 July 1877 (Freeman 1977). Carus’s name is on CD’s presentation list for the book, but is deleted; he had been sent proof-sheets (see Appendix IV, and letter to J. V. Carus, 17 June [1877]). Carus suffered from bronchial problems (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from J. V. Carus, 19 March 1876 and n. 4.)

To L. A. Errera   18 September 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sep 18. 1877 Dear Sir, I shall be happy to look at your M.S., in order to see whether you have rightly understood my meaning.1 But will you be so good as to mark the passages, (if the paper is long), with respect to which you wish for my opinion, as I am at present much engaged. When your paper is published I shall be very glad to read the whole.2

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I may mention that I have lately published a volume “The Different Forms of Flowers” in which I give the result of some experiments on P. elatior.3 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin LS American Philosophical Society (521) 1 2

3

See letter from L. A. Errera, 15 September 1877. The paper, ‘Sur la structure et les modes de fécondation des fleurs et en particulier sur l’hétérostylie du Primula elatior’ (On the structure and methods of fertilisation of flowers and in particular on the heterostyly of Primula elatior; Errera and Gevaert 1878), was published in 1878. CD’s copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. See Forms of flowers, pp. 32–4 and passim.

From Wilhelm Breitenbach1   19 September 1877 Verehrtester Herr Darwin! Vor längerer Zeit theilte ich Ihnen einige Beobachtungen über die Variabilität von Primula elatior mit.2 Diese Beobachtungen habe ich fortgesetzt, und ich will Ihnen dieselben in ihrer Gesammtheit hier geben. Gesammtzahl der untersuchten Blüthen 2077. Von diesen waren langgrifflig: 1192, kurzgrifflig 852, gleichgrifflig 33. Jedesmal auf einer Dolde fanden sich folgende Zusammenstellungen: Langgrifflig 2 3 4 4 4 3 2 8 4 10  Kurzgrifflig 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 〈Lan〉ggrifflig

〈Kurz〉grifflig:

2

10

5

2

Summa: 63

1

1

2

2

Summa: 19.

Langgrifflig: Gleichgrifflig:

5 1

3 1

3 1

Langgrifflig Gleichgrifflig

4 1

7 1

Kurzgrifflig Gleichgrifflig

1 1

2 1

2 1

Langgrifflig. Kurzgrifflig. Gleichgrifflig.

1 1 1

3 2 1

Summa: 4  Summa: 3. Summa: 2

5 1

4 1 8 1

3 1

5 1

6 2

3 1 4 1

6 2 12 7 12

  2 1

5 1

Summa: 12  Summa: 5.

7 1

3 1

2 1

Summa: 99  Summa: 25

1 2

1  1 

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In einem Falle war die einzige offene Blüthe einer Dolde gleichgrifflig. Die langgriffligen Blüthenformen sind häufiger als die kurzgriffligen, sowol in ihrer Gesammtheit, als auch wenn sie mit kurzgriffligen auf einer Dolde combinirt sich finden. Ebenso sind, wenn eine Dolde langgrifflige und gleichgrifflige Blüthen trägt, erstere an Zahl überwiegend. Am zahlreichsten fand ich Vereinigungen von langgriffligen und gleichgriffligen Blüthen auf einer Dolde, nemlich in 21  Fällen, während langgrifflige und kurzgrifflige mir nur in 14  Fällen begegnet sind. Fälle, in denen alle drei Formen auf einer Dolde vereinigt sind, habe ich bis jetzt keine mehr gefunden, ausser den beiden, welche ich Ihnen schon früher mittheilte. Beim Vorhandensein von verschiedenen Blüthenformen auf einer Dolde verhalten sich kurzgrifflige und gleichgrifflige an Zahl ziemlich gleich, beide werden aber von den langgriffligen übertroffen. Augenblicklich ist eine Arbeit von mir über Schmetterlingsrüssel unter der Presse, welche ich Ihnen, wenn sie fertig ist, zuzusenden mir erlauben werde; ebenso Ihrem Herrn Sohn Francis.3 Mit vorzüglichster | Hochachtung | Wilhelm Breitenbach Unna. 19. Sept. 1877. DAR 160: 291 1 2

3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Breitenbach reported his observations on Primula elatior (true oxlip) in a letter to CD of 26 July 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24). CD added Breitenbach’s information to Forms of flowers, pp. 34, 224, and 272 n. Breitenbach later published a paper on variability in P. elatior (Breitenbach 1880). CD’s copy of Breitenbach’s paper ‘Untersuchungen an Schmetterlingsrüsseln’ (Researches on butterfly probosces; Breitenbach 1878) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Francis Darwin had written a paper titled ‘On the structure of the proboscis of Ophideres fullonica, an orange-sucking moth’ (F. Darwin 1875b). Ophideres fullonica is a synonym of Eudocima phalonia (Pacific fruit-piercing moth).

From M. C. Stanley   19 September 1877 Knowsley, | Prescot. 19 Sept/77 Dear Mr Darwin Count Schouvaloff has been asserting today that your works are still prohibited in Russia. I told him your story as you told it to me, but he thinks I have made a mistake.1 If you would not mind dictating a letter to me stating what you believe to be true, I shd. be much interested to be able to tell him that he was mistaken.2 Still if you prefer to let the matter alone take no notice of my request. Yr very sincerely | M C Derby DAR 162: 169 1

Peter Andreivich Shuválov (or Schouvaloff), Russian ambassador to London, frequently visited Stanley and her husband, Lord Derby (Edward Henry Stanley). Derby, the foreign secretary, was resisting

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pressure from Queen Victoria and the prime minister, Benjamin Disraeli, for British military intervention against Russia in the war with the Ottoman Empire. For the Stanleys’ involvement in this episode and their relationship with Shuválov, see Grosvenor 2011 and Otte 2011. Popularisations of CD’s theories had been banned in Russia, but his works were widely read (Choldin 1985, p. 85), and CD was aware of his popularity. See also Correspondence vol. 15, letter to Charles Lyell, 22 August [1867] and n. 8). No reply from CD has been found.

From Raphael Meldola   21 September 1877 21 John Street | Bedford Row, | London W.C. Sept. 21/77 My dear Sir, I am extremely obliged by your kind offer to look through Fritz Müller’s letter & I enclose it herewith. If you think there are any remarks therein which he would not object being published I will make them known at the next meeting of the Entom. Soc.1 There is a great deal of information in the letter which as you will see does not relate to mimicry. I shall exhibit at the next meeting of the Entom. Soc. certain series of butterflies which are very interesting in my opinion as throwing some light upon the obscure problem of Dimorphism.2 In the usual acceptation of the word this phenomenon is said to exist when a female insect exists in 2 distinct forms— when more than 2 distinct forms exist the species is said to be polymorphic. Thus our Colias edusa may be said to be dimorphic as there are two known forms—one having the ground colour of the wings the same as in the ♂ & the other (var. helice) much paler.3 Now this year when the insect has been so extraordinarily abundant with us I have seen several ♀ specimens intermediate between var. helice & the ordinary type of ♀. In the butterflies which I propose to exhibit the ♂ is constant in colour & marking but the ♀ similarly shows a series of gradations—some specimens being very like the ♂ others departing considerably—the extreme forms being connected by intermediate links. Now wherein does this graduated variability differ from dimorphism & polymorphism?— only in the presence of intermediate forms. To represent the phenomenon symbolically:—if A, = species A ♂ (constant) A ♀1 A ♀2 A♀3 A♀4 &c being forms of ♀— A♀1 being most & A♀4 least like the ♂. If A♀2 & A♀3 were to become extinct we should have a case of dimorphism. In nature we see this going on— there are species in which the dimorphism is absolute— there are others (e.g. hyale) in which intermediate ♀s are rare & there are others (e.g. some of our common sp. of Lycæna)4 in which regularly graduated series of ♀s are always to be found. It seems to me therefore that dimorphism & polymorphism could be explained by your grand principle of Nat. Selec.  if it could only be proved that the extreme forms were advantageous to the species. This has been done by Mr. Wallace in the case of certain Malayan Papilionidæ which are polymorphic mimics.5 To follow out

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an abstract example— A sp.  possessing a ♀ which mimics some other protected sp. inhabiting the same region gives rise to ♀s which vary in every possible manner— those which resemble their mimicking mothers are preserved— those which depart from her are weeded out. Now suppose that variations should occur tending to assimilate some specimens to another protected sp.  in the same region— these would have a chance of surviving almost as great as that of their already mimicking sisters & the sp.  would tend to be drawn out in this direction also (being “a line of least resistance.”) In the meantime Nat. Selec. is busy extirpating intermediate forms—i.e.  such forms would be prevented from transmitting their characters to offspring & finally the sp.  would breed true to the 2  mimicking forms only & we should have a dimorphic mimic. Similarly with polymorphic mimics. For such cases then it is proved that there is an advantage to the sp. & the dimorphism is explained by Nat. Selec. In cases where the ♀ does not mimic another sp. it is difficult to see what advantage can accrue to it by existing in 2 forms. Do you think it possible that there is any sexual-physiological advantage? or can you suggest any other advantage? I hope you will forgive this long letter but I know you will be glad to see the remarkable phenomenon of dimorphism explained by Natural Selection if it can be done logically & without straining of theory. I am dear Sir, | Yours faithfully, | R. Meldola. Ch. Darwin Esq. M.A. F.R.S. A propos of sexual ornamentation Mr. Wood-Mason exhibited at the last meeting of the Entom. Soc. a Mantis (Phyllothelys Westwoodi) in which the female only possessed a great frontal horn scarcely represented in the male. I think it very probable that in this group of insects the ♀s are the wooers but they generally end by devouring their mates!6 DAR 171: 123 1 2

3 4 5

6

See letter to Raphael Meldola, 14 September 1877 and n. 1. The enclosed copy made by Meldola of Fritz Müller’s letter to CD of 14 June 1871 (see Correspondence vol. 19) has not been found. At the meeting of the Entomological Society held on 3 October 1877, Meldola exhibited specimens of Lepidoptera he had collected in Ceylon (Sri Lanka) and the Nicobar Islands in 1875 (Proceedings of the Entomological Society of London (1877): xxiv). Colias edusa is a synonym of Colias croceus (the clouded yellow butterfly); females of form helice are cream; females of form croceus are yellow. Lycaena is the genus of copper butterflies. Alfred Russel Wallace discussed mimicry in Malayan butterflies in A. R. Wallace 1867, pp. 19–22, and suggested that polymorphic mimicry occurred more frequently in females. He argued that females laden with eggs would fly more slowly than males and would therefore be at greater risk of predation. James Wood-Mason presented a specimen of the mantid Phyllothelys westwoodi at the meeting of the Entomological Society on 5 September 1877 (Proceedings of the Entomological Society of London (1877): xviii).

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To Raphael Meldola   22 September [1877] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept. 22d My dear Sir I am doubtful whether speculations in a letter ought to be published, especially after a long interval of time.1 Any fact which he states, I feel pretty sure he wd. not at all object being used by anyone.— Pray do the best you can.— I shd. grieve beyond measure to be accused of a breach of confidence.— He has lately, as I mentioned, thrown much light on the first steps in mimickry.—2 With respect to dimorphic Butterflies, those about which I have read appear at different seasons, & have been the subject of an admirable essay by Prof. Weismann. It is some little time since I read the essay & one subject drives another out of my head, but I think he explains all such cases by the direct inherited effects of temperature.3 He tried experiments. If you read German, I believe I cd find Weismanns essays & lend them to you. In your present interesting case I really do not know what to think: it seems rather bold to attribute the 2 coloured forms to nat selection, before some advantage can be pointed out.— May not the female revert in some cases?? I do not doubt that the intermediate form cd. be eliminated as you suggest. I wish that my opinion cd. have been of any value.— I remain | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Postmark: SP 23 77 Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1

2

3

See letters from Raphael Meldola, 13 September 1877 and n. 1, and 21 September 1877. Meldola had proposed publishing extracts from a letter written by Fritz Müller to CD in 1871 (Correspondence vol. 19, letter from Fritz Müller, 14 June 1871). See letter to Raphael Meldola, 14 September 1877. CD’s copy of Müller’s paper on mimicry in Leptalis (Fritz Müller 1876a) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. CD may also refer to Müller’s observations on Brazilian butterflies (Fritz Müller 1877a), the first part of which was published in September 1877. CD’s annotated copy of August Weismann’s paper on seasonal dimorphism in butterflies (Weismann 1875) is in the Darwin Library–CUL; for Weismann’s conclusions that two forms arose as the direct effect of climatic conditions, see ibid., p. 6.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   22 September 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sep 22d 1877 My dear Dyer The Euphorbias arrived in beautiful condition.1 I have a small plant of Eucalyptus globulus & having cut off two leaves the one with the bloom removed dried quicker than the other. This makes me anxious to have one or two branches of this tree

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with leaves still horizontal in position, so that we may compare by weighing the rate of evaporation of 6 or 8 leaves with the bloom on with another 6 or 8× with bloom removed. Could you spare a branch or two; & if bent & placed in a largish box with no packing, the bloom would not suffer. The case interests me as bearing on the existence of many plants with bloom in the dry Australian climate. Are there any Australian Acacias with moderately large leaves covered with bloom? I have A cultriformis, but can foresee that it will be almost impossible to remove the bloom without injury to the leaves, & therefore I should be glad of a species with larger & more separate leaves.2 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. | Your little note just received. I shd. be very glad of Mertensia maritima.—3 LS(A) Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 97–8) 1

2

3

See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 15 September [1877]. CD had asked for specimens of Euphorbia from the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, for experiments on their movement. According to the Kew Outwards book, a specimen of Euphorbia jacquiniiflora was sent to CD on 18 September 1877; his experimental notes are in DAR 209.14: 22–3. Euphorbia jacquiniiflora is a synonym of E. fulgens, the scarlet plume. Both Eucalyptus globulus (Tasmanian bluegum) and Acacia cultriformis (knife-leaf wattle) appear on an undated list of plants, possibly a packing slip, now in the Darwin Archive–CUL (DAR 209.12: 3). The Acacia was returned to Kew in May 1878 (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter to W. T. Thiselton Dyer, 20 [May 1878]). Thiselton-Dyer’s note has not been found. Joseph Dalton Hooker had suggested that Mertensia maritima (oyster plant or oysterleaf plant) would be suitable for CD’s study of bloom (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 31 May 1877).

From T. H. Farrer   23 September 1877 Abinger Hall, | Dorking. | (Gomshall S.E.R. | Station & Telegraph.) 23 Sept/77 My dear Mr Darwin I send you my worm journal up to today.1 If I get anything more I will send it. One remarkable thing is the pertinacity with which upwards of 40  holes are kept open, whilst not above 8 regular castings are made. I am sure I have not over counted the holes. Sincerely yrs | T H Farrer [Enclosure] Worm Journal Worm holes and worm casts on the exposed part of Roman remains. Abinger— Aug & Sept/ 7725 August. Mr Darwin left.2 No fresh holes 26 — After very heavy rain. 40 holes washed clear— one worm coming out— 4 holes on v through east wall. No holes visible in the solid part of the concrete, where the water lay.

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27 Aug to 5 Sept. absent from Abinger3 5 Sept. Not so many holes, but many tracks— 5 or 6 worm casts. 6 — No new casts— many tracks 7 — No new casts— Worms seem at work again— many casts in meadow and lawn. 8 — 2 or 3 new casts 9 — No new casts 10 to 11. no observation 12. 10 fresh holes or casts. I defaced all the casts and raisings of the soil— The first sign of a hole is a lifting or cracking of the soil. 13. Soft wet weather. 31 freshly made casts and holes shewn by raising of the soil. I defaced them all 14 Mild soft weather. 34 freshly made casts & holes shewn as above— I defaced all— 15 Sept. Mild damp weather. 44 freshly made holes— ground raised largely— Not above 5 actual castings. Some of the holes in wall. I defaced all. holes & castings. The holes and castings when defaced—are made again in the same places. 16 & 17 away 18. Cool with North East wind. 43 freshly made holes. 8 distinct castings. 2 worms visible— They do not get through the solid concrete but they do get through the wall. I defaced the castings—not the holes. (Worms are now fully at work on the lawn & in the fields. Many on the old lawn: and in the meadows—not on deep recently moved soil. Plenty on the gravel paths though these are laid with beds of brick bats & lime rubbish. Very few on the peaty paths on the rough. Not many in the poor barren sand.) 19 Cool and dry— 40 holes— 8 distinct castings. I defaced the castings. 20. Wet night & day. 5 new castings. I defaced them 21. Fine cold night. after very wet day (20th)— 34 holes— very few castings— one worm dead— I defaced nothing 22. with George Darwin. Fine fresh day after cold night 43 holes: Defaced all. 23. Damp day after damp cool night. 44 holes. 8 castings defaced all. N.B.  As castings I have counted only the earth or mud casts which bear the marks of having been through the worms body. There are often little piles of large grains of sand or small stones round the mouths of the holes  These I have not counted—but they are I think less numerous than the castings— It is obvious from the great disproportion of castings to holes—that the worms come to the surface for some purpose other than that of merely getting rid of their castings. DAR 64.2: 50–1, DAR 164: 84 CD annotations Enclosure: 3.2 4 holes … wall.] underl blue crayon and red crayon 14.2 Some … wall.] underl red crayon

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17.2 solid] underl red crayon 17.2 they … wall. 17.3] underl red crayon CD note 1: Sept 25— 1877 | Farrer writes 50 worm-holes were counted yesterday CD note 2: In letter from Farrer dated Oct 13th. 77 He says he counted 61 open worm holes on the old space.4 1 2 3 4

See letter from T. H. Farrer, 5 September 1877 and n. 3. Farrer’s observations are summarised in Earthworms, pp. 186–8. CD was visiting Farrer when the excavation of the villa was begun on 20 August 1877; this followed the discovery of archaeological remains on a neighbouring site the previous year (Earthworms, pp. 178–9). Farrer was on holiday in Shropshire during this period (letter from T. H. Farrer, 5 September 1877). CD added the information in these notes to his account of Farrer’s observations (see Earthworms, p. 188).

From Samuel Butler to Francis Darwin   24 September 1877 15—Clifford’s Inn | Fleet Street E.C. Sep. 24. 1877 Dear Darwin I am half ashamed to write to you— I have behaved so badly—after all the kindness I received from your father & brother’s hands not to say your own— I assure you I feel a beast for not having endeavoured to draw you in some way long ago— but partly I have been in the wars some time—and—at any rate I have left undone things that I ought to have done &c—&c.—1 However—I am bringing out a little book to appear before Xmas.2 As mad mad mad as a book can be—utterly disclaiming the smallest pretence to scientific value, but at the same time trying if I can to steal a little science more or less all over the book. I have a passage in it in which I laugh at a passage of your father’s very gently—& I shd hope genially—still it is distinctly poking fun at the passages (there are two)— shall I or rather may I send you the M.S of this bit, and of the bit wh: leads up to it, and I will cut the whole thing out immediately if you think he wd mind— the passages are “No doubt in every case there must have been some exciting cause”. (Pl. & An. and. domn. Vol II. p. 275 ed. 1875) and again six or seven pages later “No doubt each slight variation must have its efficient cause—”— I am pretending that it is to people’s unconscious perceptions & utterances that we must turn for their deeper beliefs and having given one or two passages in which I imagine I have caught theologians napping I say “on the other hand it rather shocks me to find Mr Darwin writing “&c &c—” The repetition within so short a space of this expression of confidence in the impossibility of causeless effect wd suggest that Mr Darwin’s mind at the time of writing was unconsciously to himself in a state of more or less uneasiness as to whether effects might not sometimes come about of themselves without cause of any sort—that he may have been

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standing in fact for a short time upon the brink of a denial of the indestructibility of force & matter”.3 Do you think your father will mind? Also I have read the Pangenesis three times with great care and think I understand the drift of it— I want in my new book to summarise it and make it as clear and easy as I possibly can—& I want so far as I can make sure of my own meaning to add to it because I feel the want of something to “boss” the whole embryological process to “run” the concern and settle what is the “due order,” & “next in succession” &c. &c. and also I cannot stand the dormancy of the gemmula & their transmission through many generations & propose a simpler (as it seems to me) way—and one too which explains why the development of any animal should cease soon after puberty— which I do not remember to have seen in your father’s book—and otherwise to come in handy generally—4 I shall be yet I shd think another three weeks before I go to press & have not yet begun to put my notes on Pangenesis together— but if you wd like to see them when I have done them, or any part of what I have done already— by all means propose either a meeting I mean come & see me when you are next in town—for I am very hard at work just now, or when they are ready I wd send you the part of the M.S. which I think wd interest you—5 With kind regards to your people | believe me yr. very truly | S. Butler— DAR 199.5: 100 1

2 3 4

5

Butler had first been invited to visit Down in 1872 following the publication of Erewhon ([Butler] 1872a; Correspondence vol. 20, letter from Samuel Butler, 30 May 1872) and had become friendly with Francis and George Howard Darwin (see Correspondence vol. 20, letter from Samuel Butler to Francis Darwin, [before 30 May 1872], and Correspondence vol. 21, letter from G. H. Darwin to Emma Darwin, [before 24 November 1873]). He had spent the summer in Switzerland for his health, and also had financial problems ( Jones 1919, 1: 251). ‘We have left undone those things which we ought to have done’ is a quotation from the ‘General confession’ in the Anglican order of service (Book of common prayer (1662)). Life and habit (Butler 1878) was published in December 1877. See also letter from Samuel Butler to Francis Darwin, 25 November 1877. The discussion is in Butler 1878, pp. 25–6. The quotations are from Variation 2d ed. 1: 275 and 282. CD’s ‘Provisional hypothesis of pangenesis’, a proposed mechanism for inheritance, was published as chapter 27 of Variation. CD suggested that throughout the life of an organism, its cells throw off minute particles or ‘gemmules’, capable of developing into new cells: the gemmules circulate in the body and can be passed on to offspring, either to combine with others and develop into new cells, or to lie dormant through several generations (Variation 2: 374–402). Butler quoted CD extensively in Life and habit, but argued that both physical attributes and instinctive behaviour were passed on as a form of inherited memory, and that organisms could therefore only inherit characteristics already developed by the normal age of breeding (Butler 1878, pp. 196–7). For a later summary of Butler’s ideas on heredity and puberty, see his essay ‘Deadlock in Darwinism’ (Streatfield ed. 1908, pp. 234–340, especially pp. 335–6). Francis Darwin lunched with Butler at Clifford’s Inn on 26 September 1877, and they exchanged further letters afterwards ( Jones 1919, 1: 256–7).

September 1877

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To T. H. Farrer   24 September [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 24th My dear Farrer I am very greatly obliged to you for your worm-diary. Such a diary was never kept before, & it will be very useful to me, so as to give an abstract of it.— I had not the least expectation of your taking such extraordinary pains.— Before you leave Abinger for London, will you look once again to see how the worms go on.—2 I hope sometime that you will continue your explorations under an archæological point of view, though I hope so merely out of general curiosity.3 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Linnean Society of London (Farrer 27) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from T. H. Farrer, 23 September 1877. See letter from T. H. Farrer, 23 September 1877, enclosure, and n. 2. CD published extracts from Farrer’s observations of worm action at the site of a Roman villa in Abinger in Earthworms, pp. 186–9, including further observations made on 25 September and 13 October. The site was left open and in 1880 Farrer made further observations of worm action there, but the excavations were not continued (Earthworms, p. 188; Malden ed. 1902–12, 3: 129–34).

From Asa Gray   27 September 1877 Cambridge, Mass. Sept. 27. 1877

My Dear Darwin Returning from our 1012 weeks of travel—which has been every way prospered and pleasant—I find your book. I can now barely thank you for it, and for the great compliment of the dedication. I must not open it till Hooker leaves me—a week hence—the work we have to do before we part being so great and pressing   Then I shall turn to it, with enjoyment, and as soon as I can find time, I must notice or review it.1 Hooker sends his love— is very glad Cohn has taken up your son’s experiments on Dipsacus.—which reminds me to send my best thanks to him for the copy addressed to me.2 For perusal—even for a glance that too must wait till we have worked up the collections & observations we have made in our journey to the Pacific3 Let me add—being sure of your sympathy—that our poor dog, Max, peacefully breathed his last to-day, after a happy life of 12 or 13 years. We are glad he lived till we returned, & greeted us with his absorbing and touching affection. In a few days came suddenly a partial paralysis—some convulsions—and then a quiet and seemingly painless ending.

Encampment in the Rockies, La Veta Pass, Colorado, 1877. Left to right, seated: J. D. Hooker, Asa Gray, Jane Maria Strachey, Jane Loring Gray, Robert Henry Lambourne, Richard Strachey, F. V. Hayden. James Stenson is standing between Lambourne and Richard Strachey. Media ID 472704. © RBG Kew.

September 1877

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He is immortalized in your book on Expression, and will live in the memory of his attached master and mistress.4 Yours ever | Asa Gray DAR 165: 198 1

2

3 4

See letter to Asa Gray, 4 June [1877]. Gray’s name is on the presentation list for Forms of flowers (see Appendix IV). CD had dedicated it to Gray as ‘a small tribute of respect and affection’; Gray reviewed it in the American Journal of Science and Arts for January and March 1878, and, together with Orchids 2d ed., and Cross and self fertilisation, in Nation, 11 April 1878 ([Gray] 1878a and [Gray] 1878b). Joseph Dalton Hooker was visiting Gray; they had travelled together to the Rocky Mountains (see letter from Asa Gray, 10 June 1877 and n. 5). After receiving a copy of Francis Darwin’s paper ‘On the protrusion of protoplasmic filaments from the glandular hairs on the leaves of the common teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris)’ (F. Darwin 1877b), Ferdinand Julius Cohn had successfully repeated his observations. CD published extracts from Cohn’s letter in Nature (letter from F. J. Cohn, 5 August 1877, and letter to Nature, 15 August [1877] and nn. 2–4). For their survey of the vegetation of the Rocky Mountains region, see J. D. Hooker and Gray 1880. Gray and his wife, Jane Loring Gray, had told CD about their dog Max’s habit of washing his face like a cat and suspected that he might have been brought up by one. See Correspondence vol. 18, letter from Asa Gray, 14 February 1870, letter from J. L. Gray, 14 February 1870, and letter to Asa Gray, 15 March [1870]. Gray probably refers to CD’s remark in Descent 1: 44 that he had heard an account of dogs behaving in this manner from ‘a perfectly trustworthy friend’; Descent and Expression were originally intended to be published together as a single volume.

To Raphael Meldola   27 September [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept. 27 My dear Sir It is impossible for F. M. to object to any thing which you have said in your very interesting little essay.—2 I just allude to Butterflies preferring certain colours at p. 317 of 2d. Edit of the Descent & to the case of 1 sp. of Castnia p. 315 which has ornamented hinder wings & displays them, whilst 2 other sp. have plain hind wings & do not display them.3 My son,4 who has charge of my library, returns home to night & then we will search for Weismann. He gives splendid case of caterpillar with coloured ocelli like true eyes, & which frightened away birds.—5 Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Raphael Meldola, 22 September [1877]. See letter from Raphael Meldola, 21 September 1877 and n. 1. Meldola published extracts from Fritz Müller’s letter to CD of 14 June 1871 (see Correspondence vol. 19) in a paper on evidence for the operation of natural selection in butterflies (Meldola 1878).

392 3

4 5

September 1877

Meldola included both these references to Descent 2d ed. in Meldola 1878, p. 156 nn. CD cited Fritz Müller for information on three species of Castnia, considered at the time to be a butterfly genus, but now reclassified as a moth genus. See also Correspondence vol. 20, letter from Fritz Müller, 16 January 1872 and n. 6. Francis Darwin. See letter to Raphael Meldola, 22 September [1877]. CD had offered to lend Meldola a paper by August Weismann on seasonal dimorphism in butterflies (Weismann 1875), published as part I of Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie (studies on evolution). CD evidently also lent part II (Weismann 1876), Über die letzten Ursachen der Transmutationen (On recent causes of transmutation), in which Weismann concluded that in some cases eye-like markings helped caterpillars mimic snakes (ibid., p. 107). See also letter to August Weismann, 12 January 1877.

To C. W. von Nägeli   27 September 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Sept. 27th 1877 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your great kindness in having sent me your work “Die niederen Pilze”, on a most important subject.1 I remain with the highest respect, Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin On loan to KULTURAMA, Zurich 1

CD’s copy of Die niederen Pilze in ihren Beziehung zu den Infectionskrankheiten und der Gesundheitspflege (The lower fungi in relation to infectious diseases and hygiene; Nägeli 1877) is in the Darwin Library–Down.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   27 September [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept. 27th My dear Dyer You have sent us a most magnificent supply of Australian leaves, & Frank was hard at work all yesterday in removing bloom & weighing lots of leaves in our grand new chemical balance. The poor mertensia looks very bad & I fear will never revive, & this goes to my heart, as it seems to have splendid bloom.2 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: f. 99) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 22 September 1877. CD had requested leaves from Eucalyptus globulus and an Australian acacia in his letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 22 September 1877. He also accepted Thiselton-Dyer’s offer of an oysterleaf plant (Mertensia maritima). He was conducting experiments with Francis Darwin into the function of bloom.

September 1877

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From W. W. Bailey   28 September 1877 Providence, Rhode Island September 28th, 1877 Charles Darwin, F.R.S. Dear Sir I have been 〈read〉ing your last two works with con〈siderable〉 interest. In them I noti〈ce〉 that 〈    〉 observations of my 〈    〉 have been considered worth recording and I therefor write you now to add a few notes which may be of use.1 My attention was recently directed by Mr Thomas Battey of this city, to the action of humble-bees in relation to Impatiens fulva.2 This plant, known commonly as “jewel-weed”, presents a profusion of orange-yellow flowers, spotted within, and gracefully pendant. The sac or nectary is long and so bent that a bee in order to pierce it, has to work back downwards. Almost every flower is perforated. I intended to send you some blossoms but they have now gone by. The net number of the flowers I suppose 〈    〉 this burglarious 〈    〉 In regard to Gerardia, I have never 〈    〉 any species but G. pedicularia 〈    〉 This, also blooms 〈    〉 profuse〈ly〉 〈    〉 preserve oils, and 〈  〉used with humble-bee 〈    〉 〈  〉n Tropaeolum is 〈    〉 here, 〈    〉 not so unfailingly as in the case 〈abo〉ve cited.3 Query, 〈d〉o be〈es〉 remember this habit from year to year, or each season reacquire it? In regard to plants visited by wasps, I will say that several, if not all of our Solidagos are so visited, as they are also by the capricorn and blister-beetles, butterflies, and bees innumerable.4 One of our Gentians, the curious G.  Andrewsii, is always nearly if not quite closed, It is known to the people as “box-gentian” for this reason, Two friends of mine have seen this flower visited by bees, which 〈p〉ressed upon the plicate tips of the coro〈lla〉—and act〈ually〉 〈di〉sappeared within. 〈    〉 anthers are extrorse, and the filaments 〈are〉 shorter than the pis〈tils〉, moreover, th〈e〉 filaments are dilated at the base, 〈    〉 form with the adnate corolla 〈    〉 depressions for nectar5 〈half a line destroyed〉 apt to come 〈half a line destroyed〉— all kinds of 〈    〉 and piercing them oppose 〈    〉 the 〈    〉 principles, as I presume 〈    〉 preserve even in the 〈    〉

Depressions between filaments.

394

September 1877

I feel very sure that my first observation in regard to Bouvardia leiantha is correct, although it has not been tested in all the ways you suggest.6 Indeed, as it grows in a conservatory and is winter-flowering (at least is made so by the florist) I cannot tell what influence insects would have upon it. The contrast of the two forms is marked, not only as regards the comparative length of styles, but in the appearance of the corolla itself. I hope soon to send you some pressed 〈    〉 of this plant. It will bloom in abt a month, I hope then to 〈  〉pose the pollen of the two forms. 〈    〉 a group of two maples (Acer 〈    〉)— one of which is in the 〈    〉 but the other, as far as 〈I h〉ave seen, o〈ver the〉 last six years observa〈tion〉 bears female flowers only. 〈    〉 to what you say on P. 12 of y〈our〉 〈las〉t book.7 I hope you will pardon my rambling letter. It is just possible that something in it may interest you; in such case, I shall be glad that I wrote. Can I help you by observation upon any 〈pa〉rticul〈ar〉 plant or class of plants? If so, 〈do not〉 hesitate to call upon me, With sincere respect and esteem, | I am, Sir, | Yours very truly | W. W. Bailey DAR 160: 168 CD annotation End of letter : ‘Different Forms of Flowers’ pencil 1

2 3 4 5

6 7

8

CD had cited Bailey 1873 on perforation of the corolla in Gerardia pedicularia (a synonym of Aureolaria pedicularia, fernleaf yellow false foxglove) in Cross and self fertilisation, p. 427, and Bailey 1876 for heterostyly in Bouvardia leiantha (an evergreen shrub of the madder family) in Forms of flowers, p. 135. Cross and self fertilisation was published in 1876, and Forms of flowers in July 1877 (Freeman 1977). Impatiens fulva is a synonym of Impatiens capensis, jewel-weed or spotted touch-me-not. CD cited Bailey’s observation that the common garden Tropaeolum was often pierced by bees in Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., p. 430. Tropaeolum is the genus of nasturtiums. Solidago is the genus of goldenrod. Capricorn or long-horned beetles are in the family Cerambycidae; blister beetles are in the family Meloidae. Gentiana andrewsii is usually known as bottle or closed gentian. Plicate: pleated or ridged. Anthers are said to be ‘extrorse’ when they are turned away from the pistils and towards the petals. ‘Adnate’ refers to the fusion of unlike parts, the filaments in this case being partially fused to the corolla tube. See n. 1 above. CD cited the common maple, Acer campestre, as an example of a plant usually bearing bisexual, male, and female flowers on the same individual, but with occasional specimens bearing only male or female flowers (Forms of flowers, p. 12). The letter has suffered further damage since this transcription was made.

To Sara Sedgwick   29 September [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | ( Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 29th My dear Sara, I must tell you how deeply I rejoice over my son’s good fortune:2 You will believe me, when I say that for very many years I have not seen any woman, whom I have

September 1877

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liked & esteemed so much as you.— I hope & firmly believe that you will be very happy together, notwithstanding that you may find Southampton rather a dull place, about which my son feels such great fears. His dread that you are sacrificing too much in giving up your American home is natural, but I trust will prove groundless.—3 Judging from my own experience life would be a most dreary blank without a dear wife to love with all one’s soul. I can say with absolute truth that no act or conduct of William has ever in his whole life caused me one minute’s anxiety or disapproval. His temper is beautifully sweet & affectionate & he delights in doing little kindnesses. That you may be happy together is my strong desire, & I thank you from the bottom of my heart for having accepted him. My dear Sara | Yours affectionately | Charles Darwin Bonhams (dealers) (23 June 2009) 1 2 3

The year is established by the reference to Sara Sedgwick and William Erasmus Darwin’s engagement (see n. 2 below). William Darwin and Sara Sedgwick were married on 29 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). See also letter from J. D. Hooker, 19 October 1877. William was a partner in a bank in Southampton. Sara Sedgwick’s family lived in Massachussetts.

From L. A. Errera1   30 September 1877 6A, Rue Royale | Bruxelles 30 Sept. 1877 Monsieur Je vous suis profondément reconnaissant d’avoir bien voulu accéder à ma demande, et cela malgré vos nombreuses occupations.2 Je viens de revenir à Bruxelles et je m’empresse de vous expédier, en même temps que cette lettre, la partie de notre manuscrit qui se rapporte au croisement de fleurs différentes du même pied. Ce fragment est, malheureusement, assez long; mais, lorsque nous nous permettons de soutenir un avis qui n’est pas celui du plus illustre naturaliste de notre époque, il est indispensable de discuter, un à un, ses divers arguments et de dire complétement tout ce que nous croyons favorable à notre manière de voir. Du reste j’ai, conformément à votre désir, marqué au crayon bleu les passages essentiels à soumettre à votre haute appréciation.—3 Comme la langue française ne se prête guère à la formation de mots composés, nous avons adopté une terminologie très analogue à celle de A. Kerner, c’est-à-dire que nous désignons par autogamie, la pollination d’une fleur par son propre pollen; par gitonogamie, la pollination par le pollen d’une autre fleur du même individu, et par xénogamie, le croisement d’individus différents. Ces deux dernières formes de pollination sont réunies sous le nom d’allogamie.—4 Quand une pollination est suivie de fécondation efficace, nous employons les mêmes mots, mais avec la terminaison …carpie, au lieu de …gamie: cela répond à la distinction que Hermann Müller et d’autres font entre “Bestäubung” et “Befruchtung”—5 Le mot adynamandre (de Delpino) est, comme vous le savez, synonyme de votre terme “self-sterile”.6

396

October 1877

Elles sont, Monsieur, les indications qu’il n’était peut-être pas superflu de donner ici, afin de vous rendre, autant que je le puis, moins pénible la lecture du fragment manuscrit. Quand vous y aurez, à votre loisir, jeté les yeux, voudrez-vous avoir l’extrême bonté de me faire savoir si nous avons bien rendu votre opinion et si nos remarques vous semblent quelque peu fondées? Tout conseil qu’il vous plaira de nous donner ou toute observation de votre part, nous seraient infiniment précieux. Je vous suis très reconnaissant de m’avoir signalé votre beau livre “The different forms of flowers on plants of the same species.” Mais c’est un ouvrage trop important et trop interéssant, surtout pour ceux qui s’occupent de Botanique, pour que je ne me sois pas déjà hâté de l’étudier dès son apparition.7 Acceptez, je vous prie, Monsieur, l’expression de mon profond respect et de ma bien sincère gratitude. | Léo Errera DAR 163: 27 1 2 3

4

5

6 7

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to L. A. Errera, 18 September 1877. The manuscript has not been found; CD evidently returned it. In the published version, the section on pollination by pollen from another individual on the same plant (geitonogamy) is fourteen pages long (Errera and Gevaert 1878, pp. 68–81). The authors differed somewhat from CD’s view that a cross between two flowers on the same plant did ‘no good or very little good’ (Cross and self fertilisation, p. 444). The terminology was coined by Anton Kerner von Marilaun; he mentioned that terms such as ‘Sichselbstbestäubung’ (self-pollination) should be avoided since they were vague and awkward (see Kerner von Marilaun 1876, p. 192 n.). Müller had not made explicit the distinction between pollination (Bestäubung) and fertilisation (Befruchtung) in his work, but his usage indicates that the distinction was understood (see, for example, H. Müller 1873, p. 4). Federico Delpino had coined the term adynamandry (adinamandri) for hermaphrodite flowers that were infertile with their own pollen (see Delpino 1876, p. 149). See letter to L. A. Errera, 18 September 1877 and n. 3.

From Sara Sedgwick   [30 September 1877]1 23 Elgin Crescent, Sunday. My dear Mr. Darwin, I greatly needed the assurance contained in your most kind and precious letter; and if it is difficult for me to understand how I can have won your regard I will at least accept all you say with the utmost gratitude2 You will forgive me I know if I cannot now speak of all that has happened except to tell you that I am happy and that my trust and confidence in your son could not be greater than it is— I have been brought up in all American ideas and ways, and I have sad fears sometimes that they may prove a trial to him— I shall learn in time, however, to adapt myself to new habits, and I am so sure of his goodness that my hopes far outstretch my fears— I am determined not to feel that this is a strange land, or that I am quite separated from my own most peaceful home. The happiness that I have had

October 1877

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will still live with me, and will even serve to make me contented at Southampton—3 May I always deserve the great generosity you have shown me. Ever yours affectionately | Sara Sedgwick. DAR 210.5: 20 1 2 3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Sara Sedgwick, 29 September [1877]. In 1877, 30 September was a Sunday. In his letter to Sedgwick of 29 September [1877], CD had expressed his pleasure at her engagement to his son William Erasmus Darwin. See letter to Sara Sedgwick, 29 September [1877]; William Darwin was anxious that Sedgwick would find life with him in Southampton too dull.

From Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa1   30 September 1877 La “Sociedade | de | Geographia | de | Lisboa” Lisbonne, le 30 setember 1877. a | Monsieur Charles | Darwin Monsieur Nous avons l’honneur de vous informer que la Société de Géographie de Lisbonne, dans sa séance du 4 juin, vous a élu membre correspondant de la Société. La Société espére que vous voudrez bien accepter dans le titre qu’elle se permet de vous décerner, le hommage de sa profonde considération et sympathie pour les services que vous avez rendus a la science de la Terre.2 Veuillez agréer, Monsieur l’expression de nos sentiments les plus distingués | Pour la Direction | Le directeur—1er. Sécretaire Géneral | Luciano Cordeiro DAR 230: 55 1 2

For a translation of this letter see Appendix I. For the diploma of the Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa, see Appendix III.

From T. H. Farrer   2 October 1877 Abinger Hall, | Dorking. | Gomshall S.E.R. | Station & Telegraph. 2 Oct/77 My dear Mr Darwin A neighbour—Mrs Rate,1 shewed me a thing yesterday which is new to me. Their Tritoma’s2 are very late in flower, and are full of nectar, so that it runs down the branch. The bees are much attracted. (hive bees)— But many of them are caught in the long tubes: cannot get out; and are killed there:— On each stem—in the drawing room flower pots were five or six bees, dead & closely enshrouded by the half withered corolla—wrapt as tight as a mummy.3 I dont suppose the plant means to do this, or gets anything out of the bees—but it seems to shew a curious ignorance or maladaptation on the part of the bee. In all the cases I saw the corolla was withered. But Mrs Rate tells me it is curious to watch the great efforts of the bee to escape from the mature flower. I dare you know analogous cases—but it is the first I have seen & therefore send it to you.

398

October 1877

We are winding up for a move to London— Never was the country prettier than for the last fortnight—Elms glorious.4 Sincerely yours | T H Farrer DAR 164: 85 1

2 3 4

Alice Gertrude Rate was the wife of the banker and lawyer Lachlan Mackintosh Rate, who purchased Milton Court in Dorking, Surrey, in 1871; the gardens developed by Alice Rate were widely admired (Cattermole 2011, pp. 40–1, 373, 375–8). Tritoma is a synonym of Kniphofia (the genus of red-hot pokers or torch lilies). Thomas Charles Renshaw had already observed this phenomenon and passed the information on to CD in 1875 (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Thomas Belt, 17 October 1875). Farrer and his wife Katherine Euphemia lived in Abinger Hall, near Dorking, Surrey.

To W. E. Gladstone   2 October 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Oct 2 1877 My dear Sir As this note requires no answer, I hope that you will excuse my writing to you. I have just seen your article on Dr Magnus’ view;1 & as you are interested in the subject, you may like to hear that this view has been well criticised under a natural history point of view in a German journal, Kosmos; & that Dr Magnus has answered the criticism in a succeeding number.2 In one of these numbers I have given some facts tending to shew that very young children have great difficulty in distinguishing colours; or as I suspect, of attaching the right names to them, but why this should be so I know not.3 If you would like to see these numbers, & would inform me by a post-card, I should have great pleasure in sending them; but if, as is probable, you have no spare time, I shall understand that this is the case by not hearing from you— I beg leave to remain with the greatest respect | yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS British Library (Add MS 44455: 120–1) 1

2

3

Following the publication of Hugo Magnus’s work on the historic development of colour sense (Magnus 1877a and 1877b), Gladstone had been inspired to undertake further work on colour vocabulary and its usage in Homeric texts. Gladstone’s article was published in the October issue of Nineteenth Century (Gladstone 1877), and supplemented the arguments he had made about colour perception in Gladstone 1858. For more on Gladstone’s and Magnus’s views on colour vision, see Bellmer 1999. Ernst Krause argued that the supposed lack of colour perception by early peoples compared with modern humans was due to deficiencies in their language with respect to naming colours rather than physiological differences (see letter to Ernst Krause, 30  June  1877 and n. 1). His paper was published in the June issue of Kosmos (Krause 1877a). Magnus’s reply to Krause appeared in the July issue (Magnus 1877c). CD’s copies of Kosmos are in the unbound journal collections in the Darwin Library–CUL. A German translation of CD’s ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ appeared in Kosmos 1 (1877): 367–76 (August issue); Krause added a section on the perception of colour, supplied by CD, at the end of the German version (letter from Ernst Krause, 14 July 1877).

October 1877

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To W. E. Darwin   3 October [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct. 3d My dear William I enclose my marriage present. I fear that Sara will think it atrociously unsentimental; but I hope useful.2 Your old father wishes you both with all his soul as much happiness as this world can give. My dear son | Yours affectionately | Charles Darwin DAR 92: A43 1 2

The year is established by the reference to William’s forthcoming marriage (see n. 2, below). Sara Sedgwick had accepted William Darwin’s proposal of marriage at the end of September (see letter to Sara Sedgwick, 29 September [1877]). William and Sara were married on 29 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). CD’s gift was 300 guineas (£315; CD’s Classed accounts (Down House MS), 3 October 1877).

To L. A. Errera   4 October 1877

Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Oct 4th 1877

Dear Sir, I have now read your M.S.1  The whole has interested me greatly & is very clearly written   I wish that I had used some such terms as ‘autogamy’ ‘xenogamy’ &c.2 I entirely agree with you on the a priori probability of geitonogamy being more advantageous than autogamy; & I cannot remember having ever expressed a belief that autogamy as a general rule was better than geitonogamy; but the cases recorded by me seem too strong not to make me suspect that there was some unknown advantage in autogamy. In one place I insert the caution “if this be really the case”, which you quote.3 I shall be very glad to be proved to be altogether in error on this point. Accept my thanks for pointing out the bad erratum at p 301.4 I hope that you will experimentize on inconspicuous flowers; if I were not too old & too much occupied I would do so myself.5 Finally let me thank you for the kind manner in which you refer to my work & with cordial good wishes for your success, I remain | dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS Postmark: OC 4 77 American Philosophical Society (523) 1

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Errera, a doctoral student in botany at the Free University in Brussels, had sent CD a section of an article on heterostyled plants that he had written with Gustave Gevaert (see letters from L. A. Errera, 15 September 1877 and 30 September 1877). The paper was published in 1878 (Errera and Gevaert 1878); there is a copy in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Errera had used the terms autogamy to denote self-pollination, geitonogamy to denote pollination by the pollen of a different flower on the same individual, and xenogamy to denote the crossing of different individuals (see letter from L. A. Errera, 30 September 1877 and nn. 3 and 4).

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CD used this phrase twice in relation to the advantages of self-fertilisation; see Cross and self fertilisation, pp. 352 and 386. It is possible that the amanuensis wrote ‘301’ in error. In the manuscript sent to CD, the authors probably pointed out that in Forms of flowers, p. 307, the statement that the corolla was ‘rather larger in the females’ must have been a misprint because the text should have stated that the corolla in females was smaller. The same point was later mentioned in Errera and Gevaert 1878, p. 154 n. 4. The correction was not made in Forms of flowers 2d ed. Inconspicuous flowers were thought to favour self-fertilisation because they were too small to attract the attention of insects. CD, however, believed that plants bearing inconspicuous flowers must cross from time to time otherwise the flowers would have become cleistogamic; in Cross and self fertilisation, p. 387, he expressed his regret that he had not carried out experiments to test this view.

To H. E. Litchfield   4 October [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 4th My dearest Henrietta I must write a line to tell you how deeply I have sympathized with you in all your dreadful anxiety— We were at first quite panic-struck—& how we rejoice over Litchfields much better state. It astonished & delighted us to receive his nice long letter.2 How I wish you were safe at home, & that a law was passed that no one shd. go abroad. I want to advise you to take a courier3 from Lucerne; & so have no bothers on the journey. There ought to be another law not to ride horses or play at lawn-tennis4 Poor dear old Lenny lies on the sofa a bulky monument of patience, & never grumbles a bit. We have had lately many callers & this has been good for him, as it has made talk. Elinor Dicey was here for luncheon today & she talked about Sarah Sedgwick. You ought to have seen your mother she looked as if she had committed a murder & told a fib about Sara going back to America with the most innocent face.5 She afterwards said the fib slipped out quite unconsciously.— Good Lord what nonsense all this secrecy is. It is a grand thing for William’s happiness that the whole affair is settled, & I hope they may be soon buckled fast together, & then no fine feelings can come into play.— When you return you had better come to Down; it is safer than London; & in earnest I shd. think country air must be better for convalescence, & there will be no business to bother Litchfield. I am tired so good bye. Frank & I have been working very hard at bloom & the automatic movement of plants, from morning to night & we have made out a good deal.—6 Good Bye my dear— Love to Litchfield— How I rejoice that your anxiety is over. | Your affect Father | C. Darwin DAR 185: 37 1 2

The year is established by the reference to Richard Buckley Litchfield’s illness while travelling in Switzerland (see n. 2, below). Richard Buckley Litchfield had developed acute appendicitis soon after he and Henrietta arrived in Engelberg, Switzerland, in early September. His life was saved by an English doctor, Norman Moore, who was also travelling in Switzerland and who then joined the Litchfields until they moved to Lucerne

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on 20 September (Litchfield 1910, p. 150; Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Richard Litchfield’s letter has not been found. Courier: a servant employed by a traveller or travelling party on the continent, having the duty of making all the arrangements connected with the journey (OED). Leonard Darwin had injured his knee playing tennis (see letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [23 September 1877] (DAR 219.9: 159)). The previous year, William Erasmus Darwin suffered a severe concussion following a riding accident on 10 May 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24). Sara Sedgwick and William Erasmus Darwin wanted to keep their engagement secret until Sara’s family in America had heard the news; after accepting William’s proposal of marriage, Sara decided not to return to America before the wedding as it would make it harder for her to leave again (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [30 September 1877] (DAR 219.9: 162)). CD and Francis Darwin were investigating the role of bloom found on the leaves of Australian plants, and the relation of bloom to the movement of plants (see letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2, and letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 27 September [1877]).

From R. F. Cooke   5 October 1877

50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. Octr. 5 1877

My dear Sir We think the man’s name is Linnstrom, but have no list to refer to. The Electro’s will be £10.0.0   The 500 Heliotypes £37.10.0 on paper the same size as our English edition.1 We printed 1250 Copies of “Forms of Flowers” & have about 150 remaining.2 Your’s faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 491 1

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Hjalmar Linnström wanted to publish a Swedish translation of Expression (see letter to Hjalmar Linnström, 7 October 1877); the sums refer to the costs for the illustrations in the book. Expression included twenty-one electrotypes and seven heliotypes. Forms of flowers was published on 9 July 1877 (Freeman 1977).

From W. E. Darwin   5 October [1877]1

Basset Oct 5th

My dearest Father Thank you for your splendid present.2 No man in the world ever had a more loving father & mother than me or a happier home. Your visit to me was my great annual pleasure and it is delightful to think that having Sara with me will make it all the pleasanter for you.3 I shall buy her a small close carriage with part of the money, but I shall hardly dare let her know the amount of the present. I have had two such happy notes from Hen. & Richard, it is a blessing what pleasure one’s own happiness gives to others.4 Dear Father | Your affectionate son | W. E. Darwin

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I will write to mother from Tilgate5 Please ask her to send me there the address of the Horse buying man6 DAR 210.5: 21 1 2

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. E. Darwin, 3 October [1877]. CD’s marriage present to William and his fiancée Sara Sedgwick (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 3 October [1877] and n. 2) was a cheque for 300 guineas (£315; CD’s Classed accounts (Down House MS), 3 October 1877). CD and Emma had visited William in Southampton from 13 June to 4 July 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). William had told his sister Henrietta Emma Litchfield and her husband, Richard Buckley Litchfield, about his engagement (see letter from W. E. Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [28 September 1877] (DAR 219.8: 32)). The letters from the Litchfields to William have not been found. Sara Sedgwick was living in Tilgate, Crawley, Sussex (see letter from W. E. Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [28 September 1877] (DAR 219.8: 32)). The horse-dealer has not been identified.

To J. B. Innes   5 October 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 5. 1877 Dear Innes, It is a curious story about the tree.1 I am sorry that I am not a botanist; but I think the bush is the wild or single Guelder-rose,2 which is said to be very rare in Scotland. Next summer you could know whether it is the guelder-rose, as the exterior flowers on the corymb or head have considerably larger petals than the interior flowers. I wish indeed you back here, but that I know is an idle dream.3 Our present man has been at peace with all mankind, wonderful to say, for several months.4 We are glad to hear that Mr Hoole will soon be here; some one, but I cannot remember who, was speaking to us in the highest terms about him.5 I cannot think of any local news to tell you. I am going on just as usual & working very hard with Frank,6 at plants— Believe me | dear Innes, | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin LS Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection) 1

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Innes had evidently told CD a story about a preacher at Loch Carron foretelling the growth of a tree on the site of his pulpit, and prophesying the outbreak of war when the tree grew higher than a nearby wall; the story and Innes’s query about what species of tree it was (he sent a sprig and berries) was published in Journal of Horticulture, 18 October 1877, p. 307. See also letter from J. B. Innes, 20 October 1877. Viburnum opulus. Innes had been vicar of Down until 1869, but from 1862 had resided in Scotland after inheriting the estate of Milton Brodie, near Forres (see Correspondence vol. 10, letter from J. B. Innes, 2 January [1862] and n. 1).

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George Sketchley Ffinden, who had become vicar of Down in 1871, had a fractious relationship with CD and Emma Darwin (see Correspondence vols. 23 and 24). Stanley Hoole was living at Down Lodge in 1878 (Post Office directory of the six home counties 1878); his wife, Alice Mary Hoole, was Innes’s niece. Francis Darwin had moved out of Down Lodge following the death of his wife in September 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24). Francis Darwin.

To Hjalmar Linnström   7 October 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 7. 1877 Dear Sir Mr. Murray has forwarded to me your telegram with reference to my work “On the Expression of the Emotions &c” Mr Murray informs me that the Electrotypes will cost £10-0-0 & that 500 Heliotypes on paper the same as the english edition will cost £37-10-01 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin P.S | You are at full liberty to publish a translation.— LS(A) Uppsala University Library: Manuscripts and Music (Waller Ms gb-00522) 1

Linnström’s telegram has not been found. The information from CD’s publisher, John Murray, on the costs of the illustrations for Expression is in the letter from R. F. Cooke, 5 October 1877. Linnström wanted to publish a Swedish translation of Expression.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   7 October 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 7. 1877 My dear Dyer, One line to thank you much about Myrtensia. The former plant has begun to make new leaves, to my great surprise, so that I shall be now well supplied.1 We have worked so well with the Averrhoa that unless the second species arrives in a very good state it would be superfluous to send it.2 I am heartily glad that you & Mrs Dyer are going to have a holiday.3 I will look at you as a dead man for the next month & nothing shall tempt me to trouble you. But before you enter your grave aid me if you can. I want seeds of 3 or 4 plants (not Leguminosæ or Cruciferæ)4 which produce large Cotyledons. I know not in the least what plants have large cotyledons. Why I want to know is as follows. The Cotyledons of Cassia5 go to sleep & are sensitive to a touch; but what has surprised me much is that they are in constant movement up & down. So it is with the cotyledons of the cabbage; & therefore I am very curious to ascertain how far this is general With many thanks for your invaluable assistance | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 101–2)

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The Mertensia previously sent by Thiselton-Dyer had looked ‘very bad’ at the end of September (see letter to W. T. Thiselton Dyer, 27 September [1877]). CD had asked for a plant of Averrhoa carambola (star fruit) in July, but Thiselton-Dyer had sent a plant of Averrhoa bilimbi (cucumber tree) instead (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 14 July [1877], and letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1877). Francis and CD had studied movement in Averrhoa bilimbi over the summer (see letter to R. I. Lynch, 23 August [1877]). Thiselton-Dyer had married Harriet Anne Hooker on 23 June 1877. They had only one week of honeymoon before returning to Kew, so that Thiselton-Dyer could oversee the botanic gardens while Joseph Dalton Hooker was away in America. (L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 206.) Leguminosae (a synonym of Fabaceae) is the family of peas and beans; Cruciferae (a synonym of Brassicaceae) is the mustard and cabbage family. Cassia is a genus of the legume family, Fabaceae. Cotyledons are the first embryonic leaves of plants; seed-bearing plants have either one or two such leaves.

From Alphonse de Candolle1   8 October 1877 Genève 8 oct. 1877 Mon cher Monsieur, Je puis vous adresser quelques mots en addition à ma lettre du mois d’aout sur les plantes à matières glauques.2 C’est plutot à l’appui de mes doutes, que pour les dissiper, mais sur un point cependant je serai plus affirmatif. Dans la dernière session de la Société helvétique des Sciences naturelles, à Bex, nous avions dans la Section de botanique Mr de Bary et Mr Planchon, outre plusieurs botanistes suisses.3 Un jeune Lucernois, Mr Schnyder, professeur de botanique à Buenos-Ayres, nous a lu un interessant mémoire sur la géographie physique et botanique de la république Argentine.4 Il distingue cinq régions très différentes, les unes très humides et d’autres très sèches. J’en ai pris l’occasion de parler de votre demande sur la proportion des plantes glaucescentes en diverses contrèes du globe. On a reconnu avec moi qu’il est impossible d’en donner les proportions, à cause des espèces grises qu’on décrit comme glauques et surtout des intermédiares entre les matières glauques très visibles et celles qui sont transparentes ou fort peu apparentes. On a cité des plantes glaucescentes (véritablement et fortement) dans les pays chauds et humides, comme les Musa, Strelitzia, Cannacées, etc, mais personne ne peut dire quelle proportion elles constituent des flores équatoriales. Sur ma demande expresse: si les plantes glauques ne sont pas nombreuses dans les pays desséchés; Mr Schnyder a confirmé mon opinion. Il les a vues frequentes dans les regions arides de la Plata, et cela dans une proportion qui parait notable pour des flores extrèmement pauvres.5 Vous avez probablement des faits intéressants sur le rôle de ces matières cireuses. Evidemment elles abritent le tissu contre l’humidité, mais ceci n’est guère avantageuse aux plantes que dans les pays très humides. Elles abondent sur les surfaces dépourvues de stomates ou qui ont peu (fruits de pruniers, plantes grasses etc), surfaces qui évaporent faiblement, et la matière cireuse s’oppose encore à

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l’evaporation. C’est avantageux dans les pays secs, mais dans les pays humides au contraire il semble avantageux à une plante d’evaporer librement ce qu’elle absorbe par les racines. Même dans les pays secs il est bon qu’une plante puisse absorber exceptionnellement la rosée ou la pluie, par les surfaces exposées à l’air, puisque les racines fournissent peu d’eau (On a démontré que les feuilles fanées absorbent de l’eau liquide). Ainsi la couche cireuse des Echeveria, Mammillaria etc, du plateau méxicain,6 parait tantot avantageuse et tantot nuisible. Mais il y a peut-être d’autres effets que vous connaissez et qu’on sera heureux d’apprendre de vous. Mes compliments, je vous prie, à Monsieur Francis,7 en croyez moi toujours, mon cher Monsieur, votre très dévoué et affectionné | Alph. de Candolle DAR 161: 23 CD annotations 2.3 Schnyder] scored and underl red crayon 2.3 Schnyder … Buenos-Ayres 2.4] scored red crayon 2.4 Buenos-Ayres] underl red crayon 2.8 à … de vous. 3.14] scored red crayon 1 2 3

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 14 August 1877. CD was investigating the function of the bloom on the leaves and fruits of certain plants (see letter to Alphonse de Candolle, 3 August 1877). Anton de Bary was professor of botany at Strasburg University, and Jules Emile Planchon was professor of botany at Montpellier. Their participation in the botany section of the meeting of the Swiss Society for Natural Sciences held in Bex from 20 to 22 August 1877 was noted in Société helvétique des sciences naturelles 60 (1877): 77–9. Otto Schnyder presented a paper on the distribution of plants in the Argentine Republic at the meeting in Bex (Société helvétique des sciences naturelles 60 (1877): 79); it was published in Archives des sciences physiques et naturelles, the journal of the Société de physique et d’histoire naturelle de Genève (Schnyder 1877). CD’s question, and the responses from de Bary and Schnyder, were briefly noted in Société helvétique des sciences naturelles 60 (1877): 79. Musa is the genus of bananas and plantains, Strelitzia is the genus of bird-of-paradise plants, and Cannaceae is a tropical family of large-leaved flowering plants. Echeveria is a genus of drought-resisting succulent plants, and Mammillaria is the genus of pincushion cacti. Francis Darwin.

From J. D. Caton   8 October 1877 Ottawa Illinois October 8 1877 My Dear Sir Your favor of the 10th of August arrived during my absence.1 I was glad to hear the book arrived safely and that its appearance pleased you—2 I hope you have found some of my observations to interest you. Let me add one observation since the book was written. I castrated two young Wapiti3 last winter. On the oldest, little

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knobs sprung up in places of the antlers 12 inch high but on the other nothing appreciable of the sort is observed— I think it safe to say if the deer is castrated before it is three months old, the growth of the antlers will be entirely suppressed. It will afford me the greatest pleasure to present Sir Victor Brooke with a copy of my book and should feel highly honored if he will take the trouble to peruse if you will but favor me with his address.,4 but please ask him to remember that I am not a professed Naturalist but only an amature, my studies in this direction having been pursued as a recreation since I retired from judicial. The labor of my life has been in my profession. Most truly yours | J D Caton DAR 161: 126 1 2

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CD’s letter has not been found. CD had evidently acknowledged receipt of Caton’s book The antelope and deer of America (Caton 1877). Caton’s previous work on deer and elk was used by CD in Descent (see Correspondence vol. 16, letter to J. D. Caton, 18 September 1868 and n. 5). CD’s annotated copy of Caton 1877 is in the Darwin Library–CUL. The wapiti or elk is Cervus canadensis. Victor Alexander Brooke was an Anglo-Irish aristocrat who was resident for most of the year in Pau, France; he had visited CD in May (see letter to W. H. Flower, 19 May 1877 and n. 1). Brooke had established a large herd of deer at his Irish seat in Fermanagh, and was studying antelopes (Stephen 1894, pp. 8–9 and 31–2).

To Alphonse de Candolle   10 October 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 10. 1877 My dear Sir, I thank you cordially for your two letters on bloom which will be very useful to us as showing how much or how little is known about the distribution of plants thus provided.1 Your remarks seem very just with respect to evaporation & absorption.2 On the latter head we have made very few experiments as yet The investigation has been a tedious & difficult one, but I hope that we shall be able to throw some little light on the subject. Again accept my thanks for your great kindness, & I remain, with much respect, | my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin LS Archives de la famille de Candolle (private collection) 1 2

See letters from Alphonse de Candolle, 14 August 1877 and 8 October 1877. Francis Darwin and CD were working together on bloom on plants; see letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2. See letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 8 October 1877.

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From L. A. Errera1   10 October 1877 6A, Rue Royale | Bruxelles 10 Oct. 1877 Monsieur Je ne puis assez vous témoigner ma gratitude pour la bonté et l’empressement que vous avez mis à me répondre et pour les paroles bienveillantes contenues dans votre lettre.2 J’avais déjà résolu d’expérimenter plus tard sur les “inconspicuous flowers” et votre conseil me fait un devoir de mettre à exécution mon projet, aussitôt que mes autres études m’en laisseront le temps.3 Vous voulez bien me faire observer que vous n’avez pas dit que l’autogamie fût, en règle générale, supérieure à la gitonogamie. Toutefois il m’a paru que telle était la signification des passages que j’ai cités, extraits de votre beau livre “The effects of Cross & Self-fertilisation”, (pp. VII, 61, 352, 386, etc);— vous y émettez l’avis que l’autogamie est “apparently in some respects beneficial, independently of the assured production of seeds”—4 Ces avantages, l’autogamie ne peut—semble-t-il— les montrer qu’en donnant des produits supérieurs à ceux d’une forme d’allogamie: et comme elle est certes, en général, inférieure à la xénogamie, elle ne peut accuser cette supériorité que vis-à-vis des plantes gitonogamiques.5 S’il n’en est pas ainsi, je ne parviens malheureusement pas bien à comprendre la nature des avantages de l’autogamie; puis qu’il est évident que ces avantages ne peuvent apparaître que par comparaison avec un autre mode de fécondation. Quoiqu’il en soit, j’ai cru bien faire, à la suite de votre lettre, en soulignant dans notre manuscrit les mots “if this be really the case” pour bien indiquer que vousmême ne croyez pas la question suffisamment résolue.6 Vous voudrez bien m’excuser d’avoir formulé les quelques remarques que je viens de me permettre et recevoir, avec mes remercîments réitérés, l’expression de mon plus profond respect. Léo Errera DAR 163: 28 1 2 3 4

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to L. A. Errera, 4 October 1877. See letter to L. A. Errera, 4 October 1877 and n. 5. Errera was a doctoral student at the Free University in Brussels. CD used this phrase in a chapter summary that appeared in Cross and self fertilisation, pp. vii and 312. On p. 61, he mentioned that self-fertilisation was more advantageous than crossing unless the cross brought with it some decided or preponderant advantage; on p. 352, he gave experimental results showing the superior weight of seeds from self-fertilised plants; and on p. 386, he noted that some species had increased their capacity for self-fertilisation. Errera had explained these terms in his letter of 30 September 1877. See letter to L. A. Errera, 4 October 1877. CD had commented on part of a study on heterostyled plants that Errera had carried out with Gustave Gevaert.

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From C. T. E. von Siebold1   10 October 1877 München den 10 10 77.

Hochgeehrtester Herr! In der Anlage erlaube ich mir die Photographien einer haarigen Familie zukommen zu lassen, mit dem Wunsche, dass Sie dieselben mit Nachsicht aufnehmen möchten.2 Die betreffenden Oelgemälde, als ich die Erlaubniss erhielt, dieselben photographiren lassen zu dürfen, befanden sich bereits in einem sehr vernachlässigten Zustand; dennoch freute ich mich, dass es mir gelungen war, bei dieser Gelegenheit diese merkwürdigen Porträts ihrem gänzlichen Untergang zu entziehen. Ueber die Abkunft und über das Leben dieser haarigen Familie habe ich durchaus nichts zuverlässiges erfahren können, wie Sie Sich aus meinem Bericht überzeugen werden, den ich als Separatabdruck aus dem Archiv für Anthropologie (Bd. X. 1877) mit einigen anderen Separatabdrücken heute ebenfalls durch die Post an Sie habe abgehen lassen.3 Unter diesen genannten Drucksachen befindet sich auch eine Briefreihe, welche mein zu früh verstorbener sehr talentvoller Schüler Rud. von Willemoes-Suhm von Challenger aus an mich gerichtet hat.4 Wenn Sie, hochgeehrtester Herr, diesen liebenswürdigen, mit einem seltenen Forschertalent begabten jungen Mann persönlich gekannt hätten, würden Sie gewiss den Schmerz begreifen, mit welchem ich den Verlust dieses meines besten Schülers fortwährend bedauern muss. In ausgezeichneter Hochachtung Ihr ganz ergebenster Carl v. Siebold. DAR 177: 160 CD annotation 3.1 welche … hat. 3.3] scored red crayon 1 2

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. There are photographs of the four portraits of the Gonzales family that hang in Ambras Castle, Innsbruck, Austria, in DAR 53.1: C7, 8, 9, 10. They show the hairy father, Petrus Gonzales, nonhairy mother, Catherine, a hairy son, Enrico, and a hairy daughter, Maddalena (Wiesner-Hanks 2009, pp. 6, 76, 115). The portraits are now in the cabinet of curiosities at Ambras Castle (ibid., pp. 5, 78). An offprint of Siebold’s article on the hairy Gonzales family (Siebold 1877) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL, along with eight other papers by Siebold. Petrus Gonzales and some of his children were examined by medical men and natural philosophers, as well as being sought after as curiosities in the courts of Europe, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Wiesner-Hanks 2009, pp. 4–5, 183–221). Rudolf von Willemoes-Suhm was a naturalist on the Challenger expedition; he worked on the crustaceans discovered during the voyage. He died in September 1875, during the journey from Hawaii to Tahiti. Willemoes-Suhm had studied zoology at Munich under Siebold. The series of letters to Siebold describing the Challenger voyage were published between 1874 and 1877 (Willemoes-Suhm 1874–7).

The Gonzalez family. DAR 53.1: C7, 9, 10. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

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To Gaston de Saporta   11 October 1877

Down. Octr. 11. 1877.

Dear Sir I thank you very sincerely for communicating to me your discovery, & it is a most interesting one—1 It is especially important at the present time when several naturalists have declared that development occurs quite suddenly at intervals— Thus Mr Le Conte in N. America urges that even new families or orders are developed within an extremely short period:2 Whenever I read such views I think of your observations on the Tertiary European Flora, and on those of Dr. Neumayr on the Freshwater Shells in the Congerian beds, & then I return to my old faith that such views are erroneous—3 I saw lately in a journal that you have discovered a true fern in a Silurian formation4   If my dear old friend Lyell had been alive how he would have rejoiced over these two great steps in the history of the vegetable kingdom—5 With cordial good wishes, & a firm belief that you will make many more important discoveries— | I remain Dear Sir. | Yours faithfully— | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 147: 422 1

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Saporta’s letter has not been found. He possibly sent information about the discovery of a leaf of a gingko-like species in the Permian deposits of the Urals, a topic he discussed in more detail in December (see letter from Gaston de Saporta, 16 December 1877 and n. 26). In his presidential address to the American Association for the Advancement of Science in 1875, John Lawrence Le Conte had criticised the notion that change occurred by numerous successive slight modifications, arguing instead that more rapid change occurred in those species that were in a ‘condition of evolution’ (Le Conte 1875, pp. 485–6). Saporta had mentioned the gradual transition of plant forms from the Tertiary period to the present in his letter of 2 September 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24). In March, Melchior Neumayr had sent CD the essay on the Congerian Beds that he had written with Carl Maria Paul (see letter to Melchior Neumayr, 9 March 1877 and n. 1). The Congerian Beds were a geological stratum characterised by the presence of fossil shells of the bivalve mollusc genus Congeria. Saporta’s discovery of a fern in the Silurian schists (or slates) of Angers, France, was presented at a meeting of the Paris Académie des sciences on 5 September 1877, and reported in the Comptes rendus hebdomadaires des séances de l’Académie des sciences (Saporta 1877). Charles Lyell had died in 1875. In the 1830s, he had subdivided the Tertiary rocks of the Paris Basin on the basis of a statistical analysis of their fossils; the rocks at the top (the Newer and Older Pliocene) have a high percentage of fossils of living mollusc species, the rocks in the middle (the Miocene) have many fewer fossils of living forms, while the lowest rocks (the Eocene) have no fossils of extant species (Lyell 1830–3, vol. 3).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   11 October [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 11 My dear Dyer The fine lot of seeds arrived yesterday & are all sown & will be most useful.2 If you remember pray thank Mr Lynch for his aid.3 I had not thought of Beech or Sycamore, but they are now sown.—

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Perhaps you may like to see rough copy of tracing of movements of one of Cotys ledons of Red Cabbage, & you can throw it into fire.4 A line joining the 2 Cot. stood facing N.E window, & the day was uniformly cloudy. Bristle was gummed to 1 Cot. & beyond it a triangular bit of card was fixed & in front a vertical glass. A dot was made in glass every 14 or 12 hour at point where end of bristle & apex of card coincided, & the dots were joined by straight lines. The observation was from 10o A.M & 8o 45′ P.M. During this time the enclosed figure was described; but between 4o P.M. & 5o 38′ P.M the Cot. moved so that the prolonged line was beyond the limits of the glass & the course is here shown by imaginary dotted line.— The Cot. of Primula Sinensis moves in closely analogous manner, as do those of a Cassia.5 Hence I expect to find such movements very general with cotyledons & I am inclined to look at them as the foundation for all the other adaptive movements of leaves. They certainly are of the so-called sleep of plants.6 I hope I have not bothered you— Do not answer.— I am all on fire at the work.— I have just had a short & very prosperous note from Asa Gray, who says Hooker is very prosperous & both are tremendously hard at work.—7 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin 8o. 45′ p.m. Oct 8th.

4o p.m.

5o. 38. p.m. 10o. a.m Oct 8th

Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 103–5) (Image reproduced with the kind permission of the Board of Trustees) 1 2

The year is established by the reference to Asa Gray’s letter (see n. 7, below). CD had asked for seeds of three or four  plants that produced large cotyledons (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 7 October 1877).

412 3

4 5 6 7

October 1877

Richard Irwin Lynch was foreman of the propagating department at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. In August, he began helping CD to investigate plant movement (see letter to R. I. Lynch, 23 August [1877], and letter from R. I. Lynch, [28 August 1877]). The diagram is reproduced at 75 per cent of its original size. CD later described this case in Movement in plants, pp. 15–16. CD described the movements of the cotyledons of Primula sinensis (Chinese primrose) and of the legume Cassia tora in Movement in plants, pp. 45–6 and 34–5. The leaves of sleeping plants gradually assume a vertical position so as to protect their upper surfaces from cold (Movement in plants, p. 3). Asa Gray and Joseph Dalton Hooker were busy organising their collections before Hooker’s departure for England, as they intended to prepare a survey of the vegetation of the Rocky Mountains ( J. D. Hooker and Gray 1880); they had botanised together in the region over the summer (see letter from Asa Gray, 27 September 1877).

From R. F. Cooke   12 October 1877 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. Oct. 12 1877 My dear Sir We shall require to work off another edition of “Origin of Species” to supply our anticipated order at our Trade dinner next month, as we have under 200 copies remaining.1 Have you any corrections for Messrs. Clowes?2 Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 492 1

2

CD’s publisher, John Murray, held a sale dinner each November for the book trade ( J. Murray 1908–9, p. 540). CD made no further changes to the text of Origin after the 1876 printing of the sixth edition (Freeman 1977, p. 87). William Clowes & Sons were Murray’s printers.

From Robert Damon   12 October 1877 4, Pulteney Buildings, | Weymouth. 12 Oct 1877 Dear Sir You may recollect my name as a correspondent many years since when you were engaged with the Cirripedes—1 A missionary from the S Seas has sent me a shell (Conus geographus) the animal of wh. he says is poisonous to such a degree as to have killed to his knowledge two persons &c2 Further, another missionary Rev W Gill in a volume “Life in the Southern Seas” repeats in substance the same testimony.3 Could you inform me if these testimonies has been corroborated by yourself or other scientific observers as I cannot but think

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it is an error— We know that many mollusks & other marine animals do under certain conditions poison when eaten, but in the case referred to mere contact always more or less poisons according to my informant I should feel obliged if you cd. give me your opinion I am Dear Sir | Yours truly | Robert Damon DAR 162: 36 1 2 3

No previous letters from Damon have been found, and his name does not appear in CD’s books on cirripedes. The sea snail Conus geographus, found in Indo-Pacific regions, is venomous; it fires a harpoon-like tooth into its prey and releases a potentially fatal mixture of toxins (Bücherl et al. 1968–71, 3: 374–84). William Wyatt Gill reported on a fatality from a shellfish sting in Life in the Southern Isles (Gill 1876, pp. 274–5). Gill mistakenly identified the sea snail as Conus textile not Conus geographus (Bücherl et al. 1968–71, 3: 375).

To T. M. Reade   12 October [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct. 12 My dear Sir I am very glad to hear of your work.—2 As at present every minute of my time is occupied with observations on vegetable physiology I will not accept the very kind offer of your M.S, but whenever it is published I shall read it with great interest3 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Liverpool University Library (TMR1.D.7.3) 1 2 3

The year is established by the references to Reade’s paper in this letter and in the letter to G. H. Darwin, 24 November [1877]. Reade was writing a paper titled ‘The age of the world as viewed by the geologist and the mathematician’; it was published in February 1878 (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 24 November [1877] and n. 5). CD recorded that he worked on movement of plants and heliotropism during the second half of 1877 (‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From C.-F. Reinwald1   13 October 1877 Paris 13 Oct. 1877 Cher Monsieur Nous avons eu l’honneur de recevoir votre aimable lettre du 7 Oct. et nous voyons avec plaisir que la traduction et l’exécution typographique de votre ouvrage “Cross and Self fertilization” a repondu à votre attente, et que vous en êtes satisfait.2 Nous

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sommes entièrement à votre disposition pour d’autres exemplaires que vous desireriez envoyer à des personnes de votre choix. Nous avons l’avantage de vous remettre avec cette lettre un cheque de £20.— pour le Percentage au droit d’auteur pour notre traduction des Insectivorous Plants, dont nous croyons être près de 700 Exemplaires de vente a l’heure qu’il est.3 Nous espérons bien dans quelque temps pouvoir également vous envoyer le Percentage pour le nouveau Volume de Cross- and Self-fertilization, mais les circonstances politiques actuelles ne font nullement avantageuses pour nos affaires de librairie, de manière que nous ne pourrons rien préciser à l’égard du temps qu’il faudra pour vendre 700 Expl.4 Quant aux Climbing Plants, ce petit volume, ne se vend, comme bien vous le pensez, qu’avec lenteur, et la nouvelle édition des Emotions est naturellement dans le même cas.5 Vous avez eu la bonté de nous envoyer un exemplaire de votre dernier ouvrage The different forms of flowers. Ce volume contient 15 gravures sur bois et si nous pensions à faire traduire ce volume en français il faudrait avant tout acheter ces clichés à M. Murray, auquel nous allons écrire pour en connaître le prix.6 Quoique nous ayons le plus grand envie de faire traduire également ce nouveau volume en français, les complications actuelles de notre gouvernment et des chambres nous forcent de différer cette publication jusqu’à un moment plus tranquille, en nous occupant en attendent de la recherche d’un bon traducteur.7 Nous ne perdons pas de vue ce dernier point et nous espérons pouvoir vous donner bientot des nouvelles à cet égard. Veuillez agréer en attendant, cher Monsieur, l’expression de mes sentiments les plus distingués | C Reinwald & C To Charles Darwin Esq, Down Beckenham | Kent DAR 176: 107 1 2 3 4

5 6

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD’s letter has not been found. Reinwald’s firm had published Édouard Heckel’s French translation of Cross and self fertilisation (Heckel trans. 1877). Edmond Barbier’s French translation of Insectivorous plants (Barbier trans. 1877) had been published in May 1877 (see letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 9 May 1877). In May 1877, a constitutional crisis arose in France when the republicans and royalists in the Chamber of Deputies clashed over the position of the church within French society; the conservative president dissolved the republican cabinet and appointed a royalist government to oversee elections (R. L. Fuller 2012, p.23). A general election to the Chamber of Deputies of the Third Republic was scheduled for 14 and 28 October 1877 (Fortescue 2000, p. 34). The French translation of Climbing plants (R. Gordon trans. 1877) and a second French edition, revised and corrected, of Expression (Pozzi and Benoît trans. 1877) had been published in 1877. CD’s publisher, John Murray, usually allowed foreign publishers the use of the clichés of the illustrations of CD’s works in return for a small fee (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Eduard Koch?, 6 February 1876).

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Édouard Heckel (see n. 2, above) translated Forms of flowers; it was published in 1878 (Heckel trans. 1878).

To Robert Damon   15 October 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 15. 1877 Dear Sir, It would be a great satisfaction to me to give you any information on the subject about which you write,—but I cannot do so. It seems incredible that mere contact should be poisonous, supposing the surface not to be abraided,1 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin LS Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859 Darwin, Charles, Bl. 212–213) 1

Damon had mentioned accounts of fatalities caused by handling the sea snail Conus geographus, and asked CD whether he could corroborate these reports (see letter from Robert Damon, 12  October 1877).

To C. T. E. von Siebold   15 October 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 15. 1877 Dear Sir, It was extremely kind of you to send me the very curious photographs, & I shall read your account of them with much interest.1 The occurrence of the same abnormality in men of different races, under the most different conditions of life, has always seemed to me a very remarkable phenomenon. I did not know personally your eminent pupil R. von Willemoes-Suhm, but I have read with care some of his papers especially that on the development of the Cirripedia, & I formed the highest opinion of his abilities.2 His death has been a very serious loss to natural science.3 I remain with great respect | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin LS American Philosophical Society (525) 1

2

3

Siebold had sent CD photographs of seventeeth-century portraits of individuals in the Gonzales family exhibiting excessive hairiness, together with his article on the topic (Siebold 1877; see letter from C. T. E. von Siebold, 10 October 1877 and n. 2). CD wrote ‘An admirable paper’ on his copy of Siebold’s article (Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL). For a list of Rudolf von Willemoes-Suhm’s papers, see Nature, 2 December 1875, pp. 88–9, and 16 December 1875, p. 129. CD probably refers to ‘On the development of Lepas fascicularis, and the “Archizoëa” of Cirripedia’ (Willemoes-Suhm 1875). Willemoes-Suhm died at sea in 1875; he had been an assistant naturalist on HMS Challenger (Nature, 2 December 1875, p. 88).

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October 1877

From Emma Darwin to T. H. Farrer   [16 October 1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Tuesday Dear Mr Farrer It was pleasant to receive your cordial letter & to feel that you really cared about all our joys & sorrows—2 Charles desires me to say how kind he thought your letter— at the same time he thought the cream of it lay in the P.S. about the beloved worms & not in any such trifles as marrying &c—3 He is very much pleased to hear what success you are having. The more we see of Sara Sedgwick the more we feel how well she will join into the family & how nice & tasteful she is besides having the more sterling qualities—4 It is pleasant to her to see how she has been welcomed by all the outsiders as well as our immediate set & Effie’s charming little note was duly appreciated by both—5 I trust we shall hear in a day or two that dear Fanny has not suffered by the transit.6 yours very sincerely | E. Darwin Linnean Society of London (Farrer 28) 1

2

3

4 5 6

The date is established by CD’s second note on letter from T. H. Farrer, 23 September 1877, and by the public announcement of Sara Sedgwick and William Erasmus Darwin’s engagement (see n. 2, below). In 1877, 16 October was a Tuesday. Farrer’s letter has not been found, but he probably wrote to congratulate the Darwins on the engagement of Sara to William and to commiserate on the news of Richard Buckley Litchfield’s recent illness (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 4 October [1877] and n. 2). Sara had accepted William’s proposal of marriage in late September, but the engagement was kept secret until Sara’s family in America had heard the news (letter from W. E. Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, (see letter from W. E. Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [28 September 1877] (DAR 219.8: 32)). Their engagement was publicly announced on 13 October 1877 (letter from Elizabeth Darwin to Ida Farrer, 12 October [1877] (DAR 258: 565)). Farrer had sent CD weekly reports on the worm activity at an archaeological dig at his home, Abinger Hall, Dorking, Surrey, from 26 August to 13 October 1877 (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 26 August 1877 and n. 1, and Earthworms, pp. 176–88). Sara visited Down from 13 to 24 October 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Katherine Euphemia (Effie) Farrer was Farrer’s wife. Frances Emma Elizabeth (Fanny) Wedgwood was Effie’s mother. She had been ill since May and had been staying with the Farrers at Abinger Hall since July (see letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [25 May 1877] (DAR 219.9: 146), and letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [8 July 1877] (DAR 219: 96)).

From A. R. Smith  16 October 1877 37 Old Market St | Bristol. Oct 16th/77 Charles Darwin Esq Dear Sir In your “Descent of Man” (Chapter VIII “On the Relation between the period of Development” etc) you give as a general rule that characters inherited by the

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sex they first appeared in only appear late in life.1 It struck me that the following might be one of the causes of the exceptions: that they first appeared late in life but have been transmitted at earlier & earlier periods, according to the rule you give in “Inheritance at corresponding periods of Life”, till at last they appear about the time of birth & that by the time they had worked down (so to speak) to this point they had become correlated with sex.2 perhaps exceptions to converse of the second rule, viz that characters which are inherited by both sexes generally appear early in life, are occasionally caused by a reverse process. Hoping that you will excuse my writing to you, | I remain | Yours truly | A R Smith P.S. In your preface you say that the causes of correlation are unknown.3 Would it not be sometimes caused (as I have taken for granted) by the correlated characters having appeared together for a long time & so, through inheritance, have acquired a strong tendency to appear together? DAR 177: 182 1 2

3

Descent 1: 286. CD noted that characteristics appearing at a certain age in parents tended to reappear in their offspring at the same age; deviations from this rule favoured the earlier rather than the later appearance of the character (Descent 1: 280–1). Descent 1: 9.

From R. F. Cooke   17 October 1877 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. Octr. 17 1877 My dear Sir We have received the enclosed “Telegram” which I imagine is in answer to one you sent.?1 No remittance has been sent, but the Swedish Consul, tells us that Hjalmar Linnstróm is a most respectable & honorable person & we may safely rely upon him & that he himself will be answerable that the amount £47.10.0 be paid.2 So I presume we may send the Electrotypes & the 500 Heliotypes? Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 493 1 2

The telegram has not been found. It was prompted by CD’s letter to Hjalmar Linnström, 7 October 1877. Linnström intended to publish a Swedish edition of Expression; the sum was to cover the costs of the illustrations (see letter to Hjalmar Linnström, 7 October 1877). The Swedish consul in London was Carl Edward Wilhelm Piper.

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October 1877

To G. H. Darwin   18 [October 1877]1 Down— 18th:— My dear G. Will you be so kind as to read the enclosed to Maxwell (or explain what I want) & ask him from me, whether he will be so very kind as illumine me, if he possibly can.—2 I am so very glad to hear about the tides in the earth.3 Yours affect | C. Darwin I did not think it worth while to make a fair copy of my query. [Enclosure] Many leaves are covered with bloom, that is with excessively minute cylinders or points of a waxy substance. This retains a layer of air, so that if the leaf is submerged it looks coated with silver, & some leaves may be kept submerged for a week, & when taken out of water are quite dry. If the bloom is sponged off a gathered leaf, & it is hung in the air it dries much quicker than one with the bloom on it. Yet I cannot believe that the sponging can remove the wax out of the excessively minute pores through which it is secreted. Why then does a sponged leaf dry quicker? Is is possible that the layer of air entangled or in contact with the little waxy points, parts with its vapour of water more slowly than does a layer of air in contact with a sponged leaf ? Can the diffusion of the vapour from the leaf be thus checked?4 C. Darwin LS and Amem DAR 210.1: 61–2 1 2 3

4

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 23 October 1877. James Clerk Maxwell was a fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and professor of experimental physics; George Darwin was also a fellow of Trinity College. George was investigating the consequences for the age of the earth of the supposition that the earth was composed of a viscous or imperfectly elastic matter, and thus subject to tides in its interior; his paper was published in 1878 (G. H. Darwin 1878). See also Smith and Wise 1989, pp. 597–602. He possibly mentioned his work in a letter that has not been found. According to his journal, CD spent the latter part of 1877 working on bloom (see Appendix II); he never published the results of his investigation. See also letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2.

From G. O. Wight   18 October 1877 18 Olive Street. | Sunderland. 18 October/77. Sir, I have been reading with very great pleasure & interest your book “The Expression of the Emotions” & occasionally as I read made a note. I have put these together & send them herewith & shall be very glad indeed if they are of any service to you.1

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Permit me to say that the wording of your principle of Antithesis on page 28 appears contradictory. It reads “there is a strong & involuntary tendency to the performance of movements of a directly opposite nature, though these are of no use: & such movements are in some cases highly expressive”. Now if the movements are expressive & done at will it seems to me they must be useful. Take the instance of the dog whose movements of affection are in antithesis to those of attack. Is it not necessary for the dog to exhibit such movements in order to preclude meeting with a hostile reception? if so are not the demonstrations of affection equally useful with those of offense? I am aware that your time must be very largely occupied but I would esteem it a favour if at your liesure you would assist me out of my difficulty. I am, Sir, | Yours Respectfully | Geo. Oswald Wight. Charles Darwin. Esq. DAR 181: 101 CD annotation Bottom of letter : ‘G Oswald Wight’ pencil 1

The notes sent by Wight have not been found.

From J. D. Hooker   19 October 1877 Kew Octr. 19/77.

Dear Darwin I have just got back to Kew & the 2d letter I opened was from your Willy giving me the joyful news of his engagement.1 I am indeed glad of it & congratulate you & him & all of you most warmly. I met Miss Sedgwicks sister (I believe) at Cambridge Massts on the penultimate evening of my being in America & can well imagine how nice any sister of her’s may be. I saw a good deal of Mr Norton too—who is in much better health & sent affectionate remembrances, many & warm, to all at Down2 I have indeed had a splendid journey; & thanks to A.  Gray a most profitable one.— nothing could or can ever reach his unwearied exertions to make me master of all I saw throughout the breadth & not a little of the length of the U.  States. The Geog. distrib of the Flora is wonderfully interesting & its very outlines are not yet drawn. We have materials for a most interesting Essay. I have brought home upwards of 1000  species of dried specimens for comparison of the Rocky mts & Sierra Nevada & Coast range Floras.—an investigation of which should give the key to the American Flora migrations.3 I heard a Report at Boston of Mr Litchfield being very ill abroad, but know no more & William says nothing of it.4 As usual with me when at Sea I caught the Equinoctials & we had the longest Eastward Voyage that the Captn. had ever known! 13 days of heavy contrary gales & a high sea continuously, from Boston Harbor to Cork!

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Dyer has done uncommonly well in my absence.—& goes for the last 3 quarters of his honeymoon on Monday.5 Crowds of people asked for you in America:—so pray accept the national greetings through me for I can’t individualize. Ever affy yrs | J D Hooker DAR 104: 95–6 1

2

3

4

5

Hooker had been on a three-month botanical trip in America (L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 204–17). William Erasmus Darwin was engaged to Sara Sedgwick at the end of September (see letter to Sara Sedgwick, 29 September [1877]). Probably Sara Sedgwick’s sister Theodora. Charles Eliot Norton had been married to Susan Ridley Sedgwick; the Nortons had visited Down several times in 1868 and 1869 (see letter to C. E. Norton, 16 March 1877 and nn. 3 and 4). Hooker had travelled with Asa Gray in July and August 1877, studying North American plant distribution (L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 205–15). The results of their botanical investigations were published in J. D. Hooker and Gray 1880. Richard Buckley Litchfield had developed acute appendicitis while travelling in Switzerland in September 1877 (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 4 October [1877] and n. 2); Hooker may have learned of Litchfield’s illness from Norton or Theodora Sedgwick (see n. 2, above), who could have heard the news from Sara Sedgwick or William. William Turner Thiselton-Dyer had married Hooker’s daughter Harriet Anne on 23 June 1877; they had only one week of honeymoon before having to return to Kew so that Thiselton-Dyer could oversee the botanic gardens during Hooker’s trip to America (L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 206).

To Raphael Meldola   19 October [1877] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 19 My dear Sir I have received a nor of Kosmos with short, but good article on sexual selection & sexual differences in Butterflies.—1 If you care to see it please send Post-Card Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Postmark: OC 19 77 Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1

Fritz Müller was the author of the article in Kosmos on sexual selection in butterflies; it formed the first of his three-part essay on observations on Brazilian butterflies (Fritz Müller 1877a).

From Fritz Müller1   19 October 1877 Blumenau, Sa. Catharina, Brazil 19. October 1877.

Verehrter Herr! Obwohl ich Ihnen kaum etwas mitzutheilen habe, darf ich doch nicht länger mit dem Ausdruck meines herzlichen Dankes zögern für Ihr Buch über die

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verschiedenen Formen von Blüten, welches mir grosse Freude gemacht hat.2 Es war für mich sehr anregend, im Zusammenhang und mit so vielen werthvollen Zusätzen, all Ihre bewundernswerthen Beobachtungen und Versuche über verschiedengrifflige (heterostyle) Pflanzen zu verfolgen. You mention (“Different Forms of Flowers,” page 331) the deficiency of glands on the calyx of the cleistogamic flowers of several Malpighiaceæ, suggesting, in accordance with Kerner’s views, that this deficiency may be accounted for by the cleistogamic flowers not requiring any protection from crawling insects.3 Now I have some doubt whether the glands of the calyx of the Malpighiaceæ serve at all as a protection. At least, in the one species, the fertilisation of which I have very often witnessed, they do not. This species, Bunchosia gaudichaudiana, is regularly visited by several bees belonging to the genera Tetrapedia and Epicharis. These bees sit down on the flowers gnawing the glands on the outside of the calyx, and in doing so the under side of their body is dusted with pollen, by which, afterwards, other flowers are fertilised.4 There are here some species of Solanum (for instance S. palinacanthum) bearing on the same plant long-styled and short-styled flowers. The short-styled have papillæ on the stigma and apparently normal ovules in the ovary, but notwithstanding they are male in function, for they are exclusively visited by pollen-gathering bees (Melipona, Euglossa, Augochlora, Megacilissa, Eophila, n.  g., and others), and these would probably never insert their proboscis between the stamens.5 In a few months I hope to be able to send you seeds of our white-flowered violet with subterranean cleistogamic flowers. I was surprised at finding that on the Sèrra (about 1,100 metres above the sea) this violet produced abundant normal fruits as well as subterranean ones, while at the foot of the Sèrra, though it had flowered profusely, I could not find a single normal fruit, and subterranean ones were extremely scarce.6 According to Delpino the changing colours of certain flowers would serve to show to the visiting insects the proper moment for effecting the fertilisation of these flowers.7 We have here a Lantana, the flowers of which last three days, being yellow on the first, orange on the second, purple on the third day. This plant is visited by various butterflies. As far as I have seen the purple flowers are never touched. Some species inserted their proboscis both into yellow and into orange flowers (Danais erippus, Pieris aripa), others, as far as I have hitherto observed, exclusively into the yellow flowers of the first day (Heliconius apseudes, Colœnis julia, Eurema leuce).8 This is, I think, a rather interesting case. If the flowers fell off at the end of the first day the inflorescence would be much less conspicuous; if they did not change their colour much time would be lost by the butterflies inserting their proboscis in already fertilised flowers. In another Lantana the flowers have the colour of lilac, the entrance of the tube is yellow surrounded by a white circle; these yellow and white markings disappear on the second day.9 Mr. Leggett’s statements about Pontederia cordata appear to me rather strange, and I fear that there is some mistake. In all the five species of the family which I know

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the flowers are so shortlived, lasting only one day, that a change in the length of the style is not very probable.10 In the long-styled form of our highland Pontederia the style has its full length long before the flowers open. In my garden this Pontedaria is visited by some species of Augochlora collecting the pollen of the longest and midlength stamens; they are too large to enter the tube of the corolla, and have too short a proboscis to reach the honey; they can only fertilise the long-styled and mid-styled forms, but not the short-styled.11 Among the secondary sexual characters of insects the meaning of which is not understood, you mention (“Descent of Man,” vol. i., p. 345) the different neuration in the wings of the two sexes of some butterflies. In all the cases which I know this difference in neuration is connected with, and probably caused by, the development in the males of spots of peculiarly-formed scales, pencils, or other contrivances which exhale odours, agreeable no doubt to their females. This is the case in the genera Mechanitis, Dircenna, in some species of Thecla, &c.,12 Mit wiederholtem herzlichsten Dank bin ich, werther Herr, in aufrichtiger Hochachtung treulichst der Ihrige | Fritz Müller. Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 363–4; Nature, 29 November 1877, pp. 78–9 1

2 3

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6

For a translation of the first part of this letter and the closing, see Appendix I. According to Alfred Möller, all Fritz Müller’s letters to CD were written in English (see Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 72 n.); most of them have not been found. Many of the letters were later sent by Francis Darwin to Möller, who translated them into German for his Fritz Müller: Werke, Briefe und Leben (Möller ed. 1915–21). Möller also found final drafts of some Müller letters among the Fritz Müller papers and included these in their original English form (ibid. 2: 72 n). Where the original English versions are missing, the published version, usually appearing in German translation, has been used. In this case, the English part of the letter was transcribed from the copy that appeared in Nature, 29 November 1877, p. 78 (see letter to Nature, 21 November [1877]). In the German version of this letter, the order of some of the paragraphs is different (see Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 363–4). Müller’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Forms of flowers (see Appendix IV). CD had cited Anton Kerner von Marilaun’s ‘Die Schutzmittel der Blüthen gegen unberufene Gäste’ (The protective measures of flowers against uninvited guests; Kerner von Marilaun 1876, p. 25); Kerner von Marilaun had maintained that fluid secreted by glands of the calyx generally served to protect flowers from crawling insects. Bunchosia gaudichaudiana is a synonym of Hiraea gaudichaudiana. Tetrapedia and Epicharis are genera of oil-collecting solitary or semi-solitary bees. Müller had described these bees in his letter to CD of 20 April [1874] (Correspondence vol. 22). Solanum palinacanthum is an andromonoecious species, that is, it bears flowers that are male (shortstyled) and hermaphrodite (long-styled) on the same plant (Coleman and Coleman 1982). Melipona is a genus of stingless bees; most species collect both pollen and nectar at different times of day, but some species forage exclusively for pollen or nectar (Sommeijer et al. 1983). Euglossa is the genus of orchid bees; females of the genus collect pollen while males are oil-collecting. Augochlora is a genus of sweat bees. Megacilissa is a former genus whose members are now included in the three genera of the tribe Caupolicanini (Michener 2007). The genus name Eophila was never published as a bee genus; it is a genus of earthworms. Müller had earlier mentioned the name in a letter to Hermann Müller of 1 January 1874, noting that it was a type of mining bee (family Andrenidae; Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 249). The andrenid bee Oxaea flavescens has been recorded visiting flowers of S. palinacanthum (Lopes de Carvalho et al. 2001, p. 39). Between 25 October and 20 December 1876, Müller and his friend Emil Odebrecht had travelled in the highlands of Santa Catarina to the source of the Uruguay river in the Serra do Mar (Sea Ridge)

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mountain ranges (see Möller ed. 1915–21, 3: 107, and West 2003, pp. 191–3). A brief description of some botanical observations made on this trip was published in Flora, 21 May 1877, pp. 239–40; Müller mentioned finding the white violets in full bloom with both open and cleistogamic flowers (ibid., p. 240). The species he observed was probably Viola subdimidiata, a native of this region (for more on its floral biology, see Freitas and Sazima 2003). Federico Delpino had discussed colour changes in flowers in an article on plants requiring animal agency for fertilisation (Delpino 1873, pp. 176–7), published in Atti della Societa Italiana di Scienze Natural and later reprinted as part of a collection on dichogamy with different pagination (Delpino 1868–75; CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL). Lantana is a genus of the family Verbenaceae; flowers are produced in umbels with the oldest flowers on the outer edges. The species Müller described was probably L. camara. Danais erippus is a synonym of Danaus erippus (southern monarch); Pieris aripa is a synonym of Leptophobia aripa (mountain white). Heliconius apseudes is a synonym of H. sara (Sara longwing); Colaenis julia is a synonym of Dryas iulia ( Julia longwing); Eurema leuce is Hall’s sulphur butterfly. The species Müller described was probably Lantana montevidensis. William Henry Leggett had described Pontederia cordata (pickerel weed) as having variable style lengths depending on the degree of floral development (Leggett 1875; see letter from W. H. Leggett, 15 January 1877). In a later paper, Müller described the highland species of Pontederia as originating in Curitibanos (Fritz Müller 1883, p. 297); later researchers speculated that the species may have been Pontederia rotundifolia (tropical pickerelweed; Hazen 1917, p. 461). Müller had sent specimens of all three forms of this species; CD described them and noted differences in their pollen in Forms of flowers, pp. 185–7. Mechanitis is a genus of tigerwing butterflies; Dircenna is a genus of clearwing butterflies. Both are in the family Nymphalidae. Thecla is the genus of hairstreak butterflies in the family Lycaenidae.

From J. B. Innes   20 October 1877 Milton Brodie | Forres— 20 Octr 1877— Dear Darwin, Thanks for your note about the Loch Carron tree.1 I sent a portion of it to the Journal of Horticulture and the Editor replies. “The tree is the Sambucus racemosa, Red berried Elder, introduced by Gerarde in the year 1596. No genus has more superstitions connected with it than has the Sambucus.”2 If Stuart is still at Courthill next summer I shall examine the flowers: Could the wily old minister have got some seeds and stuck them in where he foretold (if he did) that the tree should grow?.3 I am glad to see your Coal and Clothing Club is doing well. Ffinden sent me a report of it.4 And I am glad to hear that Ffinden has an interval of pacific tempers.5 Some at least of Hoole’s family are I hear at Downe already. I think you will like them, the children are the dearest little bodies I know, and the parents very genial and pleasant—6 With our kindest regards | Faithfully yours | J Brodie Innes DAR 167: 33 1

See letter to J. B. Innes, 5 October 1877.

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See Journal of Horticulture, 18 October 1877, p. 307. The editors of the journal were George William Johnson and Robert Hogg. John Gerard is recorded in Hortus Kewensis as the first cultivator of the red-berried elder (Aiton 1810–13, 2: 171). Dugald Stuart lived at Courthill House on the Lochcarron estate in Ross-shire, Scotland. Innes had stated in Journal of Horticulture (see n. 2, above), ‘that it was foretold by the last preacher in a kirk at Loch Carron, now ruined, that after his death an unknown tree should spring up where his pulpit was, and that when it reached above the wall there should be a European war.’ The Down Coal and Clothing Club was a local charity that supplied parishioners with cheap coal and clothes in exchange for regular savings; it had been set up by Innes, and CD served as treasurer from 1848 to 1869 (see Correspondence vol. 4, letter to John Innes, [8 May 1848] and n. 2). George Sketchley Ffinden was the vicar of Down; he ran the Coal and Clothing Club ( J. R. Moore 1985, p. 470). See letter to J. B. Innes, 5 October 1877 and n. 4. Stanley Hoole and his wife, Alice Mary Hoole, Innes’s niece, had four children: Arthur Stanley Hoole, Madeline Alice Hoole, Lilian Laidlaw Hoole, and Gerald Stanley Hoole.

From Raphael Meldola   20 October 1877 Office, | 50, Old Broad Street, | E.C. | Atlas Works, | Hackney Wick, | London, E. Oct. 20th. 1877 My dear Sir, I am very much obliged for your kind offer to let me read the article on sexual selec. in butterflies in the ‘Kosmos’ & I shall have much pleasure in doing so if you will kindly forward the paper to 21 John St B— Row.1 I will return as soon as read. I am very much interested with Weismann’s essays & think them well worth giving to the English Nat. Hist. public.2 My father who is a fair German scholar would be willing to undertake the translation (as my time is very much absorbed) & I would be responsible for the editing.3 Do you think the Author would object to their being translated? Can you inform me where I can communicate with the Dr? I suppose you have read Mr. Wallace’s articles in Macmillan’s Mag. on the colours of animals & plants.4 I do not think that he has advanced matters much in this direction. With regard to plants he teaches nothing new. His theory of colour &c in animals is in my opinion not so scientific as your sexual selec. inasmuch as he substitutes for this agency a kind of vague & totally unexplained correlation between vital energy & development of colour, ornament &c5 This is of course entirely between ourselves, | Yours sincerely, | R. Meldola. DAR 171: 124 CD annotation Top of letter : ‘Return my Copy’ pencil 1 2

3

See letter to Raphael Meldola, 19 October [1877] and n. 1. The address 21 John Street, Bedford Row, was that of his father, Samuel Meldola (Post Office London directory 1876). Meldola’s translation of August Weismann’s Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie (Weismann 1875 and 1876) was published as Studies in the theory of descent in 1882 (Weismann 1882). CD wrote a two-page preface to the translation. Meldola’s father was a printer in London.

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Alfred Russel Wallace’s articles were published in the September and October issues of Macmillan’s Magazine (A. R. Wallace 1877). Wallace had sent CD a copy of his September article (see letter to A. R. Wallace, 31 August 1877, and letter from A. R. Wallace, 3 September 1877); Wallace had long criticised CD’s theory of sexual selection as applied to colour and ornamentation (see letter from A. R. Wallace, 23 July 1877 and n. 2).

To John Tyndall   20 October 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 20. 1877 My dear Tyndall, I read your address in ‘The Times’, though in rather a cursory manner, & as I was interested in it, I determined to read it again when republished.1 I return the proofs by my son Horace, as you may want them; & I have now only looked only at the passage about myself. You would never I am sure say anything which I should dislike, & what you do say honours & pleases me greatly. Your short character of Faraday is quite beautiful.2 Believe me, yours very sincerely, | Charles Darwin DAR 261.8: 26 (EH 88205964) 1 2

A description of Tyndall’s presidential address to the Birmingham and Midland Institute, ‘Science and man’, had appeared in The Times, 2 October 1877, p. 8. These were probably the revised proofs of Tyndall’s address; it was published with additions in Tyndall’s Fragments of science (Tyndall 1879, 2: 337–74). In it, Tyndall discussed the perfection of Michael Faraday’s character and his religous faith, but countered the claim that religious belief alone ensured moral purity and grace by referring to CD, whom he described as the ‘Abraham of scientific men’ (ibid., pp. 269–70).

To J. D. Hooker   21 October [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 21st. My dear Hooker I was very glad indeed to get your letter, for we had been daily talking about you, & were anxious how your ship fared during the late tremendous gale, which has unroofed all the stacks about here.2 You seem to have had a glorious expedition, & I heard a few days ago from Asa Gray that you were at Cambridge, all prosperous & hard at work.—3 It is good news that you have materials for an essay on geographical distribution.4 I have passed your kind words on to William about his marriage.5 We are all delighted. She is is very pleasant & in all ways an excellent woman, as far as we can see.— The only drawback is that her health is not good. I have rarely seen any woman whom I have liked so much. You ask about Litchfield: he has been fearfully ill with inflammation of the colon; for some time in extreme danger; but this is now all over, & it is hoped that he may

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begin his journey home early next morning.—6 Poor old Leonard is a cripple: he sprained his knee & has been on the sofa for 5 weeks & may be, as far as we can see, many weeks more with not the least use of his leg.7 With crutches he can just get from room to room on the ground floor. I suppose that you will be tremendously busy for some time to come,— what a lot of jobs you will have to clear off. I am glad Dyer will soon have a holiday, for he looked thin when I saw him the other day.8 His kindness in aiding Frank & me during your absence has been beyond all words: we have various Kew plants here, but I am sorry to say several of them have been so crucified with endless experiments that they have been much injured & are hardly worth returning. Before long we will make out list of what we have got & their state, & then Mr Smith or some one can decide which will be worth returning.9 We have been working like slaves, & God only knows whether our results will prove worth the labour.— I am glad you are back | Your affect | C. Darwin DAR 95: 457–8 1 2

3 4 5 6 7 8 9

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 19 October 1877. Hooker had reported his late arrival from America owing to storms in his letter of 19 October 1877. A severe gale had struck the British Isles on the night of the 14 and 15 October 1877 (The Times, 16 October 1877, p. 4). See letter from Asa Gray, 27 September 1877; Hooker spent a week with Gray in Cambridge, Massachussetts, after their botanical tour to the western United States. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 19 October 1877 and n. 3. William Erasmus Darwin and Sara Sedgwick had become engaged at the end of September (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 4 October [1877] and n. 5). Richard Buckley Litchfield had been seriously ill while travelling in Switzerland, owing to inept treatment for acute appendicitis (Litchfield 1910, p. 150). Leonard Darwin had injured his knee playing tennis (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 4 October [1877] and n. 4). William Turner Thiselton-Dyer, who had married Hooker’s daughter Harriet Anne in June, was about to leave for a delayed honeymoon (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 19 October 1877 and n. 5). John Smith was the curator of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. Francis Darwin and CD spent the last part of 1877 working on heliotropism and spontaneous movement of plants and also on bloom (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   [21 October 1877]1 better to accept Mr Spottiswoode’s proposal to come in the afternoon2 Sir Joseph arrived on Friday looking extremely well.3 Harriet and I start tomorrow morning4   I wish we were going south instead of north. Sir Joseph mentioned to me an interesting fact which the American botanists communicated to him. The leaves of Pinus Nordmanniana are spread horizontally in the morning and rise in the day.5 As the under surfaces of the leaves are white—the facies of the tree gets

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altered. This is an interesting fact in a group so distinct as Gymnosperms   Some coniferæ are dicotyledonous Incomplete DAR 209.14: 189 CD annotations 1.1 better … north. 2.2] crossed ink 2.2 Sir Joseph mentioned] opening square bracket ink 2.3 The … day 2.5] ‘Sleep’ added red crayon 1 2 3

4

5

The date is established by the reference to Thiselton-Dyer’s departure ‘tomorrow morning’ (see n. 4, below). The purpose of William Spottiswoode’s visit is not known; he was vice-president of the Royal Society of London and lived in Combe Bank, Sundridge, Kent, about four miles from Down. Joseph Dalton Hooker had been away on a three-month botanical trip in America (L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 204–17). He arrived back on 19 October, the Friday prior to Thiselton-Dyer’s departure (see n. 4, below). Thiselton-Dyer had married Harriet Anne Hooker on 23 June 1877; they had cut short their honeymoon because of J. D. Hooker’s departure for America. On 22 October, they departed for the remainder of their honeymoon (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 19 October 1877 and n. 5). The movement of the leaves of the fir tree Pinus nordmanniana (a synonym of Abies nordmanniana) was later mentioned by CD in Movement in plants, p. 389. CD cited an article by Joannes Chatin stating that the leaves were horizontal during the day and vertical at night (Chatin 1876, p. 171).

To Raphael Meldola   22 October [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 22d My dear Sir I send Kosmos by this Post.—2 Prof. Weismann’s address is Freiburg.—3 I shd. think he wd be glad of Translation & wd. probably arrange for stereotypes of Plates.— You cd. say as an introduction that I had lent you his book.— To find a publisher will be perhaps a difficulty. Should it be translated I must beg you to get another copy, as I cannot spare mine for such a length of time.—4 Wallace sent me his article & I was quite dissatisfied with it.— To explain a peacocks tail by vital activity seems to me mere verbiage—a mere metaphysical principle.—5 My dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin It will be a public benefit to bring out a Translation.— Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Raphael Meldola, 20 October 1877. CD had offered to lend Meldola a paper published in Kosmos by Fritz Müller on sexual selection in butterflies (see letter to Raphael Meldola, 19 October [1877] and n. 1).

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Meldola wished to write to August Weismann to ask permission to translate his Studien zur DescendenzTheorie (Weismann 1875 and 1876; see letter from Raphael Meldola, 20 October 1877 and n. 2). CD’s annotated copies of Weismann 1875 and 1876 are in the Darwin Library–CUL. CD had already expressed his view to Alfred Russel Wallace after reading Wallace’s paper criticising sexual selection (A. R. Wallace 1877; see letter to A. R. Wallace, 31 August 1877).

To [Agnes Taylor?]1   22 October [1877]2 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 22d Mr Ch. Darwin has the pleasure to enclose a cheque of 5.5.0 as some aid to Mrs. Beke.3 Mr. Darwin does not wish to subscribe for Dr. Beke’s work on M. Sinai.—4 Morton Pepper (private collection) 1 2 3 4

The correspondent is conjectured from the letters from Agnes Taylor written in March 1882, concerning help for Emily Beke. The year is established by the date of CD’s cheque (see n. 3, below). There is a payment for this amount to Emily Beke in CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS), dated 22 October 1877. Charles Tilstone Beke had died in 1874 in Bromley, Kent; his work on determining the true position of Mount Sinai, the result of his last expedition to the Red Sea, was edited by Emily Beke (Beke 1878). Charles Beke’s wealth at the time of his death was less than £200 (ODNB).

To W. C. Williamson   22 October [1877] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct. 22d My dear Sir It was very kind of you to send me the specimens, but I grieve to say that when I opened the little parcel a fragment of glass fell out, & within the cup of the slide there was only a little dry ball of the scales of sphagnum moss.— The resemblance of the first leaves to those of D.  rotundifolia seems to me an interesting fact, & indicates that D. spathulata is a modified form.1 It is a fact of the same kind as that of the first leaves of the Ulex being trifoliate.2 I sent you a message a little time ago through Lady Lubbock with respect to Bolbophyllum, but I can give only the conjecture which is in my Orchid book p. 138 2d. Edit.3 Pray believe me | My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Postmark: OC 22 77 James G. Zimmer (private collection) 1

Williamson probably used sphagnum moss as a packing material to protect specimens of Drosera spathulata (Australian sundew). CD had discussed D. spathulata in Insectivorous plants, p. 280, noting the difference between its mature leaves and those of D. rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew). The first embryonic leaves (cotyledons) and the leaves of seedlings often differ from the mature form.

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As Ulex (gorse) matures, the trifoliate seedling leaves transition into simple leaves; the trifoliate shape is the ancestral form (Boodle 1914). Bolbophyllum is a genus of orchids with small, dull-coloured flowers; in Orchids 2d ed., p. 138, CD conjectured that the elastic and constantly moving labellum of the flower was of use in attracting insects. His message to Williamson, sent via Ellen Frances Lubbock, has not been found.

From T. F. Cheeseman   23 October 1877 Museum, Auckland, October 23, 1877 My Dear Sir,— I forward to you a copy of a paper on the fertilisation of Selliera, one of the Goodeniaceæ, which perhaps you may care to glance over.1 When I wrote it I did not know of your notes on Leschenaultia, published in the Gardener’s Chronicle for 1871.2 In both plants the pollen is shed before the expansion of the flower, and neatly collected in the indusium, but in Selliera the stigma is situated within the indusium, and by its gradual upward growth after the flower expands slowly forces out the pollen, which is then transferred by insects to older flowers. When mature, the stigma protrudes considerably beyond the indusium. This appears to differ entirely from what takes place in Leschenaultia. I have recently been much interested with the curious irritability displayed by the stigma of Glossostigma elatinoides, one of the Scrophularineæ.3 The style is dilated towards its apex into a broad spoon-shaped stigma, which, when the flower expands, is closely doubled over the four stamens, entirely concealing them from view. If the front of the bent part of the style is touched it at once springs up, uncovering the stamens, and moves back to the upper lobe of the corolla, to which it becomes closely applied. In this position it remains for a few minutes, and then slowly moves back to the stamens and curves over them as at first. It appears to me that this irritability of the stigma is simply a contrivance to insure cross-fertilisation, for an insect crawling into the flower must inevitably touch the stigma, which would then uncover the stamens. On withdrawing, the insect would be certain to dust itself with pollen, but it would not by this effect the fertilisation of the flower, for the stigma would be then closely applied to the upper lobe of the corolla, entirely out of its way. If the insect were, however, to visit another flower it is evident that it must come into contact with the stigma at its first entrance and would doubtless leave some pollen thereon. The movement of the stigma is remarkably rapid, and its apex must pass through an angle of at least 180o. I have been unable to find a record of a similar case, or of so pronounced a degree of irritability in the stigma of any plant. The movement of the lobes of the stigma in Mimulus is much weaker, and is through a much less angle.4 Yours faithfully | T. F. Cheeseman Charles Darwin Esq., F.R.S. Nature, 27 December 1877, pp. 163–45

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Cheeseman’s paper ‘On the fertilization of Selliera’ (Cheeseman 1876) has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Selliera is a New Zealand and Australian swampweed belonging to the family Goodeniaceae, which contains twelve genera. CD’s paper ‘Fertilisation of Leschenaultia’ was published in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 9 September 1871, p. 1166. See also Correspondence vol. 19, letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, [before 9 September 1871]. Leschenaultia (a synonym of Lechenaultia) is in the family Goodeniaceae. Glossostigma elatinoides is a New Zealand aquatic plant in the family Scrophulariaceae (figworts). The genus Mimulus (monkey-flower), formerly in the family Scrophulariaceae, is now in the family Phrymaceae (lopseeds). CD sent Cheeseman’s letter to Nature for publication. See letter from Francis Darwin to T. F. Cheeseman, 12 December 1877.

From G. H. Darwin   23 October 1877 Trin Coll. Camb Oct 23. 77 My dear Father, I have been to see Maxwell today & got his answer to yr. question, which agrees with what I conjectured.1 A thin film of air entangled in a rough surface which water does not wet, will prevent the body under it from drying so rapidly as it wd. otherwise do. Through that film the vapour can only pass by diffusion, whereas if the moist surface were bare, convection would come into play; more or less fresh dry air would be brought near the surface & into this the vapour wd. pass much more rapidly. He illustrated it thus   A field covered with dry stalks of corn will keep the ground moist much longer than without the stalks because the air entangled in the stalks gets moister than the rest of the air & will keep the dryer air from access to the moist surface of the ground. If however you were to replace the stalks by lamp wicks which suck up the water by capillary attraction then there is a continual subtraction of water from the ground which wd. evaporate easily from the tops. There is not however more evaporation from a corrugated moist surface than from a flat equally moist one. Thus a hygroscopic bloom on fruit would not keep the fruit dry, nor yet would it evaporate more rapidly than a smooth surface. I think this meets your views exactly. My own work goes on excellently & I think I shall make a really good hit with it; I have got to do some fearfully hard work yet & I can hardly think of anything else.2 The proposal for yr. LLD comes on at the next meeting of the Council of the Senate & I believe will be voted on on Thursday, but I don’t suppose there will be any opposition.3 I shd. think they wd. propose some day towards the end of Nov & it will be a Thursday anyhow. When does Jim come—4 Tell him Dew has got a telephone.5 Your affectionate son | G H Darwin DAR 162: 66 CD annotation Top of letter : ‘Evaporation’ red crayon

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CD had sent a query to James Clerk Maxwell via George Darwin about the effect of bloom on the speed with which leaves dried (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 18 [October 1877] and enclosure). George was calculating the effect of tides in the body of the earth in order to challenge estimates of the age of the earth based on the supposed retardation of the earth’s rotation due to tidal friction; his work was published by the Royal Society of London the following year (G. H. Darwin 1878). The University of Cambridge intended to confer an honorary degree of doctor of laws (LLD) on CD (see letter to Edward Atkinson, 9 June 1877). The Senate is the governing body of the university. ‘Jim’ was Horace Darwin’s nickname. Horace wrote to George in a letter dated 24 and 25 October 1877, saying that he intended to visit Cambridge in a couple of weeks’ time (DAR 258: 864). Albert George Dew-Smith was an instrument maker who went into partnership with Horace Darwin in 1878 to form the Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company. Much interest in the telephone was generated by its display at the Plymouth meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in August 1877; it had been first (unsuccessfully) demonstrated in Britain at the 1876 Glasgow meeting of the British Association (Arapostathis and Gooday 2013, p. 99).

From W. E. Gladstone   23 October 1877 Kilruddery1 Oct 23. 77. My dear Sir I thank you sincerely for your kindness and accept with thanks your offer to send me the Numbers of Kosmos.2 I am very glad that you are personally giving attention to the subject.3 It would be great presumption in me to pass any judgment on the physiological question though the interest attaching to it might seduce me into such an error. But I was led to touch the subject simply in the character of an anxious student of the text of Homer: and it occurred to me that I might assist more scientific inquirers by collecting together the large number of facts bearing upon the question which the Poems supply. Qualifications or exceptions may be offered on a few points but I think the evidence is conclusive that Homers discrimination of colour was as defective as his sense of form and of motion was exact and lively4 With many thanks I remain | Faithfully yours | WE Gladstone Should you dispatch those Numbers on receipt, my address will be Coollattin | Shillelagh | Ireland.5 About Nov. 10 I expect to return to Hawarden6 DAR 165: 50 1

2 3 4

Kilruddery was the country house of William Brabazon, eleventh earl of Meath, near Bray, county Wicklow, Ireland. Gladstone visited Ireland from 17 October to 12 November 1877, during which time he stayed with Brabazon (who had been a Liberal MP), as well as other Anglo-Irish families in county Wicklow (ODNB). See letter to W. E. Gladstone, 2 October 1877. CD had offered to send copies of Kosmos containing articles on colour vocabulary and colour perception. Some notes by CD on the difficulty young children have in distinguishing colours had been appended to the German translation of his ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ (Kosmos 1 (1877): 367–76). Gladstone 1858 and Gladstone 1877.

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Coollatin, near Shillelagh, county Wicklow, was the Irish country seat of the Liberal politician William Thomas Spencer Wentworth Fitzwilliam, sixth Earl Fitzwilliam. Gladstone’s country residence was Hawarden Castle in Flintshire, Wales.

From E. M. Holmes   23 October 1877 Museum Department | Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain. | 17, Bloomsbury Square, London, W.C. Octr 23/77 Sir I enclose for your acceptance a few seeds of 2 plants which have a very curious structure in the flower.1 I am not aware that the object of the structure has as yet been investigated. The plants are at present in flower at Kew, from whence I begged a few seeds—hoping that you might be induced to investigate the matter, in the able manner in which you have hitherto laid open the secrets of nature. Unfortunately I have neither opportunity nor ability to investigate the plants thoroughly— The hairs on the calyx appear to contain a very acrid fluid & act as stings   The stigma is apparently thoroughly protected from its own pollen until the anthers are over when it elongates. The base of the staminodes however form a kind of lever spring so that an insect alighting on the base of a petal raise the staminodes from the pistil. The object of this arrangement is not obvious to me. Trusting you will pardon in the interests of science the liberty I have taken in addressing you I am Sir | Yours very truly | E. M. Holmes | (Curator) C. Darwin Esq DAR 166: 255 1

These plants have not been identified.

To R. I. Lynch   23 October [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 23d Dear Sir Mr. Dyer suggests that I ought to examine the cotyledons or first leaves of some Coniferous plants.—2 Could you send me a few seeds of any 2  or 3 kinds which germinate pretty soon & easily. I have been much interested by observing the cotyledons of some of the plants, which you were so kind as to select for me, but the observations are most tedious & for various reasons difficult.3 Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Ch. American Philosophical Society (B/D25.306)

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [21 October 1877]. See letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [21 October 1877] and n. 5. CD had requested seeds from the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 11 October [1877]). He recorded the movements of the cotyledons by placing a fine glass filament on the end of a leaf or stem that would then trace out the movement against a wet sponge or horizontal or vertical glass (see Movement in plants, pp. 10–66).

From W. C. Williamson   23 October 1877 Fallowfield Oct. 23/77 My Dear Sir I am sorry that my first experiment failed—but I have now enclosed three young plants in a glass tube in a metal case—& inside a wooden box.1 And as I have plugged one end of the tube with some wet cotton-wool I think you will get them in a state in which you can put them under the Microscope. I am anxious you should see them for the identical reason you mention—viz that they seem so strongly to indicate some genetic affinity with D. rotundifolia2 The hairs may have lost some of their prominence when they reach you. As growing they look very lovely little objects—and though none of mine have yet developed a second leaf of the plumule3 lots of them have already caught insects. Beginning the business of life early!! You will of course see that the Cotyledons have no hairs— I am my Dear Sir | ever yours | W. C. Williamson DAR 86: B14–15 CD annotations 0.1 Fallowfield] ‘Manchester’ ink End of letter : ‘5 Exterior tentacles—& 7 on disc, which is rounded or star-shaped. Very pretty object.’ ink 1 2

3

Williamson had previously sent specimens of Drosera spathulata (Australian sundew), but they had been damaged in transit (see letter to W. C. Williamson, 22 October [1877]). ‘Genetic’ in this context refers to a direct genealogical link. Williamson had pointed out the resemblance between the first leaves of Drosera spathulata and those of D. rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew). See letter to W. C. Williamson, 22 October [1877]. The plumule is the primary shoot or leafbud of the embryo.

From W. E. Darwin   24 October 1877 Bank, Southampton, Oct 24 1877 Dear Father, Will you kindly sign enclosed letter & send me the Key of my Claythorpe title deeds which are deposited at the Union Bk.. I may want Hacon to see them.1 I will see that you have proper security for the £3000 Consols advanced to me.2

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Please send Key & letter to me at New University Club St James Street London Your affect son | W. E. Darwin Cornford Family Papers (private collection) 1

2

The enclosure has not been found. William had inherited Claythorpe farm in Lincolnshire from his aunt Susan Elizabeth Darwin in 1866 (see Correspondence vol. 14, letter from E. A. Darwin, 11 October [1866] and n. 3). William Mackmurdo Hacon was CD’s solicitor. Consol was an abbreviation of consolidated annuities, and referred to British Government bonds. CD’s Investment book (Down House MS), p. 114, records on 1 February 1869, ‘3000 Stock Transfers as a Loan to William E. Darwin he giving me the deeds of his Lincolnshire Estate as security, deposited at Union Bank’.

To W. E. Darwin   24 October [1877]1 Down, Kent. Many thanks.— I have been glad to see enclosed.—2 Mr Bloxham seems well convinced that the stone coffins were left on surface—3 — Sara has been quite charming & very affectionate towards me,—far more than I deserve.4 I am tired to death— good night | my dear old fellow | C. Darwin Oct. 24 DAR 210.6: 149 1 2 3

4

The year is established from the dates of Sara Sedgwick’s visit to Down (see n. 4, below). The enclosure has not been found; it was possibly the information about the stone coffins (see n. 3, below). In his work on monumental architecture, Matthew Holbeche Bloxam discussed the use of stone coffins from the thirteenth century, and noted that the lids were generally raised level with or a few inches above the pavement; he then mentioned a number of stone coffins that were later dug up, noting their distance from the surface (Bloxam 1834, pp. 55–6 and 69–71). Sara Sedgwick, William’s fiancée, stayed at Down House from 13 to 24 October 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

To W. C. Williamson   24 October [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct. 24th My dear Sir It is very kind of you to have taken so much trouble. The specimens are quite beautiful.2 A circular star-formed disc with most elegant glands. D. spathulata must be descended from some form like D. rotundifolia.— Yours faithfully & obliged | Ch. Darwin Sotheby’s (dealers) (14 March 1973)

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. C. Williamson, 23 October 1877. Williamson had sent CD specimens of Drosera spathulata (Australian sundew) to replace ones he had sent earlier that had been damaged in transit (see letter to W. C. Williamson, 22 October [1877], and letter from W.  C.  Williamson, 23  October  1877). Drosera rotundifolia is the common or round-leaved sundew.

From Edward Atkinson   25 October 1877 Clare College Lodge, | Cambridge. October 25, 1877 Sir, I have the honour to inform you that the Grace for conferring upon you the Honorary LL.D. Degree has been this day passed by the Senate with complete unanimity.1 It rests with yourself to select the day on which it would be most agreeable to you to receive it. There are congregations this term on the 1st, the 15th, & the 22nd of November, and on the 6th of December. The Public Orator, by whom recipients of Honorary Degrees are presented, usually wishes for a fortnight’s notice.2 But I am sure that he and all others who bear office in the University would be desirous of meeting your wishes in this matter in every way that they are able. Believe me to be, | Sir | Your very obedient Servant | E. Atkinson Vice Chancellor Charles Darwin Esqre. M.A. F.R.S. | &c &c &c DAR 230: 57 1 2

Atkinson had informed CD in June that the Senate of the University of Cambridge would consider giving him an honorary degree (see letter to Edward Atkinson, 9 June 1877). John Edwin Sandys was the public orator (Cambridge University calendar 1877, p. 243).

To W. E. Gladstone   25 October [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct. 25. My dear Sir I send by this post the two numbers. At p. 264, you will find the criticism & at 423 Dr. Magnus’ answer, & at p 376 my few words on infants.2 The subject seems to me an extremely curious one, whatever the explanation may be. A missionary could say whether low savages have names for shades of colour. I shd. expect that they have not, & this wd. be remarkable for the Indians of Chiloe & Tierra del Fuego have names for every slight promontory & hill,—even to a marvellous degree.— I beg leave to remain with great respect, Yours faithfully Ch. Darwin

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Will you please direct your Secretary to return the numbers, when you have quite finished with them. British Library (Add MS 44455: 210) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. E. Gladstone, 23 October 1877. Gladstone had accepted CD’s offer to send copies of Kosmos containing articles on the vocabulary and perception of colours, including Hugo Magnus’s reply to his critics, and CD’s expanded version of his ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’. See letter to W. E. Gladstone, 2 October 1877, and letter from W. E. Gladstone, 23 October 1877.

To C. E. Norton   25 October 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct 25th. 1877 My dear Mr. Norton We both thank you very sincerely for your most kind letter.1 This marriage delights us, but we feared that it would cause much pain & disappointment to Sara’s friends in your country.2 Sara is a most charming woman, & we felt, even before she accepted my son, as if we were somehow near relations. My son is a most fortunate man, & as he thinks so himself in the most vehement manner, I believe he will make her a good husband. I can answer for his having a most sweet temper. They have also many tastes in common. Sara seems to have a wonderful number of nice friends, as I judge from parts of some of the letters of congratulation which I have heard,—especially one from Mr Lowell in Madrid & from Mr. Simon.—3 I beg you to give my kindest remembrances to all your party, whom I know, & if I may be permitted to the Miss Ashburners4 & Miss Theodora Sedgwick. It was very good of them to send us a kind message about the marriage.— Believe me | Yours ever very sincerely | Charles Darwin Harvard University, Houghton Library (Charles Eliot Norton Papers, MS Am 1088: 1597) 1 2 3 4

Norton’s letter has not been found. Sara Sedgwick was engaged to be married to William Erasmus Darwin; she was Norton’s sister-in-law (see letter from J, D. Hooker, 19 October 1877 and n. 2). James Russell Lowell and John Simon. Anne and Grace Ashburner brought up Sara and Theodora Sedgwick and Norton’s late wife Susan; they were the Sedgwick sisters’ aunts.

From William Saville-Kent   25 October 1877 4 Marine Terrace S.t Clements | Jersey, Oct 25th. 1877. To Charles Darwin Esqre. F.R.S.— My dear Sir You will I think be pleased to hear that I have at length a definite prospect of carrying the proposition submitted to you last spring, & the accomplishment of

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which I may say has been the main object of my ambition during my several years “Apprenticeship” as Naturalist to the leading English Aquaria—Namely—the establishment of an Institution specially devoted to the interests of Marine Zoology & Pisciculture & that shall place at the disposal of British Naturalists those facilities for pursuing Marine Biological Research which under existing auspices can be obtained no nearer than Naples.1 It would certainly have been more to the credit of the Country & more to my own satisfaction if such an Institution could have been established by Private Munificence instead of through the medium of a Public Company—2 Science, however, must nowadays make the most of such opportunities as present themselves & I am only too glad to be able to report to you that the undertaking as set forth in the accompanying Prospectus is on the eve of being carried into execution.3 The Society was in fact Registered by the Jersey States4 last Saturday & by January next I anticipate we shall be in a position to commence active building operations. Numerous promises of support have already been received & I am hoping that the Members of the various Scientific Societies will take, if even ever so little, an interest in it. With the view of enlisting such aid I issue the circular letter enclosed—5 As a sure guarantee that the premises of the Institution shall be used only for Scientific purposes I may refer you to Clause No. 7 of the accompanying Memorandum of Association.6 Should the object & intention of this Institution as now submitted to your notice meet with your approbation to an extent justifying your support of it in any way—or your favourable mention of the same to others interested in the advancement of Marine Biological Science I need scarcely say how grateful I shall be. If again you should at any time have works or papers bearing upon the subject of Marine & general Biology—more especially when edited by yourself—to spare, your contribution of the same to our Library will be greatly appreciated. In return I shall hope at an early date to be able to render you some assistance through the medium of our Dépôt (see Prospectus) by the transmission of living or carefully preserved specimens for Museum or other purposes that you may in future require & of which the Channel Islands produce so luxuriant a variety— Assuring you that when in need of such desiderata either personally or for friends my best services will be always at your command. I remain, My dear Sir | Yours very truly | W Saville Kent. P.S | I am hoping by & by for the full development of the Scientific advantages that this Institution will have to offer, to add to the present Working Committee a second Technical one consisting of the more eminent Biologists of the day. Such a Technical Committee should direct the special branches of Scientific investigation pursued in the Laboratories, receive & utilise the Periodical Reports, & by the weight of their authority secure to the Institution that prominent Scientific position I am ambitious that it should eventually attain— Perhaps when the time for the election of such a Technical Committee arrives you might be induced to concede to the Society the lustre & advantages of your high talent as a member of the same. DAR 169: 6

438 1

2

3 4

5 6

October 1877

Saville-Kent had requested CD’s support to establish an aquarium on Jersey (see letter from William Saville-Kent, 26 March 1877). He had previously worked at the Brighton aquarium and the Manchester aquarium. The Naples Zoological Station with its large aquarium provided facilities for visiting researchers (Heuss 1991, pp. 156–7 and 164). CD had provided substantial support for the Naples station (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter to Anton Dohrn, 7 March 1874). CD had declined to have his name attached to a proposal for a commercial aquarium, but had offered to consider subscribing to one established purely for scientific purposes (see letter to William Saville-Kent, 28 March [1877]). The prospectus has not been found. The States of Jersey is the parliament and government of the British Crown dependency of Jersey in the Channel Islands. In October 1877, Saville-Kent had registered his company under the name of the Channel Island Zoological Station, Museum & Institute of Pisciculture Society Limited (Harrison 1997, p. 34). This circular has not been found. This memorandum of association has not been found.

To J. D. Hooker   [26 October 1877]1 6. Queen Anne St. Friday My dear Hooker I am very very sorry to trouble you so soon, but you can pass my request on Mr Lynch, who has already sent me seeds.—2 I want badly a few seeds of Mimosa pudica, & if possible of Desmodium gyrans & of any Cassia.— We want to watch the cotyledons of these plants. From what Frank & I have seen, I think we shall be able to show that all the automatic movements of mature plants are developments of the wonderful automatic movements of the stem & cotyledons of all the plants which we have as yet observed.—3 I have just read the nice little sketch of you in Nature & your own paper.—4 We go home on Monday & have come here for 3 days, as I wanted rest,—the cotyledons having worn me out.—5 Yours affecy | C. Darwin DAR 95: 455–6 1

2 3 4 5

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 11 October [1877], and by CD’s reference to staying at 6 Queen Anne Street (see n. 5, below). In 1877, 26 October was a Friday. The seeds sent by Richard Irwin Lynch had arrived on 10 October (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 11 October [1877] and nn. 2 and 3). The movements of the cotyledons of Mimosa pudica, Desmodium gyrans, and Cassia observed by CD and Francis Darwin were described in Movement in plants, pp. 37, 357–64, 369–73. The issue of Nature for 25 October 1877 contained a biographical sketch of Hooker by Asa Gray (A. Gray 1877a), and an article by Hooker on the botany of the Rocky Mountains (J. D. Hooker 1877). CD stayed at 6 Queen Anne Street, the home of Erasmus Alvey Darwin, from 26 to 29 October 1877; he had been working on cotyledons and the movement of plants since July (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

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To Edward Atkinson   27 October 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 27. 1877— Sir I am much obliged for your kind letter, in which you inform me that the Senate has passed a Grace conferring on me the great honour of an L.L.D. Degree.1 In some respects Dec. 6th would be much more convenient to me than an earlier date, and as you are so obliging as to give me the choice, I will fix on this day. I beg leave to remain | Sir | your obliged & obedient servant | Charles Darwin To the Vice Chancellor LS Cambridge University Library (Add 6582: 427) 1

See letter from Edward Atkinson, 25 October 1877.

From J. P. Chesney   28 October 1877

Saint Joseph, Mo., Oct. 28th, 1877.

Mr. Charles Darwin: | Scientist— | London, England:— My Dear Sir— I send you herewith a description of a ‘specimen’ which has of late been attracting very considerable attention among the Public and semi Scientific of our western plains,—hoping that it may awaken in your bosom enthusiasm sufficient to have you cross the Atlantic for its inspection, thereby gaining to America the pleasure of a visit from one whose name she delights to honor.1 The history of the fossil, (if such it really is) is as follows:— It was discovered by Mr. Conett2 a retired Journalist, and somewhat a geologist, formerly from the state of New York but now a citizen of Pueblo, a small town situated at the eastern base of the Rocky Mountains, in the south eastern portion of the new state of Colorado, and not far distant from the famous “Pike’s Peak” gold and silver region.3 The locality in which this town is situated is noted for its profusion of fossiliferous organic remains, and has more than once been the theatre of research for the noted American Archaeologist, Prof. Marsh; and, I may add, presents numerous traces also of having been in the distant ages of the past the choosen home of the most enlightened among the aboriginal inhabitants of the continent.4 Of the particular geological features of the region however, I am not informed. Mr. Conett had been in the habit of frequenting this locality in search of antiquated curiosities, and on one of these excursions during the forepart of September last—7 weeks ago, he found himself twenty five miles south west of Pueblo. At noon he sat down on the ground to take his lunch, and while so engaged he observed very near him, protruding from a gravelly spot three or four connical objects which appeared in shape very like human toes. Slight investigation proved that these digital extremities were attached to a veritable foot, the foot to a leg, the leg to a thigh, the

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thigh to a pelvis, and so upward to the vertex of an immense man, perfect—more than complete, in all its parts. The general features of the body, as observed by me, when I, in company with my friend Dr. S. F. Carpenter,5 examined it and took its exact measurement in this city, on Monday last, may be thus stated: Soft tissues entire, but nothing representing hair either on the scalp, face or bodies. The face is that of a caucassian of ordinary intellect; nose long, straight and well proportioned; lips thin, firm, and in close contact; the orbits filled with the globe, and the auricular appendage well and elegantly proportioned—the lobes being small and attached as in the highest-bred Anglo-saxon. The fore head recedes from the supra-orbital ridge at an angle of not more than 20o. above a plain, and gives us the curious ethnological fact of an imcommonly inferior intellectual development associated with a face of pleasing outline. The measurements of the skull will show that the cranium has none of the features common to the American Indian, even of the earliest known type,—the low and receding forehead excepted. It lacks the short antero-posterior diameter, the great breadth between the ears, the flat occiput, towering vertex, high cheek bones and ponderous jaws. In these particulars it more nearly approaches the Negro. It presents the receding forehead, shortened biparietal measurement, and disproportionally enlarged posterior development, but lacks the prognathous mouth and jaws. The cervix is well proportioned, with pomum Adami prominently appearant, representing an individual not beyond middle life, while the obtuse angle of the lower jaw would make him older. The supra-sternal fossa is well marked, though no claviculae as such can be traced. The right arm rests by the side, elbow flexed, forearm resting upon the chest, hand prone and fingers extended with their tips near the inner extremity of the left clavicle, while the left pectoral region is exposed, but shows no trace of a nipple. The infra-sternal depression is observed by the position of the arm, while the abdomen maintains the full and rounded outline of a vigorous young man in life— there being no retraction of the soft tissues toward the spine as after death from a wasting malady. No umbilicus can be made out. The penis is well formed, showing the ‘glans’. It is in a retracted condition and measures 312 in. The outlines of a scrotum is appearant—and in its relaxed condition falls below the point of the penis. Neither the processes of the ilia nor the trochantus are very well defined, but enough so to allow of very accurate measurement. The patellae and malleoli are, however, well formed and in proper anatomical position. The inferior limbs are elegantly moulded, but not developed like those of an athlete;—constructed more seemingly for locomotion than for sustaining burdens. The prime distinguishing feature however of this lithic body is its caudal member,—a veritable tail, which is a prolongation from the point where the coccyx normally terminates, and immediately beneath which is situated a deep fossa representing the sulcus of the anus. The next departure from normality exhibited by this monolith is found in the conformation of its pedal extremities. The right foot only is perfect.— The posterior portion is normal, but passing forward we find an

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absence of the plantar arch, the foot being almost flat; the dorsal surface is lacking in the high ‘instep’ common to civilized man, consequently the foot is flat, thin and broad in undue proportion; this feature is very much exagerated near to and at the metatarso-phalangeal articulation. The great toe is adherent to its fellow, is very much shorter than the others, its extremity scarcely reaching beyond the metatarsal articulation of the others, while a sulcus on both the plantar and dorsal surface extending far below gave evidence that the toe could have been freely extended at right angles with the foot in the living animal, thus rendering it the analogue of the thumb, and making it probable that the foot was not used much for walking— the toes being utilized as organs of prehension as are the fingers. The toes themselves, however, are of peculiar conformation; instead of the semi-bulbous condition at their terminal extremities as in man, they are acuminate—the slope commencing sharply a little way in front of the first joint on their lateral aspect and terminating the toe in an acute point, thus leaving them separated at the tips by a triangular space of considerable extent. The left foot is the exact counterpart of the other, but the toes are wanting. The left leg is flexed—knee drawn up, with heel resting near right internal malleolus, the tendons of the Biceps Flexor Crusius and the muscles forming the internal hamstring are sharply prominent, and so leave the popliteal space deep and noticable. The left arm lies extended with hand outstreached and resting upon the left thigh,—the hands presenting nothing abnormal in shape or proportion save an unusual lateral development of their ulnar border, which renders them proportionally too broad. The fingers are the well shaped digits of a man, with the situation of the nails appearant. The entire surface of the figure is covered with depressions which I cannot better describe than by terming them ‘digital fossa’, as on the body they are almost the shape and size of finger prints; or perhapse they appear more like the depressions caused by very large raindrops in a smoothe surface of soft mud. On the extremities these pits are smaller and closer together. Passing obliquely across the pelvis and also across one leg is a deep fissure—very narrow, seemingly eroded as if from the action of a small stream of water, while the maculated condition of the surface presented physical evidences of having been the work of the ages. The material of which this “Colorado Giant” as he is called is composed is a bluish-gray limestone, while internally, as shown by a fracture across the chest which occurred at the time of exhumation, and by borings into the head and body, it is mainly of a christiatine character intersperced with friable material of diferent colors;6—in this particular very much like the ‘geodes’ which were wont to deceive us so egregiously as to their weight in our boyhood days. Its weight is very much less than an equal bulk of solid limestone. The Measurements: From Mental Protruberance to Nasal spina 6 in.; Nasal spina to Occipital Protruberance, 14 in.; Occipital Prot. to Atlas, 534 in.; between ex. aug. Processes of os frontis,

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514 in.; Nasal spine to Auditory meatus, 7 in.; Auditory meatus to occipital prot., 812 in.; bet. Auditory meati over vertex, 14 in.; circumference of cervix, 16 in.; bet. labial commissures, 212 in.; transverse diam. of orbit, 214 in.; perpendicular diam. of do. 2 in.; bet. malar protruberances, 6 in.; mental prot. to maxilary articulation, 614 in.; ear, from inf. to sup. border, 312 in.; transverse—2 in.; humerous, 21 in.; ulna, 1718 in.; radius, 16 5 1 8 in.; articulation of wrist to extreme of middle finger, 122 in.;— from do. to extreme 3 of thumb, 84 in.; metacarpo-phalingeal artic. to ex. of middle finger, 912 in.; breadth of hand, 512 in.; acromion to inf. ex. of sternum, 15 in.; chest bet. acromial extremities, 2512 in.; inf. ex. of sternum to os pubis, 20 in.; acromion to ant. sup. spinous process of ilium, 2414 in.; bet. ant. sup. spi. proc. of ilium, 16 in; circumferance of body at umbilicus, 36 in.; ant. sup. sp. proc. ilium to pubis, 10 in.; caudal appendage 212 in. long—412 in. in circumferance at root; ant. sup. sp. proc. of ilium to great trochanter, 10 in.; great trochanter to center of patella, 2012 in.; center of patella to center of ext. malleolus, 1912 in.; ex. malleolus to center of plantar surface of heel, 5 in.; length of foot, 1334 in.; breadth at art. of toes, 534 in.; circumferance of foot in center, 11 in.; cir. of thigh in center, 20 in.; cir. of leg in cen., 16 in.; cir. of knee joint, 20 in.; full length of stature, 10012 in., (from crown to sole.) height in erect posture, 7 ft. 512 in. I send you the foregoing statements as to the facts as I observed them, omitting any comments, because I am not an expert in the solution of such problems. I merely make this statement from the fact that many doubt its fossiliferous character, and express the belief, however illy founded, that it is a work of art. Any information further upon this subject if in my power, I shall be glad to convey upon request. I am, My dear Sir. | Your obt. Servt. | J. P. Chesney. DAR 161: 139 1

2

3

4

5 6

On 16 September 1877, a large fossilised human skeleton was discovered near Beulah, Colorado; the backbone extended in the manner of a tail was taken to suggest the truth of CD’s theory that humans descended from an ape-like ancestor (Tribble 2009, p. 211). This ‘Colorado Giant’ or ‘Solid Muldoon’ was thought to be a petrified man by some, but others considered it to be an ancient work of art (New York Times, 27 September 1877, p. 2). It toured the United States before it was revealed to be a hoax in January 1878 (Tribble 2009, pp. 212–13). The discovery was made by William A. Conant (New York Times, 27 September 1877, p. 2). It later transpired that Conant worked for the showman Phineas Taylor Barnum, and was in on the hoax with the Colorado Giant’s maker, George Hull (New York Times, 27 January 1878, p. 12). Conant displayed the Colorado Giant in Pueblo, Colorado, charging twenty-five cents for a viewing (Stansfield 2011, pp. 51 and 93). Pike’s Peak is in the Southern Rocky Mountains. It gave its name to the 1859 gold rush in Colorado, when gold was discovered in the region; silver deposits were also found in the same area (Voynick 1992, pp. 15–31). Colorado became a state in 1876. Othniel Charles Marsh was professor of palaeontology at Yale University; he was noted for his work on dinosaurs. The area around Pueblo is famed for its archaeological excavations of the homes of ancestral Native Americans. Stephen F. Carpenter. The crystalline nature of the Colorado Giant was revealed by boring into the supposed fossil; Hull had learned that oxidised iron crystals would be found in the interior of a petrifaction, and had ensured their introduction by sleight of hand during the examination of the stone man in St Joseph, Missouri (Tribble 2009, p. 212).

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From Francis Darwin   [28 October 1877?]1 My dear Father, We sent yr proofs because we are not certain whether you are coming tomorrow or not.2 I have done Ricinus which certainly nutates when bent into a knuckle.3 I failed with Maize. I am doing a hazel which has come up & which is certainly moving & I think it is real nutation. The blackened oats have sent out leaves but they are broad & short.4 Bernard is all right & very jolly.5 Horace is rather languid but working at the wormograph. Yesterday no power could extract the bar but he has had a clamp made by Reeves.6 How is Richard going on?7 Yr affec son | Frank Darwin Many thanks for Nature which I have sent off8 DAR 274.1: 45 1 2 3

4

5 6

7 8

The date is conjectured from the reference to CD’s return to Down, and from Horace Darwin’s work on the worm stone (see nn. 2 and 6, below). CD was in London from 26 to 29 October 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). The proofs have not been identified. CD had received a specimen of Ricinus communis (castor-oil plant), along with other plants, from Kew on 3 July 1877 (letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 9 July [1877] and n. 2). Nutation is the term used to describe the revolving movement made by the tip of various parts of a plant as it grows; in Movement in plants, pp. 1–4, CD expressed his preference for the term circumnutation to describe this movement. CD was attempting to test the effect of light on plant leaves by blocking it (see letter from Leonard Darwin, 28 November 1877 and n. 2), probably in order to distinguish between circumnutation and heliotropism. For the results of CD’s experiments with blackened oats (Avena sativa), see Movement in plants, pp. 167–8. Bernard Darwin, Francis Darwin’s son, was just over a year old. Horace Darwin was building an apparatus to measure the rate at which stones on the surface of the soil are buried by the action of earthworms; it was set up under a large Spanish chestnut tree in the garden at Down House. Horace later reported that in order to construct a fixed point from which the displacement could be measured, a 2.63 metre iron rod was first driven into the ground before being replaced by a copper rod of slightly larger diameter (H. Darwin 1901, p. 253). Horace purchased a copper rod in London around 24 October 1877 (see letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [c. 25 October 1877] (DAR 219.9: 167). Evidently, the iron rod proved difficult to extract without the aid of the clamp made by the Down blacksmith, William Reeves. Richard Buckley Litchfield had fallen seriously ill while travelling in Switzerland, owing to inept treatment for acute appendicitis (Litchfield 1910, p. 150). Possibly the issue of Nature that contained both a sketch of Joseph Dalton Hooker and a paper by him (see letter to J. D. Hooker, [26 October 1877] and n. 4).

From G. H. Darwin   [28 October 1877]1 Sunday My dear Father, I suppose you will have heard from the Vice Chancellor consulting you as to what time you will like to take your degree.2

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October 1877

I gather from Hughes & Dr. Phear that they would like you to fix on three or four days on which you could come up, out of which they cd. take their choice.3 I told you that there were only stated days on which you cd. take the degree, but I hear now that there is some talk of an extra-congregation but of which no date is fixed & that is why I ask you to name a space of several days— if it included a Thursday I think they wd. be able to have their choice of the ordinary day or the extra day. I wd. suggest the week from Nov 18th.–23rd. I don’t kno’ whether there wd. be any degree besides yr’s on the extra day but perhaps there might be   The special day wd. be a much shorter job than the other because there wd be no ordinary business & wd be over in 20 min. The master of Emman Dr. Phear is very anxious for a special day, but I don’t yet know what the Vice C. thinks4   There might be a few other degrees conferred on the Special day, but I don’t much think there wd. be. However I dare say you will have settled it all before you get this.5 I am afraid I have been working rather too hard lately & I did an act of great courage yesterday in putting aside my work, but I don’t feel as if I cd. take an interest in anything else.6 I was working a good deal when I really was’nt up to it & was very seedy yesterday & today I cd. hardly work if I would. I will try to work a little easier when I start again, but you can’t think what a pang it cost me to lay it aside (The rest is the fag end of a letter I wrote last night in consequence of some bother about yr degree but which is all removed by what I heard afterwards) even for a day, for I am just bearing down on the most interesting point. However I went on till I had finished the most difficult point, & I shall be able to take up the thread again now that that is down in black & white. I feel almost confident now that tides in the body of the Earth will have altered the obliquity of the Ecliptic—& there’s a grand result for the geologists to play with. How much & which way I hav’nt the least idea but I suspect it would take a million years even with a very perceptible earth tide to make a considerable change in the obliquity. But we’ve got a good bank of time to draw on & surely even a few degrees of change in geological history wd be very important. I think it is just on the cards that it may turn out to be an inequality of enormous period say a million years decreasing & then a million increasing but I don’t quite see my way to that yet. I am so very glad to hear poor Hen. is about again7   I hadn’t the least idea that you were going to pay a visit to London. I hope you will find Uncle Ras tol. Perhaps I will run up for a night— how long do you stay. perhaps tomorrow8 I wonder whether you cd.  persuade Frank to come up to Cambridge for your L.LD— Newton Clark & others wd. be so very glad to see him. Is Bessy in London with you?9 Your affectionate son | G. H. Darwin I’ve left off tee-totalling for I don’t think it suited & I must say like my wine very much

October 1877

445

Will you send me a telegram if there is not room for me— I think a day or two’s change may get me up again DAR 210.2: 60–1 1 2 3 4 5 6

7

8 9

The date is established by the references to the vice-chancellor’s letter and to CD’s visit to London (see n. 8, below). In 1877, 28 October was a Sunday. See letter from Edward Atkinson, 25 October 1877, concerning the honorary LLD (doctor of laws) that was to be conferred on CD. Thomas McKenny Hughes and Samuel George Phear served on the Senate of the University of Cambridge. Phear was the master of Emmanuel College, Cambridge; the vice-chancellor of the university was Atkinson. CD had written to Atkinson on 27 October 1877, expressing his preference for the degree ceremony to take place on 6 December. George Darwin was continuing to work on his paper on the supposition that that the earth was composed of a viscous or imperfectly elastic matter, and thus subject to tides in its interior (G. H. Darwin 1878; see letter to G. H. Darwin, 18 [October 1877] and n. 3). Henrietta Emma Litchfield had fallen ill with a fever in Switzerland while caring for her husband, Richard Buckley Litchfield, who was recovering from an appendectomy (letter from Horace Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 24–5 October 1877 (DAR 258: 864)). CD and Emma Darwin visited Erasmus Alvey Darwin in London from 26 to 29 October 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Francis Darwin had become friends with Alfred Newton and John Willis Clark while he was a student at Cambridge. It is not known whether Elizabeth (Bessy) Darwin visited London.

From W. M. Moorsom   28 October 1877 Ewell | Surrey Oct 28/77

Dear Sir, A few weeks ago I wrote to you from Whitehaven & related a story about elephants getting drunk.1 Yesterday I happened to fall in with the book in wh: I read the story originally— I have copied out the passage, & enclose it— The title of the book is “The Large Game, and Natural History of South & South East Africa from the Journals of the Hon: W. H. Drummond. Edinbro’ Edmonston & Douglas 1875—”2 In the Preface the writer says his experiences extended over 5  years ending in 1872 “during which time to all intents & purposes I lived amongst the natives & the game”3 “About Natural History as a Science I know little or nothing— I have been careful to exclude everything but what has come within my personal knowledge—”4 If this be true, Mr. Drummond has himself seen the elephants in a state of intoxication, but the wording of the passage itself is a little hazy— I suppose the fruit of the “umganu tree” contains alcohol when ripe or when decaying?5

446

October 1877

I must apologize for troubling you with this story but it may be interesting to you, if it is to be relied on; & if not to be relied on, it is well that the mistake or inaccuracy should be made clear— Yours faithfully | W M Moorsom Chas: Darwin Esqr. F.R.S. [Enclosure] “Even in Zululand there is but one spot where they (elephants) still exist. They frequent the country from the Pongolo northward, during the summer season, retiring to their fastnesses in the interior at the approach of winter— The general time of their arrival is simultaneous with the ripening of the fruit of the umganu tree, of which they are passionately fond & doubtless come in search of— This fruit is capable of being made into a strong intoxicating drink & the elephants after eating it become quite tipsy, staggering about, playing huge antics, screaming so as to be heard miles off & not seldom having tremendous fights.— Native hunters fear to approach them when in this state, but on the principle that it is safer to quarrel with a drunken man than a sober one, I consider that so long as you possess sufficient nerve not to become flustered by their trumpeting or by the exhibitions of strength displayed upon the trees & upon one another, you have far more chance at such a time of killing several as they are not so likely to take to flight at the first shot & perhaps make their next halt 30 miles off.” DAR 171: 236 1 2 3 4 5

See letter from W. M. Moorsom, 10 September 1877. Drummond 1875. Drummond 1875, p. ix. Drummond 1875, p. x. Drummond had described intoxicated elephants in Drummond 1875, pp. 213–14, a section of which is copied in the enclosure to this letter. He attributed their state to the consumption of the fruit of the Southern African umganu or marula tree (Sclerocarya birrea). The fruit can be used to produce an alcoholic liqueur, but it is thought unlikely that the fermented fruit could make elephants drunk (Morris et al. 2006).

To G. H. Darwin   [after 28 October 1877]1 My dear G. I have thought that you possibly might like to see enclosed, just received.—2 I am heartily glad that your work prospers, but do for Heaven sake strive against overwork—3 You will have seen by your mother’s letter that I have fixed (before receiving your letter) Dec. 6th & so write to V. Chancellor.— Dr Cartmell begged me not to fix Decb. 15th4 Yours affect | C.D.—

October 1877

447

You will have to get us rooms.—5 DAR 210.1: 60 1 2 3 4

5

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, [28 October 1877]. The enclosure has not been found. George had confessed that he was feeling unwell from working constantly on his paper on the tides in the interior of the earth (see letter from G. H. Darwin, [28 October 1877]). Emma Darwin’s letter to George has not been found, but see the letter to Edward Atkinson, 27 October 1877, in which CD suggested that he receive his honorary degree on 6 December. CD later learned that the best time in George’s opinion would be the week of 18 to 23 November (see letter from G. H. Darwin, [28 October 1877]). James Cartmell was the master of Christ’s College, Cambridge, CD’s undergraduate college. George would have had to arrange accommodation for all the members of the Darwin family who planned to attend the degree ceremony.

From Francis Darwin to W. M. Moorsom   29 October 1877 Down | Beckenham Kent Dear Sir, My father directs me to thank you for the letter containing the details about the elephant case.1 If the story is true it appears to my father to be far more probable that the fruit contains some alkaloid such as that in indian hemp.2 This would equally well agree with the natives making a drink from it for similar cases are known e.g. the intoxicating (not alcoholic) liquor brewed from agaricus muscarius by certain steppe tribes (Tartars I believe)3 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Francis Darwin Oct 29. 1877. Copy DAR 146: 385b 1 2 3

See letter from W. M. Moorsom, 28 October 1877. In 1876, Vasily Preobrazhensky had asserted that the active principle of Indian hemp (Cannabis sativa) was an alkaloid, which he identified as nicotine (Watt 1889–93, 2: 125). William Benjamin Carpenter had reported that the Tartars, who lived a nomadic life on the steppes of Russia, used the fly agaric (Amanita muscaria, a synonym of Agaricus muscarius) for the purposes of intoxication (Carpenter 1873, p. 316). The natives of Kamchatka in Russia were also famed for producing an inebriating liquor from Agaricus muscarius (W. J. Hooker 1821, pt 2: 19).

To Emil Ertl   [31 October 1877]1 […] I have pleasure in sending you my signature, as you request.—2 I wish you all success in your scientific studies & career […] Incomplete3 J. A. Stargardt (dealer) Cat. 634 (26 November 1985)

448 1 2 3

October 1877

The letter is described in the catalogue as sent from Down on 31 October 1877. Ertl’s letter requesting CD’s autograph has not been found. The original letter is complete and is described in the sale catalogue as being one page long.

To Raphael Meldola   31 October [1877]1 From Mr. C. Darwin Down, Beckenham. Thanks.— The 2 vols have arrived all safe.—2 I hope that you may succeed in finding a Publisher.— The proof-drawing is very curious.3 C. D I suppose that the proof is not to be returned, but if you want it send me a card.— Oct. 31. ApcS Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Raphael Meldola, 22 October [1877]. Meldola was probably returning CD’s volumes of August Weismann’s essays (Weismann 1875 and 1876), which he hoped to translate into English (see letter from Raphael Meldola, 20 October 1877 and n. 2). The proof-drawing has not been identified.

From W. W. Bailey   [November 1877]1 31 Market Square, | Providence, R.I. United States. Charles Darwin, F. R. S. Dear Sir, I was pleased to learn that you were interested in the various contents of my last note.2 When th〈at〉 was written I was unable to send you the flowers of Bouv〈ard〉ia Leiantha, but I now inclose them.3 The gardener in w〈h〉ose 〈ho〉thouse they grew, said the long-styled form was a sport. 〈I〉 suspect that in a s〈tat〉e of nature it is sport that means mischief. The long-stamened clusters are comparatively scarce, & Dr Gray, in the last Torrey Bulletin confirms what I said about Gentiana Andrewsii: it is visited by humble-bees.4 I hope the pressed plants within will arrive safely and be of some use to you, Respectfully yours | W. Whitman Bailey Instructor of Botany | Brown University— DAR 160: 17 CD note: Dried flowers Bouvardia | Measure pollen & length of Pistil & Stamens

October 1877 1

2 3

4

449

The date is established by the reference to Asa Gray’s article, which was published in October (see n. 4, below), and by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. W. Bailey, 10 December [1877], in which CD mentions the arrival of some specimens. See letter from W. W. Bailey, 28 September 1877. CD’s reply has not been found. In his letter of 28 September 1877, Bailey promised to send CD dried specimens of the Mexican plants Bouvardia leiantha (an evergreen shrub of the madder family). In Forms of flowers, p. 135, CD had cited Bailey 1876 for his claim that the plant was heterostyled. In the October issue of the Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club, Asa Gray described how humble-bees forced their way into the closed flowers of Gentiana andrewsii (bottle gentian; A. Gray 1877b); he cited Bailey’s observations from the September issue of the same journal (Bailey 1877).

To James Cartmell   [November 1877]1 My dear Dr Cartmell, I thank you cordially, for your extremely kind letter.2 Dec 6th will be much the most convenient time for me to attend at Cambridge & in answer to a letter from the V.C. I have proposed this date.3 It is very good of you to invite me again to the Lodge, but I am sorry to say I must decline your kindness.—4 As I shd be very sorry that you shd. think me ungrateful, allow me to tell you that I suffer so much especially in my head, from all excitement that I cannot sit erect more than half an evening even with my nearest relations. On such occasion as receiving so great an honour as the L.L D. degree it wd be absolutely necessary for me to live quite by myself. I am aware that these details may appear superfluous but I have thought it best to state the simple truth. Pray believe | yours truly obliged | C. D. ADraftS DAR 202: 26v 1

2 3 4

The month and year are established by the reference to the award of an honorary LLD degree to CD at the University of Cambridge; the ceremony took place on 17 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Cartmell’s letter has not been found. See letter to Edward Atkinson, 27 October 1877. V.C.: vice-chancellor. Cartmell was master of Christ’s College, Cambridge, CD’s college when he was an undergraduate.

From G. M. Asher to John Murray1   1 November 1877 8 Cambridge Terrace; Railton Road | London. Nov. 1. 77 Dear Sir Would you kindly communicate the following fact to Mr. Darwin: On the steppes along the river Wolga a kind of wheat called Cubanka or White Turkish wheat is cultivated; which only maintains its original character as long as the soil is nearly virgin; then changing over into another kind well known in the English market as “Saxonca”.2 These two kinds of wheat, are as regards the plant (not so

450

November 1877

much as regards the corn itself) as plainly different from each other as any two kinds of the same plant can be. What is most strange is that (by my inexperienced eye at least) no intermediate forms could be discovered; but that on the same field 〈and〉 from the same seed side by side you find Saxonca and Cubanka wheat. As regards the seed, the Saxonca is shorter and rounder as well as smaller, the Cubanka larger, thicker and heavier; The colour also is mostly for the Cubanka whiter than for the Saxonca. The variations are alltogether so great that I witnessed wheat from the same neighbourhood being sold for about 15/– and about 7/– 〈a〉 hundredweight. If Mr. Darwin should think the matter interesting I shall try to obtain for him specimens of seed and either this autumn or at all events next autumn specimens of the plants: stating how long the seeds have been, from the same 〈  〉ginals, sown on the same field.3 It would however I believe be well worth some young botanist’s while to go to the Russian steppes and to collect specimens. Close inquiry will no doubt show an extraordinary disposition to vary; and at the same time a jumping passage from 〈one〉 variety to another which is, I believe contrary to the generally assumed laws of variation. | Dear Sir | Yr truly | Dr. G. M. Asher DAR 159: 116 1 2

3

Murray is identified as the addressee from a note at the top of the letter, ‘NB. Writer not known to me— JM | Novr 2’, in Murray’s handwriting. Asher, a Russian-born historian, had spent time after 1870 studying German communities along the Volga in Russia. Saxonka and Kubanka were common wheat varieties in northern Russia (Saunders 1889). Asher sent seeds to CD in 1878 (Correspondence vol. 26, letter from G. M. Asher, 14 February 1878). CD sent them to Alexander Stephen Wilson (ibid., letter to A. S. Wilson, 24 April 1878), who reported the results of his experiments in Wilson 1879–81. Wilson concluded that Saxonka and Kubanka did not transform into one another, but that Saxonka, being more fertile and having greater vitality, generally came to predominate when a mixture was planted.

To Horace Darwin   1 November [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Nov. 1 My dear Horace I have had a very civil letter from the son of Ld Eldon’s agent, but it is clear he has got no information worth anything, but says he will observe again.— He tells me that at Cirencester there is a Roman pavement, exposed 50  years ago, & that this is not level, & this is a point about which I am curious.—2 Thinking over whole case, it seems to me that it wd be very desirable for my work, that you shd. inspect Chedworth in the big woods & Cirencester.3 You wd have to go to the latter to visit Chedworth.— Will it interfere seriously with your Cambridge plans, for if so I shd. not at all like you to go?— Frank says he shd. like to go with you. I cd afterwards tell you the several points— A whole day at Chedworth or rather at Foss

November 1877

451

Bridge4 would suffice, & 12 day at Cirencester. I have asked Mr Hall to give me letter of introduction for you to person in charge. The job wd be to get a labourer, & I shd like one hole dug beneath foundations of one of the old walls to a depth of 1 foot or 18 inches.— I hope that your water-works progress well.—5 Pick the surgeon was here yesterday & say Lennys knee is going on as well as possible—6 —No inflammation.— & that in a fortnights time he is with knee-caps on to try a kind of walking first with 2 crutches & then with one.— By next summer he thinks knee will be quite strong.— Fairly good account today of Litchfield—7 Your affect Father | C. Darwin DAR 185: 4 1 2

3 4 5 6

7

The year is established from a reference in Earthworms, p. 198, to Horace and Francis Darwin’s visit to the Roman villa at Chedworth, Gloucestershire, in November 1877. The agent of John Scott (Lord Eldon) and his son have not been identified, although their surname was presumably Hall (see below in the letter). The letter from the agent’s son has not been found. CD did not mention the pavement at Cirencester, Gloucestershire, in Earthworms, but it may have been the one at Barton Farm, Cirencester (see Sewell and Powell 1910). See also letter from T. H. Farrer, 5 September 1877 and n. 1. CD gave an account of Horace and Francis’s findings at Chedworth in Earthworms, pp. 197–9. Fossebridge is the location of an inn near Chedworth. Earlier in the year, Horace had been working on the waterworks at Brighton (letter from Horace Darwin to Emma Darwin, [February 1877?] (DAR 258: 817)). Leonard Darwin had hurt his knee playing lawn tennis (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [23 September 1877] (DAR 219.9: 159)). Pick the surgeon: Thomas Pickering Pick, assistant surgeon at St George’s Hospital, London. The letter has not been found. Richard Buckley Litchfield, CD’s son-in-law, had been taken ill with appendicitis in Switzerland in September; he and CD’s daughter Henrietta Emma Litchfield returned to England on 8 November (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [13 September 1877] (DAR 219.9: 155), postcard from H. E. Litchfield to G. H. Darwin, [8 November 1877] (DAR 245: 314), Emma Darwin (1915) 2: 227).

From E. A. Darwin   2 November [1877?]1 Nov 2 Dear Charles I scarcely know if it is worth repeating but at the Club yesterday Mangles said “I got your Brothers autograph in a curious way today   I was looking into Sprenger’s (?) Mosses & there was his letter pasted into it. I observed to the Librarian that if ever Sprenger should happen to see it it might have an awkward look as if you despised the book   The Libr agreed & tore it out & I kept the auto:”2 Yours aff | EAD DAR 105: B101

452 1 2

November 1877

The year is conjectured from an archivist’s note on the letter. CD and his brother, Erasmus, were both members of the Athenaeum Club in London. There were several men at the club with the surname Mangles, but Erasmus probably refers to James Henry Mangles, who was a member of the committee (Waugh [1888]). The librarian of the Athenaeum in 1877 was Henry Richard Tedder. ‘Sprenger’s Mosses’ has not been identified.

From ‘Bronsomerulay’ Frazier1   [2 November 1877] Handed in at the Edinboro Nicholson St Office at 11.10 .M. Received here at 12.10 .M. From | Bronsom[erualy] Frazier | 8 Tarvit St | Ellinboro2 To | Dr Charles Darwin | Down | Beckenham Kent At Meeting of Students at Ellingburgh University it was Unanimously agreed that you be requested to allow yourself to be nominated as Candidate for Lord [Rectoghh]3 Immediate reply Nominate tomorrow Telegram Postmark: NO 2 77 DAR 202: 102 1

2 3

The name Bronsomerulay Frazier is an artefact of the telegraph system, and may represent more than one surname. The telegram is a pink carbon copy, accompanied by a separate address slip cut from a form and filled in with ink. The slip, which may have been requested by CD to clarify the name of the sender, clearly reads ‘Bronsomerulay Frazier’, whereas the apparent forename on the telegram is unclear. Eight Tarvit Street, Edinburgh, was a tenement building containing several households (Scottish census returns). One or more of them may have rented a room to a student. The lord rector was elected by the students to represent them on the governing body of the university. In 1877, Spencer Cavendish, eighth duke of Devonshire, was elected rector (The Times, 20 November 1877, p. 4).

To ‘Bronsomerulay’ Frazier   [2 November 1877]1 Sir— I can assure you that I have felt deeply the honour, which the student at Univ E. have wished to confer on me by unanimously agreeing to propose my name as Lord Rector; & I shall ever remember this, their act with extreme pleasure, & all the more from having myself been a student at E. for 2 years.—2 I hope that you will express my feelings to the other students— But the state of my health renders it absolutely impossible that that I shd accept the honour, as I cd not withstand the unavoidable [excitement] & fatigue.— Again tendering my heart-felt thanks | I remain Sir | Your ever obliged servant | C. D Draft DAR 202: 48

November 1877 1

2

453

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the telegram from ‘Bronsomerulay’ Frazier, [2 November 1877], and by the fact that the telegram was quoted in the Scotsman, 3 November 1877, p. 9 (the Scotsman is a morning paper). Frazier had asked CD to allow his name to be put forward for the post of lord rector of Edinburgh University (telegram from ‘Bronsomerulay’ Frazier, [2 November 1877]). CD had been a medical student at Edinburgh University between 1825 and 1827 (Correspondence vol. 1, Appendix I).

From A. D. Austin   6 November 1877 Invercargill, New Zealand, Nov. 6, 1877. To Charles Darwin, Esq. Sir,— Although a perfect stranger to you, and living on the reverse side of the globe, I have taken the liberty of writing to you on a small discovery I have made in binocular vision in the stereoscope. I find by taking two ordinary carte-de-visite photos of two different persons’ faces, the portraits being about the same sizes and looking about the same direction, and placing them in a stereoscope, the faces blend into one in a most remarkable manner, producing in the case of some ladies’ portraits in every instance a decided improvement in beauty. The pictures were not taken in a binocular camera, and therefore do not stand out well, but by moving one or both until the eyes coincide in the stereoscope, the pictures blend perfectly. If taken in a binocular camera for the purpose, each person being taken on one half of the negative, I am sure the results would be still more striking. Perhaps something might be made of this in regard to the expression of emotions in man and the lower animals, &c.1 I have not time or opportunities to make experiments, but it seems to me something might be made of this by photographing the faces of different animals, different races of mankind, &c. I think a stereoscopic view of one of the ape tribe and some low caste human face would make a very curious mixture; also in the matter of crossing of animals and the resulting offspring. It seems to me something also might result in photos of husband and wife and children, &c. In any case the results are curious if it leads to nothing else. Should this come to anything you will no doubt acknowledge myself as suggesting the experiment and perhaps send me some of the results. If not likely to come to anything a reply would much oblige me.2 Yours very truly, | A. L. Austin, C.E., F.R.A.S.3 Galton 1878, p. 98 1 2

3

Austin alludes to CD’s book Expression, which made innovative use of photography (see Prodger 1998). CD’s reply has not been found. The subject had already been taken up by Francis Galton, who published this letter in his paper read before the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland in April 1878 (Galton 1878). Galton used multiple exposures of existing photographs to make a new composite image in order to observe typical characteristics; he also noticed that composite photographs were more beautiful than the originals. A. L. was evidently a misprint for or misreading of A. D.; Austin was a civil engineer and fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society.

454

November 1877

To J. D. Hooker   6 November [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Nov. 6th My dear Hooker Neptunia will be very valuable to me if seeds germinate & even more so if plants will grow.— I shall be very glad of seeds of 1 or 2 kinds of Cassia, & especially of Mimosa pudica & Desmodium gyrans.—2 Lastly have you seeds of any one species of Cycadeae?3 Good Heavens how grand it wd. be to observe cotyledons of Welwitschia, but this I know is impossible.4 Hearty thanks for all your help. We have just had telegram that Litchfield has reached Bâle safely, & we expect him here with much anxiety on Thursday on a stretcher.—5 On Friday we expect Sara & Theodora Sedgwick & William, so our house will be full for some little time.— They are to be married on the 28th.—6 I am longing to see you, & we do hope that in latter part of month, you may be able together with Lady Hooker7 to come here for a Sunday. I want much to hear news of all your adventures,8 & I also want advice about our work on cotyledons &c.— I hope you are beginning to see daylight through the accumulation of your work. Ever yours affectionately | Ch. Darwin DAR 95: 459–60 1 2

3 4 5

6

7 8

The year is established by the reference to William Erasmus Darwin’s wedding (see n. 6, below). On Cassia, Mimosa pudica, and Desmodium gyrans, see the letter to J. D. Hooker, [26 October 1877]. Earlier in the year, William Turner Thiselton-Dyer had written that seeds of Neptunia at Kew had failed to germinate, and that he was writing to Australia for a fresh supply (letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1877). CD mentioned Neptunia oleracea (water mimosa or sensitive neptunia), and the other plants, in Movement in plants. CD discussed Cycas pectinata in Movement in plants; the family is now known as the Cycadaceae. CD was interested in the movement of the cotyledons and other parts of plants. For Hooker’s work on Welwitschia, see J. D. Hooker 1862 and Correspondence vol. 10. CD’s son-in-law, Richard Buckley Litchfield, had been taken ill with appendicitis in Switzerland in September 1877 (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [13 September 1877] (DAR 219.9: 155); Emma Darwin (1915) 2: 227). According to Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), he and his wife, Henrietta Emma Litchfield, arrived at Down on Thursday 8 November. William married Sara Sedgwick on 29 (not 28) November (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)); he had originally given the date as 28 November (letter from W. E. Darwin to Emma Darwin, [21 October 1877] (DAR 210.5: 22)). Theodora was Sara’s sister. Hyacinth Hooker. Hooker visited the Rocky Mountains of Colorado and Utah in 1877 (ODNB).

From G. M. Asher   7 November 1877 8 Cambridge Terrace, Railton Rd Brixton Nov 7.77 Dear Sir Almost immediately after receiving your kind letter (which I sent as an autograph to my sister) I wrote for some seeds.1 But you will at once perceive from the facts I

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am going to state, that the question cannot be solved in the manner you think. As regards my statements I must apologize for my making them without even a boy’s knowledge of botany; a want which I had reason to regret and which indeed is the principal motive for my writing to you, in order to request you to induce some young botanist to study the questions at issue. The facts I mean are: 1) The wheat is summer wheat; and it is, therefore, impossible that any large number of seeds could have withstood the 30 dgr. Réaur of cold occuring almost every winter in the parts I am speaking of.2 2/ Only the blade and ear perform the jumping change; the grain however goes through numberless transitions. For all the differences observed by corn-dealers and millers between their different sorts of samples are no doubt botanical differences worthy a botanist’s attention; and especially worthy, for the Darwinite doctrines of being closely studied. 3/ As in those parts no manure is employed, the differences are caused by the nature of the soil; and especially by the degrees of what is there called freshness. Fresh soil meaning virgin soil, for the first time turned into arable land after having always been virgin steppe. The two first years after that has been done almost every soil will produce Kubanka wheat. Afterwards however the differences between the soils become very considerable. Some will soon again after these two crops produce Kubanka; only a year or two of fallow being required; while on some the wheat turns into Saxonca; unless long periods—at least 8 or 10 years—be interposed between the cultivating periods of two or three years. These facts are evidently sufficient to show that, as I already said, the question cannot be so easily solved. There are however a number of other facts observed by me with the utmost roughness and inaccuracy which are well worthy of scientific investigation. I shall only speak of two such questions; relating both not to the wheat itself but to the grasses of the steppe. 1) There is a grass called by the Germans Ziegenbart,3 on account of its likeness to feathers, which indicates the value of the land for the cultivation of Kubanka-wheat. The virgin steppe is overgrown with that white feathery grass, which gives it a most peculiar whitish aspect. As the use of manure is impossible on the enormous areas of land, distant from villages and farms; and out of all proportion to the quantity of cattle kept; the land is used only two years in succession and then remains fallow. For the purpose of Kubanka-growing it must remain fallow until the Ziegenbart grass appears again. Now this reappearing of a grass, destroyed for the sake of cultivation; and its gradual return, in the same measure as the soil becomes more similar to what it was before the breaking up, is certainly worthy of study. 2. Another remarkable fact, as to the grasses, is that the year after the cultivation of wheat, on the fallow, there appears some grasses specially valuable for the feeding of sheep. These grasses last only one year. The following year, no sheep feeder will take such land as pasture. These facts are, I believe fully sufficient to show how desirable it would be that the wheat-growing of the steppe, with its alternations of breaking up virgin soil or

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many years’ fallow, and two or three years’ sowing; with its variety of wild grasses indicative of variety of soil; with its ever changing varieties of seed should be properly investigated. A young man willing to do so would not require any knowledge of Russian. There are 300,000  German peasants on the steppe; and as they are much more attentive observers than their Russian neighbours; and as they together cultivate land more extensive than the kingdom of Saxony, all necessary inquiries may be made with their help.4 They offer besides the advantages of being a very cleanly sort of people; and as I lived two years among them I believe that a young naturalist would not find it difficult to do, what I, a man of nearly fifty have done. I should, of course, be very glad to offer any further suggestions that it will be in my power to make. Meanwhile I remain Dear Sir | Yours obdtly | Dr G. M. Asher | late professor in the University | of Heidelberg. DAR 159: 117 CD annotations 1.6 in order … at issue. 1.7] ‘X’ added pencil 2.1 1) … speaking of. 2.3] ‘X’ added pencil 1

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CD’s letters to Asher have not been found, but see the letter from G. M. Asher to John Murray, 1 November 1877 and n. 3. Asher wanted to draw CD’s attention to the apparent transformation of one variety of wheat into another. Asher’s sister was Rosa Löwenfeld. Asher had made his observations in German farming communities on the Volga (see letter from G. M. Asher to John Murray, 1 November 1877). Réaur: Réaumur, a temperature scale with the freezing point of water at 0° and the boiling point at 80°. The species of grass has not been identified, but may have been Stipa lessingiana (feather grass). For grass species found on the Russian steppe, and their succession, see Boonman and Mikhalev 2005. On the history of the German communities on the Volga, see F. C. Koch 1977.

From J. D. Hooker   7 November 1877 Royal Gardens Kew Nov 7/77 Dear Darwin— I was longing for news of you all, & glad to get it. Theodora—what a delightful name. a gift of the Gods— or is it Sara that William is going to marry— you mention both names as Miss Sedgwicks, to the distraction of my Ladies.1 I sent you seeds of Mimosa pudica (with 2 Cassias seeds) last week, all that remained of the Mim. seed, I hope that you got them   Today 3 Cycas seeds go of a kind not hitherto known in England. C pectinata of Sikkim & Assam.2 The seed had been some days sown, as you are informed in the paper— We germinated two Welwitschia seeds some months ago— the two linear green cotyledonary leaves were quite ordinary— The hypocotyledonary axis was flattened.— They were fully formed, about 12 inch long, when both plants died!— No root feeders had formed on the tip of the radicle. It was most disgusting—& the only

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case I know of, of a plant dying by the visitation of God—pure & simple.— all other plants at Kew have been killed by mismanagement of Gardeners3 We have two old small plants that are rooting & elongating the tattered remains of the two old leaves. I have no reason to suppose that the old leaves are not the original cotyledonary ditto.4 I do hope that Mr Litchfield will remain all right—5 I hope you approve of our giving Dana the Copley & Heer a Royal Medal6 Ever affy yrs | J D Hooker. DAR 104: 97–8 1

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See letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 November [1877]. CD had mentioned Theodora and Sara Sedgwick; Sara was William Erasmus Darwin’s fiancée. My ladies: Hooker’s wife, Hyacinth, and daughter Harriet Anne Thiselton-Dyer. See letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 November [1877] and nn. 2 and 3. Hooker had a long-standing dislike of professional gardeners: of all classes of men Gardeners are the most troublesome I ever had dealings with— what with their superficial knowlged, tempers, the conflict of science & practice in their brains, conceit & tyrannical conduct to those under them— they do require very careful treatment

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(Correspondence vol. 12, letter from J. D. Hooker, 8 April 1864). Welwitschia plants have only two foliage leaves, which Hooker thought developed from the two cotyledons (J. D. Hooker 1862, p. 2). Welwitschia is a monospecific genus in the monotypic family Welwitschiaceae; Hooker classified it within the related family Gnetaceae. Richard Buckley Litchfield. See letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 November [1877] and n. 5. James Dwight Dana and Oswald Heer had been awarded medals by the Royal Society of London, of which Hooker was president.

To J. D. Hooker   8 November [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Nov. 8th My dear Hooker It was wonderfully good of you to send me the Cycas seeds, which were replanted instantly. I do hope the trouble which we have caused may bear some fruit: I can say truly that Frank & I are working from morning to night, & if we fail, it will not be from want of labour.2.— It is a dreadful misfortune for me, but the Mimosa seed never arrived. I am not aware of any such loss by the post before; I suppose the label got separated. As Mimosa pudica is a common plant before long I suppose I shall be able somehow to get seeds. Your account of Welwitschia seeds “dying by the visitation of God” made us all laugh. If you ever get more seed try watering the soil through a pipe beneath & let the little stems be surrounded by almost dry sand. I was thinking that I wd try this plan if ever I could get seeds, as Dyer told me that they rotted off at the level of the ground. It was to observe the nutation of the cotyledons & stem that I shd. so much like to have seeds..

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Theodora Sedgwick is the one whom you saw in U.S: Sara is the one to be married.— I like her better even than poor Mrs Norton to whom you lost your heart. We have just seen such a charming letter from Theodora,—worthy of her name—to William.—3 Good-bye— The kindness of Kew is unbounded. Yours | C. Darwin I highly approve of Dana & even more of Heer.4 Litchfield arrives tonight, thank God, as we hear by Telegram.5 DAR 95: 461–2 1 2 3

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 7 November 1877. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 7 November 1877. CD discussed the movement of the cotyledons in Cycas pectinata in Movement in plants. Francis Darwin was assisting him with his work. William Erasmus Darwin was engaged to Sara Sedgwick. Hooker had met her sister Theodora on his 1877 visit to the US (letter from J. D. Hooker, 19 October 1877). Susan Ridley Sedgwick Norton, the sister of Sara and Theodora, died in 1872. Theodora’s letter to William has not been found. James Dwight Dana and Oswald Heer had been awarded medals by the Royal Society of London, of which Hooker was president. The telegram has not been found. CD’s son-in-law, Richard Buckley Litchfield, had been taken ill in Switzerland in September 1877; see letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 November [1877] and n. 5.

From G. M. Asher   11 November 1877 8 Cambridge Terrace, Railton Road Brixton Nov. 11. 77 Dear Sir Although I know but too well that you will feel annoyed when receiving this third letter from me I still take the liberty of writing it, in order to make the suggestion which you will find at its [close]   It requires no reply, as you will yourself see; and thanking you for the trouble you have taken in answering me twice I do not at all consider you obliged to sacrifice any more of yr time for that purpose.1 I do not say that on account of any expressions of yours but merely as a matter of fact. In reply to your opinion about the dormant seeds I quote the following facts: 1) In 1874 a large quantity of Saxonca seeds were purchased in the German Colony Katherinenstadt to be given to the peasants near Lasino, where there had been an extraordinarily bad harvest.2 I trial of the seeds was before made; and 100 seeds produced 95 plants. Such is the vigour of the seeds and of the soil of those parts. The chance of there remaining many dormant seeds is therefore very small indeed. 2) I never heard of any of the summer seeds producing plants the following year, in those parts at least. Else there would sometimes be some wheat among the barley and the millet, or some millet and barley among the Saxonca. There certainly always is some barley among the Kubanka wheat, about 1 grain among 100. But that must be attributed to a mixture which has some long time ago taken place: because it is absolutely impossible to get Kubanka seeds without barley, unless every seed is taken out separately.

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3) The proportion of Saxonca among the Kubanka on old land is so large that if it were attributable to dormant seed the peasants could have observed it. I now come to the principal point, and to the suggestion which it induces me to make. You say that you could find no young naturalist to go to the Russian steppes. Now on the part of a man who is like you the acknowledged head of all naturalist movement at the present day, such words are strange indeed; and yet they are probably but too true. They afford a new proof for the absolute want of organisation in all branches of research in this country. When I was in Heidelbergh I tried to induce the students with whom I came into contact, to undertake some researches; picking out for them questions not too difficult for them and helping them in the beginning.3 I found nearly 50% of those to whom I made such proposals willing to enter upon them; and if I had been a man of some renown the proportion would have been still larger. I found that even the dullest could be made useful; and all my observations led me to think, that science does not require any more capacities than other avocations. Moltke and Roon could be professors in any university; and many of the officers of the staff are better geographers than the teachers of geography in our public schools.4 Karl Vogt calls Valenciennes a blockhead; and although there is probably some exaggeration in this word, there is most likely so much truth in them that thousands of Valenciennes might be called forth, if the energies of the capable youth were not wasted.5 Now, of course, the organization of the British Government, adequate in many respects, but very deficient in this, must bear the principal blame. But the British scholars and savants are also at fault. Nothing, for instance, could be simpler than an arrangement between the Royal Society and the London University like that existing between the Berlin University and the Berlin Academy; according to which every academic has a right to lecture in the University. In Berlin this arrangement is scarcely noticed; because the academists who would be likely to lecture have been professors before they became academists. There were however a few academists who lectured without being professors (I remember Eisenstein, Dirksen and Meineke)6   In London, where the University is not considered distinguished enough for first rate men, the arrangement would be very valuable indeed. It could only require the building of the necessary lecture rooms, and there can be no doubt that if the proposal were made the money would somehow be forthcoming. Begging you to excuse the length of this letter I remain | Dr 〈Sir〉 Yr obed Ser | G M Asher DAR 159: 118 1 2 3 4

CD’s letters to Asher have not been found, but see the letter from G. M. Asher to John Murray, 1 November 1877, and the letter from G. M. Asher, 7 November 1877. Katharinenstadt is now Marks, Saratov Oblast or region, Russia. Lasino is a town in Rjazan Oblast. Asher was professor of Roman law at Heidelberg (Große jüdische National-Biographie). Helmuth von Moltke and Albrecht von Roon were both prominent Prussian military men. Roon wrote on geography.

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Asher may have read about Carl Vogt’s opposition to Achilles Valenciennes’s admission to the Paris Académie des sciences in 1844 in Adolph Kohut’s Alexander Humboldt und das Judenthum (Alexander von Humboldt and Judaism; Kohut 1871, pp. 12–15). Vogt allegedly referred to Valenciennes as a Trampel (clumsy oaf). Gotthold Eisenstein and Enno Dirksen were mathematicians; August Meineke was a classicist. All three were members of the Berlin Academy, although Eisenstein, a lecturer at Berlin University, was elected only in the year of his death. Dirksen was already a professor at Berlin University when he was elected.

To J. W. Clark   12 November 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Nov 12th 1877 r My dear M Clark, I thank you cordially for your very kind letter, and I hope that you will express to the President how much obliged I am for the honour of his invitation.1 I should have enjoyed extremely accepting it, but I really cannot, for I am not able to spend an evening even at home without lying down to rest, and after the excitement of the day I shall be much tired. Believe me, | Yours sincerely obliged, | Charles Darwin LS H. Bruce Rinker PhD (private collection) 1

The letter has not been found; the president of the Philosophical Society at Cambridge University, George Downing Liveing, had invited CD to a dinner on the evening of the presentation to CD of an honorary LLD (see also letter to T. H. Huxley, 19 November [1877] and n. 2). Clark was a secretary of the Cambridge Philosophical Society (Proceedings of the Cambridge Philosophical Society 3 (1876–80): 230).

From J. T. Riches   12 November 1877 4 Avon Terrace | Defoe Road | Lower Tooting | S.W. 12.11.77. Sir. I think you do not mention the genus Comparettia in your excellent work on Fertilization in Orchids etc. I have just had the opportunity of examining the structure of C. falcata, and find that it is frequently self-fertilizing1   Out of 5 flowers, there were not less than 4 with the ovaries well fertilised. and in the other flower, I found the pollen masses upon the stigma. It seems that when the stigma is ready the anther ruptures from the base upwards, and by the least shake or disturbance the heavy pollen masses are dislodged, and, the rostellum being very narrow and beak-like, there is nothing to prevent it from falling upon the stigma. the caudicles, not being able to sustain their weight,; the flexibility of the latter I consider is very important to effect cross-fertilization; but, that, cross-fertilisation may be brought about the pollen mass must be removed before the complete rupture of the anther has taken place. The naked disk at the end of the rostellum is very viscid, and firmly attaches

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itself to any intruder in about 30 seconds; so firm in fact, that I could not blow it of. if the caudicle remained such when drawn, it would not place the pollen against the stigma, but owing to their bending the stigma is reached.2 I should be glad if you would correct any errors I may have made.. and you are at perfect liberty to copy the rough sketches, and, if you will kindly return. the originals,3 as that is what I may require, you will oblige | faithfully | your’s | J. T. Riches C. Darwin Esqr. DAR 176: 154 1 2 3

Comparettia falcata (the snail orchid or sickle-leaved comparettia) is an epiphytic orchid found in Mexico, Central America, the West Indies, and South America. Riches uses CD’s terminology to describe the relevant floral organs (for CD’s explanation of his usage, see Orchids 2d ed., pp. 3–5). No sketches or copies of sketches were found with this letter.

From R. A. Vance   12 November 1877 Gallipolis, Ohio, u.s.a., Nov 12th 1877 Dear Sir:— It is with no little hesitation that I address you relative to a subject about which you know so much, and I so little, but a sentence on page 26th of the American edition of your “Descent of Man” is my excuse.1 You there say:— “With respect to the alimentary canal, I have met with an account of only a single rudiment, namely, the veriform appendage of the caecum”. I desire to call your attention to a structure in the terminal portion of the large intestine (intestinum rectum) which properly seems to fall in the class of rudiments— I allude to those duplications of the intestinal walls known as the valves of Houston.2 In 1865–6, while dissecting in the University of Michigan, I found in my subject the mucous membrane of the rectum thrown into a spiral arrangement which, commencing on the right side of that organ at its junction with the sigmoid flexure of the colon, passed downwards, backwards and to the left until the side of the canal opposite the point where the fold commenced was reached. In this situation the duplication was as large as on the right side above, where it commenced. The same was true of a point corresponding with the base of the bladder on the internal aspect of the anterior wall of the viscus. From this situation the valve could be traced at first downwards and backwards to the posterior wall of the rectum, and then downwards and forwards to a point about three-quarters of an inch above the anal orifice on the left side where it seemed to terminate in one of the columns of Morgagni.3 The valve gradually enlarged and became more and more prominent as its course from the left side along the posterior wall and around the right side was traced from the column of Morgagni to the base of the bladder. In the latter situation it was more than half an inch broad, and this breadth was preserved along

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the anterior wall and up the side of the rectum until it joined the duplication on the left side, with the exception of one point where for about an inch and a quarter, the duplication was very narrow indeed—perhaps not more than the eighth of an inch wide. This defective spot in the spiral arrangement of the lining membrane seemed to be situated on the left side, and was immediately in front of the broad and wellmarked valve placed below and on the side opposite to the point where the duplication was first manifested at the junction of rectum and colon. The duplication of the mucous membrane could be traced from this defective point spirally around the left side and posterior wall of the rectum to end on the right side at the termination of the colon, where it blended with the lining membrane of the part— between the valves a narrow portion similar to that between the valve on the left side and the one opposite the base of the bladder could be seen on the posterior wall of the intestine. In other words, from one of the columns of Morgagni, on the left side of the terminal portion of the rectum, to a point on the right side of the junction of the colon and rectum there was a duplication of the lining membrane of the latter organ—a duplication varying in width, but always persisting—which pursued a spiral course and made one and a half circuits of the intestine. The free edge of this spiral duplication of the lining membrane of the rectum was directed inwards— the thickness of the valves varied in different situations. The structure was thickest and firmest where the fold was broadest— these situations were superiorly, on the right side at its commencement; opposite the base of the bladder on the anterior wall; and at a point midway between the two on the left side—while between these points of greatest development (especially on each side of the one located on the left wall of the rectum) were the situations where the duplications were least marked. It is to be regretted that this interesting specimen had been removed from the body, and had its relations with neighboring parts entirely severed before the peculiar character of its lining membrane was noticed Since that time—nearly twelve years—I have been able to make critical examinations of the rectum in thirty-four (34) cases. In numerous instances I have seen the rectum either after it had been removed, or have examined it on the cadaver without taking it out. But in the thirty-four cases (34) alluded to, I have examined it so far as possible in its natural situation, and then taken it out and subjected it to a thorough investigation. In five (5) cases the appearances have resembled those just described, and in seven (7) there were separate projections meriting the name of valves. In all thirteen (13) cases (including the one described at length) there were duplications of the mucous membrane on the anterior wall, opposite the base of the bladder, and at the junction of rectum and colon on the right side, while in twelve (12) cases the valve on the left side above the base of the bladder was also distinctly marked. In three (3) of the seven (7) cases in which the valves were separate, there was a valve, about an inch above the anus on the left side of the rectal wall— in these cases the valves opposite the base of the bladder on the left side above, and superiorly at the junction of rectum and colon, were all well marked. In one (1) of the remaining four (4) cases of this group there were but two valves—one, at the base of the bladder,

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and the other at the commencement of the rectum on the right side—while in the other three (3) cases, the separate projections were located at the base of the bladder, the superior extremity of the rectum, on the right side, and on the left side between these points at the usual place. In five (5) cases there were duplications of the lining of the intestine opposite the base of the bladder, on the left side of the rectum above, and on the right side at the upper extremity of that organ; and these duplications were connected together by narrower and thinner, yet equally well-marked folds of mucous membrane. In twenty-one (21) cases there were no folds in the lining membrane which persisted when the membrane was removed. I have not had occasion to make observations on the cadaver recently, yet the demands of practice have rendered me familiar with the following facts; and of late, I have been able to confirm them almost daily. If, in examining for disease of the rectum, the patient is placed profoundly under the influence of an anaesthetic, and examined with a modification of Sims’ speculum, it is possible to obtain an excellent view of the whole internal surface of the rectum as high up as its termination in the sigmoid flexure of the colon. Atmospheric pressure, in this method of examination, operates in such manner as to distend the portion of the intestinal wall occupying the most dependent position. It also serves to obliterate all merely accidental folds. Consequently, when the mucous membrane of the rectum can be seen traversed by folds, the sharp free edges of which project from an eighth to half an inch in depth, and pursue an oblique direction, it is easy to identify them with the rudimentary valves such as have been referred to. The valve opposite the base of the bladder is the only one that can be observed satisfactorily— the others are so high up that the angle under which they are viewed is not great enough to enable the observer to identify them with certainty. An examination with the speculum will reveal this valve to the eye when it is impossible to determine its existence with the finger, and from the frequency with which I have discovered traces of this structure by an ocular examination, after failing with the sense of touch, I am convinced that careful enquiry will show that that structure is far more common than heretofore imagined. The first anatomist to give anything like a correct and complete description of these valves was the late Mr John Houston, of Dublin, who, in 1830, published a paper in the Fifth Volume of the Dublin Hospital Reports, entitled “Observations on the Mucous Membrane of the Rectum”, in which he called special attention to them.4 In this communication he stated that the tube of the rectum does not form one smooth, uninterrupted passage, but that, on the contrary, it is made uneven in several places by valvular projections of its mucous membrane extending across its canal. Physiologically, he considered the valvular projections necessary to support the weight of fecal matter, and prevent its urging towards the anus and exciting a sensation demanding its discharge; pathologically, he believed they explained the resistance given to the introduction of bougies— that their arrangement indicated the necessity of employing a spiral-shaped, instead of a straight bougie; that they were often mistaken for strictures, and by leading to the frequent passage of improperly-shaped bougies, had sometimes brought on the very malady intended to

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be removed. I can find no evidence, in Mr. Houston’s paper, that he was aware of the fact that these valvular projections are occasionally connected together by narrower and thinner duplications of the mucous membrane, thereby converting these folds into a spiral membrane, circling round the inner wall of the rectum. Lest I fail to correctly interpret his ideas I will quote a paragraph from his communication to be found on page 161, vol. V, of the Dublin Hospital Reports, 1830. He says: “In regard to the sacculated form which the rectum acquires by the presence of these valves, the gut somewhat resembles the colon in the condition of its interior; but in the peculiar spiral arrangement of the valves it bears more an analogy to the large intestine of some of the lower animals, in which, as for instance, the caecum of the rabbit, the large intestine of the serpent and dog-fish,5 a continuous spiral arrangement traverses the cavity from end to end, and gives to the alimentary matters a protracted winding course towards the anus.” The late Dr George Bush, of New York, whose excellent treatise on Diseases of the Rectum and Anus, published in 1837, is still one of the most valued authorities on those subjects was led by Mr. Houston’s paper to re-investigate the anatomy of the rectal mucous membrane. A series of careful examinations led him to declare, most unhesitatingly that the folds to be observed were accidental; that the tissues were naturally lax, and their duplications, in no sense valves; and that so far as the performance of the physiological functions ascribed them by Mr Houston, was concerned, that observer was in error.6 The same conclusion, practically, was reached by Dr Bodenhamer, of New York, in his work on “The Physical Exploration of the Rectum.”7 Both observers acknowledge the presence, on the walls of the Rectum of loose folds of its mucous lining, but both hold them to be accidental in origin, variable in situation, and of no physiological or pathological importance. Lee, Smith, Van Buren, Allingham, Curling, Quain, Syme and other recent writers on Diseases of the Rectum make no allusion to these structures.8 I will soon be compelled to make some reference to them in the series of articles on Diseases of the Rectum which I am contributing to the Cincinnati Lancet, and, in view of the facts already mentioned, I determined to write you, and after detailing the foregoing facts, to ask you if I would not be right in regarding these duplications of the lining membrane of the terminal portion of the large intestine in man, as rudiments?9 It seems as if the spiral arrangement, in the form first observed by me, was extremely rare; that several independent, valve-like structures were more common; while, in the majority of persons, there was either no trace of these structures, or that a single duplication near the base of the bladder, was the only evidence of the arrangement to be seen. In view of the fact that modern ideas of the physiology of the rectum excludes that viscus from any share in the duty of retaining and supporting the feces under ordinary circumstances, no valid claim can be advanced at the present time on behalf of these valves as a structure calculated to assist in bearing the weight of the feces, formerly supposed to be stored away in the terminal portion of the lower bowel. I have found the spiral arrangement in perfection in the large intestine of the Sturgeon— I have already cited the examples of this structure in the animal Kingdom mentioned by Mr. Houston. In view of the

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physiological uselessness of the arrangement in man, its variability and comparative rarity, the conclusion seems almost irressistable to me that these duplications are rudiments, that generally they are suppressed, either in whole or in part, and that when they do appear, they occur as an illustration of that law of reversion, for a knowledge of which I have to thank your writings.10 Trusting my communication may appear to you of sufficient importance to merit an answer, I beg to subscribe myself | Very Sincerely | Your Obedient Servant | Reuben A. Vance, M.D. Charles Darwin, Esqr., F.R.S., | London, | England. DAR 180: 1 CD annotation 8.16 Cincinnati … rudiments? 8.19] scored pencil 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Descent US ed. 1: 26. Valves of Houston: transverse folds of the rectal wall that protrude into the rectum. Columns of Morgagni: vertical folds produced by an infolding of the mucous membrane and some of the muscular tissue of the upper half of the anal canal. Houston 1830. Dogfish: common name used for small sharks of the family Squalidae (Pauly 2004). George Bushe. See Bushe 1837, pp. 13–14 n. William Bodenhamer. See Bodenhamer 1870, pp. 14–18. Henry Lee, Henry Smith, William Holme Van Buren, William Allingham, Thomas Blizard Curling, Richard Quain, and James Syme. Vance published his view of these features as a new example of a rudimentary organ in Vance 1877–8; see especially pp. 659–66. See, for example, Origin, pp. 159–67.

From J. D. Hooker   13 November 1877

Royal Gardens Kew Nov 13/77

Dear Darwin I am vexed that I can neither go to Cambridge on Saturday to “assist.” at your Doctoration, nor to you on Saturday week.1 I have “the” “Address” & the Kew estimates on hand, & loads of unattacked arrears—which have obliged me to refuse all engagements for this month.2 Smith is at a loss to think how the seeds of Mimosa pudica got astray.3 He says he saw them put in the envelope himself. A few more went yesterday to your address with I hope better success. The Neptunia seeds I sent germinate in warm mud & the plant floats,— it’s leaves are very sensitive.4 I wonder what is the object of some Conifers being polycotyledonous— have you watched any in germination? Did you ever hear of Apes bathing? a trustworthy friend of mine watched a group of them on a ledge of rock overhanging a pool at Chumba (near Kash[mir]) sunning

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themselves in the heat on the rock; & one after another deliberately go to the edge of the ledge & take a header, into the water & return to dry itself on the rock!5 Have you read Marsh’s wonderful Address to the American Association at Nashville?6 Is he not rash in supposing that all vertebrate types originated in America;7 it appears to me that he makes no allowance for the fact that the turn out of fossils in America is so enormously greater than Europe.— From what he told me & what I saw, some of the Miocene & Cretaceous beds would yield in a day more fossil genera species & specimens than our’s have yielded since they were explored!8—& that he does not consider the “imperfection of the European Geolog.l Record” as compared with the N American. It is a splendid Essay however. Ever affy yrs | Jos D. Hooker. DAR 104: 99–100 1 2

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6

7 8

CD was granted an honorary LLD degree at the University of Cambridge on Saturday 17 November 1877. Hooker gave his presidential address to the Royal Society of London on 30 November 1877 ( J. D. Hooker 1877a). As director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, Hooker had to submit estimates for expenses annually to the Board of Works. In his letter to Hooker of 8 November [1877], CD mentioned that some seeds of Mimosa pudica (sensitive plant) that Hooker had sent him had not arrived. John Smith was the curator of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. See letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 November [1877] and n. 2. The friend has not been identified. The report presumably came from Chamba, in Himalchal Pradesh, India; Chamba is south of Kashmir. The ‘ape’ was probably Semnopithecus ajax (the Kashmir gray langur or Chamba sacred langur), which is now found only in the Chamba valley (http://www. iucnredlist.org/details/39833/0, accessed 31 October 2016). On 30 August 1877, at the annual meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Othniel Charles Marsh delivered an address on the introduction and succession of vertebrate life in America (Marsh 1877). Hooker cited it favourably in his address to the Royal Society (J. D. Hooker 1877a, pp. 441–2). See Marsh 1877, pp. 230, 251–4; his argument applied to many, but not all, mammals. Hooker visited the Rocky Mountains in the United States earlier in 1877 (Allan 1967, p. 232).

To Fritz Müller   13 November 1877

Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Nov. 13/77

My dear Sir You will remember sending me seeds of a Cassia which grew near the seashore.—1 If you could send me soon a few more it would be a great kindness, as I want to make some additional experiments with the cotyledons.—2 In Haste | yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin I have lately read some most interesting papers by you in Kosmos.3 British Library (Loan 10:43) 1

No earlier letter has been found in which Müller mentioned enclosing seeds of any species of the leguminous genus Cassia. In Movement in plants, p. 34, CD mentioned that Müller had sent seeds of Cassia tora (a synonym of Senna tora), which grew by the sea; he noted that the seedlings were identified at

November 1877

2 3

467

Kew. It is unlikely that the identification was correct since Cassia tora is not native to the Americas; the specimen was probably Senna obtusifolia, a South American species often confused with C. tora. CD worked on movement in Cassia from 1873 (see Correspondence vol. 21, letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 4 December 1873). Müller’s three-part article on Brazilian butterflies had appeared in the September, October, and December issues of Kosmos (Fritz Müller 1877a). CD’s lightly annotated copies are in his collection of unbound journals in the Darwin Archive–CUL.

To Lawson Tait   13 November [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Nov. 13th My dear Sir I have been asked at least a score of times to write in periodicals, but have always refused, as I am not fitted for the work & dislike doing so particularly.—2 It wd. cost me much loss of time, as I cannot change with ease from one job to another.— Therefore you must excuse me. Will you be so good as to hand over the enclosed to Mr Badger when you next communicate with him?—3 My dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin I hope that your journal may be successful.— Photocopy DAR 221.5: 40 1 2 3

The year is established by the allusion to the Midland Naturalist (see n. 3, below). See, for example, Correspondence vol. 24, Supplement, letter to H. J. Slack, 2 December [1867], and Correspondence vol. 18, letter to H. W. Bates, [22 May 1870]. Edward William Badger was an editor of the Midland Naturalist, the journal of the Midland Union of Scientific and Literary Societies; the journal began publication in 1878. The enclosure has not been identified. Tait was not listed in connection with the journal, but he was a member of the Birmingham Natural History Society (ODNB) and instrumental in the founding of the Midland Union (Midland Naturalist 1 (1878): 228).

From J. G. Joyce   15 November 1877

15 Nov 77

Memorandum on Silchester:— copied from the Journal of Excav.t 1 15 Nov 77 On Tuesday Nov  13. 1877  Messrs. F. & H.  Darwin2 went to Silchester with me when we were enabled to carry out in the course of three hours a very careful examination of several exposed vertical cuttings, from the herbage, directly down to the floors of R. Construction. 1st. Investigation.— House excavated in the Meadow, contiguous to the Spring. Two objects were in view. 1st. inspection of floors sunk toward the centre & away from the walls. 2nd. The texture of the mould overlying walls & floors. General Aspect: This excavation presents at this date the following:— viz.  a quadrangle in the centre, round 3 sides of which runs a corridor or ambulatory with tesselation left in patches upon its floors.— The ambulatory is on the N. the E. & the S.— none on the W. Upon the N. ambulatory there abuts a range of Rooms, five (or

468

November 1877

more strictly, six,) in number, with floors of tesseræ remaining in four. Examination was first directed to ascertain what amount of sinking or “sagging” had taken place where the tesselation was sufficiently complete to give data. The S. ambulatory has remaining a piece of tesselation of large & coarse cubes (2) of tile, chipped to 114 or 112 inch each,)— A line was strained across tightly from the level of the herbage on the N. to that on the S. opposite, (slope of field surface 3.′40o. from N to S.)— Depth of floor here below field surface—at the centre of the corridor 1 ′ 2ft.10″. at the wall 2.2″ 4—which gives the maximum depth of sinking or sagging of 3 this floor 74 inches.— The height of the summit of what remains of the walls— 2′, 112″ below the field surface at this part, wh. leaves only 34 inch of wall above floor. The N. Ambulatory was next examined. The floor of the N. Ambulatory is disintegrated, it contains some rough tesselation but not enough to be any guide as to the amount of sinking.— Wall separating this ambulatory from the quadrangle 3ft.5in. under field surface line. This wall, very slightly higher than the ancient floor was. The Rooms were examined next. The floor of a narrow rectangular room about the centre of the range was selected because in the most complete condition. The tesselation covers the greater part of the floor, but is absent at the S. end. Here is a strongly marked depression toward the middle— so much so as to make it almost look as though a hypocaust were below the floor, but there is no ground to think this.— Observing the tesselation, it is fairly perfect in the centre but appears to cease just before it arrives at the walls on both sides. It almost has the look of having been removed for a breadth of 5 to 6 inches. It does not seem that this was the case,— there would have been no conceivable reason for taking away the tesseræ from there, those in the centre being both easier to get, & more obvious to see, if any person wished to take them, but it does seem on the other hand as if the whole body of tesseræ slid inward a little toward the depression in the centre—without breaking up.— (we omitted to take the exact depth of this hollow) The summit of the wall along the north side is 2′ 7″12 below the field surface, & between the summit of the wall & the floor is a depth varying from 1′.6″—to 1 f.t We examined the mould overlying this. The section was an excellent one, & showed exactly what was there. From the top of the wall to the herbage was 3112 inches. This 3112 inches was made up of two distinct beds, the lower was 24″12 deep. It is dark brown mould, very thickly interspersed with small sized pebbles of waterworn gravel, & with bits of Roman tiles, mere fragments, apparently worn by the friction of water, or weathered, till the sharp edges of their fractures are gone. There was a much larger intermixture of pebbles & bits of tile in this mould than we expected. Above this 2412″ bed, is the surface mould in wh. the grass grows. This is homogeneous, free from pebbles, rich & dense of a dark brown colour, entirely without any fragments of broken tile— & about 7 inches deep. The traces of worm casts were not so marked or so frequent here as we expected to have found them. 2nd. Investigation— In large excavation on the line of the Great N. Road, in the centre of the town—known as Block II.

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469

General aspect.— a large Quadrangle—Ambulatories on the N. & S. both perfectly paved with tesselation in a perfect state, many rooms upon the outer side of these ambulatories, & along the west side also.— E side, no rooms open. Field surface found by a line strained tight above the centre of the S. ambulatory, from the herbage level at the W end to the herbage level at the E End. Floor of South Ambulatory, tesselation quite perfect, 1112 inches at East end, below the field, & 2ft. 412 in. at the west end, the field here sloping rather rapidly from W.  to E.  In this ambulatory there is very slight “sagging”— Examining the floor for worm casts, we found in a low part where water had remained & left a deposit of mud (very slight), very distinct worm casts, where the worms must have come up between the tesseræ. Observing that here & there a tessera was loose, & a little higher in level, we removed these loose ones to look below, & found in each instance that a worm pipe existed underneath, where the loose tessera had been dislodged, & not unfrequently two pipes. This tesselation is formed not of tile work, but of hard sandstone, cubes abt 1 inch—chipped to shape with a tool. We next investigated by measurement the exact sinking toward a centre in a Room where the floor is quite perfect   The Room we measured is that immediately next to the Red Wooden Hut,— & is at the Western End of the last named ambulatory—on the right as one advances up the corridor from E to W. Section from N. to S3

wall original floor level. at

2ft 3 . ft

4. 5. ft

6. 7

ft

ft

ft

8 . 9 . 10 . ft

ft

ft

11 . ft

wall 12 . 13 . 14 . 15 . 16 .17 .18ft. ft

ft

ft

ft

ft

ft

5 12 ″ 5 3 ″ 5 5 ″ 5 3 ″ 5 1 4 1 4″ 3 1 ″ 3 1 ″ 3″ 3 3 ″ 3 1 ″ 3 1 ″2 7 ″2 3 ″2″ 3 ″ 8 4 2 8 4 4 4 8 2 2 8 8 2 Present floor. 3 4

The maximum here is 5″ , but it is obvious that the whole floor has sunk every where, more or less. On this floor whilst we were examining it we found a worm which had just come up between two tesseræ, nearly 7 inches long.— Memorandum entered here “worms seem to lift some of the tesseræ completely out of their places.”— Yet there were very few worm casts visible on the face of the pavement. Round the walls, in various places the tesseræ have parted from the wall—looking as if removed—in other places they remain in situ close up to the line of the wall of the room. We examined next the corner Room of the same house “Block II” at the S.E Angle. This Room in the corner was enlarged. There was an insertion of a large hypocaust into the original ground plan. The hypocaust and the room containing the furnace were next to this corner chamber, the original room was enclosed within the original walls o . o . o . o, but the part of the room at R. R. was removed to give more space for inserting the hypocaust. In order to compensate the chamber, its area was extended beyond the house wall on the S. and an addition A. A. A. was made, encreasing the size on that side but altering the shape.

November 1877

470

O

O

A

O

O

O A O

O A R

O

R O

præfurnium–

furnace

A

Removed O

Hypocaust.

A

Exterior House Wall on the S.

In carrying out this change they did not remove away the portion of original wall at the centre of the altered apartment but left it under the floor buried. The floor has subsided considerably on each side, & leaves now a hump or ridge to indicate where the buried wall is. There is no visible trace of a wall but the certainty of its presence was demonstrated by digging— it was found readily below the hump at 5ft. 4in. distance from the actual S. wall of the room. 3rd. investigation.— Object,— 1. to trace whether worms are to be found quite

November 1877

471

underneath the R. walls.— and 2. whether may be traced as forcing their way right up through the centre of such walls. For this, we investigated the walls now in process of present exposure, at the excavation which is in progress. General aspect.— A large quadrangle of extraordinary magntitude & probably the quadrangle of some public place. Round it ambulatories—with suites of rooms, & hypocausts upon the western range.— Masonry very solid—walls perfectly sound & strong—depth of the foundations below floor levels, 4 feet of substantial flint & mortar, 1ft. 6in. thick throughout. Taking the fractured extremity of a principal wall on the N.— & near the N.W. angle of the building, a sinking was made deep enough to get below the lowest course of flints.— A spadefull of earth being thrown up from exactly underneath the wall itself several worms of very large dimensions appeared. Two in particular, 8 inches long, & 14 inch (or more) in diameter. With a view to trace the presence of worms in the wall itself, if there, the lower flints were now removed, and the interior of the wall searched. It was soft & crumbly & appeared very moist. There was no doubt as to traces of worms being in the rotten mortar which was found in the middle of the wall. The mortar was not white, nor light coloured—it was quite dark, & largely mixed with mould. This was not its original condition, & the mould permeating it must be due to the action of worms which carry mould with them into the very heart of the wall, when they pass between the flints. But this investigation was at a fractured part, & the structure might be looser there in consequence. Therefore the investigation was repeated in two other parts of the same building, & in the instance of walls absolutely sound & good. In the case of a wall upon the East side, now at this date in process of being exposed to view, a piece of wall was purposely opened for the first time to carry out this investigation. Worm casts & worm pipes were certainly found here in a fresh wall never exposed before. Mr Horace Darwin removed a flint of some size, & finding worm pipes he pursued these—one large pipe in particular, quite down into the very substance of this wall. But being desirous of trying if possible more completely, I called Dr. F. Darwin’s attention to certain chambers in this building at its S. W. Corner, where the walls have been laid entirely bare below the floor levels, the whole floor & its sustratum being dug completely out, in order to exhibit the astonishing depth of the foundations. The walls go down quite 4 feet below the floors. The mortar here is perfectly hard, & looks quite fresh; With great effort a large flint was forced out of its place at a height of 12 to 14 inches from the bottom. It resisted strongly, seeming quite embedded in mortar as hard as cement, but once wrenched away, there appeared traces of worms work behind it in the inside of the wall within. There was, even here, dark mould mixed in the mortar of the middle part, & this mortar itself in places, instead of being hard & close as one wd. expect, was friable & could be picked away by the finger. The last experiment gave me more surprize, & brought more conviction, than any before it. I should have said, and did say, that it was perfectly impossible such a wall could be penetrated by, or could contain, any earth worms. J. G. Joyce. | 15 Nov 1877.

[3]

grass to nat. gravel 3ft. 4in.

[5] [6] [7] [8]

[4]

[2]

[1]

floor 32 ft 6 in.

Section in Basilica. Sep 27. 1866.

[9]

E

Section from E to W. of a floor in the Basilica at Silchester, in the Room named the ærarium5 close to the Tribunal. This section was made on Sep 27. 1866, and beneath the layer of burnt wood on October 9 was found the bronze Eagle, the most interesting of all the relics discovered.6

[2] Superficial mould, 1ft. 4in. deep. [3] alternate seams abt. 1 inch each [4] Burnt wood, 10 inches deep at centre. [5] Mortar and Concrete with broken tiles. 6 inches deep [6] Burnt wood. 2 inches. [7] A bed of rubble and debris—mortar and gravel—a wreck but containing no tiles.— 6 inches at centre. [8] The natural gravel undisturbed in its own bed. [9] flint wall [10] floor of corridor

[1] The surface of the field, with herbage growing.

[10]

[9]

W

No. 1.

472 November 1877

[Enclosure]

Sections of vertical cuttings at Silchester; traced from the Journal of Excavations4 J. G. Joyce | nov 15 1877.

November 1877 No. 2 Section in Building called “Block II.” 8 aug 1865. Grass 1 2

3f t. 6in.

3 4 5

Floor of tesseræ.

6 Below floor line. 7

1 Grey loamy mould 2 Rich black mould quite different in colour from that over it. Contain broken tiles. 3 yellow clay, of variable depth. 4 Mortar, or Gypsum, white, perhaps wall plaster. X Dark rubbly stuff. with mortar. 5. 6 rammed gravel. light colr. 7. Natural gravel, in bed. The meast. in inches of each bed is not preserved in the original entry, approximately they would be about as follows: No. 2 probably is 1 . . . . . about 12 inches the “humus” from decayed timbers 2 . . . . . " – 10 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . of a very heavy roof 3 . . . . . " – 4, at least depth—varies. & broken tiles off 4..... "– 6.... the same. 5 . . . . . " – 10—varies. 3.6

473

November 1877

474

No. 3. Section in Block II. 22 nov 1864.

[1] 4f t.

[2] [3] [4] no floor [1] Rich mould 1f t. 10in. average depth. [2] Broken tiles and rubble 4″ [3] Jet black, decayed timber 6″ [4] Deep gravel. The entry here does not say if this was made, or natural: probably it was artificial & the section did not reach the true natural bottom at 4 feet.

No. 4. Section of a floor in Block I. 2 nov 1864. wall

7f t. 6in. 5″

wall

November 1877

475

No. 5 Section of a vertical cutting at the N. End of the Basilica. B

B

B B

A

A

A

B

A A

Query. Are there blended in one ruin here the remains of two distinct destructions?— Below the line A. A. A is the deposit more ancient & part of wt. was cut away at top to level it?— Is the piece lying betwixt A A A & B B B the residuum after the last destruction? The grey deposit is much finer in grain than the rest.

November 1877

476

No. 6 Section to the depth of 5 feet taken at the centre of the Basilica:— by its E. wall May 7. 1870

⎧ ⎪ 9″ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ 7″ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ t ⎪20″ 5f . ⎨ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ 4″ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ 2″ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ 8″ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎩10″ surface mould. Broken Tiles, large pieces, & mould of lightish colour

9in. }

Fine grained dark rubbish, with scraps of tile— quite small in size: & different to those above.

7″ 20″

Concrete. . . . . . . .

4″

perfectly white stucco.

2″

made bottom. . . .

8″

dark & close substratum not natural—looks like 10″ debris of an older building—no tiles: fine grain— 5.0 Traced from the original entry in the Journal of the Excavations, J. G. J. 15 nov 1877.

November 1877

477

No. 7. 10 sep 1868. Section in the Room of the Basilica called the Hall of Merchants. E

30 ft.

W

9″ 3f t.

2′3″ floor.

—floor line here—

This section shows, beneath a surface which was perfectly level before it was opened, an unusual amount of irregularity in the wreck of building below. The two black portions are charred wood, above these lies a line of nearly white material apparently stucco or wallplaster;—fine gravel, tiles, & mortar compose the rest of the mass, as high as the mould above. A floor of hard concrete (having here & there red tesseræ on it) lies at a vertical depth of 3 feet below the grass. The mould is 9 inches. Traced from the original entry. J. G. J. 15 nov 1877.

478

November 1877

AMemS DAR 64.2: 63–6; DAR 65: 104, 106, 108 CD annotations 3.1 Meadow,] underl red crayon, after ‘grass’ interl blue crayon, underl red crayon 3.1 the Spring.] underl red crayon 5.1 The S. ambulatory] underl red crayon 5.3 3.′40°.] underl red crayon 5.5 2ft. 10″.] underl red and blue crayon 7.1 The floor] below ‘2/’ blue crayon 7.9 Observing the] underl red crayon 7.9 is fairly … arrives 7.10] underl red crayon; cross in left margin red crayon 7.11 breadth … inches.] underl red crayon; cross in left margin red crayon 7.13 easier … up.— 7.16] scored red crayon; two crosses in left margin red crayon 7.16 (we … take the] underl red crayon 8.1 This … weathered 8.4] scored red crayon 8.1 the lower] below ‘3/’ blue crayon 9.1 The traces … them.] 9.2] ‘HD’ pencil 10.1 in … town 10.2] underl red crayon 11.1 General … E End. 10.5] ‘When was this was excavated or cleared’ left margin pencil 12.2 the west … E. 12.3] scored red crayon 12.3 W. to E.] underl red crayon 12.4 found] ‘10’ left margin pencil 12.4 left] below ‘4’ blue crayon 12.5 the worms … tool. 12.10] scored red crayon 13.1 We next] two crosses in left margin red crayon 13.1 We next … W. 13.4] crossed pencil 13.3 Red Wooden Hut,] underl red crayon Fig. Section … S] ‘Walls generally 18 inches’ pencil; ‘Section E’ pencil, boxed pencil; ‘see Horace No 11.’7pencil; ‘Draw on scale—taking [alternate measure]’ pencil t Fig. 13 f.] ‘3 38 ’ pencil t Fig. 14 f.] ‘3 14 ’ pencil 15.1 On … found] del pencil 15.1 On … room. 16.2] crossed pencil 16.1 Round … room. 16.2] scored red crayon 16.1 have parted] two crosses in left margin red crayon 17.1 “Block II”] below ‘5’ blue crayon 19.2 The floor … wall is. 19.4] scored red crayon 19.4 its presence 19.5] below ‘6’ blue crayon 21.1 present … progress. 21.2] double scored pencil 21.5 depth of the] underl blue crayon 21.5 below floor levels] underl blue crayon 21.6 1 f.t 6in.] underl blue crayon 22.2 sinking … diameter. 22.5] double scored red crayon 22.5 diameter.] ‘Horace is sure did not come from beneath the walls’ pencil 23.1 itself,] below ‘(7’ blue crayon 23.3 worms being … consequence. 24.2] scored pencil 23.5 it was … mould.] underl red crayon 23.5 This was … flints. 23.7] ‘[fibre] wd also be dissolved out | See Horace remarks (21)’8 left margin pencil 23.6 worms … flints. 23.7] scored red crayon 24.1 But … good. 24.3] ‘perhaps cavities left in walls.’ left margin blue ink 25.3 Worm … before. 25.4] underl red crayon 26.1 But] below ‘8/’ blue crayon 26.1 But … floors. 26.5] scored red crayon

November 1877

479

26.1 But … bottom. 26.7] ‘Account for sinking of floor in comparison with Abinger’ pencil 26.3 floor & … go down 26.5] heavily scored pencil 26.4 exhibit … foundations.] underl red crayon 26.5 walls … floors.] double scored pencil 26.5 quite 4 feet] underl red crayon 26.8 traces … part, 26.10] scored red crayon 26.10 & this … finger. 26.11] scored red crayon 26.11 was friable … 1877. 28.1] ‘It is somewhere said that fragment of tile &c have a worn aspect | disintegration with removal of disintegrated matter as I supposed’ pencil Enclosure: Diagram No. 1.] ‘B’ deleted and circled, blue crayon; ‘Cut 9’ enclosed in box, blue crayon Diagram No. 3.] ‘C’ deleted and circled, blue crayon; ‘Cut 10’ enclosed in box, blue crayon Diagram No. 6.] ‘B’ deleted and circled, blue crayon; ‘Cut 11’ enclosed in box, blue crayon made bottom … 8″] above ‘with frags of tiles’ pencil Diagram No. 7.] ‘No. 7’ del blue crayon; ‘A’ blue crayon, del blue crayon; ‘Fig 8.’ blue crayon, boxed right, left and below 1 blue crayon; ‘scale 4 inch to foot’ pencil 1

2 3 4

5 6 7

8

Joyce excavated the Roman town at Silchester, Hampshire, between 1864 and his death in 1878, recording his work in a three-volume journal that is now in the collections of Reading Museum (http://www. readingmuseum.org.uk/collections/archaeology/silchester/, accessed 10 May 2016). CD cited Joyce in Earthworms, pp. 203–23. Francis and Horace Darwin. The diagram is reproduced at 50 per cent of its original size. See Earthworms, p. 212, fig. 13. For colour images of the sections, see plate section following p. 468. In the transcription, labels that would not fit in their original position have been keyed to the diagrams with numbers in square brackets. The diagrams have been reproduced at between 40 and 50 per cent of the size of the originals, except for No. 5, which is actual size. Aerarium: treasury (Latin). On the Silchester eagle, see Toynbee 1963, plate 61 and p. 150. CD discussed the remains at Silchester in Earthworms, pp. 201–21, and reproduced versions of Joyce’s sections. Horace and Francis’s notes are in DAR 64.2: 67–72. His no. 11 reads: ‘In this section in our notes we find the depth at 13′ to be 3 38 ″ and at 14′, 3 14 ″ instead of 3 12 ″ in both cases. If this were drawn, I think one would be able to see which was the true value by the curve. The whole distance between the walls was 18′–4″’ Note 21 (see n. 7, above) reads:‘The worm mentioned in (19) was found in the wall just at the end at 2′–5″ below the old floor level and, and 4′–1 12 ″ below ground level.’ A series of numbers added to the text in pencil, and either overwritten in ink or erased and replaced by inked numbers in the margin, is also keyed to these notes and was probably added by Horace or Francis.

To Hyacinth Hooker   [18 November 1877]1 Cambridge Sunday My dear Lady Hooker I must thank you for so kindly remembering my weakness for bananas, & they are such splendid ones that even a L.L.D. may be excused for enjoying them.2 There was a tremendous crowd & hooting & cheering at the Senate House yesterday, with a suspended monkey &c; but I believe the cheering was more than the groaning which I thought was all against me, but was mostly against an unpopular proctor.3 Everyone has been most cordial & I have been honoured far above my deserts.—

Monkey suspended at Darwin’s honorary LLD ceremony. Reproduced from an image held at Christ’s College, Cambridge (Darwin Centenary papers) by kind permission of the Master and Fellows of the College.

November 1877

481

Pray thank Hooker for his little note, received just before we started I do so hope that you will be able to come to us before very long.4 I can well believe that Hooker must have an awful accumulation of work, & it is fortunate that he has a hundred-horse power of working.— Pray believe me | Yours very truly obliged | Ch. Darwin Karpeles Manuscript Library Museums 1 2 3

4

The date is established by the reference to CD’s honorary LLD ceremony at Cambridge on 17 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). The Sunday after 17 November 1877 was 18 November. Joseph Dalton Hooker used to send CD bananas from Kew; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from J. D. Hooker, 13 December 1876 and n. 1. The unpopular proctor was Alfred Edward Humphreys, junior proctor (letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [17 November 1877] (DAR 219.1: 98)). The proctors, among other tasks, maintained discipline at the university. The note has not been found. The latest extant letter from J. D. Hooker is that of 13 November 1877. There is no record of the Hookers visiting Down in 1877.

From Henry Jackson to Francis Darwin   18 November 1877 Croft Cottage. Barton Road. Nov. 18. 1877. Dear Darwin, On second thoughts an-heliotropic will not do at all. It would mean non-heliotropic. I should have thought that the best nomenclature would be prosheliotropic = solipetal (to coin another word) anheliotropic = neither solipetal nor solifugal aphheliotropic = solifugal But I think that it would be quite possible to speak of heliotropic and aphheliotropic. I presume that the latter word would in general lose its second h, and be written apheliotropic.1 I do not know whether from a philological point of view these words are correctly formed. I should have thought that negative heliotropic was an unhappy phrase. Yours ever, | Henry Jackson. F. Darwin Esq. DAR 209.11: 260 CD annotation End of letter : ‘heliotropic Apheliotropic | geotropic apogeotropic’2 pencil 1

CD and Francis Darwin had evidently consulted Jackson, a classical scholar at Cambridge University, about terminology for plants’ bending or turning under the influence of light. For CD’s usage of various terms, see Movement in plants, p. 5. Solipetal and solifugal are coinages of Jackson’s own (sun-seeking and sun-avoiding), as are prosheliotropic and anheliotropic.

482 2

November 1877

CD and Francis used the terms ‘geotropic’ and ‘apogeotropic’ in Movement in plants. They are terms for the directional growth of a plant in response to gravity.

To T. H. Huxley   19 November [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Monday night. 19th. Nov. My dear Huxley I cannot rest easy without telling you more gravely than I did when we met for five minutes near the Museum, how deeply I have felt the many generous things (as far as Frank could remember them) which you said about me at the dinner.2 Frank came early next morning boiling over with enthusiasm about your speech.— You have indeed always been to me a most generous friend; but I know, alas, too well how greatly you overestimate me. Forgive me for bothering you with these few lines. | Yours gratefully & affectionately | Charles Darwin. Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 328) 1 2

The year is established by the reference to the speech given by Huxley at a dinner following the presentation of an honorary LLD to CD (see n. 2, below). The Philosophical Society of Cambridge University gave a dinner in the evening of 17 November 1877, after the presentation of an honorary LLD degree to CD. The notes for Huxley’s speech at the dinner are reproduced in L. Huxley ed. 1900, pp. 480–1 (for Francis Darwin’s recollections of the speech, see ML 1: 371). The museum was probably the Museum of Zoology.

From E. W. Black   20 November 1877

Nov. 20th. ’77

Mr. Charles Darwin, Respected Sir: In your “Effect of Cross and Self-fertilisation,” p.  233, Chap vi. (D.  Appleton & Co., New York, 1877.)1 it is stated that the plant Zea Mays is monœcious. That it is generally strictly so is, no doubt, well known but that to this rule there are many exceptions, a slight inspection of one of our Maize fields here (where vast quantities of it are produced both for consumption and export) clearly shews, as they may be frequently found bearing both staminate & pistillate flowers on the same panicle or “tassel” and, I think, also perfect ones. In the harvesting season the small ears or “nubbins” resulting therefrom are, in a measure, common.2 This, I am led to believe, is due to reversion. In replying please direct me how to experiment to determine this point. You will find enclosed a short article on an imperfect experiment made to ascertain the best kind of Potatos for “seed”; large or small tubers3 If convenient you will oblige me by republishing in some good paper devoted to such subjects in your country, as I am desirous, if this be a general result, that it should become universally known to cultivators, and if anomalous it may provoke more extensive and decisive experiments. If true, however, in a general sense; its importance to the Agriculturist can hardly be over-rated. If published you will oblige me by returning copy of paper containing article.

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Should you, in any of your researches; desire any information which I may be able to furnish, I will be happy at all times to do so. Respectfully etc | E. Willson Black, | East Riverside, | Fayette Co., Pa. | U.S.A. DAR 160: 191 1 2 3

Cross and self fertilisation US ed. For similar observations, with illustrations, see E. G. Montgomery 1906. See also Variation 2d ed. 1: 339. The article has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL.

To Édouard Heckel   20 November 1877

Down, | Beckenham, Kent. November 20th/77

Dear Sir I thank you for your extremely kind & courteous letter. It would be the height of presumption in me to express any opinion of your French Translation, but as far as I could judge all seemed excellent.1 It would please me much to see a translation by you of the “Different Forms of Flowers”, but M. Reinwald informed me some little time since, that in the present political state of France he was afraid to bring out a Translation.— If you can get a Publisher, especially M. Reinwald, I shall be delighted.2 With much respect, | Dear Sir Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Barbara and Robert Pincus (private collection) 1 2

Heckel’s letter has not been found; he had translated Cross and self fertilisation into French (Heckel trans. 1877). See letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 13 October 1877 and n. 4. Charles-Ferdinand Reinwald did publish Heckel’s translation of Forms of flowers (Heckel trans. 1878). Throughout November 1877, France was in the throes of a political crisis owing to disagreement between the newly elected and mostly proRepublican Chamber of Deputies and the president, Marie Edmé Patrice Maurice de MacMahon; civil war seemed a possibility (Annual register (1877): 153–66).

From Charles Hoare   20 November 1877 “Darwin”; the sunset of thy life is cheered, By recognition;— Honours never sought, Though nobly earned; will make thy name revered! Few have so gallantly for Science fought:— Maligned, abused, with falsehoods too assailed, Dis-daining answer;— but Truth has prevailed. Science is honored in thy triumph!— all Who “think”, must thank Thee, for what Thou hast won; Tis not alone, mens minds released from thrall, Humanity is raised, by what you’ve done;— Before,—All life, seemed tainted at its fount; Now,—none can guess, how high, mans mind may mount.

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Unfettered by a Faith, that all debased, By teaching, man was born degenerate; Life’s hugest error, you at once effaced, And soon mankind your name will venerate; Not for release from mental slavery Alone;—but for your dauntless bravery! Accept this tribute from a humble man, Tis Earnest, as ’tis honest; may you feel Its warmth;— you little know, how many scan Your work, with admiration of the zeal! With which your life in Truth’s cause, has been spent, Nay, let us say, it has been only lent. The Harvest of your Fame, is yet to come; Now,—is the Seed time of the facts you’ve sown, Posterity has yet your Worth to sum, When the Truths ripen; then it will be known, What mankind owes you, for your contribution, To its advancement, based on “Evolution”. Charles Hoare: York Villa, Lower Avenue | Southampton 20 Nov 1877. To Chas Darwin Esq | LLD. FRS &c &c &c &c. On his visit to Cambridge | Nov 18771 DAR 140.1: 24 1

CD was granted an honorary LLD at Cambridge University on 17 November 1877. Hoare’s poem was published in 1878 as part of his Dogma, doubt, and duty: a poem in five cantos (Hoare [1878]). He visited Down in October 1878 wanting to dedicate a poem to CD, and mentioning that he banked with William Erasmus Darwin (letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, 14 October [1878] (DAR 219.1: 117)); he visited William in January 1879 asking for a loan, offering as security 400 copies of a book dedicated to CD, which William referred to as ‘his D—D. D. D. book’ (letter from W. E. Darwin to Emma Darwin, [14 January 1879] (DAR 210.5: 32)).

To G. H. Darwin   21 November [1877]1 [Down.] Nov. 21.—

My dear G.— Please find out when Cloisters in Neville Court are swept & examine just before the time so as to see whether any connection between sagging of pavemts & castings— I suppose not.— If castings any measure how far within roof of cloisters.—2

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I enjoyed my stay at Cambridge to a very unusual degree,—owing chiefly to you good boys.— If Cambridge newspaper publishes full account of L.L.D. do send us a copy.3 I shd like any news about the proposed memorial.—4 We will let you know if Galton comes on Sunday, but I do not suppose you will desert the interior of the earth.5 Your affect Father | C. Darwin DAR 210.1: 64 1 2 3 4

5

The year is established by the reference to CD’s honorary LLD degree, which was presented to him on 17 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). CD made no reference to Nevile’s Court, Trinity College, Cambridge, in his discussions of worm-castings in Earthworms. There is a copy of a report on the presentation of an honorary LLD to CD from the Cambridge Chronicle, 24 November 1877, p. 4, in DAR 215: 30c. In DAR 215: 31b, there is a report of a meeting in Cambridge on 25 November 1877, at which it was resolved to form a committee to collect subscriptions for a memorial, which was to take the form of a portrait of CD. The portrait of CD in his red LLD robes was painted by William Blake Richmond in June 1879 (Browne 2002, p. 451), and is now at the Department of Zoology, University of Cambridge (ODNB s.v. Richmond, William Blake). According to Emma Darwin’s diary, Francis Galton visited Down on Saturday 24 November 1877; she did not mention George’s coming that weekend. George was working on the state of the interior of the earth; see G. H. Darwin 1878, and letter from G. H. Darwin, [28 October 1877].

From T. H. Huxley   21 November 1877 4 Marlborough Place | N.W Nov 21. 1877 My dear Darwin Nothing can give me greater pleasure than [there arising] the chance of speaking my mind about you & your work which was afforded me at the Dinner the other night— I said not a word beyond what I believe to be stricly accurate—; and, please Sir, I don’t sneer at any body. There was only a little touch of the whip at starting & it was so tied round with ribbons that it took them some time to find out where the flick had hit—1 My wife made up her mind to stay with the Fosters till tomorrow unfortunately she has been obliged to lay up—2 She would have me write out my speech as well as I could recollect it— so I have sent her a version for her amusement and one of the girls shall write you out a copy of it when she comes back.3 I hope Mrs Darwin is none the worse Ever | Yours very faithfully | T H Huxley DAR 166: 348 1

Huxley had spoken at a dinner in Cambridge following the presentation of an honorary LLD to CD (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 19 November [1877]). According to L. Huxley ed. 1900, 1: 480, Huxley said:

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Mr. Darwin’s work had fully earned the distinction you have to-day conferred upon him four and twenty years ago; but I doubt not that he would have found in that circumstance an exemplification of the wise foresight of his revered intellectual mother. Instead of offering her honours when they ran a chance of being crushed beneath the accumulated marks of approbation of the whole civilised world, the University has waited until the trophy was finished, and has crowned the edifice with the delicate wreath of academic appreciation. 2 3

Henrietta Anne Huxley was staying with Michael and Margaret Sarah Foster at Great Shelford, near Cambridge. Huxley had five daughters, all unmarried at this date. For recollections of his speech, see L. Huxley ed. 1900, 1: 480, and ML 1: 371. No copy of the speech has been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL; there is a copy at Imperial College London, Records and Archives, Miscellaneous Darwiniana, papers of T. H. Huxley, 41.151.

To Nature   21 November [1877]1 Fritz Müller on Flowers and Insects The enclosed letter from that excellent observer, Fritz Müller, contains some miscellaneous observations on certain plants and insects of South Brazil, which are so new and curious that they will probably interest your naturalist readers.2 With respect to his case of bees getting their abdomen dusted with pollen while gnawing the glands on the calyx of one of the Malpighiaceæ, and thus effecting the cross-fertilisation of the flowers, I will remark that this case is closely analogous to that of Coronilla recorded by Mr. Farrer in your journal some years ago, in which parts of the flowers have been greatly modified, so that bees may act as fertilisers while sucking the secretion on the outside of the calyx.3 The case is interesting in another way. My son Francis has shown that the food-bodies of the Bull’s-horn Acacia, which are consumed by the ants that protect the tree from its enemies (as described by Mr. Belt), consist of modified glands; and he suggests that aboriginally the ants licked a secretion from the glands, but that at a subsequent period the glands were rendered more nutritious and attractive by the retention of the secretion and other changes, and that they were then devoured by the ants.4 But my son could advance no case of glands being thus gnawed or devoured by insects, and here we have an example. With respect to Solanum palinacanthum, which bears two kinds of flowers on the same plant, one with a long style and large stigma, the other with a short style and small stigma, I think more evidence is requisite before this species can be considered as truly heterostyled, for I find that the pollen-grains from the two forms do not differ in diameter.5 Theoretically it would be a great anomaly if flowers on the same plant were functionally heterostyled, for this structure is evidently adapted to insure cross-fertilisation of distinct plants. Is it not more probable that the case is merely one of the same plant bearing male flowers through partial abortion, together with

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the original hermaphrodite flowers? Fritz Müller justly expresses surprise at Mr. Leggett’s suspicion that the difference in length of the pistil in the flowers of Pontederia cordata of the United States is due to difference of age; but since the publication of my book Mr. Leggett has fully admitted, in the Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club, that this species is truly heterostyled and trimorphic.6 The last point on which I wish to remark is the difference between the males and females of certain butterflies in the neuration of the wings, and in the presence of tufts of peculiarly-formed scales. An American naturalist has recently advanced this case as one that cannot possibly be accounted for by sexual selection.7 Consequently, Fritz Müller’s observations which have been published in full in a recent number of Kosmos, are to me highly interesting, and in themselves highly remarkable.8 Charles Darwin Down, Beckenham, Kent, November 21 Nature, 29 November 1877, p. 78 1 2 3

4

5 6

7 8

The year is established by the date of publication of the letter in Nature. CD enclosed the letter from Fritz Müller, 19 October 1877. See letter from Fritz Müller, 19 October 1877. Thomas Henry Farrer had described the action of bees on the calyx of Coronilla varia (a synonym of Securigera varia, purple crown vetch) in an article on papilionaceous flowers published in Nature, 2 July 1874 (T. H. Farrer 1874, p. 169). See F. Darwin 1876d, pp. 402–4. The food-bodies on Acacia sphaerocephala (a synonym of Vachellia sphaerocephala, bull’s-horn thorn) had first been described by Thomas Belt in The naturalist in Nicaragua (Belt 1874a, p. 218). See letter from Fritz Müller, 19 October 1877 and n. 5. See letter from Fritz Müller, 19 October 1877 and n. 10. William Henry Leggett had confirmed tristyly in Pontederia cordata in Leggett 1877. In the preface to Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. viii, CD added a reference to Leggett 1877. The American naturalist has not been identified. See Fritz Müller 1877a.

From G. H. Darwin   22 November 1877

Trin Coll. Camb. Nov 22. 77.

My dear Father, I will look out in the cloisters for worm-castings, but I do not remember ever to have seen any on the pavement.1 The pavement under the library is very uneven, but it is all made ground, and the river used to flow there some 300 years ago   I believe the library is built on logs of wood.2 The staircase at my end of the library & the part of the new court at the other end have settled so much as to crack the walls, which have been strengthened within my memory. I suppose the ground was not so carefully prepared there. I am very glad to see the account of that paper before the Acad. of Vienna as I was intending to use the secular acceleration of the moon’s motion in my work. I find it hard to believe that M.  Littrow is correct in having explained it, as it has received so much attention from Laplace Adams & Delaunay.3

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November 1877

I am very glad to hear that you enjoyed your stay here & that the hurly burly was’nt too much for you. I will look at the Cambridge papers when they come out on Sat. & send you copies if there is anything in them of interest4 I shall not come home on Saturday because we have got another of our meetings & I cd. not start until evening,—also I want to get on with my work. I have been finding out some extraordinary things in the last few days, but have been muddling unprofitably over some long arithmetic of which I know the result as far as it is interesting to know it, but which won’t come quite right. I have hit on a possible fallacy in Sir W. T’s investigation as to the secular cooling of the earth— these tides in it wd. be continually heating it & I think it possible that it might be sufficient to render his calculation of the date of consolidation fallacious by a good deal— however it all depends on numbers & I’ve no conjecture how they will turn out   I can’t take it up now but shd. like to bowl him over.5 Adams Maxwell & Thomson have signed my RS paper & I rather expect Cayley will do so too. Glaisher is going to do so & Jevons will I have no doubt also— So I shall have a grand set of names to back me.6 I have received an invit. to dinner on the 28th at Burn’s to meet the Fawcetts but I met Burn & told him I shd. prob. have to be in London—7 he told me I might leave it open if I liked   I want to know therefore whether there will be any chance of seeing anybody in London on Wednesday & if I cd. find a bed anywhere—altho’ I cd. go to a hotel for that matter. If I shd. see Wm. Hen8 Mother or any of them I wd. not go to this dinner— Also I cdn’t be in London until 10.30 on Thursday & wd. that be in time for the wedding. I shd. rather like to go to the dinner but am not partic. desirous of doing so & d w . prefer a family gathering in London. As I shd. like to be able to give an answer soon will Mother send me a telegram as it what she thinks. I have heard so little of the plans as to the wedding that I cant settle for myself I had a civil letter from Evans & also from Jas Geikie9 Your affectionate Son | G H Darwin DAR 210.2: 62 1 2

3

See letter to G. H. Darwin, 21 November [1877] and n. 2. On the construction of the Wren Library at Trinity College, Cambridge, see McKitterick ed. 1995, especially pp. 39–41. The arcade was supported by inverted brick arches in the foundations, but these were not rediscovered until 1970. The paper by August Weiler, ‘Die säkulare Beschleunigung der mittleren Bewegung des Mondes’ (The secular acceleration of the mean motion of the moon; Weiler 1877–8), was summarised at the 25 October 1877 meeting of the Imperial Academy of Sciences in Vienna by Karl Ludwig von Littrow (Anzeiger der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Mathematisch-naturwissenschaftliche Classe 14 (1877): 220–2). Pierre Simon Laplace, John Couch Adams, and Charles Eugène Delaunay had also worked on the problem; see Laplace 1788, Adams 1853, and Delaunay 1859. On the problem, and George’s contribution (e.g. G. H. Darwin 1878), see Cartwright 1999, pp. 144–50. George Darwin’s Scientific papers vol. 2 contains his papers on the subject with a preface (G. H. Darwin 1907–16).

November 1877 4 5

6

7

8 9

489

CD had visited Cambridge to receive an honorary LLD, staying from 16 to 19 November (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See letter to G. H. Darwin, 21 November [1877] and n. 3. The physicist William Thomson (later Lord Kelvin) had calculated the age of the earth based on its cooling from a molten ball, concluding that the earth could not possibly have existed with its crust in a similar state as at present for the length of time proposed by geologists (see Thomson 1865 and Burchfield 1990). By the mid-1870s, he was proposing that the age of the earth was approximately 100 million years (C. Smith and Wise 1989, pp. 579–611). On George’s work in relation to Thomson, see Kushner 1993, especially p. 203. George’s name was put forward for election to the Royal Society of London on 7 March 1878 (Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 27 (1878): 156) and again on 6 March 1879 (ibid. 28 (1878–9): 379) and 1 May 1879 (ibid. 29 (1879): 1); he was elected on 12 June 1879 (Record of the Royal Society of London). As well as those already mentioned in these footnotes, George refers to James Clerk Maxwell, Arthur Cayley, James Whitbread Lee Glaisher, and William Stanley Jevons; all the men he named signed his proposal form (Royal Society archives, EC/1879/13). Robert Burn had been Francis Darwin’s tutor at Trinity College, Cambridge (Correspondence vol. 13, letter to Robert Burn, 2 December [1865]). Henry Fawcett was professor of political economy at Cambridge; his wife was Millicent Garrett Fawcett. William Erasmus Darwin and Sara Sedgwick’s wedding took place at Trinity Church, Paddington, London, on Thursday 29 November 1877 (London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1921 (Ancestry.com, accessed 24 May 2016)). Henrietta Emma Litchfield. John Evans’s letter to George has not been found; James Geikie’s letter of 20 November 1877, thanking George for a copy of his paper ‘On the influence of geological changes on the earth’s axis of rotation’ (G. H. Darwin 1876b), is in DAR 251: 1905.

From William Saunders   22 November 1877 Canada | London Ontario Novr 22/77 Chas Darwin Esq Dear Sir I send you by todays mail a package of Plants which I trust will be of some interest to you as illustrating the effects of Hybridization. The package contains six plants—2 of Doolittle Black Cap—2 of Philadelphia and 2 Hybrids marked 70 and 72. The Doolittle Blk Cap is an improved variety of the American Black Raspberry Rubus occidentalis which originated in New York and propagates itself by rooting from the tips of the wood of the current year. The Philadelphia is a chance seedling of Rubus strigosus1 found wild in the county of Philadelphia Pa and propagates itself by suckers from the root. The fruit of the former is black, that of the latter red In 1870 I operated on the flowers of the Doolittle Blk Cap with pollen from the Philadelphia and succeeded in ripening a number of seeds of this cross from which I obtained the following season 35  plants. As one object I had in view was the raising of hardy varieties I gave these young seedlings no protection in winter, hence six died from exposure. The  29  which survived were planted out on my farm and all have fruited. In every one there were plain evidences of intermixture in foliage and fruit, but all rooted at the tip and in three or four instances I have found a sucker thrown up from the roots as well at distances varying from 3 or 4 to

490

November 1877

12  inches from the crown. As my primary object was the obtaining of valuable fruits I rejected all that were not promising in this respect and those I send you nos 70  and 72  are among the best. The fruit is intermediate both in color and flavor between that of the two parents, in fact when a berry of the Doolittle and Philadelphia is mixed together and compared with the Hybrids the taste is so identical that it is difficult to distinguish the one from the other. The berry of the hybrids may be called a purple cap; the stool which it sits on is intermediate in form between the Doolittle and Philadelphia, you will observe also that there is a difference in the character of the roots These new fruits will I believe prove valuable being very hardy and wonderfully prolific. The only difficulty in the way of their general introduction is that they are somewhat difficult to propagate—they do not root readily from the tips and sucker very rarely. A friend of mine who is trying to grow them for me has partly got over this difficulty by burying the new wood in the fall an inch or two below the surface when he finds the following spring that each bud sends up a small fruiting branch and at the base of each of these a cluster of roots is formed I send you also some reports of the commissioner of agriculture for Ontario for 1872  and 1873  in which you will find further details in regard to this matter on the pages where you will find leaves turned down. You may possibly find other details which will interest you in the Report for 1872 in my paper “Experiments in Hybridizing”2 From our mutual friend the late B. D. Walsh of Illinois and also from C. V. Riley of Missouri I have heard of your kind courtesy which may be given as one reason why I have ventured thus to trespass on your time which I know must be extremely valuable Yours very respectfully | Wm Saunders DAR 177: 39 1 2

Rubus strigosus is a synonym of R. sachalinensis var. sachalinensis. CD’s copy of the 1872 report is in the Darwin Library–Down; his copy of the 1873 report has not been found. In the report of 1873, there was an account of a visit to Saunders’s fruit farm, including a discussion of his Doolittle–Philadelphia hybrids (Beadle et al. 1873, pp. 258–9). The paper on hybridity is Saunders 1872.

From R. F. Cooke   23 November 1877 50A, Albemarle Street, London, W. Nov 23 1877 My dear Sir We are now going to print off 2000 copies of the “Origin of Species” to enable us to complete the orders we have received, as we have only about 130 copies in stock.1 Have you any corrections?

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We also find that our friends Messrs. Clowes have kept up in type, all this long time, the following works of yours Cross & Self-Fertilization Orchids Forms of Flowers & we must now release their type.2 But Mr Murray thinks the charge for stereotyping is not very burdensome that we had better do so, in case reprints may be required. Therefore if you have no objection we will do so, & in this case perhaps you will send any corrections you may have by you for each work, so that they may be embodied. We have read recent doings at Cambridge with much pleasure3 Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq L.L.D. DAR 171: 494 1 2

3

See also letter from R. F. Cooke, 12 October 1877. William Clowes & Sons were John Murray’s usual printers. Cross and self fertilisation was published in 1876, Orchids 2d ed. in January 1877 (Publishers’ Circular, 1 February 1877, p. 93), and Forms of flowers in July 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD had been awarded an honorary LLD degree at Cambridge on 17 November 1877. The event was widely reported, including in the Daily News, 19 November 1877, p. 6, and The Times, 20 November 1877, p. 6.

From G. H. Darwin   [23 November 1877]1 My dear Father, I forgot to ask you when you were here whether you wd. like to sign my R.S proposal paper.2 I shall have 6 without you, but if you wd. sign I need hardly say I shd. like it,— but of course I do’nt know whether you think you know eno’ of my work to do so. Will you send a postcard with yes or no. I shall go to Lond. on Wedn. & meet Wm.3 Yrs affec | G H Darwin DAR 210.2: 63 1 2

3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter, the letter from G. H. Darwin, 22 November 1877, and the letter to G. H. Darwin, 24 November [1877]. See letter from G. H. Darwin, 22 November 1877. George was hoping to be elected a fellow of the Royal Society of London. CD had been in Cambridge from 16 to 19 November for the award of an honorary LLD (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). William Erasmus Darwin’s wedding took place at Trinity Church, Paddington, London, on Thursday 29 November 1877 (London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1921 (Ancestry.com, accessed 24 May 2016)).

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November 1877

To R. F. Cooke   24 November 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Nov 24. 1877 My dear Sir, You wrote to me two or three weeks ago saying that you intended to print off 1,000 copies of the Origin; & I answered you that I had no corrections. I suppose the 2000 copies now spoken of includes the previous 1,000; but I should like to hear how this is.1 With respect to the Fertilisation of Orchids, if Mr Murray thinks fit I shall be glad to have it stereotyped: I enclose one trifling erratum.2 I fear that I cannot agree to Cross-Fertilisation & Forms of Flowers being stereotyped: but before I finally decide I should like to hear how many copies you have of each.3 It is too soon to stereotype Forms of Flowers & I am working so hard that I cannot bear to give up two or three weeks to correct Cross-Fertilisation It is extremely kind of Messrs Clowes to have kept up the type so long, & I can see that it is a great pity not to take advantage of it for stereotyping My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS National Library of Scotland (John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 ff. 300–1) 1

2 3

See letters from R. F. Cooke, 12 October 1877 and 23 November 1877; Cooke’s letter of two or three weeks ago saying that he intended to print 1000 copies of Origin has not been found, nor has CD’s letter to Cooke saying he had no corrections. See letter from R. F. Cooke, 23 November 1877. For the correction, see the letter from J. V. Carus, 13 June 1877; the correction was made to the revised second edition of Orchids in 1882. Cross and self fertilisation and Forms of flowers. Stereotyping involved preparing preparing a mould of papier-mâché or plaster that could be used to produce a solid plate of type metal, which made the text harder to alter.

To G. H. Darwin   24 November [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Nov. 24th My dear old George I shd.  like to sign your paper, but as it will be obvious to all on Council that I cannot judge in the least of your work,—that is whether well or ill done, & as I am your Father, my impression is that I had better not sign.—2 Cd you ask Glaisher,3 if you see him?— But do whatever seems best to you. I do hope your new results will turn out good.— Did not Thompson overlook the heat generated by the crushing & folding of the strata during the secular refrigeration of the globe, to which Mallet attributes all volcanic phenomena?— If I remember rightly Malet enters an estimation of amount of heat thus generated. This must add something to your tidal heat—4 Yours affect | C. D.

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An Engineer Mr Read(?) of Liverpool wrote to me that he is going to publish versus Thompson about refrigeration of globe.—5 The more I think the more I am inclined to believe I had better not sign.— DAR 210.1: 65 1 2

3 4 5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, [23 November 1877]. See letter from G. H. Darwin, [23 November 1877]. George had asked whether CD would like to sign his proposal form for fellowship of the Royal Society of London. (CD did not sign it: Royal Society archives, EC/1879/13.) James Whitbread Lee Glaisher. See letter from G. H. Darwin, 22 November 1877 and nn. 3 and 5. Robert Mallet’s calculations appeared in Mallet 1872, tab. 1. For his comments on William Thomson, see ibid., pp. 147, 201, 204, 205. See letter to T. M. Reade, 12 October [1877]. Reade sent CD his paper, ‘The age of the world as viewed by the geologist and the mathematician’ (Reade 1878), in April 1878 (Correspondence vol. 26, letter to T. M. Reade, 8 April 1878). See also Burchfield 1990, pp. 98–100.

From Samuel Butler to Francis Darwin   25 November 1877 15, Clifford’s Inn | Fleet Street E. C Nov. 25. 1877 Dear Darwin I am going down home this week, but expect that before I return my book will be out; it has been vexatiously delayed by printers— but shd leave the binders Thursday or Friday and I have left instructions that two copies should be at once sent you— one of which, if you think fit after reading it you will perhaps be kind enough to give to your father.1 I confess that I do not like the thought of either his seeing it or of your doing so, for it has resolved itself into a down right attack upon your father’s view of evolution and a defence of what I conceive to be Lamarck’s, and this is what I neither anticipated nor wished but what I was simply driven into.2 I should like if you will pardon me just to state how and why I did not say more to you on this head when I saw you last.3 Two or three days before I saw you a man had insisted on my reading Mivart’s book, and sent me a copy—4 I read it and when I saw you had got through about a quarter of it. I at once felt that something was wanted to give an aim to variations, and if you remember said that I felt this— I then got your father’s last edition of the Origin which I had not looked at for some years having lent my own copy to some one who had not returned it— I read the answers to Mivart, some of which were convincing, but others did not seem to me to be so.5 Then I read on and came to the chapter on instinct—and on p. 206 was horrified to read “It would be a serious error &c … ”6 Now this cut at the very root of what I was doing and I felt as though I had better burn my M.S at once— I finished the chapter—and was I need not say 〈    〉 more sure than before that I must have blundered—the conclusion on page 233 “I am surprised &c” knocked me out of time I can assure you.7 This was the first I had ever heard of the doctrine of inherited habit— which I had conceived was the

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new feature of my own book—and now to find that it was a stale old theory of the exploded Lamarck and was demonstrably impossible when my book was three parts done was, I can assure you, no small blow. On thinking it over however I was again met with the weight of the evidence in favour of structure and habit being mainly due to memory, and accordingly gathered what I could from encyclopædias of what Lamarck had said—also I read as much about bees and ants as I could lay my hands on and in a little time saw my way again. I had no time to read Lamarck, but shall do so at once and, I think, translate him now—unless I find he has been translated already—but let that pass. Then reading your father more closely—and, I may say, more sceptically—the full antagonism between him and Lamarck came for the first time before me, and I saw plainly that there was no possibility of compromise between the two views. Then I fell to analysing your father’s answers to miscellaneous objections more closely and was met, and this time brought up by, the passage on p. 171 “In the earlier editions &c” on which I have been very severe in my own book8—but simply from the necessities of my own position, for either your father or Lamarck (and hence I) am on a very mistaken track—and the matter must be fought out according to the rules of the game—then—I went through the earlier part of my book and cut out all support of “natural selection” & made it square in with a teleological view—for such I take it Lamarck’s is, and only different from Paley’s in so far as the design with Paley is from without, and with Lamarck from within9—and feeling that I was in for a penny and might as well be in for a pound I wrote about your father’s work exactly as I should have done about any one else’s bearing in mind his immense services and his age as compared with my own— In one passage only have I been disrespectful— that is when I say that “domestic productions” may mean anything from a baby to an apple dumpling10—but I could not resist it—and can only say that it was “not I that did it, but sin that waketh in me”—11 In the other passages I have been exceedingly I hardly like to say “severe” but this is the word I should have used if I were your father’s equal in age and knowledge—but I have always frankly admitted, and in such way as to leave no sense of arriére pensée,12 the inestimable boon which he has conferred upon us by teaching us to believe in evolution, though maintaining that he has led us to believe in it on grounds which I for my own part cannot accept. What I imagine I have added to Lamarck, (though I make no shadow of doubt that if it is true either Lamarck will be found to have said it, or else that some one else will have done so—still I don’t know where to find it) is that I have pointed out the bonâ fide character of the continued personality between successive generations, and the bonâ fide character of the memory on the part of the offspring, of its past existences in the persons of its forefathers, and have connected this with the vanishing tendency of consciousness and the phenomena of the abeyance and recurrence of memory.13 With these additions (if they are additions) I cannot see that Lamarck’s system is wrong. As for “natural selection” frankly to me it now seems a rope of sand as in

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any way accounting for the “origin of species.” Of course I am strengthened in my opinion by seeing that it reduces to a common source the sterility of hybrids, the sterility of many wild animals under domestication—all variation (as being only a phase of sterility itself—or rather the only alternative left to a creature under greatly changed conditions if the changes are not great enough to induce sterility), the phenomena of growth—& metagenesis—the phenomena of old age, and a lot more which I see at present too uncertainly to venture to commit myself on paper concerning them— I was obliged to leave the pangenesis chapter out, as I was anxious to keep my book as short as possible and it grew very rapidly upon me towards the end—14 Moreover what you told me about the review in Nature determined me to “hurry up.”15 Well— I hope you will forgive the inordinate length of this letter If you remember a few days after seeing you I wrote that I was afraid I should have to differ from your father not a little only but seriously & fundamentally— I had finished Mivart’s book between your visit and my letter— as I went on I felt that I could hardly again write and say “I am differing more seriously and more fundamentally”—in fact there was nothing for it but to go ahead— the only thing would be to explain to you that when I saw you I had not yet begun to write the last 5 chapters of my book and had only just begun to see that I might have to fall foul of “natural selection”. Also I should like to assure you, and your father through you—that I have been, and am, a good deal exercised in mind about the whole matter. Nothing would surprise me less than to see something sprung upon me in reviews and answers which cuts the ground completely from under me—and of course I neither expect nor give quarter in a philosophical argument. We want to get on to the right side, and neither your father nor I take it myself care two straws how we get on to the right side so long as we get there—nor do we want half refutations nor beatings about the bush. we want to come to an understanding as to what is true and what false as soon as possible, & we know well that we score more for retracting after having been deeply committed than for keeping on to our original course when a new light has come upon us—so you must not be surprised if I am myself among the first to turn upon new book and send it, as I shall most assuredly do if I find, as I probably shall find, that it is naught. Please excuse this erasure.16 Its purpose was to say how sorry I was that your father should have been at school under my grandfather in as much as I myself should dislike an attack from a son or grandson of Kennedy’s when I shd not care two pence about it from any one else.17 Believe me yrs very truly | S. Butler. I have written this in copying ink, & from a copy because I am sure I shall never again be at the pains of writing the steps by which my book came to be what is, but am not sorry to have a record of them. DAR 160: 393

496 1

2 3 4

5 6

November 1877

Butler’s Life and habit (Butler 1878) was published on 4 December 1877 ( Jones 1919, 1: 261). No copy survives in the Darwin Libraries at Down or CUL. For Francis’s reply to this letter, and for his response to Butler 1878, see Jones 1919, 1: 260–1, 263–4. Butler was interested in Jean Baptiste de Lamarck’s theory of the inheritance of acquired characteristics or habits. See Raby 1990, pp. 161–8. Francis had lunched with Butler on 26 September 1877 ( Jones 1919, 1: 256–7). St George Jackson Mivart’s book On the genesis of species (Mivart 1871) included an extended critique of CD’s theory of natural selection. The friend who recommended that Butler read it has not been identified. Origin (1876) was a corrected reprint of the sixth edition of 1872, which included a new chapter responding to Mivart‘s criticisms (chapter 7). The chapter on instinct was chapter 8. The full quotation reads, But it would be a serious error to suppose that the greater number of instincts have been acquired by habit in one generation, and then transmitted by inheritance to succeeding generations. It can be clearly shown that the most wonderful instincts with which we are acquainted, namely those of the hive-bee and of many ants, could not possibly have been acquired by habit.

7

CD had discussed ants in which two sterile castes existed in the same nest, being widely different from each other and from their parents, concluding, The case … proves that with animals, as with plants, any amount of modification may be effected by the accumulation of numerous, slight, spontaneous variations, which are in any way profitable, without exercise or habit having been brought into play. For peculiar habits confined to the workers or sterile females, however long they might be followed, could not possibly affect the males and fertile females, which alone leave descendants. I am surprised that no one has hitherto advanced this demonstrative case of neuter insects, against the well-known doctrine of inherited habit, as advanced by Lamarck.

8

9 10

CD had also mentioned Lamarck and the effects of use and disuse, or habit, in his Historical sketch at the beginning of Origin from the third edition onwards (pp. xiii–xiv in the 1876 edition). ‘In the earlier editions of this work I under-rated, as it now seems probable, the frequency and importance of modifications due to spontaneous variability. But it is impossible to attribute to this cause the innumerable structures which are so well adapted to the habits of life of each species.’ In Butler 1878, pp. 258–61, Butler concluded that this passage was ‘as nearly meaningless’ as it could be. By ‘spontaneous variability’, CD meant special cases such as bud-variations: for example, a nectarine that appeared on the stock of a peach tree. William Paley, in his Natural theology, put forward an argument for the existence of God from the apparent evidence of beneficent design in the natural world (Paley 1802). Butler 1878, p. 255: Mr. Darwin tells us, in the preface to his last edition of the “Origin of species,” that Lamarck was partly led to his conclusions by the analogy of domestic productions. It is rather hard to say what these words imply; they may mean anything from a baby to an apple dumpling, but if they imply that Lamarck drew his inspirations from the gradual development of the mechanical inventions of man, and from the progress of man’s ideas, I would say that of all sources this would seem to be the safest and most fertile from which to draw.

11 12 13

14

CD used ‘domestic productions’ in the sense of domesticated animals and cultivated plants. Rom. 7:17: ‘Now then it is no more I that do it, but sin that dwelleth in me.’ Arrière pensée: mental reservation or concealed aim (French). In Butler 1878, Butler traced the origin of characteristics in animals and plants to memories that had been acquired over many generations and had become unconscious, gradually taking the form of instincts, reflexes, and organic structures. For more on Butler’s concept of unconscious memory, see Beer 2007. Chapter 27 of Variation 2d ed., ‘Provisional hypothesis of pangenesis’, outlined CD’s ideas regarding heredity; CD suggested that minute particles (gemmules) circulated in the bodily fluids and were

November 1877

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497

capable of generating new cells, remaining dormant until required. He thought his hypothesis could explain both sexual and asexual reproduction, as well as reversion and the regrowth of body parts. Edwin Ray Lankester had published an article in Nature, 13 June 1876, on Ernst Haeckel’s theory of perigenesis (Lankester 1876; Haeckel had substituted a wave theory of hereditary transmission for the particulate theory, pangenesis, put forward by CD). Haeckel was inspired partly by Ewald Hering’s ‘Über das Gedächtnis als eine allgemeine Function des organisirten Materie’ (On memory as a general function of organised matter; Hering 1870). Lankester summarised as follows (Lankester 1876, p. 237): [Hering] points out that since all transmission of ‘qualities’ from cell to cell in the growth and repair of one and the same organ, or from parent to offspring, is a transmission of vibrations or affectations of material particles, whether these qualities manifest themselves as form, or as a facility for entering upon a given series of vibrations, we may speak of all such phenomena as ‘memory,’ whether it be the conscious memory exhibited by the nerve-cells of the brain or the unconscious memory we call habit, or the inherited memory we call instinct; or whether again it be the reproduction of parental form and minute structure. From the earliest existence of protoplasm to the present day, the memory of living matter is continuous.

16 17

Before this sentence, four lines of text have been scribbled out. CD had attended Shrewsbury School under the headmastership of Samuel Butler (1774–1839), Butler’s grandfather. When Butler himself attended the school, the headmaster was Benjamin Hall Kennedy.

To J. D. Hooker   25 November [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Nov. 25 My dear Hooker Could you not get Mr Lynch to answer this note?2 Two Neptunia oleracea of last lot have germinated in a pan kept at tremendous heat.— What had I better do with them? I thought to put pan, as soon as any true leaves appear, in larger vessel & fill with water up to bases of true leaves; but I am of course quite ignorant how to treat them.—3 Ever yours | C. Darwin Could you send me seeds of Oxalis sensitiva I want to see cotyledons.—4 DAR 95: 4635 1 2 3 4 5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 13 November 1877. Richard Irwin Lynch was foreman of the propagating department at Kew; his reply has not been found. See letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 November [1877] and n. 2, and letter from J. D. Hooker, 13 November 1877. Neptunia oleracea is water mimosa or sensitive neptunia. CD discussed the movement of the cotyledons of Oxalis sensitiva (a synonym of Biophytum sensitiva) in Movement in plants. See also letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [20–4 August 1877] and n. 2. DAR 95: 464 is a printed copy of the public oration delivered at CD’s honorary LLD ceremony (see Appendix VII); it was presumably enclosed with this letter, judging by its position in the archive.

498

November 1877

From Fritz Müller   [27 November 1877]1

Santa Caterina, Brazil

My children lately caught on flowers of Calonyction (sp. ?) a Sphinx-moth, the proboscis of which is 22 centimetres long. As I think that you would be glad to see this curious proboscis I send it to you.2 […] During the month of October I have watched for some weeks the butterflies visiting a Lantana near my house, the flowers of which are yellow the first day, orange the second, purple the third day, and falling off on the morning of the fourth.3 Eight out of eleven species of butterflies (Heliconius apseudes, Colænis Dido, C. Julia, Dione Juno, Hesperocharis Anguitia, Eurema Leuce, Daptonoura Lycimnia, and Callidryas Cipris) never touched an orange or purple flower, limiting their visits exclusively to the yellow ones.4 Two specimens of Pieris Aripa (or Elodia?) proceeded in the same way, whilst a third specimen of this Pieris inserted its proboscis indifferently into yellow or orange flowers.5 Three specimens of Danais Erippus evidently preferred yellow flowers, but sometimes also tried orange flowers, and one of them even once put its proboscis into a purple flower; a fourth specimen of Danais visited yellow flowers only.6 Lastly, I saw three specimens of Hesperidæ, but as I did not catch them, and as the species most closely resemble each other, I do not know whether they belonged to the same species; two visited exclusively yellow flowers, the third indifferently flowers of any colour—yellow, orange, or purple.7 These observations, of which a full account will be published in the ‘Archivos do Museo Nacional do Rio de Janeiro,’ confirm those by Delpino on Ribes aureum and Caragana arborescens.8 If the flowers lasted but one day the flower-heads would be by far less conspicuous; if they lasted three days without changing colour, butterflies would lose much time in visiting honeyless, already-fertilized flowers. […] Yesterday I caught, for the first time, the male of a Sphinx-moth which exhaled a strong musk-like odour; as you know, this is also the case Scent-fans of with the males of the European S. convolvuli and S. ligustri; but Sphinx-moth. nobody has as yet, so far as I know, indicated the odiferous organ. It is formed by two pencils of hairs situated on the ventral side of the base of the abdomen, and when at rest are perfectly hidden by the scales (hairs?).9 I do not remember whether I have already called your attention to an interesting secondary sexual character observable in several species of Callidryas and some other Pierinæ. The costal margin of the anterior wing is sharply serrated in the males, while it is smooth in the females. In Callidryas Philea some females have the wings smooth, others serrated, but in a far less degree than in the male. This may be a sort of weapon in the battles of the males.10 Whether in Papilio Grayi, P. Cleotas, P. Coræbus, and their allies, the serrated margin of the fore wings is limited to the male sex I do not know, not having yet caught females of these rare species.11 Transactions of the Entomological Society of London (1878): (Proceedings) ii–iii12

November 1877 1 2

3 4

5 6 7 8

9

10

11 12

499

The date is given in the published source. Calonyction is a synonym of Ipomoea; Müller probably observed I. alba (tropical white morning-glory). The moth species was later identified as Macrosilia cluentius (a synonym of Neococytius cluentius, the cluentius sphinx; see Nature, 17 January 1878, p. 221). CD sent the letter and enclosures to Raphael Meldola, who exhibited the proboscis at a meeting of the Entomological Society of London on 6 February 1878 (see Transactions of the Entomological Society of London (1878): (Proceedings) iii). The species was probably Lantana camara (see letter from Fritz Müller, 19 October 1877 and n. 8). Heliconius apseudes is a synonym of H. sara (Sara longwing); Colaenis dido is a snyonym of Philaethria dido (scarce bamboo page or Dido longwing); Colaenis julia is a synonym of Dryas iulia (Julia longwing); Dione juno is the Juno silverspot or Juno longwing; Hesperocharis anguitia is the Neemia butterfly; Eurema leuce is Hall’s sulphur butterfly; Daptonoura lycimnia is a synonym of Melete lycimnia; Callidryas cipris is a synonym of Phoebis neocypris (tailed sulphur). Pieris aripa is a syonym of Leptophobia aripa (mountain white). A recognised subspecies is Leptophobia aripa elodia, but it does not occur in Brazil; the Brazilian subspecies is Leptophobia aripa balidia. Danais erippus is a synonym of Danaus erippus (southern monarch) Hesperidae (a synonym of Hesperiidae) is the family of skipper butterflies; they are small brown or orange butterflies characterised by rapid, skipping flight. See ‘A correlação das flores versicolores e dos insectos pronubos’ (The correlation of varicoloured flowers and their insect pollinators; Fritz Müller 1877c). Federico Delpino had made similar observations in Delpino 1873, pp. 176–7 (see letter from Fritz Müller, 19 October 1877 and n. 7). Ribes aureum is the golden currant; Caragana arborescens is the Siberian pea tree. Sphinx convolvuli is a synonym of Agrius convolvuli (convolvulus hawk-moth); S. ligustri is the privet hawkmoth. In Fritz Müller 1878, p. 220, Müller discussed the hair-pencils in Macrosilia antaeus (a synonym of Cocytius antaeus, the giant sphinx), noting that the pencils were hidden in abdominal grooves when the moth’s wings were at rest. Callidryas philea is a synonym of Phoebis philea (orange-barred sulphur butterfly); the Pierinae (whites) are a subfamily of the family Pieridae (orange-tips, whites, sulphurs). Müller had discussed the role of this species in the fertilisation of flowers of Hedychium (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Hermann Müller, 7 August 1876 and n. 1). Müller sent a specimen of the wings, which was exhibited by Meldola at a meeting of the Entomological Society of London on 6 February 1878 (see Transactions of the Entomological Society of London (1878): (Proceedings) iii). Papilio grayi is a synonym of P. scamander (scamander swallowtail); P. cleotas is a synonym of P. menatius cleotas; P. coroebus is a synonym of P. menatius coroebus. The original letter has not been found. CD communicated it to the Entomological Society of London, and it was read by Meldola at a meeting on 6 February 1878.

From John Murray   27 November [1877]1

50, Albemarle S.t | W. Novr 27

My Dear Sir I have much pleasure in enclosing my cheque for Two Hundred Guineas, for two Editions now just exhausted of your two Volumes Descent of Man 1000 copies2 Forms of Flowers 1250 "3 Of the last I have 50 copies remaining, sufficient to supply the Trade sale demand but none of the Cross Fertilizations wch must be reprinted at your convenience4 Permit me to congratulate you on your Cambridge Honors5 I remain My Dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | John Murray Charles Darwin Esqr DAR 171: 495

November 1877

500

CD annotations Top of letter : ‘Not entered in the proper place’ red crayon End of letter : ‘Print off Descent of Man— Please inform me —

Stereotype orchids

—

Break up type of Forms of Flowers

{

Cross & Self-Fert. [ink on] pag. & will set to work Also Edition of Origin 2000 copies

{ 1 2 3 4

5 6

Copy of Forms of Flowers in sheets’6

ink

The year is established by the reference to CD’s honorary LLD (see n. 5, below). Murray had reprinted 1000 copies of Descent 2d ed. in 1877 (letter from R. F. Cooke, 5 January 1877); this was the final, definitive text (Freeman 1977). Forms of flowers was published in July 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Cross and self fertilisation was first published in 1876. Murray, like other publishers, held a ‘sale dinner’ in November, to which the principal booksellers were invited (J. Murray 1908–9, p. 540). A second edition of Cross and self fertilisation appeared in 1878. CD had been awarded an honorary LLD degree at Cambridge on 17 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). CD’s annotations are notes for his letter to Murray of 28 November 1877.

From Leonard Darwin   28 November 1877 Brompton Barracks | Chatham Nov. 28th. 77

Dear Father I enclose the calculations; but see my remarks on one of them.1 I am nearly sure that the yellow glass in that cover was originally from one of those old wooden frames that you had years ago. The glass was broken and I had it put in that cover for some experiment of yours but at that time you did not use it. Judson’s crimson dye is the dye used for that gelatine; I believe nothing that lets light through, altogether stops the actinic effects of light, but I should be almost certain that that gelatine would stop it as much as any colour would do so. After you have done your experiments with the gelatine, I could try, very roughly, how much of the actinic rays for silver salts were stopped. If you want any more of those coloured sheets you had better let me have them made here.2 I am so glad they have had a fine day for the wedding, it would have been dismal in rain.3 I shall be home on Saturday Your affec son | L. Darwin DAR 186: 32 1 2

The enclosure has not been found. Judson’s dyes were water-soluble dyes with a wide variety of uses in the home and garden (see an 1874 advertisement in Beeton 2014, p. [xii]). CD may have been experimenting with different ways of stopping light from reaching the leaves of plants; see Movement in plants, p. 467.

November 1877 3

501

William Erasmus Darwin and Sara Sedgwick were married on 29 (not 28) November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

To J. D. Hooker   28 November [1877] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Nov. 28th My dear Hooker I think the address does very well.—1 Wd it not be better to insert, “zoological” (botanical evidently a misprint) after instead of before “geological, mineralogical”?2 I do not like the first sentence which you have marked with “?”. I wrote sentence on next page before I saw the last paragraph, & now it is tautological.— I hardly understand what Duncan means. by it.—3 With respect to second sentence with “?” I never saw word “synclinoria”, & I shd doubt about “proof ” with respect to “all great chains”— No doubt if he has shown that many mountain chains have been formed in synclinal troughs it is very important, & agrees with what Judd has lately shown.4 Yours affectionately | C. Darwin Endorsement: ‘/77’ DAR 95: 465 1 2 3 4

Hooker had evidently sent CD a draft or preprint of his presidential address to the Royal Society of London (J. D. Hooker 1877a); the draft has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Probably a reference to J. D. Hooker 1877a, p. 446, on the award of the Copley medal to James Dwight Dana for his contributions to mineralogy, geology, and zoology. The ‘sentence on next page’ has not been found. Peter Martin Duncan was a member of the council of the Royal Society, and presumably wrote parts of the address on the awarding of medals. There are no references in the address as published to synclinoria, mountain chains, or synclinal troughs. CD refers to James Dwight Dana’s theory of the origin of mountain chains in the geosynclinal, the bending of the earth’s crust under the weight of volcanic or sedimentary deposits, referred to by John Wesley Judd in his ‘Contributions to the study of volcanos.— Second series’ (Judd 1876, p. 339). CD scored this passage in his offprint, now in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. See also Dana 1873, Judd 1881, pp. 295–301, and Knopf 1948. Dana used the term ‘syclinoria’ (see Dana 1873, p. 439), defining a synclinorium as a mountain chain formed by lateral pressure during the collapse of the geosyncline.

To John Murray   28 November 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station. | Orpington. S.E.R. Nov. 28th/77 My dear Sir I am much obliged for the cheque & enclose a receipt. I have no corrections for the “Descent of Man”, so you can have 1000(?) printed off.—1 You will have understood that I am quite willing & glad that you shd. stereotype the Orchids.—2

502

November 1877

The type must be broken up of the “Forms of Flowers”.3 With respect to “Cross-Fertilisation” as you are out of copies, a new Edit. must be prepared & the Edit may then be stereotyped. Please ask Mess. Clowes (as the type of two books will be freed) to keep up Cross-Fertilisation for about 2  or 3  weeks more, by which time I hope to be able to have all corrections ready.—4 They could be ready in a week or less, if I could give up all my time, but this is impossible.—5 Please inform me in answer to my query to Mr Cooke whether the Edit of 2000 of the Origin includes the 1000  of which I heard a month ago.—6 The number of Thousandth on the Title-page must be altered. Lastly please send me a copy in sheets of the “Forms of Flowers”, that I may keep it in case a new Edit. is ever wanted.— Thanks for your kind congratulations about the L.L.D.7 I am sorry to trouble you about so many points, but when you answer this note be so good as to glance through this note. My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. | On reflexion I do not understand how it is that the profits of the two books amounts exactly to 200 guineas. Our agreement has always been that I have 2 3 profits, though in the case of the book on Orchids I remember I agreed to receive only half-profits.—8 I shd. like to hear about this point.— C. D.— National Library of Scotland ( John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 ff. 293–6) 1 2 3 4

5

6 7 8

See letter from John Murray, 27 November [1877]. Orchids 2d ed. was published in January 1877 (Publishers’ Circular, 1 February 1877, p. 93). See letter to R. F. Cooke, 24 November 1877. Forms of flowers was published in July 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See letter from R. F. Cooke, 23 November 1877, and letter to R. F. Cooke, 24 November 1877. CD submitted corrected proof-sheets of Cross and self fertilisation to William Clowes & Sons, Murray’s printers, on 11 December 1877 (letter to R. F. Cooke, 11 December [1877]). The second edition of Cross and self fertilisation was published in 1878. According to his ‘Journal’ (Appendix II), CD spent the second half of 1877 working on ‘Bloom — Spontaneous Movement of Plants & Heliotropism & a little on Worms’; his work on movement in plants was published in Movement in plants (1880) and his work on worms in Earthworms (1881). See letter to R. F. Cooke, 24 November 1877. CD was awarded an honorary LLD at Cambridge on 17 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). See Correspondence vol. 9, letter from John Murray, 23 September 1861.

From R. F. Cooke   29 November 1877

50, Albemarle S.t | W. Nov. 29. 1877

My dear Sir Although I wrote to you in the summer to ask if you had any corrections for the “Origin of Species” & said we proposed to print off 1000 No, we did not do so, as on consideration we thought it wd. be better to wait the result of our Trade Sale, as we had a certain number of copies in stock.1

November 1877

503

Well having sold so many as 570 at the sale2 & the book keeping up its circulation so well, we think it better to print off at once 2000 rather than 1000. Of course the Title page will be altered accordingly. As you propose to send some corrections shortly for Cross Fertilization after which we can stereotype & thus release the type—we will get Messrs. Clowes to keep up “Forms of Flowers” for the present.3 Your’s faithfully | Rob.t Cooke DAR 171: 496 1

2 3

See letter from R. F. Cooke, 23 November 1877, and letter to R. F. Cooke, 24 November 1877. On 16 March 1877, Cooke had written to CD that there were 500 copies of Origin in stock, but no letter proposing a reprint of 1000 copies has been found. Murray, like other publishers, held a ‘sale dinner’ in November, to which the principal booksellers were invited ( J. Murray 1908–9, p. 540). See letter to John Murray, 28 November 1877.

From W. D. Fox   29 November [1877]1

Broadlands, | Sandown, I.W. Nov 29

My dear Darwin I have often wished to write to you to know how you and yours were getting on but did not like to bother you with a letter. As I have however to day heard that your Son William is about to be married, I write to most heartily congratulate you and Mrs Darwin upon an event which I know you wished to take place.2 I am sure she will get a good husband, and I hope he will a good wife. I have not stirred from home this Summer, and therefore not heard much about you. I was sorry to hear that your Son in law, (Mr Litchfield I think) had undergone a severe illness in Switzerland. I trust he is now well and at home. Was it the Typhoid Fever which is now become so prevalent in the Continental Cities & Hotels?3 I also heard one of your Sons had severely sprained his knee at Lawn tennis—4 that is I hope likewise well. It is some months since I heard that you had at last overcome the antipathy between your system and tobacco. I remember the fearful headaches you went thro’ at Cambridge, and I think you told me, only a few years since, that it continued to always overcome your nervous system.5 I am very glad you are become a smoker, as I hope you will find it a great comfort, and do you much good. Up to middle age I think it does more harm than good, but after, it is often most useful. I am almost afraid to ask after your sister Mrs Wedgwood—(Caroline of old and a dear good creature she was— My heart always bumps when I think of her and dear Susan centuries ago)6   I should be delighted to hear she was free from suffering. Do not be in any hurry to answer this, but when you have ten minutes to spare I should like vastly to see your well known handwriting again. Has your Son given up his ideas upon consanguinity in marriage being unobjectionable.7 I think

November 1877

504

upon more reflection and enquiry he would do. Forgive this long yarn   Mrs Fox8 desires me to give her kindest regards and hearty congratulations to you and Mrs Darwin— Ever yours affecly | W. D. Fox. P.S. I was so pleased to hear of the marriage, that it drove out of my head your Honours at Cambridge, which I think do Honour to the University. How I shd have liked to see you Doctored.9 DAR 164: 201 1 2 3 4 5

The year is established by the reference to William Erasmus Darwin’s marriage (see n. 2, below). William Erasmus Darwin and Sara Sedgwick were married on 29 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Richard Buckley Litchfield had fallen ill with appendicitis (Emma Darwin (1915) 2: 227). Leonard Darwin. See letter to H. E. Litchfield, 4 October [1877] and n. 4. In 1882, CD wrote, I have taken snuff all my life and regret that I ever acquired the habit, which I have often tried to leave off and have succeeded for a time. I feel sure that it is a great stimulus and aid in my work. I also daily smoke 2 little paper cigarettes of Turkish tobacco. This is not a stimulus, but rests me after my work, or after I have been compelled to talk, which tires me more than anything else.

6 7 8 9

(Letter to A. A. Reade, 13 February 1882 (Calendar no. 13685).) CD may have smoked pipes and cigars as an undergraduate (Wyhe 2014, p. 33), and may have begun smoking cigarettes in the early 1870s (see Correspondence vol. 20, letter from W. E. Darwin, [29 February 1872] and n. 4, Correspondence vol. 22, letter to J. D. Hooker, 30 November [1874], and Correspondence vol. 24, letter to W. E. Darwin, [before 29 January 1876?]). William, who lived at Southampton, close to the Isle of Wight, may have been Fox’s informant. Caroline Sarah Wedgwood and Susan Elizabeth Darwin were CD’s sisters. Susan had died in 1866; Caroline had been in poor health (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to W. D. Fox, 26 May [1876]). George Howard Darwin had published on cousin marriage (G. H. Darwin 1875; see also G. H. Darwin 1873b). Ellen Sophia Fox. CD had received an honorary LLD from Cambridge University on 17 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From John Murray   29 November [1877]1 50, Albemarle S.t | W. Novr 29 My Dear Sir The understanding between us as to the publication of your works, is as you rightly state that I pay you at the rate of two thirds of the profits of every Edition.2 As however you desired to be paid before the Editions are sold off, it is to a certain extent a matter of Estimate to calculate the exact amount of profit It may thus have happened that where all the copies of an Edn. were sold my share may have a little exceeded the exact amount of 13d.—

November 1877

505

To enable you however better to judge of this I send you the accounts in detail of the cost & produce of The Forms of Flowers— The Descent of Man— upon wch my estimates of payment for those two books were founded. By comparing the two you will perceive how it comes about that the Authors profits on each are nearly identical in amount. If in future you wd consent to receive annual statements of the sale of your books the payments wd be made to you in proportion to the rate of sale & every copy wd be accounted for when all were sold. This is my usual practice with Authors & admits of no uncertainty— I will beg your attention to the account of Insectivorous Plants—as an example of the opposite side of the question— In this case having paid you in advance & according to estimate £560" I am a gainer down to the present time of not quite £100"—!3 I hope you do not regret ceding to me 12 the Profits of “Orchids” considering how despondent you were at the outset of the Success of that work—wch indeed took eleven years to run off, but if you are I beg to say that in the next Edition I am willing to place it on the footing of your other works & as soon as the sale shall have paid the outlay will give you 23ds profits4 I remain My Dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | John Murray Chas Darwin Esqr [Enclosure] Estimated A/c Supposing all sold De 1877 June

Descent of Man

Cr 1877

To Printing 1000 No

31

" 30 Reams Paper " Binding 1000 copies

39

-

-

Sold Say

29

3

4

684

Trade 25 as 24

25

-

-

316

do " "

6

-

-

1000

163

12

4

294

12

8

" Advertising say n d " Com all agents" " Balance Profit

17

-

June

Nov

By 1000 copies 6/

197

2

-

6/55

97

10

8

294

12

8

109

1

6

2 3

By Author’s Profit Memn 548 on Hand Nov. 29th 1877

November 1877

506

Estimated a/c Supposing all Sold De Different Forms of Flowers 1877

Cr 1877

June

To Printing 1250 No. and Stereo plates for

Sep

America6 1 2

" 28 Rms Paper " Making Index

148

12

-

-

-

54

17

3

6

-

-

June

By 1000

Sep

copies

250 " 1250 5

Stats Hall7

" Cooper Engraving " Electros

11

1

-

24

2

2

6

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" Binding 1250 copies

33

17

1

" Advertising n d " Com all agents &c

25

-

-

600 Trade 25 as 24

7/

201

12

-

7/6

210

-

-

31

12

-

443

4

-

103

2

9

8

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1183

7

-

-

583 do " "

154

14

2

1183

4

Reviews

Sold say

By Appleton & Co for Stereo plates for America 443

Allow Author

1877 Nov

By Author’s 23 Profit Memn 54 on Hand

DAR 171: 497, DAR 210.11: 12 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

8

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to John Murray, 28 November 1877. See letter to John Murray, 28 November 1877. See Correspondence vol. 23, letter to John Murray, 3 May 1875, and letter from John Murray, 19 November [1875]. See letter to John Murray, 28 November 1877 and n. 8. Orchids was first published in 1862, with a second edition in 1877. Trade purchasers received one free copy in every twenty-five, as was the general practice (Plant 1965, p. 405), and were charged 6s. or 6s. 5d. Murray provided stereotype plates of Forms of flowers to D. Appleton & Co. for publication in the US (see letter from R. F. Cooke, 29 June 1877). Four copies of any new work published in the United Kingdom had to be delivered to the Stationers’ Company for distribution on demand to the Bodleian Library in Oxford, the University Library in Cambridge, the Faculty of Advocates at Edinburgh, and the library of Trinity College, Dublin. A copy was also to be delivered to the British Museum in London. See Seville 1999, pp. 233, 262. James Davis Cooper. See letter to R. F. Cooke, 11 April 1877.

November 1877

507

To John Murray   30 November 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Nov. 30/77 My dear Sir I am extremely obliged for your letter & the accounts which make everything intelligible to me.—1 As I was very glad to get the “Orchids” published at 12 profits it wd be very shabby in me to accept your offer now.—2 I think you are mistaken in supposing that I asked to be paid before the editions were sold off, & I feel almost sure that you must have misunderstood me. However this is now quite immaterial. The plan which you say you generally follow with authors seems to me the fairest for both of us, & I fully agree to it. Again accept my thanks for your letter & documents & I remain | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin National Library of Scotland ( John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 f. 299) 1 2

See letter from John Murray, 29 November [1877]. See letter from John Murray, 29 November [1877] and n. 4.

From R. W. Griffiths   December 1877 17a. G.t George Street, | Westminster Decr. 1877— To | C. Darwin Esqre. M.A. F.R.S. | Down | Beckenham | Kent Sir, In your work “The Descent of Man” &c. second edition 1875. page 45,1 occurs a passage as follows viz: “I have shewn in a former work that all our domesticated quadrupeds and birds, and all our cultivated plants, are more fertile than the corresponding species in a state of nature. It is no valid objection to this conclusion that animals suddenly supplied with an excess of food, or when grown very fat; and that most plants on sudden removal from very poor to very rich soil, are rendered more or less sterile”. With reference to the sudden supply of an excess of food being a cause of sterility. I would mention that a friend in whom I have perfect confidence, a close observer of nature, one who has been familiar with sheep all his life, and who is well known in his neighbourhood as a successful sheep breeder has mentioned to me several times that he has the power of obtaining twins and triplets in his flock or the reverse, his plan is that at the time of conception, he raises the tone of their system by a sudden supply of improved feeding stuff than they have been accustomed to— this plan he has put into practise many times and almost always successfully.—

508

December 1877

If his explanation of the fact of his producing twins be correct then it appears as if the objection in the text ceases to be of any value. However small a fact may be, if it be a fact will excuse my intruding upon your time. I remain Sir— | Yours truly. | R. W. Griffiths. DAR 165: 227 1

Descent 2d ed. was published in 1874; it was reprinted in 1875 with errata corrected and some changes to the text (eleventh thousand; see Freeman 1977).

From R. F. Cooke   1 December 1877 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. Decr. 1 1877 My dear Sir The present edition of “Origin” which we are just exhausting makes in all 17500 Copies. Therefore the reprint of 2000 more will be 19500 & we may safely say on the Title page Twentieth Thousand.1 Messrs. Clowes will be able to keep up Forms of Flowers for some months longer & when we have sold off all our present copies I will remind you.2 Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 498 1

2

The sixth edition of Origin was published in 1872. The final text with additions and corrections (eighteenth thousand) appeared in 1876; the printing Cooke refers to (twentieth thousand) was published in 1878 (Freeman 1977). William Clowes & Sons were printers to John Murray. In his letter of 23 November 1877, Cooke had informed CD that the type for Forms of flowers was to be broken up; CD had replied that it was too early to stereotype the book (see letter to R. F. Cooke, 24 November 1877 and n. 3). In the event, when a second edition was produced in 1880, all new material was added to the preface (Forms of flowers 2d ed., pp. v–xii).

To G. J. Romanes   [1 and 2 December 1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Saturday night My dear Romanes I have just finished your lecture— It is an admirable scientific argument & most powerful.— I wish that it could be sown broadcast througout the land. Your courage is marvellous & I wonder that you were not stoned on the spot.— And in Scotland!2 Do please tell me how it was received in the Lecture Hall?!!

December 1877

509

About man being made like a monkey p. 37 is quite new to me; & the argument in an earlier place p. 8/ on the law of parsimony admirably put. Yes p. 21 is new to me.—3 All strikes me as very clear & considering small space you have chosen your lines of reasoning excellently. But I am tired | so good night | C. Darwin The few last pages are awfully powerful in my opinion.— Sunday Morning— The above was written last night in the enthusiasm of the moment & now this dark dismal Sunday morning I fully agree with what I said.— I am very sorry to hear about the failures in the graft-experiments & not from your own fault or ill luck.4 Trollope in one of his novels gives as a maxim of constant use by a brick maker “it is dogged as does it”; & I have often & often thought this is the motto for every scientific worker.5 I am sure it is yours if you do not give up Pangenesis with wicked imprecations. By the way G Jaeger has just brought out in Kosmos a chemical sort of Pangenesis, bearing chiefly on inheritance.—6 I cannot conceive why I have not offered my garden for your experiments. I wd attend to the plants, as far as mere care goes with pleasure. But Down is an awkward place to reach7 C.D ☞ (Would it be worth while to try if the Fortnightly would republish it?)8 American Philosophical Society (526) 1 2

3

4

5 6

7 8

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. J. Romanes, 2 December 1877. In 1877, 2 December was a Sunday. Romanes sent CD a copy of his lecture to the Philosophical Society of Ross-shire, ‘The scientific evidence of organic evolution: a discourse’ (G. J. Romanes 1877c). CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. For more on the reaction of Scottish Presbyterians to Darwinian theory, see D. N. Livingstone 2014. Romanes had argued that if humans were specially created they were evidently modelled on apes (G. J. Romanes 1877c, p. 37; CD scored the passage in his copy). In ibid., p. 8, he noted that parsimony forbade the assumption of higher causes when lower ones were sufficient to explain something. In ibid., p. 21, he pointed out the difficulty of explaining deviations from typical structure under the theory of ideal types, and that the Darwinian view of adaptive modification was able to account for such deviations. The letter from Romanes discussing his grafting experiments has not been found; the experiments were undertaken to test CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis (see letter from G. J. Romanes, 6 June 1877 and n. 6). ‘It’s dogged as does it’ is the title of a chapter in Anthony Trollope’s novel, The last chronicle of Barset (Trollope 1867, 2: 181–92); it is the advice given to Mr Crawley by Giles Hoggett, the brickmaker. Gustav Jäger had published ‘physiological letters’ on inheritance in Kosmos (Jäger 1877); CD probably refers to the second of these, which appeared in the July issue, and in which Jäger discussed sexual chemical signals. For more on Jäger’s chemical transmutation theory as a modified pangenesis theory, see Weinreich 1993, pp. 128–37. The closest railway station to CD’s home, Down House, was Orpington, on a branch line of the South Eastern Railway. A slightly shorter version of Romanes’s lecture was published in the Fortnightly Review, December 1881 (G. J. Romanes 1881).

510

December 1877

To W. D. Fox   2 December 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington, S.E.R. Dec 2. 1877 My dear Fox, Your sympathy is very warm to make you wish to hear all about us. Litchfield’s illness has been a very serious one, namely inflammation of the cæcum; but he is now able to sit up for a short time every day.1 Leonard’s knee has been a bad job & it would have been better if it had been broken.2 But he now goes on one crutch instead of two. On the favourable side of the balance, Williams marriage has pleased us greatly, for we considered him an inveterate bachelor. He was married two days ago to a charming american.3 As for myself I am better than usual & am working away very hard on the physiology of plants.4 We had a grand time of it in Cambridge & I saw my old rooms in Christ’s where we spent so many happy days.5 I saw see that you ask two other questions: Caroline is better in general health & comes down stairs every day but I fear will never leave Leith Hill Place.6 Secondly George has seen no reason to change his conclusions about the marriage of cousins. He is very hard at work in Cambridge on Astronomical problems, which are so deep I cannot understand what they are about.7 Farewell my dear old friend | Yours affectionately | Charles Darwin LS Christ’s College Library, Cambridge (MS 53 Fox 155) 1

2 3 4

5

6

7

See letter from W. D. Fox, 29 November [1877]. Richard Buckley Litchfield, CD’s son-in-law, had been taken ill with acute appendicitis in Switzerland in September; he arrived back in England in November (see letter to Horace Darwin, 1 November [1877] and n. 7). Leonard Darwin had injured his knee playing tennis (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [23 September 1877] (DAR 219.9: 159)). William Erasmus Darwin married Sara Sedgwick on 29 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). CD had recently published Forms of flowers and was working on two other aspects of plant physiology, the function of bloom (the epicuticular waxy or pruinose coating on leaves or fruit), and movement in plants. CD had gone to Cambridge to receive an honorary LLD, bestowed on him at a special ceremony on 17 November 1877 (see letter to Hyacinth Hooker, [18 November 1877]). CD had been a student at Christ’s College, Cambridge, from 1828 to 1831. CD had stayed at Leith Hill Place in Surrey, the home of his sister, Caroline Sarah Wedgwood, and her family, from 8 to 13 June 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Emma Darwin had reported that Caroline was frequently unwell (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [11 June 1877] (DAR 219.9: 148)). In his paper on marriages between cousins, George Howard Darwin had concluded that offspring of such marriages suffered from slightly lower vitality, but added that the sample size was too small to yield satisfactory statistics (G. H. Darwin 1875, p. 182). George had published papers on the earth’s axis of rotation and the obliquity of planets (G. H. Darwin 1876b and 1877) and was working on an explanation of tides based on his treatment of the earth as a viscous rather than elastic body (G. H. Darwin 1878).

December 1877

511

To Jacob Moleschott   [2 December 1877]1 Down, | Beckenham Kent | Railway Station Orpington S.E.R. Dear Sir, I am much obliged for the honour which you have done me in sending me your “Der Kreislauf des Lebens”.2 I feel the honour the more as your name has been familiar to me for many years. With much respect | I remain dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Laage 1980, p. 106 1 2

The date is given in the printed source. CD’s copy of volume 1 of the fifth edition of Der Kreislauf des Lebens (The cycle of life; Moleschott 1877) is in the Darwin Library–Down.

From G. J. Romanes   2 December 1877

18 Cornwall Terrace: Dec. 2, 1877.

It was most kind of you to write me such a long and glowing letter.1 In one way it is a good thing that all the world are not so big-hearted as yourself—it would make young men awfully conceited. Yet I value your opinion more than the opinion of anybody, because in other things I have always found your judgment more deep and sound than anybody’s. However, I will go to Huxley next Saturday for an antidote, as it is quite true what he said about himself at Cambridge, that he is not given to making panegyrics.2 On the whole, as I have said, I was surprised how well it was taken.3 And still more so in Yorkshire last week—where I was lecturing at Leeds and Halifax on Medusæ, and took occasion to wind up about you and your degree. I was perfectly astonished at the reception you got among such popular audiences. What a change you have lived to see! If ever human being had a right to cry ‘Vici’4—but you know it all better than I do. About the grafts, I thought it most natural that you should not like the bother of having them done at Down, when there are such a multitude of other gardens belonging to do-nothing people. But as you have mentioned it, I may suggest that in the case of onions there is a difficulty in all the gardens I know—viz., that they are more or less infested with onion worms.5 If, therefore, you should know any part of your garden where onions have not grown for some years, I might do the grafts here in pots, and bring the promising ones to plant out at Down in May. Seed could then be saved in the following autumn. All the other plants could be grown in the other gardens, and well attended to. That is a very interesting letter in ‘Nature.’6 What do you think of Dr. Sanderson’s paper in the same number, as to its philosophy and expression?7 I have sent a letter about animal psychology which I think will interest you.8

512

December 1877

With kind regards to all, I remain, very sincerely and most respectfully (this is a bow which I specially reserve for you, and would make it lower, but for the fear of making myself ridiculous), Geo. J. Romanes. P.S.— I fear Mr. Morley would think my lecture too long, and not original enough for the ‘Fortnightly.’9 Incomplete10 E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 68 1 2

3 4 5

6 7

8 9 10

See letter to G. J. Romanes, [1 and 2 December 1877]. Thomas Henry Huxley had given a speech at the Cambridge Philosophical Club dinner celebrating the honorary LLD that was conferred on CD by the University of Cambridge (for more on the awarding of the degree and Huxley’s speech, see Nature, 22 November 1877, p. 64). Huxley told CD he had said only what was strictly accurate (see letter from T. H. Huxley, 21 November 1877). A version of the speech was published in L. Huxley ed. 1900, 1: 480–1. Romanes’s letter to CD describing the lecture has not been found, but see the letter to G. J. Romanes, [1 and 2 December 1877]. Vici (Latin): I have conquered. CD had offered his garden for any experimental work Romanes might want to do in connection with his grafting experiments (see letter to G. J. Romanes, [1 and 2 December 1877] and n. 4). Romanes refers to the maggots of the onion fly, Delia antiqua, which develop inside the bulbs of onions, garlic, leeks, and other similar bulbs. Pupae of the fly can overwinter in the soil, making them hard to eradicate. CD’s letter to Nature, 21 November [1877], was published in Nature, 29 November 1877, p. 78. It introduced the letter from Fritz Müller to CD of 19 October 1877, discussing various plants and insects. In Nature, 29 November 1877, pp. 84–7, John Scott Burdon Sanderson’s paper ‘Remarks on the attributes of the germinal particles of Bacteria, in reply to Prof. Tyndall’, which had been read at the Royal Society of London on 22 November 1877, was printed in full. Burdon Sanderson was responding to remarks made by John Tyndall regarding experiments related to spontaneous generation (for more on Burdon Sanderson in the context of debates about spontaneous generation, see Strick 2000, pp. 149–53). Romanes’s observations, ‘Fetichism in animals’, appeared not as a letter but in the ‘News’ section of Nature, 27 December 1877, pp. 168–9. John Morley was the editor of the Fortnightly Review; CD suggested Romanes’s lecture might be reprinted in that journal (see letter to G. J. Romanes, [1 and 2 December 1877] and n. 8). CD’s reply of 5 December 1877 suggests that this letter was edited for publication.

To R. A. Vance   4 December 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec 4 1877 Dear Sir, I am obliged for your long & valuable letter.1 I am too ignorant of anatomy to form any decided opinion on the subject; but if I had met with your statements I should have been inclined to attribute the spiral folds to reversion & the valves to the partial abortion of the fold. I should have formed this opinion from the analogous structure in fishes of the most generalised kind, & to the great variability of the parts in question.2 Could you not procure an oppossum & examine the lower intestine; for if it presents no trace of the structure in question I should hesitate if

December 1877

513

I were in your place to allude to reversion.3 If marsupials do exhibit any vestige I would examine one of the lower placental mammals a rabbit for instance & afterwards a monkey. If you could satisfactorily prove the nature of these remnants it would be a conclusion of much interest4 As I have already referred to my ignorance of anatomy you will of course not refer to the remark which I have hazarded— Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin LS Cleveland Health Sciences Library 1 2

3 4

See letter from R. A. Vance, 12 November 1877. CD refers to the scroll or spiral valves of some fishes, such as sharks, with very short intestines; the valves increase the absorptive surface of the organ. Vance had suggested that the valves of Houston in the human rectum were rudimentary features and noted that the structure and number of valves was variable, based on his observations of several human specimens (see letter from R. A. Vance, 12 November 1877 and n. 2). Opossums are the only marsupials native to North America (family Didelphidae); the range of the Virginia opossum (Didelphis virginiana) extends into Ohio, the state in which Vance lived. Vance had quoted John Houston’s report noting similar structures in the caecum of rabbits and large intestine of snakes and dogfish (see letter from R. A. Vance, 12 November 1877 and nn. 4 and 5). Vance was evidently unaware that in the only other study where human and mammalian rectal organs were compared, ‘Ueber die Falten des Mastdarms’ (On the folds of the rectum; Baur 1863, pp. 27–8), no similar valves were found in any of the observed animals, which ranged from the wombat (a marsupial), wolf, and bear to the lemur and chimpanzee.

From Charles and Francis Darwin to G. J. Romanes   5 December 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec 5. 1877 My dear Romanes, One line to say that my gardener does not even know what the onion worm is.1 The bulbs can moreover be planted in a part of the garden where onions have not been grown for certainly 30 years. I will gladly take charge of any of your experimental plants. Many thanks for your very pleasant letter. You hugely over estimate me & my works, but long may you remain in this pleasant error Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. | I quite agree with you that it would be absurd in me to change my title & be called Dr2 Have you ever tried Thymol with your Medusæ— I find .05% solution causes contraction of my teasel filaments. F.D3 dont answer LS American Philosophical Society (527)

514 1 2

3

December 1877

See letter from G. J. Romanes, 2 December 1877 and n. 5. Henry Lettington was CD’s gardener. The part of Romanes’s letter of 2 December 1877 in which he commented on using the title ‘Dr’ was not included in the printed source. CD was awarded an honorary LLD at Cambridge University on 17 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Francis Darwin, who was CD’s amanuensis, had reported on the application of various chemical compounds to filaments of teasel in F. Darwin 1877b; he did not mention experiments with thymol, a phenolic compound, but did refer to the use of camphor (ibid., p. 254). Francis later reported that thymol dissolved in water and alcohol caused contraction of the filaments (F. Darwin 1878b, p. 79). Romanes was investigating the nervous system in medusae of Aurelia aurita (moon jelly or common jellyfish; see G. J. Romanes 1877a).

To M. T. Masters   [6–12 December 1877]1 The enclosed branch of Cotyledon (Echeveria stolonifera) was cut from a plant growing in my greenhouse, and was suspended on August  10  in my study, which is a dry room, and in which a fire burns most of the year.2 It has sent out two fine flowering stems which, from the position in which the branch was hung, have bent upwards (as may be seen in the figure).3 They have now (December 6) begun to flower. You will see that the plant has sent out a number of small roots. I may add that the specimen weighed on September 1 45.46 grammes, on December 6 36.94 grammes, so that its growth has continued in spite of a considerable loss from evaporation. Charles Darwin, Down, Beckenham. Incomplete Gardeners’ Chronicle, 29 December 1877, p. 805 1 2

3

The date range is established by the content of the letter and by the relationship between this letter and the letter from M. T. Masters, [13 December 1877]. When Masters published this part of CD’s letter in his article ‘Growth under difficulties’ (Gardeners’ Chronicle, 29 December 1877, pp. 805–6), he added the species name of the specimen in the text of the letter (ibid., p. 805). CD had evidently asked for the specimen to be identified (see letters from M. T. Masters, [before 13 December 1877] and [13 December 1877]). Cotyledon is a genus in the family Crassulaceae; Echeveria was considered to be a subgenus. Echeveria stolonifera is the name CD used when referring to this species in Movement in plants, p. 237. The illustration appeared in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 29 December 1877, p. 807, and was made from the specimen that CD sent to Masters. The words ‘(as may be seen in the figure)’ were added by Masters; square brackets were used in Gardeners’ Chronicle.

From T. A. Edison   7 December 1877

Menlo Park N. Jersey U.S.A. Dec 7 1877,

Charles Darwin Esqr Dear Sir, Several small green colored insects were caught by me this summer having come into my laboratory windows at night. The peculiarity of these insects are that they give off when Gathered, an exceedingly strong smell of Napthaline.1 No difference can be detected between the odor from the insect and the crystals of Napthaline

Engraving of Cotyledon (Echeveria) stolonifera. Gardeners’ Chronicle, 29 December 1877, p. 807. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

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except that the odor from the insect is much more powerful. I suppose this odor is used as a means of defence like that from the Skunk. I thought this would interest you if you were not already aware of such an insect. I could procure some next summer and send by mail if you desire them Yours | Thomas. A. Edison | Telegraph Engineer DAR 163: 1 1

Edison probably refers to a green lacewing (Chrysopa sp.; see Kritsky 1993, p. 81). Naphthalene is an aromatic hydrocarbon with a distinctive odour of mothballs, in which it is the main ingredient.

From John Michels   9 December 1877

Box 3838. P.O. New York. U.S. December 9th. 1877.— r s To | D. Ch. Darwin. M.A. F.R.S. &c— | England.— Dear Sir, You are not likely to remember that in 1870 I sent you sketches of “Pollen” showing distortion of form— I then resided in Barnes England.—1 I have since persumd my Microscopical studies, and during the last six years in this Country.—2 I now forward by this Mail a very correct drawing of the supposed Fossil Man of prehistoric date, found in Colorado—3 You will notice all the soft parts (including the penis not shown in drawing) are fossilized— I may mention that the figure has a tail.— It is not easy to perceive how any person of ordinary intelligence could be deceived, for a mere glance was sufficient for me to detect the imposture— but I believe so many laws of nature are set aside in this matter, that it is not necessary to view the figure to settle the question— I regret to say that many Physicians and men of that class are in doubt, and I fear much harm to Science will follow, as the ignorant will make it a handle, if the thing is not put down— I understand the thing was found near a place owned by Barnum in Colorado— and he is handling it here, although others are are put forward.—4 I have no doubt that the subject will reach England, and I thought a drawing of the figure would be useful to you, the sketch was made for an advertisement but I have compared it and find it fairly correct, except the feet, the toes of which are too pointed, and divided— You will of course notice the attempt to carve a figure, to conform with your well known views—A man 712 feet high with, tail, and hand like feet, and arms of extreme length— I trust the drawing will be useful in the sense I have indicated, to check imposture, if I can be useful at any time, on this side, please make use of me— Yours Respectfully | John Michels.— DAR 171: 176 1

See Correspondence vol. 18, letter from John Michels, 3 May 1870. Barnes is a district in the London borough of Richmond.

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Michels worked as a freelance journalist, sometimes writing on microscopy (see Kohlstedt 1980, p. 33). The drawing has not been found, but was of a supposed fossil man known as the Solid Muldoon or Colorado giant (see also letter from J. P. Chesney, 28 October 1877). The figure had been unearthed near Beulah, Colorado, and although soon revealed not to be a petrified human, it was later thought to be an ancient work of art, before eventually being revealed as a hoax (see Tribble 2009, pp. 199–219). The land where the figure was found was not owned by Phineas Taylor Barnum, but Barnum had gone to the exhibition of the figure in Colorado and reportedly offered $20,000 for it (see Tribble 2009, pp. 210–11).

To W. W. Bailey   10 December [1877] Many thanks for the specimens which will be very useful whenever a new Edition is required.1 C. Darwin Down, Beckenham, Kent | Dec. 10th— ApcS Postmark: 10 DE 77 The New York Public Library. Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations. (Alfred Williams Anthony collection) 1

Bailey had sent CD specimens of Bouvardia leiantha (see letter from W. W. Bailey, [November 1877] and n. 3). In Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. vii, CD noted that the specimens sent by Bailey were clearly heterostyled, but that no difference could be detected in the size of the pollen-grains.

From A. W. Rimpau   10 December 1877 A. W. Rimpau, | Schlanstedt, | Prov. Sachsen | Prussia. Schlandstedt, Decbr. 10. 1877. Dear Sir, I take the liberty, to send you the enclosed notice on my observations respecting the self-sterility of Secale cereale, conjectured already in my essay “die Züchtung neuer Getreide-Varietäten”, which I sent you last January.1 My supposition with regard to the perfect self-sterility of Beta vulgaris has not been corroborated. A single plant, cultivated in a flower-pot within a room produced a few seeds; the plants, cultivated together in another room, which were repeatedly dusted over one another, also produced only a few seeds. The fertility, therefore, seems to be injured by the cultivation within a room.2 Very interesting forms I got from my cross-bred wheat in the second generation. The first produce of the cross of two different varieties was allways uniform, sometimes intermediate, sometimes very similar to one of the parents. In the second generation, on the contrary, I got a great many intermediate forms, plants quite similar to the parent forms and some ears not intermediate, but quite different from both parent-forms. For instance I got from a cross of the bearded Rivett-wheat3 (♀) with kidney-coloured chaff, and a german brown-chaffed not bearded variety (♂) in the second generation some perfectly white-chaffed bearded and not bearded ears. I am, Sir | Yours most respectfully | W. Rimpau. DAR 176: 159

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CD annotation Top of letter : ‘p. 228 or 229 | p 367’ pencil 1

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CD’s copy of ‘Die Züchtung neuer Getreide-Varietäten’ (Cultivation of new grain varieties; Rimpau 1877a) and his annotated copy of ‘Die selbst-sterilität des Roggens’ (The self-sterility of rye; Rimpau 1877b) are in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL (see letter to Wilhelm Rimpau, 16 January 1877 and n. 1). Secale cereale is rye. Rimpau demonstrated the predominance of self-sterile individuals in the populations of Secale cereale that he studied. In Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., p. 370 n., CD added a reference to Rimpau’s observations on both rye and wheat from Rimpau 1877a and 1877b, but misspelled his name as ‘Rimpan’. See letter to Wilhelm Rimpau, 16 January 1877 and n. 2. Beta vulgaris is beet. Rivet wheat is Triticum turgidum.

To R. F. Cooke   11 December [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec. 11th My dear Sir I will send today the corrected sheets of Cross Fert: to Messrs Clowes. I think the pages up to 370 need not be broken, but the last 100 pages will have to be repaged & the index a little altered.2 By my Memoranda 2000 copies have been printed, but I do not know whether it is worth while to put “Third Thousandth” on title page.3 Do you think it is?? By the way, & in order that my error may be corrected if I am wrong, I have not been paid for the last 500 printed in July; I was paid in March 140£ for the 1500 first sold.— But pray tell Mr. Murray that I am not in the least hurry about payment.4 How many copies shall you have printed of new Edit.  of Cross-Fertilisation? Please tell me, when you have decided.5 I must have a copy. Please send me soon sheets of “Different Forms of Flowers” that I may keep ready for whenever I must correct for new Edit. I was quite right to delay, for since you proposed to stereotype I have had 3 or 4 important communications on the subject.6 My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin National Library of Scotland ( John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 ff. 297–8) 1 2

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from R. F. Cooke, 13 December 1877. William Clowes & Sons were printers to John Murray, CD’s publisher. The first edition of Cross and self fertilisation was published on 10 November 1876 (Freeman 1977). A long footnote at the bottom of page 370 of Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed. necessitated the resetting of the rest of the book (see letter from A. W. Rimpau, 10 December 1877 and n. 1). Only ‘Second Edition’ appears on the title page of Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed. See letter from R. F. Cooke, 16 March 1877 and n. 1. No copies of Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed. were printed until some time after February 1878 (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from R. F. Cooke, 26 February 1878). In Forms of flowers 2d ed., pp. v–xii, CD added a preface in which he noted all the new information he had received since the publication of the first edition.

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To C. H. Merriam   [11 December 1877]1 [Thanks him for sending his Birds of Connecticut.]2 LS incomplete3 Waverly Auctions (dealers) (9 March 1983) 1 2 3

The date is given in the sale catalogue CD’s lightly annotated copy of Merriam’s A review of the birds of Connecticut (Merriam 1877) is in the Darwin Library–Down. The original letter is complete and is described in the sale catalogue as being one page long.

To E. H. Sieveking   11 December 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec 11. 1877 Dear Sir, I thank you sincerely for very obliging letter.1 It would interest me much to see the six letters of my grandfather published but his name & that of Reimarus are so little known that I doubt whether the editor of any journal would think the letters worth printing. If they are brought to England I should much like to see them.2 I remain dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin LS American Philosophical Society (528) 1 2

The letter has not been found. Erasmus Darwin and Johann Albert Heinrich Reimarus met as students in Edinburgh in 1754. Copies of the six letters from Darwin to Reimarus are in DAR 227.1: 12–13. A note on the verso of one of the letters reads: ‘Letters from Eras Darwin | to Reimarus | from Mr Sieveking who lent originals’. For more on their friendship, see King-Hele 1999, pp. 17–20. Sieveking’s great-uncle, Georg Heinrich Sieveking, was married to Johanna Margaretha, the daughter of Reimarus.

From Francis Darwin to T. F. Cheeseman   12 December 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec 12th. 1877 Dear Sir, My father begs me to express to you his thanks for your kindness in sending your pamphlet on Selliera.1 He has been so much interested by your letter that he has ventured to forward it for publication to Nature.2 He hopes that in the impossibility of communicating with you on the subject, you will excuse the liberty he takes in doing so.3 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Francis Darwin Auckland War Memorial Museum Library - Tāmaki Paenga Hira (T. F. Cheeseman Papers MS 58)

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See letter from T. F. Cheeseman, 23 October 1877. Cheeseman sent CD his paper ‘On the fertilization of Selliera’ (Cheeseman 1876); CD’s copy has not been found. Cheeseman’s observations were made on S. radicans (remuremu or swampweed). The letter from T. F. Cheeseman, 23 October 1877, was published in Nature, 27 December 1877, pp. 163–4. Cheeseman lived in New Zealand.

From M. T. Masters   [before 13 December 1877]1 Gard. Chron. | 41 Wellington Street | Covent Garden My dear Sir I am greatly obliged to you for forwarding the interesting specimen of “self containedness” if I may coin such a word— I propose to have a figure made of it— Of course you are aware that some of the Bromeliads will flower under similar treatment  I do not know if seeds have ever been obtained in this way but it would be interesting to note their degree of vitality if produced.2 Your plant is evidently a Cotyledon of the § Echeveria—and I think it is the plant called in gardens Echeveria fulgens (see figure in Saunders’ Refugium tab 64. Vol. 1)3   I will however make further enquiries from Mr Baker who monographed the genus and will let you know the result4 With renewed thanks | faithfully yrs. | Maxwell. T. Masters Charles Darwin Esq LLD &c DAR 171: 65 1 2

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The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from M. T. Masters, [13 December 1877]. CD had sent Masters a flowering branch and evidently asked Masters to identify the species (letter to M. T. Masters, [6–12 December 1877]). Bromeliads (family Bromeliaceae) are epiphytes in their natural environment, growing on trees, stumps, and decaying branches. In his letter to Masters of [6–12 December 1877], CD described how he had suspended the cut branch of his plant in his study. Cotyledon is a genus in the family Crassulaceae (stonecrop or orpine). Echeveria was considered a subgenus of Cotyledon by many authors, but a genus by others (see Refugium botanicum 1: Tab. 56 and preceding text). William Wilson Saunders was the editor of Refugium botanicum. John Gilbert Baker had described the genus Cotyledon within the natural order Crassulaceae in Refugium botanicum 1: Tab. 56–72.

From R. F. Cooke   13 December 1877 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. Decr. 13 1877 My dear Sir Messrs. Clowes have recd. your corrected copy of “Cross & Self Fertilization” & will at once proceed with the corrections & they undertake to adjust the Index also.1

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Of this work only 1500 copies have been printed & our very last Trade Sale (Novr.) has quite exhausted them. Most likely yr supposing that 500 more had been taken off arises from the way in may have appeared in the advertisement as 2nd. Thousandth. As the edition is sold out, we have had the a/c made out & now enclose it.2 We printed 1500 No of Climbing Plants in 1875 & paid you £63 for that edition & in June 1876, we printed off 500 more copies & of these we had 450 remaining last June.!!!3 Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq [Enclosure] Dr

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By Appleton & Co for a Set Stereotype plates for America6

DAR 171: 499, DAR 210.11: 6 CD annotation Top of letter : ‘Copy of Forms of Flowers’ blue pencil 1 2

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The printer William Clowes & Sons; see letter to R. F. Cooke, 11 December [1877] and n. 2. A copy of a single sheet advertising CD’s works is in DAR 210.11: 8; the description of Cross and self fertilisation includes ‘Second thousandth’. See letter to R. F. Cooke, 11 December [1877] and n. 5. Cook’s statement that the edition was sold out is at odds with his later one that a few copies remained (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from R. F. Cooke, 26 February 1878). An entry in CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS) for 23 November 1875 records a payment of £63 for ‘Climbing plants’ (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from R. F. Cooke, 22 October 1875 and n. 1). Four copies of any new work published in the United Kingdom had to be delivered to the Stationers’ Company for distribution on demand to the Bodleian Library in Oxford, the University Library in

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Cambridge, the Faculty of Advocates at Edinburgh, and the library of Trinity College, Dublin. A copy was also to be delivered to the British Museum in London. See Seville 1999, pp. 233, 262. James Davis Cooper. Murray provided stereotype plates of Cross and self fertilisation to D. Appleton & Co. for publication in the US.

From M. T. Masters   [13 December 1877] From the Editors, Gardeners’ Chronicle Office, | 41, Wellington Street, Strand, W. C. 187 Cotyledon (§ Echveria) Stolonifera J Baker1 M. T. M. ApcS Postmark: DE 13 77 DAR 68: 6 CD annotation Top of letter : ‘This is the so-called Greenhouse sedum’ pencil 2 1

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Masters told CD that he would ask John Gilbert Baker to confirm the identification of a specimen that CD had sent; Masters followed Baker in regarding Echeveria as a subgenus of Cotyledon (see letter from M. T. Masters, [before 13 December 1877] and nn. 3 and 4). Echeveria stolonifera is the name CD used when referring to this species in Movement in plants, p. 237. Sedum is another genus in the family Crassulaceae.

To A. W. Rimpau   13 December [1877]1 Dec. 13th. Dear Sir I am particularly obliged for your letter about the Beet & for your paper on the self-sterility of Secale, because I am purposing a sd. Edition of my Forms of Flowers & have quoted your statement, but I can easily strike out about the Beet, & give the additional reference about the Rye.—2 I hope that you will continue your valuable researches. The hybrids ore mongrels from the varieties of Triticum behave, apperently, quite like those from any two forms which are not highly variable.3 I remain, Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 147: 304v 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from A. W. Rimpau, 10 December 1877. See letter from A. W. Rimpau, 10 December 1877 and n. 1. CD mistakenly refers to Forms of flowers; he added Rimpau’s observations to Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., p. 370 n.

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Triticum is the genus of wheat; in his letter of 10 December 1877, Rimpau had discussed some of the results of his experiments crossing different species and varieties of wheat, noting the great number of intermediate forms in the second generation.

From E. A. Greaves   14 December 1877 Mrs Greaves | 14 Pittville Parade | Cheltenham Decr. 14th. 1877 Sir, I take the liberty to send you a Pamphlet written by a friend of my late husband’s & which, I think may interest you—1 I am not quite a stranger to some of the members of the Darwin family for in my youth I used to accompany Aunt Hadley and her children on a visit to Mrs. Darwin of Breadsall Priory—2 I am now the widow of the Revd. R: Greaves— At Eliza Hadley’s death her brother Dr. H. gave me the Picture of Dr. E: Darwin, painted by Wright of Derby—3 I suppose that, it was given to Aunt Hadley, her sister Miss Parker had one also, which she gave to a relative, & she sold it to the National Portrait Gallery—4 It has come into my mind, that perhaps you would like to have it, I would willingly give it, but my income is so limited that I am unable to do so. My chief reason for parting with it is, that I must leave this large house, and go into smaller quarters, & my beautiful picture wd. be in the way. I am, Sir | Your’s respectfully | Elizth. A: Greaves DAR 165: 218 1 2

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The pamphlet has not been identified. Greaves’s husband was Richard Greaves. Aunt Hadley was Susanna Hadley, daughter of Erasmus Darwin and Mary Parker Sr; she helped bring up Elizabeth Greaves (King-Hele 1999, p. 357, and Correspondence vol. 26, letter from E. A. Greaves to Francis Darwin, 26 June 1878). Breadsall Priory, near Derby, was the home of Erasmus Darwin and his second wife, Elizabeth Darwin (King-Hele 1999, p. 330). Elizabeth Susanna Hadley was the daughter of Henry and Susanna Hadley. Her brother was also named Henry Hadley (1812–74). The portrait of Erasmus Darwin owned by Greaves was painted by Joseph Wright in 1792–3; several versions of the painting were made by Wright and multiple copies exist (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from E. A. Greaves to Francis Darwin, 26 June 1878, and M. Keynes 1994). Susanna Hadley’s sister was Mary Parker Jr. The portrait of Erasmus Darwin in the National Portrait Gallery is a copy of an earlier painting by Wright made in 1770 (King-Hele 1999, p. 97).

From Gaston de Saporta1   16 December 1877 Aix le 16 Dec. 1877 Très cher Monsieur, J’ai un double motif pour vous écrire; d’abord je veux vous dire que j’ai su de Paris que alliez être probablement choisi et proposé par la Section de botanique de l’Académie des Sciences et que votre élection, si longtemps attendu, ne souffrirait

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aucune difficulté—2 Je serai doublement heureux de cet événement et pour mon pays qui se doit d’accueillir un homme comme vous qui avez donné à l’histoire naturelle en général et à ce qui concerne sa consideration de l’espèce une impulsion si vive que toutes les notions se sont, pour ainsi dire, renouvelées; j’en serai heureux encore pour moi-même, puisque je fais partie, a titre de correspondan〈t〉 de cette même section de botanique et que je deviendrai votre confrère, après avoir été un de vos premiers disciples en France. Plus je vais, plus j’avance dans l’existence et dans la poursuite de mes recherches paléontologiques, puis je vois se confirmer vos vues, vos tendances, votre façon d’envisager les choses, et de prèsenter les solutions raisonnables des phénomènes anciens, relatifs a l’origine et au développement graduel des êtres vivants. C’est pour cela que le second motif de ma lettre est de vous féliciter de votre très beau livre sur les effets de la fécondation croisée dans les végétaux, dont vous avez bien voulu m’envoyer la traduction française—3 Ce n’est pas tant le livre luimême et les expériences qui y sont relatées que j’admire mais la portée immense et la fécondité des résultats que vous visez dans votre Résumé général et dans les réflexions qui terminent l’ouvrage— Je crois vraiment que, grâce à vous, nous touchons à la solution définitive du grand problème qui m’a préoccupé depuis que je suis devenu naturaliste: par quelle voie, par quels procédés l’évolution successive et graduelle des animaux et des plantes terrestres s’est accomplie et la raison d’être des phases de cette immense évolution, et par suite de celle des espèces vivantes qui peuplent le sol émergé, respirent l’air ou plongent leurs racines dans le sol. Vous savez à quel point l’évolution tardive des Dicotyledones m’a toujours préoccupé, comme un des phênomènes les plus curieux, tant par son immense importance, que par la rapidité apparente avec laquelle il s’est jadis manifesté.4 Maintenant le rôle que vous attribuez aux Insectes dans la fécondation joint à la nécessité du croisement explique tout: la pauvreté antérieure du règne végétal, réduit si longtemps, en l’absence de certaines catégories d’insectes, aux seules plantes anémophiles, dont la variété est le nombre n’ont jamais pu dépasser une certaine limite et chez les quelles les substances nutritives et succulentes ne sont jamais ni très abondantes ni bien diversifiés. L’absence des insectes suceurs pendant le jurassique m’avait deja frappé et M. Heer5 également. J’ai mentionné cette absence ou cette rareté dans mon introduction à la flore jurassique, Tom 1, p. 53 et 54 et pourtant je croyais encore à l’existence d’un Lepidoptère de Solenhofen, dont M. Scudder de Boston a depuis nié à juste droit l’existence, en sorte que les plus anciennes especes connues de cet ordre sont encore celles de l’éocène superieur des Gypses d’Aix.6 Maintenant on conçoit très bien que les angiospermes dont les combinaisons florales et les croisements d’individus à individus et de fleur à fleur dépendent du rôle des insectes n’aient pu se montrer et les multiplier que sous l’impulsion de ceux-ci et que ceuxci, de leur côté, n’aient pu devenir nombreux et actifs et s’attacher à tel type déterminé, qu’a raison même de l’apparition des vegetaux qui ont favorisé leur existence; les insectes et les plantes ont donc été à la fois effet et cause par rapport à eux-mêmes, les plantes ne pouvant se diversifier que par les insectes et ceux-ci ne

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pouvant fournir beaucoup de melli et pollinifages tant que le règne végétal demeurait pauvre en combinaisons et formé presque exclusivement de plantes anémophiles. Il suit delà que les plantes et les insectes, du moins les insectes suceurs—Diptères, hymenopteres, Lepidopteres beaucoup de Coleoptéres ont dû se développer en même temps,7 en favorisant leur évolution mutuelle et suivant d’abord une marche évolution lente, obscure presque latente jusqu’au moment où les effets du croisement et du nouveau mode de fécondation se faisant sentir, le règne végétal et les angiospermes en particulier ont dû prendre l’essor, se ramifier dans toutes les sens et offrir dans toutes les directions les combinaisons florales les plus variées et les plus inattendues, toujours en relation avec des insectes disposés pour cela même à se multiplier et à se diversifier de plus en plus— Voilà comment je conçois maintenant les choses, mais j’admets encore un ordre d’enchainement distinct et plus élevé encore par les conséquences qu’il a entraînées: je veux parler de celui des mammifères a liés aux plantes, comme celles-ci aux insectes et si les plantes n’ont pu se développer et se perfectionner, grâce au croisement, que sous l’influence des insectes, et à mesure que ceux-ci augmentaient de nombre et de variété, les mammifères, de leur côté, n’ont pu commencer leur marche ascensionnelle que lorsque celle du régne végétal a été d’abord accomplie— Dès lors les régimes ont dû varier et les types se modifier acquérir la force, la diversité, lutter avec avantage et enfin obtenir la prédominance— Si l’on résume la marche des trois séries on voit: que dans le lias inférieur les classes d’Insectes sont largement représentées mais surtout les broyeurs, phyllophages, les omnivores et les carnassiers—presque pas d’Insectes suceurs, peu ou point d’hymenoptères ni de diptères, point de lepidoptères— ces classes ont été peut être représentées, mais seulement par un nombre d’individus de plus restreint— dans le règne végetal pauvreté encore plus grande: en fait de Phanérogames rien que des Gymnospermes et quelques monocotylédones— Le travail des insectes sur les Phanérogames s’opère entre cette époque et celle de la craie de Rouen ou Cénomanien.8 C’est alors que quelque type obscure et inférieur de plante phanérogame, plus ou moins comparable aux Gnétacées a du subir l’influence des insectes et donner lieu à une évolution d’abord lente, puis rapide dans ses effets d’où les dicotyledones sont sorties—9 on les rencontre partout déjà nombreux et bientôt prépondérant dès la base du Cénomanien. Alors seulement les mammifères ont eu occasion de sortir de leur obscurité en utilisant a leur tour, les nombreuses substances nutritives, les aliments de plus en plus variées que la classe nouvellement formée mettait à sa disposition— L’élaboration des mammifères se prolonge obscurement et cette catégorie ne se montre comme déjà puissante qu’au commencement du tertiaire, alors que le règne végétal, se trouve lui-même composé à près des mêmes éléments et en grande partie des même genres que maintenant— Cependant si un nouveau progrès a eu lieu depuis lors; il reparti justement sur ces combinations florales que vous avez examinées de près et qui dépendent chacune de l’action d’un insecte, souvent d’une espèce déterminée attachée à une fleur et se trouvant si étroitement adaptée que le sort de la plante dépend des lors de l’insecte— Les corolliflores ou gamopétales les composées, les

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Legûmineux papilionacées passent pour être les séries qui se sont formées et ont répandues plus tard que les autres et vos exemples sont particulièrement tirès de ces plantes.10 Il serait curieux, je pense de soumettre a l’examen les types d’Angiospermes dicotylédones, qui se sont fixés les premières et n’ont plus varié ou n’ont que tres peu varié depuis lors— Il existe effectivement des types de végétaux peu sujets à varier, a la fois robustes et persistants, qui a l’exemple de certaines cryptogames et des Araucaria et Ginkgo parmi les Conifères ont gardé intacte leur organisation depuis un âge des plus reculés—11 ils peuvent nous mettre sur la voie des modes de croisements les plus simples et de l’intervention des insectes à l’origine ou dans des temps rapproches de l’origine premier des Dicotylédones. Les études faites par moi cet été en vue de la conférence donnai au Hâvre me permettent de vous citer quelques uns de ces types primitifs qu’il vous sera peut être possible d’expérimenter—12 En premier lieu le Lierre, Hedera, représenté certainement dans le Cénomanien de Bohême— Le lierre est une plante presque monotype qui m’a toujours frappé par la multitude d’insectes qu’attirent des fleurs.13 Les ombelles présentent un exemple de dimorphisme très apparent; les mâles fleurissant bien avant les femelles et certains pieds n’ayant que des ombelles mâles ou des ombelles femelles, ce qui produit une sorte de dioïcité accidentelle—14 D’Aralia—type Oreopanax parait également avec fait partie de la flora cretacé ancien—15 Myrica type comptonia également—16 Menispermum aussi— je citerai aussi le type des tilleuls et celui des malvacées ou des Heracléa mais comme il faut préciser— apres l’Hedera je trouve une example trés concluant dans la Magnolia—type sûrement crétacé dont la fleur me semble représenter le type floral le moins transformé, le plus voisin de ce qu’a dû été originaire l’appareil floral des angiospermes et des Dicotyledones, qu’il soit donné d’examinér cette fleur et celle des Nymphæa qui est dans le même cas doivent attirer les insectes—17 Il y a ici abondance de pollen et multiplication des organes sexuées de manière à operir une sorte de croisement dans l’intérieur de la même fleur je le suppose du moins— n’ayant rien vu sur ces deux types dans votre livre. Je citerai en dernier lieu le genre Hymenea, qui fait partie des Légumineuses, Césalpiniées, comme ayant laissé des vestiges trés surement déterminables dans le cénomanien de Bohême— Je suppose que l’Hymenea doit avoir à peu de choses près la floraison de nos arbres de judée; je vois à l’instant même que les fleurs sont disposées au sommet des rameaux en grappes ramifiées; la fleur est hermaphrodite à 5 petals presque égaux, dix étamines, dont 5  plus courtes—l’ovaire stipité est surmonté d’un style d’abord replié et terminé par une petite tête stigmatifère.18 Il y a là une organisation florale digne de remarque comme étant antérieure et aux avortements de parties et à la dioïcité dont le Ceratonia donne l’exemple et au type postérieur et nettement irrégulièr des légumineuses-papilionacées.19 Il y a seulement dans les pétales des Hymenea une tendance à l’irrégularité, qui se manifeste par une légère inégalité des pétales— Il faudrait pouvoir examiner et définer le rôle dévolu aux insectes dans un

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type floral qui n’a sans doute pas changé depuis l’origine première du groupe, dont les Papilionacées ne constituent qu’une déviation secondaire. Je conçois que le croisement qui n’est pas absolument nécessaire à la fécondation lui soit cependant utile, en l’activant et augmentant sa force; mais le rôle du croisement surtout de celui s’opèrent d’une plant à l’autre, qui doit être venu le dernier et qui se combine avec le dimorphisme, le rôle de ce croisement doit surtout consister à faire naitre et à accrûter la tendance à la variation, par suite à la modification graduelle des formes et des types— on conçoit dès lors qu’avant l’existence de ce mode de croisement le règne végétal soit demeuré longtemps si pauvre et si monotone, relativement à ce qu’il a été depuis; mais le mode de croisement par insectes allant d’une plante à l’autre, la structure des fleurs nécessitant cette intervention et le transport du pollen ne doivent pas être le seul ni le plus ancien; ce mode s’exige un appareil compliqué et délicat qui n’a du apparaître que tardivement, à mesure que le règne végetal se perfectionnait. Des modes de croisement plus simples ont dû suffire à l’origine et ceux dont les Araliacées, les Magnoliacées les Malvarées et les Césalpiniées probablement aussi Les Laurinées offrent des exemples doivent être certainement du nombre.20 La réduction du parties, leur avortement, l’adaptation l’irrégularité, l’ornementation l’ampleur et l’irrégularité des parties qui accompagnent les organes sexuels proprement dits doivent être postérieur au moment où la fleur des angiospermes a commencé à se constituer— Les fleurs à parties nombreuses, multiples, d’une part et, de l’autre, les fleurs obscures peu apparentes et en même temps complètes doivent être les plus anciennes— Les suppresions les avortements, les développement de corolle, les soudures mutuelles sont venues après que la fleur avait acquis la structure que nous lui connaisons; elle a été d’abord régulière et formée de verticilles qui ne sont eux-même que des tours de spire rapprochés. On peut aller, je croi dans la voie ouverte par ces considerations plus loin que vous n’avez été— l’appareil floral des angiospermes n’est visiblement qu’un axe ou rameau sexué contracté replié sur lui-même, les organes sexués n’etant que des feuilles, androphylles et carpophylles, ceux-ci se reunissant pour former le Gynerie—21 Les axes ou rameaux sexués ont été conformés différement et cela dès l’origine qui est marquée par la différenciation des trois groupes: chez les Cycadées, les Conifères et les Angiospermes en général.22 Chez les cycadées il y a eu des rameaux sexués sur les quels les sexes se sont montrés séparément; de là des cônes mâles et des cônes femelles, les sacs pollinques occupant la face dorsale des folioles ou feuilles transformées en androphylles et les ovules tenant la place d’une foliale avortée comme le montre l’organe femelle du Cycas—23 En tout, chez les Cycadées, la séparation des sexe est complete mais les androphylles et les carpophylles proviennent les uns et les autres des mêmes parties transformées— une fin le strobile formé, les combinaisons qui ont pu s’accomplir n’ont plus été que de minime importance et le groupe a montré une grande immobilité dans ses traits caractéristique—

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Les Coniféres sont déjà assez differentes— chez elles les androphylles et et les carpophylles n’ont pas tout a fait la même origine morphologique— Le cône est bien le résultat d’un rameau sexué, contracté et dont les feuilles transformées se sont rapprochées en se modifiant, mais chez les coniféres les sacs à pollen occupent directement la base de la partie dorsale des feuilles, tandis que les carpophylles résultent d’une bourgeon en des premiers feuilles d’un bourgeon avorté toujours situé à l’aisselle d’une feuille axillante ou bractée ordinairement modifiée, accrue et souvent soudée avec le bourgeon changé en carpophylle soustendu par cette bractée— de là un appareil d’un nature spéciale que a pu donner lieu à de plus grande variation que celui des Cycadées, mais qui a pourtant assez promptement atteint certaines limites au delà des quelles il n’y a plus eu, chez les Conifères, comme chez les Cycadées, que des variations de détails et aucun type nouveau. Lorsqu’il existe accidentellement chez les conifères des cônes androgynes on constate cette différence de position des deux sexes, ses loges a pollen occupant la face dorsale des bractées et les supports ovulaires etant disposées intérieurement à l’aisselle de celles ci— chez les Angiospermes le cas est trés distinct; il faut concevoir forcément le rameau ou axe focal dont la contraction a donné lieu a la fleur, comme chargé de feuilles sexuées du même ordre, seulement ces feuilles sexuées étant disposées de telle Sorte que les carpophylles occupaient constamment le somme de l’axe, les androphylles la partie moyenne de ce même axe ou rameau, vers le bas du quel se trouvaient des feuilles non sexuées, qui en se modifiant par suite du voisinage des parties sexuées ont donné lieu aux pieces et aux verticilles du périgone. Seulement, dans cet état primitif, il faut admettre qu’il existait dejà une certaine différence entre les plantes qui devinrent les monocotylédons et celle qui furent les Dicotylédons; cette différence nous est révélée par la nature respective de l’embryon qui prouve que les monocotylédons eurent de bonne heure des feuilles alternes, engainentes et les Dicotylédones des feuilles opposées ou décussées mais qui passerent ensuite promptement à une combinaison spirale répondant a la formule 25, tandis que les feuilles des monocotylédones étaient plutôt soumises à la formule 13— Il y aurait donc eu, chez les premières, tantôt des feuilles opposées ou décussées et tantôt des feuilles alternes disposées principalement selon la formule 25; chez les secondes, des feuilles engainantes obéissant à la disposition exprimée par la formule phyllotaxique 13, lorsque les spires ou les paires opposées des feuilles sexuées, formant les axes floraux, des unes et des autres, se seraient s’approchées, contractées, réunies de facon à produire la fleur— de là je crois le nombre 3 qui domine dans la fleur des Monocotylédones et le nombre 5 le nombre cinq est le plus fréquent il n’est pas pourtant universel et le nombre 3 âparait dans la combinaison florale de certains types— ou ses multiples, 2 ou ses multiples qui régit les parties de la fleur chez les Dicotylédons— c’est là je crois une loi très simple et très facile à verifier. Il en résulte cette conséquence naturelle que les monocotylédones étaient plus simples et moins variées, moins diversifiées, lorsque, chez elles, l’appareil sexués est devenu la fleur; au contraire les Dicotylédones, à ce même moment, comprenaient déjà plusieurs types distincts; les uns à feuilles opposées, les autre à feuilles ordonnée en spires suivant diverses formules— Enfin

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leurs axes sexués pouvaient comprendre une nombre proportionnel plus ou moins considérable d’androphylles et de carpophylles formant tantôt une seule rangée spirale, tantôt un nombre plus ou moins considérable, de paires ou de rangées de spires— De là les diversités originaires que l’on remarque dans la structure de l’appareil floral des Dicotyledones— Il faut sourtout faire cette distinction que j’ai indiquée depuis longtemps et qui résulte de la position occupée jadis par l’axe ou rameau sexué, au moment où il a donné lieu à la fleur: Selon que ce rameau floral a été terminal ou seulement axillaire. La contraction d’un rameau sexué terminal c’est à dire comprenant un rameau entier est l’origine de toutes des fleurs à parties multiples de celles dont la fleur de Magnolia est l’exemple le plus parfait. Mais dans une foule d’autre cas le rameau sexué ne comprenait qu’un petit nombre de parties, situés vers la sommité d’un rameau et cette sommité seule s’est alors transformée en fleur; ou bien le rameau sexué était en même temps faible, court et axillaire et des lors il n’a donné naissance qu’à des fleurs isolées, formées d’un nombre restreint de parties sexuées— Dans mon hypothèse la prèsence des verticilles secondaires, corolle et calyce s’expliquent le plus aisement du monde. Si cette hypothèse que je crois voisine à la vérité était adaptée—il faudrait reconnaitre que les Angiospermes ont été originairement monoïques ayant leurs organes sexuées disposées côte à côte sur le même rameau, suivant un ordre déterminé, les carpophylles toujours au dessus et les androphylles occupant la partie moyenne de l’axe. Les sexes étaient séparés, mais sur la même branche. Dans ce premier état, avant même la formation de la fleur, certains angiospermes ont pu devenir dioïques, et certains combinaisons florales que nous découvrirons peut-être un jour se produire et favoriser hâtivement certains groupes prototypiques. Ce que je connais des Monocotyledones Secondaires et infraliasiques me fait voir une organisation florale déjà tres complexe et plus voisine de celle des Cyclanthées que d’aucune autre groupe vivante.24 D’autre part, les Cordaïtées, dont M. Renault du muséum vient d’examiner l’organisation florale le trouvent déjà plus voisines des Gnétacées et plus parfaîtes ou du moins plus avancées que les Conifères—25 Chez les Cordaïtées, les sexes sont séparées, mais il y a un groupement des étamines rangées autour d’un emplacement central qui rappelle déjà la fleur et par leur structure, ces organes rappelent plutôt l’organe mâle des angiospermes que l’androphylle des Conifères; ce dernier étant au contraire lié à ce qui se voit chez les Cycadées— Les angiospermes étaient donc monoïques et peutêtre aussi en faible partie dioïques avant que le contraction de leurs rameaux sexués n’ait donné lieu à la fleur— Cette formation de la fleur, avec la conséquence forcée de l’hermaphroditisme, a été bientôt corrigée et par la diversité des combinaisons aux quelles la fleur donne lieu en se produisant et peutêtre aussi en fournissant aux insectes dont le rôle commençait à devenir important un lieu de rendez vous une sorte d’habitation et d’endroit clos au moyen des pièces de la corolle, où ils pouvaient aisément se tenir, stationner; je crois aussi que la production du nectar dut être favorisée par ce rapprochement des diverses organes sexuées mis en contact, le rôle du vent et son importance au point de vue de la fécondation dut être forcément amoindrie.

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Ce qui est certain c’est qu’à partir du moment où la fleur s’est trouvée formée un nouveau travail d’évolution s’est manifesté, ce travail est celui par lequel dans beaucoup de plantes, l’ensemble des parties florales, le rameau eu plutôt la branche portant les fleurs, s’est transformée à son tour pour donner lieu à l’inflorescence; un autre mouvement est celui par lequel, en même temps que les fleurs se groupaient en inflorescence, s’opérait la régularisation ou l’irrégularisation par réduction soudures, avortement, développement de leur parties composantes— de là retour non seulement à la variété, mais à la monoïcité puis à la dioïcité; et par le dimorphisme, la structure intime et l’intervention nécessaire des insectes réalisation de tous les phénomènes que vous avez si bien décrits et dont vous avez reconnu l’importance et l’influence sur le règne végétal tout entier. Je serais heureux si après m’avoir lu vous me donniez votre opinion sur les points principaux que je viens d’enquêtter. Je vais demander à Paris communication de toutes les empreintes du Permien de Russie qui se rattachent de près ou de loin à la feuille dont je vous ai parlé cet automne—26 Je suis porté à croire que cette feuille singulière ne serait pas une Dicotyledone prototypique mais plutot l’expression d’un rameau perdu, qui aurait été la plus parfaite et la plus élevée en organisation du groupe des Salisburiées parvenu à son apogée. Je n’ai pu retrouver dans aucun Dicotyledone vivante un second exemple d’une feuille bilobée comme celles du Ginkgo mais ayant du nervures anastomosées et la marge lobulée—27 Je joins à ma lettre un calque du cette empreinte digne d’attente28 et serais votre trés devoué Comte G. de Saporta Si Vous avez l’occasion de montrer la feuille permienne dont je vous envoie le dessin à quelque botaniste habile ayant vu beaucoup de plantes, comme Hooker, il faudrait lui demander s’il lui est possible d’indiquer quelque assimilation raisonable.29 DAR 177: 34 CD annotations 3.10 J’ai … Solenhofen 3.12] scored pencil 9.1 Oreopanax] underl pencil 9.2 ancien] underl pencil 19.15 celles ci] underl pencil 19.20 vers] underl pencil 19.30 décusées] underl pencil 19.30 disposées 20.31] underl pencil 20.6 certains … prototypiques 20.8] scored pencil; ‘produires’ underl pencil; ‘groupes’ underl pencil 20.9 infraliasiques] underl pencil 21.6 soudures 22.7] underl pencil 24.1 joins] underl pencil 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD had been nominated six times since 1870 for membership of the zoological section of the Académie des sciences; he was elected to the botanical section in 1878 (Corsi and Weindling 1985, p. 699). For more on CD’s earlier unsuccessful nominations, see Correspondence vol. 18, letter from Armand de Quatrefages, 18 July 1870, and Correspondence vol. 20, letter from Armand de Quatrefages, 23 July 1872.

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Saporta’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Cross and self fertilisation (see Correspondence vol. 24, Appendix III). The French translation of the book was published in 1877 (Heckel trans. 1877). See Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Gaston de Saporta, 2 September 1876. Oswald Heer. See Saporta 1873–91, 1: 53–4. Solnhofen, in the region between Nuremberg and Munich, Germany, was the site of a limestone quarry where many late Jurassic fossils were very well preserved. Samuel Hubbard Scudder had written that the oldest fossil Lepidoptera were found in upper Eocene beds in Aix (Scudder 1875, p. 70). Diptera is the order of gnats, mosquitoes, and true flies; Hymenoptera is the order of ants, bees, and wasps; Lepidoptera is the order of butterflies and moths; Coleoptera is the order of beetles. The Lias is a set of rock strata of the early Jurassic epoch. The Rouen chalk (craie de Rouen) is a geological formation of the Cenomanian age in the late Cretaceous epoch. Gnetaceae is a family of tropical gymnosperms; only one genus is recognised within it, but it formerly contained other genera now placed in other families of the order Ephedrales. Corolliflorous flowers have petals united and stamens attached to the corolla; gamopetalous flowers have petals fused together at the base. Both terms were coined by Augustin Pyramus de Candolle in Théorie élémentaire de la botanique (A. P. de Candolle 1813). Compositae is a synonym of Asteraceae, the family of daisies, asters, and sunflowers. Leguminosae and Papilionaceae are synonyms of Fabaceae, the family of peas, beans, and legumes. Araucaria is a genus in the order Pinales (pines); Ginkgo is a genus in the order Ginkgoales. The present class Pinopsida (conifers) includes the order Pinales, but Ginkgoales is now placed within its own class Ginkgoopsida. Saporta had organised a conference on the ancient climates of Europe and the development of plants, at the Congrès de l’Association française pour l’avancement des sciences (Congress of the French Association for the Advancement of Sciences), held at Le Hâvre in August 1877. His published paper appeared in 1878 (Saporta 1878). Although a number of species of Hedera (ivy) are recognised, because they occur in non-overlapping geographical areas, they have sometimes been considered as varieties of a single species. Saporta referred to a fossil form, H. primordialis, in Saporta 1878, p. 34. Common or English ivy (Hedera helix) is dioecious, bearing male and female flowers on separate plants. Saporta referred to a fossil form, Aralia kowalewskiana, which he identified as related to Oreopanax, a genus of the family Araliaceae restricted to the Americas, in Saporta 1878, p. 34. Myrica is the genus of myrtle or sweet gale in the family Myricaceae. Comptonia (sweet fern) is a monotypic genus of the same family, found in eastern North America; several fossil species have been described (see Saporta 1878, p. 51). Menispermum is the genus of moonseed vines; lime trees are in the genus Tilia; Malvaceae is the family of mallows; Heraclea is a genus of the family Asteraceae; Magnolia is a genus in the family Magnoliaceae; Nymphaea is the genus of waterlilies (see Saporta 1878, pp. 34, 57). Hymenaea (Hymenea is a misspelling) is a genus of the family Leguminosae; Caesalpinia is the genus of nicker and poinciana (see Saporta 1878, p. 34). Judas tree is the common name of Cercis siliquastrum, also a member of the Leguminosae. Ceratonia is a genus of the Leguminosae that includes the carob tree. Caesalpiniae was a former subfamily (now a tribe) of the Leguminosae; Laurineae is a suborder of the order Laurales. ‘Carpophyll’ usually refers to a modified leaf that produces a carpel (a division of a compound pistil or fruit). Saporta evidently uses the terms androphyll and carpophyll to refer to male and female parts of modified leaves and the non-standard term gynerie to refer to the structure that contains these parts. Reproductive organs in the Cycadaceae are characterised by leaf-like structures called megasporophylls in female plants and pollen cones on male plants; Coniferae (a former taxon roughly equal to the class Pinopsida) bear their male and female organs on separate cones; in angiosperms, reproductive organs are contained within flowers that can be either unisexual or bisexual. In female plants of Cycas (the only living genus in the family Cycadaceae), seeds are produced on the lower margins of the megasporophylls. In other cycad families, female organs are contained within cones.

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Cyclanthaceae is a neotropical family of monocotyledonous plants in the order Pandanales; small separately sexed flowers are clustered along a rodlike structure called a spadix and surrounded by spathes (petal-like structures). Bernard Renault, assistant naturalist at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle, published an account of the floral organs of the Cordaitales (an extinct order of plants now placed in the class Pinopsida) in ‘Structure comparée de quelques tiges de la flore carbonifère’ (Comparative structure of some stems of Carboniferous flora; Renault 1879, pp. 285–323). Saporta’s letter discussing the leaf has not been found, but see the letter to Gaston de Saporta, 11 October 1877. In Saporta 1878, pp. 871–2, Saporta discussed the identification of the leaf, found in Permian deposits in the Urals, referring to it as Dichoneuron hookeri. In a later account, Saporta identified a similar leaf as the earliest precursor to living Salisburia (a synonym of Ginkgo) and called it Salisburia primigenia; he noted that the former earliest specimen of a ginkgo-like species was from the Rhaetian age of the late Triassic period (Saporta 1882, p. 922). In L’évolution du règne végétal (Saporta and Marion 1885, 1: 145, 231), Saporta discussed and figured both S. primigenia and D. hookeri. Later researchers suggested both species were forms of Psygmophyllum sp. (see, for example, Zalessky 1937, p. 61). Ginkgo leaves have veins that fan out, sometimes splitting, but never anastomosing, that is, connecting veins to form a network. Dicotyledons are characterised by leaves with numerous auxillary veins that reticulate between major ones, creating a network. The tracing has not been found. CD evidently gave the tracing to Joseph Dalton Hooker (see letter to Gaston de Saporta, 24 December 1877).

From J. C. Conybeare   17 December 1877 Dryhill | Tonbridge | Kent Dec. 17. /77. Dear Sir. At Page  329  of your book on the forms of flowers, I note the following statement;— “With plants in a state of nature the flowers open only in the early morning; as I have been informed by Mr Wallis, who particularly attended to the time of their flowering”—.1 It is seldom that any observer, let alone a casual observer like myself, can find any thing to correct or qualify in a statement of observers so pains-taking, so expert and so accurate as Mr Wallis or yourself, especially when speaking of a plant, which has engaged so much of your attention as has the Drosera. Mr Wallis is, however, mistaken as you will find from the following statement. In the beginning of last July my eldest daughter (who is now acting as my amanuensis) devoted much attention to a profusion of plants of Drosera Rotundifolia, growing in a bog near Castle Connell, in Ireland.2 She was most anxious to find the plant with open blossoms but failed to do so. She transplanted roots from the bog into pots & carried them round the house, in which she was staying, daily, so as to keep them in the sun; but still failed to obtain a single fully opened blossom. In the first week of August she was with me in Nth. Cornwall, where I found in a bog, near Mawgam, plants of the Drosera Rotundifolia and also of the Longifolia.3 I took some roots of the latter to her which were planted in bog Earth and carefully watched by her for several days, in hopes of getting a fully opened blossom, but still in vain. However, on the 14th. August I took her with a younger sister,4 & two of

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my nieces to the boggy stream near Mawgan and there found at 2  ock. in the afternoon the ground profusely starred over with the fully opened blossoms of Drosera Rotundifolia. We, however on that afternoon, came on no plants of the Longifolia, specimens of which were comparatively scarce, and we were obliged to hurry away before we could find any. I do not apologise for troubling you with this communication; because it is impossible to read half a dozen pages of any book of yours without feeling that you welcome cordially every crumb of information, and invite by the spirit of every line all contributions which supplement your facts, as plainly as if you said with Horace: “Si quid scis rectius istis, Candidus imperti.”5 Believe me, Dear Sir, | Faithfully yours, | John C. Conybeare LS DAR 161: 222 1

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See Forms of flowers, pp. 328–9. William Wallis had assisted CD in his research on Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew) when the Darwins visited Hartfield, in Sussex, in July 1860 (see Correspondence vol. 8, letter from S. E. Wedgwood, 25 December [1860?]). Castleconnell is a village on the river Shannon in county Limerick. Conybeare’s eldest daughter was Katherine A. M. Conybeare. Mawgan or Mawgan-in-Meneage is a village in Cornwall. Drosera longifolia is a rejected name that could refer to either D. anglica (English or great sundew) or D. intermedia (spoonleaf sundew). Conybeare had two younger daughters, Georgiana Emily and Clara Jane Constance. Conybeare quotes from Horace, Epistles I: 6, 67–68. The full quotation in Latin reads: ‘si quid novisti rectius istis, candidus imperti; si nil, his utere mecum’ (if you can better these principles, tell me; if not, join me in following them).

From Francis Darwin to Thomas Edison   [20–9 December 1877]1 Down, Beckenham Dear Sir My father begs me to thank you for communicating to him the curious case of the insects.2 The fact is an interesting one, but as he is at work on different subjects he will not take advantage of yr kind offer of sending 〈speci〉mens Yrs truly | Francis Darwin Postmark: DE 2〈 〉 Thomas Edison National Park (Edison Document File, 1878 Folder: (D-78-02) Edison, T.A. – General) 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from T.  A.  Edison, 7 December 1877, and by the partial postmark, on which only the first digit of the date is visible. See letter from T. A. Edison, 7 December 1877 and n. 1.

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To Axel Key   20 December 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Dec.r. 20th 1877

Dear Sir I can not too strongly express my thanks for the very handsome present of your work on the nervous system, which you & Prof. Retzius have been so kind as to give me.1 I look at this present as a very great honour. The book is by far the most magnificent one which I have ever seen on anatomy & histology. The labour bestowed on the beautiful Plates alone must have been unparalleled.2 With the greatest respect & cordial thanks, I remain Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin Kungl. Vetenskapsakademien, Center for History of Science (Gustaf Retzius arkiv, inbundna serien, Engelsmän I, s 34) 1

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Key sent a copy of Studien in der Anatomie des Nervensystems und des Bindegewebes (Studies in the anatomy of the nervous system and of the connective tissue; Key and Retzius 1875–6). Gustaf Retzius was a docent in histology at the Karolinska Institute, where Key was professor of pathological anatomy. CD’s copy of the two-volume work is in the Darwin Library–Down. The two volumes contained numerous colour lithographic plates produced from fine colour drawings. For more on the lithographic plates and the production of the volumes, see Ljunggren and Bruyn 2002, pp. 95–8.

From A. W. Malm   21 December 1877

Göteborg. Naturhist. Museum 21 Dec. 77

D:r Charles Darwin. My dear Sir. | My most estimated Friend and Collega! I thank you for your most kind dedication accompanied with a copy of your sixth edition of “the Origin of Species” &ct., hoc est liber librorum, seu Biblia hodierna; both dated 30 Januar 1877.1 My Fauna Bahusid is just printed, and I send to you a copy of the same, my last work.2 You will have it in 8 days from the library of the British Museum. In the introduction, pag. 12–17, you will find some lines on the origin of man and several domesticated animals and kultivated, hoc est domesticated plants. I think that jour Son, D:r Darwin j:or will translated that memory for You.3 From R. Hartmann in Berlin here I that a other Memory (“on the migration &c” (See l.c., p. 26–491) will be translated, in germany language, in Archiv für Zoology by Troschel.4 This paper is the result of my studies, in the nature, in more as 40 jear. My selfcritic said my, that this paper is one of my best. Ther have I relate my observations not only by the migrations of the Birds. The animals in generaly are ther objects for my remarks. The fenomena are arranged sub the rubriks: 1) Winter-cubatorys, pg. 31. 2) Verticaly-migratory. pg. 31.

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3) Obliquely-migratory. pg. 33. 4) Horizontaly migrations, pg. 35 A) Continuals p. 35 B) Periodicals 36. a: from Nord to Syd, or vice versa . 36. b): at every where direction. 41 C) Accidentals. 44. And, pag. 47–49: Conclusions.5 My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | A. W. Malm. Compliments from my Son!6 DAR 171: 34 1

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See letter from A. W. Malm, 26 January 1877 and n. 3. Malm had asked CD where CD had referred to Malm’s paper on the Pleuronectidae (the family of righteye flounders; Malm 1867). In response, CD evidently sent a copy of Origin 6th ed., in which he cited Malm 1867 (Origin 6th ed., pp. 186–7). Hoc est liber librorum, seu Biblia hodierna: This is the book of books, or the bible of today (Latin). Malm’s copy of Origin 6th ed. has not been found. CD’s copy of Göteborgs och Bohusläns fauna, ryggradsdjuren (Gothenburg and Bohuslän fauna, vertebrates; Malm 1877) is in the Darwin Library–Down. In this section, Malm refers to CD’s theory (see Malm 1877, pp. 13–14). CD’s son George Howard Darwin had translated substantial extracts from Malm 1867; the manuscript translation is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Franz Hermann Troschel, the editor of Archiv für Naturgeschichte, published a section of Malm’s book (Malm 1877, pp. 26–49) in German translation as ‘Die Erscheinung des Wanderns oder Ziehen in der Thierwelt im Allgemeinen und der Vögel im Besonderen’ (The phenomenon of migration or movement in the animal world in general and birds in particular; Malm 1878). The pagination is from the original Swedish version (Malm 1877, pp. 31–44; see also Malm 1878, pp. 136–46). ‘Winter-cubatorys’: animals that do not migrate; ‘verticaly-migratory’: animals that overwinter underground; ‘obliquely-migratory’: animals that spend some of their life in water; ‘horizontaly migrations’: animals (and also some plants) that move within a specified range, either frequently or at specified periods, either north to south or in several directions, or by chance. August Hugo Malm.

From J. V. Carus   23 December 1877 Leipzig Dec 23d | 1877 My dear Sir May I ask you to be so kind as to write me (if possible by return of post, as the sheet must be printed off), if on p. 435 of the 1. Vol. of the Variation under Domestication, line 9 from bottom (note not included) a few words are fallen out by mistake. “a horse, bred by Lord Mostyn, which had previously borne a foal. by a quagga. This horse is dun with a dark stripe”.1 I think, it ought to stand thus (or some thing like it): “a horse bred by Lord Mostyn from a mare, which had previously borne” for as it runs now, the case would not be one of the modification of the subsequent progeny by the previous male, but

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one of the modification of the whole bodily frame of the female animal, which you do not intend to prove in this paragraph With my best wishes for a merry Christmas I am | Ever yours sincerely J. Victor Carus DAR 161: 111 1

Carus was preparing a German translation of Variation 2d ed. (Carus trans. 1878a). Edward Mostyn Lloyd-Mostyn was the second Baron Mostyn.

To Gaston de Saporta   24 December 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec 24. 1877 Mr dear Sir, I thank you sincerely for your long & most interesting letter, which I should have answered sooner had it not been delayed in London.1 I had not heard before that I was to be proposed as a Corr: Member of the Institute.2 Living so retired a life as I do, such honours affect me very little; & I can say with entire truth that your kind expression of sympathy has given, & will give me much more pleasure than the election itself, should I be elected. Your idea that dicotyledonous plants were not developed in force until sucking insects had been evolved seems to me a splendid one.3 I am surprised that the idea never occurred to me, but this is always the case when one first hears a new & simple explanation of some mysterious phenomenon. It’s the old story of Columbus & the egg.4 I formerly showed that we might fairly assume that the beauty of flowers, their sweet odour & copious nectar, may be attributed to the existence of flower-haunting insects but your idea, which I hope you will publish, goes much further & is much more important.5 With respect to the great development of mammifers in the later Geological periods following from the development of dicotyledons, I think it ought to be proved that such animals as deer, cows, horses &c could not flourish if fed exclusively on the gramineæ & other anemophilous monocotyledons; & I do not suppose that any evidence on this head exists.6 Your suggestion of studying the manner of fertilisation of the surviving members of the most ancient forms of the dicotyledons is a very good one, & I hope that you will keep it in mind yourself, for I have turned my attention to other subjects. Delpino I think says that Magnolia is fertilised by insects which gnaw the petals, & I should not be surprised if the same fact holds good with Nymphaea.7 When ever I have looked at the flowers of these latter plants, I have felt inclined to admit the view that petals are modified stamens & not modified leaves; though Pointsettia seems to show that true leaves might be converted into coloured petals.8 I grieve to say that I have never been properly grounded in Botany & have studied only special points: therefore I cannot pretend to express any opinion on your remarks on the origin of the flowers of the Coniferæ, Gnetaceæ &c; but I have been delighted with what you

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say on the conversion of a monœcous species into a hermaphrodite one by the condensations of the verticels on a branch bearing female flowers near the summit & male flowers below. Mr Thiselton Dyer, in a review of my book in Nature, objected on morphological grounds to a somewhat similar notion; but did not explain what these grounds were.9 With respect to persistent types your cases are curiously analogous to those which occur in many groups of the animal kingdom & have been commented on by Huxley.10 I expect Hooker to come here before long, & I will then show him your drawing & if he makes any important remarks I will communicate with you.11 He is very busy at present in clearing off arrears after his American expedition, so that I do not like to trouble him even with the briefest note.12 I am at present working with my son at some physiological subjects & we are arriving at very curious results, but they are not as yet sufficiently certain to be worth communicating to you.13 I do not know whether you feel any interest about insectivorous plants: my son Francis fed with meat last summer a large number of plants of Drosera rotundifolia & left others unfed by excluding insects; & the difference between the two sets of plants in growth, & especially in the number & weight of the seeds was truly wonderful. He has sent a paper on this subject to the Linnean Soc a copy of which he will hereafter send to you.14 With my best thanks & the greatest respect, I remain, my dear Sir | Yours faithfully L A. de Saporta (private collection) 1 2 3

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8 9

See letter from Gaston de Saporta, 16 December 1877. CD had been nominated for membership of the botanical section of the Académie des sciences. See letter from Gaston de Saporta, 16 December 1877 and n. 2. Dicotyledons are flowering seed-plants, or angiosperms, characterised by the presence of two embryonic seed-leaves or cotyledons; CD had remarked that the sudden appearance of so many dicotyledons was ‘most perplexing’, and conjectured that the plants had first developed in an isolated region and then spread quickly when geographical conditions became favourable (Correspondence vol. 23, letter to Oswald Heer, 8 March [1875]). CD refers to the apocryphal story about Christopher Columbus’s challenge to a group of men to make an egg stand on end; when none was successful, Columbus tapped the end, cracking the egg slightly to flatten the tip, after which it stood easily. The story illustrates the fact that a brilliant idea often seems obvious or simple in retrospect. CD discussed beauty in flowers and its relation to insect visitors in Origin 4th ed., pp. 239–40. In his letter of 16 December 1877, Saporta argued that the evolution of plant-eating mammals was linked to development in the plant kingdom. Federico Delpino discussed the fertilisation of Magnolia species aided by beetles of the genus Cetonia in Delpino 1868–75, 2: 234–5. He discussed the beetle’s gnawing of another flower, Paeonia moutan (a synonym of P. suffruticosa), which he included as a flower type like Magnolia in ibid., p. 236. Nymphaea is the genus of waterlilies. Poinsettia is the common name of Euphorbia pulcherrima; its bright red bracts, or modified leaves, are often mistaken for petals. In his letter of 16 December 1877, Saporta had argued that the verticils or whorls of the corolla were converging spiral turns. He also suggested that the contraction of sexual branches bearing what he termed androphylls and carpophylls (male and female parts of modified leaves) resulted in the formation of hermaphrodite flowers. In his review of Cross and self fertilisation (Thiselton-Dyer 1877, p. 331),

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William Turner Thiselton-Dyer had discussed CD’s view that a monoecious condition was the first step to hermaphroditism and offered an opposing explanation that the earliest angiosperms were hermaphrodites. See letter from Gaston de Saporta, 16 December 1877 and n. 11. Thomas Henry Huxley had discussed the persistence of animal types in his anniversary address to the Geological Society of London (T. H. Huxley 1862; for a discussion of Huxley’s views on this point, see A. Desmond 1982, pp. 85–112). Saporta had sent CD a tracing of a fossil leaf and asked whether Joseph Dalton Hooker could examine it and suggest a comparison (see letter from Gaston de Saporta, 16 December 1877 and n. 26). Hooker had spent July and August 1877 travelling in the United States (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 19 October 1877 and n. 3). CD and Francis Darwin were studying the physiology of plant movement; their findings were published in Movement in plants in 1880. Drosera rotundifolia is the common or round-leaved sundew. Francis Darwin’s paper (F. Darwin 1878a) was read at the Linnean Society on 17 January 1878 and published in the Journal of the Linnean Society (Botany).

From B. J. Sulivan   25 December 1877 Bournemouth Decr. 25. 77 My dear Darwin Many happy Xmas and new years to you all. We are rather a poor lot just now, as my wife is the only well one, Sophy and I bad colds, and Fanny—confined to her bed—but getting better.1 I was so much pleased at seeing your son with his very nice and bright wife at Mr. Langton’s, I wish they could have remained a little longer.2 My eldest son, commanding Britomart at Cowes, has also being preparing for being married one day to a daughter of a very good clergyman—Light—the Rector of Dover, we hear from many quarters that she is a most excellent girl clever and bright, and that he is fortunate to have got her. Unfortunately he is 5ft. 5in. she 5f.t 8 inches. His frequent visits in gunboat to Dover on Coast Guard duty for some time past has brought this about. They have one good thing in Common   They are both “total abstainers”.3 I do not think I have told you that I saw poor Jemmy Johnson4 at Southsea lately: and old age I find prevents my recollecting as I ought. He is still paralysed in one arm and leg; and though cheery v much like what he was, yet now and then his mind evidently failed him, and he would mix up past events curiously; but fully alive to all old Beagle days, & much interested in hearing all I could tell him of you. His pretty daughter, deaf and dumb from 7 years old through fever—but married four years since to a fine clever young Engineer Officer, & with a dear little girl—I found to my surprise able to hear a little, and recovering speech so much that she could give me a message for my daughters.5 His poor son’s death evidently weighed on his mind still. So clever passing 1. 1. 1—& drawing beautifully from a boy, dying, as a young Lieut—of Drink.6 All join in | kind regards | & best wishes | Believe me | Dear Darwin | Yours most sincy. | B. J. Sulivan I was delighted with the reception at Cambridge7

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I do not think I sent you our Magazine with account of journey in Patagonia. I enclose the leaves.8 DAR 177: 303 1 2

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Sulivan’s wife was Sophia Sulivan; Sophia Henrietta Sulivan and Frances Emma Georgina Sulivan were his daughters. William Erasmus Darwin married Sara Sedgwick on 29 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). They spent part of their honeymoon in Bournemouth, where they visited Charles Langton (letter from Sara Darwin to Emma Darwin, [3 December 1877] (DAR 210.5: 23)). James Young Falkland Sulivan was commander of HMS Britomart at Southampton from 1876 until 1879. He married Eleanor Evelyn Light, the daughter of William Edward Light, rector of St James’s, Dover. Both were supporters of the temperance movement, as was Sulivan himself (Sulivan ed. 1896, p. 392). Charles Richardson Johnson. Johnson’s daughter, Blanche Lily Julia, married Henry Edward McCallum in 1874. Their daughter Lilian Murray McCallum was born in 1875. Charles Alfred William Murray Johnson died in 1868. CD was awarded an honorary LLD at Cambridge University on 17 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). An article titled ‘Travels in Patagonia’ appeared in the South American Missionary Magazine (Moreno 1877). CD’s copy has not been found.

To J. V. Carus   26 December [1877]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec. 26 My dear Sir Owing to the disturbance of our P. Office at Xmas, I received only tonight your note of the 23d.— It is clear that either I or the Printers have omitted accidentally “from a mare”.—2 You are the most accurate of Translators that ever lived.— I return with much sincerity your good wishes, & may your life long be spared | Yours very truly | C. Darwin Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859 Darwin, Charles, Bl. 174–175) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. V. Carus, 23 December 1877. See letter from J. V. Carus, 23 December 1877 and n. 1.

To R. A. Blair   27 December 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec 27. 1877 Dear Sir, I am much obliged to you for kindly informing me of the case of the goose. It seems to be a remarkable case of inheritance of effects of injury & as such cases are very rare it would be quite worth while to have the parts carefully examined. If

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you could obtain a wing & would send it me I should be much obliged.1 The wing might be cut off at the joint with the body & dried with feathers on before a hot fire. To make the case of more value it would be very advisable to ascertain whether the goose had any offspring before the injury, & if so whether they were normal & not malformed in any way. Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS American Philosophical Society (529) 1

Blair’s letter to CD has not been found; it was later sent to William Henry Flower together with a specimen of the wing, and Flower returned the letter with a sketch of the wing drawn on the back (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter to W. H. Flower, 25 February 1878, and letter from W. H. Flower, 12 April 1878). CD was sceptical about the inheritance of injuries, but had reported some cases in Variation 2: 22–4; CD had expanded this section in Variation 2d ed. 1: 466–70.

From Hyde Clarke   27 December 1877 32 S.t George’s Square | S. W. 27 Dec 1877 My dear Sir, It may interest you to know that I have succeeded in the task, which has occupied me for some years, of establishing the unity of language in its developement. For this purpose it was necessarily especially to investigate the languages of america under considerable difficulty from deficiency of material, as well as the demand on my time from other occupations.1 So far as I know there is no language, which is separate, & which does not belong to the general stock. On psychological grounds the developement of language means the developement of mythology & of culture. In this respect the nations of the highest advancement bear traces of the early culture of mankind. It may be roughly said there are no languages which are not “black” languages in their ground work The results are of course very different from what Prof Max Muller & philogists have been accustomed to believe.2 It will take many men & many years yet to work out all the details, but, even with what I have already published, there is convincing evidence. As knowing language is so closely connected with nature worship, there is no room for a separate creation of it, which some of our friends believe.3 I have also just found that the idea of Hand, Finger &c is only secondary in numerals, & that 5 & 10 are primarily to be referred to Navel, Belly &c, that is to the early mythology. Yours faithfully | Hyde Clarke Charles Darwin Esq D &c FRS DAR 161: 161

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Clarke had published the results of his research in his book Researches in prehistoric and protohistoric comparative philology, mythology, and archæology, in connection with the origin of culture in America and the Accad or Sumerian families (Clarke 1875). Friedrich Max Müller associated the study of language with the study of culture and separated language families on this basis. Max Müller’s ‘Lectures on Mr. Darwin’s philosophy of language’ (Max Müller 1873) had challenged CD’s theory of language; CD addressed the criticisms in Descent 2d ed., pp. 88–90. Clarke may allude to Max Müller’s contention that language was unique to humans and thus a separate creation (see Max Müller 1873, pp. 666–9).

To W. C. Marshall   27 December 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec 27. 1877 My dear Marshall, Many thanks for your note & full explanations   I cannot allow you to pay the small extra charge for glass, consequent on a trifling mistake.1 I have quite forgotten Mr Deard’s address & therefore will you be so kind as to forward the enclosed cheque to him2 The rooms are all very comfortable, & I am much obliged to you for all the trouble which you have taken. Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. | Many thanks for the erratum which you kindly sent P.S. | I have just found Mr Deards address on his bill so I send the cheque myself3 LS American Philosophical Society: B/D25.354 1

2 3

Marshall’s letter has not been found; he had been engaged by CD to design and oversee the building of an addition to Down House in September 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to W. C. Marshall, 19 September 1876). CD recorded a payment of £30 10s under the heading ‘Marshall for new Room’ on 27 December 1877 in his Account books–cash account (Down House MS). Alfred Deards, a builder, had premises at 36 Webber Row, Blackfriars, London. This sentence was later crossed out in pencil. CD recorded a payment of £241 9s. 9d. under the heading ‘Deards for new Room’ on 27 December 1877 in his Account books–cash account (Down House MS).

To Albert Gaudry   28 December 1877 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Dec 28 . 1877 Dear Sir, I thank you sincerely for your never-failing kindness in sending me your valuable works. I am sure that the one received to day will interest me greatly, judging from the extract given in the “Revue des Sciences”—1 I remain, dear Sir | with the greatest respect | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS Museo Civico di Storia Naturale, Milan (Library: Fondo Gaudry b. 7, fasc. 28, doc. 6)

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Gaudry sent a copy of his book Les enchaînements du monde animal dans les temps géologiques: mammifères tertiaires (Series in the animal world over geological time: tertiary mammals; Gaudry 1878). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–Down. An extract from the book, ‘Les ruminants et leurs parents’ (Ruminants and their parents; Gaudry 1877), appeared in La Revue scientifique de la France et de l’étranger, 15 December 1877; CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

To Hyde Clarke   [29 December 1877]1 … If you finally succeed in proving that all languages have been developed from a common root, you will indeed have effected a most valuable piece of work …2 LS incomplete3 Sotheby’s (dealers) (23–4 February 1959) 1 2 3

The date is given in the sale catalogue; the address is given as ‘Down’. See letter from Hyde Clarke, 27 December 1877 and n. 1. The original letter is complete and according to the sale catalogue is one page long.

From H. E. Stanley to James Torbitt   29 December 1877 Alderley Park Decr. 29/77 Sir in reply to your letter inquiring as to the result of the potatoe seed you sent to me in 1876, I find that potatoes raised this year from seedlings grown from your seed sown last year, are of a good size and have kept sound up to this date, whilst the ordinary potatoes about here had begun early to become unsound.1 yours obediently | Stanley DAR 177: 245 1

Torbitt had sent CD a packet of potato seeds in April 1876, together with his pamphlet on potato blight. Torbitt also sent his pamphlet and seeds to all the members of both houses of Parliament (Stanley was in the House of Lords) as well as to landowners in Ulster (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to James Torbitt, 4 April 1876, and Torbitt 1876). Stanley evidently tested these seeds on his Alderley estate in Cheshire. No covering letter from Torbitt to CD has been found. For more on Torbitt’s research and CD’s interest, see DeArce 2008.

From F. J. Cohn   31 December 1877 Breslau, | Schweidnitzer Stadtgraben 26. den 31ten. December 1877 My dear Sir The approaching new-year remembers me of the great philosopher who devoting his leisure with incomparable assiduity and success to the promotion of science, embraces the humblest of his fellow-students with the kindness of his sympathy. I beg to send to you my best wishes for new year and many happy returns of this day.

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I take the liberty of sending the last part of my “Beiträge zur Biologie der Pflanzen, which contains the first photograms of Bacteria, executed by my friend Dr. Koch.1 Though we hope, to obtain still better results, the plates in question afford, however, excellent proofs of copies of the least but also perhaps the mightiest living beings, made with the exclusion of any subjective or personal error. I beg to direct your attention to Fig 8 plate XV. Micrococcus, the smallest and simplest of all organisms, to the flagella of Spirillum and Bacillus Plate XIV fig. 4, 5, 6, to fig 1 of the same plate, which represents a stream or cumulus of Bacteria under lower power, which like a nebula of stars dissolves under high power (fig 2) in swarms of Bacteria, and mostly to Plate XVI where you find photogramms of the most important pathogenic Bacteria (fig. 7 and 8 Spirochaete of febris recurrens— and fig 1–5 Bacillus Anthracis of Splenic fever.)2 The copies of the former species are obtained from drops of blood of sick people in a St. Petersburgh Hospital, dried upon small glass plates; and soaked and prepared in Breslau after Dr. Koch’s method.3 The history of these spiral motile filaments is still obscure; but the history of Bacillus Anthracis and its importance in producing splenic fever, is disclosed with admirable penetration by Dr. Koch.4 You will remark the spores originating in the articles of the filaments, which resist exsiccation after the destruction of the filaments themselves, and remain capable of multiplying and germinating and then producing sickness and death many years. Last October we had the pleasure to enjoy of Dr. and Mrs Sandersons5 presence as dear guests in our house, and then Dr. Koch was able under his attendance to inoculate splenic fever into rabbits with an extremily small quantity of blood, taken out of the spleen of a cow, five years before, and dried since that long time; all the rabbits died after two–three days, and their liver, spleen and blood showed full of living Bacillus, grown out of the spores inoculated with the dried blood. The small paper on Dipsacus is a very incomplete abstract of a lecture delivered in the Botanical Section of the Meeting of German naturalists in Munchen in Sept. last. I hoped to agree with your wishes by producing before that forum the highly interesting discoveries of your son, M.  Francis D.  By repeating his observations, I was at first extremely struck by the impression of those curious filaments, protruding, undulating and retiring in the most extraordinary way.6 But after maturer reflection, I am convinced that there is no living phenomenon, but that some substance secreted by the glands between their cells and the cuticule, and swelling in water, is protruded through vents in the cuticle; the apparition remembers me of certain toys which were very common some years ago in Germany and perhaps also in England; they were called “serpents de Pharaon” and consisted of some compound of mercure, which when kindled, grew into very long serpentile, burning and rotating filaments.7 The retraction of the filaments of Dipsacus seems to me caused by withdrawing water from the gland-cells through endosmotic reagents. The study of the former observations on the filaments of Agaricus published by De Bary2 and Hoffmann1, which wholy agree with those of Dipsacus, seems to

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me to support with high probability the supposition that we have to deal in both cases with an endosmotic phenomenon, not with such one of true life.8 De Bary himself explained after my lecture his researches on the vibratile filaments of Agaricus which he had enquired into, 15 years before, and had found soluble in Alcohol; your son himself has made the same discovery in Dipsacus, which had puzzled him very much.9 I have read since the paper of Virchow on Myeline (Virchows Archiv  1854) a substance he pointed out in the marrow of nerve fibres, brain, spinal marrow, in spleen, lungs, blood, pus, yolk etc; the external appearance, the movements and transformations of myeline, for ought I saw, are not very like the filaments of Dipsacus, but they agree in their solubility in Alcohol and in soaking and swelling in water.10 The whole question however is still so very curious and so much enveloped in obscurity, that your son, by directing through his discovery the attention upon this neglected object, has very well deserved of science. May the coming new year afford to you all reward science and philosophy can bestow upon their first promotor, and may yourself and your family be blessed in body and mind. | Truly yours | Ferdinand Cohn DAR 161: 205 1

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CD’s copy of Beiträge zur Biologie der Pflanzen, vol. 2, part 3 has not been found. The article by Robert Koch, ‘Verfahren zur Untersuchung, zum Conservieren und Photographieren der Bacterien’ (Method for research into preservation and photographing of bacteria; R. Koch 1877) included three plates made directly from Koch’s photograms using the method he devised himself and outlined in his paper. Micrococcus is a genus in the family Micrococcaceae; Bacillus is in the family Bacillaceae; both are in the subkingdom Posibacteria. These genera were first identified by Cohn in 1872 (Cohn 1872). Spirillum is a genus of Negibacteria in the family Spirillaceae. Febris recurrens: recurring fever (Latin), an alternative name for typhoid fever. Bacillus anthracis is the bacteria that causes anthrax; splenic fever was another name for the disease. Koch’s method was described in his article ‘Die Aetiologie der Milzbrand-Krankheit, begründet auf die Entwicklungsgeschichte des Bacillus Anthracis’ (The aetiology of anthrax-sickness, based on the developmental history of Bacillus anthracis; R. Koch 1876). See R. Koch 1876. John Scott Burdon Sanderson and Ghetal Burdon Sanderson. An abstract of Cohn’s paper ‘Ueber vibrirende Fäden in den Drüsenhaaren von Dipsacus’ (On the vibratile filaments in the glandular hairs of Dipsacus; Cohn 1877b), delivered on 21 September 1877 at the meeting of German naturalists and doctors in Munich, was published in the Amtlicher Bericht der 50 Versammlung Deutscher Naturforscher und Aertze. In August 1877, Cohn had repeated some of Francis Darwin’s experiments on the protrusion of protoplasmic filaments from glandular hairs in the cups formed by leaves of common teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris, a synonym of D. fullonum); CD had sent Cohn’s results, confirming many of Francis’s observations, to Nature (see letters from F. J. Cohn, 5 August 1877 and [10?] August 1877, and letter to Nature, 15 August [1877]). When mercury thiocyanate (Hg (SCN)2) powder is ignited it rapidly produces a coiling snake-like solid, which is called Pharaoh’s serpent; the reaction was discovered in 1821 by Friedrich Wöhler and the substance was available as a novelty item until its toxicity was discovered (T. L. Davis 1940). Anton de Bary discussed the structure and movement of filaments of Agaricus in Bary 1859, pp. 386–7. Hermann Hoffmann discussed contractile bodies in gilled mushrooms in Hoffmann 1853 (see letter to F. J. Cohn, 8 August 1877 and n. 3). Agaricus is a genus of mushrooms in the family Agaricaceae. ‘1’ and ‘2’, added later, are presumably a reference to the order of publication.

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Francis Darwin described the effects of adding alcohol to the filaments of teasel in F. Darwin 1877b, pp. 252–3. Rudolf Carl Virchow had given the name ‘myelin’ to the organic compound that formed the insulating layer around nerve fibres and was also found in other tissues (Virchow 1854, p. 571). He extracted myelin from pus using alcohol and added water to the extract, noting that the movement of the hydrated substance sometimes led to its forming numerous filiform branches (ibid., pp. 570–1).

To the Down Friendly Society   31 December [1877?]1 I beg leave to call the attention of the C. to the enclosed statement with respect to the Surplus Fund showing a balance against the fund for the closing year of £ 9.12.6. It is illegal to expend money entrusted for sickness for this but as there was a small balance in favour of the Fund last year the deficiency may be passed over. During the following year if the Committee order the same payments as before the amount paid from the Surplus Fund will be as follows Doctor Clerk Rent of Club-Room Payment to Committee Stationery (last year the extraordinary sum of 6s was paid for [stationery]

12.12.0   2.19.6 2. 0.0 .10 ?? £18:1:6

As we have received this year for Honorary Subscriptions & Fines 8.5.6, there will be supposing that we have the same next year a balance against the Surplus Fund of 9.16.0.2 Therefore the Doctor can be paid out of the Surplus Fund only for the first Q , & the members must pay the other 3 remainder. Even then there will be a balance of 7s against the Surplus Fund & this must not be repeated another year. I am sorry for this unprecedented state of affairs, but as long as I remain Treasurer, Trustee & Hon. Member, I can do nothing illegal. Your obed servt. | C. D. Dec 31st | To the Council of the D. F. Club ADraftS DAR 202: 42 1

2

The year is conjectured by the annotations ‘Club 77’ and ‘1877’ in unknown hands. Part of the draft is written on the back of a scrap of fair copy of Descent, published in 1871; CD was treasurer of the Down Friendly Club from its creation in 1850 until his death in April 1882. The Club had ‘benefit’ and ‘honorary’ members. Under the Club’s rules, the subscriptions of honorary members were to be used first for administrative costs, then for medical attendance, with any

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remainder being added to the general funds. The club’s rules made provision for fines for a number of offences. (Rules of the Down Friendly Society, National Archives, FS1/232.)

From E. A. Greaves to Francis Darwin   31 December 1877 14 Pittville Parade | Cheltenham Decr. 31st. 1877 Dear Sir, I feel extremely obliged to your father, for his very handsome offer for the portrait,1 and if on inspection he thinks £50 too much I shall be willing to reduce it; at the same time I believe it to be valuable not only on account of the work, but being the likeness of a great man, one who lived before his time; and also with its relationship   were I rich, it would have given me great pleasure to have sent it for yr. Father’s acceptance as a New-Year’s Gift. Be so good as to ask Mr. Myers to see it packed wh. can be done here, as I shall like to see it snugly packed—2 I fancy that it will require varnishing, and then it will look quite new— I think the canvass is in good order. With many thanks I am, dear Sir, | Your’s very truly | Elizth. A: Greaves DAR 165: 219 1 2

The portrait was of CD’s grandfather Erasmus Darwin (see letter from E.  A.  Greaves,  14  December 1877 and n. 3). Mr Myers may be Frederic William Henry Myers or his brother Arthur Thomas Myers; both were acquaintances of George Howard Darwin through Trinity College, Cambridge, and their family home was in Cheltenham (Correspondence vol. 21, letter from G. H. Darwin to Emma Darwin, [before 24 November 1873], ODNB). The portrait was sent to CD in 1878 (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from E. A. Greaves, 3 January 1878, and letter from E. A. Greaves to Francis Darwin, 26 June 1878). There is a painting of Erasmus Darwin at Down House; however, its provenance is uncertain (see M. Keynes 1994).

From Lawson Tait   31 December [1877]1 Birmingham Decr. 31 My Dear Sir, I believe I have made a discovery which will greatly interest you   It is no less than the method by which tails are lost and I have found evidence of the process in man which I think will prove as weighty as “Darwin’s ears” is in another direction.2 It is too long a matter for me to go into now but let me merely say that the process is the occurrence of spina bifida and the remnant in man of the process consists of depression of the skin over the point of the coccyx & its union (by fascial adhesion) to the post. surface of the tip bone. I have been engaged all morning in making casts of the depressions in a family of children who have it marked in all & very marked in one. The mother has it. The very marked one I try to give you an idea of in the diagram below. The depression is tubular & quite half an inch deep3 Yours truly | Lawson Tait

December 1877

547

Depression Sacrum

Coccyx

child aged 6 12 I think it quite on a par with the pharyngeal fistula which indicates the lost bronchial opening & the labial furrow which shows the lost hare-lip.4 LT I’ll send you a cast5 DAR 178: 40 1 2

3

4

5

The year is established by the reference to the discovery of the sacral dimple. The results of the investigations described in this letter were published in 1878 (see n. 3, below). Tait refers to what CD called the ‘Woolnerian tip’, discussed in Descent 1: 22–3, and in greater detail in Descent 2d ed., pp. 15–17. The sculptor Thomas Woolner’s drawing of a human ear showing the unusual feature of a pointed tip (‘Woolner’s tip’) on the outer ear projecting from the inwardly folded margin is in DAR 80: B120. Tait described his discovery of a depression over the lowest bone of the sacrum in this family in ‘Note on the occurrence of a sacral dimple and its possible significance’, a paper read at the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in August 1878 (L. Tait 1878). A pharyngeal fistula is a congenital fistula in the neck resulting from incomplete closure of a pharyngeal groove or cleft. The labial or nasolabial furrow is the major facial furrow that extends from the side of the nose downward and outward to a point just below the outer corner of the mouth, often called a smile or laugh line. Tait deleted the beginnings of a second sketch at the end of the letter and wrote ‘failure’ across it.

APPENDIX I Translations of letters From Marcellin de Bonnal1   [1877]2 Sir, A man of your intellectual power could not deny a creator, therefore, do not deny him. However, your system is the negation of God, and your school, which is logical, flows to the brim in materialism starting from the void in order to arrive at it. Here is why I oppose you. I oppose you in the interests of truth, of man and of societies. I am soon going to publish a second edition of my philosophy, in which I endeavour above all to refute you.3 I would first like an answer to a single one of my questions. Here is this sole question. It seems to me that it will annihilate your system. If natural selections are so powerful, and are necessary to get from a blade of grass to man, how is it, for example, that there are still algae and polyps on the earth? If algae, over the course of ages, could become material humanity, moral humanity, by natural selection, explain to me how it is that algae still exist? So much power on one side, so much powerlessness on the other. Wouldn’t half, to say the least, of creation, protest against the imaginary power of your selections? What reason would you give for the fixity of algae, of the worm, of the polyp, when it could have been born, according to you, a bee and a man? Since, for human societies, it is a matter of having a moral faith or of falling into a demoralising denial, I hope, that you would be willing to answer me. In this hope, I have the honour to remain, sir, your very humble and obedient servant | M. de Bonnal l’Isle Jourdain | (Vienne) | france. DAR 201: 6 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 1. The year is established by the reference to Bonnal 1877 (see n. 3, below). Bonnal evidently sent a copy of his book Une agonie (A death-struggle; Bonnal 1877). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–Down. There is no record of a second edition.

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From Sigmund Fuchs1   [1877–8?]2 Most honoured Sir! Accept my most heartfelt thanks for the kindness with which you replied to my lines.3 I shall certainly follow the advice you, most honoured Sir, gave me in your letter. If today I dare bother you again with a question, I must ask for your forgiveness at once. Only my faith in your benevolence could embolden me to write to you a second time. In the newest edition that appeared in 1876 of the “Grundzüge der Zoologie” by Dr Carl Claus, the tunicates are separated from the molluscs, with which they were until now united, and classified as a separate, 7th type before the vertebrates.4 However, no explanation for this is given in the aforenamed textbook. Now, most-honoured Sir, it obviously is of interest to me to find out where in your view, which for me and for everyone else is the highest authority, tunicates are to be ranked in the system, and whether the above-mentioned instance meets with your approval. Forgive my boldness, most honoured Sir, perhaps the subject of my query will to some extent excuse my behaviour in your eyes. In the hope once again not to have asked in vain, I remain, | Yours | most devoted | Sigmund Fuchs. Address: Sigismond Fuchs chez Madame Anne Susanne Fuchs,5 Bielitz, Silesia, Austria. DAR 164: 221 1 2

3 4

5

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 3. The year is conjectured from the publication date of Claus 1876 (see n. 4, below), and from the address. Fuchs attended the gymnasium at Bielitz (now Bielsko-Biała, Poland) before entering the university of Vienna in 1878 (Zentralblatt für Physiologie 17 (1903): 250). Neither Fuchs’s first letter nor CD’s response to it has been found. In the first edition of his Grundzüge der Zoologie (Elements of zoology; Claus 1868, pp. 372–9), Carl Friedrich Claus had classified tunicates as a subgroup of molluscs; in the second edition (Claus 1872, pp. 690–707), although he continued to place tunicates within Mollusca, he noted the discovery of embryonic similarities between tunicates and vertebrates and the presence of a notochord in larval forms. In the third edition (Claus 1876, pp. 827–45), Tunicata formed a separate type, following Mollusca and preceding Vertebrata; however, only small editorial changes were made to the descriptive content of the section compared with the second edition. In modern taxonomy, Tunicata (tunicates, ascidians, and salps) and Vertebrata are subphyla of the phylum Chordata; Mollusca is a phylum. Anne Susanne Fuchs has not been identified.

From Alphonse de Candolle1   January 1877

Geneva January 1877.

To Mr Ch. Darwin My dear Sir Allow me to recommend to your kindness and that of Mr Francis Darwin, my son Casimir, who is at present in England and who would naturally like to make

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your aquaintance. He sometimes works on subjects in which you have paved the way and he will certainly learn much if he has the pleasure of seeing for himself your wide range of experience and of chatting with you.2 I hope that this could happen without making you lose time so precious for Science. Since my letter of December last, I have sent you a work on a point relating to descriptions (the whorl of leaves, etc), while regretting that I have so little to offer you at the moment.3 Always, dear sir, your very devoted and affectionate | Alph. de Candolle DAR 161: 20 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 5. Casimir de Candolle had worked on the insectivorous plant Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap; C. de Candolle 1876) and on climbing plants (C. de Candolle 1877). See Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 16 December 1876. CD had sent Candolle a copy of Cross and self fertilisation. Candolle sent CD a short paper, ‘Sur la désignation de la direction des spires dans les plantes’ (On the determination of the direction of whorls in plants; A. de Candolle 1876).

From Julius Sachs1   6 January 1877 Würzburg 6 Jan. 1877. Highly honoured Sir! I hasten to comply with your most kindly expressed wish to possess my photograph.2 As a contribution to the “ontogenesis” of myself, I take the liberty of enclosing a copy of a 22-year-old sketch as well, since this comes from the hand of an excellent artist and conveys my facial character better than the recent photograph.3 Let me also take this opportunity to express my belated best thanks for the very pleasing gift of your last work.4 I hope, in the course of this year to be able to send you something for my part as well.5 May I add the request, that you pass on my heartfelt thanks to your son, Mr Francis Darwin, for his several gifts of highly valuable physiological papers, that I have read with great interest.6 With my sincere wish, that the New Year might bring you happiness and health, I remain with respect | Yours truly | Dr J. Sachs. DAR 177: 5 1 2 3 4 5

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 24. CD’s letter to Sachs has not been found. The photograph and sketch have not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Sachs’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Cross and self fertilisation (Correspondence vol. 24, Appendix III). Sachs later sent copies of his papers ‘Über die Porosität des Holzes’ and ‘Über die Anordnung der Zellen in jüngsten Pflanzentheilen’ (On the porosity of wood; On the arrangement of cells in youngest plant parts; Sachs 1877a and 1877b). CD’s copies are in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

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See F. Darwin 1876b, 1876c, and 1876d.

From Otto Zacharias1   7 January 1877 Geestemünde-Bremerhaven | (My new Adress) 7/I 77. Highly honoured Sir! First of all I thank you again for sending the “sheets”. Reading them has given me some very enjoyable hours.2 I went to work on them at once and have published articles (essays) on them in 3 prestigious periodicals. The first of these I am sending at the same time as this letter (as printed matter) to your esteemed address. It was published on 1 Jan. of this year in the weekly periodical “Ausland”.3 The 2d appears in the great “Illustrirte Zeitung” (Leipzig) on 13 Jan. & the third on 15 Jan. in the “Gegenwart” (Berlin).4 Northern Germany, Central & South Germany will thus almost simultaneously be acquainted with your highly interesting new work. I felt I could not return your great kindness more fittingly than by making it possible for the friends of the theory of evolution to acquaint themselves with your latest research as quickly as possible. Prof. Haeckel is unwell at the moment; he has been overworking and suffers from nervousness and sleeplessness. He is already doing much better. Haeckel’s illness is to blame for the fact that I was unable—as agreed—to bring out the 1st issue of my Darwinist periodical on 1 January.5 Respectfully | with the best wishes | for the New Year | Otto Zacharias P.S. Mr George Darwin wanted to know how many copies of his pamphlet have sold in Germany (Marriage between first Cousins). Mr. Engelmann (the publisher) tells me: 250.6 DAR 184: 4 1 2 3

4

5

6

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 25. CD sent proof-sheets of Cross and self fertilisation (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Otto Zacharias, 5 October [1876]) Zacharias sent CD a copy of his essay review, ‘Darwin über Kreuzung und Selbstbefruchtung im Pflanzenreiche’ (Darwin on crossing and self-fertilisation in the plant kingdom; Zacharias 1877a). CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Zacharias’s review of Cross and self fertilisation entitled ‘Darwins neuestes Werk’ appeared in Die Gegenwart, 13 January 1877, pp. 25–7 (Zacharias 1877b); another review with the same title but different text appeared in Illustrirte Zeitung, 13 January 1877, pp. 29, 32 (Zacharias 1877c). Ernst Haeckel had been an early supporter of Zacharias’s plan to publish a popular journal devoted to Darwinian science (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Otto Zacharias, 3 June 1875). Zacharias had planned to call the journal Darwinia, but it eventually apppeared under the title Kosmos in April 1877. Zacharias was not part of the editorial board, although he had served as editor in the planning stages (see Daum 1998, pp. 361–3, 400; see also Nöthlich et al. 2006). George Howard Darwin’s paper ‘Marriages between first cousins in England and their effects’ (G. H. Darwin 1875) had been translated into German with an introduction by Zacharias (G. H. Darwin 1876a). The publisher was Wilhelm Engelmann.

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From Emile Alglave1   13 January 1877 Revue | politique et littéraire | Revue | scientifique | Paris, Auteuil, villa de la Réunion | 91 Rue de la Municipalit〈é〉 13 January 1877 Dear Sir I believe you will have seen in today’s Revue scientifique the article by Mr Delbœuf giving a mathematical proof of natural selection.2 If this article brings to mind any observations, I need not tell you that I would be very happy to receive them, whether in the form of an article, or, as is more likely, in the form of a letter that I could have translated at once. I take this opportunity to ask if you could not arrange to send me through your bookshop your early works that you have just had reprinted: Coral islands—and the observations on volcanic islands and certain parts of South America3 I would have them summarised in the Revue scientifique Yours truly | Em. Alglave DAR 202: 8 1 2

3

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 33–4. Joseph Delboeuf ’s article ‘Les mathématiques et le transformisme. Une loi mathématique applicable à la théorie du transformisme’ (Mathematics and transformism. A mathematical law applicable to the theory of transformism; Delboeuf 1877) appeared in Revue scientifique de la France et de l’étranger, 13 January 1877. Coral reefs 2d ed. had appeared in 1874; Geological observations 2d ed. (Volcanic islands and South America together with ‘Pampean formation’ in a single volume) was published in 1876.

To Pietro Siciliani1   28 January 1877 Down Beckenham, Kent, January 28, 77. Dear Sir, I thank you for your courteous letter and the gift you have made me of your work about modern biology, which I received only yesterday.2 The observations which I have read in your letter have given me much pleasure, and have honoured me much. Unfortunately I do not understand the lovely Italian language, but one of my family is acquainted with it, and soon they will translate the several parts of your work which, from what I see, interest me most. This gift is especially welcome to me because it comes to me from Italy, the ancient mother of knowledge. I heartily thank you, and assure you of my deep respect. | Yours truly | Charles Darwin. Siciliani 1877, pp. 7–8 1

For a transcription of this letter in the Italian of its printed source, see p. 68.

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Siciliani’s letter has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. CD’s copy of the book, La critica nella filosofia zoologica del XIX secolo (Critique of zoological philosophy in the nineteenth century; Siciliani 1876), inscribed from the author and dated 20 January 1877, is in the Darwin Library– CUL.

From J. B. Saint-Lager1   30 January 1877 Lyon 30 January 1877 Sir and illustrious master, My friend Mr. Mulsant has passed on your letter requesting an article by Mr. Magnin on hétérostylie chez les Primulacées, published in our Annales.2 Although the article requested is only a simple note that does not live up to what the title may have led you to expect, I am sending you the years 2 and 3 of our Annales, with regrets that no more copies of the first year remain.3 I have sent our colleague Mr Grenier of Tenay a copy of the 4th year No 1 of our Annales, to have forwarded to you, and I think it arrived.4 You will find in it an extract from your admirable work insectivorous plants the reading of which has greatly interested our colleagues, even among those who do not share your views; I regret to add that I am among them.5 I do not argue that the viscous sap excreted by Droseras, and probably by many other plants, does not promote a decomposition of animal substances, in the manner of the digestive juices contained in the stomachs of animals. But I believe that Drosera that have been protected from all insects can be made to thrive most favourably and that, it follows, these plants live, like all others, on elements taken from the sun and air. Mr. Grenier says at the end of his note that you think the best demonstration in support of your doctrine would be to cultivate two sets of plants one of which would be supplied with insects.6 It seems to me that this experiment would not have the significance that you attribute to it; for there would be nothing surprising in plants which had been subjected to the products of decomposition of animal material getting an increase in activity, since it would result from the use of a manure rich in nitrogen. I believe therefore that the utility of the viscous saps of plants, even if it is real, is not yet known, in spite of your very interesting research, and I continue to think that plants only live on mineral substances. Organic substances are of no use to plants unless they are reduced, by advanced decomposition, to the state of mineral elements. The role of the plant kingdom in nature is to make organic products and, as I have said in an article on the chemical influence of the soil, it would be a vicious circle and veritable anarchy if it was necessary to find organic substances already made in order to produce the same.7 Please forgive the liberty I take in telling you my observations, without having

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been asked and in spite of my meagre authority. Please believe moreover in my keen and profound admiration. | St Lager Lyon 8 cours de Brosses. DAR 177: 7 1 2

3 4

5 6

7

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 71–2. CD’s letter to Étienne Mulsant has not been found. Antoine Magnin’s short article ‘Sur l’hétérostylie chez les Primulacées’ (On heterostyly in the Primulaceae; Magnin 1875) was published in the third volume of Annales de la Société botanique de Lyon. No copies of the journal have been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. CD gave Louis Grenier permission to summarise Insectivorous plants in the Annales de la Société botanique de Lyon (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Louis Grenier, 22 December 1875, and Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Louis Grenier, 20 May 1876). Grenier’s article was read at a meeting of the society on 10 February 1876 and published in Annales de la Société botanique de Lyon 4 (1875–6): 96–114 (Grenier 1876). The article has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Grenier translated CD’s description of the leaves of Drosera rotundifolia (common sundew) from Insectivorous plants, pp. 4–5 (Grenier 1876, pp. 97–8). Grenier had written to CD asking whether CD had new observations on insectivorous plants and whether CD’s theory could be tested by growing plants in a sealed container (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Louis Grenier, 20 May 1876 and nn. 2 and 5). CD evidently responded in a now missing letter that a set of plants cultivated under fine netting to protect them from insects could be compared to another set exposed to insects in order to determine whether the latter set was more vigorous. Grenier presented the additional material to the botanical society on 27 July 1876, and it was added to the published version of his original resumé (see Grenier 1876, p. 114; see also Annales de la Société botanique de Lyon 4 (1875–6): 185). See Saint-Lager 1876, p. 78.

From Ernst Haeckel   9 February 18771 Jena 9 February 1877 Highly esteemed friend! I send my most cordial greetings and my warmest congratulations for your approaching 69th birthday.2 May you have many more days of full mental and physical vigour, and have the opportunity to survey the vast advances of the biological sciences that you have initiated with your epoch-making work. On this day you will receive the album with photographs of a number of your German admirers, the preparation of which you will have unfortunately heard about earlier through the newspapers.3 You will not be surprised, then, by the album itself, but what will perhaps astonish you is that the number of contributors is not larger and the production is not more splendid. To our great disappointment a number of outstanding naturalists, who count among your admirers, have not contributed to the album. In particular certain professors are missing, whom I would have liked to have seen in this company. At least you will find that many of our most important men show their respect for you.4 Here in Jena your birthday

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will be distinguished with a special celebration that I organised with my students. I enclose the collected “Studien zur Gastraea-Theorie”, whose separate parts you already possess.5 On 24th February I shall leave Jena for Triest (and thence probably for Lesina), to work on the Mediterranean for 6–7 weeks (chiefly on Medusae.6 I often recall with the greatest pleasure my visit to Down last September, which your kindness made possible.7 Asking you to give my friendliest regards to your dear family, I remain | with unchangeable love and admiration | Yours truly devoted | Ernst Haeckel DAR 166: 70 1 2 3

4

5

6

7

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 81. CD was in fact 68 on 12 February 1877. The photograph album was sent by Emil Rade (see letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877 and n. 3). Otto Zacharias had sent CD a printed notice about the album, and later informed him by letter (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Otto Zacharias, 2 October 1876). 165 German and Austrian scientists appeared in the album, see Gries 2006. Haeckel’s portrait appears first in the album and is full-page in size; the other photographs are grouped according to university. Haeckel also appears at the centre of a group portrait of zoology students at the University of Jena. The final part of Haeckel’s Biologische Studien: Studien zur Gastraea-Theorie (Haeckel 1870–7) was published in 1877; all the parts are in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. A copy of the single-volume edition (Haeckel 1877) is in the Darwin Library–Down. Trieste and Lesina are both on the Adriatic Sea. The University of Vienna maintained a marine zoological station at Trieste (Dean 1893, pp. 703–5). Lesina was the Italian name for the Croatian city of Hvar on the island of Hvar (or Lesina); Haeckel had spent a month there in 1871 (see Correspondence vol. 19, letter from Ernst Haeckel, 21 December 1871). Haeckel visited Down on 26 September 1876 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From Hugo Schneider   10 February 18771 Berlin 10 February 1877 Most esteemed Sir! If I dare send you my sincere felicitations for 12 February,2 I do so only with considerable timidity, for I feel, especially as a layperson,—too infinitesimally small to stand in the ranks of the luminaries of science who have come together from all quarters of the globe to offer you their congratulations—and yet I dare it, in the firm conviction that you—highly respected Sir—will kindly accept my congratulations, which come from the bottom of my heart! May fate reward you for a toilsome, industrious life with a long and happy old age, and may you—in full vigour & good health—be granted the ability not only to do much yet for science, for light & truth, but also to witness more & more the triumph of this truth,—which is still decried by the incomprehensibly blind masses. May you be granted in particular the opportunity to see how man’s struggle for survival will be fought out on the battlefield of the mind alone!—That is my heartfelt, sincere, cordial wish!

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I also take the liberty of expressing a modest request: I already have the photograph of my great fellow-countryman (in the strictest sense) Ernst Haeckel3—as well as one of Ludwig Büchner—perhaps you will fulfil my long-held wish and send me your photograph too, signed by your own hand! In the hope, greatly respected Sir, not to burden you with this request, I greet you | most respectfully | with true veneration | Hugo Schneider Berlin S.W. | Jerusalemerstr 63.— DAR 177: 60 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 83. CD was 68 on 12 February 1877. Schneider was evidently from Brandenburg, the same province as Haeckel.

From Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte    12 February 18771 Berlin, the 12th February 1877 We hereby inform you, greatly respected Sir, that the Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte in its session of 10th February 1877 has elected you a corresponding member. We hope that you will accept this appointment and that you will foster the interests of our society in your circles. The diploma will be sent to you soon.2 The Board of the Gesellschaft | für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte at Berlin. | R. Virchow. | chairman | Max Kuhn. | secretary Mr Sir Charles Darwin F.R.S. LS DAR 230: 47 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 86. For a transcription of the diploma of the Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology and Prehistory, see Appendix III.

From C.-F. Reinwald1   15 February 1877 Paris. Febr. 15th. 1877 To Charles Darwin Esq. |  Down, Beckenham | Kent Dear Sir Following our last letter of 16 November we had the honour of receiving yours of the 18th of the same month, and later the volume On Cross and Self Fertilization

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as well, which you have published and for which you have graciously offered us the French translation rights.2 We are happy to be able to inform you that we have come to an agreement with Professor Heckel of Grenoble for this translation and that we have already begun to have the type set. As was agreed between you and Professor Heckel the proofs of the translation will be submitted to you before printing.3 Insectivorous plants is still being printed and will hardly appear before the end of this month.4 The specialist subject of the book on climbing Plants has only allowed for a limited sale.5 You can be assured however that as soon as the number of sales required to cover our costs is reached we will ensure you enjoy the percentage agreed based on the cost of the volume and the size of the print run. We hope that for the Insectivores and Cross Fertilisation we will be able to expect a larger output and consequently the percentage on these two volumes will be achieved more rapidly. Please accept, sir, the expression of our devotion and gratitude | C Reinwald & C DAR 176: 104 1 2 3 4 5

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 89–90. Reinwald’s letter and CD’s reply have not been found. Reinwald’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Cross and self fertilisation (Correspondence vol. 24, Appendix III, n. 36). Édouard Marie Heckel’s French translation of Cross and self fertilisation (Heckel trans. 1877) was published in 1877. See Correspondence vol. 24, letter from E. M. Heckel, 27 December 1876. The French translation of Insectivorous plants was made by Edmond Barbier; it was published in 1877 (Barbier trans. 1877). Richard Gordon’s French translation of Climbing plants was published in 1877 (R. Gordon trans. 1877).

From Emil Rade1   [before 16] February 18772 Münster i./Westf. February 1877. Highly esteemed Sir! With the enclosed celebratory gift, German representatives of free scientific research and German admirers of the great master and role model wish to convey, with immense gratitude, sincere admiration and reverential love, their most heartfelt felicitations on the day on which 69 years ago your life began, a day which was so significant for the world.3 May you be granted, Sir, many more years to work for science and a long time yet to enjoy the fruits of a life that has been so full of glory and industry! Greatly respected Sir, it will not escape your eyes, before which so much darkness has receded, or your mind, which has solved so many riddles, why, on this day, not all have come forth who have profited from your inestimable gifts—but those who have come forth are united in the firm resolution: to hold high through all darkness

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the torch you, Sir, have lit, and to assist in letting it become a sun for present and future generations. Allow me, who has managed to gather together the flower of German researchers in this homage to your immortal services to science, to call myself your | reverent admirer | Rade | accountant of the zoolog. section of the Westphalian Provincial Society.4 P.S. A number of photographs that were received belatedly, as well as some poems dedicated to the most noble celebrant have been appended to the album separately.5 DAR 261.11: 29 (EH 88206080) 1 2 3 4 5

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 90–1. The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Emil Rade, 16 February 1877. The gift was a photograph album, which is still at Down House. Darwin was in fact 68 on 12 February 1877. On the making of the album and for a list of the persons included, see Rade 1877 and Gries 2006. The full name of the society was Westfälischen Provinzialvereins für Wissenschaft und Kunst (Westphalian Provincial Society for Science and Art). The album contained 165 photographs of German and Austrian scientists. Seventeen additional photographs were sent, however these have not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL or at Down House (see Gries 2006, p. 39). A set of poems are in DAR 261.11: 30. These have been transcribed and translated in Appendix VI. A number of other poems were included in Rade 1877.

From C.-F. Reinwald1   21 February 1877 15, Rue des Saints-Pères | Paris 21 February 1877. To Charles Darwin, Esq. Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Dear Sir We are honoured to confirm our letter of the 15th of this month, since which we have already received a few chapters of the translation of your book on Cross & self fertilisation by Prof. Heckel of Grenoble.2 However, we and Mr Heckel want to know your opinion on the measurements in your tables. You will see by the proof galleys that we are sending you today that these measurements have been given only in centesimals in common use in France, and that we have left the information in English inches and lines a side. The translator really wants to get to know your view in this regard and to know whether you believe it necessary to put the measurements in English inches next to the centesimal measures. It seems to us that this will be useless, and even annoying for reading and also in the typographic composition of the book, for it would be necessary to expand the frame and change the tables. However, please believe that we will implicitly follow your opinion in this regard.3 We are going to ask again, dear sir, whether you cannot supply us with any observations for a new edition of your book on Emotions, the first edition of which will soon be exhausted, and which we are preparing to reprint in the same format as the

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first French edition. Dr Pozzi will perhaps write to you on the same topic, for it is naturally he who is responsible for the revision of the 2d edition.4 It seems that there has not been a new edition published in England since the first.5 We will be most obliged if you would kindly send us a few lines on these questions and we ask you | Dear sir, to accept the expression of our | sincere regard | C Reinwald & Co DAR 176: 105 1 2 3 4

5

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 98–9. See letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 15 February 1877. The French translation of Cross and self fertilisation was made by Édouard Heckel (Heckel trans. 1877). Cross and self fertilisation contained numerous tables showing the heights of crossed and self-fertilised plants. In the French translation, these were given in metres. Samuel Jean Pozzi had made the French translation of Expression (Pozzi and Benoît trans. 1874); he was assisted by René Benoît. A second edition, revised and corrected, was published in 1877 (Pozzi and Benoît trans. 1877). No new English edition of Expression appeared in CD’s lifetime. The second edition of Expression, edited by Francis Darwin, contained new material collected by CD (see Expression 2d ed., p. iii).

From Otto Zacharias   23 February 18771 Geestemünde, 23. Febr. 1877 Highly esteemed Sir! I am currently collecting, from your Journal of the voyage (Beagle), those passages in which the germ of your epoch-making theory already appears. e.g. your remarks onTinochorus rumicivorus & other similar ones.2 The main question now is—and this is why I take the liberty of directing these lines to you—whether you were already then (1839?) convinced of the inconstancy of species, or whether this conviction only thrust itself upon you much later.3 Evidently your reply to this question will determine: whether I carry on the collection or let it go. The album, as I gather from your kind letter to Mr Rade, arrived very belatedly.4 I am truly sorry. I posted it here on 7 Febr. The magazine for evolution will now come out on 15 March under the name “Kosmos”. I am only a contributor, not editor.*) Haeckel wanted older people to head it.5 I am only 30 years old, and besides not a zoologist by profession. This just for your information, so that you won't think I have been introducing myself to you merely with empty words. Respectfully | Otto Zacharias The editors are: Dr G. Jaeger Dr O. Caspari and Dr E. Krause (Carus Sterne)6 P Scr. | Enclosed 2 photogr. which arrived belatedly for the album.7

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DAR 184: 5 1 2

3 4 5 6 7

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 102. In Journal of researches (1860), p. 94, CD described Tinochorus rumicivorus (a synonym of Thinochorus rumicivorus, the least seedsnipe) as ‘a very singular little bird ... it nearly equally partakes of the characters, different as they are, of the quail and snipe.’ See also Birds, pp. 117–18, 155–6, and Correspondence vol. 1, letter to J. S. Henslow, [c. 26 October –] 24 November [1832] and n. 8. On the formation of CD’s transmutation theory, see Origin, p. 1, and Recollections, pp. 410–11; see also M. J. S. Hodge 2010. On the photograph album of German and Austrian scientists, see the letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877. The first issue of Kosmos appeared in April 1877. On Ernst Haeckel’s support for the journal, see the letter from Otto Zacharias, 7 January 1877 and n. 5. Krause had published under the pseudonym Carus Sterne. No additional photographs have been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL or at Down House.

From C. F. Claus1   5 March 1877 Vienna 5. March 77 Most esteemed Sir! I read in the newspapers that you, highly esteemed Sir, have been sent by German scholars through the mediation of Comptroller Rade in Münster, a photograph album as a token of their great esteem.2 If you miss my name and picture in it, I beg you not to draw any conclusions from this regarding my attitude, which is still to try to express the highest regard for you at every opportunity. The reason lies solely and purely in the fact that I was not invited to participate. I have been passed over in this gift for you, in which I would have been most happy to take part, and considered, so it seems, as non-existent. So in taking this opportunity to explain why my picture, that of one of your most enthusiastic followers is missing, I beg you to kindly accept my belated warmest and most heartfelt felicitations. Your | respectfully and sincerely | devoted | C Claus DAR 161: 179 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 115. The photograph album of German and Austrian scientists was sent to mark CD’s 68th birthday by Emil Rade (see letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877). It is at Down House, Downe, Kent.

From Karl von Estorff1   15 March 1877 Bern. Switzerland. Hôtel Bellevue, 15 March 1877. Highly esteemed Sir! Owing to my considerable illness (bladder-stone complaint), constantly tied to my painful sickbed, I am only today able to humbly offer you, the famous and

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honoured regenerator of the sciences, my most heartfelt felicitations on your recent birthday,—2 May you have many years left yet, for the good of science, which owes you so much, and for the delight of your numerous friends and admirers!— Allow me to present at the same time, under wrapper, my archaeological pamphlet, which has recently come out in a second edition: “Brief . . . an Professor E. Desor,” with a preface by Professor Dr A Sprenger (the famous orientalist).—3 I hope it will be of some interest to you, for, as you will see, about nine years ago I put forward, that were wholly new, and that have not since then been contradicted, as far as I know, therefore are probably accepted views on the prehistoric stone monuments of Europe, as well as on the direction from where the Teutons, from their original Asiatic origin, invaded Europe. Rather than from the south-east, as previously assumed, I claimed that this invasion took place from the south-west (through North Africa).— It would please me greatly if you would be so kind as to write a few lines, preferably regarding science, on the enclosed white quarto card for my album (autograph) of most eminent contemporaries, and to send it back to me as soon as possible.—4 Allow me to thank you most kindly in advance, trusting that you will kindly grant me this wish. May I also assure you of my greatest respect, with which I have the honour to remain | Most esteemed Sir | Yours | most devoted | Baron Karl von Estorff | member of several academies of science with an enclosure DAR 163: 35 1 2 3

4

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 126–7. CD was 68 on 12 February 1877. No copy of Estorff’s pamphlet ‘Brief des Freiherrn Karl von Estorff an Professor E. Desor (Erörterung der Frage: von wem die Vorhistorischen Stein-Denkmale errichtet wurden)’ (Letter of Baron Karl von Estorff to Professor E. Desor (discussion of the question: by whom the prehistoric stone monuments were erected); Estorff 1876) has been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Aloys Ignatz Christoph Sprenger, professor of oriental languages in Bern, wrote the preface; the first edition was published in 1869. Estorff’s dispute with Edouard Desor concerned the prehistoric barrows of Lower Saxony; Estorff had published his archaeological findings on them in Heidnische Alterthümer der Gegend von Uelzen im ehemaligen Bardengaue (Pagan antiquities in the region of Uelzen in the former Bardengau; Estorff 1846). CD probably signed and returned the card Estorff had enclosed.

From Johannes Schön1   10 April 1877 Stettin 10th. April 1877. Most esteemed Sir. When a new hypothesis is put forward by a naturalist, one that completely overthrows all former views, it is quite natural that various disputes arise among scholars regarding some aspect or other of such a new theory. However, for laymen as well to show the most lively interest might not readily happen and can only be explained if such a new scientific theory has so pervasive an impact that not only the world of

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scholarship but also the ordinary class of people are moved and inspired by it. And that your magnificent theory on the origin of organisms has had such an impact even abroad, you, most esteemed Sir, may infer from this letter; for we, the undersigned, are by no means experts, but pupils of higher educational establishments, and thus we ask for your kind forbearance. We are organising, you see, to explain in a few words, a little scientific society, and its purpose is to broaden our general education. It was unavoidable that when studying the natural sciences, we should also become acquainted with your theory, and we are all without exception among your most enthusiastic followers. Anyway, we are still unable to agree on some points and we have finally resolved to turn to you, the founder of the theory, with our concerns. The points regarding which we kindly ask for information are the following: Even before we became acquainted with your hypothesis, we had often tried to answer the question, in what way man differs intellectually from animals, and two entirely different views had emerged, namely: Some maintained that the difference between man and animal was totally gradual, so that the intellectual transition from the highest animal to the lowest man was just as imperceptible as that from a less mentally capable animal to a more gifted one. Others maintained on the contrary, that man and animal could not be compared at all in regard to their mental faculties, for even the lowest man far outshone the highest animal. The former further ascribed complete free will to animals, while the latter again said that free will was possessed only by man and was precisely a principal difference between animal and man. After we had now got to know your theory, this question concerning the intellectual difference arose again and the first group sought to support their views by saying that even Darwin would be on their side; for he, too, viewed man as emerging from animals; therefore the mind of man was nothing but a somewhat more complete animal mind. Against this the others responded: Darwin, in his theory, had only wanted to give an explanation of how matter had gradually developed, how, from formless protoplasm through a slow process in quite gradual transitions, the most perfect form of creation, namely man, had emerged; the development of mind, however, could not be reconciled with Darwin’s theory. These two quite opposing views are also linked to the opinion on free will, which we have already mentioned. Those of us who believe that your theory explains not just the development of matter but also of mind, ascribe free will to animals; while the others deny this. Only man, the latter hold, has complete free will. He can do as he pleases; animals, on the other hand, must obey their instincts, that is (in other words): man wants, the animal must. A migratory bird, for example, must follow its natural instinct when winter approaches, and must move south. Anyhow, those adhering to this position continue, only man is really endowed with mind and reason, while animals by way of compensation have senses that man is lacking. Such senses are, for example, in their opinion, the sense of direction, which allows the sled dog of Siberia to stay on the right course through the worst sowstorm. Furthermore, the spatial sense, which

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manifests itself in monkeys and cats, when they calculate their leaps precisely; further, the sense of time of dogs that are used for labour; they know exactly the hours and even the days of the week when it is their turn.— Against this, the opinion of the others among us is as follows: the animal has free will just like man; a migratory bird is by no means forced by natural instinct to leave its home when winter approaches, rather whether it moves south or not depends on its free will, as is shown by the fact that here and there a number of migratory birds decide not to move on, but to spend the winter at home, such as, for example, the chaffinch. Also, we certainly do not need to assume that animals have senses man is lacking; rather, an animal carries out all its actions precisely after deliberating and calculating, just like man. These are the points of contention, which as stated we were unable to resolve, and in order to bring about a final decision, we have chosen you as referee, in the keen expectation that you will not turn down our request. We wish therefore, to briefly summarise again, information on the following: 1. Is development of organisms, according to your theory, merely physical or does it go hand in hand with the development of mind? 2. Do animals have free will, or not? 3. Does the animal have senses lacking in man, or does the animal act with deliberation and calculation, like man? Finally, we consider it our duty to tell you the book from which we have drawn our information on your theory, for we were not in a position to study your own work, but know its substance from the book: “Jäger, die Darwin’sche Theorie”.2 In the hope not to have bothered you, most esteemed Sir, with our request, and that you will kindly bear in mind that we are mere lay persons and pupils, we sign most respectfully: The Scientific Society. | signed: | Johannes Schön | secretary. Stettin grosse Domstrasse 22. DAR 177: 62 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 157–9. Gustav Jäger had attempted to reconcile Darwinian theory and Christianity in his book Die Darwin’sche Theorie und ihre Stellung zu Moral und Religion (The Darwinian theory and its relation to ethics and religion; Jäger 1869). CD received two copies of the book, one of which was given to the Linnean Society; CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL (see Correspondence vol. 17, letter to Gustav Jäger, 9 September 1869, and Correspondence vol. 18, letter to Gustav Jäger, 17 February 1870).

From Otto Zacharias1   21 April 1877 Geestemünde, 21. April 1877 Most esteemed Sir! In an attached parcel, I take the liberty of sending you the forefoot of a pig, the thumb of which has developed in an astonishing way. The other foot I kept here to

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have photographed. You would do me a great service if you would be so kind as to let me know whether you have come across the same (or similar) monstrosity often before, or whether the degree of thumb development in this forefoot is a greater abnormality. All the pig butchers that I questioned here cannot recall ever having seen an equally pronounced thumb development. When I saw these forefeet, I immediately thought that it must be of interest to you to inspect them personally. Therefore I took the liberty of sending one of them to you. I kindly request, highly esteemed Sir, an answer to the above question at your convenience, for understandably I am very interested in what you have to say about this monstrosity. I would then also publish a note on this in “Kosmos”.2 Most respectfully | Otto Zacharias P.S. The parcel will be sent tonight (via Hamburg) to your honoured address. DAR 184: 6 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 168–9. No article on the pig’s foot appeared in Kosmos. CD had briefly discussed abnormalities in the feet of pigs in Variation 1: 75.

From C. G. Semper   26 April 1877 [Enclosure]1 On visual organs of the type of vertebrate eyes on the back of slugs By C. Semper Introduction. It is well known that there is a fundamental contrast in the sequence of retinal layers in the eyes of vertebrates and those of invertebrates; in one, the filaments of the optic nerve always form the innermost, in the other always the outermost layer of the retina. Darwin recognised the great significance of this difference by stressing it in the 6th edition of his “Origin of Species” (English edition 1875 p. 152).2 In working out the anatomy of 19 species of Onchidium, a genus of mostly tropical shell-less pulmonates, I have now, however, found eyes which, while in finer points of significantly simpler construction, still display almost all the elements of the vertebrate eye with exactly the same succession of layers. On the strongly convex cornea there is a lens consisting of several layers of cells; this is attached to the anterior section by a ciliary ring, so that a pupil that is probably expandable is formed; the resulting retina, in close proximity to the lens, has a hard fibrous layer, on which lies a simple layer of retina cells, and then a layer of rods, whose ends touch a pigment epithelium. The optic nerve pierces the external layers of the retina and spreads out into a cup-like shape that is connected with the fibrous layer near the lens. As a result, there is a genuine blind spot as in vertebrates.

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This alone, it seems to me, would already justify a detailed examination of such eyes. However, they attract even more interest because of the way in which they occur. For they do not sit on the tentacles of the Onchidium species, but on their backs, while the tentacle eyes that occur as well are built according to the ordinary type of mollusc eyes. Thus, there are two kinds of eyes on the same animal. The dorsal eyes, moreover, are connected by their nerves not to the cerebral ganglion, but to the visceral ganglion, while the optic nerves of the tentacle eyes are linked to the former. Furthermore, the number of these dorsal eyes varies to a striking degree even within the species itself; thus, in O. verruculatum the number of the eyes varies in individual animals between 12 and 82.3 Finally, on the back of the same adult individual eyes at different stages of development can be found next to each other. Not a single genus of snails is known to have such eyes. Bergh,4 indisputably the greatest authority on marine naked molluscs writes to me that these molluscs possess no such eyes. I myself, who I have never become entirely unfaithful to my youthful love of land molluscs, have found such organs neither in them nor in gill snails; the two genera Fissurella and Haliotis, in which for other reasons I felt I could most likely expect mantle eyes, do not possess them, at least not the species that are available to me at the moment.5 Thus, these dorsal eyes appear to have developed in the genus Onchidium itself; a further point in favour of this is the fact that there are species of the same genus that lack these eyes entirely. These facts inevitably awakened the desire to examine also the manner of development of dorsal eyes. Unfortunately I was unable to do so in young animals and larvae. However, I soon discovered that eyes of different size occurred next to one another on the same animal, and that the smallest of them were always the simplest. Parallel with this was a developmental series within the full-grown eyes, in that some of them appeared to have been arrested at different developmental stages. By extending the investigation to the development of the dorsal papillae that carry the eyes, I eventually succeeded in identifying the most general type of development of the eye with a greater degree of probability, and in establishing that this sense organ, which is in the process of developing or transforming within this genus, goes back directly to the simplest developments that generally take place all over the papillae. The hypothetical comparison of the living conditions of these animals with the developmental sequence of their dorsal eyes, eventually resulted in information on the physiological potentiality of their origin, establishment and further development. DAR 177: 137 1 2

For a transcription of this enclosure in its original German, see pp. 178–9. The sixth edition of Origin was published in 1872 and various printings were made up to 1876 when a sixth edition with additions and corrections was published. The edition Semper had, published in 1875, was the fifteenth thousand (Freeman 1977). In Origin 6th ed., p. 152, CD had discussed the differences in the structure and formation of vertebrate and invertebrate eyes. He concluded: As two men have sometimes independently hit on the same invention, so in the several foregoing cases it appears that natural selection, working for the good of each being,

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and taking advantage of all favourable variations, has produced similar organs, as far as function is concerned, in distinct organic beings, which owe none of their structure in common to inheritance from a common progenitor. 3 4

5

Onchidium verruculatum is a synonym of Peronia verruculata, a species of air-breathing marine slug (pulmonate gastropod) in the family Onchidiidae. Rudolph Bergh was the author of the malacological volumes of Semper et al. 1868–1916 (for more on the subdivisions of Bergh’s work within Semper et al. 1868–1916 and dates of their publication, see Winckworth 1946). Fissurella is a genus of limpets in the family Fissurellidae (keyhole limpets); Haliotis is a genus of abalone in the family Haliotididae.

From C.-F. Reinwald1   9 May 1877 Paris 9 May 1877 Mr Charles Darwin | Down Dear Sir I have the honour of informing you that we have finally been able to finish the printing of Plantes insectivores, which was delayed by a number of obstacles, but which have finally been overcome.2 I sent you a copy of our edition yesterday via Messrs Zwinger.3 It goes without saying that other copies are at your disposal, if you think you ought to have some sent to friends in France or abroad. As soon as we have sold the number required to cover our expenses we will send you a money order drawn on a London bank for the percentage agreed. This will probably not take long for Plantes insectivores;—but we dare not have the same hope for Plantes Grimpentes, which does not sell as well as the other volumes.4 We are continuing without a break to print sheets of Cross & Self fertilisation, which Mr.  Heckel presses on with steadfastly.5 We hope to finish this new work before 1 August. Until then we will have the honour of writing to you again and of sending you the new edition of Emotions.6 Believe me, dear sir, yours faithfully | C Reinwald & C DAR 176: 106 1 2 3 4

5 6

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 187–8. See letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 15 February 1877; the French translation of Insectivorous plants was made by Edmond Barbier (Barbier trans. 1877). Zwinger has not been identified. The payment concerned the author’s rights for the French translation of Insectivorous plants; see letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 13 October 1877. Les mouvements et les habitudes des plantes grimpantes was the title of the French translation of Climbing plants (R. Gordon trans. 1877). Édouard Marie Heckel was translating Cross and self fertilisation (Heckel trans. 1877) into French. See letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 21 February 1877 and nn. 4 and 5. A second French edition of Expression, ‘revue et corrigée’ (revised and corrected), was published in 1877 (Pozzi and Benoît trans. 1877). See also letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 13 October 1877.

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From George Rolleston1   9 May 1877 [Enclosure]2 Memoires d’Anthropologie de Paul Broca Vol II. p. 354–355 XII On the post pliocene Olma skull (Arno Valley.) (Bulletins de la Societé d’anthropologie, 2d. series, v. II, p. 674–675. 19 Dec. 1867. In communicating to the society the important memoir of M. Cocchi on the Olmo skull (Arno Valley.) M. Pruner-Bey3 noted that this skull dated from the post pliocene epoch: he was prepared to agree with the author that this was the most ancient remain known of palaeontological man, and he added that this skull, which had a cephalic index,4 he said, of 86.4., was very brachycephalic   I in turn studied the memoir and the engraving of M. Cocchi,5 and I found, on the contrary, that the Olmo skull only appeared brachycephalic because of a mistake in the printing. The fact discovered by M. Cocchi, and which M. Pruner-Bey has just given in abstract to us, seemed to confirm the view of our colleague on the pre-existence of the brachycephalic type in Europe, since a skull more ancient than all others, from a stratum of postpliocene soil, would be not just brachycephalic, but even extremely brachycephalic, with a cephalic index of 86.4. This fact was sufficiently important in my view for me to have wanted to have a look at the copy of M. Cocchi’s memoir that has been deposited in the office. I find indeed, in the table on page 69, that the cephalic index is 86.40. It would also be 88.44. If the connection of the two diameters given on the same table is established, namely: the anteroposterior, 199 millimetres: transverse biparietal diameter, 176 millimetres. But it is clear that the latter measurement is impossible: it is per se, since no human skull, except in the case of hydrocephaly, could reach this size; it is especially when compared with the other measurements of the same skull, since the transverse curve is only 200 millimetres. There is at least one error in the printing in this table, relative to the transverse diameter, and a further error of calculation relative to the cephalic index. Fortunately the author, to save us embarassment, has depicted the skull on a beautiful lithographed plate that accompanies the memoir and that appears to be of natural size. You can see, at first glance, that the skull is very dolichocephalic. The length, which I just measured, is 198 millimetres, the maximum width is only 144 millimetres, which gives a cephalic index of 72.72. I admit that the design could not be absolutely precise: but it is impossible to doubt that this post-pliocene skull is very dolichocephalic.6 The conclusions that I have drawn from studying the drawing published by M. Cocchi have been fully confirmed since the cast of the Olmo skull was given to the society by Professor Cocchi, in January 1868. M. Mortillet, in presenting this cast, gave multiple proofs of the antiquity of the Olmo skull, which he did not hesitate

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to relate to the quaternary epoch (Bull Soc. d’anthrop., 2d series, v. III. p. 40).7 In a later meeting, M. Hamy described this skull fully and established that it was very dolichocephalic, with a cephalic index of 73 out of 100. (Hamy, “Etude sur le crâne de l’Olmo, in Bull. de la Soc. d’anthrop.”, 2d series, v. III, p. 112–117. 6 February 1868).8 DAR 176: 214 1 2

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For a transcription of this enclosure in its original French, and the letter it was enclosed with, see pp. 189–90. The enclosure is from Broca 1871–88, 2: 354–5. It described an exchange at the Société d’anthopologie de Paris in 1867 between Paul Broca and the German anthropologist Franz Ignaz Pruner regarding the discovery of an ancient human skull by Cocchi; this was originally published in Bulletins de la Société d’anthopologie de Paris 2d ser. 2 (1867): 672–5. The final paragraph gives Broca’s conclusions after the skull was re-examined in Paris by Gabriel de Mortillet and Ernest-Théodore Hamy. Pruner was given the title ‘Bey’ (sir or lord) while serving as personal physician to the king of Egypt (NDB). Cephalic index: the ratio of the breadth to the length of the skull expressed as a percentage (Chambers). L’Uomo fossile nell’Italia centrale (Cocchi 1867). Dolichocephalic: long-headed, having a breadth of skull (from side to side) less than 75 (or 78) per cent of the length (front to back) (Chambers). Mortillet 1868. Hamy 1868.

From C. F. Martins1   7 June 1877 Jardin | des Plantes | de | Montpellier. Montpellier, 7 June 1877. Dear and illustrious Master, I am happy to learn that the translation into French of your Insectivorous plants has pleased you and I passed on your compliments to Mr Barbier.2 You will find enclosed a review of your work that appeared in the newspaper Le Temps under the pseudonym of A. Vernier.3 The author is Mr. Auguste Laugel a mining engineer and secretary of the Duc d’Aumale during his stay in England.4 All the intelligent young French naturalists are your followers but the official professors, who know very well that your ideas are correct, reserve their judgment, they do not dare to approach these questions for fear of being accused of materialism, atheism communism &c &c. When I read at the Institute and at the botanical society the memoir I sent you on trees and shrubs that freeze in the severe winters of the Midi of France, I maintained their palaeontological origin, maintained the continuity of creations, denied the revolutions of the globe and the reality of space; no one objected but no one agreed with me except Mr. Bureau, who said that current vegetation dated back to the Cretaceous epoch.5 All this stems from the Catholic influence and the religious crisis that we are suffering from at the moment.6 England has the good fortune to embrace reform it is France’s bad luck not to have imitated it.

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Please accept sir the renewed expression of my profound sympathy for your work and yourself Yours truly | Ch: Martins DAR 171: 63 1 2

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For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 229–30. CD’s letter to Martins has not been found. Martins had written an introduction to Edmond Barbier’s translation of Insectivorous plants (Barbier trans. 1877). The French edition was published in May 1877 (see letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 9 May 1877). The review of Insectivorous plants was published in Feuilleton du temps, 22 May 1877, pp. 1–2; a clipping is in DAR 139.18: 14. Auguste Laugel had written a review of Origin (Laugel 1860), and an article on CD’s French critics (Laugel 1868). Henri Eugène Philippe Louis d’Orléans, duc d’Aumale, was exiled to England after the revolution of 1848; he returned to France in 1871 (EB). Martins’s paper was read at the 19 March 1877 meeting of the Académie des sciences (Martins 1877), one of five academies of the Institut de France, Paris. A summary of the paper was also given at the Société botanique de France on 23 March 1877 (Bulletin de la Société botanique de France 24 (1877): 127). A longer version was published the previous year in Mémoires de l’Académie des sciences et lettres de Montpellier (Martins 1876). For a discussion of Martins’s views on evolution, see Rioux 2011, pp. 339–42. M. Bureau: Édouard Bureau. On ultramontanism and the conflicts between Catholic, royalist, and republican allegiances in the early Third Republic, see Passmore 2013, pp. 21–37.

From Emile Alglave1   21 June 1877 Revue | politique et littéraire | Revue | scientifique | Paris, Auteuil, villa de la Réunion | 91 Rue de la Municipalité 21 June 1877 Dear sir I learn that you must publish 〈34 line missing〉the 1st July2 〈34 line missing〉 〈12 page missing〉 to begin the printing of your Coral Reefs, which will be published with a certain luxury3 yours truly | Em Alglave Incomplete DAR 210.11: 36 1 2

3

For a transcription of the this letter in its original French, see p. 246. The missing portion of the letter contained a request to publish a French translation of CD’s article ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’; the article had been submitted to Mind in April 1877 and was published in July (see letter to G. C. Robertson, 24 June [1877]). The French translation appeared in Revue scientifique de la France et de l’étranger, 14 July 1877, pp. 25–8. Alglave refers to the French translation of Coral reefs 2d ed. that was published in 1878 by Germer-Baillière (Cosserat trans. 1878; see letter to Smith, Elder & Co, 7 March 1877).

From G. G. Bianconi1   26 June 1877 Sir! I take the liberty of remembering myself kindly to you by sending a small pamphlet on the tendrils of cucurbits, even though this work was published more than

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twenty years ago.2 Having only just become aware of your work on the movements of climbing plants, I thought you could not find it disagreeable from the perspective of history of science to become acquainted with this little work.3 By analogy with these arguments, I also take the liberty of enclosing another even older work, on the movements of plants when dispersing seeds.4 Please sir kindly accept the expression of my esteem and respect your very devoted | J. Jos. Bianconi. Bologna 26. June 1877 DAR 160: 183 1 2 3

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For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 251. Bianconi 1855. A copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Climbing plants was first published as a book in 1865; a second edition was published in 1875. CD discussed the movement of tendrils in the family Cucurbitaceae (or cucurbits; the gourd family) in Climbing plants 2d ed., pp. 127–36. Bianconi 1841. A copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

From Oscar Comettant1   1 July 1877 Institut Musical | 64, rue Neuve-des-Petits-Champs Paris, 1 July 1877 Sir I write to you in the capacity of a colleague, having taken part in the latest congress of Americanists at Nancy,2 to bring to your attention the following fact. My son-in-law, Mr. Ernest Lavigne, former pupil of the École normale supérieure, member of the university of France, man of letters and translator of Lucretius,3 has decided to take into his home six young foreigners (maximum number) in order to give them university-level instruction, prepare them for the school-leaving certificate, and fit them to pursue the various studies of medicine, law, or to take up any other scientific or artistic career. This general instruction, made with a view to obtaining the diplomas of the university of France, ought not to prevent the particular study of the native language of the young foreigners and of the history of their country. To this effect, teachers of their own nationality will be provided for them. These young people will find at Mr. and Mme. Ernest Lavigne’s, in their house situated in one of the most beautiful districts in Paris and with the freshest air, the affectionate and delicate care of a family with a fatherly supervision.4 They will live like children of the family: each will have his own room, comfortably furnished, and they will all enjoy that wise liberty that lets the spirit rise and makes work fruitful by making it agreeable. Under the direction of an experienced master like Mr. Ernest Lavigne, it is not reckless to assure you that the young people placed under his direction will obtain their diplomas in a relatively short time.

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I will not enter at all into the details of the studies that the pupils of Mr. Lavigne will follow: the syllabus of classical studies is well known. However, it seems worthwhile to insist on one important point that families, I think, will greatly appreciate. Mr. Ernest Lavigne, judging correctly that an education is incomplete if the student, at the same time as he receives instruction properly so called, does not elevate his spirit with useful amusements, intends that the young people entrusted to his care should follow the movement of current literature, the progresses that relate to the fine arts and industry. As a result, at least twice a month, Mr. Lavigne’s pupils will be taken to the principal theatres of Paris, to the best concerts, to exhibitions of paintings, to industrial exhibitions, etc., so that they will not be strangers to anything that could healthily nourish the intelligence and invigorate the imagination. Of all young people, those who find themselves momentarily far from their parents have more particular need of high-minded entertainments. The education that is the exclusive and noble privilege of children brought up at home, the boarders at Mr. Lavigne’s will receive in Paris, without any additional expense on the part of the parents. Indeed, there will be no addition to the fixed rate for boarders for theatres, concerts, visits to exhibitions, to museums, in a word, for any of the diversions to which Mr. Ernest Lavigne believes he can take his pupils, any more than there will be for the care to be given in case of illness, by the doctor attached to the house. The cost of boarding is 5,000 francs a year, payable six months in advance. Such is, in a few words, sir and honoured colleague, the statement of the particular plan of education adopted by Mr. Lavigne. It seems to me to be the sort of thing that would interest foreign families and I take the liberty of recommending my son-in-law to you. As a man of science, his brilliant studies above all and his university qualifications sufficiently recommend him; also it is rather for me to give a guarantee of the intelligent and affectionate care with which pupils will be surrounded at the home of my son and daughter, I who, the father of a family, address myself to fathers of families. Allow me to beg you to communicate these details to persons who intend to send their children to Paris to undertake a genuine education and obtain their diplomas. I would be grateful to you, Sir and honoured colleague, if you found the time to acknowledge receipt of this letter, and please accept in advance my thanks for anything you might be willing to do in favour of Mr. Ernest Lavigne. With my best regards | Oscar Comettant | man of letters, director of the Musical Institute 64, rue Neuve des Petits champs, Paris. Duplicated circular DAR 161: 216 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 263–5. The first international congress of Americanists took place at Nancy, France, in 1875 (Compte-rendu du Congrès international des Américanistes, vol. 1). The congress brought together experts on the ethnology, linguistics, geography, history, archaeology, and sociology of the Americas.

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See Lucretius 1870. Ernest Lavigne’s wife was Comettant’s daughter, Ernestine Clara. The location of their home is unknown.

From Alfred Espinas1   1 July 1877 Dijon, 1st July 1877. Sir and dear master, You said somewhere that one can be convinced on philosophical grounds of the descent of species;2 if you did not have any reasons other than these, it is likely that Darwinism would not have existed. It is with zoological and biological arguments that transmutation must be defended— You will not find it surprising that a professional philosopher, in a philosophical thesis, maintains a prudent reserve on this point, and limits himself to declaring (p. 361) that he believes in the universality of the law of evolution.3 Your impartiality will also take account of the conditions of the milieu in which a Frenchman moves who wishes to enter at this time into an academic post. I do not insist on these conditions: they are painful to explain, especially to a foreigner. I can only affirm that in no thesis presented to the faculty of literature in Paris has anyone gone as far as I have in the direction of evolution.4 I add that—whatever the modest objections that I allowed myself to raise against some of your opinions, and although I am not disposed to relinquish my independence of spirit—still I consider your work, with those of Comte and Spencer,5 the most important of the century. For me, as for most of those who study zoological psychology in Europe, you are a venerated master. Tu pater et rerum inventor.6 My essay is full of your name; and each chapter is nothing but a development of a page of your Descent of man. I did not want to say these things before having obtained your judgment. I took the liberty of asking you for it, since, having been detained too long, in fact, in literary and metaphysical studies, I did not rightly know what to think of my attempt to speak the language of science. I thank you warmly for your reply.7 I very much regret having altered, quite involuntarily in fact, your thought. I will profit by your remarks, I will reread your writings, and far from being indifferent to your views, I will always believe myself to have progressed insofar as I am inspired by your method. Believe me, dear Sir, your devoted, | A. Espinas | co-translator with M. Ribot of Spencer’s psychology.8 DAR 163: 34 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 265–6. The reference has not been identified. Espinas taught philosophy at Dijon. In Espinas 1877, p. 361, a copy of which he had sent to CD (see letter to Alfred Espinas, [before 1 July 1877]), he wrote that evolution was the sole fundamental law.

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Espinas 1877 (Des sociétés animales) was the doctoral thesis Espinas had submitted to the Sorbonne, Paris (Tort 1996). On the critical reception of CD’s theories in France, see Harvey 2008 and Tort 2008. Herbert Spencer and Auguste Comte. Tu, pater, es rerum inventor: You, father, are the uncoverer of truths (Lucretius, De rerum natura 3: 9. Espinas’s slight misquotation changes the meaning to, ‘You are the father and uncoverer of truths’. See the draft letter to Alfred Espinas, [before 1 July 1877]. Espinas translated Spencer’s Principles of psychology with Theodule Ribot (Espinas and Ribot trans. 1874–5).

From Arnold Dodel-Port1   3 July 1877 Hottingen | Zurich, 3. July 1877. Mr Charles Darwin, Down, Beckenham (England) Most esteemed Sir! I consider myself fortunate to be able to send you today a tube with 2 chromolithographic plates that might interest you as much as I hope they will interest the professors and teachers of botany at various schools.2 For years I have been working on the idea of producing an atlas for botanical teaching at colleges and secondary schools, a work whose scientific trueness to life & artistic design, the chief characteristics of a good teaching and learning aid, would fulfill a need that has long been felt in lectures and microscopy courses. Last winter I finally made serious plans to realise this idea. During my seven years teaching at the university in Zurich, where my lectures and practicals were always well attended, I had the opportunity to explore in all respects what it takes to make botanical instruction interesting. Thus, I produced for my classes ca. 60 large coloured plates that were designed to help pupils come to grips with complex topics from botan. anatomy, morphology & developmental history. Since such visual aids are not yet available in a desirable form for the middle and upper forms of secondary schools and since not all teachers & professors have the time and talent to create such teaching aids themselves with their own hands, I told two of the most famous professors of botany of my idea of a projected edition of plates, namely: Professor Dr Carl Nägeli in Munich (my most esteemed teacher) and the renowned editor of the Jahrbücher für wisschensch. Botanik—Prof. Dr N. Pringsheim in Berlin. Both of these scholars welcomed my idea & promised me their advice & assistance most willingly. The programme was at first discussed in writing, & this September it will be laid down definitely in person, for I shall meet with Professors Nägeli & Pringsheim in Munich. The edition of plates is planned as a Botanical Atlas in two editions: one of 60 plates is intended to show in systematic order the most interesting & important stages of developmental history, anatomy, morphology & physiology, from the lowest little plants (Schizomycetes3 & fermentation fungi) up to the highest dicotyledons, in fact a number of objects from every class. This large edition is intended for universities, polytechnics, academies, colleges, academies of agriculture & forestry, teachertraining seminars, etc., and to make its way not just in Germany & Switzerland, but also in England, America, France, Austria, Italy, Russia, etc. The brief explanatory texts would accordingly appear in German, French, & English.

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The 2d edition is planned as a selection of 40 plates (chosen from the set of 60) in the same format & with exactly identical execution. Thus, just 20 plates (of a sexual nature) would be removed from the large edition for pedagogical reasons. This smaller edition is intended for secondary modern schools, secondary and district schools, trade schools, grammar schools and industrial schools, where the more intimate details of the reproductive process will hardly come up.4 Due to its scientific verisimilitude & engaging design this smaller edition is expected to find its way easily into any good Bürgerschule & gradually to replace lesser visual aids. We Swiss subscribe to the principle: “The best is just about good enough for the schools” & I believe that most brave pedagogues subscribe to the same maxim. A great German publishing house where I inquired regarding the publication of these costly plates desired first to see sample plates before entering into negotiations. Since the first 2 plates are almost ready, I am hurrying to ask a number of authorities for their opinion of them, before getting back to the publishers. Tomorrow I will send the plates to Prof. Nägeli in Munich, to Professor Dr. N Pringsheim in Berlin & to Professor D .r Ferd. Cohn (monograph on Volvox Globator).5 I think all of them will be happy with the execution of both plates & for this reason I am very interested to know what the author of “Insectivorous plants” will say about the leaf of Drosera. The judgment of Mr Charles Darwin will be decisive, & depending on what it is, this plate, 52, will be produced in this or in that execution.6 The other plate (No. 6), with Volvox Globator, was originally produced by my wife,7 after the well-known monograph by Ferd. Cohn. Doubtless you are familiar with Cohn’s work, and my wife is eager to hear from you, in a few words, whether you approve of the execution in question. This plate (Volvox) will very likely interest many a zoologist, for until very recently the most outstanding zoologists classified these organisms in their textbooks with animals, despite their indubitable plant nature. Once we have the opinions of the foremost authorities before us in writing, negotiations with the publisher can start. This precaution was absolutely necessary, for it is a gigantic international undertaking, and Professors Nägeli and Pringsheim have not pledged their support for it lightly. We must by all means hope for a large market, for an edition of ca. 2000 copies will cost in the neighbourhood of 100,000 frs lithograph. conti. If this number of copies were sold, the entire work with 60 plates including text would come to ca. 120–150 frs (5–6 Li)8 and the smaller edition to 80–100 fr. (3–4 Li). In spite of these vast figures I do not doubt the success of the work at all, a work to which my wife & I will dedicate about 2 years (without remuneration). If it succeeds, I will believe I have done my modest share for the propagation of enlightenment & progress, in the service of science and education. Here, in the area of visual aids for schools, there is ample room for the dissemination of the theory of descent; for what one can see, one need not merely take on trust. Lastly, I beg you—perhaps through your secretary—to kindly let me know whether or not the tube with the two said lithographs, which is being posted at the same time as these lines (by registered mail), has safely reached you within 7–10 days

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or not & whether it has been damaged. If the latter were the case (damage to the 2 plates) I would send you in a different packaging two new plates. Please kindly forgive me, most esteemed Sir, for daring to bother you with these lines. We younger ones must always fear, when we approach our teacher & master, that we deprive mankind of a tidy stretch of precious time, when we interrupt older & more experienced researchers in their beneficent labour. For us there is in such cases no other comfort than to know that with however weak powers, we have sincerely pursued the good. In the hope that these lines may find you in the best of health, I have the pleasure to assure you on my part & on the part of my dear wife & collaborator | of my excellent respects & devotion: | Yours | Dr. Arnold Dodel-Port | teacher of botany | at the University of | Zurich (Hottingen, freie Strasse No. 22.) DAR 162: 196 1 2 3 4

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 268–71. The plates have not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. On chromolithography, see Twyman 2013. Schizomycetes is a former taxonomic class of unicellular organisms, including bacteria. A forty-two plate version was published: the Anatomisch-physiologischer Atlas der Botanik für Hoch- und Mittelschulen (Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878–83); there is no evidence that the longer version was published. For an English translation of the explanatory texts, see Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1880–3. In Cohn 1856, Ferdinand Julius Cohn described the form and reproduction of Volvox globator, which he identified as a species of green algae. A plate of Drosera rotundifolia (the common sundew) was included in Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878–83. Carolina Dodel-Port. Volvox globator appeared as plate IV in Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878–83. Li: libra, pounds (sterling).

To Constantin James1   5 July 1877 Dow, Beckenham, Kent, 5 July 1877. My dear Sir, On returning home yesterday, I found your book and your very courteous letter, for which I offer many thanks.2 I am now so occupied with these questions, that I have not yet been able to find the time to read your book with the attention it deserves. Further, your letter is a new proof that writers whose opinions differ as much as ours believe in general that the one understands or interprets poorly the works of the other. Also, in my opinion, it is better to leave the public to make up its own mind, without seeking to influence it. Allow me again to thank you kindly for your great courtesy, and believe me, dear Sir, very sincerely yours. | Charles Darwin. James 1892, p. [V] 1

For a transcription of this letter in the French of its published source, see p. 273.

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The Darwins returned from a visit to their son William Erasmus Darwin in Southampton on 4 July 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). James’s letter has not been found. The book he sent was Du Darwinisme ou l’homme singe (James 1877), which blamed all the evils of the time on the theories of CD and his supporters.

From Ernst Krause1   9 July 1877 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10. I. 9 July 77. Most esteemed Sir! The great kindness with which you replied to my letter some weeks ago, and which made me very happy, encourages me to approach you yet again with a new request today.2 Just now I read in the journal “Mind” of July your admirable essay: “a biographical sketch of an Infant”, regarding which I want to ask you cordially to allow me to publish a word-for-word translation of the same in our journal “Kosmos”.3 To cause you as little trouble as possible in terms of correspondence, I would like to suggest that you communicate your kind decision simply in an open postcard. As regards the German journal that enjoys the patronage of your name, it is progressing satisfactorily. Its contents will, so I hope, become successively more and more valuable. For the moment it must of course suffer from the unfortunate fragmentation and disagreement within the German Darwinistic school, which I had not imagined to be so bad, but these things probably are inevitable growing pains that no young journal is spared.4 With all my heart I hope that these lines find you well and sound, and I sign, most esteemed Sir Yours respectfully devoted | Ernst Krause DAR 169: 106 1 2 3 4

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 277–8. See letter from Ernst Krause, 11 March 1877, and letter to Ernst Krause, 25 March 1877. A German translation of CD’s ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ appeared in Kosmos 1 (1877): 367–76. On disagreements about Darwinism in Germany at this time, see Ruse ed. 2013, especially p. 240.

From Ernst Krause1   14 July 1877 Berlin | Friedenstrasse 10. I. 14. 7. 77. Most esteemed Sir! Your kind reply of 30 June has come into my possession after a great delay, for the publisher did not send it on straight away. I thank you a thousand times for your kind communication regarding the theory of colour, as well as for permission to print the “biographische Skizze” in Kosmos. I will take the liberty of adding at the end your most remarkable observation on the difficulty in colour differentiation for children.2 These facts certainly support the Geiger–Gladstonean proposition.3 Nonetheless I cannot make up my mind to agree with the latter. Professor Jaeger4 also writes me that he cannot attach any weight to the Geiger proposition, and the famous Egyptologist

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Professor Duemichen5 in Strasburg, whom I asked for his opinion whether in the most ancient Egyptian paintings colours were used as we see them today, replied that indeed they were. Nevertheless I must confess that it is rather difficult to settle this problem, even if for the time being I decidedly insist on my point of view. Regarding the articles in Kosmos, I hope that we will gradually progress from fruitless speculation to more practical concrete discussions, and my whole aim is directed at confining these purely philosophical discussions to a minimum, and furthering, on the other hand, observational results. Sadly the division among the parties is very great. Prof. Wagner will not consider anything other than the theory of migration; Pr. Carl Vogt deems nothing worthy of study but microcephaly, Prof. Semper enthuses about the annelid affinity to vertebrates, and all of them are feuding with one another instead of working hand in hand.6 On the other hand, the opposition of the clergy over here to the new worldview is dwindling noticeably; the followers of the so-called Protestanten-Verein have already debated Darwinism at their meetings several times, and they found it not at all as irreconcilable with religion and morals as had been believed.7 Slowly but irresistibly a revolution of minds is taking place. I ask you not to be displeased with me for detaining you with such general remarks and remain With cordial respect | Yours | truly devoted | Ernst Krause. DAR 169: 107 1 2

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 286–7. See letters to Ernst Krause, 30 June 1877 and 11 July [1877]. A German translation of CD’s ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’, with the additional note from the letter of 30 June on colour perception, appeared in Kosmos 1 (1877): 367–76. William Ewart Gladstone and Lazarus Geiger both claimed that speakers of ancient languages did not name colours as precisely and consistently as speakers of modern European languages, and hypothesised that there was a universal evolutionary sequence in which colour vocabulary evolved in tandem with the senses (Gladstone 1858, 3: 457–96, Geiger 1871). Gustav Jäger published an article on colour perception, ‘Einiges über Farben und Farbensinn’, in Kosmos 1 (1877): 486–95. Johannes Dümichen. Moritz Wagner, Carl Vogt, and Carl Gottfried Semper were German Darwinists (see Wagner 1868, Vogt 1867, and Semper 1874.) The Protestantenverein was a German liberal religious organisation founded in 1863 with the aim of unifying the German Protestant churches and promoting change in harmony with secular culture and on the basis of Christianity (EB). For a discussion of Darwinism in the Jahrbuch des Deutschen Protestanten-Vereins, see Zittel 1871. For more on the reception of Darwinism in Germany, see W. M. Montgomery 1988.

From Oswald Heer1   29 July 1877 My dear Sir! Accept my most obliged thanks for kindly sending me your work “the different Forms of Flowers”, which yet again contains such a wealth of important observations. A number of these essays I had read earlier with great interest, but I look forward

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to being able to study them in this revised form & augmented with further observations,2 which, admittedly, cannot happen for a while, for I am presently much occupied with the examination of the plant remains which Capt. Feilden discovered in the course of the latest Engl. Polar expedition to Grinnell Land near the 82o degree N.3 These remains largely match the species that Nordenskiöld collected at Cape Staratschin in Spitsbergen & that I described in the second volume of the Flora foss. arctica; namely the Taxodiae, the birch, elm & hazelnut.4 Of special interest is Torellia rigida.5 At the time, I got it from Spitsbergen only in odd fragments from which I assembled a leaf (Flora arct. II. Pl. VI. Fig. 3–12); I now have completely preserved leaves from Grinnell Land before me that confirm my earlier interpretation. They form a distinct genus of the family Taxineae from the group Salisburiae and are in the first instance related to the remarkable genus Phoenicopsis, which as I have shown existed in the Jura flora (Flora foss. Arct. IV. Sibirica p. 49); at the same time they are related to Baiera. The group Salisburiae had its richest unfolding in the Jura flora, & there we encounter it in a series of genera (Phoenicopsis, Baiera, Czechanovskia, Trichopytis & Gingko) and in numerous species; we find them still in the Cretaceous period in Baiera & Ginkgo; in the Tertiary period in Gingko & Torellia, in the present creation however only in Gingko & only in a single species (g. biloba).6 Now this species is confined to East Asia, while we know the Miocene species of Gingko from Greenland, Germany, Italy and from the island of Sakhalin; thus, at that period this type of plant was still widespread & in fact existed as a species that is extremely closely related to that of today. Torellia, however, appears to be confined to the far north. As soon as I complete my work I will send my report on it to Hooker.7 Again my warmest thanks | Yours most respectfully | Oswald Heer Zurich 29 July 1877. DAR 166: 133 1 2

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 308–9. Heer’s name appeared on CD’s presentation list for Forms of flowers (see Appendix IV). Forms of flowers consisted of revised versions of five of CD’s earlier papers on heterostyly, with new material on dioecy and cleistogamy. The five papers were ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’, ‘Two forms in species of Linum’, ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’, ‘Illegitimate offspring of dimorphic and trimorphic plants’, and ‘Specific difference in Primula’. Henry Wemyss Feilden was naturalist on HMS Alert during the polar expedition of 1875. Grinnell Land is the central section of Ellesmere Island. Adolf Erik Nordenskiöld made several voyages of Arctic exploration. See Heer 1868–83, vol. 2, ‘Die Miocene Flora und Fauna Spitzbergens’, p. 7 (papers are independently paginated). The family Taxodiaceae is now merged with Cupressaceae. In Heer 1868–83, 5: 20 (‘Die Miocene Flora des Grinnell-Landes’, published in 1878), Heer noted that he had renamed Torellia as Feildenia, since Torellia had already been used as the name of a genus of molluscs. In his classification, Heer divided the Coniferae into two sections, Taxineae and Taxoidieae, and placed the genus Ginkgo in Taxineae. (Ginkgo is now placed within its own class, Ginkgoopsida.) Salisburia was an alternative genus name for Ginkgo (Smith 1796), but is now considered to be illegitimate. Heer’s Salisburiae group consisted of Phoenicopsis, Baiera, Ginkgo, Trichopitys, and Czekanowskia (Heer 1868–83, 4: 48–9 (‘Contributions on the Jurassic flora of east Siberia and Amurland’)). Joseph Dalton Hooker.

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From Alphonse de Candolle1   31 July 1877 Geneva 31 July 1877. My dear Sir Thank you very much for your book on the Forms of flowers.2 It is a very curious account of facts observed first by you and then by others, with comparisons and thoughts of great interest. The question of the probable origin of uni- and bisexual plants occurred to me when I was working on the Smilaceae. I regret not having had your work before the printing of first pages of our volume of monographs, where I spoke of it. When you receive this volume, in the autumn, you will see my conjectures on the appearance and geographical distribution of three genera of Smilaceae, strictly speaking, one dioecious, without a trace of aborted organs (Heterosmilax), a second dioecious, with sterile staminal filaments in the female flowers (Smilax), the 3d hermaphrodite (Rhipogonum).3 The least complicated form, Heterosmilax, seemed to me probably the most ancient; then the beginnings of the stamens of Smilax were formed, and finally the anther will have appeared, in Rhipogonum. What inclined me towards this hypothesis (I did not explain this specifically in print, and I was wrong), was the fact that the leaves develop on the plant in this sequence. The cotyledon and the first leaves of each branch are composed only of the sheath or lower part of the leaf; then, in the middle, the leaves develop provided with a blade. In the floral bud, it is the same: the sepals and petals are leaves reduced to the base, and even the petals are missing in Heterosmilax; finally the central leaves are more developed, often, in staminal form, equipped with anthers (blade), but not always. In the most developed genus, Rhipogonum, a New Zealand species afforded me with something very rare, which no one has noticed. The flower is never closed in the bud. The youngest ones already display uncovered stamens, without anthesis. This is the opposite of cleistogamy. What does this mean for fertilisation? I do not know. The stamens of Rhipogonum, especially this one, contain little pollen. Rhip. scandens is imperfectly hermaphrodite, even more than the others. It is true that it reproduces hugely by shoots from the rhizomes, as is the case with many of the Smilax of Brazil, which rarely flower. The pollen of the Smilaceae is spiked with small papillae, of the kind that necessitates fertilisation by means of insects rather than by wind. In Rhipogonum, the papillae are very short, the pollen is almost volatile. As they are hermaphrodites, this idea fits with your ideas. Fertilisation takes place between one plant and another, in spite of apparent hermaphroditism, without which (you say) the offspring would be less vigorous.4 Reading your page 11, I notice that the dioecious Smilaceae are not like the Restiaceae you mention. The male and female plants are impossible to distinguish, other than by the flowers or fruits, unless the elevation (height) is different according to sex, which would not be seen in herbaria.5

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Several passages in your last work and the preceding ones induced me to do some linguistic research, according to which it seems that the words purpose, end, do not have in English the precise sense that we give in French to the words but, fin. I was saying to myself when reading at the top of p. 7, “their corollas have been increased in size for this special purpose, and p. 9, near the bottom, “subserve any special end”. Mr. Darwin, whose philosophical spirit pursues causes and effects methodically, would better have said: their corollas being increased in size the consequence is, etc, and p. 9 in place of subserve any special end … have any effect, since observation only shows forms and consequences or effects, not goals or intentions. Our words but, fin assume an intention, an external will, either, to know an intention, one must question the one to whom one attributes it, or hear the explanation, which does not happen with natural phenomena. What do the French or Dutch say when they read in a book of geology: “at the end of the Tertiary epoch the valley of the Thames was deepened in order that London should have immense commerce etc,” or … “the coast of France was elevated in order that the French should not be seafarers”— They will assuredly say: what do we know? The author has taken the consequences for the goals, the effects for the causes. But these doubts and criticisms of my spirit collapsed when I opened my English-French dictionary, of Spiers:6 Purpose. But, fin, effet, intention, dessein, usage. End. Bout, extrémité, fin, but, objet, cause. Thus, each of these English words has two contradictory senses, sometimes a premeditated goal, sometimes an effect—sometimes a cause, sometimes a result. I doubt that your translators have paid attention to this difficulty and I am afraid that the ambiguity of these English words maintains in the English public a certain unphilosophical confusion of ideas. In any case if I have criticised you first in petto,7 it was my own fault; I had not understood the inevitable vagueness determined by language. My son, who counts as one of his good days, that which you were kind enough to grant him, asks to be remembered to you.8 Please tell Mr Francis Darwin that Mr Delpino was luckier than us in his observations of Smilax. I suspected that there was an excretion from the apex of the leaves and we had not seen it, I at Geneva on Smilax excelsa, and Mr Francis Darwin at Kew on Smilax plants probably in a greenhouse, but the plants observed were not in ordinary conditions of climate and growth. At Genoa, Mr Delpino saw, on two species (S. aspera and bonanox) a sugary substance produced by the glandular tissue which is found at the tip of the leaf, on the outside, especially in the young leaves of annual shoots.9 This sugary substance is sought after by ants. Specimens from herbariums show that the secretion must be stronger in certain species from China, Brazil, etc. Delpino, totally immersed in ancient theories of final causes, seeks the goal, the aim for which the secretion and the approach of the ants exist in this case. He believes, in general, that the ants come in order to rid the trees of harmful insect larvae. I would prefer rather the hypothesis that the matter secreted has the nourishment of ants as its goal. Gardeners have a third way of seeing it, which is to

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consider the ants as a scourge, which must be removed far as possible. In the end, I would prefer a good experiment to hypotheses; in a row of cherry trees or other trees visited by ants, to coat the trunks with coal tar in order to prevent the visits of these insects, and see whether the growth, flowering and fruiting were different in the trees with and without ants. One would then know the consequences, the effects, in place of making assumptions of any kind about intentions! I have allowed myself to ramble on in my enjoyment of chatting with you. Nothing remains but to beg you to excuse me for the length, and to assure you, my dear Sir, of all my devotion | Alph. de Candolle DAR 161: 21 1 2 3

4

5

6 7 8 9

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 313–15. Candolle’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Forms of flowers (see Appendix IV). See A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96, vol. 1. The first three volumes of this work are in the Darwin Library–Down. Candolle worked on the publication with his son Casimir de Candolle. Smilaceae is a synonym of Smilacaceae (the family of greenbrier). See A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96, 1: 26–7. Candolle suggested that dioecious species of Smilax with sticky pollen must be pollinated by insects. The pollen of the monoecious Rhipogonum, however, was easily transported by the wind, which Candolle thought supported CD’s views on the advantages of cross-fertilisation. In Forms of flowers, p. 11, CD commented that differentiation of the sexes in the Restiaceae (a large family of rush-like flowering plants of the southern hemisphere; see letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [before 17 January 1877] and n. 3) had affected the whole plant, not just the flowers, to such an extent that botanists were sometimes unable to match up male and female forms of the same species. See A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96, 1: 6. Alexander Spiers’s English–French dictionary was published in many editions; see, for example, Spiers 1869. In petto: in private, in secret (Italian). Casimir de Candolle was in England in January 1877 (see letter from Alphonse de Candolle, January 1877); it is not known when he met CD. Federico Delpino published on Smilax in Delpino 1880. Smilax bononox is now usually rendered as S. bono-nox. In his paper on Acacia and Cecropia, Francis mentioned Delpino’s view that sweet fluid secreted anywhere other than nectaries was to attract ants (see F. Darwin 1876d, p. 408).

From Theodor von Heldreich1   2 August 1877 Athens 2 August 1877 Sir, As one of your most humble disciples, but certainly one of your most sincere admirers and partisans, the first in Greece to own and study your immortal work “Ueber die Entstehung der Arten, etc.” translated by Bronn—1860,2 I dare to offer you today a small work I have just finished: “Die Pflanzen der attischen Ebene”. It is a small study of botanical geography, written for a work of Mr. August Mommsen (“Griechische Jahreszeiten”) with a rather philological objective.3 If ever you have a free moment to cast an eye over it, you will find some notes on periodical phenomena, cultivated plants and other conditions of our flora, which will possibly hold

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some interest for you, as coming from a country which has not yet been sufficiently explored and from a natural historical perspective. While begging a thousand pardons if, being completely unknown to you, I dare to trouble you, please accept, Sir, the assurance of my very respectful esteem, with which I have the honour to remain | Yours | sincerely | Th. de Heldreich | Director of the Botanic Garden and keeper of the Botanical Museum of the University of Athens (Greece) Sir Charles Darwin | etc., etc., etc. | Down, Beckenham, Kent. P.S. I read & understand English, but have lost the habit of writing it; so please excuse me for not daring to write in English, but rather using a foreign language. The same I have all your works up to the last in the German translation by Carus “Die Wirkungen der Kreuz- und Selbst-Befruchtung im Pflanzenreich”.4 If ever there is an opportunity for me to provide any information that you might require, I would consider it a great pleasure and you would only have to ask. DAR 166: 135 1 2 3

4

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 319. The first German translation of Origin was made by Heinrich Georg Bronn (Bronn trans. 1860). Heldreich’s work, Die Pflanzen der attischen Ebene (The plants of the Attic plain), appeared as the fifth volume of Griechische Jahreszeiten (Greek seasons; Mommsen ed. 1873–7), edited by August Mommsen; the work also appeared separately (Heldreich 1877). Julius Victor Carus’s German translation of Cross and self fertilisation (Carus trans. 1877d) was published in May 1877 (Botanische Zeitung, 11 May 1877, p. 312).

From Alphonse de Candolle1   14 August 1877 Geneva 14 August 1877. My dear Sir Allow me the pleasure of telling your son that I read with much interest his work on the filaments of Dipsacus sylvestris.2 It is a curious although barely obvious phenomenon. Should it be compared to the the emission of milky juices when the tissues of Lactuca, Papaver etc, are very swollen?3 Perhaps in the latter case there is a rupture of the cellular membranes, which there is not in Dipsacus. As for calling the substance that escapes a protoplasm, I would like to be allowed two provisos. 1st I hardly like this word, because of the proto; I would prefer plasma, for one scarcely dares say that a thing is first. There is always a previous state. One day, I assume, a proplasma will be found, then a pro-pro-plasma, etc, as the microscope is improved. 2d I see plasma as the quidquid ignotum of our age.4 Similar effects from various chemical reactions demonstrate above all the real ignorance of chemists, since two plasmas taken from two pollen tubes or two ovules of plants of different families, which appear chemically and microscopically identical produce totally different plants.

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We are compelled to say, based on the effects: either these plasmas are made up of different elements, or their elements are arranged differently, in such a way that the same impetus causes different developments. Does the plasma of filaments of Dipsacus sylvestris resemble that of the pollen tubes and the embryo sac of the plant? It could seem identical but not be so. Could the ovule be fertilised with the contents of the filaments? If yes, it would prove the case. Would Mr Francis be disposed to attempt the experiment? You asked whether I believe plants with glaucous surfaces are more frequent in hot countries than in temperate or cold ones, and in moist countries rather than dry ones.5 To answer it would require a list of species having a waxy glaucous coating on stems, leaves or fruits, but there is none and one could hardly have one. An infinite number of species have not been observed with this in mind. Descriptions have conflated grey or white colours with waxy coatings. Finally, there is a wealth of intermediates between glaucous surfaces and those where the waxy excretion is faint or transparent. I have mentally revisited the examples of truly glaucous surfaces that I know; then I looked at the capital memoir of Mr de Bary, Bot. Zeitung 1871, on the production of waxy substances, and I looked at a number of plants of different families that have this special quality.6 There are hundreds of cases that are already known and fresh observations would reveal thousands. Now, in the absence of any enumeration, if it were necessary to state simple probabilities, how would I do it? For example, if one had to wager whether glaucous (and waxy) plants are more numerous in one of the three categories of hot, temperate or cold countries, I would bet on temperate ones. It is mainly here that the Leguminosae, Crassulaceae, Ficoidae, Cactaceae, Rosaceae, Gramineae, in which the phenomenon is frequent, are found.7 I would wager further on dry countries, rather than humid ones, for fleshy plants are abundant at the Cape, in Mexico—and are not rare in the Canary region and in the Mediterranean. Equatorial regions, without doubt, also possess the Myricaceae, Scitamineae, Euphorbiaceae etc, often with glaucous surfaces, but to a degree that seems to me less important.8 Finally in arctic flora I notice very few glaucous species. I hardly dare to mention these, because it would be necessary to verify whether these are truly glaucous and not ashy colours, without excretion. While the total number of species is highly limited in these floras, it is possible that these glaucous species are a relatively small proportion of the total of glaucous species, but a slightly greater proportion relative to the flora itself. In short I would bet on dry regions, at latitudes from 28 to 45o, in both hemispheres, but as with all wagers I could well lose. My son sends his regards. He is keen to learn the results of the experiments on feeding Drosera.9 | Accept, my dear Sir, the assurance of my complete devotion | Alph. de Candolle DAR 161: 22 1

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 338–9.

Translations 2

3

4 5 6

7

8

9

585

See letter to Alphonse de Candolle, 3  August  1877 and n. 4. Francis Darwin sent Candolle a copy of his paper ‘On the protrusion of protoplasmic filaments from the glandular hairs on the leaves of the common teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris)’ (F. Darwin 1877b). Dipsacus sylvestris is a synonym of D. fullonum (common or fuller’s teasel). Lactuca is the genus of lettuce; Papaver is the genus of poppies. Lactucarium or lettuce opium (a latex) is the milky substance secreted from the stems of several species of lettuce. Poppies also produce latex, having specialised ducts in all parts of the plant. Quidquid ignotum (Latin): whatever (is) unknown. See letter to Alphonse de Candolle, 3 August 1877 and n. 5. Anton de Bary had published a multi-part study, ‘Ueber die Wachsüberzüge der Epidermis’ (On the wax coating of the epidermis; Bary 1871), in which he had investigated the chemical composition, origin, and development of epicuticular coatings on various parts of a wide range of plants. George Bentham had also mentioned this work in his letter to CD of [after 12 July 1877]. Leguminosae (a synonym of Fabaceae): the family of peas and beans; Crassulaceae: stonecrop or orpine; Ficoidae (a former name for Aizoaceae): fig-marigold or iceplant; Cactaceae: cactus; Rosaceae: rose, apple, plum; Gramineae (a synonym of Poaceae): grasses. Myricaceae: the family of wax-myrtle; Euphorbiaceae: spurge or euphorbias. In Bentham and Hooker 1862–83, 3: 636–57, Scitamineae was a natural order that included plants now within the families Musaceae (banana), Zingiberaceae (ginger), and Marantaceae (arrowroot). Casimir de Candolle had studied the effects of feeding insects to the insectivorous plant Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap; C. de Candolle 1876). CD had mentioned Francis’s work on the effects of feeding Drosera rotundifolia (common sundew; see letter to Alphonse de Candolle, 3 August 1877 and n. 6).

From L. A. Errera1   15 September 1877

Venice, 15 Sept. 1877

Sir For a couple of years, I have been studying heterostyly in Primula elatior, together with my friend Mr. G. Gevaert. In a small article that we composed on the subject for the Royal Society of Botany of Belgium, we have given a summary of the principal conclusions of your admirable book “The effects of Cross & Self-fertilisation.”2 Among these conclusions, there is only one to which we believe we could take the liberty of making some objections: it concerns the effects of crossing different flowers on the same plant, compared to the fertilisation of a flower by its own pollen.3 But since it is very possible that we have misunderstood your way of seeing things or that we are mistaken, I would respectfully ask your permission to send the section of our manuscript that relates to this question. We would be most grateful if you could let us know if you have the time to have a quick glance at our arguments and the facts that we put forward in support of our opinion.— The youth of my collaborator and myself, we hope, will excuse the boldness of this approach. If you would be so extremely kind as to favour me with a word in reply, writing in English would suffice since I understand the language. My address is 6A rue Royale, Brussels (Belgium). I remain, Sir, with thanks in advance, yours most respectfully | Léo Errera | student, member of the Royal Society of Botany of Belgium. DAR 163: 26

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3

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 377–8. At a meeting of the Royal Society of Botany of Belgium on 6 May 1877, Errera presented the results of his and Gevaert’s experiments on Primula elatior (true oxlip; see Bulletin de la Société royale de botanique de Belgique 16 (1877): 2–3). CD had mentioned P. elatior only briefly in Cross and self fertilisation, pp. 422 n., 427. CD had concluded that a cross between two flowers on the same plant ‘did no good or very little good’ (Cross and self fertilisation, p. 444).

From Wilhelm Breitenbach1   19 September 1877 Most honoured Mr Darwin! Some time ago I communicated to you a few observations on the variability of Primula elatior.2 I continued these observations and I want to give you them in complete form here. Total number of blossoms examined 2077. Of these were long-styled: 1192, shortstyled 852, homostyled 33. In every instance the following combinations were found on the umbel: Long-styled Short-styled

2 2

3 1

4 1

4 1

〈Lon〉g-styled

〈Short-〉styled:

2

10

5

2

Total: 63

1

1

2

2

Total: 19.

Long-styled: Homostyled:

5 1

3 1

Long-styled Homostyled

4 1

7 1

Short-styled Homostyled

1 1

2 1

2 1

Long-styled. Short-styled. Homostyled.

1 1 1

3 2 1

Total: 4  Total: 3. Total: 2

3 1 5 1

4 1

4 1 8 1

3 1

5 1

6 2

3 1

3 1 4 1

2 1

6 2 12 7 12

8 2

7 1

4 1

10  2

3 1

2 1

1 2

1  1 

Total: 99  Total: 25

  2 1

5 1

Total: 12  Total: 5.

In one case the only open blossom on the umbel was homostyled. The long-styled floral forms are more common than the short-styled ones, both in their totality, as well as when they are combined with short-styled ones on the

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umbel. Likewise, when an umbel carries long-styled and homostyled blossoms, the former are more numerous. Most frequently I found combinations of long-styled and homostyled blossoms on the umbel, that is, in 21 cases, while long-styled and short-styled were seen in only 14 cases. I have so far not discovered any more cases of all three forms being combined on a single umbel, except for the two that I told you about earlier. When different forms of flowers occur on the same umbel, the number of the short-styled and homostyled ones is almost identical, but both are exceeded by the long-styled. At the moment, a work of mine on the butterfly proboscis is in press, which, as soon as it is ready, I will take the liberty of sending to you; also to your son Francis.3 With the greatest | respect | Wilhelm Breitenbach Unna. 19. Sept. 1877. DAR 160: 291 1 2

3

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 380–1. Breitenbach reported his observations on Primula elatior (true oxlip) in a letter to CD of 26 July 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24). CD added Breitenbach’s information to Forms of flowers, pp. 34, 224, and 272 n. Breitenbach later published a paper on variability in P. elatior (Breitenbach 1880). CD’s copy of Breitenbach’s paper ‘Untersuchungen an Schmetterlingsrüsseln’ (Researches on butterfly probosces; Breitenbach 1878) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Francis Darwin had written a paper titled ‘On the structure of the proboscis of Ophideres fullonica, an orange-sucking moth’ (F. Darwin 1875b). Ophideres fullonica is a synonym of Eudocima phalonia (Pacific fruit-piercing moth).

From L. A. Errera1   30 September 1877 6A, Rue Royale | Brussels 30 Sept. 1877 Sir I am deeply grateful to you for having accepted my request, and this in spite of your many occupations.2 I have just returned to Brussels and I hasten to send off, at the same time as this letter, the section of our manuscript that deals with the crossing of flowers on the same plant. This bit, sadly, is rather long; but, since we take the liberty of maintaining a view which is not that of the most illustrious naturalist of our age, it is essential to discuss, one by one, his various arguments and to say absolutely everything we believe in favour of our point of view. Furthermore, I have, as you asked, marked in blue pencil the crucial passages to be submitted to your high estimation.—3 Since the French language hardly lends itself to the formation of compound words, we have adopted terminology very similar to that of A. Kerner, that is to say that we mean by autogamy, the pollination of a flower by its own pollen; by gitonogamy, pollination by the pollen of another flower of the same individual, and by xenogamy, the crossing of different individuals. These two latter forms of pollination are included within the name allogamy.—4 When pollination is followed by effective fertilisation, we use the same words, but with the ending …carpy, instead of …gamy: this addresses the distinction that Hermann Müller and others make

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between “pollination” et “fertilisation”—5 The word adynamandry (of Delpino) is, as you know, synonymous with your term “self-sterile”.6 This is, sir, the information that it would perhaps not be superfluous to give here, in order to make less difficult, as far as I can, your reading of the manuscript section. When you have, at your leisure, had a look, would you be so kind as to let me know whether we have correctly given your position and whether our remarks seem to you somewhat justified? Any advice you would like to give or any observation from you, would be extremely valuable. I am very grateful to you for having alerted me to your great book “The different forms of flowers on plants of the same species.” But it is too important a work and too interesting, especially for those working in botany, for me not to have already hastened to study it after its appearance.7 I remain, sir, with sincere gratitude, most respectfully yours. | Léo Errera DAR 163: 27 1 2 3

4

5

6 7

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 395–6. See letter to L. A. Errera, 18 September 1877. The manuscript has not been found; CD evidently returned it. In the published version, the section on pollination by pollen from another individual on the same plant (geitonogamy) is fourteen pages long (Errera and Gevaert 1878, pp. 68–81). The authors differed somewhat from CD’s view that a cross between two flowers on the same plant did ‘no good or very little good’ (Cross and self fertilisation, p. 444). The terminology was coined by Anton Kerner von Marilaun; he mentioned that terms such as ‘Sichselbstbestäubung’ (self-pollination) should be avoided since they were vague and awkward (see Kerner von Marilaun 1876, p. 192 n.). Müller had not made explicit the distinction between pollination (Bestäubung) and fertilisation (Befruchtung) in his work, but his usage indicates that the distinction was understood (see, for example, H. Müller 1873, p. 4). Federico Delpino had coined the term adynamandry (adinamandri) for hermaphrodite flowers that were infertile with their own pollen (see Delpino 1876, p. 149). See letter to L. A. Errera, 18 September 1877 and n. 3.

From Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa1   30 September 1877 The “Sociedad | de | Geographia | de | Lisboa” Lisbon, 30 September 1877. to | Mr Charles | Darwin Sir We have the honour to inform you that the Geographical Society of Lisbon, at its meeting of the 4 June, elected you a corresponding member of the Society. The Society hopes that you will recognise, in the award it takes the liberty of bestowing on you, the homage of its profound esteem and respect for the services which you have rendered to the physical sciences.2 Please accept, Sir the expression of our sincere regard | For the Committee | The Chairman—1st. Secretary General | Luciano Cordeiro DAR 230: 55

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589

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 397. For the diploma of the Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa, see Appendix III.

From Alphonse de Candolle1   8 October 1877 Geneva 8 Oct. 1877 My dear Sir, I can add a few words more to my letter of August on plants with glaucous material.2 This is more in support of my doubts, rather than to allay them, but nonetheless on one point I will be more positive. In the last session of the Swiss Society of Natural Sciences, at Bex, we had in the Botany section Mr de Bary and Mr Planchon, apart from a number of Swiss botanists.3 A young native of Lucerne, Mr Schnyder, professor of botany at Buenos Aires, read an interesting paper on the physical geography and botany of the Argentine republic.4 He characterised five very different regions, some very humid and others very dry. I took the opportunity to raise your question on the proportion of glaucous plants in different regions of the globe. They agreed with me that it is impossible to give such proportions, since grey species are described as glaucous, and in particular because of intermediates between very visible glaucous material and that which is transparent or much less apparent. Glaucous plants (real and definite) in hot and humid countries, like Musa, Strelitzia, Cannaceae, etc, were mentioned but no one could say what proportion of the equatorial flora they comprised. On my specific question: whether glaucous plants were not numerous in dry areas; Mr Schnyder confirmed my opinion. He saw them often in arid regions of La Plata, and this in a seemingly significant proportion for extremely poor flora.5 You probably have interesting facts on the role of these waxy materials. They evidently protect against moisture, but this is hardly advantageous except for plants in very wet areas. They are plentiful on surfaces devoid of stomata or that have few (plums, thick-leaved plants etc), surfaces that evaporate weakly, and the waxy material further inhibits evaporation. This is an advantage in dry areas, but in wet areas on the contrary it seems advantageous for the plant to evaporate freely that which is absorbed by the roots. Even in dry areas it is good if a plant can, in exceptional circumstances, absorb dew or rain by the surfaces exposed to the air, since the roots supply little water (It has been shown that wilted leaves absorb water in liquid form). Thus the waxy coating of Echeveria, Mammillaria, etc, of the Mexican plateau,6 seems sometimes advantageous, and sometimes detrimental. But perhaps there are other effects that you know of and which we would be happy to learn about from you. Please give my regards to Mr Francis,7 and believe me always to be, dear sir, your devoted and affectionate | Alph. de Candolle DAR 161: 23

590 1 2 3

4

5

6 7

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For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 404–5. See letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 14 August 1877. CD was investigating the function of the bloom on the leaves and fruits of certain plants (see letter to Alphonse de Candolle, 3 August 1877). Anton de Bary was professor of botany at Strasburg University, and Jules Emile Planchon was professor of botany at Montpellier. Their participation in the botany section of the meeting of the Swiss Society for Natural Sciences held in Bex from 20 to 22 August 1877 was noted in Société helvétique des sciences naturelles 60 (1877): 77–9. Otto Schnyder presented a paper on the distribution of plants in the Argentine Republic at the meeting in Bex (Société helvétique des sciences naturelles 60 (1877): 79); it was published in Archives des sciences physiques et naturelles, the journal of the Société de physique et d’histoire naturelle de Genève (Schnyder 1877). CD’s question, and the responses from de Bary and Schnyder, were briefly noted in Société helvétique des sciences naturelles 60 (1877): 79. Musa is the genus of bananas and plantains, Strelitzia is the genus of bird-of-paradise plants, and Cannaceae is a tropical family of large-leaved flowering plants. Echeveria is a genus of drought-resisting succulent plants, and Mammillaria is the genus of pincushion cacti. Francis Darwin.

From L. A. Errera1   10 October 1877 6A, Rue Royale | Brussels 10 Oct. 1877 Sir I cannot adequately express to you my gratitude for the generosity and promptness with which you have answered me and for the kind words in your letter.2 I had already resolved to experiment later on “inconspicuous flowers” and your advice convinces me to put my plan into action, as soon as my other studies allow me time.3 You quite rightly pointed out that you have not said that autogamy would, as a general rule, be superior to geitonogamy. Even so it seemed to me that was the meaning of the passages that I cited, extracts from your fine book “The effects of Cross & Self-fertilisation”, (pp. VII, 61, 352, 386, etc);— you expressed the opinion that autogamy is “apparently in some respects beneficial, independently of the assured production of seeds”—4 These advantages, autogamy cannot—it seems— demonstrate except by giving superior products to those of some form of allogamy: and since it is certainly, in general, inferior to xenogamy, it can only show this superiority in comparison to geitonogamic plants.5 If this is not the case, unfortunately I cannot easily understand the advantages of autogamy; since it is evident that these advantages could not appear other than by comparison with another manner of fertilisation. However this may be, I believed I did well, following your letter, to underline in our manuscript the words “if this be really the case” to emphasise that you yourself do not believe the question is adequately resolved.6 Please forgive me for having taken the liberty of making these comments and accept, with my repeated thanks, the assurance of my very deep respect. | Léo Errera DAR 163: 28

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For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 407. See letter to L. A. Errera, 4 October 1877. See letter to L. A. Errera, 4 October 1877 and n. 5. Errera was a doctoral student at the Free University in Brussels. CD used this phrase in a chapter summary that appeared in Cross and self fertilisation, pp. vii and 312. On p. 61, he mentioned that self-fertilisation was more advantageous than crossing unless the cross brought with it some decided or preponderant advantage; on p. 352, he gave experimental results showing the superior weight of seeds from self-fertilised plants; and on p. 386, he noted that some species had increased their capacity for self-fertilisation. Errera had explained these terms in his letter of 30 September 1877. See letter to L. A. Errera, 4 October 1877. CD had commented on part of a study on heterostyled plants that Errera had carried out with Gustave Gevaert.

From C. T. E. von Siebold1   10 October 1877 Munich on 10 10 77.

Most esteemed Sir! Enclosed I allow myself to send you the photographs of a hairy family, in the hope that you will receive it with some forbearance.2 The original paintings, when I got permission to have them photographed, were already in a much neglected condition. All the same, I am pleased that on this occasion I was able to ensure that these peculiar portraits would not be altogether destroyed. Regarding the ancestry and the life of this hairy family, I was unable to find out anything reliable, as you can convince yourself from my report, which, in the form of an offprint from the Archiv für Anthropologie (vol. X. 1877), I have posted to you together with a number of other offprints today.3 Among the printed matter is also a series of letters that my very talented pupil Rud. von Willemoes-Suhm, who died too young, addressed to me from the Challenger.4 If you, most esteemed Sir, had personally known this young man, who had such a rare talent for research, you surely would comprehend the pain with which I must for ever grieve over the loss of my best pupil. With the greatest respect Yours wholly devoted | Carl v. Siebold. DAR 177: 160 1 2

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 408. There are photographs of the four portraits of the Gonzales family that hang in Ambras Castle, Innsbruck, Austria, in DAR 53.1: C7, 8, 9, 10. They show the hairy father, Petrus Gonzales, non-hairy mother, Catherine, a hairy son, Enrico, and a hairy daughter, Maddalena (Wiesner-Hanks 2009, pp. 6, 76, 115). The portraits are now in the cabinet of curiosities at Ambras Castle (ibid., pp. 5, 78). An offprint of Siebold’s article on the hairy Gonzales family (Siebold 1877) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL, along with eight other papers by Siebold. Petrus Gonzales and some of his children were examined by medical men and natural philosophers, as well as being sought after as curiosities in the courts of Europe, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Wiesner-Hanks 2009, pp. 4–5, 183–221). Rudolf von Willemoes-Suhm was a naturalist on the Challenger expedition; he worked on the crustaceans discovered during the voyage. He died in September 1875, during the journey from Hawaii to Tahiti. Willemoes-Suhm had studied zoology at Munich under Siebold. The series of letters to

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Siebold describing the Challenger voyage were published between 1874 and 1877 (Willemoes-Suhm 1874–7).

From C.-F. Reinwald1   13 October 1877 Paris 13 Oct. 1877 Dear Sir We have had the honour of receiving your kind letter of 7  Oct. and we are pleased to see that the translation and typesetting of your work “Cross and Self fertilization” has met your expectations, and that you are satisfied.2 We are entirely at your disposal to provide other copies that you might want to send to anyone you choose. We take the opportunity of sending with this letter a cheque for £20.— for the percentage of author’s rights for our translation of Insectivorous Plants, of which we believe there are close to 700 copies sold up to this time.3 We also hope to be able to send you within a short time the percentage for the new volume of Cross- and Self-fertilization, but current political circumstances are in no way favourable for our bookselling trade, so that we will never be able to tell how long it would take to sell 700 copies.4 As for Climbing Plants, this little volume only sells rather slowly, as you expected, and the new edition of Emotions is naturally in the same situation.5 You have kindly sent us a copy of your last work The different forms of flowers. This volume has 15  woodcuts and should we consider having it translated into French, it would be necessary first of all to buy these clichés from Mr Murray, to whom we are going to write to find out their price.6 Although we have the greatest desire to have this new volume translated into French, the current problems of our government and the chambers forces us to postpone this publication until a quieter time, while busying ourselves in the meantime with the search for a good translator.7 We are not losing sight of this last point and we hope to be able to give you news on this soon. In the meantime please accept, dear sir, the asurance of my highest consideration | C Reinwald & C To Charles Darwin Esq, Down Beckenham | Kent DAR 176: 107 1 2 3 4

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 413–14. CD’s letter has not been found. Reinwald’s firm had published Édouard Heckel’s French translation of Cross and self fertilisation (Heckel trans. 1877). Edmond Barbier’s French translation of Insectivorous plants (Barbier trans. 1877) had been published in May 1877 (see letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 9 May 1877). In May 1877, a constitutional crisis arose in France when the republicans and royalists in the Chamber of Deputies clashed over the position of the church within French society; the conservative president

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dissolved the republican cabinet and appointed a royalist government to oversee elections (R. L. Fuller 2012, p.23). A general election to the Chamber of Deputies of the Third Republic was scheduled for 14 and 28 October 1877 (Fortescue 2000, p. 34). The French translation of Climbing plants (R. Gordon trans. 1877) and a second French edition, revised and corrected, of Expression (Pozzi and Benoît trans. 1877) had been published in 1877. CD’s publisher, John Murray, usually allowed foreign publishers the use of the clichés of the illustrations of CD’s works in return for a small fee (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Eduard Koch?, 6 February 1876). Édouard Heckel (see n. 2, above) translated Forms of flowers; it was published in 1878 (Heckel trans. 1878).

From Fritz Müller1   19 October 1877 Blumenau, Sa. Catharina, Brazil 19. October 1877. Dear Sir! Although I have hardly anything to tell you, I must not delay any longer in expressing my heartfelt thanks for your book on the different forms of flowers, which gave me great delight.2 It was very stimulating for me to follow all your remarkable observations and experiments on heterostyled plants in context and with so many valuable additions. [. . .] Repeating my hearty thanks, I am, dear Sir, with the deepest respect very faithfully yours | Fritz Müller. Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 363–4 1 2

The letter contains portions in English which are not included here. For the original German of the published source, and the English portions from a different published source, see pp. 420–2. Müller’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Forms of flowers (see Appendix IV).

From Gaston de Saporta1   16 December 1877 Aix 16. Dec. 1877 Dearest Sir, I have a double motive for writing to you; first, I want to tell you that I have learned from Paris that you will probably be chosen and put forward by the Botanic section of the Academy of Sciences and that your election, so long awaited, will not suffer any difficulty—2 I am doubly happy about this occasion, and for my country, which is duty bound to receive a man like you, who has given to natural history in general and to that which pertains to its account of species such a vital impetus that all notions are, so to speak, renewed; I will be happy yet again for myself, since I am a corresponding member of this same section of botany and that I will become your colleague, after having been one of your foremost disciples in France. The further I go, the more I progress in life and in the pursuit of my paleontological researches, the more I see confirmation of your views, your orientation, your way of seeing

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things, and of presenting reasonable solutions of ancient phenomena, relative to the origin and gradual development of living beings. It is thus that the second motive of my letter is to congratulate you for your very fine book on the effects of cross-fertilisation in plants, the French translation of which you have so kindly sent me—3 It is not so much the book itself and the experiments that are reported that I admire, but the immense weight and fertility of the results that you aim at in your General summary and in the remarks that end the work— I truly believe that, thanks to you, we are reaching the definitive solution of the great problem that has preoccupied me ever since I became a naturalist: by what means, by what methods the successive and gradual evolution of terrestrial animals and plants was accomplished and the raison d’être of the stages of this immense evolution, and consequently for some of the living species who inhabit the emergent earth, breathe the air or bury their roots into the soil. You know to what degree the delayed evolution of Dicotyledons has always preoccupied me, as one of the most curious phenomena, as much by its immense importance as by the apparent rapidity with which it was manifested in the past.4 Now the role that you attribute to Insects in fertilisation together with the necessity of crossing explains everything: the earlier poverty of the plant kingdom, so long reduced, in the absence of certain categories of insects, to only anemophilous plants, whose variety and number were never able to exceed a certain limit, and among which nutritive and succulent substances were never either abundant, or well diversified. The absence of sucking insects during the Jurassic had already struck me and Mr. Heer5 as well. I mentioned this absence or this rarity in my introduction to Jurassic flora, Vol 1, p. 53 and 54 and yet I still believed in the existence of a Lepidoptera from Solnhofen, whose existence Mr. Scudder of Boston has since rightly denied, so that the most ancient species known of this order are still those of the higher Eocene of the gypsum of Aix.6 Now it is very well understood that angiosperms in which floral arrangements and individual to individual and flower to flower crossings depend on the role of insects could not to appear and multiply without the impetus of these, and these, for their part, could not become numerous and active, and attach themselves to a certain determined type, except for the same reason of the appearance of plants that favoured their existence; insects and plants thus have been at the same time effect and cause through connection with each other, the plants unable to vary without insects, and these unable to furnish lots of honey and pollen-eaters such that the plant kingdom remained poor in strategems and formed almost exclusively by anemophilous plants. It follows from there that plants and insects, at least sucking insects—Diptera, Hymenoptera, Lepidoptera, many Coleoptera must have developed at the same time,7 by assisting their mutual evolution and following at first a slow pace of evolution, obscure, almost latent, until the moment when the effects of crossing and of the new mode of fertilisation made themselves known, the plant kingdom and the angiosperms in particular had to expand rapidly, to branch out in all senses and to

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offer in all directions, the most varied and most unexpected floral combinations, always in relation with the insects positioned for this very thing to multiply and to vary more and more— This is how I see things now, but I still allow for a distinct order of sequence and one raised higher again by the results that it has set in motion: I mean to discuss that of mammals linked to plants, as those to insects, and if the plants were unable to develop and perfect themselves, thanks to crossing, except under the influence of insects, and to the same degree as these were growing in number and variety, the mammals, for their part, could not begin their ascending march until that of the plant kingdom was completed— From then on the systems had to diversify and the types modify themselves to gain the strength, the variety, to compete with advantage and finally to get predominance— To summarise the march of the three series, one sees: that in the lower Lias of the classes of Insects are well represented but mostly the chewers, phyllophages, omnivores, and carnivores—almost no sucking Insects, few or no Hymenoptera, no Diptera, no Lepidoptera— these classes were possibly represented, but only by a very limited number of individuals— in the vegetable kingdom the scarcity was even larger: in fact, in Phanerogams, none but the Gymnosperms and a few monocotyledons— The work of the insects on Phanerogams happens between this era and that of the Rouen chalk or Cenomanian.8 It is then that some obscure and lower type of phanerogamous plant more or less comparable to Gnetaceae had to deal with the influence of insects and give rise to an evolution at first slow, then quick in its effects, from whence the dicotyledons emerged—9 One encounters them everywhere already numerous and soon preponderant from the lower Cenomanian. Only then had mammals the opportunity to leave their obscurity by using in their turn the numerous nutritive substances, more and more varied foods that the newly formed class provided— The development of mammals is unaccountably prolonged and this category does not appear as already strong until the beginning of the Tertiary, while the plant kingdom is itself composed of nearly the same elements and in large part of the same genera as today— Nevertheless if a new development has taken place since then, it actually starts in the floral combinations that you have examined closely and that each depend on the action of an insect, often of one specific species attached to one flower and being so specifically adapted that the fate of the plant has depended since then on the insect— Corolliflorous or gamopetalous flowers, the Compositae, the papilionaceous Leguminosae, are seen as series that are formed and have spread later than the others and your examples are particularly drawn from these plants.10 It would be curious, I think, to submit to examination the types of dicotyledonous Angiosperms that were first stabilised and have not changed any more, or only a very little since then— There exist effectively types of plants little subject to variation, both robust and persistent, who, in imitation of certain cryptogams and of Araucaria and Ginkgo among the Conifers, have retained intact their organisation since the most distant era—11 they can put us on the right track of the most simple modes

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of cross-fertilisation and the intervention of insects, at the origin or during the times close to the first origin of the Dicotyledons. The studies performed by me this summer for the conference given at Le Hâvre allow me to name for you some of these primitive types that you could perhaps experiment on—12 In the first place the Ivy, Hedera, represented certainly in the Cenomanian of Bohemia— Ivy is an almost monotypical plant that has always struck me by the multitude of insects that its flowers attract.13 The umbels present a very obvious example of dimorphism; the males flower well before the females and certain plants having only male umbels or female umbels, which produce a sort of accidental dioecy.14 Of Aralia— the Oreopanax type seems to make up part of the early Cretaceous flora as well—15 Myrica type comptonia, also—16 Menispermum too— I will also cite the type of lime-trees, and those of Malvaceae or Heraclea but properly defined— after Hedera I find a very convincing example in Magnolia—certainly a Cretaceous type, whose flower seems to me to represent the least transformed floral type, the closest to that which must originally have been the floral apparatus of angiosperms and Dicotyledons, which should be subject to examination whether this flower, and that of Nymphaea which is in the same case, ought to attract insects—17 There is here an abundance of pollen and a multiplication of sexual organs so as to perform a sort of crossing in the interior of the same flower, at least I suppose there is—having seen nothing on these two types in your book. Finally, I will cite the genus Hymenea, which makes up part of the Leguminosae, Caesalpinias, as having left vestiges very surely ascertainable in the Cenomanian of Bohemia— I suppose that Hymenea ought to have more or less the flowering of our Judas trees; I see this very minute that the flowers are arranged at the top of the branches in branched clusters; the flower is hermaphrodite with 5 petals almost equal, ten stamens, of which 5 are shorter— the stalked ovary is topped by a style initially folded back, and ending in a little capitate stigma.18 There is there a floral organisation noteworthy for preceding both the abortions of parts and dioicity of which Ceratonia is representative and the posterior and clearly irregular type of the papilionaceous Leguminosae—19 Only in the petals of Hymenea is there a tendency towards irregularity, which manifests as a slight inequality of the petals— One would need to be able to examine and define the role reserved for insects in a floral type that has without doubt not changed since the first origin of the group, of which the Papilionaceae constitute but a secondary deviation. I understand that crossing that is not strictly necessary for fertilisation could nevertheless be useful, in stimulating and augmenting its power; but the role of crossing, especially of that which operates from one plant to the other, which must have arrived last and which goes together with dimorphism, the role of this crossing must above all consist of engendering and enhancing the tendency towards variation, as a result of gradual modification of forms and of types— it is conceivable, then,

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that before the existence of this method of crossing the vegetable kingdom should remain for a long time so poor and monotonous, compared to what has followed; but the method of crossing by insects going from one plant to the other, the structure of flowers requiring this intervention and the transport of pollen need not have been the only, nor the oldest; this mode requires a complicated and delicate apparatus that must only have appeared later, as the vegetable kingdom perfected itself. The most simple methods of crossing had to suffice at the origin and those of which the Araliaceae, the Magnoliaceae, the Malvaceae and the Caesalpiniae, probably also the Laurineae offer examples, ought certainly to be of this number.20 The reduction of parts, their abortion, adaptation, irregularity, ornamentation, extent and irregularity of parts that accompany the actual sexual organs, must be later than the moment when the flower in angiosperms began to be established— The flowers with numerous, multiple parts, on the one hand, and obscure, scarcely visible (and at the same time complete) flowers, on the other, ought to be the oldest— Suppressions, abortions, developments of corolla, mutual unions came about after the flower had acquired the structure that we know; before, it was regular and formed of whorls that are themselves nothing but converging spiral turns. One can go further, I believe, on the path opened by these considerations than you have been— the floral apparatus of angiosperms is evidently only an axis or sexual branch contracted, folded back upon itself, the sexual organs being only leaves, androphyll and carpophyll, those joining to make the Gynerie—21 The axes or sexual branches had been formed differently right from the outset, which is shown by the differentiation of the three groups: in the Cycadaceae, the Coniferae, and the Angiosperms in general.22 Among the cycads there were sexual branches on which the sexes appeared separately; from there male and female cones, pollen sacs occupying the dorsal face of the folioles or leaves transformed into androphylls, and ovules taking the place of an aborted leaflet as shown by the female organ of Cycas—23 In general, among the Cycadaceae, the separation of the sexes is complete, but the androphylls and carpophylls both stem from the same transformed parts— one end the fully-formed cone, the stratagems that could be carried out were of only minimal importance and the group showed a great immobility in its characteristic traits— Coniferae are already different enough— among them androphylls and carpophylls do not have quite the same morphological origin— The cone is indeed the result of a sexual branch, contracted and in which the transformed leaves have come closer under modification, but in conifers the pollen sacs occupy the base of the dorsal section of the leaves directly, whereas the carpophylls are due to a bud in the first leaves, an aborted bud always found in the axil of an axillary leaf or bract usually modified, enlarged and often fused with the bud transformed into the carpophyll suspended by this bract— from there an apparatus of a special character that could allow for greater variation than that of the Cycadaceae quickly achieved some limits beyond which there was no more, with the Coniferae, as with Cycadaceae,

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than variations in details and no new type. When by accident androgynous cones occur in conifers this difference of position of the two sexes is noticed, with the pollen cells occuping the dorsal side of the bracts and the ovule supports being arranged on the interior of the axil of these— in Angiosperms the case is very different; the branch or rachis, whose contraction has given way to the flower, must surely be understood as loaded with sexual leaves of the same order, only these sexual leaves being arranged in such a way that the carpophylls at all times occupy the tip of the axis, the androphylls the middle part of this same axis or branch, near the base of which is found the non sexual leaves, which, being modified as a result of proximity to the sexual parts, have given rise to parts and to the whorls of the perianth. Only, in this primitive state, it must be acknowledged that there already is a certain difference between the plants that became monocotyledons and those that were dicotyledons; this difference is shown by the respective nature of the embryo, which shows that the monocotyledons had sheathed alternate leaves from early on, and the dicotyledons had opposing or decussate leaves but those which then quickly changed to a spiral pattern corresponding to the formula 25, while the leaves of the monocotyledons were soon subject to the formula 13— Thus there would have been, in the former, sometimes opposing or decussate leaves and sometimes alternate leaves arranged principally according to the formula 25; in the latter, sheathed leaves obeying the pattern expressed by the phyllotactic formula 13, when the coils or opposing pairs of sexual leaves, making up the floral axes of both, would have come closer, contracted, united in such a way so as to produce a flower— from there I believe the number 3 which dominates in monocotyledonous flowers and the number 5   while the number five is the most frequent it is not universal and the number 3 appears in the floral arrangements of certain types— or its multiples, 2 or its multiples which governs the parts of the flower in dicotyledons— this, I believe, is a very simple law and one which is very easy to confirm. This natural result follows, that the monocotyledons were simpler and less variable, less diversified, while, in them, the sexual apparatus became the flower; conversely the dicotyledons, at the same time, were already made up of several distinct types; some with opposing leaves, others with leaves arranged in spirals following various formulas— At last their sexual axes could include a proportional number more or less considerable of androphylls and carpophylls sometimes forming a single spiral row, sometimes a more or less considerable number of pairs or rows of spirals— From there the original variations seen in the structure of the floral system of the Dicotyledons— It is above all necessary to make the distinction that I pointed out long ago and that results from the position formerly occupied by the axis or sexual branch, when it gives rise to the flower: Depending on whether this floral branch had been terminal or just axillary. The contraction of a terminal sexual branch, that is, consisting of the total branch, is the origin of all flowers with multiple parts of which the flower of Magnolia is the most perfect example. But in a host of other cases the sexual branch only contains a small number of parts, situated near the summit of a branch and this summit alone is then transformed into a flower; or the sexual branch may well have been both weak, short

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and axillary and subsequently it only gave birth to isolated flowers, formed from a limited number of sexual parts. In my hypothesis the presence of secondary whorls, corolla and calyx is the easiest thing in the world to explain. If this hypothesis, which I believe approximates the truth, is adopted—it would be necessary to recognise that Angiosperms were originally monoecious having their sexual organs arranged side by side on the same branch, in a specific order, the carpophylls always above and the androphylls on the middle part of the axis. The sexes were separate, but on the same branch. In this primal state, even before the formation of the flower, certain angiosperms could have become dioecious, and certain floral arrangements that we may one day find could have appeared and quickly favoured certain prototypical groups. What I know of Secondary and infraliasic monocotyledons reveals to me a floral organisation already very complex and closer to that of the Cyclanthaceae than any other living group.24 On the other hand, Cordaitales, the floral organisation of which M. Renault of the museum has just examined, finding it already closer to the Gnetaceae and more perfect or at least more advanced than the Coniferae—25 In the Cordaitales, the sexes are separate, but there is a grouping of the stamens around a central space which already resembles the flower and in their structure, these organs are more similar to the male organ of angiosperms than the androphyll of conifers; this last being on the contrary linked to that which can be seen in the Cycadaceae— The angiosperms were thus monoecious and perhaps also in small part dioecious before the contraction of their sexual branches gave rise to the flower— This development of the flower, with the inevitable consequence of hermaphroditism, was soon corrected, and by the variability of arrangements that the flower gave rise to in producing it and perhaps also in providing insects, whose role was beginning to become important, a meeting place a kind of habitat and closed space by means of parts of the corolla, where they could comfortably remain, stay; I also believe that the production of nectar had to be favoured by this coming together of diverse sexual organs, the role of wind and its importance from the point of view of fertilisation surely must have been lessened. What is certain is that from the moment the flower was formed a new work of evolution appeared, this work is that by which in many plants, the group of floral parts, the branch or rather the branch bearing flowers, is transformed in turn to give rise to the inflorescence; another movement is that by which, at the same time as the flowers were clustering into an inflorescence, the regularisation or irregularisation was happening by welding reduction, abortion, development of their component parts— from there a return not only to variety, but to monoecism then dioecism; and through dimorphism, the inmost structure and the necessary intervention of insects, achievement of all the phenomena that you have described so well and whose importance and influence on the entire plant kingdom you recognised. I woud be happy if after having read this you were to give me your opinion on the principal points that I have just looked into. I am going to ask in Paris for communication on all the impressions in the Russian Permian which are linked from near or far to the leaf of which I told you this

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autumn—26 I am inclined to believe that this singular leaf was not a prototypical Dicotyledon but rather the expression of a lost branch, which would have been the most perfect and the highest in organisation of the Salisburia group, arrived at its apogee. I could not find in any living Dicotyledon a second example of a bilobed leaf like those of Ginkgo but with anastomosing veins and lobed margin—27 I attach a tracing of this noteworthy impression28 and remain your very devoted | Comte G. de Saporta If you have an opportunity to show the Permian leaf whose tracing I am sending to some able botanist who has seen a lot of plants, like Hooker, you ought to ask him if it would be possible to point out some reasonable comparison.29 DAR 177: 34 1 2

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For a transcription of the letter in its original French, see pp. 523–30. CD had been nominated six times since 1870 for membership of the zoological section of the Académie des sciences; he was elected to the botanical section in 1878 (Corsi and Weindling 1985, p. 699). For more on CD’s earlier unsuccessful nominations, see Correspondence vol. 18, letter from Armand de Quatrefages, 18 July 1870, and Correspondence vol. 20, letter from Armand de Quatrefages, 23 July 1872. Saporta’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Cross and self fertilisation (see Correspondence vol. 24, Appendix III). The French translation of the book was published in 1877 (Heckel trans. 1877). See Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Gaston de Saporta, 2 September 1876. Oswald Heer. See Saporta 1873, pp. 53–4. Solnhofen, in the region between Nuremberg and Munich, Germany, was the site of a limestone quarry where many late Jurassic fossils were very well preserved. Samuel Hubbard Scudder had written that the oldest fossil Lepidoptera were found in upper Eocene beds in Aix (Scudder 1875, p. 70). Diptera is the order of gnats, mosquitoes, and true flies; Hymenoptera is the order of ants, bees, and wasps; Lepidoptera is the order of butterflies and moths; Coleoptera is the order of beetles. The Lias is a set of rock strata of the early Jurassic epoch. The Rouen chalk (craie de Rouen) is a geological formation of the Cenomanian age in the late Cretaceous epoch. Gnetaceae is a family of tropical gymnosperms; only one genus is recognised within it, but it formerly contained other genera now placed in other families of the order Ephedrales. Corolliflorous flowers have petals united and stamens attached to the corolla; gamopetalous flowers have petals fused together at the base. Both terms were coined by Augustin Pyramus de Candolle in Théorie élémentaire de la botanique (A. P. de Candolle 1813). Compositae is a synonym of Asteraceae, the family of daisies, asters, and sunflowers. Leguminosae and Papilionaceae are synonyms of Fabaceae, the family of peas, beans, and legumes. Araucaria is a genus in the order Pinales (pines); Ginkgo is a genus in the order Ginkgoales. The present class Pinopsida (conifers) includes the order Pinales, but Ginkgoales is now placed within its own class Ginkgoopsida. Saporta had organised a conference on the ancient climates of Europe and the development of plants, at the Congrès de l’Association française pour l’avancement des sciences (Congress of the French Association for the Advancement of Sciences), held at Le Hâvre in August 1877. His published paper appeared in 1878 (Saporta 1878). Although a number of species of Hedera (ivy) are recognised, because they occur in non-overlapping geographical areas, they have sometimes been considered as varieties of a single species. Saporta referred to a fossil form, H. primordialis, in Saporta 1878, p. 34. Common or English ivy (Hedera helix) is dioecious, bearing male and female flowers on separate plants. Saporta referred to a fossil form, Aralia kowalewskiana, which he identified as related to Oreopanax, a genus of the family Araliaceae restricted to the Americas, in Saporta 1878, p. 34.

Translations 16

17

18

19 20 21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28 29

601

Myrica is the genus of myrtle or sweet gale in the family Myricaceae. Comptonia (sweet fern) is a monotypic genus of the same family, found in eastern North America; several fossil species have been described (see Saporta 1878, p. 51). Menispermum is the genus of moonseed vines; lime trees are in the genus Tilia; Malvaceae is the family of mallows; Heraclea is a genus of the family Asteraceae; Magnolia is a genus in the family Magnoliaceae; Nymphaea is the genus of waterlilies (see Saporta 1878, pp. 34, 57). Hymenaea (Hymenea is a misspelling) is a genus of the family Leguminosae; Caesalpinia is the genus of nicker and poinciana (see Saporta 1878, p. 34). Judas tree is the common name of Cercis siliquastrum, also a member of the Leguminosae. Ceratonia is a genus of the Leguminosae that includes the carob tree. Caesalpiniae was a former subfamily (now a tribe) of the Leguminosae; Laurineae is a suborder of the order Laurales. ‘Carpophyll’ usually refers to a modified leaf that produces a carpel (a division of a compound pistil or fruit). Saporta evidently uses the terms androphyll and carpophyll to refer to male and female parts of modified leaves and the non-standard term gynerie to refer to the structure that contains these parts. Reproductive organs in the Cycadaceae are characterised by leaf-like structures called megasporophylls in female plants and pollen cones on male plants; Coniferae (a former taxon roughly equal to the class Pinopsida) bear their male and female organs on separate cones; in angiosperms, reproductive organs are contained within flowers that can be either unisexual or bisexual. In female plants of Cycas (the only living genus in the family Cycadaceae), seeds are produced on the lower margins of the megasporophylls. In other cycad families, female organs are contained within cones. Cyclanthaceae is a neotropical family of monocotyledonous plants in the order Pandanales; small separately sexed flowers are clustered along a rodlike structure called a spadix and surrounded by spathes (petal-like structures). Bernard Renault, assistant naturalist at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle, published an account of the floral organs of the Cordaitales (an extinct order of plants now placed in the class Pinopsida) in ‘Structure comparée de quelques tiges de la flore carbonifère’ (Comparative structure of some stems of Carboniferous flora; Renault 1879, pp. 285–323). Saporta’s letter discussing the leaf has not been found, but see the letter to Gaston de Saporta, 11 October 1877. In Saporta 1878, pp. 871–2, Saporta discussed the identification of the leaf, found in Permian deposits in the Urals, referring to it as Dichoneuron hookeri. In a later account, Saporta identified a similar leaf as the earliest precursor to living Salisburia (a synonym of Ginkgo) and called it Salisburia primigenia; he noted that the former earliest specimen of a ginkgo-like species was from the Rhaetian age of the late Triassic period (Saporta 1882, p. 922). In L’évolution du règne végétal (Saporta and Marion 1885, 1: 145, 231), Saporta discussed and figured both S. primigenia and D. hookeri. Later researchers suggested both species were forms of Psygmophyllum sp. (see, for example, Zalessky 1937, p. 61). Ginkgo leaves have veins that fan out, sometimes splitting, but never anastomosing, that is, connecting veins to form a network. Dicotyledons are characterised by leaves with numerous auxillary veins that reticulate between major ones, creating a network. The tracing has not been found. CD evidently gave the tracing to Joseph Dalton Hooker (see letter to Gaston de Saporta, 24 December 1877).

APPENDIX II Chronology 1877

This appendix contains a transcription of Darwin’s ‘Journal’ for the year 1877. Darwin commenced his ‘Journal’ in August 1838 and continued to maintain it until December 1881. In this small notebook, measuring 3 inches by 4 12 inches, Darwin recorded the periods he was away from home, the progress and publication of his work, and important events in his family life. The version published by Sir Gavin de Beer as ‘Darwin’s Journal’ (de Beer ed. 1959) was edited before the original ‘Journal’ had been found and relied upon a transcription made by an unknown copyist. The original, now in the Darwin Archive in Cambridge University Library (DAR 158), reveals that the copyist did not clearly distinguish between the various types of entries it contains and that the transcription made was incomplete. From 1845 onward, Darwin recorded all that pertained to his work (including his illnesses, since these accounted for time lost from work) on the left-hand pages of the ‘Journal’, while the periods he was away from home, and family events, were noted on the right-hand pages. In order to show clearly Darwin’s deliberate separation of the types of entries he made in his ‘Journal’, the transcription has the left- and right-hand pages labelled. All alterations, interlineations, additions, and the use of a different ink or pencil have been noted. In addition, the editors have inserted additional information relevant to Darwin’s correspondence throughout this transcription of the ‘Journal’ for 1877. These interpolations are enclosed in square brackets to distinguish them from Darwin’s own entries, the source of the information being given in the footnotes.

[Left] 1877 All the early part of summer at work on “Different forms of Flowers” published (12501 copies) middle of July.2 From that time to end of year working on Bloom— Spontaneous movement of Plants & Heliotropism, & a little on Worms.3

Chronology

603

[Right] 1877 Jan. 6th to 15. Henrietta.4 [11 March. William Ewart Gladstone,5 Thomas Henry Huxley, John Lubbock, John Morley and Lyon Playfair called.6] April. 12th to 28th do. & Erasmus7 [19 May. Thomas Henry Huxley and Henrietta Anne Huxley visited.]8 [26 May. Thomas and Elizabeth Spring Rice, Victor Brooke, and William Henry and Georgiana Rosetta Flower visited.]9 [30 May. George John Romanes visited.]10 June 8 Leith Hill11 13th to Southampton,12 Stonehenge13 &c returned home July th 4 .— [ July. ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ published in Mind.]14 [10 July. Edward and Caroline Louisa Burgess visit.]15 Aug. 20th—25. Abinger,16 delightful.— [20 October. Norman Moore visited.]17 Oct 26—29th Erasmus Nov. 16—19th Cambridge L.L.D. Degree18 [24 November. Francis Galton visited.]19 [29 November. William Erasmus Darwin’s wedding.]20 1 2 3

4 5 6 7

8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

‘1250’ is written above ‘1000’, which appears to be deleted. Forms of flowers was published on 9 July 1877 (Freeman 1977). Francis Darwin published a paper on bloom in 1886 (F. Darwin 1886); CD’s work on movement and heliotropism in plants was published in Movement in plants (1880) and his work on worms in Earthworms (1881). CD’s daughter Henrietta Emma and her husband, Richard Buckley Litchfield, lived at 2 Bryanston Street, London. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Morley 1903, 2: 561–2. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242) states that they went to stay with Henrietta Emma Darwin at Bryanston Street on 20 April, and moved on to 6 Queen Anne Street, the home of CD’s brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin, on 24 April. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s brother, Josiah Wedgwood, and his wife, Caroline Sarah, who was CD’s sister, lived at Leith Hill Place, Surrey. CD’s eldest son, William Erasmus Darwin, lived at Bassett, Southampton. CD and members of his family visited Stonehenge on 19 June (memorandum by Horace Darwin, 19 June 1877, DAR 162: 71). Mind 2 (1877): 285–94. Caroline Louisa Burgess’s diary (private collection). Abinger Hall in Surrey was the home of Thomas Henry Farrer and Katherine Euphemia Farrer. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242).

604 18 19 20

Chronology

The degree of LLD was conferred on CD by the University of Cambridge on 17 November 1877. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242).

APPENDIX III Diplomas presented to Charles Darwin In 1877, Darwin received the following diplomas. Although not letters in the conventional sense, diplomas represent significant communication between Darwin and scientific organisations, and the citations in such diplomas often provide valuable indications of those aspects of Darwin’s work that were considered worthy of honour. In view of this, they have been included here. From the Siebenbürgische Verein für Naturwissenschaften 21 February 1877 Der Siebenbürgische Verein für Naturwissenschaften zu Hermannstadt ernennt hierdurch Mr. Charles Darwin Esq. Down. Beckenham, Kent England zu seinem Ehren-Mitgliede Hermannstadt am 21ten. Februar 1877. Der Vorstand E. Albert Bielz

Der Sekretär Martin Schuster

[Translation] The Transylvanian Society for Natural Sciences of Sibiu hereby appoints Mr. Charles Darwin Esq. Down. Beckenham, Kent England

Diplomas

606

to be an honorary member Sibiu 21st. February 1877. Chairman E. Albert Bielz

Secretary Martin Schuster

DAR 229: 48

From the Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte 1 March 1877 Berliner Anthropologische Gesellschaft. Die Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte Gegründet 1869 bekundet hierdurch dass sie in ihrer Sitzung vom 10. Februar 1877. Sir Charles Darwin. zum correspondirenden Mitgliede erwählt hat. BERLIN, den 1ten März 1877. Vorsitzender Stellvertreter Schriftführer Schatzmeister Rud. Virchow A Bastian Rob. Hartmann. Wilh Ritter A. Voss Max Kuhn. [Translation] Berlin Anthropological Society. The Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology and Prehistory Founded 1869 declares hereby that in its meeting of 10. February 1877. Sir Charles Darwin. was elected as a corresponding member. BERLIN, 1st March 1877. Chairman Deputy Secretaries Treasurer Rud. Virchow A Bastian Rob. Hartmann. Wilh Ritter A. Voss Max Kuhn. DAR 229: 49

Diplomas

607

From the Zeeuwsch Genootschap der Wetenschappen te Middelburg 4 April 1877 Zeeuwsch Genootschap der Wetenschappen te Middelburg. non sordent in undis1 Diploma voor den heer Dr. Ch. Darwin bij besluit der vergadering van 4 April 1877 benoemd tot lid van het genootschap. het uitvoerend bestuur, Ad. A. Fokker Voorzitter. G. N. de Stoppelaar Secretaris. [Translation] Zeeland Scientific Society at Middelburg. non sordent in undis Diploma for Dr. Ch. Darwin by decision of the meeting on 4 April 1877 appointed a member of the society. Executive committee Ad. A. Fokker President. G. N. de Stoppelaar Secretary. DAR 229: 50 1

They are not sullied in the waves (Latin).

From the Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa 4 June 1877 Por mares nunca d’antes navegados1 A Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa elege Socio Correspondente O Exmo Snr. Charles Darwin. Lisboa, en Sessão, 4 de junho de 1877. O Presidente J V. Barbosa du Bocage

Diplomas

608 O 1o. Secretario L Cordeiro

O 2o. Secretario R. A. Pequito

O Thesoureiro H. de Barro Gomes [Translation] Through uncharted seas The Geographical Society of Lisbon elects as Corresponding member the most excellent Mr. Charles Darwin. Lisbon, at a meeting, 4 June 1877. President J V. Barbosa du Bocage 1st. Secretary 2nd. Secretary L Cordeiro R. A. Pequito Treasurer H. de Barro Gomes DAR 229: 53 1

Luiz Vaz de CamÕes, O Lusiado I, 3.

From the Sociedad Científica Argentina 25 August 1877 La Sociedad Científica Argentina Fundada el 28 de Febrero de 1872 é instalada el 28 de Julio del mismo año, con el objeto de promover el adelanto de las Ciencias Fisico-Matematicas y Naturales ha nombrado socio honorario al Señor Doctor Cárlos Darwin Buenos Aires, 25 de Agosto de 1877. Guillermo White Estanislao S. Zeballos Presidente Secretario L B Trant Tesorero [Translation] The Argentine Scientific Society Founded on 28 February 1872 and incorporated on 28 July of the same year,

Diplomas

609

with the object of promoting the advancement of the Physical-Mathematical and Natural Sciences has appointed Doctor Charles Darwin an honorary member Buenos Aires, 25 August 1877. Guillermo White Estanislao S. Zeballos President Secretary L B Trant Treasurer DAR 229: 54

From the California State Geological Society 2 October 1877 California State Geological Society. This Certifies, that Charles Darwin has been elected a Corresponding Member of the California State Geological Society. Date of Election: October 2d. 1877. S Heydenfeldt Jr Henry G. Hanks. Secretary. President. DAR 229: 56

APPENDIX IV Presentation lists for Orchids 2d ed. and Forms of flowers The second edition of Darwin’s The various contrivances by which British and foreign orchids are fertilised by insects, and the good effects of intercrossing (Orchids) was published in January 1877 (Publishers’ Circular, 1 February 1877, p. 93). The first edition had been published in 1862; it was popular with botanists, but sold slowly (Freeman 1977). The text of the second edition was considerably altered, and incorporated a paper published by Darwin in Annals and Magazine of Natural History in 1869 (‘Fertilization of orchids’). The material in this paper also appeared in the French translation of Orchids (Rérolle trans. 1870). Darwin had worked on the second edition from May 1876, in the intervals of his work on Cross and self fertilisation; he described it as ‘much labour’ (Correspondence vol. 24, Appendix II). His work involved new observations (ibid., letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 3 August 1876), and new references, and Darwin wrote to Asa Gray, ‘I have had to cut up the book immensely’ (ibid., letter to Asa Gray, 9 August 1876). The manuscript and corrected text were sent to the printers in early October (ibid., letter to William Clowes & Sons, 7 October [1876]). Francis Darwin, recovering from the death of his wife, Amy, helped to correct the proofs (ibid., letter to Francis Darwin, 8 October [1876]). The book was stereotyped for the US edition, published by Appleton, immediately (ibid., letter to R. F. Cooke, 16 September 1876); Darwin had sent Asa Gray proof-sheets so that he could write an early review (ibid., letter to Asa Gray, 27 November 1876). The different forms of flowers on plants of the same species (Forms of flowers) was published on 9 July 1877 (Freeman 1977). Much of the book was taken up by updated versions of Darwin’s earlier published papers on heterostyly, namely, ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’, ‘Two forms in species of Linum’, ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’, ‘Illegitimate offspring of dimorphic and trimorphic plants’, and ‘Specific difference in Primula’. Darwin started work on the book in November 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24, Appendix II), and sent the manuscript to Murray on 11 April 1877 (letter to R. F. Cooke, 11 April 1877). Publication was delayed by lack of paper and the need to make stereotype plates for Appleton (letter from R. F. Cooke, 29 June 1877). Asa Gray, to whom the book was dedicated, wrote a review of it in the American Journal of Science and Arts ([A. Gray] 1878a). In the transcription of the presentation list for Orchids 2d ed. the symbol ‘✓’ denotes a red crayon tick; the symbol ‘✗’ denotes a red crayon tick crossed through in black ink. In the presentation list for Forms of flowers, ‘✓’ at the left-hand side of the list denotes a tick in blue crayon, and on the right-hand side, a tick in pencil.

Presentation lists

611

Orchis Book (Second Edit) Sheets (1) Asa Gray promised (sent w sheets)1 ——— (2) ✗T. F. Cheeseman, New Zealand Institute. Wellington NZ ——— (3) ✗R. D. Fitzgerald. Surveyor, General Office. Sydney (Promised) ——— (4) ✗Scott—2 (5) ✗F. Müller— (6) ✗H. Müller. (7) ✗Hildebrand3 (8) Delpino4✗ (9) ✗Herr. W. Breitenbach, Lippstadt (promised) Wallace Rose Hill5 (10) ✗Weismann6 (11) ✓Victor Carus7 ✗ —Haeckel8 Hooker9 & Dyer10 & Bennett11 George—12 William13 & (11 Frank14 & Etty—15 (1216) Self DAR 210.11: 20

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

Followed by ‘Dr Ogle (?)’, deleted. John Scott (1836–80). Friedrich Hildebrand. Federico Delpino. Alfred Russel Wallace lived at Rose Hill, Dorking, Surrey. ‘Wallace’, pencil; ‘Rose Hill’, ink over pencil. August Weismann. ‘Victor Carus’, pencil. Ernst Haeckel. Joseph Dalton Hooker. William Turner Thiselton-Dyer. Alfred William Bennett; followed by ‘T. H. Farrer’, deleted. George Howard Darwin; after ‘(11)’ deleted. William Erasmus Darwin; after ‘(12)’ deleted. Francis Darwin; ‘11’ over ‘12’. Henrietta Emma Litchfield Over ‘13’.

Forms of Flowers1 [Taken] P. O. Directory ✓ G. H. Thwaites Esq R. Gardens Peradenia, Ceylon. ✓ ✓Dr Kuhn2 Louisenstrasse 67 Berlin ✓

612

Presentation lists

✓ Prof Ascherson.3 Friedrichstrasse do. ✓ ✓ Dr H. Müller Lippstadtt ✓ Dr. Fritz Müller, Bluemenau, Itajahy St. Catharina S. Brazil ✓ ✓ Prof Hildebrand4 Freiburg, Baden ✓ ✓Prof Delpino5 Genoa Italy ✓ ✓M. Duval-Jouve6 Auguste-[Beaufrenet] I. Montpellier ✓ ✓ Profr Ch. Martins — do ✓ Prof. E. Heckel Nancy ✓ ✓M A. DeCandolle,7 Geneva ✗ ✓Profr Harting,8 Utrecht Holland ✓ ✓Roland Trimen Esq Government Offices, C. of G. Hope ✓ M. Alglave (See Back)9 ✓ M. Reinwald10 Rue des Saints Pères, Paris ✓ ✓Th. Meehan Esqre Editor of Gardeners’ Monthly Philadelphia.11 U.S ✓Profr Asa Gray Cambridge. U.S. ✓ ✓Profr Häckel12 Jena, Saxe Weimar ✓ ✓Prof. Wiesner13 Vienna✓ 1914 ✓ Prof. Morren,15 Liege Belgium ✓ ✓ Prof. Batalin16 St Petersburg ✓ Prof. Sars17 Christiania ✓ ✓ Prof. Sachs.18 Wurzburg ✓ ✓ John Scott Esq19 R. Botanic Garden Calcutta. ✓ Prof. Kerner20 Innsbruck, Austria (sheets)21 ✓ M. Prof Planchon,22 Montpellier ✓ ✓ S Bot. Soc. de France Paris ✓ Prof. Nägeli,23 Munich Dessau Sheets24 ✓ Prof. Strasburger Jena25 ✓ Prof. Oswald Heer, Zurich ✓ ✓ Prof. Cohn,26 Breslau, Germany ✓ ✓ Prof. Bessey,27 Iowa Agricultural Coll: Ames. Iowa U.S.✓ ✓ Prof H Hoffmann Giessen—28 ✓ ✓ S M. Mer. Bot. Soc de France Paris29 19 20 16 —— 5530 55 [illeg] 3431

Presentation lists

613

I forgot to keep list but I remember following names Royal & Linn. Soc. Hooker— Dyer— Oliver32 Bentham,— Bennett— Erasmus, Canestrini Huxley— Farrer33 Gaudry Saporta �

Fren Edit34

DAR 210.11: 27 and 34 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34

Pencil, on back of sheet folded as cover. Max Kuhn. Paul Ascherson. ‘Prof ’ over ‘Dr’. Friedrich Hildebrand. Federico Delpino. Joseph Duval-Jouve. Alphonse de Candolle. Pieter Harting. ‘(See Back)’, pencil above ‘17 Rue de l’Ecole de Medicine Paris’, deleted in pencil. The incomplete letter from Émile Alglave, 21 June 1877, was formerly pinned to the back of the sheet, evidently to provide the address. The incomplete letter from Charles-Ferdinand Reinwald, [May 1867] (Correspondence vol. 15), containing his address, was formerly pinned to the back of the sheet. ‘Philadelphia’ after ‘Journal’ deleted. Ernst Haeckel. Julius Wiesner. ‘19’, pencil. This is at the bottom of DAR 210.11: 34; the list is continued on DAR 210.11: 27. Édouard Morren; ‘Morren’ after ‘E.’, deleted. Alexander Feodorowicz Batalin. Michael Sars. Julius von Sachs; the entry is deleted and stetted in pencil. John Scott (1836–80). Anton Kerner von Marilaun. ‘(sheets)’ added in pencil after ‘— Victor Carus Leipzig’, deleted in pencil. Jules Émile Planchon; ‘Prof ’ added above ‘M.’. Carl Wilhelm von Nägeli. ‘Dessau’ after ‘Dr O. Zacharias’, deleted in pencil; ‘Sheets’ added in pencil. Eduard Strasburger. This line is above ‘Self, George, William, Frank, Leonard, Horace’, bracketed and deleted in pencil. Ferdinand Julius Cohn. Charles Edwin Bessey. Ink over pencil. This line is above ‘Dr A. Dodel Port The University, Zurich’, deleted in pencil and ink; ‘The University’ is above ‘The Universit’, added and deleted in ink. ‘S M. Mer.’, ink over pencil; ‘S’ after ‘L’, deleted; ‘Bot. Soc de France Paris’ in pencil. Émile Mer contributed articles to the Bulletin de la Société botanique de France. The calculation is in pencil. In pencil; the illegible text has been erased. Joseph Dalton Hooker, William Turner Thiselton-Dyer, Daniel Oliver. George Bentham, Alfred William Bennett, Erasmus Alvey Darwin, Giovanni Canestrini, Thomas Henry Huxley, Thomas Henry Farrer. Albert Gaudry; Gaston de Saporta. This text is in red crayon. The French translation of Forms of flowers is Heckel trans. 1878.

APPENDIX V The German and Dutch photograph albums In October 1876, Darwin was informed by the science journalist Otto Zacharias that ‘an artistically designed album’ containing photographs of ‘the followers of the theory of evolution’ in Germany was being prepared for his birthday the following year (Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Otto Zacharias, 2 October 1876). The album, now at Down House (English Heritage, EH 88202652) was sent in February 1877 by the civil servant Emil Rade, and contained 165 portraits of German and Austrian scientists (see letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877). The work was lavishly produced and bound in velvet with metal embossing. Its ornate frontispiece was designed by the painter Arthur Fitger and dedicated: ‘Dem Reformator der Naturgeschichte Charles Darwin’ (to the reformer of natural history Charles Darwin). Most of the people in the album were faculty members of German and Austrian universities. They were arranged by institution and professional rank, with professors in larger portraits at the centre or the top of the page. Ernst Haeckel was given special prominence, with a full-page portrait at the front of the album. He also appeared at the centre of a group photograph of zoology students at Jena. Haeckel was evidently not satisfied, however, for he wrote to Darwin on 9 February 1877: ‘what will perhaps astonish you is that the number of contributors is not larger and the production is not more splendid’. Darwin received another photo album in February 1877 (EH 88202653; see letter from A. A. van Bemmelen and H. J. Veth, 6 February 1877). This was from his scientific admirers in the Netherlands. The Dutch album had been proposed by Hermanus Hartogh Heijs van Zouteveen, the translator of Descent and Expression, together with Christiaan Karel Hoffmann and Pieter Harting, professors of zoology and comparative anatomy at Leiden and Utrecht universities respectively. The council of the Nederlandsche Dierkundige Vereeniging (Dutch Zoological Society) was chosen to co-ordinate the initiative, and a letter was circulated to potential contributors (Heide 2009, pp. 114–15). The Dutch album was sent to Darwin by the president and secretary of the society, Adriaan Anthoni van Bemmelen and Huibert Johannes Veth. It was luxuriously bound in red velvet with silver embossing. The contributors were apothecaries, merchants, high-school teachers, and artists, as well as scientific and medical professionals. The album was arranged in alphabetical order, and the photographs were all equal in size, being small cartes de visite, displayed four to a page. Accompanying the album was a handwritten list of all the persons included, with their professional title or occupation.

Zoology students at the University of Jena, with Ernst Haeckel in the centre (EH 88202652). From the collections of Down House, English Heritage, by kind permission. Photograph by Cambridge University Library.

616

The German and Dutch photograph albums

It appears that the Germans and Dutch miscalculated Darwin’s age. The Dutch album and the letter from Emil Rade both refer to Darwin’s 69th birthday, and it is likely that the albums were intended to commemorate the beginning of his 70th year. Darwin was in fact 68 on 12 February 1877. The German album has been reproduced elsewhere, along with biographical details of the people in it (Gries 2006). We have decided not to repeat this information here. The Dutch album is comparatively little known, however, and so the alphabetical list of persons and occupations has been transcribed in full. Some of the individuals are among Darwin’s correspondents or have appeared in previous volumes, in which case their details may be found in the biographical register to this volume. 1. Th. H. A. J. Abeleven.

Apothecary and Secretary to the Dutch Botanical Society.—Nymegen. r 2. M. W. Albarda. President of the Dutch Entomological Society. — Ginneken. 3. H. J. Kok Ankersmit Botanist.— Apeldoorn. Professor of Zoology and Comparative 4. Dr. H. J. van Ankum. Anatomy at Groningen University. 5. J. G. Arnold. Apothecary.— Broek-in-Waterland. 6. P. van Asperen. Apothecary.— Velp. 7. Elize Baart. Dramatist.— Middelburgh. 8. K. Baart. Manufacturer.— idem. Professor of Physics at Utrecht University 9. Dr. C. H. D. Buys Ballot. and Chief-Director of the Royal Meteorological Institution at Utrecht. r Med. et art. obst. doct.— Deventer. 10. D. J. R. van Beemen. 11. Jonkhr. Mr C. L. van Beyma Burgomaster of Lemsterland, School Thoe Kingma Inspector, President of the Friesland Agricultural Society. 12. A. A. van Bemmelen. Director of the Rotterdam Zoological Gardens, President of the Netherland Zoological Society. Professor of Chemistry at Leijden 13. Dr. J. M. van Bemmelen. University. 14. H. Berail. —. St. Michiels-gestel. Med. Chir. et art. obst. doct.— The Hague. 15. Dr. H. J. Betz. 16. Adolf Blomhert. Publisher.— Nymegen. 17. H. A. J. Valkema Blouw (Dr.) Phil. nat. doct., Lecturer at the Deventer High Burghal School. 18. I. H. Boeke. Baptist-clergyman.— Hengeloo.

The German and Dutch photograph albums 19. Dr. F. de Boer. 20. Dr. P. de Boer. 21. P. A. den Boer. 22. Dr. J. G. Boerlage. 23. W. Boers. 24. F. Bohn 25 G. C. W. Bohnensieg. 26. P. H. Bon. 27. N. J. de Bont. 28. Dr. J. A. Boogaard. 29. J. Borghstyn. 30. B. J. A. Kallenberg van den Bosch. 31. Dr. J. Bosscha. 32. A. J. de Bosson. 33. Mr. A. Brants. 34. B. C. Breenan. 35. P. Brouwer R.zn. 36. G. B. Bruinsma. 37. Dr Vitus Bruinsma. 38. A. Lobry de Bruyn. 39. Th. E. Buckmann. 40. P. G. Buekers. (Dr.). 41. Dr. E. A. van der Burg. 42. P. van der Burg.

Lecturer in Mathematics and Cosmography at the Deventer High Burghal School. Professor of Botany at Groningen University. Agriculturist.— Barendrecht. Lecturer at the Teachers’ College.—. Amsterdam. Lieutenant-Colonel.— The Hague. Publisher, Haarlem. Military Apothecary 1st class .—. Haarlem. Lecturer on Natural History.—. Amsterdam Pisciculturist at the Amsterdam Royal Zoological Gardens “Natura Artis Magistra”. Professor of Pathological Anatomy at Leyden University. Technologist.— Zierikzee. Bailiff to H.R.H. Prince Frederick of the Netherlands.— Breda. Professor of Physics at the Delft Royal Polytechnic Institution.—. The Hague. Apothecary.— Dordrecht. Fellow of the Dutch Entomological Society.— Arnhem. Lecturer on the English Language and Literature at the Municipal Middle School.— The Hague. Lecturer at the Deventer High Burghal School. Physician.— Arum. Lecturer at the Leeuwarden Burghal High School for Ladies. Phil. nat. stud.— Leijden. Lecturer in Mathematics at the Hague High Burghal School. Phil. nat. doct., Lecturer at the Enkhuizen High Burghal School. Lecturer at the Leeuwarden High Burghal School. .—. Nymegen.

617

Title page of German and Austrian album, designed by Arthur Fitger (EH 88202652). From the collections of Down House, English Heritage, by kind permission. Photograph by Cambridge University Library.

Title page of Dutch album (EH 88202653). From the collections of Down House, English Heritage, by kind permission. Photograph by Cambridge University Library.

620

The German and Dutch photograph albums

43. Dr. C. P. Burger. 44. H. Burger C. P.zn. 45. C. Butgault. 46. Dr. D. Cahen 47. Dr F. van Calker. 48. Dr H. van Cappelle. 49. H. van Cappelle jun. 50. J. J. Casimier 51. J. Th. Cattie 52. C. J. Cornelis. 53. Dr. J. C. Costerus. 54. E.W. Cramerus. 55. Dr. H. C. Dibbits 56. Dr. Z. Th. Diehl. 57. H. J. Dirksen 58. Dr. E. D. C. van Dissel. 59. Dr. F. C. Donders. 60. Dr. G. J. Dozy. 61. Dr. F. J. Dupont. 62. A. W. van Eeghen. 63. Dr. L. J. Egeling. 64. J. T. Eykman. 65. Dr. Th. W. Engelmann.

Professor, Director of the Leeuwarden High Burghal School. Phil. nat. stud.—. Leijden. Retired Colonel.— Maastricht. Physician.— Assen. Sub-Director and Lecturer at the Arnhem High Burghal School. Inspector of Lunatic Asylums.—. The Hague. Phil. nat. stud.— Leijden. Assistant-lecturer.— Almelo. Phil. nat. cand., Lecturer on Natural History at the Arnhem High Burghal School. Surgeon.— Rotterdam. Phil. nat. doct., Lecturer on Natural History at the Amsterdam High Burghal School and at the Public Commercial School. President of the Amsterdam Royal Zoological Gardens “Natura Artis Magistra”. Professor of Chemistry at Utrecht University. Lecturer at the Goes High Burghal School. Lecturer at the Hague High Burghal School. Physician.— Lochem. Professor of Physiology at Utrecht University. Lecturer in History and Geology.— Deventer. Med. Chir. et art. obst. doct.—. Rotterdam. Treasurer to the Amsterdam Royal Zoological Society “Natura Artis Magistra”. Government Medical Inspector for the Province of South-Holland.—. The Hague. Apothecary, Director of the Chemical Laboratory.— Yokohama (Japan). Professor of Medicine at Utrecht University.

The German and Dutch photograph albums 66. A. Engelvaart 67. G. H. Eshuys. 68. Dr. Eduard Everts 69. Dr. J. C. G. Evers. 70. P. Feenstra 71. H. van Gelder. 72. A. van Geuns 73. Dr. Jb. van Geuns. 74. H. de Geus 75. Dr. M. Gewin. 76. M. Ghysen 77. Dr. Groneman 78. H.J. M. Groneman. 79. D. Grothe 80. F. Günst. 81. Dr. A. A. G. Guye. 82. R. E. de Haan. 83. P. J. Haaxman. 84. A. Haeger. 85. Dr. P. Harting 86. Paul Harting 87. H. A. Hartogh Heys. 88. Dr. H. Hartogh Heys van Zouteveen. 89. D. R. Hausholt. 90. Dr. H. Herz. 91. H. Heukels. 92. F. J. M. Heylaerts jun. 93. Dr. J. M. Hiebendaal.

Retired Lieutenant General, ex-Minister of War.— Amsterdam. Apothecary.— Rotterdam. Lecturer on Natural History at the Hague High Burghal School. Ex-Professor of Clinics at Leyden University.—The Hague. Clerk.— Witmarsum. Military Apothecary.— Leeuwarden A. Director of the Amsterdam Royal Zoological Society “Natura Artis Magistra”. Physician.— Amsterdam. Private Teacher.— idem. Physician.— Delden. Merchant.— Middelburgh. Physician.— Djokdjokarta (Java). Lecturer at the Groningen High Burghal School. Professor at the Delft Polytechnical School. Literator.— Amsterdam Physician.— idem. Director of the Winterswijk High Burghal School. Apothecary.— Rotterdam. Literator.— Arnhem. Professor of Zoology and Comparative Anatomy at Utrecht University. Phil. nat. doct., Lecturer at the Dordrecht High Burghal School. Technologist.— Assen. Jur. utr. doct., Math. mag. philos. nat.— Assen. Agriculturalist.— Meeden. Professor of Clinics and internal Pathology at the Amsterdam “Athenaeum Illustre.” Lecturer at the Deventer High Burghal School. Surgeon.— Breda. Lecturer on Chemistry and Natural History at the Gorcum High Burghal School.

621

Page of German and Austrian album, showing professors and lecturers at the University of Berlin (EH 88202652). From the collections of Down House, English Heritage, by kind permission. Photograph by Cambridge University Library.

Page of Dutch album (EH 88202653), showing J. G. Arnold (apothecary), P. van Asperen (apothecary), Elize Baart (dramatist), K. Baart (manufacturer). The photographs had been removed from the album and have been digitally re-inserted. From the collections of Down House, English Heritage, by kind permission. Photograph by Cambridge University Library.

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The German and Dutch photograph albums

94. Dr. P. P. C. Hoek. 95. J. van der Hoeven. 96. W. J. Hofdyk. 97. Dr. C. K. Hoffmann. 98. Dr J. J. Hoffmann. 99. Dr. S. Hoogewerff. 100. Dr. R. Horst. 101. F. J. J. Slingsby van Hoven. 102. Dr S. P. Huizinga. 103. Dr. J. H. H. Hülsmann. 104. Dr. W. H. Itzerda. 105. G. Janse. 106. H. F. Jonkman. 107. Dr. V. A. Julius. 108. J. A. Jurriaanse. 109. Dr. Y. Keyzer. 110. C. Kerbert C.zn. 111. Dr. C. Kerbert. 112. L. C. van Kerkwyk. 113. J. Kinker 114. H. C. J. Knythe. 115. G. Kniphorst. 116. W. Knoops. 117. A. M. Kollewyn N.zn.

Assistant at the Zootomical Laboratory of Leyden University. Bookseller.— Rotterdam. Literator.— Amsterdam. Professor of Zoology and Comparative Anatomy at Leijden University. Titulary Professor of the Chinese Language.— Leijden. Lecturer on Chemistry at the Rotterdam High Burghal School. Assistant at the Zootomical Laboratory of Utrecht University and Conservator of the Museum of Natural History. .—. Vught. Lecturer at the Leeuwarden High Burghal School. Director of the Tilburg High Burghal School. Member of the 2nd Chamber of Representatives.— Akkrum. Conservator of the Amsterdam Royal Zoological Society “Natura Artis Magistra”. Botanical Assistant at the Utrecht University. Lecturer on Physics at the Roermond High Burghal School Architectural Inspector and Member of the Colonial Chambers at Paramaribo. Physician.— Middelburgh. Phil. nat. stud. Leyden. Physician.— Amsterdam. Lieutenant Colonel of the Royal Engineers.—The Hague. Fellow of the Dutch Entomological Society.—Amsterdam. Agriculturist.— Koevorden. Phil. nat. cand.— Stadskanaal. Conservator of the Arnhem Museum. Lecturer at the Amersfoort High Burghal School.

The German and Dutch photograph albums 118. A. Kollins. 119. B. P. Korteweg. 120. Dr. W. Koster. 121. Dr. H. P. J. Stenfert Kroese. 122. P. Leendertz. 123. Jonkhr. P. H. Baron Lewe van Middelstum. 124. M. Volkryk Liebert. 125. Fr. Lieftinck. 126. R. R. Lit. 127. J. W. Lodeesen. 128. J. Lorié. 129. S. Lulofs. 130 J. Luyten. 131. Douairière Rethaan Macaré. 132. R. T. Maitland. 133. Dr. J. C. de Man. 134. Dr. J. G. de Man. 135. J. G. Matthes 136. Dr. J. Kamminga van der Meer. 137. Dr. R. A. Mees. 138. H. A. J. Meyer. 139. J. F. A. Mellink. 140. K. H. Mertens. 141. J. Metman W.zn. 142. F. van der Meulen.

Telegrafist.— Leijden. Ex-lecturer at the Breda Military College. Professor of Amsterdam at Utrecht University. Lecturer at the Arnhem High Burghal School for ladies and Gymnasium.— Arnhem. .—. Nymegen. Fellow of the Dutch Entomological Society.—. Beek. .—. Middelburgh. Clerk.— Kimswerd (Friesland). Director of the Amsterdam Burghal Day and Evening School. Treasurer to the Dutch Entomological Society.— Amsterdam. Phil. nat. cand.— Utrecht. Clerk.— Winterswyk. Teacher.— Nieuwendam. .—. Utrecht. Director of the Hague Royal Zoological Botanical Gardens. Physician and Conservator of the Zealand Scientific Institution.—. Middelburgh. Conservator of the Royal Museum of Natural History.—. Leyden. A Director of the Amsterdam Royal Zoological Gardens “Natura Artis Magistra”. Lecturer on Chemistry at the Zaandam High Burghal School. Professor of Physics at Groningen University. Phil. nat. doct., Lecturer at the Assen High Burghal School. Phil. nat. stud.— Leijden. Stud.— Leijden. Apothecary.— Alkmaar. Physician.— Barendrecht.

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143. Dr. J. E. van der Meulen. 144. Dr A. Meursinghe H. zn. 145. P. Schenkenberg van Mierop. 146 H. L. Molenaar. 147 Dr. J. W. Moll. 148 Dr J. Th. Mouton. 149. D. van Haren Noman. 150. J. Oosting. 151. Dr. J. A. C. Oudemans. 152. J. Persant Snoep. 153. Mr. M. C. Piepers. 154. Dr. E. D. Pijzel. 155. Dr. L. Posthumus. 156. Dr N. W. P. Rauwenhoff. 157. J. van Rees. 158. Mr. J. Reynvaan. 159. Dr. A. D. van Riemsdijk. 160. G. J. van Rysoort van Meurs. 161. A. J. Riko. 162. Dr. A. H. van Ringh. 163. Dr. O. J. Risfelada. 164. Dr. Roessingh. 165. Dr. J. E. Rombouts. 166. S. E. W. Roorda van Eysinga. 167. J. H. L. A. Ziegenhirt von Rosenthal.

Assistant in Chirurgical Clinics at Utrecht University. Assistant Governemental Medical Inspector for the Provinces of Friesland and Groningen. Civil Engineer.— Dordrecht. Merchant.— Harlingen. Lecturer at the Utrecht High Burghal School. Dr. phil. nat. et pharmac.— The Hague. Phil. nat. cand.— Leijden. Lecturer on the German Language and literature at the Deventer High Burghal School. Professor of Astronomy at Utrecht University. Physician.— Wolfaartsdijk. Member of the Indian Bar, Fellow of the Dutch Entomological Society.— Java. Lecturer at the Amersfoort High Burghal School. Lecturer on Chemistry at the Dordrecht High Burghal School. Professor of Botany at Utrecht University. Phil. nat. cand.— Utrecht. .—. Zutphen. .—. Utrecht. Publisher.— Amsterdam. Home Office.— The Hague. Physician.— Pingjum. Lecturer at the Almelo High Burghal School. Physician.— Deventer. Lecturer in Natural Sciences at the Haarlem High Burghal School. Civil Engineer.— Rolle (Lake of Geneva). Civil Engineer, Lecturer at the ZaltBommel High Burghal School.

The German and Dutch photograph albums 168. Dr. Jac. Joh. Le Roy. 169. R. H. Saltet. 170. Dr. J. van der Scheer A. zn. 171. M. M. Schepman 172. W. A. Ivangh Schepman. 173. Dr. S. R. J. van Scheviehaven. 174. J. F. Schill. 175. G. B. Schmidt jun. 176. Dr. W. K. J. Schoor. 177. Dr. H. J. Menalda van Schouwenburg. 178. Dr. H. M. Scrinerius. 179. Mr. C. J. Sickerz. 180. Dr. J. Sirks. 181. Ph. W. van der Sleyden. 182. Joh. F. Snelleman. 183. P. C. T. Snellen. 184. Dr. H. van de Stadt. 185. Dr. W. C. H. Staring. 186. P. G. Steensma. 187. Dr. B. J. Stokvis 188. Mr. W. J. Swaving. 189. A. A. H. Sweys. 190. K. N. Swierstra 191. Dr. B. J. Tideman. 192. J. P. Trap.

Lecturer on Natural History and Physics.— Deventer. Phil. nat. et med. cand.—. Leijden. Med. Chir. et art. obst. doct. .— Assen. Treasurer to the Netherland Zoological Society.— Rhoon. Fellow of the Netherland Zoological Society.—Rhoon. Lecturer at the Amsterdam Gymnasium. Phil. nat. stud.—. Leijden. Apothecary.— Leeuwarden. Lecturer on Natural History and Chemistry.— Zierikzee. Director of the Amersfoort High Burghal School. Med. et art. obst. doct.— Witmarsum. Burgomaster of Laren.— Lochem. Director of the Deventer High Burghal School. Civil Engineer.—. Arnhem. Zoologist to the Sumatra Explorations. Fellow of the Dutch Entomological and Zoological Society.— Rotterdam. Director of the Haarlem High Burghal School. Ex-inspector of the Middle Schools.— Lochem. Apothecary.— Breda. Professor of Medicine at the Amsterdam “Athenaeum Illustre”. .—. Zutphen. A Director of the Amsterdam Royal Zoological Society “Natura Artis Magistra”. Conservator of the Amsterdam Royal Zoological Society “Natura Artis Mag.” Math. Mag. et Phil. nat. doct., Chief Naval Architect of the Dutch Royal Navy. Lithographist.— Leijden.

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193. K. van Tuynen H. zn.

Lecturer at the Zwolle High Burghal School. 194. H. Uyen. Manufacturer.— Nymegen. 195. S. Draisma van Valkenburg. idem.— Leeuwarden. 196. D. Veen K. zn. Apothecary.— Zwolle. 197. Anna van der Velde. .—. Rotterdam. 198. S. W. van der Velde Merchant.— idem. 199. H. J. Veth. Phil. nat. doct., Lecturer on Natural History at the Rotterdam High Burghal School, Secretary to the Netherland Zoological Society. Professor, President of the Dutch 200. Dr. P. J. Veth. Geographical Society. 201. W. J. van Vlissingen. Lecturer on Modern Language at the Enkhuyzen High Burghal School. 202. G. W. van der Voo. Teacher.— Rotterdam. 203. G. C. J. Vosmaer Phil. nat. stud.— Leijden. 204. G. Haimand Wal. Apothecary.— Franeker. 205. J. A. van Walsem. Clerk.— Vught. 206. J. van Waning Bolt. Clerk.— Krommendijk. 207. A. W. P. Weitzel. Major General, ex-Minister of War. 208. A. Wertheim. A Director of the Amsterdam Royal Zoological Gardens “Natura Artis Mag.” Director of the Amsterdam Royal 209. Dr. G. F. Westerman. Zoological Gardens “Natura Artis Magistra”. 210. H. L. Gerth van Wyck. Lecturer on Natural History.— Middelburgh. Math. magist. phil. nat. doct., Physician, 211. Dr T. C. Winkler Conservator of the mineralogical, geological and palaeontological collections in “Teyler’s Foundation” at Haarlem. 212. L. C. Dudok de Wit. .—. Amsterdam. 213. J. Noordhoek Hegt. Assistant Director of the Amsterdam Royal Zoological Gardens “Natura Artis Mag.” 214. H. Witte. Horticulturist of the Leijden University’s Royal Botanical Gardens. 215. H. C. de Wolff. Insurer, Fellow of the Netherland Zoological Society.— Rotterdam.

The German and Dutch photograph albums 216. H. L. Woltersom. 217. Dr. T. Zaayer.

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Technologist.— Arnhem. Professor of Anatomy at Leijden University. Abbreviations and translations

Jur. utr. doct: PhD in civil and canon law Literator: writer Math. mag. phil. nat.: MSc in mathematics and natural philosophy Med Chir. et art. obst. doct: physician and surgeon, obstetrics Med. et art. obst. doct: physician, obstetrics ‘Natura Artis Magistra’: ‘Nature is the teacher of art’ (motto of the Amsterdam Zoological Society and Garden) Phil. nat. cand.: Bachelor degree or BSc Phil. nat. doct: PhD (natural philosophy or natural science) Phil. nat. stud.: student of natural philosophy or natural science zn: son of

APPENDIX VI German poems presented to Charles Darwin in February 1877 Transcription and translation by Andreas Mertgens, MA, University of Cologne. The poems reproduced below were enclosed with the photograph album sent as a birthday gift to CD by his German and Austrian admirers (EH 88202652; see letter from Emil Rade, [before 16 February 1877], and Appendix V). The poems were written by Friedrich Adler, a young lawyer from Prague, whose photograph appears on page 20 of the album, and are previously unpublished, except for ‘An die Poeten’, which appeared in Rade’s account of the making of the album (Rade 1877, pp. 39–40). The manuscript, composed of seven faintly lined sheets folded to form twenty-eight pages, is now in the Darwin Archive–CUL (DAR 261.11: 30). Another poem, ‘An Charles Darwin’ (To Charles Darwin), written by Arthur Fitger, is printed in the album itself.

—§— Dem Meister der Naturwissenschaft Charles Darwin widmet diese Versuche in tiefster Verehrung Friedrich Adler

Mühsam gräbt in den Tiefen des Meers der beflissene Forscher Über die gaukelnde Flut segelt der Dichter dahin. “Non che poco io dia, da imputar sono; Chè quanto io posso dar, tutto vi dono.”1

Photograph of Friedrich Adler from the German and Austrian album (EH 88202652).

Photograph of Emil Rade from the German and Austrian album (EH 88202652).

From the collection of Down House, English Heritage, by kind permission. Photographs by Cambridge University Library.

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German poems

Der Naturforschung Die Dichtkunst Nimm, Schwester, hin zum höchsten Lohne, Nimm hin den heißgeliebten Kranz, Das Diadem, die Lorberkrone, O nimm den königlichen Glanz! Was wallst im ungeschmückte Kleide Du stets noch, sonder Prunk und Schein? Nimm hin mein glitzerndes Geschmeide: Die Krone ist, die Welt ist dein! Ich war die sanfte Morgenröte, Du bist der helle klare Tag! Dein unbezwungener Wink erhöhte Ein mues Sein mit einem Schlag. Hei, wie die Lämmer dröhnen, wettern, Zu Staub zerfällt, was morsch und alt, Der Kerker bricht vor deinem Schmettern, Es dringt das Licht ein mit Gewalt! Und ist vollbracht dein wildes Streben, Dann soll sich zu der Erde Wohl, Ein neu Gebäude stolz erheben, Und glänzen hoch von Pol zu Pol. Dann, Schwester du mit mächtger Schwinge, Vergönn’, dass ich, dir zugehallt, Mit lieblich goldem Schein umschlinge Das neue Sein die neue Welt! Die gute, alte Zeit. “Es geht die Welt zu Grunde, Sie ist zu schlecht, zu schlecht Nur Frevel führt im Munde Zur Jetztzeit Herr und Knecht. Nach Kniffen und noch Schlichen Jagt man jetzt weit und breit, Es ist der Geist gewichen Der guten, alten Zeit!

German poems So murrt mit Grimm und Beben Ein abgelebter Greis, Der von dem frischen Streben, Von frischer Glut nichts weiß. “Die Jugend ist verdorben, Nichts gilt ihr als geweiht; Oh ja, sie ist gestorben Die gute, alte Zeit! Ja wol! Wünsch’ gute Reise, Schlaf zu, Matronenhaupt, Schlaf zu in deiner Truhe, Von Spinngeweb umlaubt. Schlaf zu, lass dich nicht stören Von dem, was draußen schreit. Wir singen dir in Chören: Schlaf gute, alte Zeit! Traun, alter Weiber Schnattern Das war dein Weihelied; Drum weinen dir Gevattern, Da deine Gloria schind. Die Kutte, die Kaputze Hast traulich du gefeit Mit sorgevollem Schutze, O gute, alte Zeit! Als an Tyrannenlaunen Der Geist gebunden war, Des freien Worts Posaunen Umstellt von Späherschar, Als jedes Herz umschleiert Von blöder Niedrigkeit, Hast du dein Fest gefeiert, Du gute, alte Zeit! Als in der Kirche Pforten Die Menge sich gezwängt Mit Heil’gen aller Orten Die Erde war besprengt,

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Und als um Gold und Gulden Die Seel’ das Heil gefreit, Da freut’ sich deine Hulden Du gute, alte Zeit! Nun Menschenwort, getragen vom Blitz, ins Meer sich wagt, Nun da der Eisenwagen Die Stürme überjagt— Wollt’ man dich jetzt erwecken, Wie wär’ uns Herz dir leid, Wie führst du auf vor Schrecken, Du gute, alte Zeit. Denn deiner Hand entfallen Ist nun der Herscherstab, Und ernstre Laute schallen Auf deinem dunklen Grab,— Fort mit dem Wahn, dem Moder, Es gilt den höchsten Streit, Jetzt, heißt’s entweder oder!— Du gute, alte Zeit! Wozu im Dunkeln sitzen, Scheint hell die Sonne doch! Die frohen Quellen blitzen, Hinab das alte Joch! Genug zu deinen Füßen Hast Völker du gereiht— Jetzt kommt für dich das Büßen, Du gute, alte Zeit! Und murrt auch in der Stube Der abgelebte Greis— Das Alte führt zur Grube, Es glüht das Neue heiß. Ist unsre Zeit die Gute Auch nicht, im Büßerkleid So heißt mit frohem Mute Sie doch die neue Zeit!

German poems Glauben und Wissen. Ein altes, deutsches Kernwort spricht: O trau, schau, wem? kannst du’s verstehen? Sei auf der Hut und glaube nicht, Was du nicht selber hast gesehen. Schon lange hat des Glaubens Wort Die Welt bedeckt mit Finsternissen,— Fort! mit den alten Landen fort!— Wir glauben nichts, wir wollen wissen! Und mag man zeigen uns den Herrn, Und sein Gewand aus Sonnenstrahlen, Mag man ein Paradies, das fern Vom Jenseits liegt, uns farbig malen, Mit Seelenlust und Seelennot, Wenn unser Lebenslauf zerrissen Uns endlos drohen bis zum Tod— Wir glauben nichts!—wir wollen wissen! Wir wissen, dass ein stäter Raub, Ein ewger Kampf auf Erden waltet, Dass alles Schöne fällt zu Staub, Dass alles Goldn jäh veraltet: So ist die Welt. Wozu der Traum? Wir wollen auch die Träume missen! Wozu vertraun dem leeren Schaum? Wir glauben nichts, wir wollen wissen! Die Welt ist rauh. Was besser drin, Hat sich die Menschheit selbst errungen, Hat sich mit unerschrocknem Sinn Den Boden und das Thier bezwungen. Was soll der Gott?—Der Mensch alleine Schuf sein Geschick sich mühbeflissen: Drum lasst die Priester immer schrein, Wir glauben nichts, wir wollen wissen! Des Glaubens und des Wissens Drang, Sie müssen unaufhörlich ringen;

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German poems

Manch’ ein Eppur si muove!2 klang Den dichten Nebel zu durchdringen; Doch noch ist sie nicht frei die Bahn, Drum zu, trotz allen Hindernissen, Zum Kampfe gegen Nacht und Wahn— Wir glauben nichts, wir wollen wissen! An die Natur. Wirf deine Heuchlermaske ab, Natur! Wirf ab den Tand, mit dem du dich umzogen! Mit deiner schlau erborgten Götterspur Hast du genug Geschöpfe schon betrogen! Die Mutter du? Du führst empor zum Licht Die Kinder, um sie wieder zu verderben! Die Mutter du? Gewährt’s dir Freude nicht, Zu sehn, wie deine eignen Kinder sterben? Du schlingest Kränze um des Abgrunds Rand, Dass in den Tod man desto leichter stürze, Geglättet schleicht die Schlange durch den Sand, Dass unverdächtigt sie das Leben kürze. Die Blume, die die Lippen tötlich netzt, Hast du verlockend dargestellt den Blicken, Hast Wesen gegen Wesen aufgehetzt, Sich gegenseitig in die Nacht zu schicken. Was tat dir der Insekten frohe Zal, Hat sie nicht Recht auf eine gleiche Liebe? Weil sich der flinke Vogel sucht ein Mal, So tut es Not, dass ihre Schar zerstiebe? Verstummet eitle Schwärmer! suchet ihr In der Natur die Ruhe und den Frieden? Ein unermüdet wilder Kampf ist hier Und töten muß, wem nicht der Tod beschieden. Verräterin, was lockest du so hold, Was machst so schwer den Abschied du vom Leben?

German poems Was treibst du nur, nach deinem Flittergold Mit kindisch gierdevollen Blick zu streben? Mit allen deinen Reizen ziehst du an, Um desto grauser uns zurückzustoßen. Spielst du des Knaben Spiel, der ohne Plan Erbaut und wieder einreißt nicht im Großen? Wirf deine Heuchlermaske ab, Natur! Lass ab, dir bunte Lappen aufzusticken, Enthülle dein Gesicht uns offen nur, Lass das Geheimtun, lass die Wahrheit blicken! *** So klagt’ ich einst; und Antwort wurde mir: “Wer lehrte dich, den Gott in mir zu ehren; Der Götterglaube, der entstand in dir, Und du erzürnst, will ich mich nicht bewähren?” Mein Credo. Es ziehen in reichen Wogen Die Frommen in den Dom, In dunkle Synagogen Wälzt sich der Beter Strom; Zu ihrem Gotte flehen Der Jude und der Christ: Ich darf vorübergehen, Ich bin ein Atheist! Ganz gottlos. Ja, die Funken Der hehren Religion Sind längst in mir versunken Zur kühlen Asche schon. Und seht, zu eurem Grimme, Der jäh gewachsen ist, Ruf ich mit lauter Stimme: Ich bin ein Atheist! Der Himmel winkt vergebens, Den uns die Schrift verheißt,

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Frei wandle ich zeitlebens, Bis mich der Tod entreißt. Mich wirst du nicht verlocken, Erlogne Glaubenslist, Mich rührt kein Sang der Glocken: Ich bin ein Atheist! Im dumpfen Weltgetriebe Ehr’ ich die wilde Kraft Die sonder Hass und Liebe Den Lauf des Lebens schafft, Die ihre Gaben sendet, Nicht rechnet und nicht misst— Und wie sich’s mir auch wendet, Ich bin ein Atheist Und scheint ein weiser Leiter Im Himmel auch bequem, Ich läugn’ es froh und heiter Trotz dem und alledem. Bleibt denn bei eurem Wahn, Und glaubt, wenn ihr nichts wisst! Ich schwinge meine Fahne, Ich bin ein Atheist! ___ O schont ihn, der mit innigen Vertrauen, Wenn Freude ihn erfüllt, wenn er gelitten, An gottergebnen, glaubensfrohen Bitten In Schmerz und Leid sein Herz sucht zu erbauen! O stört ihn nicht! Lasst ihn zum Himmel schauen, Zur Kirche gehn mit andachtsvollen Schritten! O zeigt ihm nicht den Kranz, den ihr erstritten, Und senket nicht sein Glück in nächtig Graun! Wir predgen keinen Kreuzzug unsrer Lehre, Wer es vermag, soll weg vom Altar treten, Dem Blendung hat verschafft die hohe Ehre. Es ist kein Gott, wir kennen nicht Profeten, Denn wir sind wir, was uns das Sein gewähre— Wer sich nicht selbst vertraut, den lasset beten!

German poems Das verschleierte Bild zu Sais3 Zu Sais steht ein riesengroßes Bild, Das in der Sonne glühend heißen Stralen Erblitzt von reichem, glänzendem Gestein, Ein Isisbild wie es die Saga kündet. An dessen Fußgestelle liegt ein dichter Und faltenreicher Schleier ausgebreitet. Vor ihm ein Mann, dem ein geschwätzger Führer Die dunkle Märe von dem kühnen Jüngling Erzählt, der keck der Isis Schleier hob. Und leise seufzend, zieht der ernste Fremde Die Stirne kraus, dann bricht sein Schmerz hervor In bitteren und wehevollen Worten: “So warst du immer Menschenvolk das Spiel Von schlauen Priestern und von Wundermachern! Ein Gaukelbild, bedeckt mit einem Schleier, Doch dichter von verfinsternden Mysterien Und grauenvollen Sagen noch erfüllt, War eure Gottheit, der ihr opfertet, Die bangend ihr gescheut, der ihr die kurze, Grauenvolle Spanne eures Lebens weihtet, Ihr armen, arg betrognen Sterblichen!— Und alles einem Wahn, einem Nichts! “Es hebt ihn keiner, bis ich selbst ihn hebe!”4 O schlauer Spruch! Wann hätte je der Gott Das Werk getan, da seinen treuen Dienern, Den frommen Zwischenträgern und Vermittlern, Die seine Gnade den Verehreren schenkten, Und den Verächtern seinen Götterzorn, Es doch so nötig war, sich zu verbergen? Warum die Wahrheit aller Welt verkünden, Wenn man die Lüge zum Bestehen brauchte? Drum wehe dem, der je die Wahrheit sucht! Und wehe dem, der mit dem Forschergeist Hinabzudringen wagt in dieses Dunkel, Das zum Gesetze ward. So war’s berechnet. O schaudervoll! Und alle Welt—” Hier schwieg, Versunken in ein trauervolles Sinnen, Der fremde Mann und blickte starr vor sich; Doch eine Träne netzte seine Wange, Als festen Schrittes er von dannen ging.

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Tugendspiegel. Du würdest als ein Frommer gern Auf dieser Erde wandeln, Und in dem Sinne stets des Herrn, Des allgerechten handeln? Doch kennst du nur die Wege nicht, Die meist die Schar gegangen, An der mit gläubigem Gesicht Noch heute alle sangen? Nur weißt du nichts, was göttlich ist?— Ich will es dir verkünden, Damit du dich als frommer Christ Bekehrst von deinen Sünden. Du meintest wol, wer gutes tut, Der könnt’ sich nie verwirren, Und stünd mit Gott und Menschen gut?— Wie konntest so du irren! Als göttlich nenn’ zuerst ich dir Das Kämpfen gegen Leiden, Auch darfst du nicht zu ängstlich hier Den Zank mit Juden meiden. Und zage nicht, schlag’ alles tot, Wills’ nicht an Christum glauben; Man muß doch aus der Höllennot Die armen Seelen rauben. Erscheint ein kleines Lichtchen nur Vor den geschärften Blicken, Von Helle die geringste Spur, Gleich mußt du sie ersticken. Der Glaube ist der schönste Stral, Hat keinen mehr im Bunde, Und lösche dieser aus einmal— Dann geht die Welt zu Grunde. Da warne ich dich allermeißt— Bedenk’s, so du auf Erden, Das Allerschlimmste ist der Geist, Der muß vernichtet werden; Den kann der Himmel—merk es wohl—

German poems Am wenigsten vertragen, Und unser ganzes Werk ist hohl, Wenn wir nicht ihn verjagen. Die Keuschheit und die Armut wird Auch nie ein Christ verachten, Besonders nie ein Seelenhirt— So sei dein ganzes Trachten. Das ist die wahre Göttlichkeit, Die unsre Heilgen alle Geübt die ganze Lebenszeit Bis in die Himmelshalle An die Poeten. Ihr, die ihr hold die Leier meistert, Zu zartem Reiz die Brust begeistert, Ihr lieblichen Poeten, wisst, Dass der Apoll, den ihr verehret, Der euch den holden Klang gelehret, Der Träger auch des Lichtes ist. Stets habt ihr kühnlich euch gepriesen, Dass ihr, der Erde Geisterriesen, Die Fackel der Erleuchtung tragt; Und da die Wahrheit uns entglommen, Wie ist mit einmal es gekommen, Dass ihr den kühnen Sinn verklagt? Den kühnen Sinn, der unerschrocken, Und unbeirrt von Sang und Glocken Die neugefundnen Wege tritt? Der aus dem Schlaf uns aufgerüttelt, Vom Blick den Nebel uns geschüttelt Den eingelullt die Menscheit litt. Wie kam’s?— Scheint eure Kunst zu wanken Ist sie mit ihrem Hochgedanken Nicht angelehnt an Religion?— Kann sie die Menscheit nicht vertragen, So schweige sie—nicht’s hat’s zu sagen— Und es verstumme jeder Ton!—

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Doch kann sie es. Scheints euch poetisch Wenn alle Menscheit sich asketisch Für einen Gott kasteit und quält? Scheint auch poetisch das Gewimmer, Das eine schwache Seele immer Statt des entschlossenen Wirkens wählt Fürwahr, mich dünkt ein freies Wandeln, Ein freies Wollen, freies Handeln Ein höher und schöner Bild, Als bei der Sonne mattem Blinken Vor ihm, dem Herrn, aufs Knie zu sinken Im mälig dunkelnden Gefild. Ihr habt durschschaut die Zahl der Wesen, Habt in der Menschen Herz gelesen, Was niemals sonst zum Morgen steigt. Gesteht es nur— Habt ihr gesehen, Dass wirklich sich in Erdenwesen Je eine Himmelshand gezeigt? Habt jemals ihr gehört von Gluten, Die selbst in ihrem Wüten ruhten, Weil ohne Mutter sonst das Kind? Vom Frost der, mild gerührt von Thränen Nachließ mit seinen grimmen Zähnen, Weil nackt der Armen Glieder sind? Habt ihr den Herrn gemerkt, der leise Dem Hungernden hat Trank und Speise Gereicht mit liebevoller Hand?— O gebt es zu! Phantastisch dichten Sind all die rührenden Geschichten, Drin wunderbarer Trost sich fand! Vorbei sind alle eitlen Schatten, Die unsern Sinn umhangen hatten, Vor unsern Augen liegt es grell! Zur Wahrheit wollen wir uns wenden, Und will auch schier der Stral uns blenden— So ist’s doch Wahrheit, ist doch hell!

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[Translation] To the master of natural science Charles Darwin I dedicate these experiments in deepest reverence Friedrich Adler The keen scientist painstakingly digs in the depths of the sea The poet sails on the swirling waves “Non che poco io dia, da imputar sono; Chè quanto io posso dar, tutto vi dono”.

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To natural science, from poetry Take sister, take as the highest reward, Take the beloved wreath, The diadem, the laurel crown, And take the kingly radiance! Why dressed in plain cloth Still without glamour and sheen? Take my sparkling jewellery: The crown, the world is yours! I was the gentle dawn, You are the bright clear day! Your merest nod raised A new being at a stroke. Oh, how the lambs roar, complain, To dust crumbles what’s rotten and old, The prison collapses before your power, Light breaks in with might! And when your wild pursuit is done, Then, to the world’s benefit,

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A new building shall rise proudly, And shine from pole to pole. Then, sister you of mighty wing, Grant, that I, loyal to you, With lovely golden glow may embrace The new being, the new world! The good old days. “The world is in decline, She is too foul, too foul Today, both lord and servant Think only of wickedness. For ways to trick and deceive All now search far and wide, The spirit has gone Of the good old days! So mutters with writhing wrath A decrepit old man, Who does not know Of fresh pursuits and ardour. “Youth is rotten, Nothing is sacred to them; Oh they have truly died The good old days! Ah well! Safe journey, Sleep, Madonna, Sleep in your coffin, Overgrown by cobwebs. Sleep, don’t be disturbed By the noises outside. We sing to you in chorus: Sleep, old days! Truly, as old womens’ chatter Was your ordination song; So, only the old will cry As your glory fades. The habit, the cowl Has truly sheltered you

German poems With anxious care, O good old days! When to tyrant’s whim The spirit was bound, The trumpets of free speech Beset by flocks of spies, When every heart was clouded By foolish baseness, You celebrated your feast, You good old days! When in the church gates The crowd was huddled, With saints at every corner The world was sprinkled, When for gold and guilders The soul was freed, That’s when your glory shone. You good old days! Now the word of Man, Carried in a flash, braves the sea, Now look how iron carriages Outrun the storm— Now, if anyone should wake you, How weary we would be of you, How startled you would be, You good old days. Since the sceptre of power Has slipped from your grip, And more serious notes Sound on your dark grave,— Away with the delusion, the mould, It is the time of battle, It’s one or the other!— You good old days! Why sit in the dark, When the sun shines brightly! The gay springs shine, Off with the old yoke!

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You have enslaved enough Peoples under your feet— Now it’s time to atone You good old days! Even if the jaded old May grumble from their room— The old goes to the pit, The new glows hot and bright. Our days may not be The best, in their sackcloth But they will happily Be called the new days! Faith and knowledge. An old German proverb says: Trust, if you must. Do you understand? Be wary and believe nothing You have not seen with your own eyes. The words of faith have for too long Covered the world with darkness,— Away! Away with the old!— We don’t believe, we want to know! And you may show us the Lord, In his raiment of sunshine, You may paint a colourful paradise Far away in the beyond, With ecstasy and agony, When our life is ripped apart You threaten us ceaselessly unto death— We don’t believe!—we want to know! We know there is a constant struggle, An eternal fight on earth, That every beautiful thing will fall to dust, That every golden thing will age: Such is the world. Why the dream? We want to do without dreams! Why trust in empty froth? We don’t believe, we want to know!

German poems The world is rough. What good there is, Has been achieved by mankind, Which, with fearless spirit Has conquered the earth, the beasts. What is the point of God?—Man alone Created his fate with endless labour: So let the priests keep howling, We don’t believe, we want to know! The thirst for faith and knowledge They shall be in eternal strife; Many an Eppur si muove! 2 was uttered To pierce the heavy fog; But the path is not clear yet, So, despite all the obstacles, We must to battle, against night and delusion— We don’t believe, we want to know! To nature. Cast aside your hypocrite mask, Nature! Throw away the frippery with which you surround yourself ! You have deceived enough beings With your cunningly appropriated marks of God! What sort of mother are you? You lead towards the light Your children, only to cast them down again! What sort of mother are you? Does it not please you To see how your own children die? You twine wreaths around the edge of the abyss, So that one more easily plunges to one’s death, The snake sneaks slickly through the sand, So she can stealthily shorten life. The flower who wets her lips with death, You made tempting to the eyes, You incited beings against beings, To send each other into the night. What have the numerous insects done to you, Don’t they have a right to be loved?

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Because the swift bird wants to eat, Must they be scattered in their droves? Oh quiet, you vain dreamers! Looking for peace and quiet in nature? An endless vicious struggle happens here Who doesn’t want to die, will have to kill. Traitor, why do you lure so sweetly, Why make the farewell from life so hard? Why do you lust for tinsel With greedy childish eyes? With all your charms, you lure us closer, Only to push us ever more cruelly away. A boy who builds without design only to tear down again, Would you play that same game on a bigger scale? Cast aside your hypocrite mask, Nature! Stop patching yourself up with colourful rags, Reveal your face openly to us No secrecy, let us see the truth! *** So I once lamented, and the answer was: “Who taught you to see God in me; This belief in gods, it springs from you, Yet you demand I justify myself ?” My creed. They flock in great waves, The pious to the churches, Into dark synagogues The praying masses pour; Begging to their God The Jew and the Christ: I may pass on by, I am an atheist! Totally godless, Yes, the sparks Of oh such sublime religion

German poems Have long been extinct in me, Leaving only cold ash behind. And watch, to your dismay, Which has been growing, I say with steady voice: I am an atheist! Heaven, as scripture promises Vainly beckons to me, I wander freely through my life, Until death shall take me. You will not seduce me, Fabricated ruse of faith, I don’t care for the bell’s song: I am an atheist! In the muffled gears of the worlds, I honour the wild power That without hate or love Creates the path of life, That sends her gifts, Without cold calculation— And whichever way things go for me, I am an atheist And though a wise leader In heaven sounds comforting, I denouce it joyfully, Despite or even because of it. You can keep your delusions, And believe, if you know nothing! I will wave my flag, I am an atheist! ——— O be kind to him, who with deep trust, Whether joy fills him or sadness, With pious, faithful prayers, Seeks in pain and suffering to lift up his heart! O don’t disturb him! Let him look up to heaven, Let him go to church with devout steps!

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O don’t show him the garland that it has lost, Don’t diminish his happiness with nightly terror! We preach no crusade to our teachers, Whoever can, should step away from the altar, Which earned its place with deceit. There is no God, we know no prophets, We are who we are, whatever existence allows us to be— Whoever doesn’t trust in himself, let him pray! The veiled image at Sais3 At Sais there is enormous image, Which in the hot glowing rays of the sun Sparkles with rich, shining stone, An image of Isis, so the saga tells. At its feet is spread a dense And pleated veil. In front of the image is a man. With him a guide Who tells him the dark tale of a young man Who dared to lift the veil of Isis. With a sigh, the sombre stranger furrows his brows. Then with great pain he speaks in bitter words: “So you, humanity, were always a game Played by priests and miracle makers! An illusion, hidden under a veil, Rich with darkening mysteries Full of horrific sagas, Was your goddess to whom you sacrificed. Of whom you were afraid, To whom you dedicated your miserably short life, You poor betrayed mortals!— All for a delusion, for nothing! “You may not lift it, till I myself shall lift it!”4 O what a wise saying! When did God ever Do his work, when his faithful servants, The pious messengers and mediators That gave his grace to his worshippers, And God’s wrath to his scorners Felt such a need to hide it?

German poems Why proclaim the truth to the world, When you depend on the lie for your existence? Woe betide anyone who, with an inquiring mind, Dares to go into the dark That has become law. So was the scheme. Oh how horrible! And all the world—” Here the stranger Fell quite lost in sombre thought And stared fixedly ahead; A tear ran down his cheek, As he walked away with a firm tread. The mirror of virtue. You would like to walk the earth As a pious and devout man, And always righteously act In the spirit of the Lord? But you don’t know the ways That all the masses walked, Where with pious faces They all still sing today? But don’t you know anything divine?— I want to proclaim it to you, So that you, as a devout Christian, Repent from your sins. You believe that he who does good, Cannot be confounded, And is on good terms with God and Man?— How could you be so wrong? First let me tell you, it is divine To fight against suffering, You should also not be afraid To quarrel with the Jews. And don’t be shy, kill everything That does not believe in Christ; You have to save from hell Those poor souls. If the smallest light shines In front of sharp eyes,

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The slightest trace of brightness, You have to suffocate it. Faith is the fairest light, There is no other one, And should it ever die— Then the world will end. Most of all I warn you— Consider! here on earth, The worst thing is the spirit, It has to be destroyed; Heaven—mark well— Can scarce abide it, And our whole cause is hollow, If we don’t cast it away Chastity and poverty: No Christian will disdain those, Especially not a shepherd of souls— It has to be your whole desire. That is true godliness, That our saints Practice their whole lives long Right up to heaven’s halls To the poets. You who have mastered the lyre, Who delight with gentle pleasures, You, lovely poets, know That Apollo, who you cherish, Who taught you the siren call, Is also the bringer of light. You always praised yourself As the grandest spirits on earth, Who carry the torch of enlightenment; Now that truth has slipped from us, How come that suddenly, You attack the daring mind?

German poems The daring mind, which without fear, Undeterred by song and bells Is carving new paths? Which has jolted us from sleep, Shaken from Man’s afflicted eyes The all-deceiving mist. How did this happen?— Your art seems to falter, Doesn’t she, with her lofty thoughts Based on religion? She should be quiet— She has nothing to say, And silence every sound!— But she can do it. Does it seem poetic to you When all mankind ascetically Chastens and tortures themselves? It may also seem poetic, the whimper That a weak soul Always chooses instead of action. Truly, I think freedom, Free will, free exchange, A higher and more beautiful picture, Than sinking on your knees In a dark chamber As the sun shines outside. You have seen through all the beings, You have read in Man’s heart, What never comes to light. But admit it—have you seen The hand of heaven Ever truly shown in a mortal creature? Have you ever heard of the fires That paused in their fury, So a child would not be without its mother? Of a frost that with sentimental tears Eased his grim teeth, Because the poor man’s limbs are bare.

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Have you noticed the man That quietly gave the starving Food and drink with gentle hand?— Oh admit it! Phantasy. That is what those stories are, That gave us comfort! They are gone, the vain shadows That clouded our mind, It’s blindingly clear to our eyes! It is truth we turn to, And should the pure rays blind us— Still it is truth, still it shines bright!

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Non che poco io dia, da imputar sono; Chè quanto io posso dar, tutto vi dono: Then with no jealous eye my offering scorn, nor scorn my gift who gift thee all I can (Italian). The quotation is from the poem Orlando furioso by the Italian poet Ludovico Ariosto, first published in 1516, canto I, stanza III. The translation is taken from The Orlando furioso translated into English verse from the Italian of Ludovico Ariosto with notes by William Stewart Rose (London: John Murray, 1823) 1: 4. Eppur si muove!: And yet it moves! (Italian). Attributed to the Italian astronomer and philosopher Galileo Galilei, and supposedly uttered as a defiant restatement, following his release from arrest, of his controversial assertion that the earth moved around the sun. The title is a reference to the poem of the same name by Friedrich von Schiller. This is a partial quotation from Schiller’s original poem: ‘Kein Sterblicher, sagt sie, Rückt diesen Schleier, bis ich selbst ihn hebe.’ (No mortal-man, she said, may lift this veil, till I myself do raise it.)

APPENDIX VII Darwin’s honorary LLD: the public oration On 17 November 1877, Darwin was awarded an honorary LLD degree (doctor of laws) by the University of Cambridge. Darwin himself attended the ceremony, with his wife, Emma, his daughter Elizabeth, and his sons Leonard and Horace, and probably George and Francis, looking on. There was considerable uproar among the undergraduates, apparently good-natured as far as it concerned Darwin, and a stuffed monkey in cap and gown, and a ring tied with ribbons (the ‘missing link’?) were suspended from the galleries. According to Emma, when the vice-chancellor appeared, Darwin was ‘marched down the aisle behind two men with silver maces, and the unfortunate public orator came and stood by him and got thro’ his tedious harangue as well as he could, constantly interrupted by the most unmannerly shouts and jeers; and when he had continued what seemed an enormous time, some one called out in a cheerful tone “Thank you kindly.” At last he got to the end with admirable nerve and temper, and then they all marched back to the Vice-Chancellor in scarlet and white fur, and [Darwin] joined his hands and did not kneel but the Vice-Chancellor put his hands outside and said a few Latin words, and then it was over, and everybody came up and shook hands.’ (Emma Darwin (1915), 2: 230–1.) The orator was John Edwin Sandys, and the oration was published in his Orationes et epistolae Cantabrigienses (1876–1909) (Macmillan and Co.: London, 1910), pp. 6–7. There are at least three printed copies of the oration in the Darwin Archive– CUL; one (DAR 210.1: 63) was probably sent by Darwin to his son George, a fellow at Trinity College, Cambridge, who acted as intermediary in negotiations before the event, and another (DAR 95: 464) was probably sent to his friend Joseph Dalton Hooker. A third is in DAR 139: 2. Below is a transcription of the printed oration, and a translation by Professor Philip Hardie, who has contributed extensively to the footnotes. (Printed by request.) ORATIO AB ORATORE PUBLICO HABITA CANTABRIGIAE DIE XVIIo NOVEMBRIS A.S. MDCCCLXXVII. Dignissime domine, domine Procancellarie, et tota Academia:— Meministis Horatianum illud, ‘fortes creantur fortibus’; vix igitur necesse est commemorare viri huius de rerum natura optime meriti patrem fuisse medicum

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egregium, avum poetam quoque insignem. ‘Doctrina sed vim promovet insitam’; iuvat igitur recordari pueritiam huius fovisse scholam celeberrimam Salopiensem; adulescentiam aluisse non modo Caledonicas illas Athenas, sed in hac etiam Academia Miltoni nostri Collegium. Tanti in laudem alumni, nisi fallor, ipsa paterni fluminis nympha, non immemor hunc primum patefecisse insularum corallinarum originem, illa inquam Sabrina quae Miltoni in carmine vivit, curalio nitida roseum caput exseret unda, frontemque tam venerabilem sua praecinget corolla. Quanta cum voluptate accepimus insularum illarum circulos, sese e vadis sensim attollentes, quasi florum immortalium palmarumque victricium corona locos illos virides placidosque in Oceani campo designare, ubi priores insulae depressae et sepultae sunt. Quam facete describit, quo modo varios sensuum affectus exprimant indices illi vultus et ipsa tacitorum oculorum eloquentia; quo more apes, dum dulce illud nectar e flore delibant, quod continuandae floris stirpi utile sit, ipsae aliunde referant. Quam venuste explicat, quo modo captet Venus ipsa muscas; quali ex origine sint Veneris volucres, ‘raucae, tua cura, palumbes’; quibus cantuum illecebris, quo splendore plumarum, concilientur volucrum amores. Quam familiariter, velut rex ille excellenti sapientia, de tot rebus disserit, quicquid volat, quicquid natat, quicquid serpit humi; quam varia eruditione disputat de fabuloso illo lepadum balanorumque marinorum genere, de montium igneorum miraculis, sed idem de gracili vitis pampino et lentis hederarum bracchiis in apricum enitentium; quanta liberalitate in patrocinium suum vindicat non modo ‘aurea pavonum saecla’, sed etiam minus pulchram simiarum familiam. Qua de re quanquam poeta vetus dixit, ‘simia quam similis nobis’; nobis tamen, viri Academici, cum oratore Romano, viro Academicae praesertim philosophiae dedito, gloriari licet, ‘mores’ esse ‘in utroque dispares.’ Illud certe extra omnem controversiam constat, pulchrum esse tantam rerum naturae varietatem contemplari, regiones remotas invisere, silvarum incaeduarum solitudinem penetrare, insularum prope ignotarum recessus perscrutari, varias denique animalium formas comparare inter se et distinguere; pulchrius, haec omnia accuratissime observata aliorum in usum voluptatemque litterarum mandare monumentis; omnium pulcherrimum, infinita talium rerum multitudine ad leges quam paucissimas revocata, ipsum fontem et originem omnium repetere. Quanta igitur laude vir hic dignus est, qui adhuc iuvenis, aliorum magis quam suo commodo, tot terras lustraverit, lustratas feliciter descripserit; qui maturiore aetate, tot generibus animatium et earum rerum quas terra gignit diligenter investigatis, illi praesertim legi constituendae operam dederit, qua docere conatus est, ita e perpetuo prope ad internecionem debellantium certamine aptissimam quamque novae stirpi propagandae speciem vivam victricemque superesse, ut tot species inter se diversae alia ex alia minutatim per immensam annorum seriem generai potuerint. ‘Usus et impigrae simul experientia mentis paulatim docuit pedetemtim progredientes. sic unumquicquid paulatim protrahit aetas

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in medium ratioque in luminis erigit oras. namque alid ex alio clarescere et ordine debet omnibus, ad summum donec venere cacumen.’ Tu vero, qui leges naturae tam docte illustraveris, legum doctor nobis esto. Duco ad vos Carolum Darwin. With the Public Orator’s Compliments. [Translation] Speech delivered by the Public Orator at Cambridge, 17th November 1877 Distinguished Vice-Chancellor, members of the University: You remember the Horatian saying ‘the brave are born from the brave’;1 it is therefore hardly necessary to record that the father of this man, who has deserved so well of natural science, was an outstanding doctor, and that his grandfather was also a famous poet. ‘But education advances inborn powers’;2 it is therefore a pleasure to remember that a famous school in Shropshire fostered him as a boy;3 and that as an adolescent he was nurtured not only by the Athens of the North,4 but also in this University by the College of our Milton.5 If I err not, the nymph of his paternal river herself, in praise of so great an alumnus, mindful that it was he who first revealed the origin of coral islands—I mean the Sabrina who lives in Milton’s poem—‘will raise her head, rosy with coral, from the gleaming water’ and will crown so august a head with her garland.6 What a pleasure it has been to learn of those circular islands gradually rising from the depths, to mark out, as if with a crown of the flowers of immortality or of the palms of victory, those green and tranquil places on the Ocean’s surface, where previously islands had lain sunk and buried. How elegantly he describes how the signs of the face, and the silent eloquence of the eyes themselves, express the various emotions of the senses;7 how bees, while they gather the sweet nectar from the flowers, themselves bring from elsewhere that which serves to perpetuate the generations of the flowers.8 How charmingly9 he expounds how Venus herself traps flies;10 the origin of the birds of Venus, ‘your love, the throaty doves’;11 the seductive songs and splendid plumage by which birds are joined in love.12 With what intimate knowledge, like that king of superlative wisdom,13 he discourses of so many things—whatever flies, whatever swims, whatever creeps on the ground;14 with what various learning he discusses the marvellous race of limpets and barnacles15 and the wonders of volcanoes,16 but also the slender shoots of the vine, and the pliant stalks of ivy striving towards the sunlight;17 with what generosity he takes under his patronage not only ‘the golden generations of peacocks’ but also the less beautiful family of apes.18 On this matter, although the ancient poet said ‘how similar to us is the simian’, we, academic gentlemen, can, with the Roman orator, a man especially devoted to the philosophy of the Academy, pride ourselves that the character of each is different. 19

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The public oration

It is certainly beyond all dispute, that it is a fine thing to contemplate nature in all her variety, to visit distant parts of the world, to penetrate the solitude of virgin forests, to examine remote parts of islands almost unknown, and, finally, to compare and distinguish between the various forms of animals; a still finer thing it is, to commit all these painstaking observations to publications for the use and pleasure of others; and finest of all, by reducing to a very few laws the boundless multitude of such things, to search out the source and origin of them all. How praiseworthy, then, is this man, who while still a youth, more at the convenience of others than of himself, travelled through so many countries, and successfully described his travels;20 who in maturer years, after careful investigation of so many species of animals and of those things which the earth brings forth, devoted his main effort to determining the law, by which he attempted to teach that from the perpetual struggle of creatures fighting each other almost to extermination, the fittest kind survive victorious to propagate a new race, with the result that so many different species could be generated, one from another, gradually through an immense sequence of years. ‘All these things practice, together with the acquired knowledge of the untiring mind taught men by slow degrees as they advanced on the way step by step. Thus time by degrees brings each several thing forth before men’s eyes and reason raises it up into the borders of light; for things must be brought to light one after the other and in due order in all things, until these have reached their highest point of development.’21 You, who have so learnedly shed light on the laws of nature, be our Doctor of Laws. I present to you Charles Darwin. 1 2 3 4 5 6

7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

Horace, Odes 4.4.29. Horace, Odes 4.4.33. CD attended Shrewsbury School from 1818 to 1825 (Correspondence vol. 1). Literally, ‘the Athens of Caledonia’. CD was a medical student at Edinburgh University from 1825 to 1827 (Correspondence vol. 1). CD attended Christ’s College, Cambridge, from 1828 to 1831 (Correspondence vol. 1). The poet John Milton attended Christ’s College from 1625 to 1631 (ODNB). John Milton, Comus 885–6 (calling on Sabrina, the nymph of the Severn) ‘Rise, rise, and heave thy rosy head | From thy coral-paven bed.’ Sandys also alludes to Sabrinae corolla, the title of a collection of translations, chiefly from English, into Greek and Latin verse, produced at Shrewsbury School (Sabrinae corolla in hortulis regiae scholae Salopiensis contexuerunt tres viri floribus legendis (London: George Bell, 1850)), and to CD’s Coral islands. A reference to Expression. Many of CD’s botanical works discussed fertilisation by insects, notably Cross and self fertilisation. The punning jingle on uenuste ‘charmingly’ (from Venus) and Venus is hardly possible to convey in English. Insectivorous plants discussed the Venus fly trap (Dionaea muscipula). Virgil, Eclogue 1.57; Sandys alludes to the discussion of pigeons in Variation under domestication. See Descent, chapters 13 to 16. Solomon. Cf. 1Kings 4:33. Balanorum marinorum is literally ‘sea acorns’. Sandys means to refer to CD’s work on barnacles (Fossil Cirripedia and Living Cirripedia).

The public oration 16 17 18 19

20 21

659

Volcanic islands. Climbing plants. Golden generations of peacocks: Lucretius 2.502–3. 1Kings 10:22 ‘… once in three years came the navy of Tharshish, bringing gold and silver, ivory and apes, and peacocks.’ An allusion to Descent. The ‘ancient poet’ is Ennius, cited at Cicero, De natura deorum 1.97: Cicero adds, ‘at mores in utroque dispares’ (but their characters differ). Sandys is playing on the general (modern) sense of academia (university), and on the specific sense of the (ancient) Platonic Academy, the school of philosophy to which Cicero adhered. The point about ‘different in character’ may be a riposte to caricatures of CD that made him look like the apes from which he claimed that humans were descended. Simia in Latin is both ‘monkey’ and ‘ape’. Sandys refers to the Beagle voyage of 1831 to 1836 and to Journal of researches, as well as to the other publications arising from the voyage (see Correspondence vol. 1). Lucretius 5.1452–7. The translation of the quotation is by Hugh Andrew Johnstone Munro, the great Lucretian scholar of nineteenth-century Cambridge (Lucretius, De rerum natura, translated by H. A. J. Munro (Cambridge: Deighton Bell, 1864)), but with the substitution in the last sentence of ‘in all things’ for ‘in the different arts’, corresponding to Sandys’ substitution at the beginning of the last line of the Latin of omnibus for artibus, in order to convert Lucretius’ summary of the evolution of the arts of human civilization into a statement about evolution in the natural world.

MANUSCRIPT ALTERATIONS AND COMMENTS

The alteration notes and comments are keyed to the letter texts by paragraph and line numbers. The precise section of the letter text to which the note applies precedes the square bracket. The changes recorded are those made to the manuscript by CD; changes of hand in letters written partly by CD and partly by amanuenses are also recorded. Readers should consult the Note on editorial policy in the front matter for details of editorial practice and intent. The following terms are used in the notes as here defined:

del deleted illeg illegible interl interlined, i.e., inserted between existing text lines omitted omitted by the editors to clarify the transcription over written over, i.e., superimposed

To E. M. Dicey?   [1877] 1.1 my wife] pencil above del pencil ‘Mrs. Darwin’ 1.2 communicate] after del ‘make any use of ’ 1.2 may] added 1.3 you] after del pencil ‘of ’ 1.3 have] after interl del pencil ‘be of ’ 2.2 to me] after del ‘clear’ 2.2 for] ‘for’ altered from ‘to’ 2.2 giving] altered from ‘give’ 2.3 living] after del ‘life’ 2.3 to check] ‘to’ interl 2.3 on various points 2.4] interl 2.4 shd.] after del ‘believe that’ 2.5 from] after del pencil caret 2.5 who … so;] interl; ‘who … wish’ transposed from after ‘boy’; ‘to do so;’ pencil 2.9 clearness,] after del ‘clarity’ 2.10 unless … some] above del ‘without seeing some’ 2.10 of our] interl pencil 2.12 very] above del ‘vy’ 2.13 their profession] interl 2.14 animal] interl 2.19 becoming] after del ‘rec’ 2.19 before] above del ‘befor’ 2.22 such] above del ‘the’ 2.22 than] above del ‘that’

2.22 do for] above del ‘for’ 2.22 which] interl 2.23 humanity,] above del ‘humanity’; comma after del comma 2.25 compassion] after del ‘feeling’ 3.1 Pray … D] between del ‘I wish I could have given you any better a’ To Asa Gray   3 January 1877 5.1 P.S. … catharticus 5.2] in CD’s hand To Francis Galton   [6–12 January 1877] 0.1 2 Bryanston St] before del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 2.1 rightly] interl 2.2 author’s] above del ‘man’s’ To Francis Galton   9 January [1877] 0.1 2 … Sq] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 4.2 write] after del illeg To G. M. Tracy   [after 11 January 1877] 1.1 excellent] interl pencil

Manuscript alterations and comments 1.1 & … they] interl above del ‘seems’ 1.1 I] over ‘he’ 1.1 apparently] above del ‘the’ 1.2 you have thrown] interl pencil 1.2 my.] pencil after del ‘his’

661

To J. V. Carus   17 January 1877 2.2 but] interl 3.1 There] after del ‘t’

1.5 by this gift,] interl in CD’s hand 1.6 I am] after del ‘The honour is so great that it is quite beyond my deserts.’ 1.11 the labour … him;] in CD’s hand below del ‘the labour’ 1.14 I must] after del ‘The honour conferred on me by your gift has been doubled by my receiving at nearly the same time a similar one from Germany.’ 1.15 contained … letter] interl in CD’s hand 2.1 again] in CD’s hand above del ‘beg permission to’ 2.1 all] after interl and del in CD’s hand ‘from my heart’ 2.1 from my heart] interl in CD’s hand 3.1 Feb … Album] in CD’s hand Verso: ‘(introduce) *on this [interl] my birthday | As long as my life lasts I will continue working to the best of my ability | learnt so much from Germans’

To Lawson Tait   17 January [1877] 1.3 well-bred] after del ‘B’ 1.3 males] above del ‘bulls &c’

To Ferdinand von Hochstetter   14 February 1877 0.1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent.] before del ‘Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’

To Asa Gray   23 January 1877 1.7 Gilia] in CD’s hand above del ‘Gillia’ 1.7 pulcella] ‘c’ in CD’s hand over ‘t’

To Richard Kippist   15 February 1877 1.1 or 4] interl

To Emile Alglave   [after 13 January 1877] 1.1 Live] after del ‘Not’ To R. B. Sharpe?   16 January 1877 1.6 is said] interl in CD’s hand 1.6 to] interl in CD’s hand 1.6 perch] altered from ‘perches’

To J. D. Hooker   25 January [1877] 1.4 a] interl 2.2 before] above del ‘ago’ To J. W. Judd   [after 1 February 1877] 1.2 true] del & stetted below added & del ‘honest’ 1.3 & surprised] interl 1.3 so] interl 1.3 that] after del ‘&’ To H. W. Bates   6 February [1877] 0.1 ‘Mr.’ altered from ‘Mrs.’ 1.2 some time] interl To A. A. van Bemmelen   12 February 1877 1.1 yesterday] interl in CD’s hand 1.1 together with] interl in CD’s hand 1.4 extreme] in CD’s hand above del ‘great’

To Emil Rade   16 February 1877 1.3 one … fifty-four] interl in CD’s hand 1.5 my] above del ‘their’; in CD’s hand 1.10 warmly] in CD’s hand, pencil, above underl pencil ‘very sincerely’ 1.11 highly grat] pencil above del pencil ‘honourable’ 2.1 & shall ever remain,] in CD’s hand Top of letter : ‘German Album’ in CD’s hand To Asa Gray   18 February [1877] 1.1 inimitably] over ‘inimably’ 3.1 to Murray] interl 8.1 275] ‘5’ over illeg To Albert Günther   25 February [1877] 1.5 no doubt 1.6] interl To ?   26 February 1877 0.2 77] over ‘76’

662

Manuscript alterations and comments

To J. D. Hooker   3 March [1877] 1.1 us] over ‘me’ 2.2 spontaneous] interl 3.2 blood] interl 4.2 at Kew] added To J. V. Carus   4 March 1877 2.2 is … &c] interl in CD’s hand before del ‘&c’ 4.1 There … 275] in CD’s hand To Asa Gray   8 March 1877 3.3 moreover] above del ‘also’ 3.4 to … allude 3.5] interl To Melchior Neumayr   9 March 1877 0.1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent.] before del ‘Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 3.2 &] after del ‘&’ 3.6 formerly] interl in CD’s hand To Leonard Blomefield   13 March 1877 0.3 I … name] added and enclosed in box 1.2 the future] ‘the’ added To C. E. Norton   16 March 1877 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.4 is] after del opening quote 2.11 & I] ‘I’ interl

1.5 a Committee] ‘a’ interl 1.5 it is quite] after del ‘I could never’ 1.6 means … have] interl above del ‘opportunities’ 1.7 as] after del ‘many’ 1.7 places] ‘s’ added; after del ‘means’ 1.7 amusement] ‘ment’ over ‘ing’ 1.7 [here been founded]] above del ‘the public’ 1.8 If] ‘I’ over ‘i’; after del ‘But’ 1.8 one] above del ‘association [or][illeg]’ 1.8 for] after interl & del ‘solely’ 1.8 solely] added 1.9 I shall] ‘I’ after del ‘alone’ 1.9 shall be very] above del ‘will gladly’ 1.9 be glad to] added after del illeg To R. F. Cooke   11 April 1877 0.2 April … 77] in CD’s hand 6.3 (or … sent)] interl in CD’s hand 7.1 £9£] second ‘£’ above ‘9’ in CD’s hand 7.1 6s] ‘s’ above first ‘6’ in CD’s hand 7.1 6d] ‘d’ above second ‘6’ in CD’s hand 8.1 Believe … Darwin] in CD’s hand To J. D. Hooker   21 April [1877] 0.1 2. Bryanston St] before del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.1 If … it.—1.2] added To G. H. Darwin   [23 April 1877] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’

To Richard Kippist   19 March 1877 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To E. S. Morse   23 April 1877 1.1 interested] interl

To J. D. Hooker   20 March [1877] 1.6 at once 1.7] interl 2.3 the … of] interl

To Otto Zacharias   26 April 1877 0.1 Station] before del ‘Orpington S.E.R.’ 1.4 at … Surgeons 1.5] interl

To William Saville-Kent   28 March [1877] 1.1 in Jersey] interl 1.2 much] above del ‘great’ 1.2 attending … & 1.3] interl after del ‘going’ 1.3 than] altered from ‘that’; after del ‘, with respect to your scheme,’ 1.3 than the] ‘the’ above del ‘my’ 1.3 state] after del ‘weak state of ’ 1.4 or having … attend 1.5] interl

To G. C. Robertson   27 April 1877 0.1 (Railway … Orpington S.E.R.)] parentheses added To [Francis Lloyd]   1 May [1877] 1.1 want] above del ‘want’ 1.2 I suppose] after del ‘it is better in all’ 1.2 that] interl 1.3 possibly] interl

Manuscript alterations and comments 1.4 impossible] after del ‘quite’ interl 1.7 Philosophical … nature] del and stetted 1.7 is … persons.] interl 1.9 as … present] interl above del ‘if you are’ 1.9 hope … me] interl above del ‘shd be happy’ 1.10 send you] above del ‘me’ 1.10 get] interl 2.1 from] interl 3.1 With] after del ‘I trust that your letter’ To W. H. Flower   2 May [1877] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’ To Albert Günther   4 May [1877] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’ To Fritz Müller   9 May 1877 1.2 on] interl 1.8 with … plants,] interl 2.1 new] interl To W. H. Flower   19 May [1877] 1.5 if] interl 3.1 but] above del ‘&’ 3.2 this] above del ‘my’ To ?   [before 22 May 1877?] 1.1 with,] after del ‘which you require’ 2.2 at] altered from ‘it’ 2.2 copy] after del ‘set’ 2.3 sum] above del ‘total’ 2.3 me at once] transposed from after ‘return’; ‘at once’ interl 2.4 moreover] above del ‘& as’ 2.4 will] above del ‘is pretty’ 2.4 arrive] interl 2.4 read] after del ‘sh’ 2.5 the whole] after del ‘and more’ 2.5 a] after del ‘the’ 3.1 I … me] del then stetted 3.1 for remarking that] interl 3.2 are few … & are] interl 3.2 all] after del ‘are’ 3.3 with 2 or 3 exceptions] 1st occurrence interl 3.3 labourers] after del ‘working’ 3.3 with 2 or 3 exceptions] 2d occurrence interl 3.4 the question] after del ‘yo’

663

3.5 Though] after del pencil ‘of a fee’ 3.5 the Club] above del ‘our M’ 4.1 you] interl 4.1 excuse] altered from ‘excused’, after del ‘be’ To G. C. Robertson   22 May 1877 2.2 struck] after del ‘p’ To G. J. Romanes   23 May 1877 2.2 Generation] ‘era’ added 3.1 any] after del ‘some’ To J. D. Hooker   25 May [1877] 1.3 mere] above del ‘mere’ Enclosure: 8.1 Loan of] interl 17.1 Desmodium] ‘s’ interl 19.1 & 1 or 2] interl above del ‘or’ 20.1 Possibly] after del ‘Neptunia’ To G. J. Romanes   27 May [1877] 1.3 or said] interl 1.6 who … them] interl 7.1 in … kinds, 7.2] interl To G. H. Darwin   30 May [1877] 1.3 or cheered,] interl 1.3 mark] ‘k’ over ‘ke’ To Asa Gray   4 June [1877] 1.4 have] interl 1.4 formerly;] altered from ‘formerly.’ 1.4 ; but now … subject. 1.5] added 1.6 fertilise] after del ‘cross’ 1.6 pistils] below del ‘stigmas’ 1.9 the difference] ‘the’ interl 1.12 it] after del ‘m’ 3.3 commoner] above del ‘commoner’ 3.3 in colder] after del ‘than’ 3.4 the leaves of] interl 3.7 on] interl after del illeg 3.7 (Sir … Hooker) 3.8] interl; square brackets in ms To Charles Bradlaugh   6 June 1877 1.1 for] after del ‘lon’

664

Manuscript alterations and comments

1.2 forced] above del ‘compelled’ 1.3 great] after del ‘very’ 1.3 be a witness] above del ‘compelled to give evidence’ 1.3 not] after del ‘quite possible’ 1.4 Therefore] after del ‘& have to send my medical attendant into court’ 1.5 I may … man.] above del ‘From all that’ 1.5 may add] above del ‘am not’ 1.7 means] after del ‘artifi’ 1.7 so] above del ‘this view is correct’ 1.7 in court] circled, transferred from after ‘opinion’ 1.8 though] above del ‘& then [del] I shd be sorry *to do so, [above del ‘for,’] as’ 1.9 do not doubt] interl after del ‘believe [above del ‘am convinced’]’ 1.9 solely … to] interl above del ‘according to’ 1.9 in] after del ‘from’ 1.10 I] after del illeg 1.10 long] interl 1.10 as] after del ‘for many years’ 1.11 think … court.] above del ‘be forced to refer to in court.’; below del ‘when this passage was written,’ 1.11 When … conception. 1.12] interl 1.12 were written] del then stetted 1.12 of artificial] after del ‘I was thinking [below del ‘refer to’]’ 1.13 evil] altered from ‘evils’ 1.13 here] above del ‘f ’ 1.13 believe] below del ‘believe [below del ‘am [sure]’ 1.13 such practices] above del ‘artificial means to prevent conception’ 1.14 bond] above del ‘arrangement’ 1.14 & the … judgement, 1.16] above del ‘& through its destruction [interl] the highest moral qualities & whatever it may be worth’ 1.15 the greatest] after del illeg 1.16 likewise] del then stetted 1.16 so that] below del ‘Therefore’ 2.1 On Friday] after del ‘If it is not on J’ 2.1 &] after del ‘for the sake of rest,’ 2.2 at my sons] after del ‘to early’ 3.1 If … not] after del ‘I shd.’ 3.3 Apologising … letter.] interl 3.4 obedient] after del ‘am y’ 3.4 C. R D.] ‘R’ after del ‘D.’ To Edward Atkinson   9 June 1877 1.2 this] interl

To Francis Darwin   [10 June 1877] 1.2 (Waugh)] interl To G. J. Romanes   11 June [1877] 0.1 Bassett, Southampton] below del ‘Leith Hill Place’ and above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington S.E.R.’ 1.8 in numerous instances] interl 2.4 which] after del illeg From J. V. Carus   13 June 1877 2.3 asexual] underl and double scored red crayon To Lawson Tait   15 June [1877] 0.1 Bassett, Southampton] before del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ To J. D. Hooker   16 June [1877] 0.1 Bassett, Southampton] before del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ To J. V. Carus   17 June [1877] 0.1 Bassett, Southampton.] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.1 Naples] ‘N’ over ‘n’ 2.3 have] interl To G. C. Robertson   22 June [1877] 0.1 Bassett, Southampton] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ To R. F. Cooke   30 June [1877] 0.1 Bassett, Southampton] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.2 (cut)] interl To Ernst Krause   30 June 1877 2.4 right] after del illeg 2.8 young] after del ‘you’ To Alfred Espinas   [before 1 July 1877] 1.1 I have now … valuably & 1.2] added 1.1 I have now … enemies 1.10] pencil; crossed blue crayon

Manuscript alterations and comments 1.4 p 5 4] interl; line leading to caret from box in margin 1.6 should] interl To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   9 July [1877] 1.1 four] above del ‘some’ 1.3 or “keep dry”] added 1.3 shallow] interl 1.3 with] after del illeg 1.4 “Hot-house … Greenhouse”] added To Ernst Krause   11 July [1877] 0.1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent.] before del ‘Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 3.1 I suppose] interl 3.5 forgetting your address] interl 3.5 addressed] after del ‘so’ To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   14 July [1877] 1.1 (which … me) 1.2] interl 1.2 Seeds of] interl 1.3 perhaps] interl 2.1 monosperma] interl 2.2 to save it.] interl 4.1 &] after del ‘you’ 4.1 a plant,] interl 6.1 Linn.] after del illeg 6.1 Carambola] ‘ran’ interl 10.2 species] above del ‘plants’ 10.3 evaporation] after del ‘f ’ To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   18 July [1877] 1.2 with] above del ‘in’ 1.6 put the] ‘the’ above del ‘in’ 1.7 now] added 4.1 now] interl 4.2 with … meat 4.3] inserted 4.3 cooked] after del ‘m’ 4.4 &] after del ‘&’ 4.4 effects] after del ‘results’ To J. M. F. Ludlow   20 July [1877] 1.1 that] interl 2.1 earnestly] interl 2.1 many of the 2.2] above del ‘the’; after del ‘The Club is so prosperous that the’ 2.2 dissolve … to] interl; ‘club’ above del ‘it’; ‘to’ added

665

2.2 all] interl 2.2 funds] above del ‘moneys’ 2.3 do so;] above del ‘dissolve [‘the’ del] it;’; before del ‘the Club [above del ‘it’]’ 2.3 much] above del ‘any great’; before del ‘further’ 2.3 them] above del ‘their’ 2.4 bonus] added before del ‘money [below del ‘share of money’]’ 2.4 to each] ‘to’ after del ‘them’ 2.4 a fresh] above del ‘there will be another’ 2.5 will arise.] added 3.1 beg leave] above del ‘have the’ 3.1 remain] before del ‘to’ 4.1 these] ‘these’ over ‘the’ 4.2 of] above del ‘who are striving to prevent’ 4.2 Club] after interl & del ‘members of the’; before del ‘[being dissolved]’

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   22 July [1877] 1.2 & about … sensitiva] added 2.3 after 48 hours] interl 2.4 But … affected 2.5] added 2.5 was] interl 4.3 odd] after del illeg 4.4 for anything] interl 5.2 is] interl 5.3 grown] after del illeg 6.4 with … attributes. 6.5] interl 8.1 (as … sleep) 8.2] interl 8.5 violently] interl 8.5 a branch] after del ‘the’ 8.6 Log-wood] interl 9.1 The … length.] added down side of page

To Thomas Druitt   29 July [1877] 1.1 for] after del ‘in this village’ 1.1 very] interl 1.2 (about] after del ‘of money’ 1.2 & I] ‘ &’ after interl & del ‘as a bonus to the members’ 1.4 Office] after del ‘National Debt’ 1.6 in this manner] interl 1.6 the draft] ‘the’ above ‘a’ 1.6 & 4 1.7] ‘ &’ after del ‘ signed by 2 Trustees’ 1.7 & … account;] interl 1.7 I] after del ‘& then’ 1.8 then] interl 1.8 for] above del ‘to bring’ 1.8 money] before del ‘to me for distribution.’

666

Manuscript alterations and comments

To the National Debt Office   [after 29 July 1877] 1.2 our] before del ‘as’ 1.7 purpose] below del ‘effect’ To T. H. Farrer   31 July [1877] 1.5 lately] interl 2.1 probably] interl 2.3 but he] interl 2.4 his] after del ‘the want of ’ 2.4 on] ‘o’ over ‘f ’ To W. D. Whitney   1 August [1877] 1.4 the observations were made] above del ‘were written’ To F. J. Cohn   8 August 1877 7.1 My … me.] in CD’s hand To G. J. Romanes   9 August [1877] 1.3 muslin] before del illeg 1.4 from] after del ‘through the’ 2.1 myself] ‘my’ above del ‘our’ 2.6 not ] interl 3.2 throughout Europe] interl 3.2 by plants] interl 3.3 them] above del ‘plants’ 3.6 numerous &] ‘numerous’ before del colon 3.8 many] below del ‘much’ 3.10 very] after del ‘qui’ To G. J. Romanes   10 August [1877] 1.3 very] interl 1.3 of conveyance,] interl 1.3 like] after del ‘of ’ 1.3 the] altered from ‘thr’ 1.3 threads] interl 1.5 I suppose] interl To W. E. Darwin   20 [August 1877] 1.3 hang] altered from ‘hand’ To W.  T.  Thiselton-Dyer    [20–4 August  1877] 1.1 (or even two)] interl 1.2 (formerly from Kew)] interl 2.1 spontaneous] added 4.1 & are … facts] interl

4.2 leaf] altered from ‘leaflet’ To R. I. Lynch   23 August [1877] 2.1 & … Francis] interl To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   31 August [1877] 1.2 very] interl 2.2 so … it. 2.3] interl 2.3 what] after del ‘even’ 3.1 very unhealthy] interl 4.1 many] above del ‘many’ 4.2 in] after del ‘are’ 6.1 Notwithstanding] above del ‘For’ 11.4 species of] interl To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   5 September [1877] 1.2 chiefly] interl after interl & del ‘chi’ To A. R. Wallace   5 September [1877] 1.3 for instance] interl 1.3 is] after del ‘&c’ 2.4 shows … is] interl 2.6 in most cases] interl 4.1 in] after del ‘that I’ 4.4 what] ‘w’ over ‘I’ To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   15 September [1877] 1.1 my] after del illeg 1.3 & sent us.] interl 1.7 the] interl To J. V. Carus   16 September [1877] 2.1 “longer”] after del ‘of ’ 4.1 (but … forgot)] parentheses over commas 4.1 now] interl To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   22 September 1877 0.2 22d] in CD’s hand above del ‘20’ 3.1 P.S. … Mertensia maritima.—] in CD’s hand To Raphael Meldola   27 September [1877] 1.2 certain] after del ‘to’ 1.3 1 sp. of] interl 1.3 p. 315] interl

Manuscript alterations and comments 1.7 coloured] above del ‘eyes’

5.4 have been] above del ‘are’

To C. W. von Nägeli   27 September 1877 0.1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent.] above del ‘Railway Station | Orpington S.E.R.’

To Raphael Meldola   22 October [1877] 1.2 stereotypes] altered from ‘steriotypes’

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   27 September [1877] 1.1 have] interl 1.1 a] after del ‘yester’

To [Agnes Taylor?]   22 October [1877] 1.1 enclose] after del ‘se’

To Hjalmar Linnström   7 October 1877 4.1 P.S … translation.—] in CD’s hand To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   11 October [1877] 2.2 A] above del ‘The’ 2.3 the] interl 2.3 day was] ‘was’ interl 2.3 gummed] above del ‘gumed’ 2.4 was fixed] interl 2.7 P.M.] interl 3.1 closely] interl 3.2 with cotyledons] interl 3.3 all the] ‘the’ interl 3.4 so-called] interl 3.5 Do] interl To T. M. Reade   12 October [1877] 1.2 the] above del ‘your’ To G. H. Darwin   18 [October 1877] 1.1 (or … want)] interl Enclosure: 1.3 kept] aove del ‘left’ 1.4 gathered] interl 1.4 & it … air 1.5] interl 1.9 vapour] after del ‘the’ 1.9 a layer] ‘a’ after del ‘the’ To John Tyndall   20 October 1877 1.3 only looked] ‘only’ interl in CD’s hand To J. D. Hooker   21 October [1877] 2.2 in] interl 3.4 been] after del ‘not’

667

To W. C. Williamson   22 October [1877] 1.2 fragment] after del ‘fr g’

To R. I. Lynch   23 October [1877] 1.2 2 or 3] interl 2.1 observing] above del ‘observing’ 2.1 some of] interl

To J. D. Hooker   [26 October 1877] 0.1 6. … St.] before del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington S.E.R.’

To Raphael Meldola   31 October [1877] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’

To James Cartmell   [November 1877] 1.1. for] added above 1.1 your extremely] above del ‘very’ 1.1 be] interl 1.1 much] after ‘in some respects’ del pencil 1.2 at Cambridge] interl 1.3 proposed] pencil interl above del pencil ‘fixed’ 1.4 am … say I] interl pencil; ‘I’ over ‘th’ 1.4 kindness] after interl & del ‘great’ 1.4 As] added 1.4 very] above del ‘So’ 1.5 allow me to] pencil below del pencil ‘I must’, below pencil del pencil ‘allow permit me to’; ‘I must’ after del ‘that’ 1.5 I suffer] after del ‘my L’ 1.6 sit] after del ‘even’ 1.6 erect more] above del illeg 1.7 receiving] after del ‘[illeg] the’ 1.9 that] interl 1.9 superfluous] pencil above del pencil ‘ridiculous’

668

Manuscript alterations and comments

1.9 but … truth. 1.10] below del ‘but’ & ‘especially as I appear to seem in good health’; ‘to seem’ below del ‘as though’ 2.1 Pray believe] pencil below del pencil ‘I remain’ 2.1 truly] after del ‘very’

To Horace Darwin   1 November [1877] 2.2 not level] above del ‘uneven’ 2.2 curious] ‘cur’ over ‘cur’ 2.9 for you] interl 2.10 beneath] after del ‘under’ 4.2 on] interl

To ‘Bronsomerulay’ Frazier   [2 November 1877] 0.1 Sir] above del ‘Gentlemen’ 1.1 Univ] interl pencil 1.2 have] pencil below interl ink & del pencil ‘unanimously’ 1.2 unanimously] interl 1.2 agreeing to propose] pencil above del pencil ‘proposing’ 1.3 extreme pleasure] pencil above del pencil ‘deep satisfaction’ 1.4 I hope … students 1.5] interl pencil 1.6 that I … not] interl 1.6 withstand] after del ‘I could’ 1.7 unavoidable] added below added & del ‘necessary’ 1.7 [excitement]] pencil above del pencil ‘excitement’ 2.1 Again] after del ‘consequent on the acceptance of the office.—’ 2.1 Sir] pencil after del pencil ‘Gentlemen’

To J. D. Hooker   6 November [1877] 1.1 so] interl 1.3 Mimosa] after del ‘the’ 1.3 one species of 1.4] interl

To J. D. Hooker   8 November [1877] 1.4 labour.] above del ‘work’ 3.6 have seeds.] above del ‘observe.’

To Fritz Müller   13 November 1877 0.1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent.] above del ‘Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.3 additional] interl

To Hyacinth Hooker   [18 November 1877] 0.1 Cambridge] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 4.3 horse] added To Édouard Heckel   20 November 1877 0.1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent.] above del ‘Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.3 by you] interl 1.5 especially] after del ‘I’ To G. H. Darwin   21 November [1877] 2.2 of L.L.D.] interl To G. H. Darwin   24 November [1877] 1.1 will be] interl above del ‘is’ To J. D. Hooker   25 November [1877] 0.1 Down, Beckenham, Kent.] above del ‘Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 2.1 oleracea] ‘o’ over ‘a’ 2.1 of last lot] interl 2.3 with] after del ‘up’ To J. D. Hooker   28 November [1877] 1.2 evidently] interl 2.1 first] interl 3.1 tautological. 3.2] full stop over comma 3.2 —] over ‘I’ 3.2 by] over ‘—’ 4.2 doubt] after del ‘rather’ 4.3 many] above del ‘many’ To John Murray   28 November 1877 2.1 (?)] interl 5.2 the Edit] interl 9.1 this note] interl To John Murray   30 November 1877 2.1 very] interl 3.3 now] interl To G. J. Romanes   [1 and 2 December 1877] 1.4 in] over illeg 1.4 in … Hall?!!] interl

Manuscript alterations and comments 2.1 About] ‘A’ over ‘a’ 2.1 p. 37] interl 2.2 is] after del ‘ne’ 5.1 night … moment 5.2] interl 6.5 Pangenesis] interl 6.5 in Kosmos 6.6] interl 7.2 as far] after del ‘but’ To R. F. Cooke   11 December [1877] 1.2 up] after del ‘for’ 2.1 Memoranda] above del ‘notes’ 2.3 my] after del ‘I’ 2.4 in March] interl 2.4 140£] ‘£’ added above ‘140’ 5.3 or 4] interl To Axel Key   20 December 1877 0.1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent.] above del ‘Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ To the Down Friendly Society    31 December [1877?] 1.2 against … year] interl; ‘the closing’ after del ‘management’ 1.3 It] above del ‘This’ 1.3 to … this] interl 1.4 Fund] after del ‘Surplus’ 1.4 the deficiency may] above del ‘I suppose it must’; ‘the’ altered from ‘this’ 2.1 order] above del ‘make’ 2.1 as before] interl 2.2 from … Fund] interl 2.6 Payment to] above del ‘Paid’ 2.8 paid] after del ‘thus’ 3.1 As] after del ‘18 . 1 . 6 8 . 5.6 9 16 0’ 3.1 have] interl 3.1 this year] transposed from after ‘Fines’ 3.1 for Honorary] after del ‘only’ 3.1 8.5.6] after del ‘only’ 3.2 will] after del ‘wd’ 3.2 supposing … year] interl; ‘next year’ after del ‘as before’ 3.3 out … Fund] transposed from after ‘Q’ 3.4 the first] above del ‘one’ 3.4 other 3] above del ‘remainder’ 3.5 against] after del illeg 4.1 unprecedented … affairs] added below

669

4.1 as I remain] below del ‘you choose to keep me as your’ 4.2 can] before del ‘will’ above del ‘can’ verso: 17.18.0 8. 5.6 9.12.6

BIOGRAPHICAL REGISTER This list includes all correspondents and all persons mentioned in the letters and notes that the editors have been able to identify. Dates of letters to and from correspondents are given in chronological order. Letters to correspondents are listed in roman type; letters from correspondents in italic type; third-party letters are listed with the name of the recipient or sender given in parentheses. Adams, John Couch (1819–92). Astronomer and mathematician. Co-discoverer, by mathematical calculation, of the planet Neptune. Fellow and tutor, St John’s College, Cambridge, 1843–52; Pembroke College from 1853. Lowndean Professor of astronomy and geometry, Cambridge University, 1859–92; director of the Cambridge Observatory, 1861–92. FRS 1849. (DSB; ODNB.) Adams, Thomas E. (1824–68). American soldier. General in the Confederate Army. Married Mary Graham in 1853. (Pierce 1892, p. 46.) Adler, Friedrich (1857–1938). Austrian lawyer, journalist, poet, and playwright. Born in Bohemia. Studied law and political science at the University of Prague; doctorate in law, 1883; part-time lecturer in philology. Passed the bar in 1890; had a law office in Prague, 1890–6. From the mid-1880s, began to contribute to German-language newspapers in Prague and promoted German nationalism. Critic and reviewer in the newspaper Bohemia. Published several volumes of poetry, 1893–1916. Dedicated a number of poems to CD in 1877. (Michler 1999, p. 94; ÖBL online (accessed 24 March 2017).) Agassiz, Jean Louis Rodolphe (Louis) (1807–73). Swiss-born zoologist and geologist. Professor of natural history, Neuchâtel, 1832–46. Emigrated to the United States in 1846. Professor of zoology and geology, Harvard University, 1847–73. Established the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard in 1859. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1838. (ANB; DAB; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Agricultural Gazette. 22 March 1877 Aikins, Grace (1830–1920). American. Resident of Muscatine, Iowa. Mother of Sarah Matilda Nipher. (United States Federal Census 1870 (Goshen, Muscatine, Iowa [1]/137A) (Ancestry.com, accessed 23 August 2016); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 23 August 2016).) Alglave, Émile (1842–1928). French economist and editor. Studied palaeography and law at the École des chartes, Paris, and received a doctorate in law, 1868. Professor, faculty of law, Douai, 1870; taught political economy, Lille, 1873;

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Biographical register

professor, scientific finance, faculty of law, Paris, 1878. Co-founder and director of the journals Revue des cours scientifiques and Revue des cours littéraires, 1864–80. Worked mainly in the area of tax reform. (DBF.) 13 January 1877, [after 13 January 1877], 21 June 1877 Allan, James Brands (1808–90). Physician. MD, Edinburgh, 1838; FRCP, Edinburgh, 1855. Travelled on the east coast of Madagascar, 1830–2. Practised in Forres, 1840s–50s, and London, 1860s–70s. Wrote on diseases in African islands. Cited by CD in Coral reefs. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG 9/8/27/1); Census returns of Scotland 1851 (The National Archives of Scotland: Forres: 2/21/7); Medical directory 1875.) Allen, Charles Grant Blairfindie (Grant) (1848–99). Canadian-born writer on science and evolution. BA, Oxford (Merton College), 1871. Taught in schools in Brighton, Cheltenham, and Reading. Professor of mental and moral philosophy at a college at Spanish Town, Jamaica, 1873–6. Developed his own theory of evolution based largely on the works of Herbert Spencer. A regular contributor to magazines. Wrote popular novels, some under pseudonyms. (ODNB.) Allen, Joel Asaph (1838–1921). American zoologist. Studied with Louis Agassiz and accompanied him to Brazil in 1865. Led an expedition to study birds in eastern Florida, 1868–9. Curator of birds and mammals, Harvard Museum of Comparative Anatomy, 1867–85. Helped found the Nuttall Ornithological Club in 1876 and the American Ornithologists’ Union in 1883. Curator of ornithology and mammology, American Museum of Natural History, 1885– 1907; of mammals, 1907–21; of invertebrates, 1887–90; of fish and reptiles, 1887–1901. (ANB.) Allingham, William (1829–1908). Surgeon and architect. Trained and practised as an architect, but abandoned architecture for medicine in 1851. Studied at St Thomas’s Hospital, London, qualifying in 1855. Surgeon in the Crimean War, after which he held posts at St Thomas’s. FRCS 1857. Consultant in London from 1863, specialising in diseases of the rectum; published Diseases of the rectum (1871). (Plarr 1930.) Allman, George James (1812–98). Botanist and zoologist. Professor of botany, Dublin University, 1844; regius professor of natural history, Edinburgh University, 1855–70. President of the Linnean Society of London, 1874–83. FRS 1854. (ODNB.) 27 January 1877 Andrews, John (1821/2–87). Coach builder. Had premises at Tyrrell Road, Peckham Rye, Surrey, in the 1870s, and supplied CD with a coach in 1877. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/678/4/1); Certificate of death, 2 September 1887, Camberwell, Surrey (General Register Office, England); letter to John Andrews, [before 12 March 1877]; Post Office directory of the six home counties 1874.) [before 12 March 1877]

Biographical register

673

Anon. 26 February 1877, 30 March 1877, [before 22 May 1877?], 7 June 1877, 13 June 1877, 24 June [1877], 26 June [1877] D. Appleton & Co. New York publishing house. Founded by Daniel Appleton (1785–1849) in 1831. His son William Henry Appleton (1814–99) was taken into partnership in 1838. American publishers of works by CD and Herbert Spencer. (ANB.) [1 August–15 September 1877]. See also Layton, Charles. Appleton, William Henry (1814–99). American publisher. Partner in the New York firm D. Appleton & Co., 1838–48. Became head of the firm in 1848 on the retirement of his father, Daniel Appleton. D. Appleton & Co. published works by British scientists such as CD and Herbert Spencer. (ANB.) Appleton, William Worthen (1845–1923). American publisher. Son of William Henry Appleton and Mary Worthen. Started working for his father’s publishing firm, D. Appleton & Co., in 1865; became a partner in 1868. (Overton 1925, pp. 3, 5, 55.) Ariosto, Ludovico (1474–1533). Italian poet and diplomat. Served the family of the duke of Ferrara. Celebrated for his popular epic poem, Orlando furioso. (DBI.) Ariosto, Ludovico (1474–1533). Italian poet. Author of Orlando furioso. (EB.) Ascherson, Paul Friedrich August (1834–1913). German botanist. MD, Berlin, 1855. Assistant at the botanical garden in Berlin, 1860–76; lecturer in specific botany and plant geography, 1863–73. Went on expeditions to the Mediterranean and Libya. (NDB.) Ashburner, Anne (1807–94). Aunt of Susan Ridley Sedgwick Norton. (Pierre A. Walker et al. 2005–10, Dear Henry James, Cast of major characters, www.dearhenryjames.org (accessed 1 March 2010).) Ashburner, Grace (1814–93). Aunt of Susan Ridley Sedgwick Norton. (Pierre A. Walker et al. 2005–10, Dear Henry James, Cast of major characters, www.dearhenryjames.org (accessed 1 March 2010).) Asher, Georg Michael (1827–1905). Russian-born German writer and teacher of law. Son of the Hebraist and bookseller Adolf Asher and his wife, Anna Friedeberg; Adolf Asher collaborated extensively with the librarian of the British Museum, Anthony Panizzi. Trained as a typesetter and bookseller, and later studied history and law at Berlin and Heidelberg Universities. Privat-dozent and later professor of Roman law at Heidelberg. Worked as a nurse in the FrancoPrussian War of 1870–1. After the war, he lived in the Russian cities of Samara and Saratov, and studied the history and social, economic, and legal conditions of German colonies on the Volga. Later worked as an independent scholar in London and Paris. (Große jüdische National-Biographie; Paisey 1997, pp. 135, 151.) 1 November 1877 (to John Murray), 7 November 1877, 11 November 1877 Atkinson, Edward (1819–1915). Scholar and university administrator. BA, Cambridge, and fellow, Clare College, 1842; tutor, 1850; master 1856–1915. Ordained

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Biographical register

priest, 1846. Lecturer in classics. Vice-chancellor, 1862, 1868, 1869, 1876, 1877. (Alum. Cantab.) 9 June 1877, 25 October 1877, 27 October 1877 Aurelius, Marcus (121–80). Roman emperor. Best known for his Meditations, a work of Stoic philosophy. (Oxford classical dictionary.) Austin, Albert Duncan (1839–1903). Surveyor and engineer in New Zealand. Emigrated to New Zealand in 1855. Assistant surveyor to the general government of New Zealand (Nelson office). Surveyed and laid out roads for the Nelson Provincial Government service, 1856–66. In private practice as a civil engineer and surveyor, 1866–72. Resident engineer to the Public Works Department of New Zealand from 1872. Laid out and superintended the Nelson and Foxhill Railway, 1872–5. In charge of the Winton to Kingston Railway, the Western district railways, and other public works in the Southland district (Invercargill), 1875–8. Worked in Canterbury district, 1878–87, supervising the construction of a number of railways and other public works. Fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society, 1875. (Press (Christchurch), 17 April 1903, p. 5.) 6 November 1877 Azara, Félix d’ (1746–1811). Spanish explorer and army officer. Sent to South America to survey Spanish and Portuguese territories. Published works on the fauna of Paraguay. (NBU.) Babington, Charles Cardale (1808–95). Botanist, entomologist, and archaeologist. Involved in natural history activities at Cambridge for more than forty years; an expert on plant taxonomy. A founding member of the Cambridge Entomological Society and the Cambridge Antiquarian Society. Editor of Annals and Magazine of Natural History from 1842. Chairman, Cambrian Archaeological Association, 1855– 85. Professor of botany, Cambridge University, 1861–95. FRS 1851. (DNB; DSB.) 16 March 1877 Badger, Edward William (1833/4–1915). Journalist and newspaper proprietor. Fellow of the Royal Horticultural Society. Editor of the journal of the Midland Union of Scientific and Literary Societies, the Midland Naturalist. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/2947/46/17); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 January 2014); Midland Naturalist (1878).) Bailey, William Whitman (1843–1914). American botanist. Educated at the school for officers’ children at West Point. Entered Brown University in 1864. Became a private in the Tenth Rhode Island Volunteers, and did not finish college. Assistant in chemistry at Brown, 1865, and at MIT, 1866. Botanist to the US Geological Exploration of the Fortieth Parallel, 1867–8. Deputy secretary of state and assistant librarian of the Providence Athenaeum. Taught botany at private schools in Providence, 1872–7. Attended Harvard summer school of botany, 1875–7. Started a private botany class at Brown, 1877; professor of botany, 1881–1906. (Barnhart comp. 1965; Mitchell 1993.) 28 September 1877, [November 1877], 10 December 1877

Biographical register

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Baillière, Jean Baptiste Marie (1797–1885). French publisher. Founded the company of J. B. Baillière et fils. (DBF.) Baillon, Ernest Henri (1827–95). French botanist. Professor of medical natural history, and of hygiene and natural history applied to industry, École Centrale des Arts et Manufactures, Paris, 1863–95. Editor of the botanical journal, Adansonia, 1860–70. (DBF.) Baker, John Gilbert (1834–1920). Botanist. Draper in Thirsk, Yorkshire, 1847–64. Active in the Thirsk Natural History Society. Assistant in the herbarium at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1866–90; keeper of the herbarium, 1890–9. Lectured on botany at the London Hospital Medical School, 1869–81, and at the Chelsea Physic Garden, 1882–96. Contributed to colonial floras. Authority on ferns. FRS 1878. (DSB; ODNB.) Bakker, Gerbrand (1771–1828). Dutch physician. MD, Leiden, 1794. Professor of anatomy, physiology, surgery, and obstetrics, University of Groningen, from 1811. (NNBW.) Balfour, Francis Maitland (1851–82). Biologist. Brother of Arthur James Balfour. Specialised in comparative embryology. Studied natural sciences at the University of Cambridge, 1870–3; from 1874, fellow, Trinity College, Cambridge, where he directed a morphological laboratory. Appointed lecturer on animal morphology, University of Cambridge, 1876; professor, 1882. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) Balfour, Isaac Bayley (1853–1922). Botanist. BSc, Edinburgh, 1873; MD 1883. Botanist and geologist on an expedition to Rodriguez Island to observe the transit of Venus, 1874. Regius professor of botany, Glasgow, 1879; Sherardian Professor of botany, Oxford, 1884. Founded Annals of Botany in 1887. Professor of botany, Edinburgh, 1888. FRS 1884. Knighted, 1920. (ODNB.) Balfour, John Hutton (1808–84). Scottish physician and botanist. Professor of botany, Glasgow University, 1841–5. Professor of botany, University of Edinburgh, and regius keeper of the Royal Botanic Garden, Edinburgh, 1845–79. Founding member of the Botanical Society of Edinburgh, 1836. Founder of the Edinburgh Botanical Club, 1838. Co-editor of the Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal. FRS 1856. (DSB; ODNB.) Barbier, Edmond (d. 1883). French translator. Translated works by CD (Journal of researches, Origin 6th ed., Variation 2d ed., Descent 2d ed.), John Lubbock, and Edward Burnett Tylor. (Tort 1996.) Barghash Ibn Saʿīd (Barghash) (b. c. 1834 d. 1888). Sultan of Zanzibar, 1870– 88. (Encyclopaedia Britannica, britannica.com, accessed 11 September 2015.) Barkly, Henry (1815–98). Colonial administrator. Served as governor of British Guiana, 1849–53; Jamaica, 1853–6; Victoria, 1856–63; Mauritius, 1863–70; and Cape Colony, 1870–7. Sent plants to the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. Investigated the ferns of Jamaica and Mauritius and its dependencies. Knighted, 1853. FRS 1864. (Gunn and Codd 1981; ODNB; Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 75 (1905): 23–5.)

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Biographical register

Barlow, William Henry (1812–1902). Civil engineer. Developed successful designs for rail track, suspension bridges, and steel structures. Experimented with telegraphy and sound recording. FRS 1850. (ODNB.) Barnum, Phineas Taylor (1810–91). American entrepreneur, showman, and circus owner. Founded Barnum’s American Museum in New York, displaying animals and curiosities, in 1842. Made a lucrative tour of England with the dwarf Tom Thumb, 1844–7. Opened a circus in Brooklyn in 1871. (ANB.) Bartlett, Abraham Dee (1812–97). Taxidermist and zoo superintendent. Taxidermist, circa 1834–52. Superintendent of the natural history department, Crystal Palace, 1852–9; of the Zoological Society’s gardens, Regent’s Park, 1859–97. (Modern English biography; ODNB.) Bary, Anton Heinrich de (1831–88). German botanist and physician. Studied medicine in Heidelberg, Marburg, and Berlin, 1849–53. Professor extraordinarius of botany, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1855; professor, 1859. Professor of botany, Halle, 1868; Strassburg (Strasbourg), 1872. Discovered lichen symbiosis and the sexuality of fungi. (DBE; DSB.) Bastian, Adolf (1826–1905). German ethnologist. Went to Australia as a ship’s doctor in 1851 and travelled around the world until 1859. Published Der Mensche in Geschichte (1860). Established the Berlin Museum of Ethnography in 1868; the Anthropological Society of Berlin in 1870. Lecturer in ethnology, University of Berlin, from 1868. Opposed the application of Darwinian theory to humans. (DBE; Tort 1996.) Bastian, Henry Charlton (1837–1915). Physician and specialist in clinical neurology. Assistant physician and lecturer on pathology, St Mary’s Hospital, London, circa 1863–6. Professor of pathological anatomy, University College, London, 1867; physician, University College Hospital, 1878. Best known for his work on spontaneous generation. FRS 1868. (DSB.) Batalin, Alexander Feodorowicz (1847–96). Russian botanist and plant physiologist. Based at the Imperial Botanic Garden, St Petersburg, 1870–96. (Barnhart comp. 1965.) Bates, Henry Walter (1825–92). Entomologist. Undertook a joint expedition to the Amazon with Alfred Russel Wallace, 1848–9; continued to explore the area, after Wallace returned to England, until 1859. Provided the first comprehensive scientific explanation of the phenomenon subsequently known as Batesian mimicry. Published an account of his travels, The naturalist on the River Amazons, in 1863. Assistant secretary, Royal Geographical Society of London, 1864–92. President, Entomological Society of London, 1868, 1869, and 1878. FRS 1881. (DSB; ODNB.) 11 January 1877, 6 February [1877] Bates, Thomas (1775–1849). Stockbreeder. Tenant farmer in Northumberland at Wark Eals and Halton Castle before buying his own farm at Kirklevington, Stockton-on-Tees, in 1811. Experimented in crop rotation and manuring, and built up his stock of shorthorn cattle. Exhibited cattle and won many prizes (including for his most famous bull, Duke of Northumberland) at the Yorkshire

Biographical register

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Agricultural Society and the Royal Agricultural Society of England, 1838–48. (ODNB.) Battey, Thomas Jesse (1842–1931). American school teacher and botanist. A Quaker. Taught science at the Moses Brown School, Providence, Rhode Island from 1868. Member of the Botanical Committee of the Providence Franklin Society. Collected phanerogams. (Bennett 1888, p. iii; Harvard University Herbaria & Libraries, Index of botanists (http://kiki.huh.harvard.edu/databases/botanist_index.html, accessed 2 August 2016); Kelsey 1919; U.S. Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 August 2016).) Baumhauer, Edouard Henri von (1820–85). Dutch chemist. Studied classical literature and natural sciences at Utrecht. Professor of physics and chemistry at the Royal Athenaeum in Maastricht, 1845–7. Professor of chemistry at the Athenaeum Illustre in Amsterdam, 1848–65. Perpetual secretary of the Koninklijke Hollandsche Maatschappij der Wetenschappen (Royal Holland Society of Sciences and Humanities), Haarlem, 1865–85. Edited the Archives néerlandaises des sciences exactes et naturelles. (Complete dictionary of scientific biography.) 19 May 1877, 22 May 1877 Baxter, Myron Leslie (1840–95). American physician. MD, Dartmouth, 1862. Medical statistician, Provost-Marshal office, Washington DC, 1873–83. (Triennial catalogue of Dartmouth College, p. 76; Vermont in the Civil War cemetery database, vermontcivilwar.org (accessed 9 July 2015).) Beaufort, Francis (1774–1857). Naval officer and hydrographer. Retired as rearadmiral in 1846. Hydrographer to the navy, 1829–55. Originator of the Beaufort scale for wind force. FRS 1814. (DNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Becker, Lydia Ernestine (1827–90). Leading member of the women’s suffrage movement, botanist, and astronomer. Published Botany for novices (1864); awarded a Horticultural Society Gold Medal, 1865. Founder and president of the Manchester Ladies’ Literary Society, 1867. Secretary to the Manchester National Society for Women’s Suffrage from 1867. Member of the Manchester School Board, 1870. Editor of and regular contributor to the Women’s Suffrage Journal from 1870. Secretary to the London central committee of the National Society for Women’s Suffrage from 1881. (Blackburn 1902, Journal of Botany 3 (1865): 164, Macmillan dictionary of women’s biography; ODNB.) 16 January 1877 Beever, William Holt (1827–87). Clergyman and shorthorn cattle breeder. Rector of Llandyssil, Montgomeryshire. Author of An alphabetical arrangement of the leading shorthorn tribes and more general farming works, including Daily life of our farm (1871). Regular contributor to the Live Stock Journal and the Agricultural Gazette. (Weekly edition of the National Live Stock Journal (Chicago), 16 August 1887, pp. 514–15; Alum. Oxon.; WorldCat Identities, http://www.worldcat.org/identities, accessed 15 February 2017.) Beger, Darwin Richard (1877–1934). German master builder. Son of Karl Beger. (Hamburg, Germany, births, 1874–1901 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 June 2016);

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Hamburg, Germany, deaths, 1874–1950 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 February 2017); Hamburg, Germany, marriages, 1874–1920 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 February 2017).) Beger, Emma Friedrike Caroline Dalchow (1851/2–80). German. Wife of Karl Beger. Resided in Hamburg, Germany. (Hamburg, Germany, births, 1874– 1901 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 June 2016); Hamburg, Germany, deaths, 1874–1950 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 February 2017).) Beger, Friedrich Theodor Karl (Karl) (fl. 1870s). German bookkeeper. (Hamburg, Germany, births, 1874–1901 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 June 2016); letter from Karl Beger, 12 February 1877.) [12 February 1877] Beke, Charles Tilstone (1800–74). Traveller, geographer, and author. Travelled in Abyssinia, 1840–3 and 1866; Syria and Palestine, 1861–2; and to Mount Sinai and the Red Sea, 1874. Attempted to reconcile geological discoveries with Biblical events and locations. A business associate of Blyth Brothers, Mauritius, 1853–9. Resident of Bromley, Kent, in 1874. (Lagesse 1982, p. 113; ODNB.) Beke, Emily (1837–1911). Second wife of Charles Tilstone Beke. Travelled with her husband in Syria and Palestine, and assisted in his work in identifying Biblical locations. Edited and published her husband’s final work after his death. Spent the last years of her life in France. (The Times, 16 August 1911, p. 9.) Belt, Thomas (1832–78). Geologist, naturalist, and mining engineer. Member of Tyneside Naturalists’ Field Club. Joined the Australian gold rush in 1852, and studied geology. Returned to England in 1862 and established himself as a consultant mining engineer; worked in Nova Scotia, Wales, Nicaragua (1868–72), Siberia and southern Russia, and the United States. Fellow of the Geological Society of London. (Lightman ed. 2004; ODNB.) [before 18] January 1877, 18 January 1877, 20 January 1877 Bemmelen, Adriaan Anthoni van (1830–97). Zoologist and ornithologist. Second assistant, Natural History Museum, Leiden, 1859; first assistant, 1865. Director, Rotterdam Zoological Garden, 1876. Chairman of the Netherlands Zoological Society for seventeen years. (NNBW.) 6 February 1877 (and H. J. Veth), 12 February 1877 Bennett, Alfred William (1833–1902). Botanist, bookseller, and publisher. Proprietor and editor of the Friend, the monthly journal of the Society of Friends. Lecturer in botany, Bedford College, London, 1868; Westminster Hospital, London, 1869–73. Author of several papers on pollination, 1871–3, and other botanical works. Biological subeditor for Nature, 1871–3; botanical reviewer and writer for the Academy. Vice-president of the Microscopical Society, 1892, 1899, and 1900; editor of the society’s journal, 1897–1902. Vice-president of the Linnean Society of London, 1891–2. (Correspondence vol. 21, letter from A. W. Bennett, 16 March 1873; R. Desmond 1994; Journal of the Royal Microscopical Society 1879–1902; List of the Linnean Society of London 1891–2; Medical directory 1869–73; ODNB.) Benoît, Justin-Miranda René (René) (1844–1922). French physician and physicist. MD, Montpellier, 1869; doctorat ès sciences, École des hautes études, 1873.

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Assistant director, Bureau international des poids et mesures, 1877; director, 1889. Translated Expression into French with Samuel Jean Pozzi (1874). Standardised units of length, temperature, and electrical resistance. (DBF; DSB.) Bentham, George (1800–84). Botanist. Moved his botanical library and collections to the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, in 1854, and was provided with facilities there for his research from 1861. President of the Linnean Society of London, 1861–74. Published Genera plantarum (1862–83) with Joseph Dalton Hooker. FRS 1862. (DSB; ODNB.) 10 July 1877, 12 July 1877, [after 12 July 1877] Bergh, Ludwig Sophus Rudolph (Rudolph) (1824–1909). Danish physician and malacologist. Head doctor, Copenhagen hospital, 1866–1905. As a malacologist, worked mainly on gastropod systematics. Worked on the mollusc collections of several expeditions including the Challenger and the German expedition to the Philippine archipelago. (Journal de conchyliologie 63 (1910): 110–17.) Berkeley, Miles Joseph (1803–89). Clergyman and botanist. Perpetual curate of Apethorpe and Wood Newton, Northamptonshire, 1833–68. Vicar of Sibbertoft, Northamptonshire, from 1868. Editor of the Journal of the Royal Horticultural Society, 1866–77. An expert on British fungi; described fungi from CD’s Beagle voyage. Royal Society of London Royal Medallist, 1863. FRS 1879. (DSB; ODNB.) Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte 12 February 1877 Bernays, Charles Louis (1815–79). German-born journalist in the US. Emigrated to Illinois in 1849, later moving to St Louis, where he took part in the running of the Anzeiger des Westens. Supporter of Abraham Lincoln, and briefly US consul in Zurich, Switzerland, and Helsingør, Denmark. Editorial writer for the Republican. Wrote on art and music for the Journal of Speculative Philosophy; translated parts of Schopenhauer and Comte, and studied Hegel. (Bernays 1912; Missouri, death records, 1834–1910 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 December 2009); US passport applications, 1795–1925 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 December 2009).) 7 July 1877 Besant, Annie (1847–1933). Campaigner for contraception, socialist, theosophist, and politician in India. Lost her faith and separated from her clergyman husband in 1873. With Charles Bradlaugh, wrote and spoke publicly on freethought issues, including contraception, 1875–86. Became interested in socialist ideas, and later theosophy, in the 1880s. Lived in India from 1893; president of the Theosophical Society from 1907. Campaigned for self-rule for India; joined the Indian National Congress in 1913. (ODNB.) Bessey, Charles Edwin (1845–1915). American botanist. BS, Michigan Agricultural College, 1869. Studied under Asa Gray at Harvard University, 1872–3 and 1876. Instructor of botany, Iowa Agricultural College, 1869; professor, 1872–84. Professor of botany, University of Nebraska, 1884–1915. Best known for his

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teaching and textbooks, which introduced microscopy and physiological botany to American schools and colleges. (ANB.) 28 June 1877 Bianconi, Giovanni Giuseppe (1809–78). Italian zoologist and geologist. Professor of natural history and director of the museum of natural history, University of Bologna, 1842–64. Commissioner of the Agrarian-Industrial exhibition, Bologna, 1852. Curator of the Municipality of Bologna, 1855–7. Author of anti-Darwinian works, including Les singes et l’homme, considérations naturelles sur leurs pretendues affinités (Monkeys and humans, considerations on their supposed natural affinities; 1865), and La théorie darwinienne et la création indépendante (Darwinian theory and independent creation; 1874). (François Gasnault, La cattedra, l’altare, la nazione: carriere universitarie nell’ateneo di Bologna (Bologna: Clueb, 2001).) 26 June 1877 Bielz, Eduard Albert (1827–98). Ethnic German civil servant and collector. Born and lived in that part of the Austro-Hungarian empire which is now Romania. Financial and statistical administrator in Hermannstadt (now Sibiu, Romania) until retirement due to an eye injury, 1878. Collected minerals, fossils, and shells. President of the Siebenbürgische Verein für Naturwissenschaften, 1877. (ADB; Verhandlungen und mitteilungen des Siebenbürgischen Vereins für Naturwissenschaften zu Hermannstadt 48 (1898): 1–20.) Bischof, Karl Gustav Christoph (Gustav) (1792–1870). German chemist and geologist. Professor of chemistry and technology, Erlangen, 1819; Bonn, 1822. Studied the chemical composition of geological formations and the state of heat in the interior of the earth, and recognised the importance of the effect of water inside the earth’s crust. (ADB; NDB.) Black, Evans Willson (1853–1932). American carpenter, geologist, and newspaper editor. A self-taught polymath. Grew up in Pennsylvania, where he took a particular interest in geology, and in 1880 moved to Nebraska, where he worked as a carpenter. Founder, in 1887, and editor of the North Loup Loyalist (a newspaper). A committed Seventh Day Baptist. (Fayette County PA Archives bibles: Black bible, selected entries from the journals of Josiah V. Thompson, contributed for use in USGenWeb Archives by Lynn Beatty, files.usgwarchives.net/pa/ fayette/bible/black01.txt (accessed 17 May 2016); North Loup Loyalist, 26 February 1932, p. 1 (Evans Wilson Black).) 13 August 1877, 20 November 1877 Black Hawk (Mà-ka-tai-me-she-kià-kiàk) (1767–1838). Sauk war leader. Fought with British forces alongside Tecumseh in the War of 1812. In the late 1820s, challenged the treaty by which land was sold to the US government and resisted displacement to Iowa. In 1832, led a large band of Sauk and Fox warriors across the Mississippi into Illinois; after several skirmishes, the band was cornered and most slaughtered at Bad Axe in what became known as the Black Hawk War. Black Hawk escaped and later surrendered; he dictated

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his autobiography to an interpreter when he returned to Iowa. (ANB s.v. Black Hawk; Kennedy ed. 2008.) Blackburn, Joseph Clay Stiles (1838–1918). American politician. Admitted to the bar in 1858. Served in the Confederate army during the Civil War. Democrat in the Kentucky House of Representatives, 1871–5; US House of Representatives, 1875–85; senator, 1885–97 and 1900–7. Governor of the Panama Canal Zone, 1907–9. (ANB.) Blackburn, Theresa (Therese) (1839–86). American. Daughter of Christopher Columbus Graham. Married Joseph Clay Stiles Blackburn in 1858. (ANB s.v. Blackburn, Joseph Clay Stiles; U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 November 2015); Kentucky marriage records, 1852–1914 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 November 2015); United States Federal Census 1870 (Midway, Woodford, Kentucky [1]/472A) (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 November 2015).) Blackley, Charles Harrison (1820–1900). Surgeon. Worked extensively on the causes of hay fever, establishing the role of pollen. (G. Taylor and Walker 1973.) 9 March 1877, 18 June 1877 Blair, Reuben Almond (1841–1902). American retail clothier and amateur naturalist. From Sedalia, Missouri. (Freeman 1978; Daughters of the American Revolution lineage books vol. 115: 1915 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 August 2016); United States Federal Census 1880 (Sedalia, Pettis, Missouri 127/244C) (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 August 2016).) 27 December 1877 Blewitt, Octavian (1810–84). Writer and literary administrator. After spending time in Italy, wrote two handbooks for travellers. Secretary of the Royal Literary Fund, 1839–84. Edited the news section of Gardeners’ Chronicle for twenty-nine years. (ODNB.) 1 January 1877 Blomefield, Leonard (1800–93). Naturalist and clergyman. Born Leonard Jenyns. Brother-in-law of John Stevens Henslow. Vicar of Swaffham Bulbeck, Cambridgeshire, 1828–53. Settled near Bath in 1850. Founder and first president of the Bath Natural History and Antiquarian Field Club, 1855. Member of many scientific societies. Described the Beagle fish specimens. Adopted the name Blomefield in 1871. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) 12 March 1877, 13 March 1877 Bloxam, Matthew Holbeche (1805–88). Architectural historian. Solicitor in Rugby. Published several works on Gothic architecture. Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries, 1863. (ODNB.) Bocage, José Vicente Barbosa du (1823–1907). Portuguese zoologist. BMed, University of Coimbra, 1846. Taught at the Escola Politécnica de Lisboa, 1849. Founded the Museu Geológico in Lisbon and the Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa. President of the Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa, 1877. (DAR 229: 53; O grande livro dos Portugueses.)

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Bodenhamer, William (1808–1905). American physician. MD, Ohio, 1839. Settled in New York in 1859. A specialist in rectal diseases. Author of A practical treatise on the aetiology, pathology and treatment of congenital malformations of the rectum and anus (1860). (American medical biography.) Bonnal, Antoine-Marcellin (Marcellin) de (1816–82). French administrator, journalist, and writer. Worked in the agriculture and commerce section of the Conseil d’État, 1837–41, but was forced out after publishing a controversial work on social reform. Imprisoned at La Calle (now El Kala), Algeria, returning to France in 1848 as a journalist for La Presse. Exiled again in 1852, but after a few months returned to France and lived thereafter at Isle-Jourdain. Wrote on various political, religious, and philosophical themes. (DBF.) [1877] Borrer, William (1781–1862). Botanist. Sought to cultivate every critical British species, together with many hardy exotic plants. Had considerable knowledge of the British genera Salix, Rubus, and Rosa. Contributed to William Jackson Hooker’s British flora (1830). FRS 1835. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) Bowles, William Burrows (1836–95). American banker. Married his wife, Marie, in Boston, Massachusetts, in 1857. Partner in the bank Bowles Brothers and Co. Secretary and agent of the United States Sanitary Commission (European branch) in Paris, 1863–5. Bowles Brothers declared bankrupt, 1872. (London Gazette, 13 December 1872, p. 633; The New York Public Library: United States Sanitary Commission records, English Branch archives 1864–5 (archives. nypl.org/mss/18818, accessed 22 April 2016); U.S., consular registration applications, 1916–1925 for Marie G. Bowles (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 April 2016); U.S. passport applications, 1795–1925 for Marie G. Bowles, issued 19 August 1921 (Ancestry. com, accessed 22 April 2016).) 17 May 1877, 18 May 1877 Brabazon, William, 11th earl of Meath (1803–87). Politician and philanthropist. Reforming member of parliament for county Dublin, 1830–2. Liberal MP for Dublin, 1837–41. Chairman of the Bray Township Commissioners, 1852– 75. Established schemes to further the moral and physical improvement of the working classes in county Wicklow, Ireland. Succeeded as the eleventh earl of Meath in 1851. Lord lieutenant of county Wicklow, 1869–87. (Bunbury 2005; D. R. Fisher ed. 2009.) Bradlaugh, Charles (1833–91). Free thinker, author and politician. Editor of the National Reformer, 1860–4; 1866–90 (owner from 1862). Founder of the National Secular Society, 1866. Liberal MP for Northampton, 1880–91. (ODNB.) 5 June 1877, 6 June 1877 Bradshaw, Henry (1831–86). Librarian and scholar. BA, Cambridge (King’s College), 1854; fellow of King’s, 1853. Librarian, University Library, Cambridge, 1867–86. (ODNB.) Bramlette, Mary (1832–86). American. Daughter of Christopher Columbus Graham. Married Thomas E. Adams in 1853; widowed, 1868. Married Thomas

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Elliott Bramlette in 1874. (ANB s.v. Bramlette, Thomas Elliott; Kentucky, county marriages, 1783–1965 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 December 2016); Kentucky, death records, 1852–1963 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 November 2015); letter from C. C. Graham, 30 January 1877; Pierce 1892, p. 46; U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 November 2015).) Bramlette, Thomas Elliott (1817–75). American lawyer and politician. Colonel in the Union army, 1861. Governor of Kentucky, 1864–7. Retired from the governor’s office and established a legal practice in Louisville, Kentucky, in 1867. Married Mary Graham Adams in 1874. (ANB.) Breitenbach, Wilhelm (1856–1937). German naturalist, traveller, journalist, and publisher. Studied at the Realschule, Lippstadt, where Hermann Müller taught, 1872–7. Studied natural sciences at Jena, 1877–80, and wrote his dissertation of the structure of the proboscis in butterflies. After graduation, travelled to Brazil, where he met Fritz Müller. Returned to Germany and in 1883 set up a press and began publishing a newspaper, the Odenkirchener Zeitung. Editor, Frankfurter Journals, 1885. Noted as a popular lecturer on natural history topics. Between 1904 and 1913, published a biography of Ernst Haeckel, a series of Darwinist lectures and essays, and, with Haeckel, a book on nature as an artist. Co-founder of the German Monist League, he edited the monist journal, Neue Weltanschauung, from 1908. President of the Bielefeld Natural History Society, 1914. (Nöthlich 2009.) 19 September 1877 Brigg, John (1834–1911). Company director and politician. Engaged in the worsted business until 1890. Helped to found Keighley Trade School and reorganise the Girls’ Grammar School. Liberal MP for Keighley, 1895–1911. Chairman of the Geological and Polytechnic Society of the West Riding of Yorkshire, 1872. Fellow of the Geological Society of London from 1875. Knighted, 1909. (List of the Geological Society of London; Proceedings of the Geological and Polytechnic Society of the West Riding of Yorkshire 6 (1871–7): 46; WWW.) 6 July 1877 Brittain, Thomas (1806–84). Naturalist and accountant. One of the promoters of the Manchester Microscopical Society, 1858. Vice-president and president of a second Manchester Microscopical Society, established in 1879. Lectured on natural science to mechanics’ institutes and similar bodies. Published a guide to microfungi. (ODNB.) Broca, Pierre Paul (Paul) (1824–80). French surgeon and anthropologist. MD, Paris, 1849. Assistant professor of the medical faculty in Paris and surgeon of the Central Bureau, 1853. Pioneer in the field of anthropology. Elected professor of pathology at Paris, 1867; of clinical surgery, 1868. Vice-president, French Academy of Medicine. (DBF; DSB.) Broek, Jan Hubert (1815–96). Dutch military officer and physician. MD, Leiden, 1841. Taught physics and chemistry at Rijks Kweekschool voor Militaire Geneeskundigen (National Military Medical College), Utrecht. Translated Robert Chambers’s Vestiges of the natural history of creation into Dutch. (Rupke 2000.)

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Brongniart, Adolphe Théodore (1801–76). French palaeobotanist, plant anatomist, and taxonomist. One of the founders of the Annales des sciences naturelles, 1824. Professor of botany, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, from 1833. (DSB.) Bronn, Heinrich Georg (1800–62). German palaeontologist. Professor of natural science at Heidelberg University, 1833. Translated and superintended the first German editions of Origin (1860) and Orchids (1862). (DSB; NDB.) Brooke, Victor Alexander, 3d baronet (1843–91). Naturalist and sportsman. Studied at Harrow, 1857–60. Hunted big game in India and Africa. Presented papers on deer, buffalo, and other ruminants to the Zoological Society of London. Collected materials for a monograph on antelopes that remained unfinished. Sheriff of Fermanagh, 1867. Succeeded as third baronet in 1854. (Harrow School register; Stephen 1894.) Brunton, Thomas Lauder, 1st baronet (1844–1916). Physician and pharmacologist. MB, Edinburgh, 1866; MD 1868. Studied pharmacology in Vienna and Berlin, and physiological chemistry in Amsterdam and Leipzig, 1868–70. Lecturer in materia medica and pharmacology, Middlesex Hospital, 1870; St Bartholomew’s, 1871. Casualty physician, St Bartholomew’s, 1871–5; assistant physician, 1875–97; physician, 1897–1904. Studied the physiology of digestion and experimented on insectivorous plants for CD. Created baronet, 1908. FRS 1874. (Complete dictionary of scientific biography; Correspondence vol. 21, letter from T. L. Brunton, 2 December 1873; ODNB.) 13 January 1877 Buchholz, Reinhold Wilhelm (1837–1876). German zoologist. Studied medicine at the Royal Medical Surgical Friedrich-Wilhelm Institute, Berlin; MD, Königsberg, 1861. Keeper, Greifswald Zoological Museum, 1864. Habilitated in zoology at Greifswald in 1865. Medical doctor and naturalist on the second German polar expedition, 1869–70; described the Crustacea collected on the expedition. Professor extraordinarius of zoology, Greifswald, 1872–5; professor, 1876. (Kämpfe 2014.) Büchner, Friedrich Karl Christian Ludwig (Ludwig) (1824–99). German materialist philosopher and physician. Lecturer in medicine, especially forensic medicine, at Tübingen University, 1854–5. Following the publication of his first work, Kraft und Stoff (1855), he was debarred from academic teaching and returned to general medicine. (DBE; NDB.) Buckland, Francis Trevelyan (Frank) (1826–80). Naturalist, popular sciencewriter, and surgeon. Son of William Buckland. Trained and practised medicine at St George’s hospital, London, 1848–53. Assistant surgeon in the Second Life Guards, 1854–63. Staff writer for the Field, 1856–65. In 1865, appointed scientific referee to the South Kensington Museum, where he established an exhibit on pisciculture. Launched a weekly journal, Land and Water, in 1866. Inspector of salmon fisheries from 1867. (Bompas 1885; ODNB.) Buckler, William (1814–84). Artist and entomologist. Studied at the Royal Academy of Arts; became a portraitist. Illustrated entomological works, devoting

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most of the last twenty-five years of his life to Larvae of the British butterflies and moths, which was published posthumously in nine volumes between 1886 and 1901. (ODNB; Salmon 2000, pp. 157–9.) Bullar, Rosa (1817/18–96). Of Bassett Wood, Southampton. Daughter of Andrew Tucker Follett. Married John Bullar (1807–67), Joseph Bullar’s elder brother, in 1838. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1579/17/27), 1861 (RG9/684/129), 1871 (RG10/1201/69); London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1921 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 June 2016).) Burcham, William Edward (1829–82). Schoolteacher. Government certified schoolteacher in Galgate and Failsworth, Lancashire. Emigrated to America, 1881/2. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/4228/113/9), 1881 (RG11/4028/59/24); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 September 2015); North Carolina, wills and probate records, 1665–1998 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 September 2015).) Burdon Sanderson, Ghetal (1832/3–1909). Daughter of Ridley Haim Herschell (ODNB) and Helen Skirving Herschell, née Mowbray, and sister of Farrer Herschell (ODNB). Married John Scott Burdon Sanderson in 1853. (ODNB s.v. Herschell, Ridley Haim, and Sanderson, John Scott Burdon.) Burdon Sanderson, John Scott, baronet (1828–1905). Pathologist and physiologist. MD, Edinburgh, 1851. Studied physiology under Claude Bernard in Paris. Medical registrar, St Mary’s Hospital, Paddington, 1853; medical officer of health for Paddington from 1856. Medical inspector to the Privy Council from 1860 to 1865 or 1866. Worked on the causes and transmission of infectious disease. Professor of practical physiology and histology, University College, London, 1870; Jodrell Professor of human physiology, 1874. Professor-superintendent of the Brown Institute, University of London, 1872–8. Waynefleet Professor of physiology, Oxford, 1882; regius professor of medicine, 1895–1904. Created baronet, 1899. FRS 1867. (ODNB.) Bureau, Édouard (1830–1918). French botanist. Studied medicine but had a particular interest in botany. Founder of the Société botanique de France. Submitted his doctoral thesis on the Loganiaceae in 1856. Studied geology at the Sorbonne. Docteur ès sciences (thesis on the Bignoniaceae), 1858. Became interested in palaeobotany. Aide-naturaliste, 1872, and later professor of botanical classification at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle. (DBF.) Burgess, Caroline Louisa (1852–91). American. Daughter of William Starling Sullivant. Married Edward Burgess in 1877. (Massachusetts, death records, 1841–1915 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 March 2016); Massachusetts, marriage records, 1840–1915 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 March 2016); United States Federal Census 1880 (Boston, Suffolk, Massachusetts 657/1B) (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 March 2016).) Burgess, Edward (1848–91). American entomologist and yacht designer. AB, Harvard College, 1871. Secretary of the Boston Society of Natural History from

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1872. Instructor of entomology at Bussey Institute, Harvard, 1879–83. Entered business as a yacht designer in 1883; his yachts won the America’s Cup, 1885–7. (DAB.) Burn, Robert (1829–1904). Clergyman, scholar, and archaeologist. Published on the archaeology, literature, and art of ancient Rome. Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1854–1904; tutor, 1856–72; praelector in Roman archaeology, 1873– 85. Ordained priest, 1862. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) Busch, Otto Georg Moritz (1841–79). German writer. Born in Wiedensahl, Saxony. Author of a book on Schopenhauer. (Busch 1877; NDB (s.v. Busch, Wilhelm).) 26 June 1877 Bushe, George Macartney (1793–1836). Irish-born surgeon. Professor of anatomy, Rutgers Medical College of New Jersey, 1828. Author of Diseases of the rectum and anus (1837). (American medical biography.) Butler, Arthur Gardiner (1844–1925). Entomologist. Assistant, zoological department, British Museum, 1863; assistant keeper, 1879–1901. Worked mostly on Lepidoptera. (Entomologist 58 (1925): 175–6; Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London 138 (1925–6): 75–6.) 8 May 1877, 9 May 1877 Butler, Samuel (1774–1839). Educationalist and clergyman. Headmaster of Shrewsbury School, 1798–1836. Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, 1836; of Lichfield, 1836–9. (ODNB.) Butler, Samuel (1835–1902). Author and artist. Grandson of Samuel Butler (1774– 1839). Emigrated to New Zealand in 1859; returned to Britain after publishing an account of his time farming in the colony, A first year in Canterbury settlement (1863). Published books on art, music, literature, and philosophy, including the novels Erewhon (1872) and The way of all flesh (1903); published a two-volume life of his grandfather, Life of Samuel Butler, bishop of Lichfield (1896). Became a critic of Darwinism from the 1870s. (Autobiography, pp. 167–219; DNB.) 24 September 1877 (to Francis Darwin), 25 November 1877 (to Francis Darwin) Campbell, George Douglas, 8th duke of Argyll (1823–1900). Scottish statesman and author of works on science, religion, and politics. A defender of the concept of design in nature. Chancellor of St Andrews University, 1851–1900. President of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 1860–4. Privy seal, 1852–5, 1859– 60, 1860–6, and 1880–1; postmaster-general, 1855–8 and 1860; secretary of state for India, 1868–74. Succeeded to the dukedom in 1847. FRS 1851. (ODNB.) Camões, Luiz Vaz de (1524–80). Portuguese poet. (EB s.v. Camoens, Luis Vas de.) Candolle, Alphonse de (1806–93). Swiss botanist, lawyer, and politician. Active in the administration of the city of Geneva until 1860. Responsible for the introduction of postage stamps to Switzerland. Professor of botany and director of the botanic gardens, Geneva, from 1835. Concentrated on his own research after 1850. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1869. (DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.)

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January 1877, 31 July 1877, 3 August 1877, 14 August 1877, 8 October 1877, 10 October 1877 Candolle, Anne Casimir Pyramus (Casimir) de (1836–1918). Swiss botanist. Son of Alphonse de Candolle; assistant and colleague of his father. Published monographs of several families of plants. Foreign member, Linnean Society of London, 1893. (Dictionnaire historique & biographique de la Suisse; Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London (1918–19): 51–2.) Candolle, Augustin Pyramus de (1778–1841). Swiss botanist. In Paris, 1796– 1808; professor of botany, École de médecine and Faculté des sciences, Montpellier, 1808–16; professor of natural history, Academy of Geneva, 1816–35. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1822. (DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Canestrini, Giovanni (1835–1900). Italian zoologist. Studied philosophy and natural sciences at Vienna, receiving his degree in 1861. Professor of natural history, Modena, 1862–9. Professor of zoology and comparative anatomy and physiology, Padua, 1869–1900. Translated the first Italian edition of Origin (1864) in association with Leonardo Salimbeni, and of Variation (second edition, 1875). Worked mainly in ichthyology and later on human origins. (DBI; Pancaldi 1991.) 26 August [1877] Carlyle, Thomas (1795–1881). Essayist and historian. (ODNB.) Carneri, Bartholomaeus von (1821–1909). Austrian politician and philosopher. Studied philosophy at the University of Vienna. Managed the Wildhaus estate in Styria, Austria, from 1857. Served as a member of the Styrian Landtag, 1861– 3. Represented Styrian landowners in the Reichstag, 1870–85. Wrote works on humanitarian social ethics that were influenced by Ernst Haeckel’s Darwinism. (DBE.) 28 July 1877 Carpenter, Stephen F. (1845–1916). American physician and surgeon. A founder of the Northwestern Medical College, St Joseph, Missouri, 1881; professor of medical chemistry and toxicology, and lecturer on diseases of the chest. (U.S. Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 23 February 2017); The history of Buchanan County, Missouri (St Joseph, Missouri: Union Historical Company, 1881), p. 619.) Carpenter, William Benjamin (1813–85). Naturalist. Fullerian Professor of physiology at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1844–8; physiology lecturer, London Hospital, 1845–56; professor of forensic medicine, University College, London, 1849–59. Registrar of the University of London, 1856–79. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1872. Founding member of the Marine Biological Association. FRS 1844. (DNB; DSB; Modern English biography; Royal Institution of Great Britain, www.rigb.org.) Carruthers, William (1830–1922). Botanist. Assistant, botany department, British Museum, 1859; keeper, 1871–95. Botanist, Royal Agricultural Society, 1871–1909. President, Linnean Society of London, 1886–90. FRS 1871. (R. Desmond 1994.)

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Carson, Helen (1819–1913). Sister of Thomas Howie. Married David Carson in 1851. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/261/116/33); London, England, marriages and banns, 1754–1921 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 December 2015); Scotland, select births and baptisms, 1564–1950 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 December 2015).) Cartmell, James (1810–81). Theologian and university official. BA, Cambridge, 1833; fellow of Christ’s College, Cambridge, 1833; tutor, 1839–49; master, 1849– 81. Chaplain to Queen Victoria, 1851–81. An important figure in University reform. (Alum. Cantab.; Modern English biography.) [November 1877] Carus, Julius Victor (1823–1903). German comparative anatomist. Conservator of the Museum of Comparative Anatomy, Oxford University, 1849–51. Professor extraordinarius of comparative anatomy and director of the zoological museum, University of Leipzig, 1853. Translated the third German edition of Origin (1867) and, subsequently, twelve other works by CD. (DSB; NDB.) 17 January 1877, 20 January 1877, 22 January 1877, 19 February 1877, 26 February 1877, 4 March 1877, 22 March 1877, 26 March 1877, 13 June 1877, 17 June [1877], 13 September 1877, 16 September [1877], 23 December 1877, 26 December [1877] Caspari, Gotthold Heinrich Otto (Otto) (1841–1917). German philosopher, psychiatrist, and anthropologist. PhD, Göttingen, 1864. One of the founding editors of the magazine Kosmos in 1877. Appointed professor extraordinarius in the faculty of philosophy, University of Heidelberg, 1877; eligibility for teaching at the university revoked, 1895. Thereafter a freelance writer. (Drüll 1986.) Caton, John Dean (1812–95). American jurist, author, and naturalist. Opened Chicago’s first law office, 1833. Admitted to the Illinois bar. Appointed associate justice of the supreme court of Illinois, 1842, eventually serving as chief justice in 1855, 1857–64. Owned a large property in Ottawa, Illinois. Travelled widely in the United States, Europe, and Asia. Wrote several books, including The antelope and deer of America (1877). (DAB.) 8 October 1877 Cavendish, Spencer Compton, marquess of Hartington and 8th duke of Devonshire (1833–1908). Politician. MA, Cambridge, 1854. Liberal MP for North Lancashire, 1857–68. Marquess of Hartington, 1858–91. Chief secretary for Ireland, 1870–4. Liberal leader in the Commons, 1875–80. Secretary of state for India, 1880. Secretary of state for war, 1882. Succeeded to the dukedom in 1891. Knighted, 1892. FRS 1892. (ODNB.) Cayley, Arthur (1821–95). Mathematician and conveyancer. Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1842–52. Studied law at Lincoln’s Inn; called to the bar, 1849. Practised law until 1863. Honorary fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1872; fellow, 1875. Sadlerian Professor of pure mathematics at Cambridge, 1863–95. FRS 1852. (Alum. Cantab.; DSB; ODNB.) Chatin, Joannes Charles Melchior (1847–1912). French zoologist, anatomist, and comparative physiologist. Doctor of medicine, 1871; of natural sciences,

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1873. Lecturer in botany at the École supérieure de pharmacie, 1874–6. Worked in Henri Milne-Edwards’s laboratory, 1875–7. Lecturer in zoology, anatomy, and comparative physiology at the Sorbonne, 1877–8; assistant professor, 1886; professor of histology, 1899–1912. (DBF; Le comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, http://cths.fr/an/societe.php?id=506 (accessed 6 December 2016).) Cheeseman, Thomas Frederick (1846–1923). New Zealand botanist. Curator of the Auckland Museum, 1873. Collected plants in the Cook and Kermadec Islands. (R. Desmond 1994.) 23 October 1877, 12 December 1877 (from Francis Darwin) Chesney, Jesse Portman (1833–1914). American physician. A founder of the Northwestern Medical College, St Joseph, Missouri, 1881; professor of obstetrics and diseases of women. (The history of Buchanan County, Missouri (St Joseph, Missouri: Union Historical Company, 1881), p. 619; Missouri, death certificates, 1910–62 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2016); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2016).) 28 October 1877 Churilov, Mikhail Petrovich (Michel Tschouriloff, Михаил Петрович Чурилов) (1854–78). Russian statistician. Attended university at Kharkov and St Petersburg from 1871, studying natural sciences. Studied statistics at the École des sciences anthropologiques in Paris during his five-year stay in France. Member of the council of the Société de statistique. After returning to St Petersburg, died of diphtheria. (Journal de la société de statistique de Paris 19 (1878): 251–2; Russkii biograficheskii slovar’.) Churton, Thomas (1839–1926). Medical doctor. Studied medicine at Leeds, Guy’s Hospital, London, and Aberdeen. MD, Aberdeen, 1877. Senior physician at Leeds General Infirmary. Lecturer in clinical medicine, University of Leeds. Author of a number of medical research papers. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Medical directory 1927.) 3 September 1877 Clark, John Willis (1833–1910). University administrator, naturalist, and architectural historian. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1856; fellow of Trinity, 1858. Superintendent of the Zoological Museum, University of Cambridge, 1866–91; registrary, University of Cambridge, 1891–1910. Published papers in natural history, and a number of historical works including a four-volume account of the architecture of the University of Cambridge, and a biography of Adam Sedgwick. Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries, 1887. One of the honorary secretaries of the Darwin Centenary Committee of the University of Cambridge, 1909. (Richmond 2006; ODNB.) 12 November 1877 Clark, Joseph Warner (1856–85). Chemist and physicist. Son of Joseph Turner Clark, a Quaker businessman in Southampton. Studied at the Royal College of Science, Dublin, 1874–5. Studied chemistry and physics at Heidelberg under Robert Wilhelm Eberhard Bunsen and Georg Hermann Quincke, 1876–7.

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Biographical register

Demonstrator in chemistry and physics, Royal Indian Engineering College, Coopers Hill, 1877–81. Returned to Southampton in 1881. Joined Oliver Lodge in an unofficial capacity at University College, Liverpool, in 1883, becoming a demonstrator and then assistant professor of physics. Returned to Heidelberg on leave of absence due to ill health in 1885, and died there. Author of a number of scientific papers. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1322/7/7); Lodge 1931; Proceedings of the Physical Society of London (1885–6): 10–12.) 8 September 1877 Clarke, Alexander Ross (1828–1914). Geodesist. Graduated from the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich, and was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Royal Engineers, 1847. Posted to the Ordnance Survey in Southampton, 1850; chief mathematical and scientific adviser, and head of the trigonometrical and levelling departments, from 1856. In 1860, began a comparison of different national standards of length. Retired in 1881. FRS 1862. (Nature, 19 February 1914, pp. 692–3; ODNB.) Clarke, Henry Hyde (Hyde) (1815–95). Economist, civil engineer, and philologist. Railway surveyor in Scotland in the 1830s. Founder subscriber, London and County Bank, 1836. Travelled in India and reported on the telegraph service there in 1849. Member, London (later Royal) Statistical Society from 1868. Published numerous papers on philology and the origin of languages for the Royal Historical Society. Contributed to business-cycle theory. Reported by contemporaries to speak over a hundred languages. (BDBE; London, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 August 2016).) 27 December 1877, 29 December 1877 Claus, Carl Friedrich (1835–99). German zoologist. Studied medicine, mathematics, and zoology at Marburg and Giessen, 1854–7. Professor of zoology, Marburg, 1863; Göttingen, 1870. Professor of zoology and head of the institute of zoological and comparative anatomy at Vienna, 1873. Founder and first director of the zoological research station at Trieste, 1873. Did important research on environmental influences on variability, especially in the Crustacea. A staunch supporter of CD in his writing and lecturing. His zoology textbook was a standard work in the last three decades of the nineteenth century. (DBE; NDB; OBL.) 5 March 1877, 9 March 1877 Clay, Henry (1777–1852). American statesman. Admitted to the bar, Virginia, 1797. Opened a law office in Lexington, Kentucky. Elected to the Kentucky legislature, 1803; US senator, 1806; speaker of the Kentucky legislature, 1808. Elected to the House of Representatives, 1810; speaker of the House, 1811. Retired from Congress in 1821 to recoup financial losses, but was re-elected to the House and speakership in 1823. Ran for the presidency in 1824, but became secretary of state in the administration of John Quincy Adams. Served in the US Senate, 1831–42 and 1849–51. (ANB.)

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William Clowes & Sons. Printers. William Clowes (1807–83), eldest son of William Clowes (1779–1847), joined his father’s printing business in 1823; the name of the firm was changed to William Clowes & Sons in 1839. Printed the official catalogue of the Great Exhibition of 1851. Introduced improvements in music printing. Printers to John Murray. (ODNB.) Cocchi, Igino (1827–1913). Italian geologist. Professor of geology, Istituto di Studi Superiori di Perfezionamento, and curator, Museo di Fisica e Storia Naturale, Florence. 1860–73. Director, Società marmifera d’Arni, 1873. (DBI.) Cohn, Ferdinand Julius (1828–98). German botanist and bacteriologist. Professor extraordinarius, University of Breslau, 1859; professor, 1872. Founded the first institute for plant physiology, at Breslau, in 1866. In 1870, founded the journal Beiträge zur Biologie der Pflanzen, in which the earliest articles on bacteriology appeared. Worked on unicellular algae, and attempted to devise a system of classification for lower plants based on Darwinian transmutation theory. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1897. (DSB; NDB.) 26 July 1877, 5 August 1877, 8 August 1877, [10?] August 1877, 31 December 1877 Cohn, Pauline (1844–1907). Née Reichenbach. Married Ferdinand Julius Cohn in 1867. After her husband’s sudden death while writing his autobiography, she produced a biography from his notes and her own reminiscences, Ferdinand Cohn — Blätter und Erinnerung (1901). (Klemm 2002.) Colby, John (1834–1912). Irish-born clergyman. Son of Thomas Frederick Colby. BA, Cambridge (Caius), 1860. Ordained deacon, 1862. Curate, Claverley, Shropshire, 1863. Lived in Blaenffos, Pembrokeshire, Wales, in the 1870s. (Alum. Cantab.; Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/5539/81/4).) 27 February 1877, 9 April 1877 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor (1772–1834). Poet and philosopher. (ODNB.) Collinson, Peter (1694–1768). Botanist. Partner in his family’s business trading cloth, especially with North America; friend of Benjamin Franklin and the botanist John Bartram, as well as many other important figures in botany and natural history generally. Had a famous garden at Mill Hill. FRS 1728. (ODNB.) Columbus, Christopher (1451–1506). European explorer. (EB.) Comettant, Jean Pierre Oscar (Oscar) (1819–98). French music critic. Paris conservatoire, 1839; from 1844, a popular salon pianist and composer. In the US, 1852–5. In Paris from 1855; became known as a writer on music and other subjects. Made foreign tours to study indigenous music on behalf of the French government. With his wife, Suzanne Joséphine Cade, a singer, founded the Institut Musical, a music school for women, in 1871. (Grove 2002; Paris, France & vicinity marriage banns, 1860–1902 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 January 2016: banns of Louis Lucien Comettant, 24 November 1878).) 1 July 1877 Comte, Isidore Auguste Marie François Xavier (Auguste) (1798–1857). French philosopher. Private secretary to Claude Henri de Rouvroy, comte de

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Biographical register

Saint-Simon, 1817–23. Founded the Association polytechnique, a group devoted to the education of the working classes, in 1830; the Société positiviste, devoted to the promulgation of the ‘Cult of Humanity’, in 1848. Adopted the term ‘positivism’ for his philosophy. (DSB.) Conant, William Augustus (1816–1909). American railroad agent and hoaxer. Associate of P. T. Barnum. Collaborated with George Hull in promoting the fake Colorado Giant as a Darwinian missing link. (Tribble 2009, pp. 208–13; United States Federal Census 1880 (Santa Fe, New Mexico 40/18), 1900 (Colorado Springs, El Paso, Colorado 0031/12A) (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 September 2016); U.S. Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 September 2016).) Conybeare, Clara Jane Constance (1865–88). Daughter of John Charles Conybeare. Married Edward Robert Pearce Edgcumbe in 1884. (BMD (Birth Index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/931/22/35).) Conybeare, Georgiana Emily (1852–1920). Daughter of John Charles Conybeare. Married Arthur Henry Craven in 1896. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/931/21/34); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 23 February 2017).) Conybeare, John Charles (1819–84). Barrister. Called to the bar, 1846, and admitted at Lincoln’s Inn, 1853. (Alum. Cantab.) 17 December 1877 Conybeare, Katherine Ann Mary (1850–82). Daughter of John Charles Conybeare. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/447/29/6), 1881 (RG11/1761/60/2; Surrey, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1912 (Ancestry. com, accessed 23 February 2017).) Cooke, Robert Francis (1816–91). Publisher. Cousin of John Murray and partner in his publishing company, which published many of CD’s books. (Correspondence vol. 13, letter from John Murray, 1 April 1865; Modern English biography.) 5 January 1877, 16 March 1877, 19 March 1877, 11 April 1877, 12 April 1877, 29 June 1877, 30 June [1877], 2 July 1877, 15 August 1877, 5 October 1877, 12 October 1877, 17 October 1877, 23 November 1877, 24 November 1877, 29 November 1877, 1 December 1877, 11 December [1877], 13 December 1877 Cooper, James Davis (1823–1904). Wood-engraver. Established his own woodengraving business in London, 1849. In 1857, patented a process for engraving by which the area to be printed black was cut out and the recesses filled to make an electrotype; this never came into general use. (ODNB.) Cope, Edward Drinker (1840–97). American biologist and palaeontologist. Worked on the reptile collection at the Smithsonian Institution, 1859. Studied the collections of Harvard Museum of Comparative Zoology and the Academy

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of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia, in the 1860s. Taught zoology at Haverford College, Pennsylvania, 1864–7. Made several palaeontological expeditions to the western states from the early 1870s. Professor of geology and later zoology, University of Pennsylvania, from 1889. (ANB.) Cordeiro, Luciano Baptista (1844–1900). Portuguese politician and writer. Professor, Colégio Militar, Lisbon, 1871–4. A founder member of the Sociedade de Geografia in 1875, and permanent secretary. Influential in Portuguese colonial policy in Africa. Published works of literary criticism, and books on travel, history, and politics. (O grande livro dos Portugueses.) Costerus, Jan Constantijn (1849–1938). Dutch botanist. (Barnhart comp. 1965.) Cramer, Carl Eduard (1831–1901). Swiss botanist. Studied at Zurich and Freiburg im Breisgau with C. W. von Nägeli; DPhil., 1855. Lecturer in botany, Zurich, 1857; professor, 1861–1901. Director of the university botanic gardens, Zurich, 1882–93. Worked on the genealogy and growth of plant cells as well as on bacteriology and mycology. (NDB.) Croll, James (1821–90). Scottish geologist. Keeper, Andersonian Museum, Glasgow, 1859. In the 1860s, began publishing papers on physical geology. Secretary to the Geological Survey of Scotland, 1867; retired after suffering a mild stroke in 1880. Until his death, wrote papers and books on cosmology, on oceanic circulation patterns, and on climate change and the causes of the glacial epoch. FRS 1876. (ODNB.) 9 August 1877 Crüger, Hermann (1818–64). German pharmacist and botanist. Apothecary in Trinidad in the West Indies from 1841; government botanist and director of the botanic garden, Trinidad, from 1857. Collected plants in Jamaica, Trinidad, and Venezuela. (R. Desmond 1994; S[chlechtenda]l 1864.) Cupples, Anne Jane (1839–98). Scottish author. Second daughter of Archibald Douglas. Married George Cupples in 1858. Wrote children’s books. Lived in New Zealand from 1891. (Modern English biography.) Cupples, George (1822–91). Scottish writer and dog breeder. Served as an apprentice on an eighteen-month voyage to India and back on the Patriot King, circa 1838; had his indentures cancelled on his return. Studied arts and theology at Edinburgh University for eight years. Published a number of novels and other books, and wrote many articles and stories for journals. Bred Scottish deer-hounds. (Correspondence vol. 16, letter from George Cupples, 1 May 1868; Cupples 1894; Modern English biography.) Cupples, Sarah (1793–1879). Daughter of Joseph Turnbull, clerk in the General Post Office, London. Married George Cupples (1786–1850) in 1820; he was Free Church minister of Doune, Perthshire. Mother of George Cupples (1822–91). (England & Wales, non-conformist and non-parochial registers, 1567–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 August 2015); London, England, marriages and banns, 1754–1921 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 August 2015); Scotland statutory deaths 692/01 0275 (Scotlandspeople.gov.uk, accessed 13 August 2015).)

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Curling, Thomas Blizard (1811–88). Surgeon. Studied at the London Hospital; assistant surgeon, 1834; lecturer on surgery, 1841; surgeon, 1849. FRCS 1843. Published A practical treatise on diseases of testicle, spermatic cord, and scrotum (1843), and Observations on the diseases of the rectum (1866). FRS 1850. (Plarr 1930.) Cutting, Mary Ann (1818/19–1903). Domestic servant. Born Mary Ann Wilsher in Vernham, Hampshire. Married Henry Cutting (1812/13–61) in South Stoneham, Hampshire, in 1844. Employed as cook by William Erasmus Darwin at Bassett, Hampshire, from at least 1877. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1661/421/2); letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [8 July 1877] (DAR 219.1: 96).) Cuvier, Jean Léopold Nicolas Frédéric (Georges) (1769–1832). French systematist, comparative anatomist, palaeontologist, and administrator. Professor of natural history, Collège de France, 1800–32; professor of comparative anatomy, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1802–32. Permanent secretary to the Académie des sciences from 1803. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1806. (DBF; DSB.) Dallas, William Sweetland (1824–90). Entomologist, author, and translator. Prepared lists of insects for the British Museum, 1847–58. Curator of the Yorkshire Philosophical Society’s museum, 1858–68. Assistant secretary to the Geological Society of London, 1868–90. Translated Fritz Müller’s Für Darwin (1869); prepared the index for Variation and the glossary for Origin 6th ed. Editor, Annals and Magazine of Natural History, 1868–90, Popular Science Review, 1877–80. (Freeman 1978; Geological Magazine n.s. decade 3, vol. 7 (1890): 333–6; Modern English biography; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Damon, Robert (1814–89). Conchologist, geologist, and traveller. Collector and dealer in natural history specimens in Weymouth, Dorset. Supplier of specimens to museums across the world. Wrote on the geology of Dorset, and published a catalogue of British shells. (Geological Magazine 6 (1889): 336; Sarjeant 1980–96; The Times, 7 May 1889, p. 10.) 12 October 1877, 15 October 1877 Dana, James Dwight (1813–95). American geologist and zoologist. Geologist and mineralogist with Charles Wilkes’s expedition to the South Seas, 1838–42; wrote reports on the geology, zoophytes, and Crustacea. An associate editor of the American Journal of Science and Arts from 1846. Professor of natural history, Yale University, 1855–64; professor of geology and mineralogy, 1864–90. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1884. (ANB; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) D’Arcy, Elizabeth Eleanor (1852–1928). Daughter of Robert West D’Arcy of the Indian Civil Service and Annie Hewish Adams, who married in India in 1846. Married Arthur Ashley Ruck in 1877. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/693/34/26); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 April 2016); India, select marriages, 1792–1948 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 December 2016).)

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Darwin, Amy Richenda (1850–76). Daughter of Mary Anne and Lawrence Ruck. Married Francis Darwin, as his first wife, in 1874. Died shortly after the birth of their son, Bernard Richard Meirion Darwin. (Browne 2002; Freeman 1978; ODNB s.v. Darwin, Francis.) Darwin, Bernard Richard Meirion (1876–1961). Essayist and sports writer. Son of Francis Darwin. Golf correspondent of The Times, 1907–53. Played in the amateur golf championships and captained the British team in America in 1922. Captain of the Royal and Ancient Golf Club, 1934. (ODNB.) Darwin, Elizabeth (1747–1832). Illegitimate daughter of Charles Colyear, the second earl of Portmore. Married Edward Sacheverel Pole (d. 1780) in 1769. Became Erasmus Darwin’s second wife in 1781. (Darwin pedigree; England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 8 December 2015).) Darwin, Elizabeth (Bessy/Lizzy) (1847–1926). CD’s daughter. (Darwin pedigree; Freeman 1978.) Darwin, Emma (1808–96). Youngest daughter of Josiah Wedgwood II. Married CD, her cousin, in 1839. (Emma Darwin (1904) and (1915).) 16 October 1877 (to T. H. Farrer) Darwin, Erasmus (1731–1802). CD’s grandfather. Physician, botanist, and poet. Advanced a theory of transmutation similar to that subsequently propounded by Jean Baptiste de Lamarck. FRS 1761. (DSB; King-Hele 1999; ODNB.) Darwin, Erasmus Alvey (1804–81). CD’s brother. Attended Shrewsbury School, 1815–22. Matriculated at Christ’s College, Cambridge, 1822; Edinburgh University, 1825–6. Qualified in medicine but never practised. Lived in London from 1829. (Alum. Cantab.; Freeman 1978.) [1 January 1877], 16 January [1877], 27 January [1877], 31 August [1877], 2 November [1877] Darwin, Francis (1848–1925). CD’s son. Botanist. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1870. Qualified as a physician but did not practise. CD’s secretary from 1874. Collaborated with CD on several botanical projects. Lecturer in botany, Cambridge University, 1884; reader, 1888–1904. Published Life and letters of Charles Darwin and More letters. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1908. Knighted, 1913. FRS 1882. (DSB; ODNB.) 2 January [1877] (and CD to G. J. Romanes), [c. 20 March 1877], 25 April 1877 (to G. N. de Stoppelaar), [before 21 May 1877], [10 June 1877], [11 June 1877], [14 June? 1877], [c. 24 June 1877] (to P. P. C. Hoek), 24 September 1877 (from Samuel Butler), [28 October 1877?], 29 October 1877 (to W. M. Moorsom), 18 November 1877 (from Henry Jackson), 25 November 1877 (from Samuel Butler), 5 December 1877 (and CD to G. J. Romanes), 12 December 1877 (to T. F. Cheeseman), [20–9 December 1877] (to Thomas Edison), 31 December 1877 (from E. A. Greaves) Darwin, George Howard (1845–1912). CD’s son. Mathematician. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1868; fellow, 1868–78. Studied law in London, 1869–72; called to the bar, 1872, but did not practise. Plumian Professor of astronomy and experimental philosophy, Cambridge University, 1883–1912. President of

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the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1905. Knighted, 1905. FRS 1879. (DSB; Men-at-the-bar; ODNB.) 19 April 1877, [23 April 1877], [before 28 May 1877], 28 May 1877, 30 May [1877], [3 June 1877], 13 June [1877] (from Frederic Harrison), 15 June [1877] (from Frederic Harrison), 27 June [1877] (from Frederic Harrison), 18 [October 1877], 23 October 1877, [28 October 1877], [after 28 October 1877], 21 November [1877], 22 November 1877, [23 November 1877], 24 November [1877] Darwin, Horace (1851–1928). CD’s son. Civil engineer. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1874. Apprenticed to an engineering firm in Kent; returned to Cambridge in 1877 to design and make scientific instruments. Founder and director of the Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company. Mayor of Cambridge, 1896–7. Knighted, 1918. FRS 1903. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) 1 November [1877] Darwin, Leonard (1850–1943). CD’s son. Military engineer. Attended the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich. Commissioned in the Royal Engineers, 1871; major, 1889; retired, 1890. Served on several scientific expeditions, including those for the observation of the transit of Venus in 1874 and 1882. Instructor in chemistry and photography, School of Military Engineering, Chatham, 1877–82. Intelligence service, War Office, 1885–90. Liberal Unionist MP, Lichfield division of Staffordshire, 1892–5. President, Royal Geographical Society of London, 1908–11; Eugenics Education Society, 1911–28. Chairman, Bedford College, London University, 1913–20. (ODNB; WWW.) 31 March 1877, 28 November 1877 Darwin, Robert Waring (1766–1848). CD’s father. Physician. Had a large practice in Shrewsbury and resided at The Mount. Son of Erasmus Darwin (ODNB) and his first wife, Mary Howard. Married Susannah, daughter of Josiah Wedgwood I (ODNB), in 1796. FRS 1788. (Freeman 1978.) Darwin, Sara. See Sedgwick, Sara Price Ashburner. Darwin, Susan Elizabeth (1803–66). CD’s sister. Lived at The Mount, Shrewsbury, the family home, until her death. (Darwin pedigree; Freeman 1978.) Darwin, William Erasmus (1839–1914). CD’s eldest son. Banker. BA, Cambridge (Christ’s College), 1862. Partner in the Southampton and Hampshire Bank, Southampton, 1861. Chairman of the Southampton Water Company. Amateur photographer. (Alum. Cantab.; F. Darwin 1914; ODNB.) [15 January 1877], [25 March? 1877], 4 April 1877, [24 April 1877?], [12 or 19 July 1877], 20 [August 1877], [24 August 1877], 3 October [1877], 5 October [1877], 24 October 1877, 24 October [1877] Davis, Jefferson (1808–89). American statesman. As senator, announced the secession of Mississippi from the Union in 1861; became president of the Confederacy in the same year. Remained president until the fall of the Confederacy and his own capture by unionists in 1865. Advocated an independent Southern American nation. (DAB.)

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Deards, Alfred (1831/2–93). Builder. Of Battersea, Surrey, with business premises at Webber Row, Blackfriars Road, Southwark. (Architect, 24 July 1875, p. 52; Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/334/48/44), 1871 (RG10/702/12/18), 1881 (RG11/645/18/19); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 March 2016).) Decaisne, Joseph (1807–82). Belgian botanist. Gardener at the Jardin des plantes, Paris, 1824. Professor of agricultural statistics, Collège de France, 1848. Professor of plant cultivation, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1850. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1877. (DBF; NBU.) Delaunay, Charles Eugène (1816–72). French astronomer and mathematician. Developed the most comprehensive lunar theory of his time. (DSB.) Delboeuf, Joseph Remi Léopold (Joseph) (1831–96). Belgian philosopher, psychologist, mathematician, and philologist. Doctorate in philosophy, Liège, 1855; doctorate in physical sciences and mathematics, 1858. Professor of Latin and Greek, Liège, 1866. Corresponding member, Belgian Academy of Sciences, 1877; member, 1887. Wrote works on mathematics, logic, psychology, and philosophy. (BNB.) Delpino, Federico (1833–1905). Italian botanist. Travelled extensively for botanical purposes as a youth and in 1873. Civil servant, ministry of finances, Turin, 1852–6; assistant in the botanic garden and museum, Florence, 1867; lecturer, Vallombrosa school of forestry, 1871; professor of botany and director of the botanic garden, Genoa, 1875–84; professor, University of Bologna, 1884; professor of botany and head of the botanic garden, Naples, 1894. (DBI; Mayerhöfer 1959–70; A. J. O. Penzig 1905.) Desor, Pierre Jean Edouard (Edouard) (1811–82). German-born geologist. Secretary and assistant to Louis Agassiz in Neuchâtel from 1837. Joined Agassiz in America in 1848. Returned to Switzerland in 1852. Professor of geology at Neuchâtel. Founder and first president of the Société d’histoire de Neuchâtel, 1866. President of the International Congress of Anthropology and Prehistoric Archaeology, 1866. Presided over the council of the Academy of Neuchâtel. Member of the Commission for the Geological Map of Switzerland. Involved in both regional and national government. (Bulletin de la Société des sciences naturelles de Neuchâtel 7 (1864–7): 153, 260; Dictionnaire historique & biographique de la Suisse.) Dew-Smith, Albert George (1848–1903). Zoologist and instrument maker. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1873. Added Smith to his name on succeeding to property in 1870, but was known to his friends as ‘Dew’. A student and benefactor of Michael Foster; co-authored several papers with Foster on the heartbeat. Carried out research at the Naples Zoological station in 1874. Established the Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company in partnership with Horace Darwin in 1878. A noted amateur photographer. (Alum. Cantab.; Geison 1978, pp. 107, 176, 222–38.)

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Dicey, Elinor Mary (1837–1923). Daughter of Joanna Maria Bonham-Carter, a family friend of the Darwins. The family lived at Keston, Kent, from 1853. Married Albert Venn Dicey in 1872. (Bonham-Carter 1960; Burke’s landed gentry 1965.) [1877] Dickson, Alexander (1836–87). Scottish botanist. Professor of botany, Dublin University, 1866–8; at the Royal College of Science, Dublin, 1868; at Glasgow University, 1868–79. Professor of botany, Edinburgh University, and regius keeper of the Royal Botanic Garden, Edinburgh, 1879–87. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) Dill, O. (fl. 1870s). 26 February 1877 Dirksen, Enno (1788–1850). German mathematician. Studied in Göttingen. Privat-dozent, Berlin University, 1820; professor extraordinarius, 1821; professor, 1824. Elected to the Berlin Academy, 1825. (ADB.) Disraeli, Benjamin, earl of Beaconsfield (1804–81). Statesman and author. Prime minister and first lord of the Treasury, 1868, 1874–80. Created earl of Beaconsfield, 1876. (ODNB.) Dobbs, Arthur (1689–1765). Colonial governor and writer on trade. Deputy governor of Carrickfergus, Ireland, 1728; engineer-in-chief and surveyor-general in Ireland, 1733. Governor of North Carolina, 1754–65. (ODNB.) Dodel-Port, Arnold (1843–1908). Swiss botanist. Privat-dozent in botany at the university of Zurich, 1870–80; professor extraordinarius, 1880–3; professor, 1883–1903. Founded the Zurich Institut für Allgemeine Botanik, which followed Nägeli’s microscopical and anatomical approach. Darwinist and socialist. Married Carolina Port in 1875, after which he took the name Dodel-Port. With Carolina, edited the Atlas der Botanik (1878–83). They divorced in 1890. Married Louisa Müller in 1891; they divorced in 1906. (Erziehungsrate des Kantons Zürich ed. 1938; HBLS; Universität Zürich Matrikeledition, www.matrikel.uzh.ch/active/ static/16552.htm (accessed 2 May 2013).) 20 February 1877, 3 July 1877, 6 July 1877 Dodel-Port, Carolina (b. 1856). German botanist. Matriculated at the university of Zurich in 1874. Married Arnold Dodel in 1875, after which they both took the name Dodel-Port. With Arnold, edited the Atlas der Botanik (1878–83). (Universität Zürich Matrikeledition, www.matrikel.uzh.ch/active/static/16552.htm (accessed 2 May 2013).) Dohrn, Felix Anton (Anton) (1840–1909). German zoologist. Studied medicine and zoology at various German universities. PhD, Breslau, 1865. Studied with Ernst Haeckel and became Haeckel’s first assistant at Jena, where he habilitated in 1868. Founded the Zoological Station at Naples, built between 1872 and 1874. The station was the first marine laboratory, and served as a model for other similar institutions throughout the world. (DBE; DSB; Heuss 1991.) Donders, Frans Cornelis (Franciscus Cornelius) (1818–89). Dutch physiologist and ophthalmologist. MD, Leiden, 1840. Professor of anatomy at Utrecht military school; professor of physiology at the University of Utrecht, 1862.

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President of the science section of the Royal Amsterdam Academy of Sciences, 1865–83. Founder and director of a physiology laboratory at the University of Utrecht, 1866–88. Founder and director of the Netherlands Hospital for Eye Patients, 1858–83. FRS 1866. (NNBW; Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 49 (1890–1): vii–xxiv; Tort 1996.) Doornik, Jacob Elisa (1777–1837). Dutch physician and naturalist. MD, Leiden, 1797. Physician in Amsterdam. Circa 1810, travelled to the Dutch colony of Batavia (now Jakarta), where he worked as a hospital inspector. Collected human skulls for ethnographic studies. Emigrated to the United States in the late 1820s. (Fabian 2010, pp. 41–3; NNBW.) Down Friendly Society. Registered in 1850. CD acted as the society’s treasurer from its foundation until his death. The annual general meeting was held at Down House. (Correspondence vol. 5, letter to G. H. Turnbull, 28 October [1854]; Freeman 1978; Rules of the Down Friendly Society, National Archives, FS1/232.) 19 February 1877, 31 December [1877?] Draper, John William (1811–82). English-born American chemist, educator, and historian. Professor of chemistry and natural philosophy, Hampden-Sydney College, Virginia, 1836–8. Professor of chemistry, University of the City of New York (New York University), 1839; professor of physiology and president of its medical college, 1850. First president of the American Chemical Society. Published on human physiology, and on historical topics such as the intellectual development of Europe, and the conflict between science and religion. (ANB; DAB.) Drinkwater, Charles Henry (1831–1924). Clergyman. Born in Shrewsbury and attended Shrewsbury School. BA, Cambridge (St John’s College), 1854. Ordained deacon in Toronto, Canada, 1856; priest, 1858. Incumbent of St Thomas’s, Hamilton, Ontario, 1856–67. BA and MA, Toronto, 1865. Curate of Ixworth, Suffolk, and other parishes in England, 1868–72. Vicar of St George’s, Shrewsbury, 1872–1923. (Alum. Cantab.; BMD (Death index); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 October 2014).) 24 May 1877 Druitt, Thomas (1823/4–86). Banker. Manager, Union Bank of London, Charing Cross branch. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/330/71/20); Correspondence vol. 19, letter from Thomas Druitt, 30 September 1871; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 May 2015).) 29 July [1877] Drummond, William Henry (1845–79). Scottish soldier and big-game hunter. Second son of Viscount Strathallan. Officer in the Seventy-second Regiment of Foot (Duke of Albany’s Own Highlanders). Kept a journal of reminiscences on natural history and big game hunting in Africa. Killed in South Africa. (Burke’s peerage 1880; Drummond 1875.) Du Chaillu, Paul Belloni (1835–1903). French explorer. Undertook an exploring expedition to Central Africa, 1856–60. Collected rare birds and animals,

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bringing to America the first gorillas seen there. His controversial account of the journey, Explorations and adventures in equatorial Africa (1861), was greeted with scepticism; however, later travellers confirmed many of his findings. Revisited Africa, 1863–5. Resided in New York, 1867–71. After 1871, studied Scandinavia and Russia. (DAB.) Duncan, Peter Martin (1824–91). Physician, zoologist, and geologist. Physician, Essex and Colchester Hospital, 1848–59; consultant physician, county asylum and Oldham Club. Practised at Blackheath from 1860. Professor of geology, King’s College, London, 1870. Secretary of the Geological Society of London, 1864–70; president, 1876–8. Specialist on living and fossil corals and Mesozoic echinoids. FRS 1868. (Medical directory 1849–76; ODNB.) Duval-Jouve, Joseph (1810–83). French botanist, historian, and educator. Worked on self-fertilisation, plant movement, histology, and insectivorous plants. Principal of the college at Grasse, 1846. Inspector of the academy at Algiers from 1852, at Strasbourg from 1854, and at Montpellier from 1868. Honorary inspector by March 1874; retired through ill health in 1877. Published widely on botany, and also on the history of Montpellier. (DBF; Duval-Jouve 1874; Flahault 1884; Tort 1996.) Dümichen, Johannes (1833–94). German Egyptologist. Studied theology in Breslau (Wrocław) and Berlin from 1852, but became more interested in Egyptology. Made his first journey to Egypt, 1862–5. Professor of Egyptology, University of Strasbourg, 1872. (ADB.) Easton and Anderson. Engineering firm where Horace Darwin served a threeyear apprenticeship. (ODNB s.v. Darwin, Horace.) Edison, Thomas Alva (1847–1931). Inventor. (ANB; DSB.) 7 December 1877, [20–9 December 1877] (from Francis Darwin) Edward VII (1841–1910). Eldest son of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert. King of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British dominions beyond the seas, and emperor of India, from 1901. As Albert Edward, prince of Wales, married Princess Alexandra of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Glücksburg on 10 March 1863. FRS 1863. (ODNB.) Egerton, Philip de Malpas Grey-, 10th baronet Egerton (1806–81). Palaeontologist. Of Oulton Park, Cheshire. Tory MP for South Cheshire, 1835–68; for West Cheshire, 1868–81. Specialised in fossil fish. FRS 1831. (ODNB; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Eimer, Gustav Heinrich Theodor (Theodor) (1843–98). Swiss zoologist. Studied medicine and natural sciences at Tübingen, Freiburg im Breisgau, Heidelberg, and Berlin. MD 1867. Habilitated in zoology at Würzburg, 1870. Superintendent of the museum at Darmstadt, and professor extraordinarius at the polytechnic, 1874. Professor of zoology, Tübingen, from 1875. Developed his own theory of evolution, ‘orthogenesis’. (DBE.) Eisenstein, Ferdinand Gotthold Max (Gotthold) (1823–52). German mathematician. A protégé of Alexander von Humboldt. Studied at Berlin University from 1843; lecturer, 1847–52. Elected to the Academy of Berlin, 1852. (NDB.)

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Ellacombe, Henry Nicholson (1822–1916). Clergyman and horticulturist. Rector of Bitton, Gloucestershire, from 1850. Wrote books on gardening and contributed to the Gardeners’ Chronicle. (R. Desmond 1994.) 30 July [1877] Engelmann, Wilhelm (1808–78). German publisher and bibliographer. In 1833, took over the publishing firm founded by his father. (NDB.) Ercolani, Giovanni Battista (1817–83). Physician and writer on veterinary medicine. Graduated with honours in medicine and surgery at Bologna, and became an assistant to the professor of comparative anatomy and veterinary science in 1840. Member of the Academy of Sciences of the Institute of Bologna, 1842. Appointed prosector to the comparative anatomy professor and deputy at the clinic of animal diseases, 1846. Elected to the Supreme Council of Health in Rome, 1848. Appointed to the school of veterinary medicine, Turin, 1851; director, 1859. Professor of comparative anatomy and veterinary science, Bologna, 1863; dean of the medical-surgical and veterinary medicine faculty, 1872; president of the University of Bologna, 1878–83. Served as city councillor and MP for Vergato (Bologna) several times. Founded the Veterinary Journal in 1852, and published over 130 articles on veterinary pathology. (DBI.) 3 March 1877 Errera, Léo Abram (1858–1905). Belgian botanist of Italian and German parentage. Received a doctorate in botanical science at the Free University of Brussels, 1879. Studied plant physiology in Germany until 1882. Associate professor of botany at the Free University of Brussels, 1883; professor, 1890. Actively involved in Jewish affairs. (DSB; State 2015; Université Libre de Bruxelles, Archives and Libraries (http://digitheque.ulb.ac.be/fr/digitheque-histoire-de-lulb/biographies/index.html#c8946, accessed 15 February 2017).) 15 September 1877, 18 September 1877, 30 September 1877, 4 October 1877, 10 October 1877 Ertl, Emil (1860–1935). Austrian poet and writer. PhD, Vienna, 1886, with a thesis on the impossibility of basing a moral philosophy on positivist-utilitarian philosophy. Library official and later director of the library of Graz technical college, 1889–1922. Author of several novels. (NDB.) [31 October 1877] Espinas, Alfred Victor (1844–1922). French philosopher. Teacher of philosophy at the lycées of Bastia, 1867, Le Havre, 1871, Dijon, 1873. Lecturer, Faculté des lettres, Douai, 1878; Bordeaux, 1880; professor, 1881; dean, 1887. At the Sorbonne, 1893. Retired in 1911. Admirer of Herbert Spencer. (DBF; Larousse.) [before 1 July 1877], 1 July 1877 Estorff, Georg Otto Karl (Karl) von (1811–77). German archaeologist, court official, and art collector. (Kalliope-Verbund, http://kalliope-verbund.info/de/ index.html, accessed 6 December 2016.) 15 March 1877

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Evans, John (1823–1908). Paper manufacturer, archaeologist, geologist, and numismatist. In 1859, his study of chipped flints helped to establish the antiquity of humans in western Europe. Published an important paper on the fossil bird, Archaeopteryx, in 1865. Developed a theory of evolution with regard to coins, 1849–50, and later applied natural selection to numismatics. Active member of many archaeological, scientific, and industrial societies. Vice-president of the Royal Society of London from 1876; treasurer, 1878–98. Honorary secretary of the Geological Society of London, 1866–74; president, 1874–6. Knighted, 1892. FRS 1864. (DNB.) Fåhræus, Olof Immanuel (1796–1884). Naturalist and politician. Studied at Uppsala, 1810–16; became an official in the customs department. State secretary, business and finance ministry, 1824. State councillor and civil minister, 1840–7. Governor of Göteborg and Bohus, 1847–64. Representative for Göteborg and Bohus in the Swedish upper house, 1866–78; in parliament from 1878. Interested in Coleoptera; wrote a monograph on the Curculionidae. (SBH.) Fairbridge, Charles Aken (1824–93). British-born South African lawyer, politician, and book collector. Moved to Cape Colony in 1825. Senior partner in a successful Cape Town law firm from 1855. Member of the first Cape Colony legislative assembly representing Caledon, 1854–5; member for Cape Town, 1874. Supported the Cape Colony prime minister, John Charles Molteno, in his opposition to enforced South African confederation. Proposed the establishment of a national museum in 1855 and became a trustee of the South Africa Museum in 1860. Member, South Africa Library committee, 1868–87. Married Sarah Rebecca Anderson in 1858 and had five children. Settled at Sea Point, Cape Colony, 1862. (DSAB.) Fairbridge, Sarah Rebecca (1839/40–1912). Daughter of W. G. Anderson of Rondebosch, Cape Town, South Africa. Married Charles Aken Fairbridge in Rondebosch in 1858. (Macsymon 1990; South Africa, Cape Province, civil deaths, 1895–1972, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:Q2QMDVLK, accessed 24 June 2016), Sarah Rebecca Anderson Fairbridge, 1912.) Faraday, Michael (1791–1867). Natural philosopher. Apprentice to a bookbinder, 1805. Appointed chemical assistant at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1813; director of the laboratory, 1825; Fullerian Professor of chemistry, 1833. Noted for his popular lectures and for his extensive researches in electrochemistry, magnetism, and electricity. FRS 1824. (DSB; ODNB.) Farrer, Claude Erskine (1864–90). Second son of Thomas Henry Farrer and Frances Erskine. Matriculated at Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1882. (Alum. Cantab.) Farrer, James (1812–79). Landowner, politician, and archaeologist. Resided at Ingleborough, Yorkshire. Cousin of Thomas Henry Farrer. MP for Durham. Published on the archaeology of Chedworth Wood, Gloucestershire. (Burke’s landed gentry; J. Farrer 1866.) Farrer, Katherine Euphemia (Effie) (1839–1931). Daughter of Hensleigh and Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood. Married Thomas Henry Farrer in 1873. (Burke’s peerage 1980; Freeman 1978.)

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Farrer, Noel Maitland (1867–1929). Civil servant. Son of Thomas Henry Farrer and his first wife, Frances. Educated at Eton; BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1889. Private secretary to the permanent secretary of the Board of Trade; secretary to the Chamber of Shipping. (Alum. Cantab.) Farrer, Thomas Cecil, 2d Baron Farrer (1859–1940). Eldest son of Thomas Henry Farrer and his first wife, Frances. Succeeded his father as second Baron Farrer in 1899. (ODNB s.v. Farrer, Thomas Henry.) Farrer, Thomas Henry, 1st Baron Farrer (1819–99). Civil servant. BA, Oxford (Balliol College), 1840. Called to the bar, 1844; ceased to practise in 1848. Secretary of the marine department, Board of Trade, 1850, rising to sole permanent secretary of the Board of Trade, 1867–86. In 1854, married Frances Erskine, whose mother, Maitland, was the half-sister of Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood; in 1873, married Katherine Euphemia Wedgwood, daughter of Frances and Hensleigh Wedgwood. Created baronet, 1883; created Baron Farrer of Abinger, 1893. (ODNB; Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980.) 31 July [1877], 26 August 1877, 27 August [1877], 5 September 1877, 23 September 1877, 24 September [1877], 2 October 1877, 16 October 1877 (from Emma Darwin) Fawcett, Henry (1833–84). Economist and politician. BA, Cambridge, 1856. Blinded in a shooting accident in 1858. Appointed professor of political economy, Cambridge University, 1863. MP for Brighton, 1865–74; Hackney, 1874–84. Postmaster general, 1880. FRS 1882. (ODNB.) Fawcett, Millicent Garrett (1847–1929). Leader of the constitutional women’s suffrage movement and author. Sister of Elizabeth Garrett Anderson. Married Henry Fawcett in 1867. Wrote on women’s education, women’s suffrage, and economics, as well as two novels. Co-founder of Newnham College in 1875, and served on its council. Committee member of the London National Society for Women’s Suffrage from 1867. Spoke and lectured on women’s issues and other political subjects in the 1870s. Emerged as the women’s suffrage movement’s leader after the death of Lydia Ernestine Becker in 1890. Honorary LLD, University of St Andrews, 1899. President of the National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies, 1907–19. Dame Grand Cross of the British Empire, 1925. (ODNB.) Feilden, Henry Wemyss (1838–1921). Army officer, Arctic explorer, and naturalist. Joined the army at the age of 19. Naturalist on HMS Alert during the polar expedition of 1875; responsible for ethnology, mammals, and ornithology. (Ibis 63 (1921): 726–8.) Ferraz, Luis Pedreira do Couto, 1st visconde de Bom Retiro (1818–86). Brazilian politician. (Dicionário bio-bibliográfico Brasileiro 2: 379.) Feuerbach, Ludwig Andreas (1804–72). German philosopher. Studied theology at Heidelberg in 1823; philosophy at Berlin under Hegel, 1824–6. Doctorate at Erlangen, 1828. Applied unsuccessfully for positions at universities until 1836, after which he lived in Ansbach, where his wfe was part-owner of a porcelain

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factory. Moved to Rechenberg in 1860, when the factory went bankrupt, and was supported in part by donations from the Social Democratic Party. Known for his critique of Christianity and support for materialism and liberalism. (NDB.) Ffinden, George Sketchley (1836/7–1911). Clergyman. Ordained priest, 1861. Curate of Monks Risborough, Buckinghamshire, 1860–1; Newport Pagnell, 1861–2; Moulsoe, Buckinghamshire, 1863–9. Domestic chaplain to Earl Carrington, 1871. Vicar of Down, 1871–1911. (BMD (Death index); Crockford’s clerical directory 1872; Freeman 1978.) 31 January 1877 Fischer, Johann von (1850–1901). German zoologist. Lived in Gotha in the 1870s. Director of the zoological gardens in Dusseldorf, 1880–90. Director of the Montpellier Laboratory of Herpetology. Known as the father of modern terrarium culture. (Rieck et al. 2001, pp. 444–5.) Fish, David Taylor (1824–1901). Scottish-born gardener and horticultural journalist. Head gardener, Broke Hall, Suffolk; Hardwick House, Bury St Edmunds, Suffolk. Later became County Council lecturer for Cambridgeshire. Returned to Scotland in 1896 and continued to lecture on horticulture, especially in Edinburgh and Dundee. Edited Cassell’s Dictionary of popular gardening. (Gardeners’ Chronicle 3d ser. 29 (1901): 288–9.) 7 February 1877, 6 June 1877 Fisher, Charles (1823–1902). Nurseryman. Head of the firm Fisher, Son, and Sibray, Handsworth, Sheffield from 1868. The firm specialised in holly varieties, and was also noted for its rhododendrons. (Banister 2012, p. 209; R. Desmond 1994; Gardeners’ Chronicle, 12 April 1902, p. 247.) Fitch, Adam (1807–85). Clergyman. Curate of Cottenham, Cambridgeshire, 1832; of Willingham, Cambridgeshire, 1841–9. Vicar of Thornton Steward, Bedale, Yorkshire, 1849–85. (Alum. Cantab.) 20 July 1877 Fitger, Arthur Heinrich Wilhelm (1840–1909). German painter, poet, and playwright. Studied at the Academy of Fine Arts, Munich, 1858–61, Dresden and Antwerp; in Italy, 1863–5. From 1869, lived in Bremen, where he painted frescoes. His poetry was influenced by the theories of Darwin and Haeckel, and his plays reflected themes of the German Kulturkampf. (NDB.) Fitzgerald, Robert David (1830–92). Irish-born surveyor and naturalist in Australia. Studied civil engineering at Queen’s College, Cork. Emigrated to Sydney, Australia, in 1856. Draftsman to the Department of Lands, 1856; in charge of the roads branch, 1868; deputy surveyor-general, 1873. Chief mining surveyor, 1874–82. Made botanical collections on Lord Howe Island. Published Australian orchids in parts from 1875. Fellow of the Linnean Society, 1874. (Aust. dict. biog.) 15 March 1877, 6 September 1877 Fitzwilliam, William Thomas Spencer Wentworth-, 6th Earl Fitzwilliam (1815–1902). Politician. MP for Malton, 1837–41 and 1846–7; for county

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Wicklow, 1847 and 1852–7. Lord Lieutenant for the West Riding of Yorkshire, 1857–92. Succeeded as sixth Earl Fitzwilliam in 1857. (Alum. Cantab.) Flower, Georgiana Rosetta (1835–1923). Daughter of William Henry Smyth; married William Henry Flower in 1858. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 February 2015); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 February 2015); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 February 2015).) Flower, William Henry (1831–99). Anatomist and zoologist. Curator of the Hunterian Museum, Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1861–84; Hunterian Professor of comparative anatomy, Royal College of Surgeons, 1870–84. Director of the Natural History Museum, London, 1884–98. President of the Zoological Society of London, 1879–99. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1889. Knighted, 1892. FRS 1864. (DNB; ODNB.) 2 May [1877], 3 May 1877, 17 May 1877 (to Otto Zacharias), 19 May [1877] Fokker, Adriaan Abraham (1810–78). Dutch physician. PhD, Leiden, 1833. Inspector of medical provision in Zeeland. President of the Zeeuwsch Genootschap der Wetenschappen te Middelburg, 1877. (DAR 229: 50; NNBW.) Forbes, Edward (1815–54). Zoologist, botanist, and palaeontologist. Naturalist on board HMS Beacon, 1841–2. Appointed professor of botany, King’s College, London, and curator of the museum of the Geological Society of London, 1842. Palaeontologist with the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1844–54. Professor of natural history, Edinburgh University, 1854. FRS 1845. (DSB; ODNB.) Foster, Margaret Sarah (1834–1911). Daughter of George Rust. Married Michael Foster, as his second wife, in 1872. (England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 May 2016); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 May 2016); ODNB s.v. Foster, Sir Michael.) Foster, Michael (1836–1907). Physiologist and politician. BA, University College, London, 1854; MD 1859. Practised medicine until 1866. Instructor in physiology and histology, University College, 1867; assistant professor, 1869. Fullerian Professor of physiology, Royal Institution of Great Britain. Praelector in physiology, Trinity College, Cambridge, from 1870; professor of physiology, Cambridge, 1883–1903. MP, University of London, 1900–6. Knighted, 1899. FRS 1872. (ODNB.) Fox, Edith Darwin (1857–92). Daughter of Ellen Sophia and William Darwin Fox. (BMD (Death index); Darwin pedigree.) Fox, Ellen Sophia (1820–87). Daughter of Basil George Woodd of Hillfield, Hampstead. Married William Darwin Fox in 1846. (Darwin pedigree.) Fox, Gertrude Mary (1854–1900). Daughter of Ellen Sophia and William Darwin Fox. Married Frederick Charles Tindal Bosanquet in 1879. (BMD (Marriage index); Darwin pedigree; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 23 March 2017).)

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Fox, Gilbert Basil (1864–1941). Clergyman. Son of Ellen Sophia and William Darwin Fox. BA, Oxford (St John’s College), 1887. Ordained priest, 1890. (BMD (Death index); Crockford’s clerical directory; Darwin pedigree.) Fox, Reginald Henry (1860–1933). Son of Ellen Sophia and William Darwin Fox. (Darwin pedigree.) Fox, Theodora (1853–78). Daughter of Ellen Sophia and William Darwin Fox. (Darwin pedigree.) Fox, William Darwin (1805–80). Clergyman. CD’s second cousin. A friend of CD’s at Cambridge; introduced CD to entomology. Maintained an active interest in natural history throughout his life and provided CD with much information. Rector of Delamere, Cheshire, 1838–73. Spent the last years of his life at Sandown, Isle of Wight. (Alum. Cantab.; Correspondence; ‘Recollections’.) 3 April [1877], 29 November [1877], 2 December 1877 Fraas, Oscar Friedrich (1821–97). German geologist. Priest in Laufen an der Eyach from 1850. Keeper of the geological and palaeontological collections in the Royal Natural History Cabinet, Stuttgart, from 1856. (NDB.) Frazier, ‘Bronsomerulay’ (fl. 1870s). A student or student who asked CD to allow himself to be nominated for the post of lord rector of Edinburgh University; ‘Bronsomerulay’ is an artefact of the telegraph system. (Telegram from ‘Bromsomerulay’ Frazier, [2 November 1877].) [2 November 1877], [2 November 1877] Fuchs, Sigmund (1859–1903). Austrian physiologist. Studied mathematics, theoretical physics, and medicine at Vienna from 1878. While still a student, became a demonstrator for Ernst Wilhelm von Brücke at the physiological institute; assistant in anatomy, then in the eye clinic. Habilitated in physiology, 1895; professor extraordinarius, 1897. Professor, Vienna University of Natural Resources, 1899. Discovered the nerves of the light organs in Elater noctilucus and studied photoelectrical changes in the retina. (Zentralblatt für Physiologie 17 (1903): 250–1.) [1877–8?], [1877–8?] Galilei, Galileo (1564–1642). Italian physicist and astronomer. Professor of mathematics, University of Pisa and University of Padua; mathematician and philosopher to the grand duke of Tuscany. Published Dialogues concerning the two world systems (1632), discussing the Copernican system, as a result of which he was tried before the Inquisition at Rome. (DSB.) Galton, Francis (1822–1911). Traveller, statistician, and scientific writer. CD’s cousin. Explored in south-western Africa, 1850–2. Carried out various researches on heredity. Founder of the eugenics movement. FRS 1860. (DSB; ODNB.) [6–12 January 1877], 9 January [1877], 12 January 1877, 11 February [1877], 22 February 1877 Galton, Louisa Jane (1822–97). Daughter of George Butler, the headmaster of Harrow. Married Francis Galton in 1853. (London, England, births and baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 October 2014); ODNB s.v. Galton, Sir Francis.)

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Gardeners’ Chronicle. 3 January [1877], 17 January [1877], 19 February [1877] Gärtner, Karl Friedrich von (1772–1850). German physician and botanist. Practised medicine in Calw, Germany, from 1796, but left medical practice in 1800 to pursue a career in botany. Travelled in England and Holland in 1802. Studied plant hybridisation from circa 1824. Elected a member of the Deutsche Akademie der Naturforscher Leopoldina, 1826. Ennobled, 1846. (ADB; DBE; DSB.) Gascoyne-Cecil, Robert Arthur Talbot, 3d marquess of Salisbury (1830– 1903). Politician. Conservative MP for Stamford, 1853–68. Became the third marquess of Salisbury in 1868. Secretary of state for India, 1874–8. Prime minister, 1885–6, 1886–92, 1895–1902. (ODNB.) Gaudry, Albert-Jean (Albert) (1827–1908). French palaeontologist. Assistant to his brother-in-law, Alcide d’Orbigny, professor of palaeontology at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle. Carried out excavations at Pikermi, Attica, in 1855 and 1860, and published Animaux fossiles et géologie de l’Attique (1862–7). Studied the fossils of small reptiles and batrachians, 1866–92. Taught a course in palaeontology at the Sorbonne, 1868–71; appointed professor of palaeontology at the Muséum, 1872. (DBF; DSB.) 28 December 1877 Gegenbaur, Carl (or Karl) (1826–1903). German anatomist and zoologist. A supporter of CD; emphasised the importance of comparative anatomy in evolutionary reconstruction. Professor extraordinarius of zoology, Jena, 1855–8; professor of anatomy and zoology, 1858–62; of anatomy, 1862–73. Professor of anatomy and comparative anatomy, Heidelberg, 1873–1901. Elected to the Deutsche Akademie der Naturforscher Leopoldina, 1857. (DBE; DSB; NDB.) Geiger, Elieser Lazarus Salomon (Lazarus) (1829–70). German linguist. Studied linguistics and philosophy at the Universities of Bonn, Heidelburg, and Marburg, 1847–9. Private tutor in Frankfurt am Main from 1850, and teacher of German, mathematical geography, and Hebrew at a Jewish school there from 1861. Wrote on the origin and development of language. (NDB.) Geikie, James Murdoch (1839–1915). Scottish geologist. The brother of Archibald Geikie. Joined the Scottish Geological Survey, mapping glacial deposits in central Scotland, in 1861; district surveyor, 1869. Published The great Ice Age (1874). Murchison Professor of geology, Edinburgh University, 1882–1914. FRS 1875. (DSB; ODNB.) Gerard, John (1545–1612). Herbalist. Superintendent of the gardens of Lord Burghley in the Strand, London, and at Theobalds, Hertfordshire; had his own garden at Holborn, London. Published his famous Herball in 1597. Chosen master of the Barber-Surgeons’ Company, 1607. (DNB.) Gevaert, Gustave (1862–1905). Belgian botanist and physician. Co-authored with Léo Abram Errera a monograph on heterostyly in primulas, 1878. Clinical assistant at St Peter’s Hospital, Brussels. (Mark Rowley, Cabinet of art

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and medicine bibliography, http://www.artandmedicine.com/biblio/authors/ french/Gevaert.html, accessed 16 February 2017.) Gibbs, John (1822–1902). Wool-sorter and botanist. Taught botany at the Mechanics’ Institute, Chelmsford. Assistant curator at the Essex and Chelmsord Museum, 1868; curator 1875. (R. Desmond 1994; Essex Naturalist 18 (1914–18): 89–96.) 20 February 1877, 22 February 1877 Gibert, Joseph Ernest (1818–86). French botanist. Emigrated to Uruguay in 1851. Author of a catalogue of plants of Uruguay, Enumeratio plantarum sponte nascentium agro Montevidensi (1873). (Aber 2005, p. 50; WorldCat Identities, http:// www.worldcat.org/identities, accessed 24 February 2017.) Gill, William Wyatt (1828–96). Missionary. Member of the London Missionary Society, 1851. Stationed at Mangaia, Cook Islands, 1852–72. Returned to England in 1873. Missionary on Rarotongan, 1877–83. Wrote several works on his experience as a missionary. Retired to Australia. (Aust. dict. biog.) Gladstone, William Ewart (1809–98). Statesman and author. Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1852–5 and 1859–66. Prime minister, 1868–74, 1880–5, 1886, and 1892–4. FRS 1881. (ODNB.) 2 October 1877, 23 October 1877, 25 October [1877] Glaisher, James Whitbread Lee (1848–1928). Mathematician. Second wrangler in the mathematical tripos, Cambridge University, 1871; fellow, lecturer, and assistant tutor of Trinity College from 1871. Member of many societies; wrote papers on astronomy, mathematics, and history of mathematics. Later interested in ceramics. FRS 1875. (ODNB.) Gmelin, Johann Georg (1709–55). German botanist, naturalist, and explorer. Professor of chemistry and natural history at the Academy of Sciences, St Petersburg, 1731–47. Professor of botany and chemistry at Tübingen University, 1749. (DSB; NDB.) Godínez y Esteban, Enrique (Enrique Godínez) (1845–94). Journalist and translator. Served in the Spanish Navy on graduation from the Colegio Naval Militar, 1863–71. Editor, El Cronista, New York. Contributor from 1876 to the Spanish journals Revista Contemporánea, La Opinión, and La Regencia. Founding editor of El Tiempo, 1893. Made the first Spanish translation of Origin in 1877. (Gomis Blanco and Josa Llorca 2009.) 21 March 1877 Gomes, Henrique de Barros (1843–98). Portuguese politician. Studied at the Escola Politécnica de Lisboa. Elected to the Academia Real das Ciências. Entered politics, 1868/9; director of the Bank of Portugal from 1873. Treasurer of the Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa, 1877. (DAR 229: 53; O grande livro dos Portugueses.) Gonzales, Catherine (d. c. 1623). Wife of Petrus Gonzales. (Wiesner-Hanks 2009, pp. 7 and 220.) Gonzales, Enrico (b. c. 1580 d. 1656). Eldest son of Petrus and Catherine Gonzales. Had the condition of hypertrichosis (excessive body hair). Given to a

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cardinal in Rome, and lived at the Farnese palace from 1595. Lived in Capodimonte from 1602. Married four times. (Wiesner-Hanks 2009, pp. 8, 49–50, and 127–8.) Gonzales, Maddalena (b. c. 1575). Eldest daughter of Petrus and Catherine Gonzales. Had the condition of hypertrichosis (excessive body hair). Married around 1593. Lived in Parma and Rome at the Farnese palace. Later lived in Capodimonte. (Wiesner-Hanks 2009, pp. 94, 127, 173, and 220.) Gonzales, Petrus (c. 1537 – c. 1618). Born in the Canary Islands with the condition of hypertrichosis (excessive body hair). Taken when an infant to the royal court in Paris as a curiosity. Educated as a nobleman. A bread-bearer for the French king. Married a French woman in 1573. Exhibited along with his hairy children in various European royal courts. The subject of several reports by scholars. (Wiesner-Hanks 2009.) Göppert, Heinrich Robert (1800–84). German botanist. Lecturer in medicine and botany at the University of Breslau, 1827–31; professor extraordinarius, 1831–9; professor from 1839. Studied plant physiology and fossil trees. One of the founders of German palaeobotany. (BHGW; NDB.) Gordon, Charles George (1833–85). Army officer. Major-general, Royal Engineers. Killed at the siege of Khartoum, 1885. (ODNB.) Gordon, Richard (1828–95). French physician and translator. Practised in Montpellier. Librarian of the faculty of medicine, Montpellier. Translated Climbing plants into French. (Bibliothèque nationale de France, data.bnf.fr (accessed 22 October 2014).) Gould, John (1804–81). Ornithologist and artist. Taxidermist to the Zoological Society of London, 1828–81. Described the birds collected by CD on the Beagle expedition. FRS 1843. (ODNB.) Graham, Christopher Columbus (1784–1885). American soldier, businessman, physician, and philosopher. Served in the War of 1812, the War of Mexican Independence, and the Black Hawk War of 1832. MD, Transylvania University, Lexington, Kentucky, 1819. Founded Graham Springs spa in 1826, later selling it to the US government in 1853 for use as an asylum for injured soldiers. Surgeon for a survey expedition for the Southern Atlantic and Pacific Railway, but left the company to complete the work independently; taken prisoner by the Apache during this time. Returned to Kentucky and founded the town of Sublimity. Wrote works on mental and moral philosophy, 1859 and 1869. Excavated at Big Bone Lick in northern Kentucky where he discovered mammoth remains. (Shook ed. 2012.) 30 January 1877 Gray, Asa (1810–88). American botanist. Fisher Professor of natural history, Harvard University, 1842–73. Wrote numerous botanical textbooks and works on North American flora. President of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1863–73; of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1872. Regent of the Smithsonian Institution, 1874–88. Foreign member,

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Royal Society of London, 1873. (DAB; DSB; J. L. Gray ed. 1893, Record of the Royal Society of London.) 3 January 1877, 23 January 1877, 6 February 1877, 10 February 1877, 18 February [1877], 6 March 1877, 8 March 1877, 19 March [1877], 30 March 1877, 22 May 1877, 4 June [1877], 10 June 1877, 27 September 1877 Gray, Jane Loring (1821–1909). Daughter of Charles Greely Loring, Boston lawyer and politician, and Anna Pierce Brace. Married Asa Gray in 1848. Edited the Letters of Asa Gray (1893). (Barnhart comp. 1965; Dupree 1959, pp. 177–84.) Gray, John Edward (1800–75). Botanist and zoologist. Assistant keeper of the zoological collections at the British Museum, 1824; keeper, 1840–74. President, Botanical Society of London, 1836–57. FRS 1832. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) Greaves, Elizabeth Anne (b. c. 1809 d. 1892). Baptised in Derby, the daughter of William and Mary Ann Hadley. Brought up in Derby by Susanna Hadley (née Parker; daughter of Erasmus Darwin) and Henry Hadley. Married Richard Greaves in 1854. Lived in Cheltenham. (BMD (Death index); Correspondence vol. 26, letter from E. A. Greaves, 26 June 1878; Derbyshire, England, select Church of England parish registers, 1538–1910 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 February 2017); Gloucestershire, England, marriages and banns, 1754–1938 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 June 2016).) 14 December 1877, 31 December 1877 (to Francis Darwin) Greaves, Richard (1793/4–1870). Clergyman. BA, Oxford (Wadham College), 1816. Ordained priest, 1819. Lived in Cheltenham. Married Elizabeth Ann Hadley in 1854. (Alum. Oxon.; Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/1798/86/17); Crockford’s clerical directory; Gloucestershire, England, marriages and banns, 1754–1938 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 March 2017) .) Greg, William Rathbone (1809–81). Essayist. Mill owner, 1832–50. Author of the Creed of Christendom (1851). Wrote articles for the leading quarterlies, and books, mostly on politics and economics. Comptroller of the Stationery Office, 1864– 77. (ODNB; Tort 1996.) Gregorios (fl. 1860–70s). Eastern orthodox priest. Metropolitan of Chios. (Gregorios 1876; Gregory 1868.) Grenier, Louis (fl. 1870s). French botanist. Non-resident member of the botanical society of Lyon. (Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Louis Grenier, 20 May 1876.) Grey, George (1812–98). Army officer, explorer, and colonial governor. Governor of South Australia, 1841–5; of New Zealand, 1845–53 and 1861–8; of Cape Colony, 1854–61. Settled in New Zealand, 1870–94. Prime minister of New Zealand, 1877–9. Knighted, 1848. (Aust. dict. biog.; ODNB.) Griffiths, Richard William (1830–1902). Architect and surveyor. Business premises at 17A Great George Street, London. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/843/91/43); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry. com, accessed 25 November 2016).) December 1877

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Grosvenor, Robert, 1st Baron Ebury (1801–93). Politician. BA, Oxford, 1821. Whig MP for Shaftesbury, 1822; Chester, 1826–47; Middlesex, 1847–57. An evangelical with a strong interest in social reform. Founded the Prayer Book Revision Society, 1854. Created Baron Ebury, 1857. (ODNB.) Grugeon, Alfred (1826–1913). Woodturner and botanist. Took botany lessons at the Working Men’s College, and after receiving certification as an instructor, taught botany there. Contributed several papers on botany to the college magazine and wrote a primer on botany in 1873. (R. Desmond 1994; Journal of Botany 55 (1917): 193–4.) 14 January [1877], 25 February [1877] Günther, Albrecht Carl Ludwig Gotthilf (Albert) (1830–1914). German-born zoologist. Began his association with the British Museum in 1857; made catalogues of the museum’s specimens of Amphibia, reptiles, and fish; officially joined the staff in 1862. Assistant keeper of the zoological department, 1872– 5; keeper, 1875–95. Edited the Record of Zoological Literature, 1864–9. FRS 1867. (NDB; ODNB.) 28 January [1877], 25 February [1877], 3 March 1877, 4 May [1877], 7 May 1877 Haast, John Francis Julius (Julius) von (1822–87). German-born explorer and geologist. Travelled to New Zealand in 1858 to report on the prospects for German emigration. Explored the western districts of Nelson province at the request of the provincial government in 1859. Appointed geologist to Canterbury province, 1861. Conducted the first geological survey of Canterbury province, 1861– 8. Became a British national in 1861. Founded the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury in 1862, and the Canterbury Museum in 1863. Professor of geology, Canterbury College, 1876–87. Member of the Senate of the University of New Zealand, 1879–87. Knighted, 1886. FRS 1867. (DNZB; DSB; Haast 1948; ODNB.) [c. 11 February 1877] Hacon, William Mackmurdo (1821–85). CD’s solicitor. Offices at 31 Fenchurch Street, London. Solicitor, 1854–85; formed partnerships with David Rowland, James Weston, and Edward Francis Turner at Leadenhall House, Leadenhall Street. Commissioner of oaths and affidavits, and examiner of witnesses in England, and for the High Court of Judicature, Bombay. (BMD (Death index); England & Wales, non-conformist and non-parochial registers, 1567–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 January 2014); Law list 1854–85.) Hadley, Elizabeth Susanna (1810–57). Daughter of Henry and Susanna Hadley. (Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office H0107/199/16); Certificate of death, 13 November 1857, Derby, Derbyshire (General Register Office, England); Select births and christenings, 1538– 1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 June 2017).) Hadley, Henry (1762–1830). Surgeon. Of Derby. Married Susanna Parker, one of the illegitimate daughters of Erasmus Darwin, in 1809. (England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 March 2017); King-Hele 1999.)

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Hadley, Henry (1812–74). Surgeon. Staff surgeon in the army, reaching the rank of major. Retired with the honorary rank of deputy inspector-general of hospitals in 1861. Son of Henry and Susanna Hadley. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG 9/56/54/18); Derbyshire, England, select Church of England parish registers, 1538–1910 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 February 2017); Gloucestershire, England, Church of England burials, 1813–1988 (Ancestry. com, accessed 16 February 2017); London Gazette, 4 June 1861, p. 2353.) Hadley, Susanna (1772–1856). Schoolteacher. Natural daughter of Erasmus Darwin and Mary Parker Sr. Brought up in Erasmus Darwin’s household. Worked as a governess; in 1794, established a girls’ school with her sister, Mary Parker, on property purchased by Erasmus Darwin in Ashbourne, Derbyshire. Ran the school until her marriage in 1809 to the physician Henry Hadley (1762–1830); brought up two children of her own and her husband’s niece, Elizabeth Hadley (later Greaves). (King-Hele 1999.) Haeckel, Ernst Philipp August (1834–1919). German zoologist. MD, Berlin, 1857. Lecturer in comparative anatomy, University of Jena, 1861–2; professor extraordinarius of zoology, 1862–5; professor of zoology and director of the Zoological Institute, 1865–1909. Specialist in marine invertebrates. Leading populariser of evolutionary theory. His Generelle Morphologie der Organismen (1866) linked morphology to the study of the phylogenetic evolution of organisms. (DSB; NDB.) 9 February 1877, 16 February 1877 Hamy, Ernest-Théodore (1842–1908). French anthropologist. Studied medicine in Paris. Worked for Paul Broca in his anthropology laboratory. Travelled in Egypt in 1869. Surgeon to the national guard in 1870. Aide-naturaliste at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle. Founded the Revue d’ethnographie in 1882. (DBF.) Hanks, Henry Garber (1826–1907). American mineralogist. Established Pacific Chemical Works in California, 1866. State mineralogist of California in 1880–6. Established the state mining bureau. President of the California State Geological Society, 1877. (DAR 229: 56; Elliot 1979.) Harris, Edward (1825/6–97). Publican. Proprietor of the King’s Head Tavern, 15 Broad Street, Bloomsbury, London, 1863–81. Owner of a trained cockatoo that performed there. Licensee of the Duke of York, 53 London Road, Twickenham, Surrey, 1891. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/341/80/36), 1881 (RG11/321/123/13), 1891 (RG12/1026/31/15); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 February 2017); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 November 2015); Land and Water, 7 December 1872; UK Pub History (http://pubshistory.com/LondonPubs/ StGeorgeBloomsbury/KingsHead.shtml, accessed 24 February 2016).) April 1877 Harrison, Frederic (1831–1923). Author and positivist. BA, Oxford (Wadham College), 1853. Studied at Lincoln’s Inn from 1855; called to the bar, 1858.

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Taught history and Latin at the Working Men’s College in Bloomsbury, London. Wrote articles on politics for the Fortnightly Review. Appointed to the royal commission on trade unions, 1867; secretary, royal commission for the digest of the law, 1869. Helped found England’s first positivist centre in 1870. Examiner in jurisprudence, Roman law, and constitutional history for the Council of Legal Education from 1870; professor of jurisprudence, international law, and constitutional law, 1877–89. Alderman, London County Council, from 1889. (ODNB.) 13 June [1877] (to G. H. Darwin), 15 June [1877] (to G. H. Darwin), 27 June [1877] (to G. H. Darwin) Harrison, Frederick (1799–1881). Stockbroker. Director of the London and County Bank. Father of Frederic Harrison (1831–1923). (ODNB s.v. Harrison, Frederic; The Times, 11 January 1881, p. 11.) Harting, Pieter (1812–85). Dutch zoologist and microscopist. MD, Utrecht, 1835; doctorate in obstetrics, 1837. Professor of pharmacy at the Athenaeum, Franeker, 1841; of zoology, Utrecht, 1846–82. (BHGW; DSB.) 19 March 1877 Hartmann, Karl Robert Eduard (Eduard) von (1842–1906). German philosopher. Studied natural science and philosophy in Berlin. Became a popular transcendental realist philosopher in the early 1870s. Lived in Berlin as a private scholar, turning down university positions because of his health. Considered an important forerunner of Freud for his work on the unconscious. (DBE.) Hartmann, Robert (1831/2–93). German anatomist, zoologist and ethnologist. Studied medicine and natural sciences at Berlin, receiving his doctorate in 1856. Participated in a research trip to Egypt and the Sudan, 1859–60. Lecturer in zoology and comparative physiology, agricultural academy, Proskau (Prószków), 1865. Professor of anatomy, Berlin, 1867. Co-founder of the Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1869. Wrote major ethnological studies of African peoples. (Treiber 1993, pp. 183–5.) Hartogh Heijs van Zouteveen, Hermanus (1841–91). Dutch naturalist and geologist. Translator and champion of CD’s work in the Netherlands. (NNBW.) Hawkshaw, Ann (1812–85). Poet. Daughter of the Rev. James Jackson of Green Hammerton, Yorkshire. Married John Hawkshaw in 1835. Published several volumes of poetry including Sonnets on Anglo-Saxon history and Cecil’s own book, which was for her grandson, Cecil Wedgwood. (Bark ed. 2014; Manchester Guardian, 1 May 1885, p. 8; ODNB s.v. Hawkshaw, John.) Hawkshaw, John (1811–91). Civil engineer. In charge of the Bolivar Mining Association’s mines in Venezuela, 1832–4. Engineer to the Manchester and Leeds Railway, 1845–88. Practised as a consulting engineer in London from 1850; from 1870 in partnership with his son Clarke and with Harrison Hayter. One of the foremost civil engineers of the nineteenth century. Knighted, 1873. FRS 1855. (ODNB.) Hayden, Ferdinand Vandeveer (1828?–87). American geologist and naturalist. Explored the western territories of the United States, 1853–60. Lecturer

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on geology in the Auxiliary Department of Medicine at the University of Pennsylvania, 1865–72. Directed several surveys for the Department of the Interior, 1867–78. Worked for the US Geological Survey from its creation in 1879 until his retirement in 1886. (ANB.) Heckel, Édouard Marie (1843–1916). French pharmacist, physician, and botanist. Studied at the naval medical school, Toulon, then studied flora in Martinique for therapeutic agents, 1859. Pharmacist, first class, Montpellier, 1867; MD 1869; doctorate in natural sciences, 1875. Botanised in Australia, China, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), and elsewhere. Served as a physician in the Franco-Prussian War; resigned from the navy in 1874. Professor of botany, Faculté des sciences, Marseille, 1877; of materia medica, École de plain exercise de médicine et de pharmacie, 1879. Translated CD’s Cross and self fertilisation and other works into French. (Osborne 2014, pp. 165–9.) 4 March 1877, 20 November 1877 Heer, Oswald (1809–83). Swiss biogeographer, palaeontologist, and botanist. An expert on Tertiary flora. Lecturer in botany, University of Zurich, 1834–5; director of the botanic garden, 1834; professor extraordinarius, 1835–52; professor of botany and entomology, 1852–83. (DSB; NDB.) 28 February 1877, 29 July 1877 Hegt, J. Noordhoek (1835–1930). Dutch merchant and zookeeper. Director of a trading company based in the Dutch East Indies and later assistant director of the Amsterdam zoo, ‘Natura Artis Magistra’. (Archief van de familie Westerman en aanverwante families (Archive of the Westerman family and their related families), No. 399. Gemeentearchief Amsterdam.) Heldreich, Theodor Heinrich Hermann von (1822–1902). German botanist. Studied botany in Montpellier, 1837; in Geneva with A. P. de Candolle and Alphonse de Candolle, 1838–42. Based in Athens from 1843; made several botanical research trips to Sicily, Naples, Crete, and Anatolia. Travelled to England; became keeper of the herbarium of Philip Barker-Webb in Paris, 1849–50. Director of Athens botanical gardens, 1851–1902; conservator of the natural history museum, 1858–83. Discovered over seven hundred new species in Greece and the Orient and wrote on flora in the works of Homer. (NDB.) 2 August 1877, 9 August 1877 Hellins, John (1829–87). Clergyman and entomologist. BA, Oxford, 1851. Ordained deacon, 1852; priest, 1854. Chaplain of Devon County Prison, Exeter, 1859–79. As an entomologist, best known for his work on the larvae of Lepidoptera, which was undertaken to assist William Buckler. (Alum. Oxon.; Entomologist’s Monthly Magazine 24 (1887–8): 20.) Henry, Joseph (1797–1878). American physicist and scientific administrator. Professor of mathematics and natural philosophy, Albany Academy, 1826. Professor of natural philosophy, College of New Jersey, 1832. Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1846–78. President, National Academy of Sciences, 1868–78. (ANB.)

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Hensen, Christian Andreas Victor (Victor) (1835–1924). German physiologist and marine biologist. Studied medicine at Würzburg, Berlin, and Kiel, 1854–9. Habilitated in anatomy and histology, Kiel, 1860; professor extraordinarius, physiology and embryology, 1864; professor, 1868–1911. Led several marine biological expeditions, notably the Atlantic plankton expedition, 1889. Worked on the physiology and comparative anatomy of the nervous system and sensory organs. (DSB; NDB.) Henslow, George (1835–1925). Clergyman, teacher, and botanist. BA, Cambridge (Christ’s College), 1858. Curate of Steyning, 1859–61; of St John’s Wood Chapel, 1868–70; of St James’s Marylebone, 1870–87. Headmaster at Hampton Lucy Grammar School, Warwick, 1861–4; at the Grammar School, Store Street, London, 1865–72. Lecturer in botany at St Bartholomew’s Hospital, 1866–80. Honorary professor of botany at the Royal Horticultural Society, 1880–1918. Author of a number of religious books, including Plants of the Bible (1907), and of children’s books on natural history. Younger son of John Stevens Henslow. (Alum. Cantab.; Crockford’s clerical directory; R. Desmond 1994; Lightman ed. 2004; ODNB s.v. Henslow, John Stevens.) Henslow, John Stevens (1796–1861). Clergyman, botanist, and mineralogist. CD’s teacher and friend. Professor of mineralogy, Cambridge University, 1822–7; professor of botany, 1825–61. Extended and remodelled the Cambridge botanic garden. Curate of Little St Mary’s Church, Cambridge, 1824–32; vicar of Cholsey-cum-Moulsford, Berkshire, 1832–7; rector of Hitcham, Suffolk, 1837–61. (DSB; Historical register of the University of Cambridge; ODNB.) Herbert, Henry Howard Molyneux, 4th earl of Carnarvon (1831–90). Politician. Succeeded to the earldom in 1849. BA, Oxford, 1852. Colonial secretary, 1866–7 and 1874–8. Lord lieutenant of Ireland, 1885–6. (ODNB.) 20 July 1877 Hering, Karl Ewald Konstantin (Ewald) (1834–1918). German physiologist. MD, Leipzig, 1858; lecturer in medical physiology, 1862. Professor of physiology, Vienna, 1865–70; Prague, 1870–95; Leipzig, 1895–1918. Published on the interaction between breathing and circulation. (DBE.) Herschel, John Frederick William, 1st baronet (1792–1871). Astronomer, mathematician, chemist, and philosopher. Member of many learned societies. Carried out astronomical observations at the Cape of Good Hope, 1834–8. Master of the Royal Mint, 1850–5. Created baronet, 1838. FRS 1813. (DSB; ODNB.) Heydenfeldt, Solomon (1848–94). American lawyer. Secretary of the California State Geological Society, 1877. Reportedly became a Roman Catholic monk in Washington, DC, in 1891. (California, voter registers, 1866–1898 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 November 2016); DAR 229: 56; Morning Call (San Francisco), 28 September 1891, p. 2 ; New York, New York City municipal deaths, 1795–1949, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:2WXP-SXH, accessed 20 March 2015), Solomon Heydenfeldt, 20 September 1894).)

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Hildebrand, Friedrich Hermann Gustav (1835–1915). German botanist. After studying mineralogy, geology, and agriculture at Berlin, took up botany, studying at Bonn, then from 1855 to 1858 at Berlin, where he received his doctorate. Habilitated at Bonn, becoming privat-dozent there, in 1859. Professor of botany, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1868–1907. Worked mainly on hybridity, dimorphism, and generation. (Correns 1916; Junker 1989; Tort 1996.) 18 January 1877, 19 March 1877 Hilgendorf, Franz Martin (1839–1904). German zoologist, palaeontologist, and museologist. Studied philology in Berlin, 1859–62. Received a doctorate from Tübingen for palaeontology, 1863. Assistant, zoological museum, Berlin, 1860–2, 1863–7. In 1865, spent several months doing further palaeontological research at Steinheim. Director, zoological garden and aquarium, Hamburg, 1868–70. Docent, Imperial Medical Academy, Tokyo, 1872–6. Returned to the zoological museum, Berlin, 1876; keeper, 1880. (Archiv für Naturgeschichte 72 (1) (1906): i–xii.) Hoare, Charles (fl. 1870s). Poet. Of Southampton. Author of Dogma, doubt and duty (1878), a poem on Darwinian themes. Possibly the same Charles Hoare of Southampton who published on mathematical and trade-related subjects, 1855– 87. (BLC; Hoare [1878].) 20 November 1877 Hochstetter, Ferdinand von (1829–84). German geologist. Geologist for the Reichsanstalt in Vienna, 1854–6. Lecturer in geology, University of Vienna, 1856–7. Naturalist on the Novara expedition, 1857–9. Professor of geology and mineralogy at the Polytechnic Institute in Vienna, 1860–81. Undertook further travels, acting as geological adviser on the construction of the Turkish (1869) and trans-Siberian (1872) railways. Director of the Hofmuseum, Vienna, from 1876. (BHGW; DBE; NDB.) 14 February 1877 Hodge, George (1833–71). Naturalist and clerk. Worked as a colliery office clerk in Seaham Harbour, County Durham. Specialised in marine and freshwater Crustacea; published on echinoderms and pycnogonids. Member, Tyneside Naturalists’ Field Club from 1857; founded Natural History Club of Seaham Harbour. (R. A. Baker 2011.) Hodgskin, George (1806–83). Businessman. Worked in South America. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/46/99/47); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 June 2015); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 June 2015); letter from George Hodgskin, 6 January 1877.) 6 January 1877 Hoek, Paulus Peronius Cato (1851–1914). Dutch zoologist. Studied at Leiden, 1872–5; doctorate, 1875. Assistant, Zoötomisch Laboratorium, 1874–81. Instructor in natural history, Leiden Gymnasium, 1878–88. Fisheries advisor to the government, 1888; director of the zoological station, Den Helder, 1890. First general

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secretary, International Council for Exploration of the Sea, 1902–8. Worked on Cirripedia; published reports on cirripedes for the Challenger expedition (1883) and the Saboga expedition (1907 and 1913). Discovered that organs identified by CD as olfactory were maxillary glands. (Biografisch woordenboek van Nederland; W. A. Newman 1993, p. 428.) [c. 24 June 1877] (from Francis Darwin), 25 June 1877 (to C. W. Thomson) Hoeven, Jan van der (1801–68). Dutch comparative anatomist and anthropologist. Lecturer on zoology, Leiden, 1826–68. An adherent of Cuvier’s theory of catastrophism; believed in creation rather than evolution, attempting in his works to show how the infinite wisdom of the Creator is reflected in the harmony of the world’s creatures. (BWN; DSB.) Hoffmann, Christiaan Karel (1844–1903). Dutch zoologist. MD, Utrecht, 1866. Curator of invertebrates, Royal Natural History Museum, Leiden, 1872. Professor of zoology, comparative anatomy, and physiology, University of Leiden, 1874. (Holthuis 1995, pp. 61–2.) Hoffmann, Karl Heinrich Hermann (Hermann) (1819–91). German botanist and physician. Studied medicine at Gießen and Berlin, 1837–41. MD, Gießen, 1841. Practised briefly in 1842; habilitated in medicine at Gießen, 1842. From 1843, began to lecture in physiological botany and left medicine in 1845. PhD in botany, Gießen, 1847; professor and director of the botanic garden, 1853. Worked on the systematics of fungi and was a pioneer in bacteriology. Also worked on variability, propagation, migration, and dissemination in plants. (DBE; NDB.) 4 July 1877 Hogarth, William (1697–1764). Painter and engraver. (ODNB.) Hogg, Robert (1818–97). Scottish horticulturist and pomologist. Gained practical horticultural training with Peter Lawson in Edinburgh and Hugh Ronalds in Brentford, after which he studied in Paris, Belgium, and Germany. Partner in a nursery in Brompton Park, London, 1842–51. Co-editor of the Cottage Gardener (from 1861, Journal of Horticulture), 1855–95. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) Holden, Edward Singleton (1846–1914). American astronomer and librarian. BS in mathematics and astronomy, Washington, 1866. Graduated US Military Academy, West Point, as second lieutenant, 1870. Professor of mathematics, Naval Observatory, Washington, 1873. Professor of astronomy and director of the Washburn Observatory, Wisconsin, 1881. President, University of California, 1886; director, Lick Observatory, 1888–97. Founder, Astronomical Society of the Pacific, 1889. Librarian, West Point, 1901–14. (ANB.) Holmes, Edward Morell (1843–1930). Botanist and pharmacologist. Registered as a pharmaceutical chemist, 1862; chemist in Plymouth until 1871. Curator of the Pharmaceutical Society Museum, London, 1872–1922. Lecturer in botany at the Westminster Hospital School, 1873–6. Lecturer in materia medica at the Pharmaceutical Society, 1887–90. Studied lichens, marine algae, and mosses. (R. Desmond 1994; Mark Lawley, ‘Edward Morrell Holmes’, http://rbg-web2.rbge.

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org.uk/bbs/Learning/Bryohistory/Bygone Bryologists/Edward Morell Holmes. rtf (accessed 31 August 2016).) 23 October 1877 Homer. Epic poet of Greece. (Oxford classical dictionary.) Hooker, Brian Harvey Hodgson (1860–1932). Fifth child of Frances Harriet and Joseph Dalton Hooker. (Allan 1967 s.v. ‘Hooker pedigree’.) Hooker, Charles Paget (1855–1933). Physician and surgeon. Third child of Frances Harriet and Joseph Dalton Hooker. Trained at St Bartholomew’s Hospital, London; made a licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians of London and the Royal College of Surgeons, Edinburgh, 1879, before being appointed to the staff of the Hertfordshire General Infirmary. Cottishall Cottage Hospital, Norfolk, 1880–5; Cirencester Cottage Hospital, Gloucestershire, 1885–1912. (Allan 1967; Medical directory 1881–1933; Medical who’s who 1914.) Hooker, Frances Harriet (1825–74). Daughter of John Stevens Henslow. Married Joseph Dalton Hooker in 1851. Assisted her husband significantly in his published work. Translated A general system of botany, descriptive and analytical, by Emmanuel Le Maout and Joseph Decaisne (1873). (Allan 1967; Lightman ed. 2004.) Hooker, Harriet Anne (1854–1945). Second child of Frances Harriet and Joseph Dalton Hooker. Married William Turner Thiselton-Dyer in 1877. (Allan 1967 s.v. ‘Hooker pedigree’.) Hooker, Hyacinth (1842–1921). Daughter of William Samuel Symonds. Married Sir William Jardine of Applegirth, seventh baronet, in 1871; widowed in 1874. Married Joseph Dalton Hooker in 1876. (Allan 1967 s.v. ‘Hooker pedigree’; Burke’s peerage 1876.) [18 November 1877] Hooker, Joseph Dalton (1817–1911). Botanist. Worked chiefly on taxonomy and plant geography. Son of William Jackson Hooker. Friend and confidant of CD. Accompanied James Clark Ross on his Antarctic expedition, 1839–43, and published the botanical results of the voyage. Appointed palaeobotanist to the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1846. Travelled in the Himalayas, 1847–9. Assistant director, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1855–65; director, 1865–85. Knighted, 1877. FRS 1847. (DSB; ODNB.) 18 January 1877, 25 January [1877], 27 January 1877, 28 January 1877, [2 March 1877], 3 March [1877], 19 March 1877, 20 March [1877], 21 April [1877], 25 May [1877], 29 May 1877, 31 May 1877, 31 May 1877, 14 June 1877, 16 June [1877], 16 June 1877, 18 June 1877, 25 June 1877, 19 October 1877, 21 October [1877], [26 October 1877], 6 November [1877], 7 November 1877, 8 November [1877], 13 November 1877, 25 November [1877], 28 November [1877] Hooker, Reginald Hawthorn (1867–1944). Sixth child of Joseph Dalton and Frances Harriet Hooker. Took B-ès-Sc. in Paris, and studied mathematics at Trinity College, Cambridge, 1886–9. Assistant to the director of the Intelligence Department of the Board of Agriculture, and subsequently head of

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the statistical branch until 1927. Secretary, Royal Statistical Society; president, Royal Meteorological Society, 1920–1. (Allan 1967; Alum. Cantab.; Royal Meteorological Society.) Hooker, William Henslow (1853–1942). Eldest child of Frances Harriet and Joseph Dalton Hooker. Civil servant, India Office, 1877–1904. Encouraged imperial ties between metropolitan institutions (particularly the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew) and British East Africa, circa 1896–1906. (Allan 1967; India list 1904–5; Zanzibar Gazette, 5 February 1896, p. 6, and 28 November 1900, p. 5.) Hoole, Alice Mary (1846/7–87). Daughter of Robert Dalgleish Swan and his wife Isabella Stuart Swan, John Brodie Innes’s sister-in-law. Married Stanley Hoole in 1865. (BMD (Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1633/570/9), 1881 (RG11/1195/117/60).) Hoole, Arthur Stanley (1866–1935). Soldier, clergyman, and naturalist. Son of Stanley and Alice Hoole. Attended Uppingham School, 1878–80. Trained at the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich. Lieutenant, Royal Artillery, 1885. Stationed in Malta, 1885–6. Resigned his commission in 1888. Ordained a Roman Catholic priest; deacon at the Brompton Oratory, Kensington, 1891. Fellow of the Royal Microscopical Society, 1905. (http://www.soldiersofthequeen.com/ HomeService-LtArthurStanleyHoole.html; Uppingham School roll 1853–1947.) Hoole, Gerald Stanley (1872–1950). Son of Stanley and Alice Hoole. (BMD (Birth index); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 April 2016).) Hoole, Lilian Laidlaw (1869–1949). Daughter of Stanley and Alice Hoole. (BMD (Birth index, Death index).) Hoole, Madeline Alice (1867–1946). Daughter of Stanley and Alice Hoole. Married William Charles Murray in 1892. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index, Death index).) Hoole, Stanley (1840–1904). Underwriter member of Lloyds insurance. Married Alice Mary Swan, a niece of John Brodie Innes, in 1865. Moved into Downe Lodge, Downe, 1877. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1195/117/60); Post Office directory of the six home counties 1878.) Hopkins, William (1793–1866). Mathematician and geologist. Tutor in mathematics at Cambridge University. President of the Geological Society of London, 1851–3. Specialised in quantitative studies of geological and geophysical questions. FRS 1837. (DSB; ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Horace (65 bce – 8 bce). Roman poet. (Oxford classical dictionary.) Horsburgh, James (1762–1836). Scottish hydrographer and chart maker. Compiled comprehensive sailing directions and charts for East Indies navigation. Hydrographer to the East India Company, 1810–36. FRS 1806. (ODNB.) House of Commons. 6 March 1877 (from James Torbitt)

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Houston, John (1801–45). Irish anatomist. Apprenticed to John Shekleton, founder and curator of the Dublin College of Surgeons’ museum, 1819; curator, 1824–41. MD, Edinburgh, 1826. Surgeon to the City of Dublin Hospital, 1832. Lecturer on surgery, Park Street school of medicine, 1837. One of the first to introduce the microscope to medicine in Dublin. (ODNB.) Howie, Thomas (1828–1903). Scottish-born explorer and farmer. Ran away to sea as a schoolboy. Served in the Mexican War, 1845; on the north-western frontier of the US until 1853. Travelled to Australia and went into mining there and in New Zealand until 1863. Returned to the US and entered government service at Fort Leavenworth. In 1870, went to the Cherokee Nation (Oklahoma) where he married Mary Tiger and began farming and stock-raising. (O’Beirne and O’Beirne 1892; Western World, 7 May 1903, p. 1.) 20 April 1877 Hughes, Thomas McKenny (1832–1917). Geologist, speleologist, and archaeologist. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1857. Worked for the geological survey, 1861–73. Suceeded Adam Sedgwick as Woodwardian Professor of geology at Cambridge in 1873. Responsible for the planning and building of the Sedgwick Museum of Geology. FRS 1889. (ODNB.) Hugo, Victor (1802–85). French poet, dramatist, and romance-writer. (EB.) Hull, George (1821–1902). American tobacco dealer and hoaxer. Creator of fake fossils and collaborator with W. A. Conant in promoting the fake Colorado Giant as a Darwinian missing link. (Tribble 2009, pp. 35, 231; United States Federal Census 1880 (Fenton, Broome, New York 46/308B) (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 September 2016).) Humboldt, Friedrich Wilhelm Heinrich Alexander (Alexander) von (1769–1859). Prussian naturalist, geographer, and traveller. Official in the Prussian mining service, 1792–6. Explored northern South America, Cuba, Mexico, and the United States, 1799–1804. Travelled in Siberia in 1829. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1815. (DBE; DSB; NDB.) Humphreys, Alfred Edward (1843–1941). Clergyman. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1866; fellow of Trinity, 1867–83. Lecturer in classics, 1869–77. Ordained priest, 1876. Junior proctor, 1877–8. Curate of Christ Church, Cambridge, 1875–7; vicar of St Matthew’s, Cambridge, 1877–87; rector of Fakenham, Norfolk, 1887–1907; vicar of Hempton, Norfolk, 1887–1907; of St Michael and All Angels, Stonebridge, Willesden, London, 1907–22. (Alum. Cantab.) Huntsman, Henry (1825–1909). Tailor. Son of Benjamin Huntsman, a London baker. Apprenticed to James Philips, tailor, of Shrewsbury, 1841. In partnership with Stephen Stuart of Great Marlborough Street, London, tailor to the queen’s household, until 1850. Tailor and leather-breeches maker by royal appointment at 126 New Bond Street, London, 1876. (Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1485/44/16), 1851 (HO107/1485/44/16 and HO107/1483/4/1); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 June

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2016); London, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry. com, accessed 27 June 2016); Post Office London directory.) 5 June [1877] Huxley, Henrietta Anne (1825–1915). Born Henrietta Anne Heathorn. Emigrated to Australia in 1843. Met Thomas Henry Huxley in Sydney, Australia, in 1847, and married him in 1855. (A. Desmond 1994–7; Freeman 1978.) Huxley, Thomas Henry (1825–95). Zoologist. Assistant-surgeon on HMS Rattlesnake, 1846–50, during which time he investigated Hydrozoa and other marine invertebrates. Lecturer in natural history, Royal School of Mines, 1854; professor, 1857. Appointed naturalist to the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1854. Hunterian Professor, Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1862–9. Fullerian Professor of physiology, Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1855–8, 1866–9. President of the Royal Society of London, 1883–5. FRS 1851. (R. W. Clark 1968; A. Desmond 1994–7; DSB; ODNB.) 19 November [1877], 21 November 1877 Huxley, Thomas Scott (1822–98). Clergyman. Born in Quebec, Canada. BA, Oxford (Exeter College), 1845. Perpetual curate, Netherfield, Sussex, 1859; rector of Saint Andrew with Saint Mary Bredman, Canterbury, 1865–77; rector of Keston, Kent, 1877–81. (Crockford’s clerical directory; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 September 2015); Quebec, vital and church records (Drouin collection) 1621–1968 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 September 2015).) Hyatt, Alpheus (1838–1902). American palaeontologist and marine biologist. BS, Harvard, 1862. Studied marine fossils with Louis Agassiz. Served in the army, 1862–5, during the American Civil War. Curator, Essex Institute, 1867. Co-founder and editor, American Naturalist, 1867–71. Custodian, Boston Society of Natural History, 1870–81; curator, 1881–1902. Taught zoology and palaeontology at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1870–88; Boston University, 1877–1902. Founded a natural history laboratory at Annisquam, 1879; the laboratory was moved to Woods Hole, 1888, and incorporated as the Marine Biological Laboratory, with Hyatt as first president of its board of trustees. Palaeontologist to the US Geological Survey from 1889. (ANB.) January 1877, 13 February 1877 Innes, John Brodie (1815–94). Clergyman. Son of John Innes, gentleman, and Mary, of Brunswick Square, London. Perpetual curate of Down, 1846–68; vicar, 1868–9. Left Down in 1862 after inheriting an entailed estate at Milton Brodie, near Forres, Scotland; changed his name to Brodie Innes in 1861 as required by the entail. Priest in charge of Milton Brodie Mission and general licentiate of the diocese of Moray, 1861. Chaplain to the Bishop of Moray, 1861–80 and 1886–94. (Clergy list; County families 1864; Crockford’s clerical directory; Freeman 1978; London Metropolitan Archives, Bloomsbury St George, Register of baptisms (P82/GEO1, Item 004); J. R. Moore 1985.) 25 February [1877], 5 October 1877, 20 October 1877

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Innes, John William Brodie (1848–1923). Barrister and novelist. Son of John Brodie Innes. BA, Cambridge (St John’s), 1872. Called to the bar, 1876. Advocate at the Scottish bar, 1888. Interested in antiquarian research, romance, demonology, witchcraft, and criminology. (Alum. Cantab.; Freeman 1978.) Ismāʿīl Pasha (1830–95). Viceroy of Egypt under Ottoman suzerainty, 1863–79. Received the hereditary title of khedive, 1867. (Encyclopaedia Britannica, britannica.com, accessed 11 September 2015.) Iturbide, Agustín de (Agustín I) (1783–1824). Mexican caudillo (military chieftain). Became the leader of the conservative factions in the Mexican independence movement. Emperor of Mexico (as Agustín I), 1822–3. (Encyclopaedia Britannica, britannica.com, accessed 30 October 2015.) Jackson, Henry (1839–1921). Classical scholar. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1862; fellow of Trinity, 1864; assistant tutor, 1866; praelector in ancient philosophy, 1875; vice-master, 1914. Regius professor of Greek, Cambridge, from 1906. (ODNB.) 18 November 1877 (to Francis Darwin) Jacobson, Miss (fl. 1870s). 25 February 1877 Jäger, Gustav (1832–1917). German physician and zoologist. Co-founder and director of the Vienna zoological garden, 1858–66. Professor of zoology and anthropology, Hohenheim Academy, from 1867; Stuttgart Polytechnic, from 1870. Taught physiology and histology at the Veterinary School, Stuttgart, from 1874. Co-editor of Kosmos, 1877–9. Returned to medical practice in 1884. (DBE; Freeman 1978; NDB; Weinreich 1993.) James, Constantin (1813–88). French physician. Published on various healthrelated topics, and against Darwinism. His anti-Darwinian works include Du Darwinisme ou l’homme singe (1877); later editions were titled Moïse et Darwin: l’homme de la Genèse comparé à l’homme-singe ou l’enseignement religieux opposé à l’enseignement athée (1892). (Tort 1996.) 5 July 1877 Jenkin, Henry Charles Fleeming (1833–85). Engineer and university teacher. Studied natural philosophy at Genoa. Apprenticed at Fairbairn’s works, Manchester, 1851. Worked as a draughtsman and marine telegraph engineer in London from 1855. Carried out important experiments on the resistance and insulation of electrical cables with William Thomson (later Lord Kelvin). Largely occupied in the fitting out of submarine telegraph cables, 1858–73. Appointed professor of civil engineering, University College, London, 1866; professor of engineering, Edinburgh University, 1868. Promoted the formation of a sanitary association, Edinburgh, 1877–8. Wrote miscellaneous papers on literature, science, and political economy. FRS 1865. (ODNB.) Jevons, William Stanley (1835–82). Economist and philosopher of science. Studied mathematics and chemistry at University College, London, 1851–3. Assayer at the Royal Mint, Sydney, Australia, 1854–9. Made meteorological and geological

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observations in Australia. BA, University College, London, 1860; MA in mental philosophy and political economy, 1862. Junior tutor, Owens College, Manchester, 1863–6; professor of logic, mental and moral philosophy, and political economy, 1866–75. Developed a logical machine, later recognised as a forerunner of twentieth-century computers. Published The theory of political economy (1871) and The principles of science (1874). Professor of political economy, University College, London, 1875–80. FRS 1872. (ODNB.) Johnson, Charles Alfred William Murray (1843–68). Son of Charles Richardson Johnson and his wife, Julianna Breedin. Lieutenant on HMS St Vincent. Died at the Royal Naval Hospital, Haslar, Gosport, Hampshire, of delirium tremens. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1658/6/5); Certificate of death, 13 July 1868, Alverstoke, Hampshire (General Register Office, England); Dorset History Centre, Dorset parish registers PE/LR (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 September 2016).) Johnson, Charles Richardson (1813/14–82). Naval officer. Acting mate on HMS Beagle, 1836. Lieutenant on HMS Princess Charlotte in the Mediterranean, 1840–1. Served off the coast of England, 1842–7. Commander on HMS Driver in the Pacific, 1848–52. Captain, 1856; rear-admiral, 1875; vice-admiral, 1879. Retired in 1864. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/1145/112/61) 1881 (RG11/1160/72/38); Freeman 1978; Navy list 1836–82.) Johnson, George William (1802–86). Barrister and writer on gardening. Barrister, Gray’s Inn, 1836. Professor of moral and political economy at the Hindu College, Calcutta, 1839–42. Founded the Cottage Gardener (later Journal of Horticulture) in 1848. (R. Desmond 1994, DNB.) Jones, John (1792–1852). Welsh poet, antiquary, and clergyman. Adopted the bardic names Ioan Tegid and Tegid. BA, Oxford, 1818. Chaplain, Christ Church, Oxford, 1819; precentor, 1823. Perpetual curate, St Thomas’s, Oxford, 1823. Incumbent of Nevern parish, Pembrokeshire, from 1841, and prebendary of St David’s Cathedral from 1848. A Hebrew scholar, translator and editor of Welsh literary texts, and a prolific poet. (ODNB.) Jordan, Claude Thomas Alexis (Alexis) (1814–97). French botanist. Conducted field research, 1836–46, to complete and correct existing French floras. Assembled an important private herbarium. After giving up his botanical expeditions, worked in his own experimental gardens, trying to demonstrate the stability of species. A strong opponent of transmutation theory. (DSB; Tort 1996.) Joyce, James Gerald (1819–78). Clergyman and archaeologist. BA, Oxford, 1846. Vicar, Burford with Fullbrook, 1850–5; rector of Stratfield Saye, Hampshire, 1855–78. Superintended the excavations of the Roman town at Silchester. (Earthworms, p. 201; Modern English biography.) 15 November 1877 Judd, John Wesley (1840–1916). Geologist. Educated at the Royal School of Mines, London. Worked as a chemist and school inspector. Commissioned

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to study the volcanic districts of Europe, 1874–6. Professor of geology, Royal School of Mines, from 1877. Awarded the Wollaston Medal of the Geological Society, 1891. FRS 1877. (ODNB.) [after 1 February 1877], 24 April 1877 Kennedy, Benjamin Hall (1804–89). Clergyman and teacher. BA, Cambridge (St John’s College), 1827; fellow, 1828–32. Headmaster of Shrewsbury School, 1836–66. Regius professor of Greek at Cambridge University, 1867–89. (Alum. Cantab.; DNB.) Kerner von Marilaun, Anton (1831–98). Austrian botanist. Studied medicine in Vienna, 1848–53. MD 1854. Teacher of natural history, Oberrealshule, Ofen, 1855; professor of natural history, Josefs-Polytechnikum, 1858–60. Professor of natural history and director of the botanic gardens and museum of natural history, University of Innsbruck, 1860–78. Professor of systematic botany and director of the botanic gardens, University of Vienna, 1878–98. Established an experimental alpine garden near the top of Mount Blaser, above Trins in the Gschnitztal (Tirol). Studied the effects of climate on the morphology of plants. (NDB; OBL.) Key, Ernst Axel Henrik (Axel) (1832–1901). Swedish anatomist and physiologist. Studied at Lund, Bonn, and Berlin. MD, Lund, 1862. Professor of pathological anatomy, Karolinska Institute, Stockholm, 1862; rector, 1886–97. Represented Stockholm in the Swedish parliament, 1882–7. Collaborated with Gustaf Retzius on an important study of the anatomy of the nervous system, 1875–6. (BLHA; SBL.) 20 December 1877 King, George (1840–1909). Scottish botanist. MB, Aberdeen, 1865; entered the Indian Medical Service, arriving in Calcutta in 1866. Temporary superintendent, Botanic Garden, Saharunpore (now Saharanpur), 1868–9. Indian forest service, 1869–71. Superintendent of the Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta, and of cinchona cultivation in Bengal, 1871–98. Organised the botanical survey of India; first director, 1891. Knighted, 1898. FRS 1887. (ODNB.) 7 May 1877 Kippist, Richard (1812–82). Botanist. Librarian of the Linnean Society of London, 1842–80. Specialist in Australian plants. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) 15 February 1877, 19 March 1877 Knight, Joseph (b. c. 1777 d. 1855). Gardener and nurseryman. Gardener to George Hibbert, a wealthy plant collector in Clapham whose collection he acquired. Founder of the Exotic Nursery, King’s Road, London, 1808; the business was sold to James Veitch & Sons in 1853. (Croot ed. 2004, pp. 150–5; R. Desmond 1994; [Duppa] 1809, 1: 43.) Knowlton, Charles (1800–1850). American physician and freethinker. MD, Dartmouth College, 1824. Practised medicine in Massachusetts. Author of works on materialism and contraception. (Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 45 (1851): 109–11, 150, 154.)

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Koch, Eduard (1838–97). German publisher. Took over E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung in 1867, after which the firm published mostly scientific titles. Published a multi-volume edition of CD’s works, translated by Julius Victor Carus. (Biographisches Jahrbuch und deutscher Nekrolog 2 (1898): 227.) Koch, Heinrich Hermann Robert (Robert) (1843–1910). German physician. A pioneer of modern bacteriology. (DSB.) Kohut, Adolph (1847/8–1917). Hungarian-born German author and editor. Jewish Theological Seminary, Breslau (Wrocław), 1866–8. Studied modern philology and art history at the Universities of Vienna and Jena, receiving his doctorate in 1878. On the editorial staff of the Breslauer Nachrichten and Düsseldorfer Zeitung; an editor of Tribune (Berlin) and Deutsches Heim. Published on history, culture, and music. (DBE.) Kořenský, Josef (1847–1938). Bohemian traveller, writer, and educator. Of Smíchov, Prague. Published books on Japan and New Zealand. (Letter to Josef Kořenský, 2 April 1877 (address on envelope); WorldCat Identities, http://www. worldcat.org/identities, accessed 24 February 2017.) 2 April 1877 Kovalevsky, Alexander Onufrievich (1840–1901). Russian embryologist. Brother of Vladimir Onufrievich Kovalevsky. Held academic posts at various Russian universities; professor of histology, St Petersburg, 1890–4. His studies of ascidian embryology revealed that tunicates were chordates and gave strong support to Darwinian transmutation theory. Foreign member of the Royal Society of London, 1885. (DSB; GSE s.v. Tunicata.) Krause, Ernst Ludwig (1839–1903). German science writer. Also known as Carus Sterne. Trained as an apothecary, and studied science at the University of Berlin in 1857. Friendly with Ernst Haeckel from 1866. Doctorate, University of Rostock, 1874. Editor of Kosmos, 1877–83. His essay on Erasmus Darwin was translated into English in 1879 at the suggestion of CD, who wrote a biographical preface for it. (DSB.) 11 March 1877, 25 March 1877, 30 June 1877, 9 July 1877, 11 July [1877], 14 July 1877 Kuhn, Friedrich Adelbert Maximilian (Max) (1842–94). German botanist. Student of Alexander Braun at Berlin. Completed his dissertation in 1867. Assistant at the royal herbarium, Berlin, 1866–8. Teacher at Königstadt Realschule, 1870; professor, 1889. Wrote several major taxonomic works on ferns. (ADB.) Lacaze-Duthiers, Félix Joseph Henri de (1821–1901). French invertebrate zoologist. Assistant to Henri Milne-Edwards. Professor of zoology in Lille, 1854–64; at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle, Paris, 1865–9; at the Faculté des sciences, Paris, from 1869. Elected to the Académie des sciences, 1871. (DSB.) Laffan, Mary (May) (b. c. 1850 d. 1916). Irish novelist. Educated at a convent school; later wrote works critical of middle-class Dublin society and the Catholic Church, particularly the Catholic education system. In 1882, married Walter Noel Hartley (1846–1913), professor of chemistry at the Royal College of Science in Dublin. (ODNB.)

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Lamarck, Jean Baptiste Pierre Antoine de Monet (Jean Baptiste) de (1744–1829). French naturalist. Held various botanical positions at the Jardin du roi, 1788–93. Appointed professor of zoology, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1793. Believed in spontaneous generation and the progressive development of animal types; propounded a theory of transmutation. (DSB.) Langton, Charles (1801–86). Rector of Onibury, Shropshire, 1832–41. Left the Church of England in 1841. Resided at Maer, Staffordshire, 1841–7, and at Hartfield Grove, Hartfield, Sussex, 1847–63. Married Emma Darwin’s sister, Charlotte Wedgwood, in 1832. After her death, married CD’s sister, Emily Catherine Darwin, in 1863. After her death, he resided at Eastwood House, Bournemouth, Hampshire. (Alum. Oxon.; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1194/120/14); Emma Darwin (1915); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 August 2016); Freeman 1978.) Lankester, Edwin Ray (1847–1929). Zoologist. Studied natural sciences at Oxford under George Rolleston, 1866–8; physiology at Leipzig and Vienna; morphology under Ernst Haeckel at Jena; marine zoology with Anton Dohrn in Naples, 1871–2. Fellow and tutor, Exeter College, Oxford, 1872–5; professor of zoology, University College, London, 1875–91; Linacre Professor of comparative anatomy, Oxford, 1891–8; director of the natural history departments and keeper of zoology, British Museum, 1898–1907. Knighted, 1907. FRS 1875. (ODNB.) Laplace, Pierre Simon, Marquis de Laplace (1749–1827). French mathematician, physicist, and cosmologist. (DSB.) Laugel, Antoine Auguste (Auguste) (1830–1914). French writer on a wide range of subjects, including science, philosophy, politics, history, and psychology. (Dictionnaire universel des contemporains 1893; NUC.) Laurence, Samuel (1812–84). Portrait painter. (ODNB.) Lavigne, Ernest. French radical, journalist, author, and teacher. Collaborated on the Marseillaise, a weekly newspaper. Communard; fled to St Petersburg, Russia. Wrote books on Russian nihilism and a translation of Lucretius (1870). Married Ernestine Clara Commetant, daughter of Oscar Comettant, 1876 or 1877, and planned to offer board and lodging to pupils at their home. (IBN; letter from Oscar Comettant, 1 July 1877; NUC; Paris, France & vicinity marriage banns, 1860– 1902 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 January 2016).) Lavigne, Ernestine Clara. French. Daughter of Oscar and Suzanne Comettant. Married Ernest Lavigne, 1876 or 1877; the couple planned to offer board and lodging to Ernest’s pupils. (Letter from Oscar Comettant, 1 July 1877; Paris, France & vicinity marriage banns, 1860–1902 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 January 2016).) Lawless, Emily (1845–1913). Irish novelist and poet. Also published monographs on entomology. (ODNB.) Layton, Charles James (1826/7–1912). Publisher’s agent. London agent for D. Appleton & Co., New York City. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/382/71/7); Correspondence

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vol. 19, letter from Charles Layton, 22 November 1869; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 January 2016).) On behalf of D. Appleton & Co.: 20 March 1877 Le Conte, John Lawrence (1825–83). American entomologist. Son of John Eatton Le Conte. Trained as a physician but never practised. Published in many fields of natural history, with a particular interest in geographical distribution. Served with the army medical corps during the American Civil War. President, American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1874. Chief clerk to the United States Mint at Philadelphia from 1878. (DAB.) Lecky, William Edward Hartpole (1838–1903). Historian and essayist. Elected to the Athenaeum Club, 1867. Privy councillor, 1897. One of the original forty-eight members of the British Academy, 1902. Wrote on Irish history and politics. (ODNB.) Lecoq, Henri (1802–71). French naturalist and vulcanologist. Professor of natural history, University of Clermont-Ferrand, and director of the city’s botanic garden, 1826–54. Taught at the Preparatory School of Medicine and Pharmacy, Clermont-Ferrand, from 1840; professor, science faculty, from 1854. Published widely on botany, agriculture, and meteorology. (Grande encyclopédie; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Lee, Henry (1817–98). Surgeon. Studied at King’s College, London, and St George’s Hospital, London. Assistant surgeon, King’s College Hospital, 1847. Surgeon, Lock Hospital. Transferred to St George’s, 1861; surgeon, 1863–78. FRCS 1844. Member of the council of the Royal College of Surgeons, 1870–8. Specialist in syphilis. Author of Diseases of the veins, haemorrhoidal tumours, and other affections of the rectum (2d ed. 1846) and Lectures on syphilis (1875). (Plarr 1930.) Leggett, William Henry (1816–82). American botanist. Graduated from Columbia College in 1837. A founder of the Torrey Botanical Club. First editor of the Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club, 1870–80. (Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club 9 (1882): 85–6.) 15 January 1877, 22 January 1877, 19 August 1877 Lettington, Henry (1822/3–1910). Gardener. Worked as a gardener at Down House, 1854–79, and occasionally in following years. Assisted CD with botanical experiments. Member of the Down Friendly Society, 1882. Son-in-law of William Brooks, who was also employed by the Darwins. (BMD (Death index); CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/462/70/2); F. Darwin 1920a, pp. 56–7; letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 5 July [1884] (DAR 210.3: 110); The National Archives (FS 1/232 626620); Recollections of CD by Francis Darwin (DAR 140.3: 90a).) Leuckart, Karl Georg Friedrich Rudolf (Rudolf) (1822–98). German zoologist. Lecturer in zoology, University of Göttingen, 1847–50. Professor extraordinarius of zoology, University of Giessen, 1850–5; professor, 1855–69. Appointed

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professor of zoology in Leipzig, 1869; dean of the philosophical faculty, 1873; rector, 1877–8. Carried out important work in morphology and parasitology. (DBE; DSB; NDB.) Lewes, George Henry (1817–78). Writer. Author of a biography of Goethe (1855). Contributed articles on literary and philosophical subjects to numerous journals. Editor, Fortnightly Review, 1865–6. Published on physiology and on the nervous system in the 1860s and 1870s. Lived with Marian Evans (George Eliot) from 1854. (Ashton 1991; ODNB.) 18 April 1877 Lewis, Thomas (1836/7–92). Labourer. Resided in Cudham, Kent, a neighbouring village to Down. Secretary of the Down Friendly Society. Licensee of the Old Jail inn, Cudham, 1881. Grocer in Down, 1891. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/855/79/24), 1891 (RG12/631/39/19); Correspondence vol. 24, letter to J. M. F. Ludlow, 11 February 1876; The National Archives (FS 1/232 626620).) Light, Eleanor Evelyn (1852/3–1928). Daughter of William Edward Light, rector of Dover. Married James Young Falkland Sulivan in 1878. (BMD (Death index, Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG 9/546/110/18); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 September 2016).) Light, William Edward (1819–96). Clergyman and author. BA, Cambridge (St John’s College), 1842. Deacon, 1842; priest, 1844. Rector of St James’s, Dover, 1857–85. Published a book of sermons. (Alum. Cantab.) Lindley, John (1799–1865). Botanist and horticulturist. Assistant in Joseph Banks’s library and herbarium, 1819. Garden assistant secretary, Horticultural Society of London, 1822–6; assistant secretary, 1826–41; vice-secretary, 1841–58; honorary secretary, 1858–62. Lecturer on botany, Apothecaries’ Company, from 1836. Professor of botany, London University (later University College, London), 1829–60. Horticultural editor of the Gardeners’ Chronicle from 1841. FRS 1828. (R. Desmond 1994; DSB; ODNB.) Linné, Carl von (Carolus Linnaeus) (1707–78). Swedish botanist and zoologist. Professor of practical medicine, University of Uppsala, 1741; professor of botany, diatetics, and materia medica, 1742; court physician, 1747. Proposed a system for the classification of the natural world, and reformed scientific nomenclature. FRS 1753. (DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Linnström, Karl Hjalmar (Hjalmar) (1836–1914). Swedish bookseller and publisher. Specialised in science and education books. (SBL.) 7 October 1877 Litchfield, Henrietta Emma (1843–1927). CD’s daughter. Married Richard Buckley Litchfield in 1871. Assisted CD with his work. Edited Emma Darwin (1904) and (1915). (Burke’s landed gentry 1952; Correspondence; Freeman 1978.) 4 October [1877]

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Litchfield, Richard Buckley (1832–1903). Barrister. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1853. Admitted to the Inner Temple, 1854; called to the bar, 1863. Firstclass clerk in the office of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. Married Henrietta Emma Darwin in 1871. A founder and treasurer of the Working Men’s College; taught mathematics there, 1854–70, and music from 1860. (Alum. Cantab.; Emma Darwin (1915) 2: 204, 206; R. B. Litchfield, Record, personal and domestic, vol. 1 (DAR 248/1).) Littrow, Karl Ludwig von (1811–77). Russian-born German astronomer. Son of the astronomer Joseph Johann von Littrow. Received his doctorate from Cracow. Assistant to his father, 1831. Adjunct at the Vienna Observatory; director, 1840. (ADB.) Liveing, George Downing (1827–1924). Chemist. Fellow, St John’s College, Cambridge, 1853–60 and 1880–1924; president, 1911–24. Professor of chemistry, Staff and Royal Military College, Sandhurst, 1860. Professor of chemistry, Cambridge University, 1861–1908. FRS 1879. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) Livingstone, David (1813–73). Explorer and missionary. Travelled in Africa, 1841–56, and published an account of his travels in 1857. Consul for part of the east coast and interior of Africa and commander of an expedition to explore East and Central Africa, 1858–64. In England, 1864–6. Read a paper on Africa at the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science at Bath in 1864. Explored the Nile basin, 1866–73. FRS 1858. (DNB; ODNB.) Lloyd, Francis (1846/7–80). Philosopher and writer. Studied at the universities of Halle and Athens, 1875. In poor health and poverty-stricken abroad in 1877. Died in Smyrna, Turkey. (Letter to [Francis Lloyd], 1 May [1877]; Lloyd and Newton 1875; Standard, 22 April 1880, p. 1.) 1 May [1877] Lloyd-Mostyn, Edward Mostyn, 2d Baron Mostyn (1795–1884). Politician and horse-breeder. MP for Flintshire, 1831–7, 1841–2, 1847–54; Lichfield, 1846–7. Lord lieutenant of Merioneth, 1840. Colonel of the Merioneth county militia, 1847–52. Interested in horse-racing and horse-breeding. (Modern English biography.) Lockyer, Joseph Norman (1836–1920). Astronomer. Civil servant in the War Office from 1857; published papers on solar physics. Secretary to the royal commission on scientific instruction and the advancement of science, 1870–5; seconded to the Science and Art Department at South Kensington from 1875; first director of the Solar Physics Observatory, and professor of astronomical physics, Royal College of Science, South Kensington, 1890–1911. Established the journal Nature in 1869. Knighted, 1897. FRS 1869. (DNB; DSB; ODNB.) Lowell, James Russell (1819–91). American poet and essayist. Editor of Atlantic Monthly, 1857–61; North American Review, 1864–8. Professor of literature, Harvard University, 1856–74. United States envoy to Madrid, 1877; London, 1880. (ANB; J. Turner 1999, pp. 18, 272.) Löwenfeld, Rosalie (Rosa) (1831–98). Born in Berlin. Daughter of Adolf Asher, Hebraist and bookseller in Berlin, and his wife, Anna Friedeberg. Married

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Emanuel Löwenfeld, a mine-owner with an estate near Breslau (Wrocław), in 1851. (Global, Find a grave index for burials at sea and other select burial locations, 1300s– current (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 March 2016, s.v. Roza Ascher Loewenfeld); Paisey 1997, pp. 135, 151.) Lubbock, Ellen Frances (1834/5–79). Daughter of the Rev. Peter Hordern of Chorlton-cum-Hardy, Lancashire. Married John Lubbock in 1856. (Burke’s peerage 1970; Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/462/75/12).) Lubbock, John, 4th baronet and 1st Baron Avebury (1834–1913). Banker, politician, and naturalist. Son of John William Lubbock and a neighbour of CD’s in Down. Studied entomology and anthropology. Worked at the family bank from 1849; head of the bank from 1865. Liberal MP for Maidstone, Kent, 1870–80; for London University, 1880–1900. Succeeded to the baronetcy in 1865. Created Baron Avebury, 1900. FRS 1858. (DSB; Hutchinson 1914; ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Lucretius (c. 94 bce – 55 or 51 bce?). Roman philosophical poet. (Oxford classical dictionary.) Ludlow, John Malcolm Forbes (1821–1911). Indian-born lawyer and social reformer. Called to the bar, 1843. Founding member of the Christian Socialist movement, 1848, and editor of the weekly Christian Socialist, 1850. Helped to found the Working Men’s College, Great Ormond Street, London, in 1854 and lectured there. Secretary of the royal commission on friendly and benefit societies, 1870–4. Chief registrar of friendly societies, 1875–91. (ODNB.) 20 July 1877 Ludwig, Friedrich (1851–1918). German teacher and biologist. Taught mathematics and biology at Greiz Gymnasium from 1875; senior teacher, 1880; professor, 1886; councillor, 1906. His botanical research focused mainly on cryptogams, while in zoology he worked on mites. (IBN; Ostthüringer Zeitung, 21 September 2011 (greiz.otz.de, accessed 15 February 2016).) 1 August 1877 Ludwig, Rudolph August Birminhold Sebastian (1812–80). German factory and saltworks inspector and geologist. Worked on the stratigraphy and palaeontology of western Germany and the Upper Palaeozoic of Russia. His most notable work was on molluscs, corals, bryozoans (Polyzoa), crocodiles, and fossil plants. (ADB.) [16 July 1877] Lyell, Charles, 1st baronet (1797–1875). Scottish geologist. Uniformitarian geologist whose Principles of geology (1830–3), Elements of geology (1838), and Antiquity of man (1863) appeared in many editions. Professor of geology, King’s College, London, 1831. President of the Geological Society of London, 1835–7 and 1849–51; of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1864. Travelled widely and published accounts of his trips to the United States. CD’s scientific mentor and friend. Knighted, 1848; created baronet, 1864. FRS 1826. (DSB; ODNB.)

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Lynch, Richard Irwin (1850–1924). Gardener and botanist. Became a student gardener at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1867; foreman of the herbaceous department, 1870; foreman of the propagation department, 1871. Curator of the Cambridge University Botanic Garden, 1879–1919. Associate of the Linnean Society, 1881. Honorary MA, University of Cambridge, 1906. (Employment book (f. 48), Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew; ODNB.) 25 July 1877, [before 28 July 1877], [before 28 July 1877], 23 August [1877], [28 August 1877], [before 14 September 1877], 14 September 1877, 23 October [1877] Macaulay, Thomas Babington, Baron Macaulay (1800–59). Historian, writer, and politician. Took the title Baron Macaulay of Rothley in 1857. (ODNB.) McCallum, Blanche Lily Julia (1853–95). Daughter of Charles Richardson Johnson and his wife, Julianna Breedin. Deaf after a childhood illness. Married Henry Edward McCallum in 1874. Mother of Lilian Murray McCallum, born 1875. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1160/73/39).) McCallum, Henry Edward (1852–1919). Colonial administrator. Captain in the Royal Engineers, 1881. Governor of Lagos, 1897–9; Newfoundland, 1898–1901; Natal, 1901–7; Ceylon (Sri Lanka), 1907–13. Married Blanche Lily Julia Johnson in 1874. (BMD (Birth index, Marraige index, Death index); ODNB s.v. Colonial administrators and post-independence leaders in Sri Lanka (1798–2000); ODNB s.v. Colonial administrators and post-independence leaders in South Africa (1797– 2000); ODNB s.v. Colonial administrators and post-independence leaders in Canada (1710–2000); ODNB s.v. Colonial administrators and post-independence leaders in Nigeria (1886–2000).) McCallum, Lillian Murray (1875–1951). Daughter of Henry Edward McCallum and his wife, Blanche Lily Julia Johnson; grand-daughter of Charles Richardson Johnson. Married Percy Neville Buckley in 1898. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1160/73/39); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 September 2016).) McLachlan, Robert (1837–1904). Entomologist. Travelled to China and Australia, 1855. Wrote monographs on the Neuroptera and Trichoptera. Editor, Entomologist’s Monthly Magazine, from 1864; proprietor from 1902. FRS 1877. (ODNB.) 23 April 1877 McLennan, Eleonora Anne (1830–95). Daughter of Francis Holles Brandram, justice of the peace for Kent and Sussex, and Maria Brandram. Married John Ferguson McLennan as his second wife in 1875. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 March 2016); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 March 2016); ODNB s.v. McLennan, John Ferguson.) McLennan, John Ferguson (1827–81). Scottish lawyer and social anthropologist. MA, King’s College, Aberdeen, 1849. Studied mathematics at Trinity College,

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Cambridge. Began practising law in Edinburgh in 1857. Moved to London in 1870. Appointed parliamentary draughtsman for Scotland, 1871. Published on kinship, marriage, and the law. Regarded as one of the founders of modern British social anthropology. (ODNB.) 24 July 1877, 30 July 1877 MacMahon, Marie Edmé Patrice Maurice de, duke of Magenta (1808– 93). French general and politician. Marshal of France from 1859. President of the Republic, 1875–9. (EB.) Magnin, Antoine (1848–1926). French botanist and physician. Doctor of medicine, Paris, 1876; of science, Montpellier, 1879. Founder member, Botanical Society of Lyon, 1872. Lecturer in botany, Lyon, and director of the botanic garden of the Parc de la Tête d’Or, 1881. Assistant professor, faculty of sciences, Besançon, 1886; first professor of botany, 1894; dean of the faculty, 1902–11. (Annales de géographie 36 (1927): 279–81.) Magnus, Hugo (1842–1907). German ophthalmologist. Studied at the University of Breslau (Wrocław); MD 1867; privat-dozent of ophthalmology, 1873; professor extraordinarius, 1883. Worked on colour sense and colour blindness. (British Medical Journal, 4 May 1907, p. 1096.) Malcolmson, John Grant (1803–44). Surgeon. Of Forres, Scotland. Surgeon, Madras Medical Establishment. Died in India while with the firm of Forbes and Co. of Bombay. Fellow of the Geological Society of London. FRS 1840. (Gentleman’s Magazine n.s. 21 (1844): 670.) Mallet, Robert (1810–81). Civil engineer and seismologist. Carried out many engineering projects in Ireland. Consulting engineer in London, 1861. FRS 1854. (DSB; ODNB.) Malm, August Adonis Hugo (August Hugo) (1844–1907). Swedish ichthyologist and botanist. Son of August Wilhelm Malm. PhD, Lund, 1874; his thesis was in ichthyology. Teacher in Gothenburg while he studied the fauna of the Swedish west coast under his father’s guidance. Assistant, Gothenburg Museum of Natural History, from 1878. Made study trips to England. Contributed to the west-coast fishing boom and became a pioneer of new methods and tools. (SBL s.v. Malm, August Wilhelm; Sweden, select baptisms, 1611–1920 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 August 2016).) Malm, August Wilhelm (1821–82). Swedish zoologist. Studied zoology in Lund with Sven Nilsson; at the national museum in Stockholm; in Copenhagen. Curator, Gothenburg Museum of Natural History, 1848; professor, 1881. Specialist in fish and molluscs. (SBL; Tort 1996.) 26 January 1877, 21 December 1877 Mangles, James Henry (1832–84). Barrister. Student at East India College, Great Amwell, Hertfordshire, 1851. Retired from the East India Company Civil Service by 1861. Called to the bar, 1862. Elected to the Athenaeum Club, 1870; a member of the Committee. (Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1705/137/52), 1861 (RG9/627/45/5),

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1871 (RG10/1121/51/10); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 June 2016); Men-at-thebar; Waugh [1888].) Mantegazza, Paolo (1831–1910). Italian anthropologist and pathologist. MD, Pavia, 1853. Travelled extensively in Europe and South America. Assistant, Ospedale Maggiore, Milan, 1858. Professor of pathology, Pavia, 1860; anthropology, Florence, 1870. Did research on animal organ transplants. Deputy for Monza in the Italian parliament, 1865–76; senator from 1876. Co-founder of the Archivio di etnologia e d’antropologia. (Dizionario del risorgimento nazionale; DSB.) Marsh, Othniel Charles (1831–99). American palaeontologist. Studied at Phillips Academy, Andover, and at Yale College under James Dwight Dana and Benjamin Silliman Jr, graduating in 1860. MA, Sheffield Scientific School, 1862. Studied in Germany. Professor of palaeontology, Yale, 1866. An early supporter of the theory of natural selection. Identified eighty new forms of dinosaur. (ANB.) Marshall, William Cecil (1849–1921). Architect. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1872. Designed many tennis courts, and the billiard room with dressing room and bedroom above for Down House. (Alum. Cantab.; Correspondence vol. 24, letter to W. C. Marshall, 19 September 1876; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 March 2013).) 20 [April 1877], 27 December 1877 Martinelli, Alfred James (1828–1918). Tailor. Member of the Queckett Microscopical Club, 1867. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office (RG9/96/31/17), 1881 (RG11/179/57/36), 1901 (RG13/492/170/41); Journal of the Queckett Microscopical Club 6 (1879–81): 27; London, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813– 1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 February 2017).) 26 June 1877 Martins, Charles Frédéric (1806–89). French botanist. Qualified as a doctor in Paris in 1834. Professor of botany and natural history, faculty of medicine, Montpellier, 1851. Director of the botanic garden, Montpellier, 1851–79. Also published on geology and meteorology. (Dictionnaire universel des contemporains; NBU; Rioux 2011.) 7 June 1877 Masters, Maxwell Tylden (1833–1907). Botanist, journal editor, and general medical practitioner. Subcurator, Fielding Herbarium, University of Oxford, circa 1853–7. GP at Peckham from 1856. Lecturer on botany at St George’s Hospital medical school, 1855–68. Editor of the Gardeners’ Chronicle, 1865–1907. Active in the Royal Horticultural Society, succeeding Joseph Dalton Hooker as the chairman of the scientific committee; secretary of the International Horticultural Congress, 1866. FRS 1870. (Clokie 1964, pp. 106, 208; ODNB.) [6–12 December 1877], [before 13 December 1877], [13 December 1877] Matthew, George Frederic (1837–1923). Canadian geologist and palaeontologist. Founder member and curator, Natural History Society of New Brunswick,

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1862; president, 1889–95. Employed by the Geological Survey of Canada as palaeontologist and expert in Cambrian geology, 1868–1901. Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada, 1882. Awarded the Murchison Medal by the Geological Society of London, 1917. (DCB.) Max Müller, Friedrich (1823–1900). German-born orientalist and philologist. Published an edition of the Rig Veda, the most important of the sacred books of the Brahmans, 1849–74. Moved to Paris in 1845; settled in Oxford in 1848 after fleeing the revolution in France. Deputy Taylorian Professor of modern European languages, Oxford University, 1851–4; professor, 1854–68; professor of comparative philology, 1868–1900. Curator of the Bodleian Library, Oxford, 1856–63 and 1881–94. (ODNB.) Maxse, Frederick Augustus (1833–1900). Naval officer and radical politician. Entered the navy in 1852; commander, 1855; retired, 1867; rear-admiral, 1875. Following his experience in the Crimean War, became a political radical. Represented Dorking on the new Surrey County Council, 1889–95. Wrote political articles and pamphlets. (ODNB.) Maxwell, James Clerk (1831–79). Scottish physicist. Fellow, Trinity College, Cambridge, 1855. Professor of natural philosophy, King’s College, London, 1860–5. Member of the newly formed electrical standards committee of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1862. Superintended the building of the Cavendish Laboratory at Cambridge; first professor of experimental physics, University of Cambridge, 1871. Wrote papers on colour vision, the kinetic theory of gases, electricity, and magnetism. FRS 1861. (DSB; ODNB.) Meckel von Hemsbach (Meckel), Johann Friedrich (1781–1833). German comparative anatomist and embryologist. Studied in Halle and Göttingen with, amongst others, Kurt Sprengel and Johann Friedrich Blumenbach. Later worked in Paris with Georges Cuvier, Étienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, and Alexander von Humboldt. With Cuvier, systematically analysed the anatomical collections at the Jardin des plantes. Translated Cuvier’s Leçons d’anatomie comparée into German. Professor of anatomy, surgery, and obstetrics, Halle University, 1808–33. (DBE; DSB; NDB.) Meehan, Thomas (1826–1901). English-born botanist, horticulturist, and author. Gardener at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1845–8. In 1848, emigrated to the United States, where he worked as a gardener. Established a nursery in Germantown, Pennsylvania, circa 1853. Editor, Gardener’s Monthly, 1859–87; Meehan’s Monthly, 1891–1901. Botanist on the Philadelphia state board of agriculture, 1877–1901. Elected to the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, 1860; to the American Philosophical Society, 1871. (Baker 1965; DAB.) 1 July 1877, 5 July [1877] Meineke, Johann Albrecht Friedrich August (August) (1790–1870). German classical scholar. Spent three semesters at the University of Leipzig as a member of the Greek society of Gottfried Hermann, 1810. Professor of Greek and Roman literature at Jenkau Conradinum, near Danzig, 1811; Academic

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Gymnasium, Danzig, 1814; director, 1817. Director of the Joachimsthal Gymnasium, Berlin, 1826–56. Elected to the Berlin Academy, 1830. Edited several important classical works. (ADB; Sandys 1903–8, 3: 117.) Meldola, Raphael (1849–1915). Chemist and entomologist. Studied at the Royal College of Chemistry, 1866–8. Assistant to the assayer of the Royal Mint, 1868– 71. Worked in the coal-tar dye industry, 1871–3 and 1877–85. Took part in the Royal Society of London’s eclipse expedition to the Nicobar Islands, 1875. Professor of chemistry, Finsbury Technical College, from 1885. Interested in protective colouring and mimicry in moths; secretary of the Entomological Society of London, 1876–80. FRS 1886. (ODNB.) 13 September 1877, 14 September 1877, 21 September 1877, 22 September [1877], 27 September [1877], 19 October [1877], 20 October 1877, 22 October [1877], 31 October [1877] Meldola, Samuel (c. 1816–81). A printer in London. Father of Raphael Meldola. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/339/96/29).) Mellersh, Arthur (1812–94). Naval officer. Midshipman and mate on HMS Beagle, 1825–36. Served off the coast of Syria, then in command of HMS Rattler in the Burma campaign in 1852. Served off the coast of China in the 1850s, suppressing piracy, and in the Caribbean and South America before retiring in 1864. (Modern English biography; The Times, 28 September 1894, p. 4.) 1 January 1877 Mer, Émile (1841–1921). French arboriculturalist. Graduated from the École forestière de Nancy in 1862. Employed in forestry administration at Chaumont en Bassigny, 1871. Left forestry administration in 1871. Returned to research at the École forestière, 1886. Retired, 1902. Member of the Société botanique de France from 1871; secretary, 1877. (Bulletin de la Société botanique de France 18 (1871): xii; 24 (1877): 1; Pardé 1982, p. 274.) Merriam, Clinton Hart (1855–1942). American zoologist and government official. Studied biology and anatomy at Yale. Went on the Hayden Survey to north-west Wyoming, and wrote the report on mammals and birds of the expedition, 1872. Published A review of the birds of Connecticut, 1877. MD, College of physicians and surgeons, New York, 1879; physician, specialising in gynaecology, 1879–83. Published The mammals of the Adirondack region, Northeastern New York (1882–4). Charter member of the American Ornithologists’ Union, 1883. Chief of the government Division of Economic Ornithology and Mammalogy (later Division of Biological Survey, and Bureau of Biological Survey), 1886– 1910. Studied North American bears, 1910–39. Advocate of life-zone theory, which used temperature extremes as the main explanation of biogeographic distribution. (ANB.) [11 December 1877] Michalet, Louis Eugène (1826–62). French botanist and magistrate at Besançon. (Taxonomic literature.)

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Michelet, Adèle-Athénaïs Mialaret (Athénaïs) (1826–99). French author and natural historian. Taught in Vienna. Married Jules Michelet as his second wife in 1849. Collaborated in his work on L’Oiseau, L’Insecte, and La Mer; Jules Michelet’s literary executor. Published natural history and other works in her own right. (BLC; Larousse.) Michelet, Jules (1798–1874). French historian and natural historian. Director of the historical section of the national archives from 1831; professor of history and moral philosophy, Collège de France, from 1838. Married Athénaïs Mialaret as his second wife in 1849. Author of Histoire de France and numerous other works. (Larousse.) Michels, John (fl. 1870–94). American microscopist and journalist. Member of the Quekett Microscopical Club, 1870. Emigrated to the United States, 1871; became an American citizen in 1886. Founder of Science; editor, 1880–2. Member of the American Society of Microscopists, 1891–4. Chief microscopist, Bureau of Animal Industry, Chicago, by 1891. (Journal of the Quekett Microscopical Club 2 (1870): 89; Kohlstedt 1980; Proceedings of the American Society of Microscopists 13 (1891): 59, 216 and 15 (1894): 254; U.S. naturalization record indexes, 1791–1992 (indexed in World Archives Project) (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 May 2016).) 9 December 1877 Miers, Edward John (1851–1930). Zoologist. Educated at Summerfield School, Oxford, and in Lausanne. Worked as an amanuensis for John Edward Gray at the British Museum; assistant in the zoology department, 1872–85. Resigned for reasons of poor health. Produced catalogues of the Crustacea collections, including the Challenger specimens of Brachyura. (I. Gordon 1971.) Mill, John Stuart (1806–73). Philosopher and political economist. (DSB; ODNB.) Miller, David Benton (1826–89). American businessman and physician. Of Cincinnati, Ohio. (Letter from D. B. Miller, 12 May 1877; United States Federal Census 1870 (Cincinnati Ward 16, Hamilton, Ohio M593_1215/24A), 1880 (Covington, Kenton, Kentucky 425/1254425/227C/113/0458); U.S. Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 April 2016).) 12 May 1877 Miller, Howard (1849–1907). American religious writer and teacher. Assistant at Plum Creek Normal School, Elderton, Armstrong County, Pennsylvania. Taught at Elk Lick, Pennsylvania, and was elected to the ministry of the Church of the Brethren there, 1877. Professor of English, McPherson College, Kansas, 1888. Editor of the Inglenook, 1900–7. (Craik 1922: 338–9.) 10 January 1877 Milne-Edwards, Alphonse (1835–85). French naturalist. Trained as a physician. Assistant to his father, the naturalist Henri Milne Edwards. Professor, school of pharmacy, Paris, 1865. Professor of zoology, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, Paris, 1876, in succession to his father; director, 1891. (Dictionnaire universel des contemporains.) Milton, John (1608–74). Poet. (ODNB.) Miquel, Friedrich Anton Wilhelm (1811–71). German-born Dutch botanist.

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Described the flora of the Dutch East Indies. Director, Rotterdam botanic garden, 1835–46. Professor of botany, Amsterdam, 1846–59; Utrecht, 1859–71. (DSB.) Mivart, St George Jackson (1827–1900). Comparative anatomist. Converted to Catholicism, 1844. Called to the bar, 1851, but never practised. Established his reputation as an anatomist by his studies on primates. Lecturer in comparative anatomy, St Mary’s Hospital Medical School, London, 1862–84. Secretary, Linnean Society, 1874–80; vice-president, 1892. Professor of the philosophy of natural history, University of Louvain, 1890–3. Excommunicated, 1900. Vigorous critic of Darwinism. Attempted to reconcile evolutionary theory and Catholicism. FRS 1869. (DNB.) Mohl, Hugo von (1805–72). German biologist. Professor of physiology, University of Bern, 1832–5; professor of botany, University of Tübingen, 1835–72. Known for his work on the microscopic anatomy of plants and for his study of the plant cell. Co-founder of Botanische Zeitung, 1843. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1868. (DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Moleschott, Jacobus Albertus Willebrordus (Jacob) (1822–93). Dutch-born physiologist, physician, and philosopher. General practitioner, Utrecht, 1845–7. Lecturer in physiology and anthropology, Heidelberg, 1847–54. Appointed professor of physiology, Zurich, 1856; of experimental physiology and physiological chemistry, Turin, 1861. Professor of physiology, Rome, 1879. Became an Italian citizen and later senator in 1876. Advocate of materialist, monist philosophy. (ADB; BHGW; DSB.) [2 December 1877] Molteno, John Charles (1814–86). British-born South African politician and businessman. Emigrated to Cape Colony in 1831. Founded a mercantile and banking business in 1852. Represented Beaufort West in the newly established legislative assembly in 1854. Became first prime minister of Cape Colony in 1872 and opposed the British government’s plans for South African federation; dismissed by the governor, Bartle Frere, in 1878. Member of the legislative assembly for Victoria West, 1880; colonial secretary, 1881–2. Knighted, 1882. (ODNB.) Moltke, Helmuth Karl Bernhard von (1800–91). German army officer and politician. Chief of staff of the Prussian army during the Franco-Prussian War, 1870–1. Field marshal, 1871. Chief of the General Staff, German Empire, 1871– 88. Member of the Reichstag, 1871–91. (ADB; NDB.) Mommsen, August (1821–1913). German classicist. Studied classical philology at Kiel, receiving his doctorate in 1846. Secondary-school teacher and later deputy headmaster, Domschule, Schleswig. Published works on Greek and Roman history. (Biographisches Jahrbuch und deutscher Nekrolog 18 (1913): 110.) Monk, Thomas James (1830–99). Merchant and brewer. Lived at 111 High Street, Lewes, Sussex. Kept an aviary. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1069/4/2); Correspondence vol. 21, letter from J. J. Weir, 13 November 1873.)

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Moore, Norman, 1st baronet (1847–1922). Physician. BA, Cambridge, 1869. MD, St Bartholomew’s Hospital, London, 1876. Warden of the college, 1873–91; lecturer in anatomy, pathology, and medicine, and physician to the hospital, 1902. Created baronet, 1919. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) Moore, Thomas (1821–87). Gardener. Gardener, Botanic Garden at Regent’s Park, London, 1844–7. Curator, Physic Garden, Chelsea, London, 1848–87. Published major works on ferns. Assistant editor, Gardeners’ Chronicle, 1841–66; co-editor, 1866–81. Co-editor, Gardener’s Magazine of Botany, 1850–1; Garden Companion and Florist’s Guide, 1852; Orchid Album, 1881–7. Editor, Florist and Pomologist, 1868–74. (Annals of Botany (1888): 409–10; R. Desmond 1994; ODNB; Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London (1886–7): 41–2.) Moorsom, Warren Maude (1840–1920). Mechanical engineer and temperance campaigner. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1863. Superintendent of the London and North Western Railway works, Crewe. Honorary treasurer, Church of England Temperance Society, Whitehaven. (Alum. Cantab; BMD (Death index); letter from W. M. Moorsom, 10 September 1877.) 10 September 1877, 11 September [1877], 13 September [1877], 28 October 1877, 29 October 1877 (from Francis Darwin) Morgan, Lewis Henry (1818–81). Anthropologist. Practised law in Rochester, New York, from 1844 until the mid 1860s. Studied the Iroquois, and kinship in the Iroquois and other Native American peoples. Published League of the Ho-de’nosau-nee, or Iroquois (1851); Systems of consanguinity and affinity of the human family (1871); and Ancient society (1877). (ANB.) 9 June 1877, 26 June 1877, 9 July [1877] Morley, John, Viscount Morley of Blackburn (1838–1923). Politician and writer. Lost his faith while at Lincoln College, Oxford; earned a living in London from 1860 as a teacher and journalist. Editor of the Fortnightly Review, 1867–82; of the Pall Mall Gazette, 1880–3; of Macmillan’s Magazine, 1883–5. Liberal MP for Newcastle, 1883–95; for Montrose Burghs, 1896–1908. Chief secretary for Ireland, 1886 and 1892–5; secretary of state for India, 1905–10. Created Viscount Morley of Blackburn, 1908. (ODNB.) Morren, Charles Jacques Édouard (Édouard) (1833–86). Belgian botanist. Son of Charles François Antoine Morren. Professor extraordinarius of botany, Liège, 1861; professor and director of the botanic garden, 1868–86. Editor of La Belgique horticole. (Jorissenne [1887].) Morse, Edward Sylvester (1838–1925). American zoologist. Specialist in molluscs and brachiopods. Studied at Lawrence Scientific School, Harvard University, 1859–62, and worked as an assistant to Louis Agassiz, but did not take a degree. With Alpheus Hyatt, Alpheus Packard Jr, and Frederic Ward Putnam, founded the American Naturalist in 1868. Professor of zoology and comparative anatomy at Bowdoin College, 1871–4. Travelled in Japan, 1877–80. Director of the Peabody Museum in Salem, Massachusetts, 1880–1916. (ANB.) 23 April 1877, 18 May 1877

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Mortillet, Louis Laurent Marie Gabriel (Gabriel) de (1821–98). French archaeologist. Co-discoverer of a Neolithic settlement at Lake Varese, Italy, 1858. Founded the journal Matériaux pour l’histoire primitive et philosophie de l’homme, 1864. Worked at the museum of national antiquities from 1868. Professor of prehistoric anthropology, School of Anthropology, Paris, 1876–98. Created a chronological classification system of the prehistoric cultural development of humans. (EB 15th ed.) Morton, John Chalmers (1821–88). Writer on agriculture. Founding editor of the Agricultural Gazette, 1844. Published many agricultural works. An active member of the Royal Agricultural Society. (ODNB.) 19 March 1877 Moseley, Henry Nottidge (1844–91). Naturalist. BA, Oxford (Exeter College), 1868. Travelled to Vienna with Edwin Ray Lankester to study physiology in 1869; to Leipzig in 1871. Travelled around the world on the Challenger expedition, 1872–6. Fellow, Exeter College, Oxford, from 1876. Travelled along the west coast of the United States in 1877. Assistant registrar, University of London, 1879–81. Linacre Professor of human and comparative anatomy, Oxford, 1881–7. FRS 1879. (ODNB.) Mott, Albert Julius (1821–99). Wine merchant. President of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Liverpool, 1873. (CDEL; Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/3838/73/33); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858– 1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 September 2015); England & Wales, non-conformist and non-parochial registers, 1567–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 September 2015).) Mueller, Ferdinand Jakob Heinrich von (1825–96). German-born explorer and botanist. Emigrated to Australia in 1847. Government botanist, Victoria, 1852. Botanist to the North West Australia Expedition, 1855–7. Director of the Botanical Gardens, Melbourne, 1857–73. President of the Australian Association for the Advancement of Science, 1890. FRS 1861. (Aust. dict. biog.; R. Desmond 1994.) Muir, William (1831–85). Scottish gardener. Head gardener at Oulton Park, the home of Philip de Malpas Grey-Egerton, 1865–82. Gardener at Hopetoun House, the home of the earl of Hopetoun, from 1882. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/3699/15/4), 1881 (RG11/3528/72/4); Gardeners’ Chronicle, 8 April 1882, p. 471; Scotland old parish registers births and baptisms 649/00 0040 0216 Lesmahagow (Scotlandspeople.gov.uk, accessed 9 March 2016); Scotland statutory deaths 661/00 0011 (Scotlandspeople.gov.uk, accessed 9 March 2016).) Mulder, Gerrit Jan von (1802–80). Dutch physician and organic chemist. Practised medicine in Amsterdam and Rotterdam, lectured at the Bataafsch Genootschap der Proefondervindelijke Wijsbegeerte, and taught botany to student apothecaries before joining the faculty at the new medical school in Rotterdam in 1828. Professor of chemistry, University of Utrecht, 1840–68. (DSB.)

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Müller, Daniel Ernst (fl. 1819–29). German forester. Made a study of insect damage to conifers in the 1820s. (ADB.) Müller, Heinrich Ludwig Hermann (Hermann) (1829–83). German botanist and entomologist. Brother of Johann Friedrich Theodor (Fritz) Müller. Schoolteacher in Schwerin, 1854–5. Studied blind cave insects in Krain, 1855. Teacher of natural sciences at the Realschule in Lippstadt, 1855–83; became director of the school. After settling in Lippstadt, studied the local flora, in particular the mosses. CD’s Orchids directed Müller’s attention to the pollination and fertilisation of flowers, on which he published several papers and books. (Gilbert 1977; Krause 1883; Science 2 (1883): 487–8.) 25 January 1877, 2 April 1877 Müller, Joachim Daniel Andreas (Daniel) (1812–57). Swedish botanist and gardener. Studied at Greifswald, 1836–8. Gardener at the Botanical Garden in Uppsala, 1839–41, 1851–7. Teacher and gardener, Swedish Gardening Association, Stockholm, from 1841. Opened the first commercial nursery in Sweden at Reimersholme, 1849. Author of works on horticulture in both Swedish and German. (SBL.) Müller, Johann Friedrich Theodor (Fritz) (1822–97). German naturalist. Emigrated to the German colony in Blumenau, Brazil, in 1852. Taught mathematics at the Lyceum in Destêrro (now Florianópolis), 1856–67. Naturalista viajante of the National Museum, Rio de Janeiro, 1876–91. His anatomical studies on invertebrates and work on mimicry provided important support for CD’s theories. (ADB; DBE; Möller ed. 1915–21; NDB; West 2003.) 25 March 1877, 9 May 1877, 14 May 1877, 19 October 1877, 13 November 1877, [27 November 1877] Mulsant, Étienne (1797–1880). French entomologist. Studied at Roanne and Tournon. Mayor of Saint-Jean-La-Bussière, 1817. Justice of the peace, canton of Thizy, 1827. Under-librarian, Lyon, 1839; professor of natural history at the lycée, 1843–73. Worked on the natural history of Coleoptera of France from 1842. (Gouillard 2004.) Munk, Hermann (1839–1912). German physiologist. Studied medicine at Berlin and Göttingen; MD, 1859. Habilitated in physiology at Berlin, 1862; extraordinary professor, 1869; professor of physiology, 1876. Director of the physiological laboratory of the Berlin veterinary school, 1876. Studied the location of vision and other senses in the brain. (NDB.) Munro, Hugh Andrew Johnstone (1819–85). Classical scholar. Educated at Shrewsbury School from 1833. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1842. Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1843. Kennedy Professor of Latin, Cambridge University, 1869. (ODNB.) Murphy, Joseph John (1827–94). Irish mill-owner, merchant, and writer. Published poetry and works on natural theology. Originally a Quaker, but became a member of Church of Ireland. Resided in Belfast. President of the Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society, 1866–75. (Modern English biography; Proceedings of the Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society.) 23 January 1877

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Murray, Andrew Dickson (1812–78). Lawyer, entomologist, and botanist. Practised law in Edinburgh; later moved to London. Assistant secretary to the Royal Horticultural Society, 1861; member of the council from 1865; member of the scientific committee from 1868. An expert on insects harmful to crops. In entomology, specialised in the Coleoptera; in botany, in the Coniferae. (ODNB.) Murray, John (1808–92). Publisher, and author of guide-books. CD’s publisher from 1845. (Freeman 1978; ODNB s.v. Murray family, publishers.) 1 November 1877 (from G. M. Asher), 27 November [1877], 28 November 1877, 29 November [1877], 30 November 1877. See also: Cooke, Robert Francis. Myers, Arthur Thomas (1851–94). Physician. Attended Trinity College, Cambridge, 1869–73; MD 1881. Interested in the treatment of mental disorders by hypnotism; involved in the Society for Psychical Research (founded in 1882) with his eldest brother, Frederic William Henry Myers. (ODNB.) Myers, Frederic William Henry (1843–1901). Psychical researcher and essayist. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1864; fellow, Trinity College, 1865–74; college lecturer in classics, 1865–9. Founding member of the Society for Psychical Research, 1882. Author of Phantasms of the living (with Edmund Gurney and Frank Podmore, 1886), Science and a future life (1893), and Human personality and its survival of bodily death (1903). (ODNB.) Nägeli, Carl Wilhelm von (1817–91). Swiss botanist. Maintained a teleological view of evolution. Originally studied medicine, but transferred to botany under Alphonse de Candolle at Geneva. Worked for eighteen months with Matthais Jacob Schleiden at the University of Jena, then worked in Zurich, where he collaborated with Carl Cramer, 1845–52. Professor of botany, University of Freiburg, 1852; University of Munich, 1857. (DSB s.v. Naegeli, Carl Wilhelm von.) 27 September 1877 Nares, George Strong (bap. 1831 d. 1915). Naval officer and Arctic explorer. Attended the Royal Naval School at New Cross and entered the navy in 1845. Captain of the Challenger during its expedition of oceanographic exploration, 1872–4. Leader of the Arctic expedition, 1875–6. Knighted, 1876. FRS 1875. (ODNB.) Nash, Louisa A’hmuty (1838–1922). Author. Daughter of Henry and Mary Desborough. Married Wallis Nash in 1868; they lived in Down during part of the 1870s, and later emigrated to the US. Painted a portrait of CD in indian ink. Author of Recollections of Abraham Lincoln (1897). (BMD (Marriage index); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 February 2015); Freeman 1978; Oregon death index 1921–1930 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 February 2015).) Nash, Wallis (1837–1926). Lawyer and agriculturalist. Studied at New College, University of London. Lived at The Rookery, north of Down, Kent, 1873–7. Emigrated to Oregon in 1879. Practised law and farming. Involved in founding the Oregon Pacific Railroad and Oregon Agricultural College. Editorial writer for the Oregon Journal. Wrote about his travels in Oregon. (K. G. V. Smith and Dimick 1976, pp. 78–9.)

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Nasse, Christian Friedrich (1778–1851). German physician and psychiatrist. Studied medicine in Halle, 1796–1800; GP in Bielefeld. Professor of clinical medicine, Halle, 1815; Bonn, 1819. Studied psychosomatic interactions in illness, and the social and ethical aspects of medicine. Editor of Zeitschrift für psychische Ärzte, 1818–26; of Zeitschrift für die Beurtheilung und Heilung krankhafter Seelenzustände, with Maximilian Jacoby, from 1838. (DBE.) National Debt Office. [after 29 July 1877] Nature. 24 February [1877], 15 August [1877], 21 November [1877] Naudin, Charles Victor (1815–99). French botanist. Joined the herbarium staff at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle and became professor of zoology at the Collège Chaptal, Paris, in 1846. Resigned his professorship almost immediately owing to a severe nervous disorder. Appointed aide-naturaliste at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1854. Established a private experimental garden at Collioure in 1869, earning his living by selling seeds and specimens. First director of the staterun experimental garden at Antibes, 1878. Experimented widely on plants, particularly on acclimatisation and hybridity. Published a theory of transmutation based on hybridisation. (DSB; Taxonomic literature.) Neisler, Hugh Mitchell (1805–84). American naturalist and scholar. MD, University of Pennsylvania, but did not practise. Devoted his time to scientific studies, especially botany, and made collections of shells, insects, birds, and reptiles. (Knight 1913–14, 1: 951.) Neumayr, Melchior (1845–90). German geologist. Studied geology and palaeontology at Munich, 1863–7; DPhil. 1867. Habilitated at Heidelberg, 1872. Professor extraordinarius of palaeontology at Vienna, 1873; professor, 1879. Editor of Palaeontographia from 1887. Strong supporter of evolution theory. (OBL.) 9 March 1877 Nevill, Dorothy Fanny (1826–1913). Society hostess and horticulturist. Daughter of Horatio Walpole, third earl of Orford; married Reginald Henry Nevill in 1847. Developed a notable garden at Dangstein, near Petersfield, Hampshire, where she cultivated orchids, pitcher-plants, and other tropical plants; employed thirty-four gardeners. (ODNB.) 15 January 1877 Newton, Alfred (1829–1907). Zoologist and ornithologist. Travelled throughout northern Europe and North America on ornithological expeditions, 1854–63. Editor of Ibis, the journal of the British Ornithologists’ Union, 1865–70. Professor of zoology and comparative anatomy, Cambridge University, 1866–1907. FRS 1870. (DNB.) 2 January 1877 Nicholson, Hunter (1834–1901). Naturalist and editor. Practised law in Columbia, Tennessee, 1857–61. Established and edited the Dixie Farmer. Professor of agriculture, East Tennessee University, Knoxville, 1869; later professor of natural history

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and geology. (Speer 1888, pp. 332–3; Tennessee death records, 1908–59 (Ancestry. com, accessed 10 October 2015); Tennessee State Library and Archives, Nashville, Tennessee.) 23 February 1877 Nipher, Francis Eugene (1847–1926). American physicist. PhB, State University of Iowa, 1870, specialising in the natural sciences and mathematics. Instructor in the physics laboratory from 1870. Master’s degree, 1873. Professor of physics, Washington University, from 1874. (DAB.) 10 September 1877 Nipher, Sarah Matilda (Matilda) (1850–1936). American schoolteacher. Née Aikins. Married Francis Eugene Nipher in 1873. (United States Federal Census 1870 (Goschen, Muscatine, Iowa [1]/137A), 1900 (St Louis ward 20, St Louis, Missouri 308/5A) (Ancestry.com, accessed 23 August 2016); U.S. Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 23 August 2016).) Noiré, Ludwig (1829–89). German philosopher, philologist, and schoolteacher. PhD, Giessen, 1848. Taught at the Gymnasium in Mainz, 1851–88. Critic of CD from the perspective of a Spinozist monism. Published a number of monographs on pedagogy, the origin of language, the history of philosophy, and Kantian philosophy. (Hessische Biographien.) 8 August 1877 Nordenskiöld, Nils Adolf Erik (Adolf Erik), baron (1832–1901). Finnish– Swedish explorer, mineralogist, and geographer. Educated at the University of Helsinki, but moved to Sweden in 1858. Chief of mineralogy at the Swedish National Museum, 1858–1901. Made several voyages of Arctic exploration between 1857 and 1886, the chief of which was the Vega expedition, 1878–9, for which he was created baron by the Swedish government. Published seminal works in the history of cartography. (DSB.) Norman, Alfred Merle (1831–1918). Clergyman and invertebrate zoologist. BA, Oxford, 1852; deacon, 1856; priest, 1857. Incumbent of Burnmoor, 1866–95. Honorary canon of Durham Cathedral, 1885. Rector, Houghton-le-Spring, 1895–8. Spent his summer vacations dredging around the British Isles, Norway, and Madeira and built up a large collection of marine invertebrates from these regions; the collection was later catalogued and transferred to the British Museum. (Proceedings of the Malacological Society of London 13 (1919): 116–17.) North, Marianne (1830–90). Painter and traveller. In the 1870s, visited Canada, the US, Jamaica, Brazil, California, Japan, Borneo, Java, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), and India. Presented her collection of paintings to the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, for display in a gallery designed, furnished, and financed by herself. Visited Australia and New Zealand in 1880, South Africa and the Seychelles in 1882–3, and Chile in 1884–5. (ODNB.) Northcote, Stafford Henry, 1st earl of Iddesleigh (1818–87). Politician. BA, Oxford (Balliol College), 1839. Secretary to William Ewart Gladstone from 1842 until circa 1850. Legal assistant at the Board of Trade, 1845–50. Called to the bar,

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1847. Secretary of the Great Exhibition, 1850. MP for Dudley, 1855–7; Stamford, 1858–66; North Devonshire, 1866–85. Assisted Benjamin Disraeli in financial matters, 1858–81. President of the Board of Trade from 1866. Secretary of state for India, 1867–9. Elected chairman of the Hudson’s Bay Company, 1869. Chancellor of the Exchequer and a lord of the Treasury, 1874–80. First lord of the Treasury, 1885–6. Foreign minister, 1886–7. Created earl of Iddesleigh and Viscount St Cyres, 1885. (ODNB.) Norton, Catherine Eliot (d. 1879). Mother of Charles Eliot Norton. ( J. Turner 1999.) Norton, Charles Eliot (1827–1908). American editor, literary critic, and art historian. Graduated from Harvard College in 1846. Apprenticed himself in the East India trade, travelling widely in India and Europe. Gradually shifted to a literary career; wrote, translated, and edited books; contributed to the Atlantic Monthly; co-edited the North American Review, 1863–8; and co-founded and wrote for the Nation. Travelled and lived in England and continental Europe, 1868–73. Taught history of art and literature at Harvard, 1874–98. (ANB.) 16 March 1877, 25 October 1877 Norton, Susan Ridley Sedgwick (1838–72). Daughter of Sara Ashburner and the American legal theorist Theodore Sedgwick. Grew up in New York and Massachusetts. Married Charles Eliot Norton in 1862. Died in Dresden, Germany, after giving birth to her sixth child. ( J. Turner 1999.) Odebrecht, Emil (1835–1912). Pomeranian-born Brazilian engineer and cartographer. Studied engineering at Greifswald; emigrated in 1856 to Brazil, where he was one of the founding colonists at Blumenau. Worked mostly in Santa Catarina and Paraná. Discovered the Iguaçu waterfalls in 1883. Mapped out the route for the rail link between Rio de Janeiro and Porto Alegre. (Preußische allgemeine Zeitung, 25 September 2010.) Ogle, William (1827–1912). Physician and naturalist. Took holy orders in 1853. MD 1861. Lecturer on physiology at St George’s Hospital, 1858–69; assistant physician, 1869–72. Medical officer for health for East Hertfordshire, 1873–9. Superintendent of statistics, General Register Office, 1880–1903. Translated Aristotle’s On the parts of animals into English in 1882. Published on flower structure and mechanisms for fertilisation. (Alum. Oxon.; Journal of the Royal Statistical Society 75 (1912): 659–61; Szreter 1996, p. 86 n. 37.) 21 August 1877 Oliver, Daniel (1830–1916). Botanist. Assistant in the herbarium of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1858; librarian, 1860–90; keeper, 1864–90. Professor of botany, University College, London, 1861–88. FRS 1863. (R. Desmond 1994; List of the Linnean Society of London, 1859–91.) 12 March 1877, 12 July 1877 Orléans, Henri Eugène Philippe Louis d’, duc d’Aumale (1822–97). French prince, military officer, politician, and writer. Fifth son of Louis Philippe, king of France. Exiled to England after 1848, returning to France in 1871. (EB.)

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Ouless, Walter William (1848–1933). Portrait painter. Entered the Royal Academy Schools in 1865. Exhibited at the Royal Academy, 1869–1928. Painted a portrait of Charles Darwin in 1875. (ODNB.) Owen, Richard (1804–92). Comparative anatomist. Assistant conservator of the Hunterian Museum, Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1827; Hunterian Professor of comparative anatomy and physiology, 1836–56. Superintendent of the natural history departments, British Museum, 1856–84; prime mover in establishing the Natural History Museum, South Kensington, 1881. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1858. Described the Beagle fossil mammal specimens. Knighted, 1884. FRS 1834. (DSB; ODNB.) Paley, William (1743–1805). Anglican clergyman and philosopher. Propounded a popular system of natural theology. (DSB; ODNB.) Palmer, Thomas (b. 1810/11). Gardener and microscopist. Member of the Queckett Microscopical Club from 1874. (Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1606/535/44); Journal of the Queckett Microscopical Club 3 (1874): 308.) February 1877 Parker, Mary (1774–1859). Schoolteacher. Natural daughter of Erasmus Darwin and Mary Parker Sr. Brought up in Erasmus Darwin’s household. Worked as a schoolteacher; in 1794, established a girls’ school on property purchased by Erasmus Darwin in Ashbourne, Derbyshire, with her sister, Susanna Parker. Took charge of the school in 1809, after her sister’s marriage. Retired in 1827. (King-Hele 1999.) Parker, Mary Sr (1753–1820). Companion of Erasmus Darwin between his two marriages; originally hired in 1770 to look after his youngest son, Robert; had two children by him, Susanna and Mary Parker, born in 1772 and 1774 respectively. Married Joseph Day (1745–1811), a Birmingham merchant, in 1782 and moved to 21 Prospect Row, Birmingham. (King-Hele 1999.) Parker, Susanna. See Hadley, Susanna. Parlatore, Filippo (1816–77). Italian botanist. Professor of botany and director of the botanic garden at Florence, 1842–77. (Taxonomic literature.) Parslow, Joseph (1811/12–98). Domestic servant. CD’s manservant at 12 Upper Gower Street, London, circa 1840–2, and butler at Down House until 1875. Member of the Down Friendly Society, 1882. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/462/74/10); Freeman 1978; Gloucestershire, England, baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1813 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 January 2016); The National Archives (FS 1/232 626620).) Paul, Carl Maria (1838–1900). Austrian geologist. Studied at the University of Vienna. Editor of Verhandlungen der Kaiserlich-Königlichen Geologischen Reichsanstalt, 1873–93. His work explored the Flysch sandstone in ​​the Eastern Alps and the Carpathian mountains. (NDB.) Paul, George (1841–1921). Nurseryman. Specialised in roses. Nephew of William Paul. Worked with Charles Fisher at the Royal Nurseries, Handsworth,

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Sheffield, 1858–9. Took over the Old Nurseries, Cheshunt, 1867. Established a nursery in Broxbourne for alpines, 1881. (Banister 2012; R. Desmond 1994; Gardeners’ Chronicle, 21 May 1921, p. 242.) 22 January 1877 Paul, William (1822–1905). Nurseryman. Founded the Royal Nurseries, Waltham Cross, 1860. The firm specialised in roses. Author of The rose garden (1848). Collected books on horticulture. One of the first recipients of the Victoria Medal for Horticulture, 1897. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1875. (Banister 2012, pp. 205–8; R. Desmond 1994.) Pearson, Charles (1845/6–1914). Schoolteacher, innkeeper, and organist. Schoolmaster at Down national school from 1867; taught at Down until at least 1881. By 1881, he was a shopkeeper, wine and spirit merchant, and proprietor of the George Inn, Down. (BMD (Death index); CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/875/37/8), 1881 (RG11/855/87/9); Post Office directory of the six home counties 1866, 1874, 1882.) Pedro II, Emperor of Brazil (1825–91). Emperor of Brazil. Proclaimed emperor on the abdication of his father, 1831. Returned to Europe after a military revolt, 1889. (EB.) Peel, Frederick (1823–1906). Politician and railway commissioner. Son of Robert Peel. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1845. Called to the bar at the Inner Temple, 1849. Liberal MP for Leominster, 1849; under-secretary for the colonies, 1851–5; under-secretary for war, 1855–7. Financial secretary of the Treasury, 1859–65. Member of the railway and canal commission, 1873–1906. (ODNB.) Peel, Robert, 2d baronet (1788–1850). Politician. Tory prime minister, 1834–5 and 1841–6. (ODNB.) Penzig, Albert Julius Otto (Alberto Giulio Ottone) (1856–1929). German botanist. DPhil., Breslau (Wrocław),1877. Lived in Italy from 1878, becoming an Italian citizen in 1882. Worked in Pavia, 1878–9, Padua, 1879–83, Modena (at the agricultural station), 1883–6. Professor of botany and director of the botanic garden, Genoa, 1887–1929. Spent six months in Java, 1896–7. (Taxonomic literature.) Pequito, Rodrigo Affonso (1849–1931). Portuguese educator and geographer. Professor, Instituto Industrial e Commercial de Lisboa, 1876. Founder member and second secretary of the Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa, 1876–8. (Boletim da Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa 1 (1877): 10, [15], 323; Revista da Ordem dos Técnicos Oficiais de Contas 120 (2010): 38–40.) Pfeffer, Wilhelm Friedrich Philipp (1845–1920). German botanist and plant physiologist. Studied chemistry at Göttingen and Marburg and qualified as an apothecary before moving to Berlin and Würzburg to study botany. Appointed privat-dozent in Marburg, 1871, and began studies of plant irritability and osmosis. Appointed professor extraordinarius of pharmacy and botany, Bonn, 1873; moved to Basel in 1877, and to Tübingen in 1878. Professor of botany at

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the University of Leipzig, and director of the Botanical Institute, from 1887. (DSB.) Phear, Samuel George (1829–1918). Clergyman. BA, Cambridge (Emmanuel College), 1852; BD 1862; DD 1874. Ordained deacon, 1853; priest, 1854. Fellow of Emmanuel College, 1853–71; master, 1871–95. Chaplain to the bishop of Winchester, 1873–81. Vice-chancellor of the University of Cambridge, 1874–6. (Alum. Cantab.) Pick, Thomas Pickering (1841–1919). Surgeon. FRCS England 1866. House surgeon, St George’s Hospital, London, 1863; surgical registrar and demonstrator of anatomy, 1864–6; curator of the museum, 1866–9; assistant surgeon, 1869; surgeon, 1878; consulting surgeon, 1898. Edited the tenth to the sixteenth editions of Gray’s Anatomy. (Plarr 1930.) Piggot, Horatio (1821–1913). Landowner, attorney, and solicitor. Practised in Chelmsford. Retired to Frant, near Tunbridge Wells, by 1871. Donated a herbarium of lichen specimens to the British Museum in 1889. (British Museum (Natural History) 1904–6, 1: 116; Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/1079/33/21), 1871 (RG10/1050/78/7); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 10 November 2014); Registers of births, marriages and deaths surrendered to the non-parochial registers commissions of 1837 and 1857 (The National Archives: General Register Office RG4/1767).) 13 September 1877 Pim, Frederic William (1839/40–1925). Irish linen manufacturer. Quaker. Chairman of a railway company, 1911. (Census returns of Ireland 1901 (The National Archives of Ireland: www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003736975, accessed 11 September 2015), 1911 (www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/ nai000432674, accessed 11 September 2015); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 September 2015); Thom’s Irish almanac, 1877–1901.) 15 January 1877 Piper, Carl Edward Wilhelm (1820–91). Swedish nobleman and diplomat. Envoy to London, 1877–90. (SBL.) Planchon, Jules Émile (1823–88). French botanist. Herbarium assistant, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1844–8. Professor of botany, Institute of Horticulture, Ghent, Belgium, 1849–51. Professor, School of Medicine and Pharmacy, Nancy, 1851–3. Professor of botany, Faculty of Sciences, Montpellier, 1853–81; director of the School of Pharmacy, 1856. Became professor of botany in the Faculty of Medicine and director of the botanic garden, Montpellier, in 1881. (R. Desmond 1994; Grande encyclopédie.) Playfair, Lyon, 1st Baron Playfair of St Andrews (1818–98). Statesman and chemist. Chemist to the Geological Survey of Great Britain and professor of chemistry at the School of Mines, 1845. Secretary at the Department of Science and Art, 1853–8. President of the Chemical Society, 1857–9. Professor of chemistry,

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Edinburgh University, 1858–69. Liberal MP for the Universities of Edinburgh and St Andrews, 1868–85; for South Leeds, 1885–92. Postmaster general, 1873; chairman and deputy speaker of the House of Commons, 1880–3. Knighted, 1883; created Baron Playfair of St Andrews, 1892. FRS 1848. (DNB; DSB.) Pouchet, Félix Archimède (1800–72). French biologist and naturalist. Director of the Muséum d’histoire naturelle at Rouen. Prolific author and populariser of science. Adversary of Louis Pasteur in the debate over spontaneous generation. (Dictionnaire universel des contemporains; DSB.) Pozzi, Samuel Jean (1846–1918). French surgeon and gynaecologist. MD, Paris, 1873. Assistant (agrégé) surgeon, 1875; surgeon, 1877. Lecturer at LourcinePascal hospital, 1884; professor of gynaecology, 1900. Member of the Académie de médecine, 1896. Pioneered a number of surgical procedures. (BLHA; Tort 1996.) Preobrazhensky, Vasily (Василий Преображенский) (fl. 1870s). Russian chemist. Worked on alkaloids in Indian hemp (Cannabis sativa ssp. indica). (Watt 1889–93, 2: 125.) Prévost, Louis-Constant (1787–1856). French geologist. Studied the geology of France and Austria. Collaborated with Charles Lyell in comparing the Tertiary and Secondary strata on both sides of the English Channel, 1823–4. A founder of the Société géologique de France, 1830; president, 1834, 1839, and 1851. Professor of geology, the Sorbonne, 1831. (DSB; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Preyer, Axel Thierry (b. 1877). Son of William Preyer and his wife, Sophie Freiin von Hofmann, and subject of William Preyer’s book, Die Seele des Kindes (1882). (Richter and Wagner 2003.) Preyer, William Thierry (1841–97). English-born German physiologist. Studied medicine and natural science at Bonn, Heidelberg, Berlin, and Vienna. PhD, Heidelberg, 1862. Habilitated at Bonn, 1865. MD, Jena, 1866. Professor of physiology, Jena 1869; Berlin, 1888–94. Worked mainly on developmental physiology. A proponent of science teaching in schools. (DBE.) 6 July 1877, 8 July 1877 Price, John (1803–87). Scholar, schoolteacher, and naturalist. Educated at Shrewsbury School with CD, 1818–22; BA, Cambridge (St John’s College), 1826. Assistant master, Shrewsbury, 1826–7. Headmaster of the junior department at Bristol College, then classics principal at Liverpool High School, before settling in Chester. A founding member of the Chester Natural Science Society. Member of the Plymouth Brethren. (Alum. Cantab.; Eagle (St John’s College, Cambridge) 15 (1888): 169–72; Modern English biography.) 17 May 1877 Pringsheim, Nathanael (1823–94). German botanist. PhD, Berlin, 1848; privatdozent, 1851; professor extraordinarius, 1864. Professor and director of the botanic garden, Jena, 1864–9; director, phytophysiological institute, 1865–9. Founding editor, Jahrbücher für wissenschaftliche Botanik, 1857–94. A founder and president of the German botanical society, 1882–94. Helped establish the biological station at

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Helgoland. Worked on algal sexuality and later on the function of chlorophyll. (NDB; DSB.) Pruner, Franz Ignaz (1808–82). German physician, ophthalmologist, and anthropologist. PhD and MD, Munich, 1830. Professor of anatomy and physiology, Abuzabel (near Cairo), 1831. Director of the military hospital in Ezbekieh, Cairo, 1833. Director of the central hospital and professor of ophthalmology, Cairo, 1836. Private physician to Abbas Pasha, and given the courtesy title ‘Bey’, 1839–60. Moved to Paris for health reasons and carried out ethnographic and anthropological research, 1860–70. Forced to leave France after the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian war; became a private scholar in Pisa, 1870. His research focused on epidemic diseases and craniometry. (NDB; ADB.) Quain, Richard (1800–87). Irish-born anatomist and surgeon. Often confused with his cousin, Richard Quain, a physician. Studied anatomy in London and Paris. Professor of descriptive anatomy, University of London (now University College, London), 1832–50. Assistant surgeon, North London Hospital (now University College Hospital), 1834; surgeon, 1850. Published Anatomy of the arteries of the human body (1841–4), and Diseases of the rectum (1854). FRS 1844. (ODNB.) Rade, Emil (1832–1931). German civil servant. Attended secondary school in Koblenz and Wetzlar, graduating in 1852. Enlisted for a year of military service then studied military management for two years, graduating in 1855 as a commissariat-assistant. Served in Dusseldorf, Koblenz, and Münster, and was decorated for his service in the Franco-Prussian War. Served as auditor from 1874 and lived in Münster, 1873–91. Member of the zoological section of the Westphalian Provincial Society for Science and Art, 1874; of the botanical section, 1877. Organised the production of a dedicatory album of German and Austrian scientists in honour of CD, presented in 1877. (Gries 2006.) [before 16] February 1877, 16 February 1877 Ralston, William Ralston Shedden- (1828–89). Librarian, folklorist, and Russian scholar. BA, Cambridge (Trinity), 1850. Entered Lincoln’s Inn, 1850; called to the bar, 1861, but never practised. Became involved with the Working Men’s College. Employed in the department of printed books at the British Museum, 1853–75. Became a Russian specialist, making translations and writing reviews and articles. His books included Krilof and his fables (1869), The songs of the Russian people (1872), Russian folk-tales (1873), and Early Russian history (1874). Helped to found the Folklore Society. (ODNB.) 27 March 1877 Ramsay, Andrew Crombie (1814–91). Geologist. Appointed to the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1841; senior director for England and Wales, 1862; director-general, 1872–81. Professor of geology, University College, London, 1847– 52; lecturer on geology at the Royal School of Mines, 1852–71. President of the Geological Society of London, 1862–4. Knighted, 1881. FRS 1862. (DSB; ODNB.) Rate, Alice Gertrude (1836–1927). Wife of Lachlan Mackintosh Rate. Resided at Milton Court, Dorking. (Cattermole 2011, pp. 275, 337.)

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Rate, Lachlan Mackintosh (1819–1907). Banker and lawyer. BA, Cambridge ( Jesus College), 1854. Called to the bar, 1869. A founder and member of the London Committee of the Ottoman Bank; director of the Anglo-Austrian Bank and the Bank of Rumania. Resided at Milton Court, Dorking, Surrey. Justice of the peace and magistrate in Dorking. (Alum. Cantab.; Cattermole 2011, pp. 336–9.) Rawson, Arthur (1818–91). Clergyman. Ordained deacon, 1841; priest, 1842. Curate, Bromsgrove, Worcestershire, 1841–3; perpetual curate, Trinity Church, Bromley, Kent, 1843–82. Cultivated orchids and florists’ flowers, particularly pelargoniums. (Alum. Cantab.; R. Desmond 1994.) 19 January 1877 Reade, Thomas Mellard (1832–1909). Architect and geologist. Draughtsman for the London and North Western railway company, 1853–60. Set up in private practice as an architect and civil engineer, 1860; architect to the Liverpool School Board, 1870–1902. Joined the Liverpool Geological Society in 1870; fellow of the Geological Society of London, 1872; awarded its Murchison medal, 1896. Worked on local glacial and post-glacial deposits, and published nearly 200 scientific papers, including The origin of the mountain ranges (1886). (ODNB.) 12 January 1877, 9 February 1877, 12 October [1877] Reeves, William (1834/5–1915). Blacksmith and farrier, and fly proprietor. Son of William Reeves, blacksmith, of Cudham, Kent. Of Down, Kent. Married Jane Brooks, daughter of CD’s gardener William Brooks, at St Luke’s, Finsbury, Middlesex, in 1858. Member of the Down Friendly Society, 1881. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/481/14/27/5), 1851 (HO107/1606/247/4), 1861 (RG9/462/71/3), 1871 (RG10/875/36/6), 1881 (RG11/855/88/11); London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1921 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 September 2016); Post Office directory of the six home counties 1862; The National Archives (FS 1/232 626620).) Reimarus, Johann Albert Heinrich (1729–1814). German physician and naturalist. Studied pharmacy at Göttingen, 1752; studied medicine, Leiden, 1753; Edinburgh, 1754. Met Erasmus Darwin while at Edinburgh and the two did further study in London in 1755. Returned to Leiden in 1756 and graduated in 1757. Set up a medical practice in Hamburg. (ADB.) Reinwald, Charles-Ferdinand (1812–91). German-born bookseller and editor. Founded a business exporting French books in Paris in 1849. Editor in particular of foreign scientific works, and of the Dictionnaire universel de la langue française, by M. P. Poitevin. Published the Catalogue annuel de la librairie française. (Dictionnaire universel des contemporains.) 15 February 1877, 21 February 1877, 9 May 1877, 13 October 1877 Rekowsky, Franz von. See Wotoch-Rekowsky, Franz Friedrich Hugo Wilhelm Michael von. Renault, Bernard (1836–1904). French palaeobotanist. Studied chemistry and physics at Paris, receiving his doctorate in physical sciences in 1867; doctorate in

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natural sciences, 1879. Teacher at the teachers’ college, Cluny, 1867–72. Demonstrator, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1872; assistant naturalist, 1876–1904. Wrote a textbook on fossil botany, 1881–5. Worked particularly on fossil plants of the Carboniferous era and later on fossil bacteria. (Taxonomic literature; Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London 117 (1904–5): 51–3.) Rengger, Johann Rudolph (1795–1832). German physician, explorer, and naturalist. Travelled in South America (especially Paraguay), 1818–26. (ADB; Neuer Nekrolog der Deutschen 10 (1832): 699–700; Schumann 1888.) Renshaw, Thomas Charles (1810–86). Barrister. Student at Lincoln’s Inn, 1826; called to the bar, 1832; QC 1872; bencher, 1872. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 10 April 2014); Men-at-the-bar.) Retzius, Magnus Gustaf (Gustaf) (1842–1919). Swedish anatomist and physiologist. Studied medicine in Uppsala and Stockholm; MD, Lund, 1871. Docent in anatomy, Karolinska Institute, 1871; professor extraordinarius, histology, 1877; professor of anatomy, 1889–90. After 1890, devoted all his time to research. Prolific writer in German and Swedish on anatomy, histology, and anthropology. (DSB; SBL.) Ribot, Theodule Armand (1839–1916). French philosopher and psychologist. Taught philosophy at Vesoul and Laval. Founded the Revue philosophique in 1876. Professor of experimental and comparative psychology, Collège de France, 1885. (Tort 1996.) Riches, John Thomas (b. 1855). Nurseryman and florist. Studied horticulture at Kew Gardens until 1876. At the Grove Nursery, Tooting Grove, Surrey, 1881. At Sandy Lane Nursery, 53 Sandy Lane, Chester, 1891, 1901. At Dee Banks, Chester, 1911. An Old Kewite until at least 1926. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/668/20/1), 1891 (RG12/2863/79/42), 1901 (RG13/3370/129/17), 1911 (RG14/21856); Journal of the Kew Guild 2 (1902): 106.) 12 November 1877 Richmond, William Blake (1842–1921). Painter. Son of the painter George Richmond. Entered the Royal Academy Schools in 1858. Slade Professor of fine art, Oxford, 1879–83. Knighted, 1897. (ODNB.) Rickards, George Henry Lascelles (1819–92). Medical doctor. MRCS 1841. HM sub-inspector of factories, Leeds district. (BMD (Death index); Medical directory 1876; West Yorkshire Archive Service, Wakefield, Yorkshire, England, Yorkshire parish records (RDP111/1/1A, p. 53).) Ridley, Henry Nicholas (1855–1956). Economic botanist. BA, natural science, Oxford (Exeter College), 1878. Employed in the botanical department, British Museum, 1880. Participated in an expedition to Brazil sponsored by the Royal Society of London, 1887. Director, botanical gardens, Singapore, 1888. Travelled in the Malay Peninsula as well as Borneo, Burma, India, Egypt, Java, and Jamaica. Helped to establish the rubber plantation industry in Malaya. Founder

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and editor, Agricultural Bulletin of the Straits and Federated Malay States, 1901. FRS 1907. (Agricultural Bulletin of the Straits and Federated Malay States n.s. 1 (1901): i; ODNB.) 15 April 1877, 16 April [1877] Riedel, Johan Gerard Friedrich (1832–1911). Dutch naturalist. Colonial administrator in the East Indies, 1853–83. ( Jobling 2010.) 10 March 1877 Riley, Charles Valentine (1843–95). Entomologist. Emigrated to the United States circa 1859. Worked as a livestock farmer in Illinois. Wrote and illustrated for the Prairie Farmer in Chicago, 1863–8; served in a volunteer regiment in 1864. State entomologist of Missouri, 1868–76. Became a US citizen in 1869. Chief of the Department of the Interior’s US Entomological Commission, 1877–82. Entomologist with the Division of Entomology of the Department of Agriculture, 1878, 1881–94. Appointed honorary curator of the Department of Insects of the Smithsonian Institution, 1881. Organised the American Association of Economic Entomologists in 1889. (ANB.) 19 May 1877 Rimpau, Arnold Dietrich Wilhelm (Wilhelm) (1842–1903). German farmer and plant breeder. Studied agriculture at the Academy of Agriculture, BonnPoppelsdorf, 1861–3; economics, physics, and meteorology at Berlin, 1863–4. Caretaker of the domain Schlanstedt,1865–8; co-leaseholder, 1868; leaseholder, 1877–1903. Landowner of manor Langenstein, 1892–1903. Co-founder of the Deutsche Landwirtschafts-Gesellschaft (German Agricultural Society). Developed new varieties of wheat, rye, barley, oats, peas, and sugar beets. Developed the first fertile wheat-rye cross (triticale) Received an honorary doctorate from Halle for his work in plant breeding. (Magdeburger biographisches Lexikon (www.uni-magdeburg.de/mbl/, accessed 14 September 2015); Virtual Laboratory des Max-Planck-Instituts für Wissenschaftsgeschichte (vlp.mpiwg-berlin. mpg.de/people/data?id=per432, accessed 14 September 2015).) 16 January 1877, 10 December 1877, 13 December [1877] Ritter, Johannes Albert Karl Wilhelm (1839–1903). German banker. Treasurer of the Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1877–1903. (Berlin, Germany, deaths, 1874–1920 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 November 2016); Germany, Lutheran baptisms, marriages, and burials, 1519–1969 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 November 2016); Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 8 (1876): 267, 35 (1903): 994.) Roberts, Charles (1846–1902). American businessman. Educated at Haverford College, Pennsylvania. Served on Philadelphia city council, 1882–1900. Involved in local literary, scientific, and historical societies, and overseer of the William Penn Charter School. Collected autographs and historical material on Quakerism. (Illustrated catalogue of the private library of the late Charles Roberts of Philadelphia: comprising an extensive collection of noteworthy Quakeriana (New York: American Art Association, 1918).) 6 June 1877

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Roberts, William (1830–99). Physician and physiologist. MD, University of London, 1854. Physician, Manchester Royal Infirmary, 1855–83. Professor of medicine, Victoria University of Manchester, 1873–6. Fellow, Royal College of Physcians, 1865. Knighted, 1885. FRS 1877. (ODNB.) 30 June 1877 Robertson, George Croom (1842–92). Philosopher and psychologist. MA, Marischal College, Aberdeen, 1861. Studied philosophy and psychology in Germany, 1862–3. Grote Professor of mind and logic, University College, London, 1866. First editor of Mind, 1876–91. Promoted women’s suffrage and the admission of women to classes in the University of London. (ODNB.) 27 April 1877, 22 May 1877, 22 June [1877], 24 June [1877], 13 July [1877] Robinson, William (1838–1935). Irish-born gardener and writer. Under-gardener at the Royal Botanic Society, Regent’s Park, 1861–3; foreman of the herbaceous department, 1863–7. Travelled in France, 1867–8, and North America, 1870. Promoted the use of perennials. Founded the Garden, 1871, and Gardening Illustrated, 1879. (Allan 1982; R. Desmond 1994; Gardeners’ Chronicle 3d ser. 97 (1935): 323–4.) Rodwell, John Medows (1808–1900). Clergyman and orientalist. Friend and contemporary of CD’s at Cambridge. Rector of St Peter’s, Saffron Hill, London, 1836–43; of St Ethelburga’s, Bishopsgate, 1843–1900. Commenced oriental studies as a young man. Published an English version of the Koran in 1861. (DNB.) 1 June 1877, 3 June 1877 Rolleston, George (1829–81). Physician and physiologist. Appointed physician to the British Civil Hospital at Smyrna (Izmir), Turkey, 1855, during the Crimean War. Physician to Radcliffe Infirmary, Oxford, and Lee’s Reader in anatomy at Christ Church, Oxford, 1857. Linacre Professor of anatomy and physiology, Oxford University, 1860–81. FRS 1862. (ODNB.) 9 May 1877 Rolleston, Grace (1832/2–1914). Née Davy. Married George Rolleston in 1861. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/1437/121/39); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 June 2016); ODNB s.v. Rolleston, George.) Romanes, George John (1848–94). Evolutionary biologist. Of independent means. BA, Cambridge, 1871. Struggled to combine scientific reason and Christian faith. Carried out physiological studies on jellyfish, and wrote on the evolutionary psychology of animals and humans. Studied under John Scott Burdon Sanderson, 1874–6. Honorary secretary of the Physiological Society, set up to influence legislation on vivisection, 1876. FRS 1879. (Alum. Cantab.; DSB; ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) 2 January [1877] (from Charles and Francis Darwin), 4 January 1877, [after 8 January 1877], 23 May 1877, 27 May [1877], 5 June 1877, 6 June 1877, 11 June [1877], 16 June [1877], 9 August [1877], 10 August [1877], 11 August 1877, 13

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August 1877, [1 and 2 December 1877], 2 December 1877, 5 December 1877 (from Charles and Francis Darwin) Roon, Albrecht Theodor Emil, Graf von (1803–79). German army officer. Prussian minister for war from 1859. Secretary of the navy, 1861–71. (NDB.) Royer, Charles Lewis Alexis (1831–1883). French botanist. Studied at Dijon and Paris. Landowner at Quincy-le Vicomte in the Côte-d’Or. Wrote a flora of the Côte-d’Or and articles on physiological botany. (Genty 1925; Taxonomic literature.) Ruck, Arthur Ashley (1847–1939). Soldier and civic official. Entered the army in 1866; major, 1882; retired with the rank of lieutenant-colonel, 1886. Chief constable of Carnarvonshire after his retirement from the army until 1912. (Army list; BMD (Birth index); Records of the Carnarvonshire Constabulary, GB 0219 XJ, XS/1234 (www.nationalarchives.gov.uk, accessed 17 January 2014); The Times, 15 July 1939, p. 1.) Ruck, Richard Matthews (1851–1935). Army officer. Brother of Amy Richenda Ruck, the first wife of Francis Darwin. Attended the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich. Entered the Royal Engineers, 1871; captain, 1883, major, 1889; lieutenant-colonel, 1896; colonel, 1904; major-general, 1908. Knighted, 1920. (Ruck 1935; WWW 1929–40.) Rütimeyer, Karl Ludwig (Ludwig) (1825–95). Swiss palaeozoologist and geographer. Professor of zoology and comparative anatomy, University of Basel, 1855; rector, 1865; professor in the medical and philosophical faculties, 1874–93. Made important contributions to the natural history and evolutionary palaeontology of ungulate mammals. (DSB.) Sachs, Julius (1832–97). German botanist and plant physiologist. PhD, Prague, 1856. Research assistant, forestry academy, Tharandt, 1859. Professor of botany, agricultural training institute, Poppelsdorf, 1861; professor, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1867; Wurzburg, 1868. Founded the institute of plant physiology, Wurzburg. Ennobled, 1877. (DBE; DSB.) 6 January 1877 Saint-Lager, Jean Baptiste (1825–1912). French physician, botanist, and botanical historian. Qualified in medicine, Lyon School of Medicine, 1847; MD, Paris, 1850. After practising in Lyon for twelve years, he devoted himself to research on medical and botanical topics. Founding member of the Société botanique de Lyon, 1872; librarian, 1881–1911. Published on vascular plants of the Rhône valley, and the history of botanical collecting and nomenclature. (Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, http://cths.fr/an/prosopo.php?id=1182 (accessed 20 October 2015); JSTOR Global Plants, http://plants.jstor.org/stable/10.5555/al.ap.person.bm000007320 (accessed 20 October 2015).) 30 January 1877 Salter, Samuel James Augustus (1825–97). Surgeon. House surgeon and physician, King’s College Hospital; dental surgeon to Guy’s Hospital, London. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1853. FRS 1863. (R. Desmond 1994; Modern English biography.)

Biographical register

755

Samouelle, George (b. 1789/90 d. 1846). Entomologist. Founded the Entomological Club in 1826. Assistant in entomology at the British Museum from 1821; dismissed for neglecting his duties, 1841. Author of several guides to collecting insects and crustacea. (Gilbert 1977; London, England, Church of England deaths and burials, 1813–1980 (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 March 2017); Salmon 2000.) Sandberger, Carl Ludwig Fridolin (Fridolin) (1826–98). German geologist, palaeontologist, and mineralogist. Studied at Bonn, Heidelberg, Marburg, and Gießen, where he received his PhD in 1846. Director, Natural History Museum, Wiesbaden, 1851. Professor of mineralogy and geology, Karlsruhe Polytechnic, 1855; Würzburg, 1863–96. From 1856 to 1863 he directed the geological mapping of Baden-Württemberg. Published extensively in many areas of geology and palaeontology. (ADB; Stadtarchiv Wiesbaden: Stadtlexikon, www.wiesbaden.de/ microsite/stadtlexikon/index.php (accessed 3 July 2015).) Sandys, John Edwin (1844–1922). Classical scholar and orator. BA, Cambridge (St John’s College), 1867; fellow, 1867. Public orator in the University of Cambridge, 1876–1919. Knighted, 1911. (ODNB.) Saporta, Louis Charles Joseph Gaston (Gaston), comte de (1823–96). French palaeobotanist. Specialist on the Tertiary and Jurassic flora. Wrote extensively on the relationship between climatic change and palaeobotany. (DSB.) 11 October 1877, 16 December 1877, 24 December 1877 Sars, Georg Ossian (1837–1927). Norwegian marine and freshwater zoologist. Son of Michael Sars. Professor of zoology, Oslo, 1874–1927. Introduced Norwegian students to Darwinian evolution through his lectures. Known for major works on both marine and freshwater crustaceans. (Christiansen 1993.) 29 April 1877 Sars, Michael (1805–69). Norwegian naturalist and clergyman. Pastor, Kinn, Norway, 1830; Manger, Hordaland, 1839. Professor of zoology, Christiania, 1854. (BHGW; DSB.) Saunders, William (1836–1914). Pharmacist, plant breeder, and entomologist. Emigrated to Canada with his parents in 1848. Apprenticed to a druggist at the age of 19, and opened a pharmacy in 1855. Bought a farm east of London, Ontario, in 1869, and began hybridising fruit-trees. President, Entomological Society of Canada, 1875–86; Fruit Growers’ Association, 1882–6. Editor, Canadian Entomologist, 1873–86. Author of Insects injurious to fruits (1883). First director of the Dominion Experimental Farms, Canada, 1886–1911. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1886. (DCB; R. Desmond 1994.) 22 November 1877 Saunders, William Wilson (1809–79). Insurance broker, entomologist, and botanist. Underwriter at Lloyd’s of London. President of the Entomological Society of London, 1841–2 and 1856–7. Treasurer of the Linnean Society of London, 1861–73. FRS 1853. (R. Desmond 1994, ODNB.) Saville-Kent, William (1845–1908). Fisheries scientist. Studied at King’s College, London, and at the Royal School of Mines under Thomas Henry Huxley.

756

Biographical register

Assistant in the natural history department of the British Museum, 1868–72; resident naturalist at the Brighton aquarium, 1872–3; Manchester aquarium, 1873–6. Floated a company in a failed attempt to establish a national marine research laboratory. Worked in aquariums in Jersey, London, and Norfolk, 1877–9; Brighton aquarium, 1879–83. Superintendent and inspector of fisheries, Tasmania, 1884–7; Victoria, 1887–8. Commissioner of fisheries, Queensland, 1889–92; Western Australia, 1893–95. Worked on corals, sponges, and lizards. Published A manual of the Infusoria (1880–2), The Great Barrier Reef (1893), and The naturalist in Australia (1897). Brother of Constance Emilie Kent, who confessed to the murder of her infant stepbrother, Savill, in 1865. He adopted the surname Saville-Kent to distance himself from the adverse publicity generated by the murder. (Aust. dict. biog.; ODNB.) 26 March 1877, 28 March [1877], 25 October 1877 Sayce, Archibald Henry (1845–1933). Orientalist and comparative philologist. BA, Oxford, 1869; fellow, Queen’s College, Oxford, 1869; lecturer and tutor, 1870. Ordained priest, 1870. Wrote for The Times and the New York Independent. Deputy professor of comparative philology, Oxford, 1876–90. Moved to Egypt in 1890; helped to found the Alexandria Museum, Cairo. Professor of Assyriology, Oxford, 1891–1915. (ODNB.) 27 July 1877, 28 July 1877, 30 July 1877, 2 August 1877 Schäfer, Edward Albert (1850–1935). Physiologist. MD, University College, London, 1874. An original member of the Physiological Society from 1876. Studied the evolution of the nervous system and published on several areas of anatomy and physiology. Professor of physiology, University College, London, 1883–99; University of Edinburgh, 1899–1933. Published a popular textbook of physiology in 1898. Took the name Sharpey-Schafer in 1916. Knighted, 1913. FRS 1878. (ODNB; Sparrow and Finger 2001.) Scherzer, Karl von (1821–1903). Austrian scientific traveller and diplomat. Principal scientist of the Novara expedition. Austrian consul in London, 1875–8. (BLKO.) 13 February 1877, 14 May [1877] Schiller, Johann Christoph Friedrich (Friedrich) von (1759–1805). German poet, historian, and philosopher. (NDB.) Schlesinger, Max (1822–81). Hungarian-born author and newspaper editor. Took part in the Viennese revolution of 1848, publishing articles in favour of a republic and Hungarian autonomy. Fled to London in 1850, and became a correspondent for the Kölnische Zeitung, a liberal newspaper in Cologne. Naturalised British subject by 1871. Published Aus Ungarn (1850; translated into English as The war in Hungary), and Wanderungen durch London (1852; translated into English as Saunterings in and about London). (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/338/74/26); Corton 2015; NUC.) 4 July 1877

Biographical register

757

Schneider, Hugo (fl. 1870s–1880s). 10 February 1877 Schnyder, Otto. Swiss botanist. Professor of botany at Buenos Aires University. A member of the Committee of the Central Club of anti-Jesuit agitation; involved in the demonstration against Jesuits in Buenos Aires in 1875. (Letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 8 October 1877; Sabato 2001, p. 148.) Schön, Johannes (fl. 1870s). German student. Secretary of a student science club in Stettin, Germany (now Szczecin, Poland). (Letter from Johannes Schön, 10 April 1877.) 10 April 1877 Schopenhauer, Arthur (1788–1860). German philosopher. (EB.) Schuster, Martin Wilhelm (1840–1933). Ethnic German schoolteacher. Born and lived in that part of the Austro-Hungarian empire which is now Romania. Taught at the Evangelical Gymnasium, Hermannstadt (now Sibiu, Romania), 1866–1905. Director of the Gremialhandelsschule, 1883–1919; of the Gewerbeschule, 1892–1920. Secretary of the Siebenbürgische Verein für Naturwissenschaften, 1870–81. (Schriftsteller-Lexikon der Siebenbürger Deutschen.) E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung. German publishing company in Stuttgart. Founded by Wilhelm Emanuel Schweizerbart in 1830; conducted by his nephew Christian Friedrich Schweizbart from 1841, and by Eduard Koch from 1867. (Jubiläums-Katalog.) Schwerzfeger, Frederick (fl. 1870s). German forester. Of Lower Saxony. (Letter from Frederick Schwerzfeger, 29 August 1877.) 29 August 1877 Sclater, Philip Lutley (1829–1913). Lawyer and ornithologist. One of the founders of Ibis, the journal of the British Ornithologists’ Union, 1858; editor, 1858–65 and 1878–1912. Secretary of the Zoological Society of London, 1860–1903. FRS 1861. (DSB; Scherren 1905.) 2 June 1877 Scott, John (1836–80). Scottish botanist. Gardener at several different country estates, before becoming foreman of the propagating department at the Royal Botanic Garden, Edinburgh, in 1859. Through CD’s patronage emigrated to India in 1864, and worked briefly on a Cinchona plantation before taking a position as curator of the Calcutta botanic garden in 1865. Seconded to the opium department, 1872–8. Carried out numerous botanical experiments and observations on CD’s behalf. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1873. (Lightman ed. 2004; ODNB.) 24 February 1877, 12 April 1877 Scott, John, 3d Baron Eldon of Eldon (1845–1926). Landowner. Succeeded as third Baron Eldon of Eldon, County Durham, in 1854. Nephew of James Farrer. (Burke’s peerage.) Scudder, Samuel Hubbard (1837–1911). American entomologist. Graduated from the Lawrence Scientific School in 1862; assistant to Louis Agassiz, 1862–4.

758

Biographical register

Librarian and custodian of collections, Boston Society of Natural History, 1864– 70; vice-president, 1874–80; president, 1880–7. Palaeontologist, United States Geological Survey, 1886–92. (ANB.) Scully, John (1846–1912). Army surgeon and ornithologist. Assistant surgeon, Bengal, 1872; resident surgeon, Nepal, 1876–7. (Beolens et al. 2009, p. 370; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/658/102/24).) Sedgwick, Maria Theodora (Theodora) (1851–1916). Daughter of Sara Ashburner (d. 1856) and the American legal theorist Theodore Sedgwick (d. 1859). Grew up in New York and with her aunts in Massachusetts. Sister of William Erasmus Darwin’s wife, Sara. (Massachusetts, town and vital records, 1620–1988 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 August 2016); J. Turner 1999, p. 172.) Sedgwick, Sara Price Ashburner (1839–1902). Daughter of Sara Ashburner and Theodore Sedgwick. Sister of Susan Ridley Sedgwick Norton. Married William Erasmus Darwin in 1877. (Freeman 1978; J. Turner 1999.) 29 September [1877], [30 September 1877] Sehlmeyer, Johann Friedrich (1788–1856). German apothecary and botanist. Court apothecary in Cologne, 1821–52. Author of Index alphabeticus specierum hymenomycetum in epicrisi systematis mycologici Friesii: descriptarum earumque synonymarum (1852). (Index collectorum: herbarii senckenbergiani (http://www.senckenberg.de/ files/content/forschung/abteilung/botanik/index_collectorum.pdf, accessed 6 December 2016); JSTOR global plants (plants.jstor.org/stable/10.5555/al.ap. person.bm000300421, accessed 3 December 2015).) Selenka, Herman Emil Robert (Emil) (1842–1902). German zoologist. Doctorate, University of Göttingen, 1867. Professor of zoology and comparative anatomy, University of Leiden, 1868–74. Professor, University of Erlangen, 1874–96. (DBE.) Semmig, Bertha (b. 1867). Daughter of Herman Semmig. Born in Orleans, France. Subject of a book by her father on her early development. ([Semmig] 1876.) Semmig, Friedrich Herman (Herman) (1820–97). German writer and teacher. Studied theology, history, and philosophy at Leipzig; doctorate in philosophy, 1845. Co-founded the Socialist Association, 1848; went into exile in France in 1849. Worked in France as a teacher and writer. Amnestied, 1865; returned to Leipzig in 1870. Published numerous dramatic works. (DBE.) 27 August 1877 Semper, Carl Gottfried (1832–93). German zoologist. Studied engineering, Hannover, 1851–4. Studied zoology, histology, and comparative anatomy, University of Würzburg; completed his thesis in 1856. Travelled in the Philippines and Palau Islands, 1858–65, and acquired zoological and ethnographical collections. Appointed privat-dozent, University of Würzburg, 1866; professor and director of the Zoological Institute, 1869. Published on zoology (especially molluscs), geography, and ethnography. (DSB.) 26 April 1877, 30 April 1877, 13 July 1877, 18 July 1877

Biographical register

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Shaen, Margaret Josephine (1853–1936). Author and amateur photographer. A friend of Emma Darwin. Daughter of the lawyer William Shaen. Edited a memoir of her aunts, Catherine and Susanna Winkworth (1908) and wrote a biography of her father (1912). Photographed Emma Darwin in 1896. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/18/64/55); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 December 2016); Freeman 1978; Emma Darwin (1904) 1: facing p. 458.) Shaen, Richard. Unitarian minister. MA, Glasgow, 1837. Minister in Lancaster, Edinburgh, and Dudley; in Royston, Hertfordshire, 1855–94. Brother of William Shaen and stepfather of Alice Hutchison. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/1361/80/11); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 20 December 2016); England & Wales, non-conformist and non-parochial registers, 1567–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 20 December 2016); Roll of the graduates of the University of Glasgow; Ruston 1979, p. 21.) Shand, James William Fraser Smith (b. c. 1835 d. 1891). Indian-born Scottish medical doctor and lecturer. MD, Aberdeen, 1855. Trained in Aberdeen, Paris, and London. Regius professor of the practice of medicine, Aberdeen. Lecturer on clinical medicine, Royal Infirmary, Aberdeen. Physician, Scottish Provincial Insurance Company. (Census returns of Scotland 1881 (The National Archives of Scotland: Old Machar 12/18); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 March 2016); Medical directory 1877.) Sharpe, Richard Bowdler (1847–1909). Ornithologist and museum curator. Librarian of the Zoological Society of London, 1867–72. Wrote and edited scholarly works on birds, supplied the ornithological section of Zoological Record, and lectured. Published his Monograph of the kingfishers between 1868 and 1871. Senior assistant at the British Museum, 1872–95; assistant keeper of vertebrates from 1895. Worked on the British Museum catalogue of birds. Founded the British Ornithologists’ Club in 1892. (DNB.) 16 January 1877 Shuválov (or Schouvaloff), Peter Andreivich, Count (1827–89). Russian diplomat. Ambassador to London during the 1877–8 Russo-Turkish war. (EB.) Siciliani, Pietro (1835–85). Italian educator, philosopher, and physician. Degree in medicine and surgery, Pisa, 1859. Professor of speculative and moral philosophy at the Regio school, Dante Alighieri, Florence, 1862–7. Professor of theoretical philosophy, Bologna, 1867. (Archivio storico della psicologia italiana (www. aspi.unimib.it/, accessed 13 January 2016.) 28 January 1877 Siebold, Carl Theodor Ernst von (1804–85). German zoologist and physician. District physician, Heilsburg, 1831; Königsberg, 1834. Professor extraordinarius of zoology, comparative anatomy, and veterinary medicine, Erlangen,

760

Biographical register

1840; Freiburg, 1845. Professor of physiology, Breslau (Wrocław), 1850. Professor of physiology and comparative anatomy, Munich, 1853; of zoology and comparative anatomy, 1855. Curator, Bavarian state zoological collection, 1855. Co-founder and editor of Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Zoologie, 1848. A supporter of Darwinian transmutation theory; did research on generation, especially parthenogenesis. (ADB; DBE; DSB.) 10 October 1877, 15 October 1877 Sieveking, Edward Henry (1816–1904). Physician. Studied anatomy and physiology at Berlin and Bonn, and medicine at University College, London, from 1837. MD, Edinburgh, 1841. After further studies in Paris and Vienna, practised in Hamburg for four years. Set up practice in London, 1847. Assistant physician, St Mary’s Hospital, 1851; physician 1860–88. Co-founder, Epsom College, 1855. FRCP 1852. Physician-in-ordinary to Queen Victoria, 1873. (ODNB.) 11 December 1877 Sieveking, Georg Heinrich (1751–99). German merchant. Married Johanna Margaretha Reimarus, the daughter of Johann Albert Heinrich Reimarus, in 1782. (ADB.) Sieveking, Johanna Margaretha (1760–1832). German society hostess and writer. Daughter of Johann Albert Heinrich Reimarus, she was acquainted with several Enlightenment figures, such as Moses Mendelssohn and Gotthold Ephraim Lessing. Married Georg Heinrich Sieveking, 1782. (Leesenberg 1886.) Silliman, Benjamin Jr (1816–85). American chemist. Teaching assistant to his father, Benjamin Silliman, 1837. An editor of the American Journal of Science and Arts, 1838–85. Professor of practical chemistry, Yale University, 1846; succeeded his father as professor of chemistry and natural history in 1853. Professor of chemistry in the medical department, University of Louisville, Kentucky, 1849– 54. Consultant to the petroleum and mining industries. (DAB; DSB.) Simon, John (1816–1904). Surgeon and public-health officer. Apprentice at St Thomas’s Hospital, London, 1833–9; demonstrator in anatomy at King’s College, London, 1839–47; senior assistant surgeon, King’s College Hospital, 1840–53; lecturer in anatomical pathology at St Thomas’s Hospital, 1847–71; full surgeon at St Thomas’s, 1863–76. President of the Pathological Society, 1867; council of the Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1868–80; president, 1878. First medical officer of health to the Sewers Commission of the City of London from 1848; chief medical officer of the Board of Health and its successors, 1855–76. Important sanitary reformer and publiciser of public-health problems. Knighted, 1887. (ODNB.) Smith, Arthur Edgar (1857–1937). Artist, engraver on wood, and publisher’s photographer. Son of Worthington George Smith. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives, Public Record Office, RG11/250/26/18), 1891 (RG12/173/28/49); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 14 March 2016).)

Biographical register

761

Smith, Austin Rogers (1859–1923). Teacher. Son of John Smith, baker, and Elizabeth, of 37 Old Market Street, Bristol. Studied at Cambridge (Corpus Christi College), 1879–80. BA, London University, 1889. Mathematics tutor in Hove, Sussex, 1891. Army tutor and partner in a school in Dover, Kent, 1901. Bursar and assistant master at Dover College, army tutor, and x-ray operator at Dover Hospital, 1911. (Alum. Cantab.; BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/2524/8/10), 1881 (RG11/2085/98/31), 1891 (RG12/816/17/27), 1901 (RG13/839/7/4), 1911 (RG14/4595/322); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 September 2016); Historical record of the University of London.) 16 October 1877 Smith, Elder & Co. Publishers. Partnership of George Smith (1789–1846) and Alexander Elder (1790–1876). (Modern English biography; ODNB s.v. Smith, George Murray (1824–1901).) 7 March 1877 Smith, Henry (1823–94). Surgeon. Apprenticed to a GP in the West End of London, 1840. Studied at King’s College, London, 1843–6. FRCS 1849. Surgeon to Westminster General Dispensary, 1851; assistant surgeon, King’s College Hospital, 1861; professor of systematic surgery, 1877–87. Specialised in diseases of the rectum, bladder, and urethra. (Plarr 1930.) Smith, James Edward (1759–1828). Botanist. Purchased the library and collections of Carl von Linné in 1784. Founded the Linnean Society of London in 1788 and served as president until his death. Knighted, 1814. FRS 1785. (DSB; ODNB.) Smith, John (1821–88). Scottish gardener. Gardener to the duke of Roxburgh; to the duke of Northumberland at Syon House, Middlesex, 1859–64. Curator, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1864–86. (R. Desmond 1994.) Smith, Samuel (1790–1867). Medical doctor and lecturer. Apprenticed as an apothecary surgeon in Leeds. Studied medicine in London and Edinburgh. Surgeon, Leeds Infirmary, 1819–64; consulting surgeon, 1864–7. Lecturer in midwifery, Leeds School of Medicine, 1831–67; president, 1834–5. (Anning and Walls 1982, pp. 7, 155, 157; Plarr 1930.) Smith, Sydney (1771–1845). Essayist and wit. A founder of the Edinburgh Review, 1802. Canon of St Paul’s, London, 1831. (ODNB.) Smith, Worthington George (1835–1917). Illustrator, botanist, and archaeologist. Apprentice to architects. Became a freelance architectural illustrator in 1861, then turned to botanical illustration. Studied and published in mycology. Beginning in 1878, made several significant discoveries of Palaeolithic sites, publishing two books. (ODNB.) 24 July 1877, 27 July 1877 Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa. 30 September 1877

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Biographical register

Spalding, Douglas Alexander (1841–77). Comparative psychologist. Attended lectures in literature and philosophy, Aberdeen, 1862. Entered the Middle Temple, 1866; called to the bar, 1869. Reported his experimental work on instinct in chicks at the 1872 meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. Became a regular reviewer for Nature and the Examiner from 1872. Became tutor to John Francis Russell in 1873, and continued his experimental work on physiological psychology. (ODNB.) Spencer, Herbert (1820–1903). Philosopher. Apprenticed as a civil engineer on the railways, 1837–41. Became subeditor of the Pilot, a newspaper devoted to the suffrage movement, in 1844. Subeditor of the Economist, 1848–53. From 1852, author of books and papers on transmutation theory, philosophy, and the social sciences. (DSB; ODNB.) Spiers, Alexander (1807–69). Lexicographer. Taught English in Paris. Worked for fourteen years on his General English and French dictionary (1846); awarded a PhD for it by the University of Giessen, 1849. An abridged version, Dictionnaire abrégé anglais–français, was published in 1851 and was widely used in French schools. (ODNB.) Spottiswoode, William (1825–83). Mathematician and physicist. Succeeded his father as queen’s printer in 1846. Throughout his life pursued mathematical studies in which he supplied new proofs of known theorems and also did important original work; produced a series of memoirs on the contact of curves and surfaces. President of the mathematical section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1865; of the Royal Society of London, 1878–83. FRS 1853. (DNB.) Spratt, Thomas Abel Brimage (1811–88). Naval officer, hydrographer, and author. Entered the navy in 1827, and served on several ships that surveyed the Mediterranean; retired from the navy in 1870. Combined his practical contributions to navigation with archaeological studies of the Greek archipelago. FRS 1856. (ODNB.) 2 January 1877 Sprengel, Kurt Polycarp Joachim (1766–1833). German botanist and physician. Professor of medicine at Halle, 1787–97; of botany, 1797–1833. (Taxonomic literature.) Sprenger, Aloys Ignatz Christoph (1813–93). Austrian orientalist and physician. Attended university in Vienna, 1832–6; moved to London and became secretary to the earl of Munster, 1836; MD, Leiden, 1840. Appointed to the medical service of the East India Company, 1843; principal of Delhi College, 1845–7; translator to the government of India, 1850–4; travelled in the Middle East, 1854–6; professor of oriental languages, Bern university, 1858–83. Catalogued, edited, and published articles on many Indian and Arabic works and wrote a biography of Muhammad, Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad (1861–5). (ODNB.) Spring Rice, Elizabeth, Baroness Monteagle (1848/9–1908). Eldest daughter of Samuel Butcher, bishop of Meath, Ireland. Married Thomas Spring Rice,

Biographical register

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second Baron Monteagle, in 1875. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/45/44/26); Ireland, civil registration deaths index, 1864–1958 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 October 2016); ODNB s.v. Butcher, Samuel; The Times, 30 October 1875, p. 1.) Spring Rice, Thomas, 2d Baron Monteagle (1849–1926). Irish peer. Became second Baron Monteagle on the death of his grandfather Thomas Spring Rice in 1866. (Burke’s peerage.) Stanley, Edward Henry, 15th earl of Derby (1826–93). Politician and diarist. BA (Trinity College), Cambridge, 1848. MP for King’s Lynn, 1848–69. Visited the West Indies twice, 1848–50. First secretary of state for India from 1858. Foreign secretary from 1874. Colonial secretary from 1882. Succeeded to the earldom in October 1869. (ODNB.) Stanley, Henry Edward John, 3d Baron Stanley and 2d Baron Eddisbury (1827–1903). Diplomatist and orientalist. Educated at Eton and Cambridge, but did not take a degree as he entered the Foreign Office in 1847. Held various diplomatic posts and travelled widely in the East, studying oriental languages. Succeeded his father as third Baron Stanley and second Baron Eddisbury in 1869. (ODNB.) 29 December 1877 (to James Torbitt) Stanley, Mary Catherine, countess of Derby (1824–1900). Political hostess. Daughter of George Sackville-West, fifth Earl De La Warr (1791–1869). Married James Brownlow William Gascoyne-Cecil in 1847. After his death, married Edward Henry Stanley, fifteenth earl of Derby, in 1870. Deeply involved in Conservative politics. (ODNB.) 19 September 1877 Stebbing, Thomas Roscoe Rede (1835–1926). Zoologist and clergyman. BA, King’s College, London, 1855. BA, Oxford (Worcester College), 1857; fellow, 1860–8; tutor, 1865–7; vice-provost, 1865; dean, 1866. Tutor and schoolmaster, Torquay, 1867–77; in 1877, moved to Tunbridge Wells and devoted his time to natural history. Specialised in amphipod Crustacea. His strong Darwinian views led to his being forbidden a parish. Lectured and wrote essays in favour of Darwinism. FRS 1896. (ODNB.) Stillfried, Adolphe de (fl. 1870s). Bohemian medical student. (Letter from Adolphe de Stillfried, [1877].) [1877?] Stone, William Henry (1830–91). Surgeon and musician. BA, Oxford, 1852. FRCS 1856. Studied at St Thomas’s Hospital, London, and in Paris. Medical registrar, St Thomas’s. Inspector to the Board of Health and superintendent of vaccination, Trinidad, until 1861. Assistant physician, St Thomas’s, and lecturer in materia medica and physics at the School, 1870; full physician from a year or two later until his retirement in 1890. Member of the amateur musical society the Wandering Minstrels; played in concerts and improved the double bassoon; invented a bassoon that played lower notes than had hitherto been played in orchestras. Lectured and wrote on acoustics. (Plarr 1930.)

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Stoneham, Allen (1827–1905). Civil servant and beekeeper. Assistant secretary, Board of Trade. Kept bees at his home in Beckenham, Kent. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/849/67/15); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 September 2015); letter from Allen Stoneham, 11 January 1877; London, England, births and baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 September 2015).) 11 January 1877 Stoppelaar, Gerardus Nicolaas (1825–99). Dutch lawyer and philanthropist. Studied law in Leiden, graduating in 1848. After travelling to London, set up his law practice in Middelburg. Took over his father’s wine-merchant business in 1853. Member of the Scientific Society of Zeeland, 1854; secretary, 1874–85. Supported local art, science, and museums, and also many philanthropic institutions. Travelled widely in Europe and Egypt. (Jaarboek van de Maatschappij der Nederlandse Letterkunde 1900; NNBW.) 14 April 1877, 17 April 1877, 25 April 1877 (from Francis Darwin) Strachey, Richard (1817–1908). Army officer, botanist, and geographer. Served in the Bengal engineers; lieutenant, 1841; major-general, 1871; lieutenant-general, 1875. Studied botany, physical geography, and geology in India. Carried out scientific expeditions in the Himalayas. Collected plants in Tibet, 1848. Consulting engineer in the railway department, 1858; secretary and head of the public works department, 1862. Member of the Council of India, 1875–89. President of the Royal Geographical Society, 1888–90. FRS 1854. (ODNB; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Strasburger, Eduard Adolf (1844–1912). Botanist. Inspired by Ernst Haeckel’s enthusiasm for CD’s theory of evolution. Studied natural sciences in Paris, Bonn, and Jena from 1862. PhD in botany, 1866. Professor extraordinarius and director of the Botanical Institute, Jena, 1869; professor, 1871. Taught at the University of Bonn from 1881; rector, 1891–2. Travelled through Italy and Egypt, and around the Red Sea. Co-editor of Jahrbuch für wissenschaftliche Botanik from 1894. Published histological–cytological works on plant fertilisation. (DBE; DSB.) Struthers, John (1823–99). Surgeon and anatomist. Professor of anatomy, Aberdeen University, 1863–89. One of the earliest advocates in Scotland of the theory of natural selection. Knighted, 1898. (ODNB.) Stuart, Dugald (1817–85). Barrister. Eldest son of Sir John Stuart, vice-chancellor of the Court of Chancery. Inherited Courthill House and the estate of Lochcarron, Ross-shire, Scotland, in 1876. Sold the estate in 1882, after an unlawful attempt to evict tenants. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/34/47/31); Grave monument, St John’s Church, Ballachulish, Argyll, Scotland (www.gravestonephotos.com, accessed 22 April 2016); Mackenzie 1914, pp. 161–7.) Sulivan, Bartholomew James (1810–90). Naval officer and hydrographer. Lieutenant on HMS Beagle, 1831–6. Surveyed the Falkland Islands in HMS Arrow, 1838–9. Commander of HMS Philomel, 1842–6. Resided in the Falkland Islands,

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1848–51. Commanded HMS Lightning in the Baltic, 1854–5. Naval officer in the marine department of the Board of Trade, 1856–65. Admiral, 1877. Knighted, 1869. (ODNB.) 25 December 1877 Sulivan, Frances Emma Georgina (1841–96). Daughter of Bartholomew James Sulivan and his wife Sophia. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/773/23/40).) Sulivan, James Young Falkland (1838/9–1901). Naval officer. Eldest son of Sophia and Bartholomew James Sulivan. Thought by his family to be the first British subject born in the Falkland Islands. Sub-lieutenant on HMS Firefly in the Mediterranean, 1864; lieutenant on HMS Nassau, surveying the Straits of Magellan, 1866–7; on HMS Favorite in North America and the West Indies, 1868–9; on HMS Indus at Devonport, 1870. Stationed in China, 1870–5; studied at the Royal Naval College, Greenwich, 1875–6; lieutenant and commander of HMS Britomart at Southampton, 1876–9; served in the Coast Guard, 1882–8. Commander, 1889. Married Eleanor Evelyn Light, daughter of the rector of St James’s, Dover, in 1878. (BMD (Marriage index); Navy list 1864–1901; ODNB s.v. Sulivan, Bartholomew James.) Sulivan, Sophia (1809/10–90). Daughter of vice-admiral James Young, of Barton End, near Stroud, Gloucestershire. Married Bartholomew James Sulivan in 1837. (County families 1871, s.v. Sulivan, Bartholomew James; ODNB s.v. Sulivan, Bartholomew James; Sulivan ed. 1896, pp. xii, 395.) Sulivan, Sophia Henrietta (1837/8–1914). Daughter of Sophia and Bartholomew James Sulivan. Married the surgeon Henry Bullock in 1882. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1194/136); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 February 2017); Marriage register, Holy Trinity Church, Bournemouth (1882): 176.) Sullivant, William Starling (1803–73). American landowner, businessman, and botanist. Inherited extensive estates in Ohio. Friend and correspondent of Asa Gray. An expert on bryophytes. Member of the American Philosophical Society and the National Academy of Sciences. (ANB.) Syme, James (1799–1870). Scottish surgeon. Studied at Edinburgh University, and visited medical schools in Germany in 1824. Taught and practised surgery at the Brown Square school of medicine and later in his own lecture course. Established a private surgical hospital at Minto House, Edinburgh. Published Principles of surgery (1832). Professor of clinical surgery, University of Edinburgh, 1833–69. Surgeon-in-ordinary to the queen in Scotland from 1838. President of the Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh, 1850. (ODNB.) Taine, Hippolyte Adolphe (Hippolyte) (1828–93). French philosopher, critic, and historian. Educated at the Collège Bourbon, Paris, 1841–8, and the École normale supérieure, 1848–51. Elected to the Académie française, 1878. Best-known

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for his History of English literature (1863–4), Notes on England (1872), and Origins of contemporary France (1875–93). (ODNB.) Tait, Peter Guthrie (1831–1901). Scottish mathematician and physicist. Studied mathematics at Edinburgh University and Peterhouse, Cambridge. Fellow of Peterhouse, 1852–4. Professor of mathematics, Queen’s College, Belfast, 1854– 60; of natural philosophy, Edinburgh, 1860–1901. Published widely on mathematics and physics; published Natural philosophy (1867) with William Thomson (later Lord Kelvin). (ODNB.) Tait, Robert Lawson (Lawson) (1845–99). Scottish gynaecological surgeon. Studied in Edinburgh with James Young Simpson. House surgeon, Clayton Hospital, Wakefield, 1867–70. Started a practice in Birmingham in 1870. Junior surgeon, Birmingham and Midland Hospital for Women, 1871. Instigated a nurse’s training programme, and supported education and professional positions for women as nurses and doctors. Internationally recognised pioneer in abdominal surgery, especially ovariotomy. Professor of gynaecology, Queen’s College, Birmingham, 1887. Founding member of the Birmingham Medical Society; president of the Birmingham Medical Institute, 1889–93. (ODNB.) 16 January 1877, 17 January [1877], 14 February 1877, 25 February 1877, 13 June [1877], 15 June [1877], 13 November [1877], 31 December [1877] Tanner, Thomas Hawkes (1824–71). Physician. DM, St Andrews, 1847; MRCS 1847; MRCP 1850. Physician to the hospital for women, Soho Square, London, 1851–7; co-founder and secretary of the Obstetrical Society of London, 1859– 63; assistant physician for the diseases of women and children, King’s College Hospital, London, 1860–3. Author of many medical works, including A manual of the practice of medicine (1854). (ODNB.) Taylor & Francis. Printers and publishers at Red Lion Court, Fleet Street, and 3 Robin Hood Court, Shoe Lane, London. The firm was founded by Richard Taylor (1781–1858), becoming Taylor & Francis after William Francis joined the firm in 1852. (ODNB; Post Office London directory 1856.) Taylor, Agnes (fl. 1870s–1880s). Friend of Emily Beke. 22 October [1877] Tedder, Henry Richard (1850–1924). Librarian. Assisted Herbert Spencer in the editing of Principles of sociology (1877–96). Catalogued the library of Baron Acton of Aldenham, 1873–4. Librarian to the Athenaeum Club, 1875–1914; secretary, 1888–1914. Treasurer of the Library Association, 1889–1924; president, 1897. (ODNB.) Tennyson, Alfred, 1st Baron Tennyson (1809–92). Poet. Poet laureate, 1850. Created Baron Tennyson, 1883. (ODNB.) Thiselton-Dyer, Catherine Jane (1815–97). Daughter of Thomas Firminger, a schoolmaster in London. Married William George Thiselton Dyer in 1842. Mother of William Turner Thiselton-Dyer. (BMD (Death index); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 April 2016); London, England, Church of England births and baptisms,

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1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 February 2017); London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1921 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 February 2017).) Thiselton-Dyer, Harriet Anne. See Hooker, Harriet Anne. Thiselton-Dyer, William Turner (1843–1928). Botanist. Educated at Christ Church, Oxford. Professor of natural history at the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester, 1868–70. Professor of botany, Royal College of Science, Dublin, 1870–2; Royal Horticultural Society, London, 1872. Directed botanical teaching at the Department of Science and Art, South Kensington, London, 1873, 1875, 1876. Appointed assistant director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, by Joseph Dalton Hooker, 1875. Married Hooker’s eldest daughter, Harriet Anne, in 1877. Appointed director of Kew, 1885. Knighted, 1899. FRS 1880. (ODNB.) [before 17 January 1877], 17 January 1877, 16 February 1877, [June 1877 or later], 9 July [1877], 14 July [1877], 16 July 1877, 18 July [1877], 18 July 1877, 22 July [1877], 25 July 1877, 26 [July 1877], 28 July [1877], 7 August 1877, 10 August 1877, 11 August 1877, [20–4 August 1877], [before 24 August 1877], 25 August 1877, 31 August [1877], 5 September [1877], 15 September [1877], 22 September 1877, 27 September [1877], 7 October 1877, 11 October [1877], [21 October 1877] Thompson, Joseph (1819–76). Clergyman. Curate of Cudham, Kent, 1850–8; rector of Keston, Kent, 1858–76. (Crockford’s clerical directory; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 September 2015); Fielding 1910, p. 550.) Thomson, Charles Wyville (1830–82). Scottish naturalist and oceanographer. Professor of mineralogy and geology, Queen’s College, Belfast, 1854–62; of natural history from 1862. Professor of botany, Royal College of Science, Dublin, 1868–70. Appointed regius professor of natural history, University of Edinburgh, 1870. Interested in deep-sea researches; appointed chief of the civilian scientific staff of the Challenger expedition, 1872–6. Knighted, 1877. FRS 1869. (DSB; ODNB.) 1 May 1877, 25 June 1877 (from P. P. C. Hoek), 30 June 1877 Thomson, William, Baron Kelvin (1824–1907). Scientist and inventor. Professor of natural philosophy, Glasgow, 1846–99. Formulated laws of equivalence and transformation in thermodynamics and a doctrine of available energy. Pioneered telegraphic systems and assisted in the laying of the first transatlantic cable. Wrote on the age and cooling of the earth. Proposed a hydroelectric scheme for Niagara. Created Baron Kelvin of Largs, 1892. FRS 1851. Awarded the Copley Medal, 1883. (DSB; ODNB.) Thwaites, George Henry Kendrick (1811–82). Botanist and entomologist. Superintendent of the Peradeniya botanic gardens, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), 1849; director, 1857–80. FRS 1865. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) 26 March 1877, 28 August 1877 Ticknor, George (1791–1871). American educator and author. Professor of French, Spanish, and belles-lettres at Harvard University, 1819–35. Travelled widely in Europe. (DAB.)

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Timiryazev, Kliment Arkadievich (Климент Арка́дьевич Тимиря́зев) (1843–1920). Russian plant physiologist. Studied in St Petersburg. Published an extended paper, ‘Darwin’s book, its critics and commentators’ (1864), published separately as A short précis of Darwin’s theory (1865). Graduated in 1865, then studied new methods of agrotechnology under Mendeleev in Simbirsk province. Worked in France and Germany, 1868–70. Worked at the Petrov Agricultural and Forestry Academy, Moscow, 1870–92; professor extraordinarius, 1871; professor 1875. Professor of anatomy and plant physiology, University of Moscow, 1877. Studied photosynthesis. (Complete dictionary of scientific biography; Tort 1996.) Torbitt, James (b. c. 1822 d. 1895). Irish wine merchant and grocer. Premises at 58 North Street, Belfast. Attempted large-scale commercial production and distribution of potato seeds to produce plants resistant to blight fungus. (DeArce 2008.) 6 March 1877 (to the House of Commons), 30 July 1877, 29 December 1877 (from H. E. Stanley) Torrey, John (1796–1873). American botanist and chemist. Collected and described plants from various government expeditions. Professor of chemistry at the College of Physicians and Surgeons, New York City, 1827–54. Assayer of the United States Mint in New York, 1853–73. Mentor of, and collaborator with, Asa Gray. (DAB; DSB.) Tracy, George Murton (1817/18–90). Gentleman farmer. Of Westerham, Kent. Employed seventeen labourers. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/909/110/13); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry. com, accessed 7 September 2015); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 September 2015).) 11 January 1877, [after 11 January 1877] Trant, Lawrence Beverley (1848–1933). Telegraph engineer. Went to sea in 1860. Took up telegraphy in 1863. Worked in Argentina from 1868, for many years at the Provincial Telegraph Department, Buenos Aires. Lived in London from 1910 but returned to Argentina in 1915. (Journal of the Institution of Electrical Engineers 75 (1934): 840.) Trimen, Roland (1840–1916). Zoologist and entomologist. Emigrated to South Africa in 1858. Arranged the Lepidoptera at the South African Museum. Held civil-service positions in the Commission of Land and Public Works, the governor’s office, and the colonial secretary’s office. Acting curator, South African Museum, 1866; curator, 1872–95. FRS 1883. (DSAB; Iziko: www.iziko.org.za/ images/uploads/iziko_entomology_manual.pdf, accessed 26 January 2012.) 2 September 1877 Trollope, Anthony (1815–82). Novelist and Post Office official. (ODNB.) Troost, Gerard (1776–1850). Dutch-born American geologist and chemist. Became a medical doctor through apprenticeship in Leiden and a pharmacist through apprenticeship in Amsterdam. Became a pupil of René Just Haüy at the

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Natural History Museum, Paris, 1807. Moved to Philadelphia, 1810; founding president of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia. Taught geology at the University of Nashville, where he also opened a museum. First state geologist of Tennessee, 1831; established state survey later known as the Tennessee Division of Geology. (ANB.) Troschel, Franz Hermann (1810–82). German zoologist. Professor extraordinarius of zoology and natural history, University of Bonn, 1849; professor, 1851. An expert on malacology, ichthyology, and herpetology. Editor of the journal Archiv für Naturgeschichte, 1849–80. (Archiv für Naturgeschichte 1849–80; Verhandlungen des naturhistorischen Vereines der preussischen Rheinlande und Westfalens 40 (Correspondenzblatt 1) (1883): 35–54.) Trotter, Coutts (1837–87). College administrator. Lecturer in physical science at Trinity College, Cambridge, 1869–84; senior dean from 1874; vice-master from 1885. A member of the council of the senate of the University of Cambridge from 1874. Instrumental in reforming science studies at Cambridge. (ODNB.) Tyndall, John (1820–93). Irish physicist, lecturer, and populariser of science. Studied in Marburg and Berlin, 1848–51. Professor of natural philosophy, Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1853–87; professor of natural philosophy, Royal School of Mines, 1859–68; superintendent of the Royal Institution, 1867–87. Scientific adviser to Trinity House and the Board of Trade, 1866–83. FRS 1852. (DSB; ODNB.) 20 October 1877 Valenciennes, Achilles (1794–1865). French zoologist. Became an assistant naturalist at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle in Paris in 1812. Assisted Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, Lamarck, Cuvier, and Humboldt. Collaborated with Cuvier on his Histoire naturelle des poissons (1828–49). Professor of annelids, molluscs, and zoophytes, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1832. Admitted to the Paris Académie des sciences, 1844. (Complete dictionary of scientific biography; Larousse encyclopédie, http://www.larousse.fr/encyclopedie/personnage/Valenciennes/148079.) Van Buren, William Holme (1819–83). American surgeon. MD, Pennsylvania, 1840. Army surgeon, 1840–5. Practised in New York from 1845. Professor of anatomy, University of the City of New York, 1852–66. Professor, Bellevue Hospital Medical College, 1866. Author of Lectures on the diseases of the rectum (1870). (American medical biography.) Van Voorst, John (1804–98). Publisher. Employed by Longmans (publishers), 1826–33. Had premises in Paternoster Row, London, 1833–86. Published many works on natural history. (Modern English biography.) Vance, Reuben Aleshire (1845–94). American physician. Served in the Fourth Virginia Infantry in the American Civil War. MD, New York, 1867; in private practice in New York City, where he held various hospital posts. Moved to Cincinnati in 1879; lectured on pathological anatomy at Cincinnati College of Medicine and Surgery. Professor of clinical and operative surgery, Wooster University, 1881. (American medical biography.) 12 November 1877, 4 December 1877

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Veitch & Sons (fl. 1800s–1920s). Nurserymen. The family ran nurseries in Chelsea and Exeter throughout the nineteenth century, with a tree nursery in Fulham, and land at Coombe Wood, Kingston Hill, Surrey. (Shephard 2003.) [before 11 August 1877] Veth, Huibert Johannes (1846–1917). Dutch entomologist. PhD in natural science, Leiden, 1879. Lecturer in natural history, Rotterdam High Burghal School from 1872. Specialist in Coleoptera. (Tijdschrift voor entomologie uitgegeven door de nederlandsche Entomologische Vereeniging (1917): 271–4.) 6 February 1877 (and A. A. van Bemmelen) Victoria (1819–1901). Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and empress of India. Succeeded to the throne in 1837; designated empress of India, 1876. (ODNB.) Virchow, Rudolf Carl (1821–1902). German physician, pathologist, medical reformer, and politician. Professor of pathological anatomy at the University of Würzburg, 1849–56. Professor of pathological anatomy and director of the Pathological Institute, University of Berlin, from 1856. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1884; awarded the Copley Medal, 1892. (BLA; DBE; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London; Wrede and Reinfels eds. 1897.) Vogt, Carl (1817–95). German naturalist. Received a doctorate in Giessen in 1839; worked in Switzerland with Louis Agassiz on a treatise on fossil and freshwater fish until 1846. Professor of zoology, Giessen, 1846. Forced to leave the German Federation for political reasons, 1849; settled in Geneva. Professor of geology, Geneva, 1852; director of the Institute of Zoology, 1872. (ADB; DSB; Judel 2004.) Voss, Albert Franz Ludwig (1837–1906). German palaeontologist. Director of the prehistoric department at the Völkerkundemuseum, Berlin, 1886. Secretary of the Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte from 1869. (Berlin, Germany, deaths, 1874–1920 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 November 2016); Germany, Lutheran baptisms, marriages, and burials, 1519–1969 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 November 2016); Wissenschaftliche Sammlungen der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin: Biografie, Albert Voß, http://www.sammlungen. hu-berlin.de/dokumente/439/ (accessed 21 November 2016); Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 1 (1869): 400.) Vries, Hugo de (1848–1935). Dutch botanist, cytologist, and hybridiser. Studied at Leiden, 1866–70; at Heidelberg with Wilhelm Hofmeister in 1870, and at Würzburg with Julius von Sachs in 1871. Completed a doctorate in physiological botany in 1876. Professor extraordinarius, botany, Amsterdam, 1878; professor, 1881. Developed a theory of heredity inspired by CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis (Intracellulare pangenesis (1889)). Rediscovered Mendelian segregation laws in the 1890s, and published on them in Die Mutationstheorie (1901–3). (DSB; Tort 1996 s.v. de Vries, Hugo.) Wagner, Moritz Friedrich (1813–87). German zoologist and explorer. Studied at the natural history colleges in Erlangen and Munich, 1834–5. Made a scientific expedition to Algeria in 1836. Editor of the Augsburger allgemeine Zeitung, 1838.

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Continued his studies in Göttingen in 1840. Made research trips to the Caucasus, Armenia, Persia, and South Asia, 1843–5; to North and Central America, 1852–5; to Panama and Ecuador, 1857–9. Professor at Munich University from 1862. Formulated the migration theory for fauna and flora in 1868. (DBE.) Wallace, Alfred Russel (1823–1913). Naturalist. Collector in the Amazon, 1848– 52; in the Malay Archipelago, 1854–62. Independently formulated a theory of evolution by natural selection in 1858. Lecturer and author of works on protective coloration, mimicry, and zoogeography. President of the Land Nationalisation Society, 1881–1913. Wrote on socialism, spiritualism, and vaccination. FRS 1893. (DSB; ODNB.) 17 January 1877, 23 July 1877, 31 August 1877, 3 September 1877, 5 September [1877] Wallace, Donald Mackenzie (1841–1919). Journalist and author. Studied at various universities, including Glasgow and Edinburgh. Doctor of laws, Heidelberg, 1867. Travelled extensively in Europe, including Russia, 1870–5; published Russia (1877). Foreign correspondent for The Times in Saint Petersburg, 1877–8; Constantinople, 1878–84. Private secretary to the viceroy of India, 1884–8. Foreign assistant editor for The Times, 1891–9. Knighted, 1887. (ODNB.) Wallich, Nathaniel (1786–1854). Danish-born botanist and surgeon. Surgeon at Serampore, India, 1807–13. Superintendent of the Calcutta botanic garden, 1817–46. Made collections of plants in India and Burma. FRS 1829. (R. Desmond 1994; DNB.) Wallis, William (1813/14–93). Surgeon. Of Hartfield, Sussex, circa 1845–91. District medical officer, East Grinstead Union, circa 1851–88; surgeon, Hartfield Self-supporting Dispensary, circa 1871–6; registrar of births and deaths for the parishes of Hartfield and Withyam, circa 1862–82. Collector of orchids. (Medical directory 1847–94; Post Office directory of the six home counties 1845–86.) Walpole, Edward (1798–1878). Irish businessman. Member of the Society of Friends. Founded the Mount Usher Gardens near Ashford, county Wicklow, Ireland, 1868. (D. R. Fisher and Jabado 2011; Ireland, civil registration deaths index, 1864–1958 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 September 2015); Taylor 2008; U.S. and UK, Quaker published memorials, 1818–1919 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 September 2015).) Walsh, Benjamin Dann (1808–69). Entomologist, farmer, and timber merchant. Student at Trinity College, Cambridge, 1827–31; fellow, 1833. Emigrated to the United States, where he farmed in Henry County, Illinois, 1838–51. Lumber merchant, Rock Island, Illinois, 1851–8. Retired from commerce in about 1858 and concentrated on entomology, making contributions to agricultural entomology. Suggested the use of natural enemies to control insect pests. Author of several papers in agricultural journals. Associate editor of the Practical Entomologist, 1865. Acting state entomologist, Illinois, 1867. (Alum. Cantab.; DAB.) George Waugh & Co. Chemists at 177 Regent Street, London. (Post Office London directory 1863.)

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Wedgwood, Caroline Sarah (1800–88). CD’s sister. Married Josiah Wedgwood III, her cousin, in 1837. (Darwin pedigree.) Wedgwood, Frances Emma Elizabeth (Fanny) (1800–89). Second child of James Mackintosh and Catherine Allen. Married Hensleigh Wedgwood in 1832. (Freeman 1978; O’Leary 1989.) Wedgwood, Hensleigh (1803–91). Philologist. Emma Darwin’s brother. Qualified as a barrister in 1828, but never practised. Fellow, Christ’s College, Cambridge, 1829–30. Police magistrate at Lambeth, 1831–7; registrar of metropolitan carriages, 1838–49. An original member of the Philological Society, 1842. Published A dictionary of English etymology (1859–65). Married Frances Emma Elizabeth Mackintosh in 1832. (Freeman 1978; ODNB.) Wedgwood, Josiah III (1795–1880). Master-potter. Partner in the Wedgwood pottery works at Etruria, Staffordshire, 1841–4; moved to Leith Hill Place, Surrey, in 1844. Emma Darwin’s brother. Married CD’s sister Caroline, his cousin, in 1837. (Freeman 1978.) Wedgwood, Sarah Elizabeth (Elizabeth) (1793–1880). Emma Darwin’s sister. Resided at Maer Hall, Staffordshire, until 1847, then at The Ridge, Hartfield, Sussex, until 1862. Moved to London before settling in Down in 1868. (Emma Darwin (1915), Freeman 1978.) Weiler, Johann August (August) (1827–1911). German mathematician, geographer, and astronomer. (Deutsche Biographie, https://www.deutsche-biographie.de/ sfzW2899.html, accessed 4 January 2017.) Weir, John Jenner (1822–94). Naturalist and accountant. Worked in HM Customs as an accountant, 1839–85. Studied entomology, especially microlepidoptera; conducted experiments on the relations between insects and insectivorous birds and published papers in 1869 and 1870. Member of the Entomological Society of London from 1845, serving many times on the council. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1865; Zoological Society of London, 1876. (Science Gossip n.s. 1 (1894): 49–50.) Weismann, Leopold Friedrich August (August) (1834–1914). German zoologist. Studied medicine at Göttingen, 1852–6; qualified as a doctor, 1858. Physician to Archduke Stephan of Austria, 1861–3. Studied zoology at Giessen in 1861; habilitated at Freiburg im Breisgau, 1863; privat-dozent in zoology and comparative anatomy, 1863; professor extraordinarius, 1866; professor of zoology, 1874. Best known for his work on heredity, especially the theory of continuity of the germ-plasm. (DBE; DSB.) 12 January 1877, 17 February 1877 Welwitsch, Friedrich Martin Josef (1806–72). Austrian-born botanist. Resided in Lisbon, 1839–53, where he became director of the botanic garden at Coimbra. Collected and travelled in Portuguese West Africa (Angola), 1853–61. Resided in London, 1863–72. (DNB.) Westwood, John Obadiah (1805–93). Entomologist and palaeographer. Founding member of the Entomological Society of London, 1833; honorary president,

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1883. Hope Professor of zoology, Oxford University, 1861–93. Entomological referee for Gardeners’ Chronicle. Royal Society of London Royal Medallist, 1855. (ODNB; Transactions of the Entomological Society of London 1 (1833–6): xxxiv.) Westwood, Mary Ann (1854–1942). Children’s nurse. Daughter of Edward Westwood, cheesemonger and later cab proprietor, and Jane Westwood, of Finsbury, Middlesex. Bernard Darwin’s nurse. Married Arthur Parslow in 1881. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/855/85/6 s.v. Mary A. Westbrook); letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [11] April 1881 (DAR 219.9: 261); London, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 September 2016).) White, Adam (1817–78). Naturalist. Official in the zoological department of the British Museum, 1835–63. Described some of the insect specimens collected on the Beagle voyage. (Gilbert 1977; ODNB.) White, Guilliermo (1847–1926). Argentinian engineer. Graduated from the University of Buenos Aires in 1870. President of the Sociedad Científica Argentina, 1877, 1883, and 1887. (NDBA.) White, Walter (1811–93). Librarian and writer. Son of a cabinet-maker. Left school at fourteen and worked with his father. In America, 1834–9. Employed as secretary to a music teacher, Joseph Mainzer, whom he accompanied to Edinburgh. Attendant in the library of the Royal Society of London from 1844; assistant secretary to the society, 1861–84. Granted a life pension on retirement. (ODNB.) Whitehead, Stephen (1829/30–90). Agricultural labourer. Of Down, Kent. Secretary of the Down Friendly Society, 1877. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/855/88/12); The National Archives (TNA FS 1/232/626620).) Whitney, William Dwight (1827–94). American Sanskrit scholar, linguistic scientist, and lexicographer. Pursued botany and ornithology as a young man; presented a collection of stuffed birds (including the last wild turkey) to the Peabody Museum, Yale. Worked in his father’s bank, 1846–9. Accompanied his brother Josiah Whitney on a geological survey of the Lake Superior region in 1849 and contributed a chapter on botany to the survey report. Studied Sanskrit in Germany with Franz Bopp and others, 1850–3. Professor of Sanskrit at Yale, 1854, adding comparative philology in 1869. President, American Oriental Society, 1884–90; co-founder and first president, American Philological Association, 1869–70. Published extensively on grammar and oriental languages. (ANB; DAB.) 1 August [1877] Wiesner, Julius (1838–1916). Austrian botanist. Lecturer in physiological botany, Polytechnical Institute, Vienna, 1861; professor extraordinarius, 1868. Profesor of plant physiology, School of Forestry, Mariabrunn, 1870. Professor of the anatomy and physiology of plants, and founding professor of the Institute of Plant Physiology of the University of Vienna, 1873–1909. Ennobled, 1909. (DBE; DSB.)

774

Biographical register

Wight, George Oswald (1853–1928). Metal merchant. Of Sunderland, County Durham. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1911 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG14/30193); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 June 2016).) 18 October 1877 Willemoes-Suhm, Rudolf von (1847–75). German zoologist. Studied at the universities of Göttingen and Bonn before being appointed privat-dozent in zoology at the University of Munich, where he worked with Carl von Siebold. Made zoological observations at Spezzia, Italy, in 1868, and in the Faroe Islands in 1872. Appointed as an assistant naturalist on HMS Challenger, 1872. Died during the voyage. (Nature, 2 December 1875, pp. 88–9.) Williams, Charles E. (fl. 1870s). Materialisation medium. Claimed the spirit control of ‘John King’, and gave public séances at 61 Lamb’s Conduit Street, London. An observer reported that King appeared at a séance held at the home of William Crookes while Williams was apparently asleep behind a curtain, observed by Crookes’s wife. (Melton ed. 1996.) Williams, J. Madison (1840–1932). American preacher. Minister at the church of The Disciples of Christ, West Liberty, Muscatine, Iowa. (History of Muscatine County, p. 558; United States Federal Census 1880 (West Liberty, Muscatine, Iowa 237/13B), 1900 (Des Moines, Polk, Iowa 69/4B); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s– current (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 May 2016).) Williamson, William Crawford (1816–95). Surgeon and naturalist. Surgeon to the Chorlton-on-Medlock dispensary, Manchester, 1842–68; to the Manchester Institute for Diseases of the Ear, 1855–70. Professor of natural history, anatomy, and physiology, Owens College, Manchester, 1851–91. Began a comprehensive study of the plants of the coal measures in 1858. FRS 1854. (DSB; ODNB.) 22 October [1877], 23 October 1877, 24 October [1877] Wilson, Alexander Stephen (1827–93). Scottish civil engineer and botanist. Trained as a civil engineer and worked mostly on railways in the north of Scotland. After his marriage into the Stephen family of North Kinmundy, concentrated on botany; worked in particular on agricultural subjects, including ergot in grasses, and improving yields in turnips and wheat. (R. Desmond 1994; Gardeners’ Chronicle, 25 November 1893, p. 665.) Wilson, George John (1855/6–1933). Medical practitioner. MRCS, England, LSA 1880. House surgeon, Guy’s Hospital. Brixton Dispensary, 1883; Radcliffe Infirmary, Oxford, 1884–98. BA, Oxford (Christchurch), 1888. MD, Dublin, 1893. In practice in Plymouth, 1907–32; Carlisle, 1933. (Alum. Oxon.; BMD (Death index); Medical directory.) 19 March 1877 Winkler, Tiberius Cornelius (1822–97). Dutch geologist and palaeontologist. Curator of the Teylers Museum, Haarlem, from 1864. Translated Origin into Dutch (1860). (NNBW; Sarjeant 1980–96.)

Biographical register

775

Wood-Mason, James (1846–93). Entomologist. Educated at Oxford University. Went to India as assistant curator, later deputy superintendent of the Indian Museum, 1869; superintendent, 1887. Member of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1870; natural history secretary, 1873; vice-president, 1887. Fellow of the University of Calcutta, 1888. Professor of zoology and comparative anatomy at the Medical College. Explored the marine fauna of the Andaman Islands in 1872; the Nicobar Islands, 1873; naturalist of the Indian Marine Survey steamer, Investigator, 1888. (Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1893): 110–13.) Woolner, Thomas (1825–92). Sculptor and poet. Member of the Pre-Raphaelite brotherhood. Established his reputation in the 1850s with medallion portrait sculptures of Robert Browning, Thomas Carlyle, and William Wordsworth. Went on to make acclaimed busts of CD, Charles Dickens, Thomas Henry Huxley, Adam Sedgwick, and Alfred Tennyson, and life-size studies of Francis Bacon, John Stuart Mill, and William Whewell. (DNB.) Wotoch-Rekowsky, Franz Friedrich Hugo Wilhelm Michael von (Franz von Rekowsky) (1851–1929). Pomeranian German officer and diplomat. Served as a major in the Franco-Prussian war, 1870–1. Consular secretary of the German Empire in Messina, Italy. (Letter from O. Dill, 26 February 1877; Pragert 2009.) 20 February 1877 Wray, David Clipson (Clipson) (1831/2–1908). Physician and surgeon. MD, St Andrews, 1862. MRCS 1856. Practised in London, March, and Skegness. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office H0107/1765/767/9); Smart 2004.) 22 June 1877 Wright, Chauncey (1830–75). American mathematician and philosopher. Calculator for the newly established American ephemeris and nautical almanac, for which he devised new methods of calculation, 1852–72. Recording secretary, American Academy of Arts and Sciences, Boston, 1863–70. Published the first of a series of philosophical essays in the North American Review in 1864. (ANB.) Wright, Joseph (1734–97). Painter. Known as Wright of Derby. Known particularly for his use of strong effects of light and shade, his most famous paintings being those of figures illuminated by artificial light. A friend of Josiah Wedgwood I and Erasmus Darwin. (ODNB.) Wylie, William Howie (1833–91). Baptist minister and journalist. Educated at Kilmarnock, Ayrshire. Subeditor, Ayr Advertiser, 1847–50. Editor, Nottingham Journal, 1850–52. Subeditor, Liverpool Courier, 1852–3; Glasgow Commonwealth, 1854–5. In 1855, moved to Edinburgh, where he began studying for the ministry; transferred to Regent’s Park College, London, in 1859. Appointed Baptist minister, Ramsey, Huntingdonshire, 1860; Accrington, Lancashire, 1865. Subeditor, Christian World, 1870–7. Founder and editor, Glasgow Christian Leader, 1882–91. (ODNB.) Wyman, Jeffries (1814–74). American comparative anatomist and ethnologist. Curator of the Lowell Institute, Boston, 1839–42. Travelled in Europe, 1841–2.

776

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Professor of anatomy and physiology, Hampden–Sydney College, Virginia, 1843–8. Hersey Professor of anatomy, Harvard College, 1847–74. Curator, Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard, 1866–74. (ANB; DSB.) Wöhler, Friedrich (1800–82). German chemist. Studied medicine at Marburg and Heidelberg; MD, Heidelberg, 1823. Studied quantitative mineral analysis in Stockholm with Jöns Jacob Berzelius, 1824. Instructor, Berlin Gewerbeschule, 1825; Kassel, Technische Hochschule, 1831. Professor of chemistry and pharmacy, Göttingen, 1836. Known for isolating several elements, including aluminum, and for his synthesising of urea, and discovery with Justus Liebig of the benzoyl radical. (ADB.) Zacharias, Otto (1846–1916). German journalist and zoologist. Edited several magazines and wrote articles and book reviews on evolution. Populariser of CD’s theories, and supporter of Ernst Haeckel. Had a second career as a zoologist, specialising in plankton. Founded a private research station in Plön, northern Germany, which later became the Max Planck Institute for Limnology. (Nöthlich et al. 2006.) 7 January 1877, 23 February 1877, [24 February 1877], 21 April 1877, 26 April 1877, 17 May 1877 (from W. H. Flower) Zeballos, Estanislao Severo (1854–1923). Argentinian lawyer, politician, and landowner. Graduated in law from the University of Buenos Aires in 1874. Foreign minister of Argentina, 1889–90, 1891–2, and 1906–8. Died in Liverpool. (NDBA.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY The following bibliography contains all the books and papers referred to in this volume by author–date reference or by short title. Short titles are used for some standard reference works (e.g. ODNB, OED), for CD’s books, and for editions of his letters and manuscripts (e.g., Descent, LL, Notebooks). Works referred to by short titles are listed in alphabetical order according to the title; those given author–date references occur in alphabetical order according to the author’s surname. Notes on manuscript sources are given at the end of the bibliography. Aber, Ana, et al. 2005. Biodiversidad y taxonomía: presente y futuro en el Uruguay. Montevideo: Ministerio de Vivienda, Ordenamiento Territorial y Medio Ambiente. Adams, John Couch. 1853. On the secular variation of the moon’s mean motion. [Read 16 June 1853.] Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London 143: 397–406. ADB: Allgemeine deutsche Biographie. Under the auspices of the Historical Commission of the Royal Academy of Sciences. 56 vols. Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot. 1875–1912. Agassiz, Louis and Agassiz, Elizabeth. 1868. A journey in Brazil. Boston: Ticknor and Fields. Aiton, William Townsend. 1810–13. Hortus Kewensis; or, A catalogue of the plants cultivated in the Royal Botanic Garden at Kew. 2d edition. 5 vols. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown. Allan, Mea. 1967. The Hookers of Kew, 1785–1911. London: Michael Joseph. ——. 1982. William Robinson 1838–1935. Father of the English flower garden. London: Faber and Faber. Allen, Grant. 1877. Physiological aesthetics. London: Henry S. King & Co. [——.] 1887. Strictly incog. Cornhill Magazine 44: 142–57. Allen, Joel Asaph. 1874. On geographical variation in color among North American squirrels; with a list of the species and varieties of the American Sciuridæ occurring north of Mexico. [Read 4 February 1874.] Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History 16: 276–94. Allen, William B. 1872. A history of Kentucky, embracing gleanings, reminiscences, antiquities, natural curiosities, statistics, and biographical sketches of pioneers, soldiers, jurists, lawyers, statesmen, divines, mechanics, farmers, merchants, and other leading men, of all occupations and pursuits. Louisville, Ky.: Bradley & Gilbert. Alum. Cantab.: Alumni Cantabrigienses. A biographical list of all known students, graduates and holders of office at the University of Cambridge, from the earliest times to 1900. Compiled

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by John Venn and J. A. Venn. 10 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1922–54. Alum. Oxon.: Alumni Oxonienses: the members of the University of Oxford, 1500–1886: … with a record of their degrees. Being the matriculation register of the university. Alphabetically arranged, revised, and annotated by Joseph Foster. 8 vols. London and Oxford: Parker & Co. 1887–91. American medical biography: Dictionary of American medical biography. Lives of eminent physicians of the United States and Canada, from the earliest times. By Howard A. Kelly and Walter L. Burrage. New York and London: D. Appleton and Company. 1928. ANB: American national biography. Edited by John A. Garraty and Mark C. Carnes. 24 vols. and supplement. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1999– 2002. Anning, S. T. and Walls, W. K. J. 1982. A history of the Leeds School of Medicine: one and a half centuries, 1831–1981. Leeds: Leeds University Press. Annual register: The annual register. A view of the history and politics of the year. 1838–62. The annual register. A review of public events at home and abroad. N.s. 1863–1946. London: Longman & Co. [and others]. Appel, Toby A. 1987. The Cuvier–Geoffroy debate: French biology in the decades before Darwin. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. Arapostathis, Stathis and Gooday, Graeme. 2013. Patently contestable: electrical technologies and inventor identities on trial in Britain. Cambridge, Mass., and London: MIT Press. Army list: The army list. London: printed for the compiler of the annual official army list; Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. 1815–1900. Ashton, Rosemary. 1991. G. H. Lewes: a life. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Aurelius, Marcus. 1862. The thoughts of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. Translated by George Long. London: George Bell & sons. Aust. dict. biog.: Australian dictionary of biography. Edited by Douglas Pike et al. 14 vols. [Melbourne]: Melbourne University Press. London and New York: Cambridge University Press. 1966–96. Autobiography: The autobiography of Charles Darwin 1809–1882. With original omissions restored. Edited with appendix and notes by Nora Barlow. London: Collins. 1958. Avise, J. C. and Mank, J. E. 2009. Evolutionary perspectives on hermaphroditism in fishes. Sexual Development 3: 152–63. Azara, Félix d’. 1801. Essais sur l’histoire naturelle des quadrupèdes de la province du Paraguay. 2 vols. Paris: Madame Huzard. ——. 1802–5. Apuntamientos para la historia natural de los páxaros del Paraguay y Rio de la Plata. 3 vols. Madrid: Impr. de la viuda de Ibarra. ——. 1809. Voyages dans l’Amérique Méridionale. Edited by C. A. Walckenaer, with additional notes by G. Cuvier. 4 vols. and atlas. Paris: Dentu. Bailey, William Whitman. 1873. Perforation of Gerardia pedicularia by bees. American Naturalist 7: 689–90. ——. 1876. Dimorphism. Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club 6: 106.

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Bailey, William Whitman. 1877. Notes from Rhode Island. Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club 6: 173. Baillie, Joanna, ed. 1823. A collection of poems, chiefly manuscript, and from living authors. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown. Baillon, Ernest Henri. 1861. Sur l’émission des tubes polliniques des Helianthemum. Adansonia 2 (1861–2): 56–9. ——. 1870. Sur le développement des feuilles des Sarracenia. [Read 7 November 1870.] Comptes rendus hebdomadaires de séances de l’Académie des sciences 61: 630–2. Baker, Herbert G. 1965. Charles Darwin and the perennial flax—a controversy and its implications. Huntia 2: 141–61. Baker, R. A. 2011. The man, the place and the species: reflections on George Hodge (1833–1871) of Seaham Harbour and his pioneering work on marine mites and other marine invertebrates. Naturalist 136: 173–80. Banister, Kate. 2012. Salads and ornamentals: a short history of the Lea Valley nursery industry. In Hertfordshire garden history vol. 2, edited by Deborah Spring. Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire Press. Barbier, Edmond, trans. 1877. Les plantes insectivores. By Charles Darwin. [Translation of Insectivorous plants.] With introduction and notes by Charles Martin. Paris: Reinwald. Bark, Debbie, ed. 2014. The collected works of Ann Hawkshaw. London: Anthem Press. Barlow, William Henry. 1874. On the pneumatic action which accompanies the articulation of sounds by the human voice, as exhibited by a recording instrument. [Read 16 April 1874.] Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 22: 277–86. Barman, Roderick J. 1999. Citizen emperor: Pedro II and the making of Brazil, 1825–1891. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press. Barnhart, John Hendley, comp. 1965. Biographical notes upon botanists … maintained in the New York Botanical Garden Library. 3 vols. Boston, Mass.: G. K. Hall. Bartholomew, Michael J. 1973. Lyell and evolution: an account of Lyell’s response to the prospect of an evolutionary ancestry for man. British Journal for the History of Science 6 (1972–3): 261–303. Bary, Anton de. 1859. Zur Kenntniss einiger Agaricinen. Botanische Zeitung 17: 385–8, 393–8, 401–4. ——. 1871. Ueber die Wachsüberzüge der Epidermis. Botanische Zeitung 29: 128–39, 145–54, 161–76, 566–71, 573–85, 589–600, 605–16. Batalin, Alexander Feodorowicz. 1877. Mechanik der Bewegungen der insektenfressenden Pflanzen. Flora, oder allgemeine botanische Zeitung 35: 33–9, 54–8, 105–11, 129–54. Bates, Henry Walter. 1863. The naturalist on the River Amazons. A record of adventures, habits of animals, sketches of Brazilian and Indian life, and aspects of nature under the equator, during eleven years of travel. 2 vols. London: John Murray. Baur, Hermann. 1863. Ueber die Falten des Mastdarms. Beiträge zur Anatomie und Physiologie 3: 1–38. BDBE: The biographical dictionary of British economists. Editor-in-chief, Donald Rutherford. Bristol: Thoemmes Continuum. 2004.

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Beadle, D. W. et al. 1873. Report on the committee appointed to proceed to London, to visit Mr. Saunders’ fruit farm. Annual Report of the Commissioner of Agriculture and Public Works for the Province of Ontario, on Agriculture and Arts (1873): 255–63. Beer, Gillian. 2007. Butler, memory, and the future. In Samuel Butler, Victorian against the grain, edited by James Paradis. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Beeton, Samuel Orchart. 2014. Beeton’s gardening book. Containing such full and practical information as will enable the amateur to manage his own garden. (Reprint of the 1874 edition.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Beke, Charles Tilstone. 1878. The late Dr. Charles Beke’s discoveries of Sinai in Arabia and of Midian. Edited by Emily Alston Beke. London: Trübner & Co. Bellmer, Elizabeth Henry. 1999. The statesman and the ophthalmologist: Gladstone and Magnus on the evolution of human colour vision, one small episode of the nineteeth-century Darwinian debate. Annals of Science 56: 25–45. Belt, Thomas. 1874a. The naturalist in Nicaragua: a narrative of a residence at the gold mines of Chontales; journeys in the savannahs and forests. With observations on animals and plants in reference to the theory of evolution of living forms. London: John Murray. ——. 1874b. An examination of the theories that have been proposed to account for the climate of the Glacial Period. Quarterly Journal of Science n.s. 4: 421–64. ——. 1877a. On the loess of the Rhine and the Danube. Quarterly Journal of Science n.s. 7: 67–90. ——. 1877b. The Glacial Period in the southern hemisphere. Quarterly Journal of Science n.s. 7: 326–53. ——. 1877c. The steppes of southern Russia. [Read 20 June 1877.] Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London 33: 843–62. Bennett, James L. 1888. Plants of Rhode Island, being an enumeration of plants growing without cultivation in the state of Rhode Island. Providence, R.I.: Providence Franklin Society. Bentham, George. 1826. Catalogue des plantes indigènés des Pyrènées et du Bas-Languedoc, avec des notes et observations sur les espèces nouvelles ou peu connues; précédé d’une notice sur un voyage botanique, fait dans les Pyrénées. Paris: Madame Huzard imprimeur-libraire. ——. 1838. On the structure and affinities of Arachis and Voandzeia. [Read 1 May 1838.] Transactions of the Linnean Society of London 18 (1841): 155–62. ——. 1858. Handbook of the British flora; a description of the flowering plants and ferns indigenous to, or naturalized in, the British Isles. London: Lovell Reeve. ——. 1874. Revision of the suborder Mimoseæ. [Read 18 June 1874.] Transactions of the Linnean Society 30 (1874–5): 335–664. Bentham, George and Hooker, Joseph Dalton. 1862–83. Genera plantarum. Ad exemplaria imprimis in herbariis Kewensibus servata definita. 3 vols. in 7. London: A. Black [and others]. Bentham, George and Mueller, Ferdinand von. 1863–78. Flora Australiensis: a description of the plants of the Australian territory. 7 vols. London: Lovell Reeve and Company. Beolens, Bo, et al. 2009. The eponym dictionary of mammals. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

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Wedgwood, Barbara and Wedgwood, Hensleigh. 1980. The Wedgwood circle, 1730– 1897: four generations of a family and their friends. London: Studio Vista. Weiler, August. 1877–8. Die säkulare Beschleunigung der mittleren Bewegung des Mondes. Astronomische Nachrichten 90 (1877): 369–82, 91 (1878): 1–12, 17–29, 33–48. Weinreich, Heinrich. 1993. Duftstofftheorie: Gustav Jaeger (1832–1917): vom Biologen zum ‘Seelenriecher’. Stuttgart: Wissenschaftliche Verlagsgesellschaft. Weisbach, A. 1867. Reise der österreichischen Fregatte Novara um die Erde in den Jahren 1857, 1858, 1859 unter den Befehlen des Commodore B. von Wüllerstorf-Urbair: Anthropologischer Theil. Zweite Abtheilung, ‘Körpermessungen’. Vienna: Kaiserlich-Königlichen Hofund Staatsdruckerei. Weismann, August. 1875. Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie. I. Ueber den Saison-Dimorphismus der Schmetterlinge. Leipzig: Wilhelm Engelmann. ——. 1876. Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie. II. Über die letzten Ursachen der Transmutationen. Leipzig: Wilhelm Engelmann. ——. 1876–80. Beiträge zur Naturgeschichte der Daphnoiden. Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Zoologie 27 (1876): 51–112; 28 (1877): 93–254; 30 (suppl. 1878): 123–65; 33 (1880): 55–270. ——. 1879. Beiträge zur Naturgeschichte der Daphnoiden. Leipzig: Wilhelm Engelmann. ——. 1882. Studies in the theory of descent. Translated by Raphael Meldola. 2 vols. London: Sampson, Low, Marston, Searle, & Rivington. West, David A. 2003. Fritz Müller. A naturalist in Brazil. Blacksburg, Va.: Pocahontas Press. Westwood, John Obadiah. 1882. Further descriptions of insects infesting figs. [Read 4 October 1882.] Transactions of the Royal Entomological Society of London (1883): 29–47. ——. 1883. Further notice concerning the fig-insects of Ceylon. [Read 4 July 1883.] Transactions of the Royal Entomological Society of London 31: 375–81. White, Adam. 1841. Descriptions of new or little known Arachnida. Annals and Magazine of Natural History 7: 471–7. Whitney, William Dwight. 1877. The principle of economy as a phonetic force. Transactions of the American Philological Association 8: 123–34. Wiesner-Hanks, Merry. 2009. The marvelous hairy girls: the Gonzales sisters and their worlds. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Willemoes-Suhm, Rudolf von. 1874–7. Von der Challenger-Expedition. Briefe an C. Th. E. v. Siebold. Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Zoologie 24 (1874): ix–xxiii; 25 (1875): xxv–xlvi; 26 (1876): xlvii–lviii, lix–lxxv, lxxvii–xci; 27 (1876): xcvii–cviii; 29 (1877): cix–cxxxv. ——. 1875. On the development of Lepas fascicularis, and the ‘Archizoëa’ of Cirripedia. [Read 9 December 1875.] Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London 166 (1876): 131–54. Wills, Jocelyn. 2005. Boosters, hustlers, and speculators: entrepreneurial culture and the rise of Minneapolis and St. Paul. St Paul, Minn.: Minnesota Historical Society Press.

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NOTES ON MANUSCRIPT SOURCES The majority of the manuscript sources cited in the footnotes to the letters are either in the Darwin Archive, Cambridge University Library, or at Down House, Downe, Kent. Further details about the Darwin Archive are available in the Handlist of Darwin papers at the University Library Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960) and the unpublished supplementary handlist available at the library; a new catalogue of the papers is currently being prepared. Further details about the manuscripts at Down House are available in Philip Titheradge, ed. The Charles Darwin Memorial at Down House, Downe, Kent, revised ed. ([Downe: Down House Museum], 1981) and from the curator (The Curator, Down House, Downe, Kent, BR6 7JT). In addition, there are a number of named sources that are commonly used in the footnotes: for each of these, the editors have provided brief descriptive notes. Many manuscript sources are now available online through Cambridge Digital Library (cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk), the Darwin Manuscripts Project (www.amnh.org/our-research/darwin-manuscriptsproject/), and at The complete work of Charles Darwin online (darwin-online.org.uk). CD’s Account books (Down House MS).  This series of seventeen account books begins on 12 February 1839, a fortnight after CD and Emma’s marriage, and ends with CD’s death. The books contain two sets of accounts. From the start, CD recorded his cash account according to a system of double-entry book-keeping. On each left-hand page he recorded credits (i.e., withdrawals from the bank, either in the form of cash paid to himself or cheques drawn for others), and on each right-hand page he recorded debits (i.e., cash or cheques paid to others). CD also recorded details of his banking account from the start, but only noted them down in a single column at the bottom of the left-hand page of his cash account. In August 1848, however, he began a system of detailing his banking account according to double-entry book-keeping, in a separate chronological section at the back of each account book. On the left, he recorded credits to the account in the form of income (i.e., investments, rent, book sales, etc.). On the right, he recorded debits to the account (i.e., cash or cheque withdrawals). CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS).  This series of four account books, covering the years 1839–81, runs parallel to CD’s Account books. For each year, September–August (after 1867, January–December), CD divided his expenditure into different classes; in addition, he made a tally for the year of his income, expenditure, cash in hand, and money in the bank. From 1843, CD also compiled at the back of each book a separate account of the total expenditure under the various headings in each year, and from 1844 he added a full account of his income in each year, and of capital invested and ‘paid’ up.

Notes on manuscript sources

831

CD’s Experimental notebook (DAR 157a).  This notebook contains notes on some of the experiments carried out between 13 November 1855 (with some back references) and 20 May 1868; the majority of the notes date from before 1863. Often only the details of the experiment attempted are given, usually with cross-references to results recorded in CD’s portfolios of notes. The notebook also contains a number of letters to CD. CD’s Investment book (Down House MS).  This book records for each of CD’s investments the income received during the period 1846–81. CD’s ‘Journal’.  See Appendix II. CD’s Library catalogue (DAR 240).  This manuscript catalogue of CD’s scientific library was compiled by Thomas W. Newton, assistant librarian of the Museum of Practical Geology, London, in August 1875. Additions to the catalogue were later made by Francis Darwin (who inherited most of his father’s scientific library) and by H. W. Rutherford, who apparently used this catalogue as a basis for compiling his Catalogue of the library of Charles Darwin now in the Botany School, Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1908). However, there are items listed in this manuscript catalogue that do not appear in Rutherford’s published catalogue, and which must have been dispersed after being listed. Down Coal and Clothing Club account book (Down House MS). CD was for some years treasurer of this charitable organisation. The account book records subscriptions made by honorary subscribers between 1841 and 1876; between 1848 and 1869 the entries are in CD’s handwriting. For the years 1841–8 and 1868–76, there is also a statement of expenditures, though not in CD’s handwriting. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242).  This is a series of small pocket diaries, in which Emma recorded details of the health of family members, trips made by herself, CD, and their children, school holidays, and visits to Down by others. The collection at CUL comprises diaries for the years 1824, 1833–4, 1839–45, and 1848–96. H. E. Litchfield’s autobiography (DAR 246). This unfinished autobiography, written in 1926 on forty-two loose leaves, and chiefly concerning Henrietta Emma Darwin’s childhood, has never been published. List of pamphlets (DAR 252.4).  This is a catalogue of CD’s pamphlet collection prepared by CD and Francis Darwin in 1878 (see the letter from Emma Darwin to Henrietta Emma Litchfield, [ June 1878] (DAR 219.9: 175)). From about 1878 CD began to arrange the articles, papers, and reprints he received into a numbered collection. CD maintained this reprint collection until his death, when it was taken over by Francis Darwin. Francis continued the collection, adding new items, the numbers running consecutively from those of his father. Evidently, until this catalogue was prepared, CD used a working index similar to that of his ‘List of reviews’. The catalogue is in two sections, a list of the quarto collection and one of the general collection. Both sections are alphabetically arranged with the entries pasted on sheets in a loose-leaf folder.

832

Notes on manuscript sources

List of reviews (DAR 262.8: 9–18 (English Heritage MS: 88206151– 60)).  This manuscript, headed ‘List Reviews of Origin of Sp & of C. Darwins Books’, was CD’s working index to his collection of reviews of his own books. It corresponds approximately to the review collection in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL, but includes some items that were dispersed after being listed. Reading notebooks. See Correspondence vol. 4, Appendix IV. These notebooks are divided into sections entitled ‘Books Read’ and ‘Books to be Read’. CD’s entries in ‘Books Read’ often include a brief opinion of the work. Scrapbook of reviews (DAR 226.1 and 226.2).  Many of the reviews contained in these two volumes bear CD’s annotations and thus were evidently collected by CD. However, the scrapbook seems to have been assembled by Francis Darwin: the tables of contents are in the handwriting of H. W. Rutherford, an assistant at Cambridge University Library who acted as a copyist for Francis on several occasions (see Francis Darwin and A. C. Seward, eds. More letters of Charles Darwin (London: John Murray, 1903), 1: x, and Francis Darwin, ed. The foundations of the Origin of Species. Two essays written in 1842 and 1844 by Charles Darwin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1909)). In addition, the scrapbook is identified as Francis’s in a note (DAR 226.1: 132a) made in 1935 by Arthur Keith, whose appeal led to the purchase of Down House as a Darwin memorial (see Arthur Keith, An autobiography (London: Watts & Co., 1950)). DAR 226.1 bears the inscription ‘Reviews of C. Darwin’s works’ on the spine, and contains, among others, reviews of Origin and Orchids; DAR 226.2 is inscribed: ‘Reviews. Descent. Expression. Insect. Pl. Eras. D.’ W. E. Darwin’s botanical notebook (DAR 117). This notebook contains observational and experimental notes on plants made by William, often in consultation with CD. The first observation bears the date 13 July 1862, and, although the date of the last observation is 26 June 1870, most of the notes were made between 1862 and 1864. The notebook originally contained letters from CD, but these were later removed. William entered notes made from botanical textbooks in a separate notebook (DAR 234). W. E. Darwin’s botanical sketchbook (DAR 186: 43). This sketchbook, which contains entries dated 1862–72, was evidently begun in parallel to William’s botanical notebook. It contains ink drawings of various parts of plants, and of sections, together with descriptions, which are sometimes very extensive.

INDEX The dates of letters to and from Darwin’s correspondents are listed in the biographical register and index to correspondents and are not repeated here. Darwin’s works are indexed under the short titles used throughout this volume and listed in the bibliography. Abies alba (silver fir) 156 & n5 Abies nordmanniana see Pinus nordmanniana Abinger: Roman villa excavations xxviii, 352 n1, 364–5 n1, 385 & 387 n2, 389 n3 Abutilon darwinii 41 n2 Acacia: CD asks W.E. Darwin to observe in rain xix, 344 & n2; CD resumes experiments on Australian 220 & 221 n6; CD sends a plant to Kew 359 n3 Acacia cultriformis (knife-leaf wattle) 385 & n3 Acacia sphaerocephala (Vachellia sphaerocephala; bull’shorn thorn): food for ants 200 & n2, 316 n9, 487 n4, 582 n9 Académie des sciences: CD elected to botanical section 165 n2, 523 & 530 n2, 536 & 537 n2, 593 & 600 n2; CD nominated several times for zoological section 530 n2, 600 n2; T.H. Huxley proposed for 165 & n2 acceleration and retardation of development: E.D. Cope 8 & 14 n12, 10, 171 & n4, 197 & 198 n2; A. Hyatt 8 & 14 n12, 10, 14 n14, 171 & n4, 197–8 & 198 n2 Acer campestre 394 n7 Acer pseudoplatanus (sycamore) 155 & 156 n3, 156 Actinocyclus see Sphaerodoris Adams, John Couch 487 & 488 n3, 488 Adams, Mary Graham 71 n13 Adams, Thomas E. 71 n13 Adler, Friedrich: photograph 631; poems (sent with German and Austrian scientists photograph album) xxii, 630–54 adynamandry 395 & 396 n6, 588 & n6 Aeschinomene 359 & n12 Aeschinomene sensitiva 359 n12 Agaricus: filaments 543–4 & 544 n8 Agaricus muscarius (Amanita muscaria; fly agaric) 326

& n2, 329 & 331 n3, 342 & 343 n13, 447 & n3 Agassiz, Louis: glacial action 48 & 49 n3; E.S. Morse and A. Hyatt students together with 197 & 198 n3 age of earth 82 & n2, n3 aggregation: Drosera 342 n2, 375 n6 Agricultural Gazette: CD comments on scrofula and inbreeding 139–40 & 141 nn 1–3; scrofula and inbreeding correspondence 134–5 & 135 nn 1–6 Agrius convolvuli see Sphinx convolvuli Agrostemma githago see Lychnis githago albums see Dutch photograph album; German and Austrian scientists photograph album Aldabra (island) 66 & n7, 67 & 68 n2, 68 & n4, n5 alder buckthorn (Rhamnus frangula; Frangula alnus) 175 n2 Alglave, Émile: CD requests copy of J. Delboeuf ’s article 34 & 35 n2, n3; CD sent copy of ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ 285 & n2; Coral reefs 2d ed. French ed. 246 n3, 570 n3; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n9; informs CD of Delboeuf ’s article and welcomes any comments 33–4 & 34 n2, 553 & n2; request to publish French translation of ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ 246 n2, 248 & 249 n2, 570 n2; requests new editions of CD’s early books 34 & n3, 553 & n3 Allan, James Brand: Aldabra (island) 68 & n5 Allen, Grant: H.W. Bates and snake-like caterpillar 28 n1; Physiological aesthetics 207 & n1, 210 & 211 n8; G.J. Romanes’s review of Physiological aesthetics 235 & n7, n8, 242–3 & 243 n5; starfish 334 & 335 n9 Allen, Joel Asaph 171 & n2 Alligator darwini (Diplocynodon darwini) 289 n3

834

Index

Allingham, William 464 & 465 n8 Allman, George James: candidates for foreign membership of Royal Society 63–4 & 64 nn 1–4 allogamy 395 & 396 n4, 587 & 588 n4 Alnus glutinosa (European alder) 156 & n4 Amanita muscaria (fly agaric; Agaricus muscarius) 326 & n2, 329 & 331 n3, 342 & 343 n13, 447 & n3 America: C.L. Bernays comments on reception of CD’s theories in 276; CD’s comment after a visit by C. Norton’s family 233 n4; C.C. Graham’s account of 69–70 & 70 n1, 71 nn 7–14; E.S. Morse’s address on American zoologists and evolution 171 & nn 1–4; Morse’s course of lectures on evolution 198 & n5; reception of CD’s work in 276, 439; Rocky Mountains vegetation 391 n3, 412 n7, 419 & 420 n3, 438 n4; H. Spencer, reception of his work in America 253 & 255 n5; vertebrates 466 & n6, n7; white cattle 101 American Association for the Advancement of Science: J.L. Le Conte, presidential address 410 n2; O.C. Marsh 466 & n6, n7; T. Meehan’s paper 266 & 267 n2; E.S. Morse, vice-presidential address 171 & nn 1–3, 197 & 198 n2 American milk-weed, common (Asclepias syriaca) 336 & n1 American Philological Association 320 & n1 Americanists international congress 263 & 265 n2, 571 & 572 n2 ammonia: carbonate of ammonia 375 n6 ammonites 8 & 14–15 n14, 15 n15, 10 & 15 n22 Ammophila arenaria see Psamma arenaria Amsterdam Island 87 & 88 n3 analogical variation 120 & n3 Andrew, John: CD enquires about coach 123 & n2 angiosperms: G. de Saporta 524, 526, 527 & 531 n22, 528, 529, 594, 595, 597 & 601 n22, 598, 599 Annales de la Société botanique de Lyon 71 & 72 n2, n4, 554 & 555 n2, n4 annual clary (Salvia horminum; S. viridis) 43 & 44 n9 anthrax (splenic fever) 543 & 544 n2 Anthropologische Gesellschaft in Wien (Anthropological Society of Vienna) 88 & n1 ants: and aphids 263 & n4; food bodies 200 n2, 316 n9, 582 n9; Origin (1876) 496 n7; and Smilax 315 & 316 n9, 581 & 582 n9 apes: bathing 465–6 & 466 n5 aphids: and ants 263 & n4 Apis mellifica (A. mellifera; European honey-bee) 336 n1 Apocynum androsaemifolium (fly-trap dogbane; Jordan hemp; bitter-root) 38 n1, 336 & 337 n3 Appleton, William Worthen 267 & 268 n1

D. Appleton & Co.: Cross and self fertilisation US ed. 276 & n1, 522 n6; Descent US eds. 317; Descent 2d US ed. 138 & 139 n2; Expression US ed. 138 & 139 n2, 317; Forms of flowers, stereotypes 268 n1, 506 n6; Forms of flowers US ed. 259 n2, 260 & n4, 506 n6; Insectivorous plants US ed. 138 & 139 n2, 317; Orchids 2d US ed. 22 n1; Origin US eds. 317; Origin 3d US ed. 138 & 139 n2; royalties paid to CD 138–9 & 139 n1, 317 & 318 n2, see also Layton, Charles aquariums: W. Saville-Kent plans for 146 & 147 n2, 437 & 438 n1, n4; Zoological Station, Naples 438 n1 Aquilegia (columbine) 214 & 215 n8 Arachis (peanuts) 280 & 281 n4 Arachis hypogaea (peanut) 209 & n6, 214 & 215 n2; sent from Kew 279 n2 Aralia 526, 531 n15, 596, 600 n15 Aralia kowalewskiana 531 n15, 600 n15 Araliaceae 527, 597 Araneus see Epeira Araucaria 526 & 531 n11, 595 & 600 n11 Arcella 322 & 324 n3, 341 & 343 n5 Arctic expeditions see British Arctic Expedition; German Arctic expedition D’Arcy, Elizabeth Eleanor 234 n8 Ardea cinerea (grey heron) 156 & n8 Ardrossan and Saltcoats Herald: quotation regarding CD attributed to T. Carlyle 64 & 65 n4, n5 Argentine Republic: botany of 404 & 405 n4, 589 & 590 n4 Argentine Scientific Society (Sociedad Cientifica Argentina): appointed CD honorary member 608–9 Argus pheasant 182 & n3 Argyll, 8th duke of, G.D. Campbell 245 & n7 Argynnis 170 & n4 Aristida 144 & 145 n5 Aristolochia clematatis (birthwort) 215 & 215–16 n8 Arthrocnemum macrostachyum see Salicornia macrostachya Arundo donax (giant reed) 332 n1 Ascherson, Paul: Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n3 Asclepias 336 n1 Asclepias syriaca (common American milk-weed) 336 & n1 ash 155 & 156 n2 Ashburner, Anne 436 & n4 Ashburner, Grace 436 & n4 Asher, George Michael: on British research, lack of organisation in 459 & n3, n4, 460 n5, n6; sent CD’s reply as autograph to his sister R. Löwenfeld 454 & 456 n1; sent wheat seeds to

Index CD in 1878: 450 n3; wheat varieties in Russia 454–6 & 456 nn 1–4, 458–9 & 459 n1; writes to J. Murray (for CD) about wheat varieties in Russia 449–50 & 450 nn 1–3 Asteraceae see Compositae atavism: Catasetum tridentatum 32 & 33 n1; E. Haeckel 26 n4; white cattle in America 101 Athenaeum Club: CD and E.A. Darwin members 452 n2 Atkinson, Edward: Cambridge University vice-chancellor 445 n4; CD accepts offer of Cambridge University honorary degree and says health may preclude him from attending ceremony 231 & n1; CD selects date for degree ceremony 439 & n1, 445 n5, 446 & 447 n4, 449; Senate approves CD’s honorary degree 435 & n1, n2, 445 n2 Atlantic herring (Clupea harengus) 62 & n1 Atlantic mackerel (Scomber scombrus) 62 & n1 Atriplex (saltbush) 215 & 215–16 n8 Aucuba japonica ( Japanese laurel) 29 & n2 Augochlora (sweat bees) 421 & 422 n5, 422 Aurelia aurita (moon jelly; common jellyfish) 332 & n4, 334 & 335 n7, 337 & 338 n2, n3, 338, 514 n3 Aurelius, Marcus: paraphrased in Descent 108 & 109 n1 Aureolaria pedicularia see Gerardia pedicularia Austin, Albert Duncan: composite photographs 453 & n1, n2 Australia: ferns shrubs with worm-like roots 166 & n1; T. Howie 166 & n1, n3; orchids 366 & 367 n1; plants with bloom 385, 401 n6 Australian pitcher-plant (Cephalotus follicularis) 284 n2 Austrian scientists see German and Austrian scientists photograph album autogamy 395 & 396 n4, 399 & n2, 407, 587 & 588 n4, 590 autographs (CD’s): G.M. Asher sent his sister CD’s letter as autograph 454; CD sends autographs 149, 224, 447; Mangles acquires CD’s autograph 451 & 452 n2; requests for 4–5, 83, 98 & n1, 109 & 110 n1, 127, 557, 562 autography 181 & n2 Avena sativa (blackened oats) 443 & n4 Averrhoa: tracings of movement of 349 Averrhoa bilimbi (bilimbi or cucumber tree): CD received 291 & 292 n5, 296 & 297 n2; CD’s observations 307–8, 347 & n5, n6, 403 & 404 n2; R.I. Lynch’s observations xix, 305 & n1, n2, 306 & n2, 307 & 308 n2, 344 & 345 n3, 347 & n5; Movement in plants 290 n5, 347 n6;

835

supplied instead of A. carambola 214 & 215 n6, 289 & 290 n5 Averrhoa carambola (starfruit): CD requests 209 & n7, 288 & n6; J.D. Hooker reports Kew does not have 214 & 215 n6, 288 n6; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer reports Kew does not have 289 & 290 n5 awards and positions (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, awards and positions Azara, Félix d’: cited in Descent 298 & 299 n1; cited in Variation 144 n4; solitary cacique’s nest 41 & n4; Voyages dans l’Amérique Méridionale 312 n1 Aztec tobacco (Nicotiana rustica; wild tobacco) 378 & n4 BAAS see British Association for the Advancement of Science babies: new-born 275 & 276 n2 Babington, Charles Cardale: Hottonia flowers 128 & n1 baboons 247; Descent 248 n5 Bacillus 543 & 544 n2 Bacillus anthracis 261 & 262 n2, n3, 543 & 544 nn 2–4 Bacillus subtilis (hay or grass bacillus) 261 & 262 n2, n3 bacteria: F.J. Cohn’s classification 324 n4, 343 n6; photograms 543 & 544 n1 Badger, Edward William 467 n3 Bailey, William Whitman: CD thanks for specimens 517 & n1; cited in Cross and self fertilisation 394 n1, n3; cited in Forms of flowers 394 n1, 449 n3; flowers and insects 393–4 & 394 nn 1–7; Gentiana andrewsii 393 & 394 n5, 448 & 449 n4; sends Bouvardia leiantha specimens 448 & 449 n2, n3, 517 n1 Baillière, Jean Baptiste Marie: published Coral reefs 2d ed. French ed. 117 & 118 n1 Baillon, Ernest Henri 89 & n2 Baker, John Gilbert 520 & n4, 522 & n1 Bakker, Gerbrand 75 & 78 n5 Balfour, Francis Maitland: F. Darwin’s teasel paper 210 & n4; gives G.H. Darwin message for CD from F.J.H. de Lacaze-Duthiers 165 & n2 Balfour, Isaac Bayley: Rodrigues Island 66 & n7 Balfour, John Hutton 97 & 98 n1 bananas (Musa; bananas and plantains) 214 & 215 n5, 404 & 405 n5, 479 & 481 n2, 589 & 590 n5 Barbier, Edmond: Insectivorous plants French ed., translated 90 n4, 188 n2, 229 & 230 n2, 414 n3, 558 n4, 567 n2, 569 & 570 n2, 592 n3 Barkly, Henry 294 & 295 n2 Barlow, William Henry: logograph 99 & 100 n3

836

Index

Barnum, Phineas Taylor xxiv, 442 n2, 516 & 517 n4 Bartlett, Abraham Dee 366 & n5 Bartram, John 311 & n5 Bary, Anton de 299 & 300 n3, 300 & n4; Agaricus 543–4 & 544 n8; Swiss Society of Natural Sciences 404 & 405 n3, n5, 589 & 590 n3, n5; ‘Ueber die Wachsüberzüge der Epidermis’ 284 & n6, 339 & 340 n6, 584 & 585 n6 Bastian, Henry Charlton: spontaneous generation 207 n2 Batalin, Alexander Feodorowicz: Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n16; ‘Mechanik der Bewegungen der insektenfressenden Pflanzen’ 144 n5 Bates, Henry Walter: caterpillar drawings negotiation failed 93 & n1; caterpillars 28 & nn 1–3, 32 & 33 n8, 33 n4; CD interested in hearing of caterpillar drawings negotiation 74 & 75 n2; CD and periodical articles 467 n2; CD requests return of A. Weismann’s letter 74 & 75 n1 Bates, Thomas: Duchess shorthorn cattle 135 n2 Battey, Thomas 393 Baumhauer, Edouard Henri von: CD thanks for society membership 201; Koninklijke Hollandsche Maatschappij der Wetenschappen nominated CD foreign member 198 & 199 n1 Baxter, Myron Leslie 171 n1 beach pea (Lathyrus maritimus; L. japonicus var. maritimus) 296 & 297 n7 beach spiderlily (Pancratium littorale; Hymenocallis littoralis) 332 n1 Beagle collections: fish 124 n4; spiders 67 n3, 107 & n2, 112 & 113 n1 Beagle voyage: CD’s participation approved by F. Beaufort 19 n5; visited Montevideo 24 n2 beans: forming tubers not seeds 252 & n1 Beaufort, Francis 19 & n5 Beaulieu: CD visits 232 & n5; W.E. Darwin examined earth at base of stones 232 & n5 beauty: in flowers 536 & 537 n5 Becker, Lydia Ernestine: sends W.E. Burcham’s Manchester Courier and Lancashire General Advertiser letter to CD 39–40 & 40 n1 bees: in Arctic 170 n3; and Bunchosia gaudichaudiana 421 & 422 n4; and Gentiana andrewsii 393 & 394 n5, 448 & 449 n4; and holly 20 & n6, 36 & n2, 52; F. Müller 421 & 422 n4, n5; New Zealand 20 & n4; scarcity of 19–20, 28–9 & 29 n2, n3, 30, 39, 51–2 & 52 n2; and Solanum 421 & 422 n5; tenacity of 29 & n3; and Tritoma 397 & 398 n2, n3; visiting flowers 252 & n2, 336 & n2, 421 & 422 n4, n5, 486 & 487 n2, n3

Beesby Farm, Lincolnshire: payment via W.E. Darwin 155 & n2 beet see Beta vulgaris beetles: and Magnolia 536 & 537 n7 Beever, William Holt (Sheldrake) 134–5 & 135 n3, n4, 141 n1 Beger, Darwin Richard 85 & n1 Beger, Karl: names son after CD 84–5 & 85 n1 Beke, Charles Tilstone 428 & n4 Beke, Emily 428 & n1, n3 bell-flower (Campanula) 111 n3 Belt, Thomas: career 47 & 48 n2, 52; CD advises on Royal Society grants 48–9 & 49 n1, n2; food bodies on Acacia sphaerocephala 487 n4; oceanic ice damming rivers hypothesis 297–8 & 298 n3; seeks CD’s support for Royal Society grant application 47 & 48 nn 2–4; sends recent paper on glacial period 48 & n4; thanks CD for advice 52; thanks G.H. Darwin (via CD) for paper on earth’s axis of rotation 52 & 53 n3 Bemmelen, Adriaan Anthoni: CD acknowledges role of observers 85; CD thanks for album xxii, 85 & 86 n1; Dutch photograph album sent 75–8 & 78 nn 1–19, 79 nn 20–25, 103 n2, 124 n1, 614; evolution, Netherlands 76–7 & 78 nn 2–19, 79 nn 20–23, 85 Bennett, Alfred William: Forms of flowers, presentation copy 613 & n33; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 611 & n11 Benoît, René: Expression French ed., assisted translation of 99 n4, 560 n4; Expression French 2d ed., S.J. Pozzi and R. Benoît translated 99 & n4, 188 & n6, 414 n5, 559–60 & 560 n4, 567 & n6, 593 n5 Bentham, George: Arachis 280 & 281 n4; A. de Bary, ‘Ueber die Wachsüberzüge der Epidermis’ 284 n6, 340 n6, 585 n6; bloom on plants in warm climates 284 & nn 2–6; CD asks for information on bloom 282; CD asks W.T. Thiselton-Dyer if Bentham knows about bloom 279 & n4; Chapmannia 280 & 281 n4; Cistus 280 & 281 n6; cited in Movement in plants 293 n3; Forms of flowers, CD thanks for comments on 282 & n1; Forms of flowers, comments on 280 & 281 n2, n3, n6; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 279–80 & 281 n1, 613; Helianthemum 280 & 281 n6; heterostyled plant specimens sent 21 n2; holly 35 & 36 n3; Lespedeza 280 & 281 n5; Maranta 351 n4; Mimosa albida 292–3 & 293 n2; Mimosa sensitiva 292, 293 & 293 n2; Ononis minutissima 280 & 281 n2; Restiaceae 42 & 44 n3; Stylosanthes 280 & 281 n3, n4; Trifolium 280 & 281 n3; Trifolium polymorphum 280 & 281 n5;

Index Trifolium subterraneum 280 & 281 n5; Viola 280 & 281 n3 Bergh, Rudolph: C.G. Semper cites 178 & 180 n7, 285 & 286 n2, 566 & 567 n4 Berkeley, Miles Joseph 299 & 300 n3 Berlin Academy 459 & 460 n6 Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte (Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology and Prehistory): elected CD corresponding member 86 & n2, 557 & n2, 606 Bernays, Charles Louis: comments on Cross and self fertilisation 276 & n1; hopes CD will visit America 276 Besant, Annie xxvi, 221 & n1, 223 n2 Bessey, Charles Edwin: CD suggests experiments for 220; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 220 & 221 n3, 257 & 259 n1, 612 & 613 n27; Lithospermum longiflorum observations 202–6 & 206 nn 1–4, 205, 220 & 221 n2, 257 & 259 n4; Oxalis violacea 257–8 & 259 n2 Beta vulgaris (beet): W. Rimpau’s observations 41 & n2, 517 & 518 n2, 522 & n2; self-sterility varies 41 & n2 Bianconi, Giovanni Giuseppe: sends pamphlets 251 & n2, n4, 570–71 & 571 n2, n4 bilimbi tree see Averrhoa bilimbi ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ (CD): children’s colour perception notes added to German Kosmos translation xxi, 286 & 287 n2, 398 n3, 431 n3, 435 & 436 n2, 577 & 578 n2; corrected proofs returned to G.C. Robertson 206 & n1; facts observed at time 307 & n1; French translation xxi, 246 n2, 248–9 & 249 n2, 570 n2; German translations xxi, 143 n2, 246 & n3, 272 & 273 n1, 277 & 278 n3, 281 & n2, 285 & n3, 577 & n3; Kosmos, German translation of xxi, 143 n2, 278 n3, 281, 287 n2, 398 n3, 431 n3, 577 n3, 578 n2; manuscript submitted to Mind 180–81 & 181 n1, 246 n3, 249 n2; Mind reprint of H. Taine’s article’s influence on CD 181 & n2, 304 n2, 353 & 354 n1; published in Mind xx, 181 n1, 206 n1, 246 n2, 272 & 273 n1, 275 & 276 n1, 285 n1, 319 n4, 354 n1, 570 n2, 603 & n14; A.H. Sayce cites 312 n1, 320 & n1 Biophytum sensitivum see Oxalis sensitiva bird-of-paradise plants (Strelitzia) 404 & 405 n5, 589 & 590 n5 birds: J. Colby’s observations 156 & nn 6–8; egg colour 32 & 33 n7 bird’s eye primrose see Primula farinosa; Primula mistassinica bird’s nest orchid (Neottia) 374 n3

837

Birmingham and Midland Institute: J. Tyndall’s presidential address 425 n1, n2 Birmingham Natural History Society 467 n3 birthday greetings (to CD): A.A. Bemmelen 78 & 79 n24, n25; J.V. Carus 141 & 142 n4; C.F. Claus 115 & n2, 561 & n2; K. von Estorff 126 & 127 n2, 562 & n2; F. Galton 100 & n4, n5; E. Haeckel xxii, 81 & n2, 555–6 & 556 n2; H. Schneider 83, 556; C.G. Semper 177 & 179 n1, n2 birthday greetings responses from CD 88, 92, 131 & 132 n2, 181 & 182 n1, 182 & n4 birthwort (Aristolochia clematatis) 215 & 215–16 n8 Bischof, Gustav: carbon in sedimentary rock 47 n3 bistort, common (Polygonum bistorta; Persicaria bistorta; meadow bistort) 215 & 215–16 n8 bitter lettuce (Lactuca virosa) 214 & 215 n8 bitter-root (Apocynum androsaemifolium; fly-trap dogbane; Jordan hemp) 38 n1, 336 & 337 n3 Black, Evans Willson: maize and potatoes 482–3 & 483 nn 1–3; sends Asclepius syriaca with entrapped insects 336 & n1, n2, 337 n2 black locust (Robinia pseudoacacia; false acacia) 325 & n2, 344 n2 black pigs: and paint root 21 & n3 Blackburn, Joseph Clay Stiles 70 & 71 n13 blackened oats (Avena sativa) 443 & n4 Blackley, Charles Harrison: CD comments on weight of pollen grains 119 & nn 1–3; cited in Cross and self fertilisation 119 n3; Drosera rotundifolia 244 & n2 Blackstonia perfoliata see Chlora perfoliata bladderwort (Utricularia) 374 n3 Blair, Reuben Almond: CD thanks for goose case information and requests wing specimen 539– 40 & 540 n1 bletting 356 & n5 Blewitt, Octavian: CD supports A.J. Cupples’s application for assistance from Royal Literary Fund 15–16 & 16 nn 1–4 Blomefield, Leonard: career 124 & n4; CD discusses work 125–6 & 126 n5; CD reminisces 125; congratulates CD on German and Austrian scientists photograph album 123–4 & 124 n1; last met CD 124 & n4 bloom on plants: G. Bentham answers query 284 & nn 2–6; A. de Candolle on bloom on plants in warm climates 339 & 340 nn 5–8, 404–5 & 405 nn 2–6, 584 & 585 nn 5–8, 589 & 590 nn 2–6; A.P. de Candolle 217 & n6; CD asks Bentham for information on 282 & n2; CD asks A. de Candolle about bloom on plants in warm climates 321; CD asks A. Gray for information on 220–21 & 221 n5;

838

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bloom on plants, cont. CD asks W.T. Thiselton-Dyer about bloom on plants in warm climates 279 & n3; CD comments on to Thiselton-Dyer 303 & n4, 335; CD declines possibility of J. Smith collecting seaside plants with bloom 335 & 336 n3; CD did not publish on xix, 418 n4; CD requests plants from Thiselton-Dyer 301 n1, 325 & n4, 336 n1; CD requests seeds and plants from J.D. Hooker 208, 209 & n2, n5; CD thanks A. de Candolle for information 406 & n1, n2; CD thanks Hooker for seeds and suggestions of plants with bloom 216 & n1, n3; F. Darwin, CD works on bloom with xvii, 208, 282 & n2, 292 & n9, 303 & n4, 321 & n5, 328 & 329 n5, 365 & n2, 392 n2, 400 & 401 n6, 406 & n1, 426 n9, 603 n3; F. Darwin, some results published 193 n2, 292 n9, n10, 603 n3; W.E. Darwin’s observations xvii, 283 n2; Desmodium 192 & 193 n3; earlier work xviii, 192 & 193 n2; Eucalyptus globulus 384–5 & 385 n2, 392 n2; Haematoxylum campechianum 296 & 297 n3; J.D. Hooker supplies requested seeds 214–15 & 215 n1; Hooker’s suggestions of plants with bloom 214–15 & 215–16 n8, 220, 376 n3; and leaves drying 418 & n2, 430 & 431 n1; Mertensia maritima 215 & n8, 385 & n3, 392 & n2; movement in plants, bloom work in tandem with xix, 365 n2, 400 & 401 n6; movement in plants, relation of bloom to 365 & n2, 401 n6; D. Oliver 284 & n5; G.J. Romanes comments on 334 & 335 n4; W.G. Smith 305; Trifolium resupinatum 344 & 345 n4; N. Wallich, quoted by Thiselton-Dyer 216–17 & 217 n2; work on xvii, xviii, 220 & 221 n5, 292 n3, 405 n2, 418 n4, 502 n5, 510 n4, 590 n2, 602 & 603 n3; work on, CD on difficulty of 406; work on, CD reports on and thanks Thiselton-Dyer for help with xix, 365 & n2; work on, CD resumes xviii, 192, 208 & 209 n1, 220–21 & 221 n5, n6, 279 n3; work on, with F. Darwin xvii, 208, 282 & n2, 292 & n9, 303 & n4, 321 & n5, 328 & 329 n5, 365 & n2, 392 n2, 400 & 401 n6, 406 & n1, 426 n9, 603 n3; work on, suspended work (1874) to finish Insectivorous plants xviii, 193 n2; work on, in tandem with movement in plants xix, 365 n2, 400 & 401 n6 Bloxam, Matthew Holbeche 434 & n3 blue fenugreek (Melilotus coerulea; Trigonella caerulea) 209 & n6 blue spurge (Euphorbia myrsinites; myrtle spurge) 300 & 301 n1, 301 & 302 n2 Bodenhamer, William 464 & 465 n7 Bolbophyllum 428 & 429 n3

Bombus balteatus (golden-belted bumblebee) 170 & n3 Bonnal, Marcellin de: poses natural selection question and opposes CD’s theories xxiii, 1, 549; sends his book 2 n3, 549 n3 borecole (curly kale) 100 & 101 n4 Borrer, William: plant collection at Kew 128 & n3 botanists, systematic 36 n5 botany: CD on F. Darwin’s work in physiological botany 150 & n4; CD never been properly grounded in botany 536; CD on value of diagrams in teaching botany 275 & n3; CD’s collaboration with F. Darwin xvii; CD’s work centred on since Expression xvii bottle gentian (Gentiana andrewsii; closed gentian) 393 & 394 n5, 448 & 449 n4 Bouvardia leiantha 394 & n1, 448 & 449 n3, 517 & n1 Bowles, William Burrows: comments on ‘missing link’ in human evolution xxiv, 194–5 & 195 nn 1–4, 197 boyero negro (Cacicus solitarius; solitary cacique) 24 n3, 41 n3, n4 Brabazon, William, 11th earl of Meath 431 n1 brachycephalism: skulls found in glacial drift 188 & 190 n3 Brachyura 262 n4 bracken fern see Pteris aquilina Bradlaugh, Charles: CD wishes to be excused being a witness in court xxvi, 223 & nn 1–3; wishes to subpoena CD in indictment pending against Bradlaugh xxvi, 221 & n1 Bradshaw, Henry 165 & n5 brambles see Rubus Bramlette, Thomas Elliott 70 & 71 n13 Brassica (mustard) 214 & 215 n8 Brassicaceae see Cruciferae Brazilian butterflies 153 & n5, 384 n2, 420 & n1, 466 & 467 n3, 487 & n8 Breitenbach, Wilhelm: butterfly probosces 381 n3, 587 n3; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 611; Primula elatior 380–81 & 381 n2, 586–7 & 587 n2 Brigg, John: goldfish 274 & n2; thanks CD for account of F.A. Pouchet’s experiments 274 & n1 British Arctic Expedition (1875–6): H.W. Feilden 309 & n3, 579 & n3; insects collection 170 & nn 2–4; G.S. Nares 51 & n3 British Association for the Advancement of Science (BAAS): 1876 meeting 21 n3, 323 & 324 n7, 431 n5; F.J. Cohn 323 & 324 n7, 341 & 343 n9; telephone displayed 431 n5; A.R. Wallace 21 n3 British holly, common (Ilex aquifolium) 36 n3

Index British Medical Association: W. Roberts’s address to annual meeting 261 & n1 British Museum: CD’s spiders collection 67 n3, 107 & n2, 112 & 113 n1 Brittain, Thomas: CD comments on Apocynum androsaemifolium 38 n1 Broca, Paul: ‘On the post Pliocene Olma skull’ 189–90 & 190 nn 8–14, 568–9 & 569 nn 2–8 Broek, Jan Hubert van den: translated Vestiges of the natural history of creation 75–6 & 78 n6, n7 Bromeliads 520 & n2 Brongniart, Adolphe Théodore 209 & n8 Bronn, Heinrich Georg: Orchids German ed., translated 50 n2; Origin German ed., translated 319 & n2, 582 & 583 n2 Brooke, Victor 406 & n4; visits Down 199 & n1, 219 n2, 406 n4, 603 & n9 brown owl (Strix aluco; tawny owl) 156 & n6 Brunswick fossil remains, Canada 87 & n6 Brunton, Thomas Lauder: CD wishes to call on 34 & n1 Buchholz, Reinhold Wilhelm: Arctic Crustacea 262 & 263 n5 Büchner, Ludwig: CD received essay from K. von Scherzer 193 & 194 n4; Kraft und Stoff (book) 354 n3 Buckland, Frank 152 & n3 Buckler, William: larvae of British moths and butterflies 28 & n3, 33 & n8, 93 n1 buckthorn, common (Rhamnus catharticus; R. cathartica) 21 & n5, 171–2 & 175 n2 Bullar, Rosa: W.E. Darwin sent CD Bullar’s note on bees and holly 36 & n2 bull’s-horn thorn see Acacia sphaerocephala bulrush (Typha latifolia) 119 & n3, 279 n2 bumble-bees see humble-bees Bunchosia gaudichaudiana (Hiraea gaudichaudiana) 421 & 422 n4 Burcham, William Edward: holly-berries, scarcity of 40 Burdon Sanderson, Ghetal 543 & 544 n5 Burdon Sanderson, John Scott: Nature article on germinal particles of bacteria 511 & 512 n7; G.J. Romanes’s Royal Society candidacy 17 & 18 n5; visited F.J. Cohn 543 & 544 n5 Burgess, Caroline Louisa 233 & n2, n6; visits Down 233 n6, 603 & n15 Burgess, Edward 232–3 & 233 n1; visits Down 233 n6, 603 & n15 Burn, Robert 488 & 489 n7 Busch, Otto: CD comments on bees and clover 252 & n2 bush clovers (Lespedeza) 280 & 281 n5

839

Bushe, George 464 & 465 n6 bustards 247; Descent 248 n2, n3; great bustard (Otis tarda) 248 n4 Butler, Arthur Gardiner: Caligo eurolochus 32 & 33 n5; career 33 n5, 186 n2; CD comments on sparrows 186; sparrows 186 & n1 Butler, Samuel (1774–1839) 497 n17 Butler, Samuel (1835–1902): and F. Darwin xxv, 388 n1, n5, 496 n3; and G.H. Darwin xxv, 388 n1; dispute with CD in following years xxv; evolution xxv, 493 & 496 n2, n4, n5, 494; on J.B. Lamarck’s work 493 & 496 n2, 494; Life and habit 493 & 496 n1; natural selection xxv, 494–5; on Origin (1876) 493, 494–5 & 496 nn 5–8, n10; reads St G.J. Mivart 493 & 496 n4, 495; unconscious memory xxv, 494 & 496 n13; visited Down (1872) xxv, 388 n1; writes to F. Darwin about quoting CD in Life and habit xxv, 387–8 & 388 nn 1–5, 493–5 & 496 nn 1–14, 497 nn 15–17 butterbur (Petasites vulgaris; P. hybrida) 42 & 44 n4 butterflies: Arctic species 170 & n4; Brazilian 153 & n5, 384 n2, 420 & n1, 466 & 467 n3, 487 & n8; CD comments on to A. Weismann 32 & 33 n5; dimorphism 382–3 & 383 nn 2–5, 384 & n3, 392 n5; and flowers 498 & 499 nn 3–8, n12; fold wings together at rest 33 n5; and Lantana 421 & 423 n8, n9; larvae of British moths and butterflies 28 & n3, 32–3 & 33 n8; mimicry in Malayan 382 & 383 n5; F. Müller 360 & n5, 361 n6, 384 n2, 421 & 423 n8, 422 & 423 n12, 427 n2; F. Müller, Brazilian butterflies (Kosmos three-part article) 153 & n5, 384 n2, 420 & n1, 466 & 467 n3, 487 & n8; F. Müller, butterflies and flowers 498 & 499 nn 3–8, n12; neuration in wings 422 & 423 n12, 487 n8; sexual selection 420 & n1, 427 n2, 487 n8, see also Lepidoptera cabbages 100, 296; cotyledons 403, 411 & 412 n4, 411 Cacalia 217 & 218 n7 Cacicus solitarius (boyero negro or solitary cacique) 24 n3, 41 n3, n4 Cactaceae 339 & 340 n7, 584 & 585 n7 Caesalpinia 526 & 531 n18, 596 & 601 n18 Caesalpiniae 527 & 531 n20, 597 & 601 n20 Cakile (sea rocket) 214 & 215 n8 California poppy (Eschscholzia californica) 41 n2 California State Geological Society: elected CD corresponding member 609 Caligo eurilochus (giant forest owl butterfly) 32 & 33 n5

840

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Callidryas 498 Callidryas cipris (Phoebis neocypris; tailed sulphur) 498 & 499 n4 Callidryas philea (Phoebis philea; orange-barred sulphur butterfly) 498 & 499 n10 Calonyction (Ipomoea) 498 & 499 n2 Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company 431 n5 Cambridge University: CD student at 212 n2, 231 & n1, 449 n4, 510 n5; F. Darwin 489 n7; G.H. Darwin 418 n2, 487 & 488 n2; H. Darwin 165 & n4 Cambridge University awards CD honorary LLD degree xvii, xxvii, 655; arrangements for 443–4 & 445 nn 2–5, 446–7 & 447 n4, n5; CD accepts offer (conveyed by E. Atkinson) and advises health may preclude him from attending ceremony 231 & n1; CD in Cambridge for ceremony (16–19 November) xvii, 449, 466 n1, 482 n2, 484 n1, 485, 489 n4, 491 n3, 491 n2, 500 n5, 502 n7, 504 n9, 510 n5, 514 n2, 539 n7, 603 & 604 n18, 655; CD comments on xxvii–xxviii, 479 & 481 n3, 485 & n3, n4, 655; CD declines J. Cartmell’s invitation to stay in Christ’s College 449 & n4; CD declines Philosophical Society invitation to dinner xxviii, 460 & n1; CD does not intend to use title ‘Dr’ 513 & 514 n2; CD selects date for ceremony 439 & n1, 445 n5, 446 & 447 n4, 449; CD tells G.H. Darwin he has not received offer yet 213 & 214 n2, 219 & n2; R.F. Cooke reads of 491 & n3; G.H. Darwin advises CD of intended offer xxvii, 211 & n2, 211–12 & 212 nn 1–6; G.H. Darwin reports degree proposal to be discussed at next Council of Senate 430 & 431 n3; Emma Darwin’s account of 655; C. Hoare’s poem 484 n1; T.H. Huxley’s Philosophical Society speech 482 & n1, n2, 485 & 485–6 n1, 486 n3, 512 n2; public oration ( J.E. Sandys) xvii, xxvii, 497 n5, 655–8 & 658 nn 1–15, 659 nn 16–21; reports of 485 n3, 491 n3; Senate approves honorary degree 435 & n1, 439; stuffed monkey suspended from ceiling at ceremony xxvii, 479, 480 Campanula (bell-flower) 111 n3 Campbell, George Douglas, 8th duke of Argyll 245 & n7 Candolle, Alphonse de: bloom on plants in warm climates 339 & 340 nn 5–8, 404–5 & 405 nn 2–6, 584 & 585 nn 5–8, 589 & 590 nn 2–6; and C. de Candolle, eds., Monographiæ phanerogamarum prodromi nunc continuatio nunc revisio 313 & 315 n3, 580 & 582 n3; CD asks about bloom on plants in warm climates 321, 404 & 405 n5,

589 & 590 n5; CD comments on F. Darwin’s Drosera rotundifolia experiments 321 & n6, 340 n9, 585 n9; CD thanks for bloom information 406 & n1, n2; CD thanks for comments on his use of terms 320–21 & 321 n3; comments on word definitions 314, 581; Cross and self fertilisation, presentation copy 5 n3, 551 n3; F. Darwin, sends greetings to 405 & n7, 589 & 590 n7; F. Darwin’s Dipsacus paper 338–9 & 339 n2, 583–4 & 585 n2; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 313 & 315 n2, 580 & 582 n2, 612 & 613 n7; Forms of flowers, thanks CD for 580; hopes his son may visit CD 5 & n2, 550–51 & 551 n2; protoplasm, comments on use of term 338, 583; sent his paper 5 n3, 551 n3; Smilaceae 313 & 315 n3, 580 & 582 n3; Smilax 315 & 316 n9, 581 & 582 n9 Candolle, Augustin Pyramus de: bloom 217 & n6; flowers, terminology 531 n10, 600 n10 Candolle, Casimir de: A. de Candolle and C. de Candolle, eds., Monographiæ phanerogamarum prodromi nunc continuatio nunc revisio 313 & 315 n3, 580 & 582 n3; Dionaea muscipula 5 n2, 321 n6, 340 n9, 551 n2, 585 n9; in England 168 n2, 316 n8, 582 n8; Insectivorous plants 292 n10; interested in F. Darwin’s Drosera rotundifolia experiments 339 & 340 n9, 584 & 585 n9; sends greetings to CD 315 & 316 n8, 581 & 582 n8; sends greetings to F. Darwin 339 & 340 n9, 584 & 585 n9 candytuft see Iberis Canestrini, Giovanni 188 & 190 n3, n5; CD thanks for book 351 & n2; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 613 & n33 Cannaceae 404 & 405 n5, 589 & 590 n5 Caragana arborescens (Siberian pea tree) 498 & 499 n8 Carassius auratus (goldfish) 274 & n2 carbon: in sedimentary rock 47 & n3 carbonate of ammonia 375 n6 Carlyle, Thomas: J. Michelet’s memorial 236 & n4; told E.A. Darwin he hoped CD not annoyed by forged letter and sends compliments to CD xxiii, 64 & 65 nn 2–5; visits to Down (1875) xxiii, 65 n2 Carneri, Bartholomaeus von: CD thanks for reference to instinct 307 & n1 Carolina redroot (Lachnanthes caroliniana; paint root) 21 n3 Caroline Islands 87 & 88 n3 Carpenter, Stephen F. 440 & 442 n5 Carpenter, William Benjamin 447 n3 Carruthers, William 299 & 300 n2, 300

Index Cartmell, James 446 & 447 n4; CD declines invitation to stay in Christ’s College 449 & n3, n4 Carus, Julius Victor: career 54 & 55 n11, 146 n3, 236 & n4, 243 n3; CD compliments as translator 539; Climbing plants 2d ed. German ed., translated 236 n3; Cross and self fertilisation, Carus queries CD’s correction 109 & n1, n2, 114 n1, 115 n1; Cross and self fertilisation, CD sends correction for German ed. 94 & n1, 114 & n1, n2; Cross and self fertilisation, CD thanks for cleistogene correction 145–6 & 146 n1; Cross and self fertilisation, CD thanks for corrections 55, 114 & n1, n2; Cross and self fertilisation, notices CD uses cleistogene throughout 141 & n1, n2; Cross and self fertilisation, translating 53 & 54 nn 2–8, 94 n1, 141 n1; Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., corrections included 53 & 54 nn 2–8, 114 n2, 115 n2; Cross and self fertilisation German ed., corrections 109 & n1, n2, 114 n1, n2, 141 n2; Cross and self fertilisation German ed., translated 54 n2, 114 n2, 141 n1, n2, 319 & 320 n4, 583 & n4; Expression German 2d ed., translated 54 n9; expression notes 53–4; expression notes, CD thanks for 55; Forms of flowers, CD on size of 243 & n4; Forms of flowers, CD thanks for errors 379 & nn 2–4; Forms of flowers, measurements 370, 379 n4; Forms of flowers, sends errors 369–70 & 370 n1, n2; Forms of flowers, size of 236 n2; Forms of flowers, table heading 370 n2, 379 n3; Forms of flowers German ed., translated 146 n2, 236 n3, 243 n4, 370 n1, 379 n2; Geological observations 2d ed., CD asks for decision about map copies 44 & n1; Geological observations 2d ed., maps for German ed. 53 & 54 n1, 55 n3; Geological observations 2d ed. German ed., translated 44 n1; health 55 n11, 379 & n6; informs CD of C.F. Nasse’s paper 53 & 54 n9; Orchids 2d ed., CD thanks for error 243 & 244 n5; Orchids 2d ed., error 235 & 236 n1; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 44 & 45 n2, 54, 611 & n7; Orchids 2d ed. German ed., translated 45 n2, 55 n11, 235 & 236 n1, n3; sends birthday greetings 141 & 142 n4; Variation 2d ed., CD thanks for error 539 & n2; Variation 2d ed., sends error 535–6 & 536 n1; Variation 2d ed., translating 536 n1 Caryophyllaceae 100 & 101 n3 Caspari, Otto: Kosmos editor 102, 123 n1, 560 Cassia: CD requests seeds 454 & n2, 466 & n1; cotyledons 403 & 404 n5, 411 & 412 n5, 438 & n3, 466; J.D. Hooker sent seeds 456 & 457 n2; movement 376 & n2, 403 & 404 n5, 467 n2; sleep of 376 & n2, 403 & 404 n5

841

Cassia calliantha 376 n2 Cassia mimosoides (Chamaecrista mimosoides) 347 & 350 n3 Cassia tora (Senna tora) 412 n5, 466–7 n1 Castnia 391 & 392 n3 castor-oil plant (Ricinus communis) 209 & 210 n9, 214 & 215 n4, 217; movement 443; sent from Kew 279 n2, 443 n3 catalogue of Beagle voyage specimens: lent to zoology museum, Cambridge 107 & n2 Catasetum barbatum see Myanthus barbatus Catasetum macrocarpum see Catasetum tridentatum Catasetum tridentatum (C. macrocarpum) 32 & 33 n1 caterpillars: H.W. Bates 28 & nn 1–3, 33 n4; CD comments on to A. Weismann 32–3 & 33 nn 2–4; A. Weismann 360 & n4, 391 & 392 n5 Caton, John Dean: The antelope and deer of America 406 n2; wapiti 405–6 & 406 n3 cats: dogs reared by 391 n4; Expression 74 n1 cattle: Chillingham cattle 101 & 102 n1; white 101 & 102 n1 cauliflowers 293 & 294 nn 2–4 Cavia porcellus see guinea pigs Cayley, Arthur 488 & 489 n6 Cecropia peltata: food for ants 200 & n2, 316 n9, 487 n4, 582 n9 Celtic sea slug (Onchidium celticum) 286 & n4 Cephalotus 283 & 284 n2 Cephalotus follicularis (Australian pitcher-plant) 284 n2 Ceratonia 526 & 531 n19, 596 & 601 n19 Cercis siliquastrum ( Judas tree) 526 & 531 n18, 596 & 601 n18 Cetonia 537 n7 chalk dudleya see Cotyledon pulverulenta Challenger expedition: Cirripedia, P.P.C. Hoek’s report 262 n2; Cirripedia, offered to CD 183 & n2; Crustacea 262 & n3; C.W. Thomson, memorial supporting his specimens decision 219 & n1, 262 & 263 n6; R. von Willemoes-Suhm 408 n4, 415 n3, 591 n4, see also Pycnogonida specimens from Challenger Chamaecrista mimosoides see Cassia mimosoides Chamba sacred langur (Semnopithecus ajax; Kashmir gray langur) 466 n5 Chambers, Robert see Vestiges of the natural history of creation Chapmannia 280 & 281 n4 Chatin, Joannes 427 n5 Chedworth (Roman villa excavations) 364 n1; CD proposes H. Darwin visits 450–51 & 451 nn 1–4; H. Darwin and F. Darwin visit 451 n1, n3

842

Index

Cheeseman, Thomas Frederick: CD sent letter to Nature 430 n5, 519 & 520 n2; Glossostigma elatinoides 429 & 430 n3; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 611; Selliera 429 & 430 n1, 519 & n1, n2 Chelidonium majus (greater celandine) 214 & 215 n8 Chenopodium glaucum (Oxybasis glauca; oak-leaved goosefoot) 215 & 215–16 n8 Chesney, Jesse Portman: Colorado Giant xxiv, 439–42 & 442 nn 1–6 chickens: hen rearing ferrets 241 n3, 277 & n3 child psychology: emerging subject of xxi children’s development: CD’s work, based on his children xxi, 181 n1, 206, 260–61 & 261 n2, 319 n4; J-B. Fonssagrives 354 n1; H. Semmig 353–4 & 354 nn 1–9, see also ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ children’s language: CD comments on 307 & n1; E.S. Holden 320 & n2; A.H. Sayce 303–4 & 304 n1, n2, 312, 320 & n1, n3; H. Taine 181 & n2, 353 & 354 n1; W.D. Whitney 320 & n2 Chillingham cattle 101 & 102 n1 chimpanzee: Linnaeus placed in genus Homo 62 & 63 n4 Chinese honey locust (Gleditschia sinensis; Gleditsia sinensis) 359 n4 Chinese primrose (Primula sinensis) 411 & 412 n5 Chlora perfoliata (Blackstonia perfoliata; yellow wort) 215 & n8 Christ’s College, Cambridge: CD student at 231 n1, 449 n4, 510 & n5 Chrysanthemum segetum (Glebionis segetum; corn marigold) 214 & 215 n8 Chrysophanus 170 & n4 Churilov, Mikhail Petrovich (Michel Tschouriloff): Étude sur la dégénérescence physiologique des peuples civilisés 23 n2, n3, 31 n1 Churton, Thomas: vestigial tails in humans 362 & 363 n1 Cirripedia: Challenger expedition specimens 183 & n2, 262 & n2; complemental males 147 & n1 Cistus 280 & 281 n6 Clark, John Willis: CD declines Philosophical Society invitation to dinner in Cambridge xxviii, 460 & n1; and F. Darwin 444 & 445 n9 Clark, Joseph Warner: case of inheritance by one sex 367 & n1 Clarke, Alexander Ross: refereed G.H. Darwin’s earth axis paper 150 & n5 Clarke, Hyde: CD comments on development of language 542 & n2; development of language 540 & 541 nn 1–3 Claus, Carl Friedrich 262 & n3; CD thanks for support 119; comments on German and Austrian

scientists photograph album 115 & n2, 561 & n2; tunicates 3 & 4 n4, 4 n2, 550 & n4 Clay, Henry 69 & 71 n7, 70 & 71 n14 Claythorpe farm 434 n1 cleistogamy: J.V. Carus points out use of instead of CD’s cleistogene 141 & 141 n2; CD’s use of term 146 & n1; Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., term used instead of cleistogene 141 n2; Forms of flowers 187 & n4, 280 & 281 n3, 282, 361; Oxalis 124–5 & 125 n1, n2 cleistogene see cleistogamy Climbing plants (CD): finance 521 & n3; grape vines 182 n3; published 251 n3, 571 n3 Climbing plants 2d ed. (CD): cucurbits 251 n3, 571 n3; published 251 n3, 571 n3 Climbing plants French ed. (CD): R. Gordon translated 90 & n5, 188 n4, 414 n5, 558 & n5, 567 n4, 593 n5; sales 188, 414 & n5, 567, 592 & 593 n5 Climbing plants 2d ed. German ed. (CD), J.V. Carus translated 236 n3 Clipson, Wray: observations on sheep, goats, bustards and baboons 247 & 248 nn 2–5 closed gentian (Gentiana andrewsii; bottle gentian) 393 & 394 n5, 448 & 449 n4 clouded yellow butterfly (Colias edusa; Colias croceus) 382 & 383 n3 clovers see Trifolium William Clowes & Sons: J. Murray’s printer 160 n4, 259 n3, 412 n2, 508 n2, 518 n2 cluentius sphinx (Macrosilia cluentius; Neococytius cluentius) 499 n2 Clupea harengus (Atlantic herring) 62 & n1 coast coral tree (Erythrina caffra) 346 & 347 n3 Cocchi, Igino: human fossil remains 188 & 190 n4, 189 & 190 n8, 568 & 569 n2 cockatoo: trained by E. Harris 150, 152 & nn 1–4 cockspur coral tree see Erythrina crista-galli Cocytius antaeus see Macrosilia antaeus Codariocalyx motorius see Desmodium gyrans coffee see Rubiaceae Cohn, Ferdinand Julius: appreciates CD’s work 321–2; BAAS 1876: 323 & 324 n7, 341 & 343 n9; Bacillus 544 n2; bacteria, classification 324 n4, 343 n6; bacteria photograms 543 & 544 n1; Burdon Sandersons visit 543 & 544 n5; CD comments on F. Darwin’s paper 302 & n1, 325 & 326 n2; Cross and self fertilisation, presentation copy 322 & 324 n1; F. Darwin, Cohn sends greetings and thanks to 323 & 324 n12; F. Darwin sends Dipsacus paper 302 & n1, 322 & 324 n1, 391 n2; Dipsacus observations 322–3 & 324 nn 1–9, 328 & 329 n6, 329–31 & 331 nn 2–6, 335 n5, 341–2 & 342 n2, 343 nn 3–13, 543–4 &

Index 544 n6; Dipsacus observations, agrees to Nature publication of 329 & 331 n2, 331; Dipsacus observations, CD asks permission to publish in Nature 325–6 & 326 n1, n2; Dipsacus observations communicated by CD to Nature xx, 331 n5, 340–42 & 342 n2, 343 nn 3–13, 358 & 359 n8, 391 n2, 544 n6; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 322 & 324 n1, 612 & 613 n26; Lathraea squamaria 323 & 324 n10; Micrococcus 544 n2; W. Roberts discussed microscopical work of 262 n2; G.J. Romanes comments on to CD 334 & 335 n5; sends new year greetings 542; visited Down 302 & 303 n2; Volvox globator 270 & 271 n5, 575 & 576 n5 Cohn, Pauline: sends greetings 323 & 324 n11; visited Down 303 n2, 324 n11 Colaenis dido (Philaethria dido; scarce bamboo page; Dido longwing) 498 & 499 n4 Colaenis julia (Dryas iulia; Julia longwing) 421 & 423 n8, 498 & 499 n4 Colby, John: bell-flower observation 110 & 111 nn 1–3; birds observations 156 & nn 6–8; trees observations 155–6 & 156 nn 2–5 Coleoptera 525 & 531 n7, 594 & 600 n7 Colias 170 & n4 Colias edusa (Colias croceus; clouded yellow butterfly) 382 & 383 n3 Collinson, Peter 311 & n4 Collomia grandiflora 318 & n1 Colorado beetle 316 n2 Colorado Giant (American hoax) xxiv, 439 & 442 nn 1–6, 516 & 517 n3, n4 colour: flowers, changes in 421 & 423 n7; sexual dimorphism in regard to 359–60 & 360 n2, 363 & 364 n3 colour sense: ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’, children’s colour perception notes added to Kosmos translation 286 & 287 n2, 398 n3, 431 n3, 435 & 436 n2, 577 & 578 n2; CD discusses xxi, 260 & 261 n1, n2, 281 & 282 n4; debate about xxi; G. Jäger 286 & 287 n4, 577 & 578 n4; E. Krause xxi, 261 n1, 286 & 287 nn 3–5, 398 n2, 577–8 & 578 nn 3–5; H. Magnus 261 n1, 282 n4, 398 & n1, n2, 435 & 436 n2 colour vocabulary: CD comments on 435; L. Geiger 286 & 287 n3, 577 & 578 n3; W.E. Gladstone xxi, 286 & 287 n3, 398 n1, 431 & n4, 577 & 578 n3 columbine (Aquilegia) 214 & 215 n8 Columbus, Christopher 536 & 537 n4 Comarum palustre (purple marshlocks) 279 n2 Comettant, Oscar: E. Lavigne’s educational establishment 263–5, 571–2

843

common American milk-weed (Asclepias syriaca) 336 & n1 common bistort (Polygonum bistorta; Persicaria bistorta; meadow bistort) 215 & 215–16 n8 common British holly (Ilex aquifolium) 36 n3 common buckthorn (Rhamnus catharticus; R. cathartica) 21 & n5, 171–2 & 175 n2 common corncockle (Lychnis githago; Agrostemma githago) 97 & 98 n4, 100 & 101 n2 common flax (Linum usitatissimum) 104 & 105 n9 common holly (Ilex aquifolium) 36 n3, 156 & n4 common ivy (Hedera helix; English ivy) 531 n14, 600 n14 common jellyfish (Aurelia aurita; moon jelly) 332 & n4, 334 & 335 n7, 337 & 338 n2, n3, 338, 514 n3 common mullein (Verbascum thapsus; great mullein) 282 n1 common reed (Phragmites communis; P. australis) 215 & 215–16 n8 common sun orchid (Thelymitra longifolia) 128 n3 common sundew see Drosera rotundifolia common teasel see Dipsacus sylvestris common toothwort (Lathraea squamaria) 323 & 324 n10 common violet (Viola odorata) 125 n1 common water hyacinth (Pontederia crassipes; Eichornia crassipes): F. Müller 56 n2 Comparettia falcata (snail orchid; sickle-leaved comparettia) 460–61 & 461 n1 complemental males: Cirripedia 147 & n1 Compositae (Asteraceae) 525 & 531 n10, 595 & 600 n10 composite photographs 453 & n2 Comptonia (sweet fern) 526 & 531 n16, 596 & 601 n16 Comte, Auguste: A. Espinas’s view of 265 & 266 n5, 573 & 574 n5 Conant, William A. xxiv, 439 & 442 n2 conception: prevention of xxvi, 223 & n2, n3 Congeria 120 n1, 410 n3 Congrès de l’Association française pour l’avancement des sciences (Congress of the French Association for the Advancement of Sciences) 531 n12, 600 n12 Coniferae 527 & 531 n22, 528, 597 & 601 n22 conifers: cotyledons 432 & 433 n2, 465 contraception xxvi, 223 & n2, n3 Conus geographus 412–13 & 413 n2 convolvulus hawk-moth (Sphinx convolvuli; Agrius convolvuli) 50 & n6, 498 & 499 n9 Conybeare, John Charles: comments on CD’s valuing of observers 533 & n5; Drosera rotundifolia 532–3 & 533 n1, n3

844

Index

Conybeare, Katherine A.M. 532 & 533 n2 Cooke, Robert Francis: CD on reprints and stereotyping of books 492 & nn 1–3, 502 & n6; on CD’s honorary degree 491 & n3; Cross and self fertilisation, account for 521; Cross and self fertilisation, sales 129 & n1; Cross and self fertilisation, stereotyping 491 & n2, 503; Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., CD sends corrected sheets for 518 & nn 2–5; Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., corrected sheets received 520 & 521 n1; Descent 2d ed., 1877 reprint 22 & n2; Expression, illustrations cost for possible Swedish translation of 401 & n1, 403 & n1, 417 & n2; Forms of flowers, acknowledges news about 130 & n1; Forms of flowers, CD on news about 259–60 & 260 n3, n4; Forms of flowers, CD requests sheets for 502, 518 & n6; Forms of flowers, CD sends manuscript 159 & 160 nn 1–6; Forms of flowers, CD’s opinion of xviii, 159; Forms of flowers, delay in printing 259 & nn 1–4; Forms of flowers, keep in type for present 503, 508 & n2; Forms of flowers, manuscript received 160 & nn 1–4; Forms of flowers, printed copies 401 & n2; Forms of flowers, stereotypes for D. Appleton & Co. 267 & 268 n1; Forms of flowers, stereotyping 491 & n2, 492 & n3, 518; Forms of flowers, woodcuts for E. Koch 340 & n1; Orchids 2d ed. 22 & n1, 491 & n2; Origin, asks if CD has any corrections for next reprint 412 & n1, 490 & 491 n1, 502 & 503 n1; Origin, sales and reprint 502–3 & 503 n1, n2, 508 n1; Origin (1876) sales 129 & n1; stereotypes provided to D. Appleton & Co. 22 & n1 Cooper, James Davis: Cross and self fertilisation 522 n5; Forms of flowers, illustrations 159 & 160 n6, 506 n8 Cope, Edward Drinker: acceleration and retardation of development 8 & 14 n12, 10, 171 & n4, 197 & 198 n2 copper butterflies (Lycaena) 170 & n4, 382 & 383 n4 coral erythrina see Erythrina corallodendron coral reefs: Caroline Islands 88 n3 Coral reefs (CD): Aldabra 67 & 68 n2, 68 & 68 n4 Coral reefs 2d ed. (CD): published 34 n3, 553 n3 Coral reefs 2d ed. French ed. (CD): E. Alglave mentions 246 n2, 570 n3; maps for 117–18 & 118 n1, n2 Cordaitales 529 & 532 n25, 599 & 601 n25 corn marigold (Chrysanthemum segetum; Glebionis segetum) 214 & 215 n8 corn poppy (Papaver rhoeas) 105 & n10 corncockle, common (Lychnis githago; Agrostemma githago) 97 & 98 n4, 100 & 101 n2

Coronilla varia (Securigera varia; purple crown vetch) 486 & 487 n3 Corvus (Coloeus) monedula (Eurasian jackdaw) 156 & n7 Cosserat, M.L.: Coral reefs 2d ed. French ed., translated 118 n1, n2 cotton (‘Bamia’ cotton) 106 & 107 n6 Cotyledon: CD sends suspended Cotyledon specimen to M.T. Masters 514 & n2, n3, 515; Crassulaceae 514 n2; Echeveria considered subgenus of by many authors 520 n3, 522 n1; Masters comments on Cotyledon specimen 520 & nn 2–4 Cotyledon bracteosum (Pachyphytum bracteosum) 289 & 290 n6 Cotyledon (Echeveria) stolonifera 514 & n2, 522 & n1; illustration 514 n3, 515 Cotyledon pulverulenta (Dudleya pulverulenta; chalk dudleya) 289 & 290 n6; CD received 291 & 292 n3 cotyledons: Cassia 403 & 404 n5, 411 & 412 n5, 438 & n3, 466; CD asks W.T. Thiselton-Dyer for seeds of plants with large cotyledons 403 & 404 n5, 411 n2; CD requests coniferous plant seeds for study of cotyledons 432 & 433 n2; CD requests seeds for study of cotyledons 438 & n3, 497 & n4; CD works on 438 n5; CD works on with F. Darwin 438 & n3, 457 & 458 n2; CD’s interest in 454 n3; conifers 432 & 433 n2, 465; Cycas pectinata 458 n2; Desmodium gyrans 438 & n3; and mature leaves 428 n1; Mimosa pudica 438 n3; movement as foundation for other adaptive movements of leaves 411 & 412 n6, 438 & n3; movement recorded 433 n3; observations difficult 432 & 433 n3; Oxalis sensitiva 497 & n4; Primula sinensis, movements 411 & 412 n5; red cabbage, movements xix, 411 & 412 n4, 411; sleep in plants 411 & 412 n6 couch grass (Triticum repens; Elymus repens) 296 & 297 n6 cousin marriages (G.H. Darwin’s work) 503 & 504 n7, 510 & n7; sales of German translation of paper 25 & n6, 552 & n6 Crambe see seakale Crambe maritima see seakale Cramer, Carl 329 n7 crape myrtle (Lagerstroemia): J. Scott 104 & 105 n5, 160–61 & 162 n3 Crassulaceae 339 & 340 n7, 514 n2, 584 & 585 n7 Cretan trefoil (Lotus creticus) 301 & n1 Crinum bulbispermum see Crinum capense Crinum capense (C. bulbispermum; hardy swamplily) 279 n2 Croll, James: CD thanks for article 327 & nn 1–4

Index cross-breeding: humans and apes 195 & n4 cross-fertilisation: floral morphology that promotes, literature on 61 n4; T. Meehan 267 & n3 Cross and self fertilisation (CD): Abutilon darwinii 41 n2; C.L. Bernays comments on 276 & n1; Biophytum sensitivum 125 n1; J.V. Carus translating 53 & 54 nn 2–8, 94 n1, 141 n1; CD appreciates W.T. Thiselton-Dyer’s praise for 46 & n1; CD intended to ask about price of 22 n3; CD suggests new edition needed and will do corrections for 502 & n4; CD thanks Carus for cleistogene correction 145–6 & 146 n1; CD thanks Carus for corrections 55, 114 & n1, n2; cites W.W. Bailey 394 n1, n3; cites C.H. Blackley 119 n3; cites M. Kuhn 141 & n2; cleistogene term used throughout 141 & n2; corrected proof-sheets for next edition 502 & n4; corrections 94 & n8, 96 & n3; crossing, advantages of 140 & 141 n3; crossing, experiments 49 & 50 n4, 140; crossing, two flowers on same plant 377 & 378 n3, 585 & 586 n3; L.A. Errera cites 407 & n4, 590 & 591 n4; Eschscholzia californica 41 n2; finance 129 & n1, 130 & n1, 518 & n4, 521; Gerardia pedicularia 394 n1; A. Gray’s reviews 93 & 94 n2, 116 n2, 267 n3, 391 n1; G. Henslow’s review 46 & n2, 96 & n2; F. Hildebrand comments on 49–50; Iberis 109 & n2; Iberis umbellata 96 & n4; inconspicuous flowers 400 n5; Ipomoea purpurea 96 & n4; T. Meehan comments on 266–7 & 267 n2, n3; T. Meehan’s review 266 & 267 n1, 274 n2; Mimulus luteus 106 & 107 n3; Petunia 109 & n2; Primula elatior 378 n2, 586 n2; published 394 n1, 491 n2, 500 n4, 518 & n2; reprint needed 499 & 500 n4; Reseda 41 n2; reviews of 25 & n3, n4, 42 & n3, 46 & n2, 65 & 66 n1, 88 & 89 n2, 92 & n1, 93 & 94 n2, 96 & n2, 110 & 111 n1, 116 n2, 266 & 267 n1, n3, 274 n2, 391 n1, 537 & 537–8 n9, 552 & n3, n4; sales 129 & n1, 130 n1; G. de Saporta comments on 524, 525, 530, 594, 595, 599; self-fertilisation of plants 399 & 400 n3, 407 & n4, 590 & 591 n4; self-sterility in plants 41 & n2; Spectator review 110 & 111 n1; stereotyping 491 & n2, 492 & n3, 503; tables 98 & 99 n3, 559 & 560 n3; L. Tait’s review 42 & n3, 88 & 89 n2; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer’s review 65 & 66 n1, 92 & n1, 537 & 537–8 n9; trees, monoecism and dioecism 156 n2; Tropaeolum 394 n3; weight of pollen-grains 119 & n3; O. Zacharias receives proof sheets 25 & n2, 552 & n2; O. Zacharias’s reviews 25 & n3, n4, 552 & n3, n4 Cross and self fertilisation (CD; presentation copies): A. de Candolle 5 n3, 551 n3; F.J. Cohn 322 &

845

324 n1; R.D. Fitzgerald 127 & 128 n1; F. Hildebrand 49 & 50 n3; C.-F. Reinwald 89 & 90 n2, 557 & 558 n2; J. Sachs 24 & n4, 551 & n4; G. de Saporta 524 & 531 n3, 594 & 600 n3; J. Scott 103 & 105 n1 Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed. (CD): CD planning for 522 & n2; CD sends corrected sheets for 518 & n2, 520 & 521 n1; cites W. Rimpau 518 n1, 522 & n2; cleistogamic used (not cleistogene) 141 n2; corrections 94 n8, 94 n1, 96 n3, 114 & n2; corrections from J.V. Carus 53 & 54 nn 2–8, 114 & n1, n2, 115 n2; published 500 n4, 502 n4, 518 n5; resetting of 518 n2; title page 518 & n3 Cross and self fertilisation French ed. (CD): CD comments on translation 483 & n1; É. Heckel translated 89–90 & 90 n3, 99 n2, 114 & 115 n1, n3, 188 & n5, 414 n2, 483 n1, 558 & n3, 559 & 560 n2, 567 & n5, 592 n2; published 90 n3, 558 n3 Cross and self fertilisation German ed. (CD): J.V. Carus translated 54 n2, 114 n2, 141 n1, n2, 319 & 320 n4, 583 & n4; corrections 94 & n1, 109 & n1, n2, 114 & n1, n2, 141 n2 Cross and self fertilisation US ed. (CD): published 276 & n1; stereotypes for 522 n6; Zea mays 482 & 483 n1 cross sterility: T.H. Huxley’s natural selection critique as an impetus 18 n2 crossing plants: illegitimate unions (plants of same form), fertility of 60–61 & 61 n2, n6; insects 527, 597; role of crossing 527, 596; terminology 395–6 & 396 nn 4–6, 399 & n2, 407 n5, 587–8 & 588 nn 4–6, 591 n5 crossing plants experiments: CD’s xviii, 49 & 50 n4, 61 n2, 140; H. Müller 60–61 & 61 n2; opium poppy 103–4 & 105 n3, 162 n8 Cruciferae (Brassicaceae) 43 & 44 n7, 284 & n4, 403 & 404 n4 Crüger, Hermann: fertilisation of figs 147 & n2 Crustacea: Arctic 262 & 263 n5; Challenger specimens 262 & n3; New Zealand 262 & n4 cuckoos: eggs 33 n7 cucumber tree see Averrhoa bilimbi cucurbits 251 & n3, 570 & 571 n3 Cupples, Anne Jane: application for assistance from Royal Literary Fund 15 & 16 n1 Cupples, George: CD contributed to subscription for 16 n3; deerhound observations for Descent 16 & n3 Curling, Thomas Blizard 464 & 465 n8 curly kale (borecole) 100 & 101 n4 Cutting, Mary Ann 283 & n3 Cuvier, Georges 77 & 78 n19

846

Index

Cycadaceae 454 & n3, 527 & 531 n22, 597 & 601 n22 Cycas 527 & 531 n23, 597 & 601 n23 Cycas pectinata 454 n3, 456 & 457 n2, 458 n2 Cyclanthaceae 529 & 532 n24, 599 & 601 n24 cyclosis 104 & 105 n7 Daily News 313 & n1 Dalchow, Emma Friedrike Caroline 85 n1 Dallas, William Sweetland: translated F. Müller’s Für Darwin 59 n3 Damon, Robert: CD has no information on Conus geographus 415 & n1; Conus geographus 412–13 & 413 n2, n3 Dana, James Dwight: mountain chains 501 n4; Royal Society, medal 457 & n6, 458 & n4, 501 n2 Danais erippus (Danaus erippus; southern monarch) 421 & 423 n8, 498 & 499 n6 Daptonoura lycimnia (Melete lycimnia) 498 & 499 n4 D’Arcy, Elizabeth Eleanor 234 n8 Darwin, Amy: death of xvii, 113 n4, 116 & n4, 131 n3, 324 n12, 326 & n4 Darwin, Bernard: CD (away from Down) sometimes fancies he hears Baby talking 232 & n6; F. Darwin sends news of 233–4 & 234 n7, 238 & n1, 443 & n5; nurse, M.A. Westwood 234 n10 Darwin, Charles Robert: birthday (aged 68 on 12 February 1877) xxii, 616; blood, attitude to sight of 3 n3; boyhood home, Shrewsbury 208 n1; Cambridge University student 212 n2, 231 & n1, 449 n4, 510 n5; correspondence became repository for facts and claims about human ancestry xxiv; Edinburgh medical studies given up 2 & 3 n3; library, F. Darwin in charge of 391 & 392 n4; portraits of 40 n2, 224, 485 n4; Shrewsbury School attended 497 n17; smoking 503 & 504 n5; snuff 504 n5; see also opponents of CD’s theories; publications (CD); reading (CD); scientific views (CD); scientific work (CD); support for CD’s theories awards and positions: Académie des sciences, elected to botanical section 165 n2, 523 & 530 n2, 536 & 537 n2, 593 & 600 n2; Académie des sciences, nominated several times for zoological section 530 n2, 600 n2; Athenaeum Club member 452 n2; Down Coal and Clothing Club, treasurer 424 n4; Edinburgh University, possible nomination for lord rector of 452 & n3, 452 & 453 n2; Koninklijke Hollandsche Maatschappij der Wetenschappen, foreign member 198 & 199 n1;

see also Cambridge University awards CD honorary degree; Darwin, Charles Robert, diplomas; Down Friendly Society; Dutch photograph album; German and Austrian scientists photograph album diplomas 605–9; Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, corresponding member 86 & n2, 557 & n2, 606; California State Geological Society, corresponding member 609; Siebenbürgische Verein für Naturwissenschaften, honorary member 605–6; significance of diplomas 605; Sociedad Cientifica Argentina, honorary member 608–9; Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa, corresponding member 397 n2, 588 & 589 n2, 607–8; Zeeuwsch Genootschap der Wetenschappen, member 163 & n1, 164, 177 n1, 607; see also Darwin, Charles Robert, awards and positions finances: Beesby Farm payment 155 & n2; E. Beke, cheque for 428 & n1, n3; charitable giving xxvi; Climbing plants 521 & n3; coach payment 123 n2; contributions to public memorials xxvi; J.D. Cooper, payment for Forms of flowers illustrations 159 & 160 n6; Cross and self fertilisation 129 & n1, 130 & n1, 518 & n4, 521; G. Cupples, subscription contribution 16 n3; E.A. Darwin sends dividends 357 & 358 n2; W.E. Darwin, stock transfers 434 n2; W.E. Darwin, wedding gift xxvii, 399 n2, 402 n2; A. Deard, payment for building work 541 n3; Descent 2d ed. 499 & 500 n2; Downe Vicarage Endowment Fund, donation to 73 & n1; Drinkwater Frankwell School, contribution to 208 & n1; Facts and arguments for Darwin, illustrations for 59 n4; Forms of flowers 499 & 500 n3, 505; help for friends and colleagues in financial distress xxvi; H. Huntsman, CD’s account with for clothing 222 n3; Insectivorous plants 505 & 506 n3; Insectivorous plants French ed., payment for author’s rights 188 & n4, 414 & n3, 567 & n4, 592 & n3; F. Lloyd, payment to xxvi, 182–3 & 183 n2, n3; W.C. Marshall, payment for Down House addition 541 n1; J. Michelet’s memorial, contribution to 236 n1, 256 & 257 n1, n2; J. Murray, book royalties 499 & 500 nn 2–4, 501 & 502 n1, 502 & n8, 507 & n1, n2; Orchids 502 & n8, 505 & 506 n4, 507 & n2; Origin (1876) 129 & n1, 130 & n1; royalty payments for books 160 n3, 499 & 500 nn 2–4, 502 & n8, 507 & n1, n2; US publications, D. Appleton & Co. 138–9 & 139 n1, 318 n2 health: better of late but never passes whole

Index day in comfort 55; better than usual 510; Cambridge degree ceremony, G.H. Darwin suggests CD advises Cambridge that health may prevent him attending 212; Cambridge degree ceremony, health may preclude him from attending 231 & n1; declines Edinburgh University lord rector nomination invitation due to state of health 452 & 453 n2; declines Philosophical Society dinner invitation as he will be tired xxviii, 460 & n1; doubts he will get up steam to go to Royal Society (April London trip) 168 & n4; eczema treatment 232 & n3; fairly good 379; going away from home for rest and a change 210 & 211 n7; health is weak and conversation tires him more than anything else 273; for many years much out of health 223; rather bad day 303 & n3; rest wanted as cotyledons work has worn him out 438 & n4; unable to converse long with anyone as health suffers afterwards 148; from want of health and strength declines looking at É. Heckel’s proofs 114; in weak health 183 opponents of theories see opponents of CD’S theories publications see publications (CD) reading see reading (CD) scientific views see scientific views (CD) scientific work see scientific work (CD) support for theories see support for CD’s theories trips and visits: attended W.E. Darwin’s wedding 603 & 604 n20; Beaulieu 232 n5; Cambridge (16–19 Nov) xvii, 449, 466 n1, 482 n2, 484 n1, 485, 489 n4, 491 n3, 491 n2, 500 n5, 502 n7, 504 n9, 510 n5, 514 n2, 539 n7, 603 & 604 n18, 655; E.A. Darwin (London; 24–28 Apr) 160 n4, 168 & n3, 169 & n1, 176 n1, 603 & n7; E.A. Darwin (London; 26–29 Oct) 438 & n5, 443 n2, 444 & 445 n8, 603; W.E. Darwin (Southampton; 13 Jun–4 Jul) xix, xxiii, 209 n3, 211 n7, 223 & 224 n4, 232 & n4, 238–9 n1, 241 n3, 243 & n2, 246 & n2, 249 n3, 249 n1, 256 n1, 259 & 260 n3, 273 n2, 283 n1, 401 & 402 n3, 577 n2, 603 & n12; T.H. Farrer (Abinger; 20–25 Aug) 316 & 317 n7, 344 n2, 345 & n5, 347 n4, 352 & n1, 359 n4, 360 & 361 n7, 364–5 n1, 387 n2, 603 & n16; going away from home for rest and a change 210 & 211 n7; Hartfield (1860) 533 n1; J. and A. Hawkshaw (Hollycombe; 7–10 Jun 1876) 17 & n3; Isle of Wight (1858) 143 n4; H.E. and R.B. Litchfield (London; 6–15 Jan) 17 & 18 n3, 22 n2, 23 n1, 27 n1, 34 n1, 37 n6, 603 & n4; H.E. and R.B. Litchfield (London; 20–24 Apr) 160

847

n4, 168 n1, 168 & n3, 169 n1, 176 n1, 603 & n7; Stonehenge xxviii, 603 & n13; C.S. Wedgwood and J. Wedgwood III (Leith Hill; 8–13 Jun) 211 n7, 222 n2, 223 & 224 n4, 231 n2, 232 n2, 234 n1, 238 n1, 510 n6, 603 & n11 Darwin, Elizabeth (CD’s daughter) 655 Darwin, Elizabeth (Erasmus Darwin’s wife) 523 n2 Darwin, Emma: Cambridge visit for CD’s honorary degree xxvii, 655; CD comments on her keeping W.E. Darwin’s engagement secret xxvii, 400 & 401 n5; P. Cohn sends greetings 323 & 324 n11; E.A. Darwin on her adeptness at skipping (Irish) politics when reading 357; F. Darwin will give her messages to M.A. Westwood 234 & n10; temperance society in Down 373 n5; trustees 358 n2; visits J. and A. Hawkshaw (1876) 17 n3; writes to T.H. Farrer 416 & nn 2–6 Darwin, Erasmus: daughter 523 n2; C.C. Graham reports his writings popular 70 & 71 n15; letters to J.A.H. Reimarus 519 & n2; portraits of 523 & n3, n4, 546 & n1, n2 Darwin, Erasmus Alvey: Athenaeum Club 452 n2; Darwins visit (24–28 Apr) 160 n4, 168 & n3, 169 & n1, 176 n1, 603 & n7; Darwins visit (26–29 Oct) 438 & n5, 443 n2, 444 & 445 n8, 603; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 613 & n33; S. Laurence wishes to portray CD from a photograph 40 & nn 2–4; Mangles acquires CD’s autograph 451 & 452 n2; recommends The Hon. Miss Ferrard (Laffan) 357 & 358 n3; reports on T. Carlyle’s visit xxiii, 64 & 65 nn 2–5; requests J. Price’s address 16 & n1; séance 207–8 n5; sends dividends 357 & 358 n2; trustee of Emma Darwin’s property 358 n2 Darwin, Francis: brothers, comments on 150 & n3; and S. Butler xxv, 388 n1, n5, 496 n3; S. Butler writes to about quoting CD in Life and habit 387–8 & 388 nn 1–5, 493–5 & 496 nn 1–14, 497 nn 15–17; Cambridge friends 444 & 445 n9; Cambridge tutor 489 n7; Cambridge visit for CD’s honorary degree xxvii; CD asks F. Darwin to ask J.D. Hooker to mollify D. Oliver 136 & 137 n2; CD (away from Down) tells that he sometimes fancies he hears B. Darwin talking 232 & n6; CD requests items to be sent to him 232 & nn 2–5; CD’s amanuensis 18 n1, 514 n3; CD’s library, in charge of 391 & 392 n4; CD’s requests, will be sent 233 & 234 n1; A. Darwin, death of xvii, 113 & n4, 131 & n3, 324 n12, 326 & n4; B. Darwin 233–4 & 234 n7, 238 & n1; H. Darwin, visit to 200 n5; W.E. Darwin (Southampton), visit to 238–9 n1, 239

848

Index

Darwin, Francis, cont. n4; Down House, moved to xvii, 324 n12, 326 & n4; Down Lodge 403 n5; Expression 2d ed., edited by F. Darwin 55 n2, 99 n5, 560 n5; Forms of flowers 2d ed., edited by F. Darwin, Lithospermum longiflorum 149 n2, 206 n4; E.A. Greaves writes to F. Darwin thanking CD for payment offer for portrait of Erasmus Darwin 546 & n1, n2; T.H. Huxley’s Philosophical Society speech 482 & n2; F. Müller’s letters sent to A. Möller 422 n1; W. and L.A. Nash, dined with 234 & n9; news (and letters) from Down sent to CD 233–4 & 234 nn 1–10, 238 & 238–9 n1, 239 n4, n5, 443 & nn 2–8; Orchids 2d ed., helped correct proofs 610; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 611 & n14; played bassoon 238 & 239 n4; reprinting etiquette, asks about 200 & n2; G.J. Romanes, F. Darwin thanks for his medusae paper 17; G.J. Romanes, writes to (with CD) with thymol suggestion 513 & 514 n3; G.J. Romanes asks CD for F. Darwin’s help at Kew if there in July 225–6 & 229 n7; G.J. Romanes’s letter forwarded 233 & 234 n6 ; Royal Society invitation forwarded to CD in London 169 & n1; A.A. Ruck and D’Arcys visit 234 & n8 Darwin, Francis (letters written on CD’s behalf): T.F. Cheeseman 519 & 520 nn 1–3; T.A. Edison 533 & n2; S. Fuchs 4 n2; P.P.C. Hoek 248; W.M. Moorsom 447 & n2, n3; G.N. Stoppelaar 176–7 & 177 n1, n2 Darwin, Francis (scientific work): Averrhoa bilimbi 347, 404 n2; bloom, work published xix, 193 n2, 292 n9; bloom, works with CD on xvii, 208, 282 & n2, 292, 303 n4, 321 & n5, 328 & 329 n5, 365 n2, 392 & n2, 400 & 401 n6, 406 & n1, 426 n9; botanical work, collaborates with CD on xvii; CD comments on F. Darwin’s work in physiological botany 150 & n4; CD comments on their (CD and F. Darwin’s) hard work 358, 402; CD encouraged F. Darwin’s independent research xvii, xx; Chedworth visit 450 & 451 n1, n3; cotyledons (with CD) 438 & n3, 457 & 458 n2; Euphorbia jacquiniiflora 378 & n3; Forms of flowers, measurements 379 n4; heliotropism (with CD) 426 n9; J.D. Hooker, seed and plant requests for 208 & 209 n2, 209; Hooker invites to Kew 65 & 66 n2, 133 & n2, 137 n2; hygroscopic grass seeds from F. Müller 144 & 145 n4, 187 & n5; H. Jackson writes to about terminology of plant movement 481 & n1, 482 n2; Kew visit for dimorphic plants for CD 59, 65 & 66 n2, 93 & 94 n4, 113 & n6, 229 n7; Kosmos publication 143

& 144 n3; movement in plants (with CD) xvii, 378 & n3, 426 n9, 438 & n3, 457 & 458 n2, 481 n1, 537 & 538 n13; F. Müller’s Pteris aquilina observations communicated to Nature 200 n3, 234 n5; ‘On the glandular bodies on Acacia sphærocephala and Cecropia peltata serving as food for ants’ (food bodies paper) 200 & n2, 316 n9, 486 & 487 n4, 582 n9; ‘On the hygroscopic mechanism by which certain seeds are enabled to bury themselves in the ground’ 145 n4; ‘On the structure of the proboscis of Ophideres fullonica’ 381 n3, 587 n3; publications 122 & 123 n2, 144 n3, 145 n4, 150 n4, 193 n2, 292 n9; G.J. Romanes comments on to CD 334 & 335 n5, n6; J. Sachs, papers sent to 24 & n6, 551 & 552 n6; Silchester visit xxviii, 467–71 & 479 nn 1–8; see also Dipsacus sylvestris (F. Darwin’s paper); Drosera rotundifolia (F. Darwin’s work) Darwin, George Howard: advises CD of Cambridge University’s plan to award CD honorary degree xxvii, 211 & n2, 211–12 & 212 nn 1–6; and S. Butler xxv, 388 n1; CD asked to translate Gregorios sermon extract 219 n3, 219 & n3; CD asks about worms in Nevile’s Court, Trinity College xxviii, 484 & 485 n2; CD on Cambridge honorary degree arrangements 446–7 & 447 n4, n5; CD comments on G.H. Darwin’s earth’s axis paper 150 & n5, 418 & n3; CD on G.H. Darwin’s Royal Society nomination 492 & 493 n2, 493; CD on G.H. Darwin’s tides in earth work 446 & 447 n3, 492–3 & 493 n4, n5; CD enjoyed his Cambridge degree visit 485 & n3, n4; CD has bloom query for J.C. Maxwell 418 & n2, 431 n1; CD not yet heard from Cambridge about degree but will accept as advised by G.H. Darwin xxvii, 213 & 214 n2; CD still not heard from Cambridge 219 & n2; CD’s Cambridge degree xxvii, 488 & 489 n4; CD’s Cambridge degree, arrangements for 443–4 & 445 nn 2–5; CD’s Cambridge degree, progress of 430 & 431 n3; cousin marriages paper 503 & 504 n7, 510 & n7; cousin marriages paper, German translation sales 25 & n6, 552 & n6; J. Croll’s article on sun’s origin 327 & n4; H. Darwin’s Cambridge MA 165 & n4; Darwins move on to E.A. Darwin’s home 169 & n1; W.E. Darwin’s wedding 488 & 489 n7; earthworms in Trinity College xxviii, 484 & 485 n2, 487 & 488 n1; and F. Galton 27 & n2, 165 & n3; F. Galton, heredity lecture 27 n2, 31 & n3; F. Harrison writes to about memorial to J. Michelet 236 & nn 1–4, 240 & n2, 256 & 257 nn 2–4; health 444, 445, 447 n3;

Index V. Hensen’s worm paper, reference supplied 165 & n1; A.W. Malm, translated extracts from 534 & 535 n3; Maxwell answers CD’s query 430 & 431 n1; moon, motion of 487 & 488 n3; Myers brothers 546 n2; obliquity of planets 510 n7; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 611 & n12; ‘Professor Whitney on the origin of language’ 319 n4; publications 122 & 123 n2; relays message from F.M. Balfour about Académie des Sciences 165 & n2; Royal Society candidacy 488 & 489 n6, 491 & n2, 492 & 493 n2; Royal Society fellowship 489 n6; Trinity College, Cambridge 418 n2, 487 & 488 n2; C.E. Williams hired for séance 207–8 n5; see also earth’s axis of rotation; earth’s interior and tides Darwin, Henrietta Emma see Litchfield, Henrietta Emma Darwin, Horace: Brighton waterworks 451 & n5; Cambridge, intends visiting 430 & 431 n4; Cambridge, visit for CD’s honorary degree xxvii, 655; Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company 431 n5; Cambridge University, MA 165 & n4; CD proposes Chedworth visit 450– 51 & 451 nn 1–4; CD reports family news 451 & n6, n7; F. Darwin visits 200 n5; W. and L.A. Nash, dined with 234 & n9; nicknames Jim or Jemmy 234 n9, 431 n4; Silchester visit xxviii, 467–71 & 479 nn 1–8; Stonehenge visit memorandum 603 n13; visits Down 200 & n6, 234 & n9; wormograph xxviii, 443 & n6 Darwin, Leonard: calculations sent 500 & n1; Cambridge visit for CD’s honorary degree 655; career 150 n1; CD comments on brothers 150 & nn 3–5; CD congratulates on appointment as instructor in chemistry and photography 149–50 & 150 n1; coloured sheets for CD’s experiments 500 & n2; knee injury 400 & 401 n4, 426 & n7, 451 & n6, 503 & 504 n4, 510 Darwin, Robert Waring 142 & 143 n5 Darwin, Sara see Sedgwick, Sara Darwin, Susan Elizabeth 434 n1, 503 & 504 n6 Darwin, William Erasmus: Basset, move to 175 n1; Beaulieu, earth examined at base of stones 232 & n5; Beesby Farm payment 155 & n2; birth of xxi, 181 n1; bloom observations 283 n2; career 395 n3; CD asks him to observe Acacia and Robinia in rain xix, 344 & n2; CD attends wedding 603 & 604 n20; CD comments on S. Sedgwick’s visit 434 & n4; CD sends wedding gift xxvii, 399 n2, 402 n2; CD’s early research on heterostyly contributed to xvii; CD’s notes on his children’s development 180 & 181 n1,

849

319 n4; Claythorpe title deeds 433–4 & 434 n1, n2; F. Darwin visits 239 n4; Darwins visit (Southampton) xix, xxiii, 209 n3, 211 n7, 223 & 224 n4, 232 & n4, 238–9 n1, 241 n3, 243 & n2, 246 & n2, 249 n3, 249 n1, 256 n1, 259 & 260 n3, 273 n2, 283 n1, 401 & 402 n3, 577 n2, 603 & n12; dog ( Jet) 283 & n1; W.D. Fox, visit to 142 & n2, n3; W.D. Fox’s letter on Pulmonaria sent 155 & n1; health 401 n4; heterostyly and bloom observations xvii; C. Hoare applies for loan 484 n1; holly-berries 36 & n2; honeymoon 539 n2; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 36 & n2, 611 & n13; Pulmonaria angustifolia 128 n2, 142 & n2; Rhamnus catharticus 171–2 & 175 n2; Rhamnus frangula 175 n2; Rhamnus lanceolatus 172, 173, 174; riding accident 401 n4; Robinia pseudoacacia observations xix, 344 n2, 350 & n2; and S. Sedgwick, engagement xvii, xxvii, 394, 395, 396, 397 n2, n3, 400 & 401 n5, 416 n2, 419 & 420 n1, 425 & 426 n5, 436 & n2, 456 & 457 n1, 458 n3; and S. Sedgwick, marriage xxvii, 395 n2, 399 n2, 454 n6, 503 & 504 n2, 510 & n3, 539 n2; and S. Sedgwick, wedding 489 n7, 491 n3, 500 & 501 n3, 504 n2, 510 & n3, 603 & 604 n20; stock transfers 434 n2; visits Down 36 & 37 n7, 150 & n6, 454 & n6; wedding present, thanks CD for 401 & 402 n2 Darwinism: in Germany 278 & n4, 286–7 & 287 n6, n7, 577 & n4, 578 & n6, n7, see also evolution Davis, Jefferson 70 & 71 n9 deaf children’s speech 84 n2, 99 Deards, Alfred 541 & n3 Decaisne, Joseph 289 & 290 n4 decapods 262 & n3 Delaunay, Charles Eugène 487 & 488 n3 Delboeuf, Joseph 33 & 34 n2, 35 n3, 553 & n2 Delia antiqua (onion fly) 512 n5 Delpino, Federico: adynamandry 588 & n6; career 61 n4; colour changes in flowers 421 & 423 n7; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n5; Magnolia and beetles 536 & 537 n7; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 611 & n4; Ribes aureum and Caragana arborescens 498 & 499 n8; Smilax 315 & 316 n9, 581 & 582 n9 Descent (CD): Argus pheasant 182 n3; Aurelius, Marcus, paraphrased 108 & 109 n1; baboons 248 n5; bustards 248 n2, n3; butterflies, neuration in wings 422; caterpillar observation (H.W. Bates) 28 n1; CD regarded as leading theorist of human evolution xxiv; cites J.D. Caton 406 n2; cites J.F. McLennan 255 n12; deerhound observations (G. Cupples) 16 n3; dogs, reared by cats 391 n4; ears, ‘Woolnerian tip’ 547 n2;

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Index

Descent (CD), cont. and Expression originally intended as one volume 391 n4; fertility, effect of changed conditions on 248 n2; W.R. Greg quoted (Irishman comment) xxiii, 237, 238 & n1; handwriting, inheritance of 84 n3; Lepidoptera observations ( J. Hellins) 28 n2; males and females, differences between 191 & 192 n2, n3; mammary glands and nipples in male mammals 363 n2; os coccyx 121 n3; sexual selection 298 n2; A.R. Smith comments on 416–17 & 417 nn 1–3; sparrows 186 n1 Descent 2d ed. (CD): G. Canestrini’s findings 188 & 190 n5; Castnia 391 & 392 n3; cites F. de Azara 298 & 299 n1; cites A.D. Bartlett 366 n5; cites G. Grey 298; cites J. Lubbock 298 & 299 n1; cites F. Müller 392 n3; cites J.R. Rengger 366 n3; cites J. von Fischer 22 n4; cites J.J. Weir 366 n5; ears, ‘Woolnerian tip’ 547 n2; finance 499 & 500 n2, 505 & 506 n5; R.W. Griffiths comments on 507–8 & 508 n1; inheritance by one sex 367 n1; intoxication of animals 367 & 368 n1; language 541 n2; male display 366 n5; male mammals, sounds 366 & n3, n4; mammary glands and nipples in male mammals 363 n2; R. Meldola cites 392 n3; monkeys 366 n3; J. Murray’s accounts 505 & 506 n5; natural rate of increase in human population xxvi, 223 n3; published 508 n1; reprints 501 & 502 n1; reprints, 1875 with corrections and some text changes 508 n1; reprints, 1877 (definitive text) 22 & n2, 22 n4, 500 n2; reprints, CD intended to ask about reprint 22 n3; vestigial tails in humans 363 n1 Descent Dutch ed. (CD): H. Hartogh Heijs van Zouteveen translated 77 & 79 n23, 614 Descent US eds. (CD): rudimentary organs 461 & 465 n1; sales 317 Descent US 2d ed. (CD) 138 & 139 n2 Desmodium 192 & 193 n3 Desmodium gyrans (Codariocalyx motorius; Hedysarum gyrans; telegraph or semaphore plant): Averrhoa bilimbi, comparison with 347 & n6; CD requests 209 & 210 n11; CD requests seeds 438 & n3, 454 & n2; J.D. Hooker reports on availability 213 & n8, 214 & 215 n4; R.I. Lynch xix, 306; Movement in plants 306 n3, 347 n6, 438 n3, 454 n2; sent from Kew 279 n2 Desor, Edouard 126 & n3, 562 & n3 development: gradations in 181–2 & 182 n3; progressive development 15 n23, see also acceleration and retardation of development Dew-Smith, Albert George 430 & 431 n5

Dianthus (pink) 214 & 215 n8 Dicey, Elinor Mary: CD discusses women studying physiology 2; lunched at Down xxvii, 400; Newnham College 3 n1 Dichoneuron hookeri 532 n26, 601 n26 Dick (W.E. Darwin’s manservant) 283 & n3 Dickson, Alexander: Cephalotus 283 & 284 n2 dicotyledons: CD comments on G. de Saporta’s idea 536 & 537 n3; G. de Saporta 524 & 531 n4, 528, 529, 536, 594 & 600 n4, 598 Didelphis virginiana (Virginia opossum) 513 n3 Dido longwing (Colaenis dido; Philaethria dido; scarce bamboo page) 498 & 499 n4 Difflugia 322 & 324 n3, 341 & 343 n5 digestion in plants see Drosera rotundifolia (F. Darwin’s work) Dill, O. F. von Rekowsky’s request for CD’s autograph 109 & 110 n1 ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’ (CD): illustrations 133 n1; reworked in Forms of flowers 55 n5, 60 n5, 133 & n1, 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610 dimorphism: butterflies, R. Meldola on 382–3 & 383 nn 2–5; butterflies, A. Weismann on 384 & n3, 392 n5; CD studies pollen-grains and stigmas xvii, 59 & 60 n5; CD works on xvii, 59 & 60 n5; F. Darwin’s visit to Kew for dimorphic plants 59, 65 & 66 n2, 93 & 94 n4, 113 & n6; ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’ (CD), reworked in Forms of flowers 55 n5, 60 n5, 133 & n1, 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610; ‘Illegitimate offspring of dimorphic and trimorphic plants’, reworked in Forms of flowers 55 n5, 60 n5, 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610; sexual dimorphism in regard to colour 359–60 & 360 n2, 363 & 364 n3, see also Forms of flowers dioecism: trees 156 n2 Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap): C. de Candolle 5 n2, 321 n6, 340 n9, 551 n2, 585 n9; CD thanks W.T. Thiselton-Dyer for offer of young plants but already has supply of 347 & n2; Insectivorous plants 328 & 329 n3; J. Knight 374 n2; plants received from Veitch & Sons 333 n2, 336 & n4, 347 n2 Dione juno ( Juno silverspot; Juno longwing) 498 & 499 n4 Diplocynodon darwini see Alligator darwini diplomas (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, diplomas Dipsacus: CD asks F.J. Cohn’s permission to publish his Dipsacus observations in Nature 325–6 & 326 n1, n2; Cohn’s Dipsacus observations 322–3 & 324 nn 1–9, 328 & 329 n6, 329–31

Index & 331 nn 2–6, 335 n5, 341–2 & 342 n2, 343 nn 3–13, 543–4 & 544 n6; Nature, Cohn’s Dipsacus observations (communicated by CD) published xx, 331 n5, 340–42 & 342 n2, 343 nn 3–13, 358 & 359 n8, 391 n2, 544 n6; see also D. sylvestris Dipsacus fullonum see D. sylvestris Dipsacus sylvestris (F. Darwin’s paper on protoplasmic filaments in; common teasel; fuller’s teasel; D. fullonum); alcohol 544 & 545 n9; A. de Candolle comments on to CD 338–9 & 339 n2, 583–4 & 585 n2; CD comments on abstract only published by Royal Society xx, 207 & n3, 210 & n3, 358 & 359 n8; CD comments on to F.J. Cohn 302 & n1; CD comments on to J.D. Hooker xx, 59 & 60 n6, 67 & 68 n1, 113 & n3; CD comments on to G.J. Romanes xx, 207 & n3, 210 & n3, n4, 328 & 329 n6; CD comments on to W.T. Thiselton-Dyer 358 & 359 n8; CD communicated paper to Royal Society xx, 60 n7; CD communicates F.J. Cohn’s Dipsacus observations (confirming F. Darwin’s discovery) to Nature 331 n5, 340–42 & 342 n2, 343 nn 3–13, 358 & 359 n8, 391 n2, 544 n6; chemical reagents 322 & 324 n5, 343 n7, 514 n3; Cohn’s observations 322 & 324 n1, 328 & 329 n6, 329 & 331 n2, 335 n5, 340–42 & 342 n2, 543–4 & 544 n6; Cohn’s observations confirm some of F. Darwin’s observations 331 n2, 335 n5, 359 n8, 391 n2, 544 n6; F. Darwin sends to A. de Candolle 321 & n4, 339 n2, 585 n2; F. Darwin sends to F.J. Cohn 302 & n1, 322 & 324 n1, 391 n2; F. Darwin sends to A. Gray 389; drawings 200 & n4; Hooker welcomes F. Darwin’s sending paper to Royal Society 65 & 66 n3; hypothesis that protrusion of filaments corresponded in some way with aggregation in insectivorous plants xx, 342 n2; published, Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science xx, 60 n7, 207 n3, 302 n1, 342 n1; Royal Society, paper read at and abstract (not full paper) published xx, 60 n7, 66 n4, 111 & 112 n2, 207 & n3, 210 & n3, 342 n2, 358 & 359 n8; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer’s comment 113 & n5; work on 200 & n4, 234 n3 Dipsacus sylvestris: C. Royer 324 n9 Diptera 525 & 531 n7, 594 & 600 n7 Dircenna (clearwing butterflies) 422 & 423 n12 Dirksen, Enno 459 & 460 n6 discontinuous variation: F. Galton 243 n2 Dodel-Port, Arnold: botanical atlas 271 n4, 576 n4; CD comments on value of diagrams in teaching botany 275 & n3; CD thanks for articles 96–7 & 97 n1; CD thanks for plates 274–5 &

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275 n1, n2; describes proposed botanical atlas and sends plates 268, 270–71 & 271 nn 2–6, 272 n7, 574–6 & 576 nn 2–7 Dodel-Port, Carolina 270 & 272 n7, 575 & 576 n7; botanical atlas 271 n4, 576 n4 dogs: Expression 74 n1; Jet (W.E. Darwin’s dog) 283 & n1; Max (A. Gray’s dog) 389 & 391 n4; Pomeranian dog, observations on 73 & 74 n1; reared by cats 391 n4 Dohrn, Anton: CD sends greetings (via J.V. Carus) 146 & n3; sends greetings 141 & 142 n3 domestic productions: S. Butler comments on 494 & 496 n10 Donders, Frans Cornelius 76 & 78 n8, n9 Doornik, Jacob Elisa 75 & 78 n1; publications 75 & 78 n2, n3 dorsal eyes: Onchidium 178, 181–2 & 182 n2, 565–6 Down: travelling to 509 & n7 Down Coal and Clothing Club 423 & 424 n4; CD treasurer 1848–1869: 424 n4 Down Friendly Society: assistance fund 201 n2; CD advises against dissolving society xxvi, 94–5 & 95 n1, n2, 96 n3, 107–8 & 108 n2, n3; CD honorary member and treasurer xxvi, 94, 545 & n1; CD sends information about (to unknown correspondent) 200–201 & 201 nn 2–6; CD treasurer 201 n4, n6; CD trustee 310 n2; clerks 200 & 201 n3, 295 n2; founded xxvi, 201 n6; surplus funds as bonus xxvi, 295 n2, 308 & n2, 310 & n2, n3; surplus funds statement 545 & n1, n2; trustees 310 & n2 Down House: addition to 166, 168 & n2, 541 & nn 1–3; F. Darwin moved to xvii, 324 n12, 326 & n4; garden, CD offers to G.J. Romanes for experiments 509, 512 n5; portrait of Erasmus Darwin 546 n2 Down House visitors: V. Brooke 199 & n1, 219 n2, 406 n4, 603 & n9; C.L. Burgess 233 n6, 603 & n15; E. Burgess 233 n6, 603 & n15; S. Butler (1872) xxv, 388 n1; T. Carlyle (1875) xxiii, 65 n2; F.J. Cohn (1876) 302 & 303 n2, 324 n11; P. Cohn (1876) 303 n2, 324 n11; H. Darwin 200 & n6, 234 & n8; W.E. Darwin 36 & 37 n7, 150 & n6, 454 & n6; E.M. Dicey xxvii, 400; G.R. Flower 199 & n1, 603 & n9; W.H. Flower 199 & n1, 603 & n9; F. Galton 485 & n5, 603 & 604 n19; W.E. Gladstone xxii–xxiii, 129–30 & 130 n5, 603; E. Haeckel (1876) 81 & 82 n7, 556 & n7; C. Hoare (1878) 484 n1; H.A. Huxley 603 & n8; T.H. Huxley 603 & n6, n8; H.E. Litchfield 454 n5; R.B. Litchfield 454 n5; J. Lubbock 603 & n6; N. Moore 603 & n17; L.H. Morgan (1871) 278 & 279 n6; J. Morley 603 & n6; C.E. Norton

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Index

Down House visitors, cont. (1868; 1869) xxvii, 130 n3, 420 n2; S.R.S. Norton (1868; 1869) xxvii, 130 n3, 420 n2; L. Playfair 603 & n6; G.J. Romanes 225 & 229 n2, 603 & n10; A.A. Ruck 234 & n8; S. Sedgwick 416 & n4, 434 & n4, 454 & n6; T. Sedgwick 454 & n6; M. Shaen 150 & n6; T. and E. Spring Rice 603 & n9; K. A. Timiryazev 303 & n3 Down Lodge: F. Darwin moved out of 403 n5 Downe Vicarage Endowment Fund 73 & n1 Drinkwater, Charles Henry: CD contributes to Drinkwater Frankwell School 208 & n1 Drosera (sundews): aggregation 342 n2, 375 n6; C.H. Blackley’s interest in 119 & n4; carbonate of ammonia 375 n6; critics of CD’s theory 292 & n10, 374 n1; nutrition 374 n1, n3; principal subject of experiments for Insectivorous plants 164 n2 Drosera longifolia 532 & 533 n3 Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew): C.H. Blackley 244 & n1; CD’s observations 244 n2, 332 & n4, 337 & 338 n2; J.C. Conybeare’s observations 532–3 & 533 n1, n3; and Drosera spathulata 433 & n2, 434; Forms of flowers 532 & 533 n1; L. Grenier summary from Insectivorous plants 72 n5, n6, 555 n5, n6; illustration in A. Dodel-Port’s botanical atlas 270 & 271 n6, 575 & 576 n6; Insectivorous plants 332 & n4; J.B. Saint-Lager’s observations 72 & n5, 554 & 555 n5 Drosera rotundifolia (F. Darwin’s work; common or round-leaved sundew): C. de Candolle interested in F. Darwin’s experiments 339 & 340 n9, 584 & 585 n9; CD comments on to A. de Candolle 321 & n6, 340 n9, 585 n9; experiments xx, 234 n4, 292 & n10, 297 & n8, 321 & n6, 328 & 329 n8, 334 & 335 n6, 374 n1, 537 & 538 n14; findings answer some of critics of Insectivorous plants xx; paper on nutrition of 374 n1, 537 & 538 n14 Drosera spathulata 428 & n1, 433 & n1, n2, 434 & 435 n2 Drosophyllum lusitanicum 323 & 324 n13 Druitt, Thomas: CD asks him to be agent for withdrawing Down Friendly Society money 308 & nn 2–4 Drummond, William Henry 368 n2, 445–6 & 446 nn 2–5 Dryas iulia see Colaenis julia Du Chaillu, Paul Belloni 195 & n3 Duabanga grandiflora see Duabanga sonneratioides Duabanga sonneratioides (Duabanga grandiflora) 161 & 162 n6

Duchess shorthorn cattle 134 & 135 n2, n3 Dudleya pulverulenta see Cotyledon pulverulenta Dümichen, Johannes 286 & 287 n5, 578 & n5 Duncan, Peter Martin: letter from C.W. Thomson published in Nature 250 & n1; Royal Society council 501 n3; on C.W. Thomson’s decision about some Challenger specimens 219 n1 Dunville & Co. 117 & n2 Dutch photograph album xvii, xxii, 75–8 & 78 nn 1–19, 79 nn 20–25; A.A. Bemmelen and H.J. Veth sent album xxii, 75–8 & 78 nn 1–19, 79 nn 20–25, 103 n2, 614; CD comments on 126 & n6, 131 & 132 n2, 182 n4; contributors listed (with their occupations) 616–17, 620–21, 624– 9; Dutch Zoological Society organised album xxii, 614; Nature notice 124 n1, 132 n2, 142 n4; photographs 614, 623; proposers of 614; The Times notice 100 & n4, 132 n2; title page 619 Dutch Zoological Society (Nederlandsche Dierkundige Vereeniging): organised Dutch photograph album xxii, 614 Duval-Jouve, Joseph 89 n1; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n6 dwarf nasturtium (Tropaeolum minus) 292 & n8 ears: ‘Woolnerian tip’ 547 n2 earth: age of 82 & n1, n2, 489 n5, 493 n5 earth’s axis of rotation (G.H. Darwin’s work): A.R. Clarke comments on 150 & n5; J. Croll cites 327 n4; Royal Society paper 52 & 53 n3, 510 n7 earth’s interior and tides (G.H. Darwin’s work): CD comments on 418 & n3, 485 & n5, 492–3 & 493 n4, n5; progress of 430 & 431 n2, 444 & 445 n6, 447 n3; W. Thomson 488 & 489 n5, 492 & 493 n4; working on 510 n7 earthworms: Abinger, Roman villa excavations xxviii, 352 n1, 364–5 n1, 385 & 387 n2, 389 n3; CD asks F. Müller for information on earthworms in Brazil 192–3 & 193 n4; CD comments on T.H. Farrer’s observations 352; CD gathers observations from other people xvii; CD works on xvii, xxviii, 502 n5, 602 & 603 n3; Chedworth, Roman villa excavations 364 n1; H. Darwin’s wormograph xxviii, 443 & n6; earlier work 193 n4; T.H. Farrer’s observations (worm journal) xxviii, 352 & n1, 364 & 365 n3, 385–6 & 387 nn1–4, 389 & n2, n3, 416 & n3; V. Hensen 165 n1; Silchester Roman town visit by F. Darwin and H. Darwin xxviii, 467–71 & 479 nn 1–8; Stonehenge visit by CD and sons xxviii; Trinity College xvii, xxviii, 484 & 485 n2, 487 & 488 n2, see also minhocão (huge earthworm)

Index Earthworms (CD): Abinger, Roman villa excavations 352 n1, 364–5 n1, 389 n3; Chedworth, Roman villa excavations 364 n1, 451 n1, n3; cites J.G. Joyce 479 n1, n6; T.H. Farrer’s observations 352 n1, 365 n3, 387 n1, n4, 389 n3; published 502 n5, 603 n3; Silchester, Roman town 479 n1, n6; written after Forms of flowers (which CD thought might be his last book) 160 n2 ‘Eastern Question’ 19 & n2 Echeveria: bloom 405 & n6, 589 & 590 n6; bloom removal 332 & n1, n2; considered subgenus of Cotyledon by many authors 520 n3, 522 n1 Echeveria stolonifera 514 & n2, 522 n1, see also Cotyledon (Echeveria) stolonifera Edinburgh Botanical Society 20 n2 Edinburgh University: possible nomination for lord rector of 452 & n3, 452 & 453 n2 Edison, Thomas Alva: F. Darwin on CD’s behalf declines offer of insect specimens 533 & n2; green insects giving off smell of naphthalene 514, 516 & n1 Eichornia crassipes see Pontederia crassipes Eimer, Theodor: medusae 18 n6 Eisenstein, Gotthold 459 & 460 n6 elephants: intoxication story xxv, 367 & 368 n2, 369 & n3, 445–6 & 446 nn 2–5, 447 elk (Cervus canadensis; wapiti) 405–6 & 406 n3 Ellacombe, Henry Nicholson 302 & n4; Schrankia 310–311 & 311 nn 2–5, 325 & n3, 358 & 359 n2 Elliot & Fry, CD’s cartes de visite 40 & n3 Elymus arenarius (Leymus arenarius; sand ryegrass) 301 & n1 Elymus condensatus (Leymus condensatus; giant wildrye) 279 n2 Elymus repens see Triticum repens English ivy (Hedera helix; common ivy) 531 n14, 600 n14 Ensete glaucum see Musa glauca Enteromorpha 323 & 324 n7, 341 & 343 n9 Entomological Society of London 316 n3; Callidryas philea specimen sent by F. Müller exhibited by R. Meldola 499 n10; Lepidoptera exhibited by Meldola 382 & 383 n2; Macrosilia cluentius proboscis sent by Müller exhibited by Meldola 499 n2; Müller’s letter on moths, butterflies and flowers communicated by CD and read by Meldola at 499 n12; Phyllothelys westwoodi exhibited by J. Wood-Mason 383 & n6 entomologists 316 & nn 2–4, 371 & n3, 377 environmental factors affecting variability of species 120 & n4 Eophila 421 & 422 n5

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Epeira (Araneus; orbweaver spiders) 112 & 113 n1 Epicharis 421 & 422 n4 Ercolani, Giovanni Battista: CD thanks for essay 112 & n1 Errera, Léo Abram: asks CD if he will look at article manuscript 377–8 & 378 n2, 585 & 586 n2; CD agrees to look at manuscript 379–80 & 380 n2, n3; CD comments on manuscript and terminology 399 & n1, n2, 400 nn 3–5, 407 & n2, n6, 590 & 591 n2, n6; cites Cross and self fertilisation 407 & n4, 590 & 591 n4; sends manuscript 395–6 & 396 nn 2–7, 587–8 & 588 nn 2–7; terminology, crossing plants 395–6 & 396 n4, 407 n5, 587–8 & 588 n4, 591 n5; thanks CD for comments on manuscript and terminology 407 & nn 2–6, 590 & 591 nn 2–6 Ertl, Emil: CD sends signature 447 Eryngium 301 Eryngium maritimum (sea holly) 214 & 215 n8, 296 & 297 n7, 300 Erythrina 296 & 297 n5, 301, 302 & n3, 347 n3 Erythrina caffra (coast coral tree) 346 & 347 n3 Erythrina corallodendron (E. corallifera; coral erythrina) 297 n5, 346 & 347 n3 Erythrina crista-galli (cockspur coral tree): CD asks R.I. Lynch to observe 346 & 347 n2; CD sends thanks to R.I. Lynch for observations 358 & 359 n6; R.I. Lynch’s observations 354–5 & 355 n1; movement 347 & n4, 358 & 359 n9; Movement in plants 347 n4; sleep of 347 & n4, 354–5 & 355 n1, 358 & 359 n9 Eschscholzia californica (California poppy) 41 n2 Espinas, Alfred: CD comments on Des sociétés animales 263 & nn 2–4; and T. Ribot translated H. Spencer’s Principles of psychology 266 & n8, 573 & 574 n8; thanks CD for comments 265–6 & 266 nn 3–8, 573 & n3, 574 nn 4–8 Estorff, Karl von: sends pamphlet, and requests autograph 126–7 & 127 n3, 561–2 & 562 n3 eucalyptus (Australian): CD resumes experiments on 220 & 221 n6 Eucalyptus globulus (Tasmanian bluegum) 384–5 & 385 n2, 392 n2 Eudocima phalonia see Ophideres fullonica Euglossa (orchid bees) 421 & 422 n5 Euphorbia (spurges): J.D. Hooker 215 & 215–16 n8, 376 n3 Euphorbia jacquiniiflora (Euphorbia fulgens; scarlet plume): CD asks R.I. Lynch for further observations and asks for plant 376 & n3, 378 & n2; CD discussed with F. Darwin 378 & n3; CD’s observations 376 n4, 385 n1; Lynch’s observations 375–6 & 376 n2, 376 & n3, 378 & n2;

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Index

Euphorbia jacquiniiflora, cont. Movement in plants 376 n2, 378 n4; sleep of xx, 375–6 & 376 n2, 376 & n3 Euphorbia myrsinites (myrtle spurge; blue spurge) 300 & 301 n1, 301 & 302 n2 Euphorbia paralias (sea spurge) 301 & 302 n2 Euphorbia peplus (petty spurge) 296 & 297 n7 Euphorbia pulcherrima (poinsettia) 536 & 537 n8 Euphorbiaceae 339 & 340 n8, 584 & 585 n8 Euphrasia 153 & n2 Eurasian jackdaw (Corvus (Coloeus) monedula) 156 & n7 Eurema leuce (Hall’s sulphur butterfly) 421 & 423 n8, 498 & 499 n4 Europe: reception of Origin in 76–7 & 78 n18, n19, 79 nn 20–25 European alder (Alnus glutinosa) 156 & n4 European ash (Fraxinus excelsior) 155 & 156 n2, 156 European aspen (Populus tremula) 156 & n5 European beachgrass (Psamma arenaria; Ammophila arenaria) 215 & 215–16 n8 European clover see Marsilea quadrifolia Evans, John 488 & 489 n9 evolution: acceleration and retardation of development theory 14 n12, 171 & n4; S. Butler xxv, 493 & 496 n2, n4, n5, 494; discussion of 307; A. Espinas on 265 & n3, 573 & n3; evolutionary change, nature of 410 & n2, n3; family 253–5 & 255 nn 3–13, 278 n3; A. Gray comments that all young naturalists take to evolution 233; human evolution, CD as leading theorist of xxiv; T. Malthus’s Essay on population influenced CD’s evolutionary theory xxvi; E.S. Morse’s address on American zoologists and evolution 171 & nn 1–4; Morse’s course of lectures on 198 & n5; nervous system 207 & n4, 211 n5, 229 n1, 328 n2, 338 n1; Netherlands, progress of opinion 76–7 & 78 nn 2–19, 79 nn 20–23, 85; New Zealand, controversy in religious community 84 & n4; sexual instincts 237 n2; see also Darwinism; human evolution; ‘missing link’ exogamy 299 & n5 expression: J.V. Carus’s observations 53–4, 55 Expression (CD): cats 74 n1; and Descent originally intended as one volume 391 n4; dogs 74 n1; head shaking 55 n10; illustrations (heliotypes) 14 n3, 401 & n1, 403 & n1, 417 n2; photography 453 n1; possible Swedish translation 401 n1, 403 & n1, 417 n2; publication 99 n5, 152 n3, 560 n5; G.O. Wight comments on 418–19 Expression 2d ed. (CD): cites C.F. Nasse 54 n9; edited by F. Darwin 55 n2, 99 n5, 560 n5

Expression Dutch ed. (CD): H. Hartogh Heijs van Zouteveen translated 77 & 79 n23, 614 Expression French ed. (CD): S.J. Pozzi and R. Benoît translated 99 & n4, 559–60 & 560 n4 Expression French 2d ed. (CD): S.J. Pozzi and R. Benoît translated 99 & n4, 188 & n6, 414 n5, 559–60 & 560 n4, 567 & n6, 593 n5 Expression German 2d ed. (CD): J.V. Carus translated 54 n9 Expression German 3d ed. (CD): J.V. Carus translated 54 n9 Expression US ed. (CD) 138 & 139 n2; sales 138 & 139 n2, 317 extinction: tendency of intermediate forms to become extinct 234 & 235 n5 eyes: dorsal eyes, Onchidium 178, 181–2 & 182 n2, 565–6; vertebrate and invertebrate 178 & 179 n5, 565 & 566 n2 Fabaceae see Leguminosae Facts and arguments for Darwin (F. Müller’s Für Darwin; translated by W.S. Dallas) 58 & 59 n3, n4 Fagus sylvatica (beech) 156 & n4 Fåhraeus, Olof Immanuel 62 & 63 n3 Fairbridge, Charles Aken 361–2 & 362 n5 false acacia (Robinia pseudoacacia; black locust) 325 & n2, 344 n2 family: evolution of 253–5 & 255 nn 3–13, 278 n3 Faraday, Michael 425 & n2 Farrer, James 364 Farrer, Katherine Euphemia (Effie) 352 & 353 n3; home, Abinger Hall 398 n4, 603 n16; note appreciated by W.E. Darwin and S. Sedgwick 416 & n5 Farrer, Thomas Henry: career 364–5 n1; CD comments on entomologists 316 & nn 2–4; CD delighted with visit 352; CD thanks for earthworms observations xxviii, 352, 389 & n2, n3; Coronilla varia and bees 487 n3; Emma Darwin writes to 416 & nn 2–6; Darwins visit (Abinger) 316 & 317 n7, 344 n2, 345 & n5, 347 n4, 352 & n1, 352, 359 n4, 360 & 361 n7, 364–5 n1, 387 n2, 603 & n16; earthworms observations (worm journal) xxviii, 352 & n1, 364 & 365 n3, 385–6 & 387 nn 1–4, 389 & n2, n3, 416 & n3; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 613 & n33; home, Abinger Hall 317 n7, 345 n5, 359 n4, 361 n7, 398 n4, 416 n3, 603 n16; Roman remains, lends CD papers on 364 & n1; sons 364 & 365 n2; Tritoma and bees 397 & 398 nn 1–3 Fawcett, Henry 488 & 489 n7 Fawcett, Millicent Garrett 489 n7

Index feather hyacinth (Muscari; grape hyacinth) 43 & 44 n9 featherfoil see Hottonia palustris febris recurrens (recurring fever; typhoid fever) 543 & 544 n2 Feilden, Henry Wemyss 309 & n3, 579 & n3 females: differences between males and females 191 & 192 n2, n3 fern: in Silurian schists 410 & n4 fernleaf yellow false foxglove (Gerardia pedicularia; Aureolaria pedicularia) 393 & 394 n1 ferrets: hen rearing ferrets 241 n3, 277 & n3 ‘Fertilisation of Leschenaultia’ (CD) 429 & 430 n2 fertilisation and pollination, distinction between 395 & 396 n5, 587 & 588 n5 ‘Fertility of hybrids from the common and Chinese goose’ (CD) 143 n2 ‘Fertilization of orchids’ (CD) 610 Ffinden, George Sketchley: CD contributes to fund Ffinden collecting for 73 & n1; and Darwins 402 & 403 n4; Down Coal and Clothing Club 423 & 424 n4; vicar of Down 424 n4 Ficoidae 339 & 340 n7, 584 & 585 n7 fig wasps 147 & n2, 355–6 & 356 n3, n4 figs: fertilisation of 147 & n2; and fig wasps 147 & n2, 355–6 & 356 n3, n4 finances (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, finances Fischer, Johann von: cited in Descent 2d ed. 22 n4 fish: monoecism 62 n1, n2 Fish, David Taylor: fruit trees 80; holly-berries letter, Gardeners’ Chronicle 45 n2, 224 n1; holly-berries note, Garden 45 & n2; sends holly specimens 80 & 81 n1, 224 & n1 Fisher, Charles: holly varieties 56 & 57 n1 Fissurella 178 & 180 n8, 566 & 567 n5 Fitch, Adam: asks about blindness in cauliflowers 293 & 294 nn 2–4; sends seedling mulberry leaves 293–4 & 294 n5 Fitger, Arthur 106 n2, 630 Fitzgerald, Robert David: CD thanks for book 366 & 367 n1; cited in Orchids 2d ed. 127 & 128 n1; Cross and self fertilisation, presentation copy 127 & 128 n1; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 127 & 128 n1, 611 Fitzwilliam, William Thomas Spencer Wentworth, 6th earl Fitzwilliam 432 n5 flax, common (Linum usitatissimum) 104 & 105 n9 Flower, Georgiana Rosetta: visits Down 199 & n1, 603 & n9 Flower, William Henry: CD sends goose wing specimen 540 n1; CD sends pig’s foot 184 & n1; CD welcomes their visit to Down 199 & n1;

855

CD will send pig’s foot to 180 & n2; comments on pig’s foot 184 & n2; C.W. Thomson, memorial supporting 219 n1; visits Down 199 & n1, 603 & n9; writes to O. Zacharias about pig’s foot 196 & n1, n2 flowers: beauty in 536 & 537 n5; and bees 252 & n2, 336 & n2, 421 & 422 n4, n5, 486 & 487 n2, n3; and butterflies 498 & 499 nn 3–8, n12; colour changes in 421 & 423 n7; development 530, 599; and insects 336 & n1, n2, 337 n3, 393–4 & 394 nn 1–5, 486–7 & 487 n2, n3, 530, 536 & 537 n5, 599; terminology 531 n10, 600 n10, see also Forms of flowers fly agaric (Amanita muscaria; Agaricus muscarius) 326 & n2, 329 & 331 n3, 342 & 343 n13, 447 & n3 fly-trap dogbane (Apocynum androsaemifolium; Jordan hemp; bitter-root) 38 n1, 336 & 337 n3 Fonssagrives, J-B. 354 n1 food bodies (F. Darwin’s paper on food for ants) 200 & n2, 316 n9, 582 n9 Forbes, Edward: death of 19 & n4 forest owl butterfly, giant (Caligo eurilochus) 32 & 33 n5 ‘Formation of mould’ (CD) 193 n4 Forms of flowers (CD): Acer campestre 394 n7; G. Bentham, CD thanks for comments 282 & n1; G. Bentham, comments on 280 & 281 n2, n3, n6; Bouvardia leiantha 394 n1, 449 n3; J.V. Carus sends errors noticed while translating 369–70 & 370 n1, n2; CD has new material for next edition 518 & n6; CD longs to get this old work off his hands 93 & 94 n5; CD requests copy in sheets in case of new edition 502, 518 & n6; CD requests type be broken up 502 & n3; CD thinks will be his last book 159 & 160 n2; CD writing xvii, 175 n1, 602; CD’s opinion of xviii; cites W.W. Bailey 394 n1, 449 n3; cites W. Breitenbach 381 n2, 587 n2; cites J. Duval-Jouve 89 n1; cites A. Gray 58 n2, n3; cites F. Hildebrand 132 n2; cites A. Kerner von Marilaun 346 n2, 422 n3; cites W.H. Leggett 38 n1, 56 n3; cites L.E. Michalet 89 n1; cites D.E. Müller 89 n1; cites J. Scott 105 n5, 162 n5; cites W.T. Thiselton-Dyer 42 & 44 n3, 43 & 44 n9; cleistogamic species 187 & n4, 280 & 281 n3, 282, 361; R.F. Cooke acknowledges news about 130 & n1; Drosera rotundifolia 532 & 533 n1; earlier publications reworked for xvii, 55 & n5, 59 & 60 n5, 133 & n1, 146 & n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610; errors 400 n4; finance 499 & 500 n3; Gerardia pedicularia 394 n1; Gilia aggregata 118 n2; Gilia micrantha 118 n2; A. Gray, Forms of flowers dedicated to xviii, 220 & 221 n4, 389 &

856

Index

Forms of flowers (CD), cont. 391 n1, 610; A. Gray’s review 391 n1, 610; heterostyled, terminology xvii; heterostyled plants 118 & n4, 146 & n2, 421, 593, 610; Hottonia 61 n2; Hottonia palustris 128 n1; illegitimate unions 61 n6, 62 n7; illustrations 133 & n1, 159 & 160 n6, 414 & n6, 592 & 593 n6; Lagerstroemia 105 n5; Lagerstroemia indica 162 n5; Leucosmia burnettiana 21 n2, 118 n1; Linum usitatissimum 105 n9; manuscript received by R.F. Cooke 160 & nn 1–3; manuscript sent for publication 159 & 160 nn 1–6, 221 n2; measurements 370, 379 n4; F. Müller comments on 421 & 422 n3; F. Müller sent Pontederia specimens 145 n3, 423 n11; F. Müller’s Pontederia specimens acknowledged 145 n3, 187 & n1, n3, 423 n11; H. Müller’s suggestion regarding homostyled plants discussed 61 n6; J. Murray’s accounts 505 & 506 nn 6–8; J. Murray’s publishing terms for 160; Muscari 43 & 44 n9; Mussaenda 44 n8, 46 & n4; origin of different forms xviii; origin of separate sexes xviii; Oxalis 125 n2, 259 n3; Oxalis acetosella 124 & 125 n1; Oxalis sensitiva 125 n1, 147 n4; Phlox subulata 118 n3; pollen-grains, measuring 200 & n5; Pontederia 38 n1, 56 n2, 145 n3, 187 n1, 423 n11; Primula elatior 380 & n3; printed copies xviii, 401; printing 259 & nn 1–4, 268; proofs corrected 221 n2, 243, 259 n1; published 94 n3, 146 n2, 259 n4, 274 n3, 297 n1, 346 n1, 356 n1, 379 & n5, 394 n1, 401 n2, 491 n2, 502 n3, 510 n4, 602 & 603 n2, 610; Pulmonaria angustifolia 128 n2, 155 n6; research for 113 & n6, 132 n1, 200 & n5; Restiaceae 44 & n3, 316 n5, 582 n5; review of 391 n1, 610; Rhamnus lanceolatus 21 n5; Salvia horminum 43 & 44 n9; size of 236 & n2, 243 & n4; stereotypes for D. Appleton 268 n1, 506 n6, 610; stereotyping 491 & n2, 492 & n3, 518; table heading 370 n2, 379 n3; Thelymitra 128 n3; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer comments on introduction 42–3 & 44 n2, 46 & n3; truly distinct forms 206 n2; type, keep in type for time being 503; Verbascum lychnitis 282 n1; Verbascum thapsus 282 n1; Viola 153 n4; Viola odorata 125 n1; A.R. Wallace comments on 297 & 298 n1 Forms of flowers (CD; copies sent): T. von Heldreich 327 & n2; W. Ogle 345; W.G. Smith 304 & 305 n1; A.R. Wallace 297 & 298 n1 Forms of flowers (CD; presentation copies) 610–613; É. Alglave 612 & 613 n9; P. Ascherson 612 & 613 n3; A.F. Batalin 612 & 613 n16; A.W. Bennett 613 & n33; G. Bentham 279–80 & 281 n1,

613; C.E. Bessey 220 & 221 n3, 257 & 259 n1, 612 & 613 n27; A. de Candolle 313 & 315 n2, 580 & 582 n2, 612 & 613 n7; G. Canestrini 613 & n33; CD expecting his copies 259 & 260 n3, 259 & n4; F.J. Cohn 322 & 324 n1, 612 & 613 n26; E.A. Darwin 613 & n33; F. Delpino 612 & 613 n5; J. Duval-Jouve 612 & 613 n6; T.H. Farrer 613 & n33; A. Gaudry 613 & n34; A. Gray 389 & 391 n1, 612; E. Haeckel 612 & 613 n12; P. Harting 612 & 613 n8; É. Heckel 612; O. Heer 308 & 309 n2, 578 & 579 n2, 612; F. Hildebrand 612 & 613 n4; H. Hoffman 612 & 613 n28; J.D. Hooker 613 & n32; T.H. Huxley 613 & n33; A. Kerner von Marilaun 612 & 613 n20; M. Kuhn 611 & 613 n2; C.F. Martins 612; T. Meehan 273, 612 & 613 n11; É. Mer 613 n29; É. Morren 612 & 613 n15; F. Müller 420–21 & 422 n2, 593 & n2, 612; H. Müller 612; C.W. von Nägeli 612 & 613 n23; D. Oliver 283 & 284 n1, 612 & 613 n32; J.É. Planchon 612 & 613 n22; C.-F. Reinwald 612 & 613 n10; J. Sachs 612 & 613 n18; G. de Saporta 613 & n34; M. Sars 612 & 613 n17; J. Scott 612 & 613 n19; E. Strasburger 612 & 613 n25; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer 284 n1, 612 & 613 n32; G.H.K. Thwaites 355 & 356 n1, 611; R. Trimen 361 & 362 n1, 612; J. Wiesner 612 & 613 n13; O. Zacharias 613 n24 Forms of flowers 2d ed. (CD): Bouvardia leiantha 517 n1; cites W.H. Leggett 343 n1, 487 n6; Lithospermum longiflorum 149 n2, 206 n4; new material all in preface 508 n2, 518 n6; Pontederia cordata 343 n1; Trifolium polymorphum 281 n5 Forms of flowers French ed. (CD): É. Heckel translated 415 n7, 483 n2, 593 n7, 613 n34 Forms of flowers German ed. (CD): J.V. Carus translated 146 n2, 236 n3, 243 n4, 370 n1, 379 n2; German collected edition of CD’s works 236 n3, 243 n4, 340 n1 Forms of flowers US ed. (CD): CD awaits news of 260 & n4; published 259 n2; stereotypes for 267 & 268 n1, 506 n6 Forsythia 137 & n4 Forsythia suspensa (weeping forsythia) 137 n4 Fortnightly Review: editor J. Morley 512 & n9 Fossil Cirripedia (1854) (CD): E. Forbes’s specimens 19 n4 fossil snails from Steinheim crater, Germany see Steinheim fossil shells fossilised man (Colorado Giant hoax) xxiv, 439–42 & 442 n1, n2, n6, 516 & 517 n3, n4 Foster, Michael and Margaret Sarah 485 & 486 n2 four-leaf clover see Marsilea quadrifolia

Index Fox, Ellen Sophia 154 & n3, 504 & n8 Fox, William Darwin: CD reports family news 510 & nn 1–7; congratulates CD on honorary degree 504 & n9; W.E. Darwin visits 142 & n2, n3; enquires about CD’s family news and sends congratulations on W.E. Darwin’s wedding 503–4 & 504 nn 2–9; Pulmonaria observations 154 & n2 Fraas, Oscar 6 & 14 n5 Le Français: J-B. Fonssagrives 353 & 354 n1 France: political situation 230 & n6, 265, 414 n4, 483 & n2, 569 & 570 n6, 573, 592 n4 Frangula alnus see Rhamnus frangula Fraxinus excelsior (European ash) 155 & 156 n2, 156 Frazier, ‘Bronsomerulay’: asks CD to be nominated for lord rector of Edinburgh University 452 & nn 1–3; CD declines nomination invitation 452 & 453 n2 free will: intellectual difference between humans and animals 157–8, 563–4 freedom from state interference 372–3 n4 French men: physiological effects of conscription on 23 & n2, n3 Friendly Societies’ Act (1875) 95 n2, 107 & 108 n2, n3 fringed gromwell see Lithospermum longiflorum fruit trees 80 fruits: failure of 80 Fuchs, Sigmund: asks CD’s view on tunicates 3 & 4 n4, 550 & n4; draft response by F. Darwin on CD’s behalf on debate about vertebrates’ ancestors 4 & n2 Fuerbach, Ludwig 354 & n8 Fuertesimalva peruviana see Malva peruviana fuller’s teasel see Dipsacus sylvestris Fumaria (fumitory) 214 & 215 n8 Galton, Francis: borrowed book returned to CD 99 & 100 n1; CD invites to lunch 27 & n1; CD offers to find essay on physiological effects of conscription on French men 23 & n2, n3; CD sends extract from G. Ticknor’s autobiography 83–4 & 84 n2, 84 & n3; composite photographs 453 n2; congratulates CD on German and Dutch photograph albums 100 & n4, n5; G.H. Darwin and CD advising on Galton’s heredity lecture 27 n2, 31 & n3; G.H. Darwin sends letter (from Galton) to CD 165 & n3; G.H. Darwin wishes to meet 27 & n2; deaf children’s speech 99 & 100 n2; discontinuous variation 243 n2; heredity theory, F. Lloyd’s critique of xxvi; pangenesis experiments 135 & 136 n1, n2; rudimentary organs 242; Swiss

857

landed population 31 & n2; visits Down 485 & n5, 603 & 604 n19 Galton, Louisa Jane: CD hopes is well again 84 & n4; CD sends greetings to 27 & n3; health 100 & n6, 165 & n3 gardeners: J.D. Hooker’s view of xix, 457 & n3 Gardeners’ Chronicle: D.T. Fish, holly-berries 45 n2, 224 n1; G. Henslow’s review of Cross and self fertilisation 96 n2; T. Moore, holly varieties 57 & n2, n3; J.O. Westwood, entomological referee 316 n3 Gardeners’ Chronicle (CD’s letters and article): on Cotyledon (extract) 514 n2, n3, 515; ‘Fertilisation of Leschenaultia’ 429 & 430 n2; on G. Henslow’s review of Cross and self fertilisation 96 & nn 2–4; on scarcity of holly-berries 19–20 & 20 nn 2–4, 29 & 30 n1, n2, 35 & 36 n2, 36 n2, 39 & n1, 40 & n2, 52 n1, n2; on scarcity of holly-berries error admitted 45 & n2, 81 n1; on white clover 20 n4 Gardeners’ Chronicle and Agricultural Gazette 135 n1, see also Agricultural Gazette; Gardeners’ Chronicle Gärtner, Karl Friedrich von: Bastarderzeugung im Pflanzenreich 282 & n1 Gascoyne-Cecil, Robert Arthur Talbot, 3d marquess of Salisbury 244 & 245 n3 Gaudry, Albert: CD thanks for book 541 & 542 n1; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 613 & n34 Gegenbaur, Carl 63 & 64 n2, n4 Geiger, Lazarus: colour vocabulary 286 & 287 n3, 577 & 578 n3 Geikie, James 488 & 489 n9 geitonogamy 395 & 396 n3, n4, 399 & n2, 407, 587 & 588 n3, n4, 590 Gentiana andrewsii (bottle or closed gentian) 393 & 394 n5, 448 & 449 n4 Geographical Society of Lisbon (Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa): elects CD corresponding member 397 n2, 588 & 589 n2, 607–8 Geological observations 2d ed. (CD): map copies for German ed. 44 & n1, 53 & 54 n1, 55 n3; published 34 n3, 553 n3; review, J.W. Judd 74 & n2; South America and Volcanic islands published as one volume 34 n3, 553 n3 Geological observations 2d ed. German ed. (CD): J.V. Carus translated 44 n1 Geological Society of London: T.H. Huxley, anniversary address 538 n10 Gerard, John 423 & 424 n2 Gerardia pedicularia (Aureolaria pedicularia; fernleaf yellow false foxglove) 393 & 394 n1 German Arctic expedition 263 n5 German and Austrian scientists photograph album xvii, xxii, 91 & n1, 91–2 & 92 n2, 96–7

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Index

German and Austrian scientists photograph album, cont. & 97 n1, n2, 614, 616; CD comments on 105 & 106 n2, 126 & n6, 182; C.F. Claus comments on 115 & n2, 561 & n2; E. Haeckel comments on 81 & n3, n4, 555 & 556 n3, n4; E. Haeckel’s involvement xxii, 142 n4; photographs 615, 622; poems xxii, 91 & n5, 92 & n2, 559 & n5, 630; E. Rade sent album xxii, 81 n3, 90–91 & 91 nn 2–5, 115 & n2, 124 n1, 556 n3, 558–9 & 559 nn 2–5, 561 & n2, 614; C.G. Semper comments on xxii, 177 & 179 n1, 182 & n4; The Times notice 100 & n4; title page (A. Fitger) 105 & 106 n2, 618 German collected edition of CD’s works (CD) 236 n3, 243 n4, 340 n1 German communities: in Russia 456 & n2, n4 Germany: admirers of CD’s work xxii, 122; Berlin Academy and Berlin University links 459; Darwinism in 278 & n4, 286–7 & 287 n6, n7, 577 & n4, 578 & n6, n7, see also German and Austrian scientists photograph album Gevaert, Gustave 377 & 378 n2, 399 n1, 407 n6, 585 & 586 n2, 591 n6 giant forest owl butterfly (Caligo eurilochus) 32 & 33 n5 giant land-tortoises: CD’s comment on 67 & 68 n3; A. Günther 66 & n5, n6, 68 n3; Sivalik Hills 67 n8 giant reed (Arundo donax) 332 n1 giant sphinx (Macrosilia antaeus; Cocytius antaeus) 499 n9 giant wildrye (Elymus condensatus; Leymus condensatus) 279 n2 Gibbs, John: cabbages 100; inflorescences 97; thanks CD for advice 100 & 101 n1; thanks CD for Orchids 2d ed. 97 & 98 n1 Gilbert, Joseph Ernst 125 & n3 Gilia aggregata (Ipomopsis aggregata; scarlet gilia) 58 & n3; A. Gray 79 & n1, 118 n2 Gilia micrantha (Leptosiphon parviflorus; variable linanthus): CD’s observations 118 & n2 Gilia pulchella: CD’s observations 118 Ginkgo 309 & 310 n6, 526 & 531 n11, 532 n27, 579 & n6, 595 & 600 n11, 601 n27 glacial period: L. Agassiz 48 & 49 n3; T. Belt 48 n3, n4, 297–8 & 298 n3; A.C. Ramsay 298 & n3 Gladstone, William Ewart: accepts offer of Kosmos issues loan 431 & n2; CD informs of colour vision articles in Kosmos xxi, 398 & nn 1–3; CD sends Kosmos issues xxi, 435 & 436 n2; colour vocabulary xxi, 286 & 287 n3, 398 n1, 431 & n4, 577 & 578 n3; visits Down xxii–xxiii, 129– 30 & 130 n5, 603

Glaisher, James Whitbread Lee 488 & 489 n6, 492 & 493 n3 glasswort (Salicornia) 296 & 297 n7 Glaucium (horned poppy) 301 & n1 Glaucium luteum (Glaucium flavum; yellow hornpoppy) 214 & 215 n8 glaucous plants see bloom on plants Glaux maritima (Lysimachia maritima; sea milkwort) 300 & 301 n1 Glebionis segetum see Chrysanthemum segetum Gleditschia sinensis (Gleditsia sinensis; Chinese honey locust) 359 n4 Glossostigma elatinoides 429 & 430 n3 Gnetaceae 525 & 531 n9, 595 & 600 n9 goats 247 goatsbeard (Tragopogon; salsify) 214 & 215 n8 Godínez, Enrique: CD declines reading proofs of Spanish translation of Origin 6th ed. 139 & n1, n3 golden-belted bumblebee (Bombus balteatus) 170 & n3 golden current (Ribes aureum) 498 & 499 n8 goldenrod (Solidago) 393 & 394 n4 goldfish (Carassius auratus) 274 & n2 goldilocks buttercup (Ranunculus auricomus) 43 & 44 n6 Gonzales, Petrus 408 n2, n3, 591 n2, n3 Gonzales family xxiv, 408 & n2, n3, 409, 415 n1, 591 & n2, n3 goose: ‘Fertility of hybrids from the common and Chinese goose’ 143 n2; inheritance of injury case 539–40 & 540 n1 Göppert, Heinrich Robert 292 n10 Gordon, Charles George: career 36 & 37 n3, n4 Gordon, Richard: Climbing plants French ed., translated 90 & n5, 188 n4, 414 n5, 558 & n5, 567 n4, 593 n5 gorse (Ulex) 428 & 429 n2 Gossypium barbadense 107 n6 Gould, John 152 & n2 graft hybrids experiments (for pangenesis research; G.J. Romanes) 26 & 27 n5, 207 & n5, 225 & 229 n6, 335 & n10, 509 & n4, 511 & 512 n5 Graham, Christopher Columbus: sends book and describes his career xxiii, 69–70 & 70 nn 1–6, 71 nn 7–16 Graham, Theresa 71 n13 Graham Adams, Mary 71 n13 Gramineae 339 & 340 n7, 584 & 585 n7 Grant, Allen 207 & n1 grape hyacinth (Muscari; feather hyacinth) 43 & 44 n9 grape vines 182 & n3

Index grass bacillus (Bacillus subtilis; hay bacillus) 261 & 262 n2, n3 grasses: Russian steppe 455 & 456 n3 Gray, Asa: E. and C.L. Burgess, letter of introduction for 232–3 & 233 nn 1–4; CD asks for any information on bloom 220–21 & 221 n5; CD comments on Americans after visit by C. Norton’s family 233 n4; CD comments on flower specimens studied xviii, 118 & nn 1–4; CD dedicates Forms of flowers to xviii, 220 & 221 n4, 389 & 391 n1, 610; CD has written to W.H. Leggett 57 & 58 n1; CD requests Phlox subulata and Gilia aggregata specimens 57–8 & 58 n2, n3; CD suggests experiments for C.E. Bessey 220 & 221 n2; CD thanks for offer of plants 20–21 & 21 n1; CD thanks for review of Cross and self fertilisation 93 & 94 n2, 116 n2; CD thanks for specimens 93 & 94 n3; Cross and self fertilisation, review 93 & 94 n2, 116 n2, 267 n3, 391 n1; F. Darwin, sends thanks to for Dipsacus paper 389; A. Darwin’s death, CD thanks for condolences about 131 & n3; A. Darwin’s death, hears of and sends condolences 116 & n4; dog (Max) 389 & 391 n4; Forms of flowers, cited in 58 n2, n3; Forms of flowers, dedicated to Gray xviii, 220 & 221 n4, 389 & 391 n1, 610; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 389 & 391 n1, 612; Forms of flowers, review 391 n1, 610; Gentiana andrewsii and humble-bees 449 n4; Gilia aggregata 79 & n1; J.D. Hooker, Nature biographical sketch 438 & n4; and Hooker tour America 233 & n5, 389 & 391 n1, 411 & 412 n7, 419 & 420 n3, 425 & 426 n3; W.H. Leggett sends Pontederia cordata observations to CD as requested by Gray 37 & 38 n1; Lithospermum longiflorum 149 & n2, 202 & 206 n1; Lithospermum longiflorum, sends C.E. Bessey’s observations 202 & 206 n1; Orchids, review 93 & 94 n7; Orchids 2d ed., book received 115 & 116 n1; Orchids 2d ed., CD sends title page 131 & n2; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 611; Orchids 2d ed., proofs for review 79 & n3, 93 & 94 n6, 610; Orchids 2d ed., review 391 n1; Phlox species 58 n2; Phlox subulata 58 n2, 79 n2; photograph 390; Pontederia 38 n2, 57; responds to CD’s specimen requests 79 & n1, n2; Rhamnus lanceolatus 82 & 83 n1; self-fertilisation 266–7 & 267 n3; working on Synoptical flora of North America 116 & n2 Gray, Jane Loring: and C.L. Burgess 233 & n3; dog (Max) 391 n4; hears of A. Darwin’s death 116 & n4, 131 n3; photograph 390 Gray, John Edward 125 & 126 n4 great bustard (Otis tarda) 248 n4

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great mullein (Verbascum thapsus; common mullein) 282 n1 greater celandine (Chelidonium majus) 214 & 215 n8 Greaves, Elizabeth Anne: offers CD her portrait of Erasmus Darwin 523 & nn 1–4; writes to F. Darwin to thank CD for payment offer for portrait 546 & n1, n2 Greg, William Rathbone: CD quoted from in Descent xxiii, 237, 238 & n1 Gregorios xxiii, 218 & n1, n2 Grenier, Louis: Insectivorous plants summarised 71 & 72 nn 4–6, 554 & 555 nn 4–6 Grey, George: cited in Descent 298; publications 298 & 299 n2, n3 grey heron (Ardea cinerea) 156 & n8 Griffiths, Richard William: comments on Descent 2d ed., excess of food as a cause of sterility 507–8 & 508 n1 Grosvenor, Robert, first baron Ebury 295 & n4 group selection: natural selection, operation on individuals or group xxiv, 229 n8, 235 & n6; G.J. Romanes 242 & 243 n4; A.R. Wallace 242 & 243 n4 Grugeon, Alfred: holly observations 35 & 36 n3; observations on reading Cross and self fertilisation 106 & 107 n3, n4 guinea pigs (Cavia porcellus) 229 n4; and nettles 225; young xxi, 275 Günther, Albert: CD answers spider specimens query 112 & 113 n1; CD reports his catalogue of specimens not returned from Cambridge 107 & n2; CD sends manuscript to accompany pigeon skins 185 & n1; CD sends pigeon skins from Yarkand 185 & n2; CD signs certificate for fellowship of Linnean Society 67 & n2; gigantic land-tortoises 66 & n5, n6, 68 n3; spiders collection 67 n3, 107 & n2, 112 & 113 n1 Günther, Ernst 281 & 282 n4 Gypsophila 284 & n4 Gyraulus crescens see Planorbis crescens Gyraulus denudatus see Planorbis multiformis denudatus Gyraulus kleini see Planorbis laevis Klein; P. multiformis aequiumbilicatus; ‘Steinheimensis/ aequiumbilicatus’ Gyraulus oxystoma see Planorbis oxystomus Gyraulus revertens see Planorbis multiformis revertens Gyraulus rhytidophorus see Planorbis tenuis Gyraulus sulcatus see Planorbis discoideus Gyraulus supremus see Planorbis supremus Haast, Julius von: CD thanks for G. Ticknor extract 84 & n2; sent G. Ticknor extract to CD 84 n2

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Index

Hacon, William Mackmurdo 433 & 434 n1 Hadley, Elizabeth Susanna 523 & n3 Hadley, Henry (1812–74) 523 & n3 Hadley, Susanna 523 & n2, n3 Haeckel, Ernst: Biologische Studien: Studien zur Gastraea-Theorie, final part sent to CD 81 & 82 n5, 556 & n5; career 81 & 82 n6, 556 & n6; CD thanks for book 91 & n2; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n12; German and Austrian scientists photograph album xxii, 81 & n3, n4, 142 n4, 555 & 556 n3, n4, 614, 615; German and Austrian scientists photograph album, CD thanks for 91 & n1; health 25, 552; Kosmos, supporter of 25 n5, 102 & 103 n5, 552 n5, 560 & 561 n5; Kosmos, title 121 & 123 n1; ‘missing link’ 195 n1; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 611 & n8; perigenesis hypothesis 497 n15; photograph 615; sends birthday greetings xxii, 81 & n2, 555–6 & 556 n2; visited Down 81 & 82 n7, 556 & n7 Haematoxylon (Haematoxylum) 301 & n1, 302 & n3 Haematoxylon campechianum (Haematoxylum campechianum; logwood) 288 & n6, 289 & 290 n5, 301 n1; CD received 292 & n6; CD’s observations 296 & 297 n3, 336 n2; R.I. Lynch’s observations 335 & 336 n2; Movement in plants 288 & n6, 302 n3 Hainan inhabitants: os coccyx 121 & n3 hairiness of plants 345–6 & 346 n3, n5, n6 hairstreak butterflies (Thecla) 422 & 423 n12 hairy family (Gonzales family) xxiv, 408 & n2, n3, 409, 591 & n2, n3 hairy lousewort (Pedicularis hirsuta) 170 & n3 Haliotis 178 & 180 n8, 566 & 567 n5 Hall’s sulphur butterfly (Eurema leuce) 421 & 423 n8, 498 & 499 n4 Hamy, Ernst-Théodore 190 & n14, 569 & n8 handwriting: inheritance of 84 & n3 hardy swamplily (Crinum capense; C. bulbispermum) 279 n2 Harris, Edward: trained cockatoo 150, 151, 152 & nn 1–4 Harrison, Frederic: writes to G.H. Darwin about memorial to J. Michelet 236 & nn 1–4, 240 & n2, 256 & 257 nn 2–4 Harting, Pieter: CD thanks for article 131 & 132 n1; evolution 76 & 78 n8, n10, n16, 77; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n8; Nature communication about Dutch photograph album 103 & n2, 142 n4 Hartmann, Eduard von 87 & 88 n1 Hartogh Heijs van Zouteveen, Hermanus: Descent Dutch ed. translated 77 & 79 n23, 614; Dutch

photograph album 77, 614; Expression Dutch ed. translated 77 & 79 n23, 614 Hawkshaw, John and Ann: Darwins visited (1876) 17 & n3 hay bacillus (Bacillus subtilis; grass bacillus) 261 & 262 n2, n3 Hayden, Ferdinand Vandeveer 245 & n8, 390 head shaking: J.V. Carus’s observations 54 & 55 n10 health (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, health Heckel, Édouard: CD comments on Cross and self fertilisation translation 483 & n1; CD hopes he will translate Forms of flowers 483 & n2; CD sends correction 114 & 115 n1, n2; Cross and self fertilisation French ed. translated 89–90 & 90 n3, 99 n2, 114 & 115 n1, n3, 188 & n5, 414 n2, 483 n1, 558 & n3, 559 & 560 n2, 567 & n5, 592 n2; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612; Forms of flowers French ed., translated 415 n7, 483 n2, 593 n7, 613 n34 Hedera (ivy) 526 & 531 n13, 596 & 600 n13 Hedera helix (common or English ivy) 531 n14, 600 n14 Hedychium 358 & 359 n11, 499 n10 Hedysarum gyrans see Desmodium gyrans Heer, Oswald: CD thanks for book 111 & n1; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 308 & 309 n2, 578 & 579 n2, 612; insects 524 & 531 n5, 594 & 600 n5; Royal Society, medal 457 & n6, 458 & n4; Torellia 309 & 310 n5, 579 & n5 Heldreich, Theodor von: CD thanks for book and will send Forms of flowers 327 & n1, n2; sends book 319 & n2, 320 n3, n4, 582–3 & 583 nn 2–4 Helianthemum 280 & 281 n6 Helichrysum dasyanthum see Helichrysum maritimum Helichrysum maritimum (H. dasyanthum) 301 & n1 Heliconius apseudes (H. sara; Sara longwing) 421 & 423 n8, 498 & 499 n4 heliotropism: CD and F. Darwin worked on 426 n9; CD experiments with stopping light reaching plant leaves 443 n4, 500 n2; CD worked on 413 n3, 502 n5, 602 & 603 n3; Movement in plants 603 n3; terminology 481 n1 heliotypes: Expression illustrations 14 n3, 401 & n1, 403 & n1 Hellins, John: larvae of British moths and butterflies 28 & n3, 32 & 33 n8; Lepidoptera observations 28 n2 Henry, Joseph: heard A. Hyatt’s paper read at National Academy 9 & 15 n16 Hensen, Victor: paper on earthworms 165 & n1 Henslow, George: Cross and self fertilisation, review 46 & n2, 96 & n2

Index Henslow, John Stevens: illustrated lectures 275 & n3 Heraclea 526 & 531 n17, 596 & 601 n17 Herbert, Henry Howard Molyneux: voting rights in proposed confederation in South Africa 294–5 & 295 nn 1–4 heredity: F. Galton’s lecture to Royal Institution 27 n2, 31 & n3; G.J. Romanes discusses perigenesis and pangenesis 26 & n2, n3, 27 n5; H. Spencer’s theory of 26 n3, see also pangenesis hypothesis Hering, Ewald 497 n15 hermaphroditism: change from monoecism towards 537 & 537–8 n9; L. Tait 42 & n2 Herschel, John Frederick William: Preliminary discourse on the study of natural philosophy, influence on CD 249 & n3 Hesperidae (Hesperiidae) 498 & 499 n7 Hesperocharis anguitia (Neemia butterfly) 498 & 499 n4 Heteranthera dubia see Schollera graminea Willd. Heterosmilax 313, 580 heterostyled plants: CD’s pleasure in work on xvii; W.E. Darwin’s observations xvii; Forms of flowers 118 & n4, 146 & n2, 421, 593, 610; heterostyled, terminology xvii hibernating insects 52 & n2 Hieracium (hawkweeds): variation in 15 n26, 86 & 87 n3, n5 Hildebrand, Friedrich: career 50 n2, 61 n4; CD renewed contact with xviii; cited in Forms of flowers 132 n2; Cross and self fertilisation, presentation copy 49 & 50 n3; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n4; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 49 & 50 n1, 611 & n3; Oxalis 132 & n1, n2, 137 & n3; Petunia nyctaginiflora 50 & n6; sends paper on Trientalis europaea 50 & n7 Hilgendorf, Franz: Steinheim fossil shells phylogeny 7 & 14 n9, 8 & 14 n13, 14–15 n14, 10 & 15 n24, n25, 86 & 87 n2 Hirae gaudichaudiana see Bunchosia gaudichaudiana Hitchenia glauca 216 & 217 n3 hive-bees (honey-bees) 51–2 & 52 n2; and flowers 252 & n2, 336 & n2; shiver to keep warm 29 n3 Hoare, Charles: poem 483–4 & 484 n1; visits Down (1878) 484 n1 Hochstetter, Ferdinand von: CD thanks Anthropological Society for birthday congratulations 88 Hodge, George: Pycnogonida 250 & n4 Hodgskin, George: foreign bird’s nest offered to CD 17 & n1; sends bird’s nest 23–4 & 24 nn 1–4, 41 n2

861

Hoek, Paulus Peronius Cato: Cirripedia specimens from Challenger 183 n2, 262 n2; F. Darwin on CD’s behalf that C.W. Thompson written to about Hoek’s request 248 & n2, 250 n6; Pycnogonida specimens from Challenger 248 & n2, 250 & 250 nn 1–6, 262 & n1, n2; writes to Thomson requesting Pycnogonida duplicate specimens 250 & 250 nn 1–6, 262 & n1 Hoeven, Jan van der 76 & 78 n12, 77 & 78 n19, 79 n20; translated W. Hopkins’s review of Origin 79 n20 Hoffman, Hermann: Agaricus 543 & 544 n8; Agaricus muscarius 326 & n2, 329 & 331 n3, 331, 342 & 343 n13; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n28; Papaver hybridum 272 & n1 Hoffmann, Christiaan Karel 77 & 79 n22 Hogarth, William 212 & 213 n2 Hogg, Robert 424 n2 Holden, Edward Singleton 320 & n2, n3 holly: and bees 20 & n6, 36 & n2, 52; common holly 36 n3, 156 & n4; D.T. Fish sends specimens 80 & 81 n1, 224 & n1; A. Grugeon’s observations 35 & 36 n3; hardiness of 19 & 20 n3, 30 n2; varieties 56–7 & 57 n1, n4 holly-berries (CD’s Gardeners’ Chronicle letters on scarcity of) 19–20 & 20 nn 2–4, 29 & 30 n1, n2, 35 & 36 n1, 36 n2, 39 & n1, 40 & n2, 52 n1, n2; CD admits error in follow-up letter to Gardener’s Chronicle 45 & n2, 81 n1; CD admits G.M. Tracy’s observations throw doubts on CD’s conclusions 30 & 31 n2; W.E. Darwin 36 & n2; D.T. Fish responds 45 & n2, 224 n1; F.W. Pim responds 39 & n1; A. Rawson responds 51–2; A. Stoneham responds 28–9 & 29 n2, n3; G.M. Tracy responds 29–30 & 30 n1, n2, 45 n2 holly-berries (scarcity of): W.E. Burcham 40; D.T. Fish 80 & 81 n1, 224 & n1; G. Paul 57 & n4; F.W. Pim 39 & n1; G.M. Tracy 29–30 & 30 n1, n2, 45 n2 Holmes, Edward Morrell: sends seeds of plants with curious flower structure 432 honey-bees see hive-bees Hooker, Frances Harriet 116 n5, 213 & n6 Hooker, Harriet Anne see Thiselton-Dyer, Harriet Anne Hooker, Hyacinth: American trip 208 & 209 n4; CD hopes they will visit Down 481 & n4; CD reports on Cambridge honorary degree xxvii– xxviii, 479; invited to Down 454 & n7; marriage 116 n5, 213 & n6; Pedro II to come to her ‘At Home’ 239 & 240 n4 Hooker, Joseph Dalton: America, return from 426 & 427 n3; American trip 209 n3, 233 & n5,

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Index

Hooker, Joseph Dalton, cont. 242 n5, 245 & n8, 358 & 359 n10, 419 & 420 n3, 425 & 426 nn 2–4, 427 n3, 454 n8, 466 & n8, 537 & 538 n12; apes bathing 465–6 & 466 n5; bananas 481 n2; T. Belt advised on Royal Society grants 52 & 53 n2; Belt seeks advice on Royal Society grants 47 & 48 n2; bloom, CD asks for help about 208; bloom, CD thanks for seeds and list of plants with 216 & nn 1–3; bloom, glad CD taking up bloom again and can supply requests 213 & n7; bloom, suggestions of plants with 214–15 & 215–16 n8, 220, 376 n3, 385 n3; Botany 3rd ed. 51 & n5; career 245 & n4; CD apologises for troubling D. Oliver with Oxalis request 137 & n2; CD appreciates Kew 458; CD asks about care of Neptunia oleracea 497 & n3; CD comments on L. Darwin 426 & n7; CD comments on W.T. Thiselton-Dyer 426 & n8, n9; CD congratulates on Star of India 241 & 242 n6; CD on F. Darwin’s work xx, 59 & 60 n6, n7, 67 & 68 n1; CD on W.E. Darwin’s engagement 425 & 426 n5; CD doubts he will be at Royal Society meeting 168 & n4; CD on draft of Hooker’s Royal Society presidential address 501 & nn 1–4; CD glad to hear of F. Darwin’s Dipsacus paper reading 113 & n2, n3; CD on his own work 59 & 60 n5; CD honoured by Pedro II’s wish to meet him 241 & n3; CD on Hooker’s American trip 425 & 426 n2, n3, 425 & 426 nn 2–4; CD hopes to see him (April London trip) 168; CD hopes to see them both at Down 454 & n7, n8; CD on R.B. Litchfield’s illness 425 & 426 n6; CD on movement of plants 438 & n3; CD reports family news 454 & n5, n6; CD requests seeds and plants xvii, xix, 208, 209 & n2, n5, 438 & n2, n3, 454 & nn 2–4, 497; CD sends item for C. de Candolle 168 & n2; CD thanks for seeds 457; CD on tortoises and islands 67 & 68 nn 2–5; communicated CD’s and A.R. Wallace’s joint paper to Linnean Society (with C. Lyell) 76 & 78 n14; A. Darwin’s death, heard news of 116 n5; F. Darwin, CD asks if F. Darwin may come to Kew to look for dimorphic plants 59; F. Darwin, reads Dipsacus paper at Royal Society xx, 111 & 112 n2; F. Darwin, welcome to Kew 65 & 66 n2, 133 & n2, 137 n2; W.E. Darwin’s engagement 419 & 420 n1; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 613 & n32; Forsythia 137 & n4; gardeners, Hooker’s view of xix, 457 & n3; glad to hear CD’s family news 456 & 457 n1; Gossypium barbadense 107 n6; and A. Gray tour America 233 & n5, 389 & 391 n1, 411 &

412 n7, 419 & 420 n2, 425 & 426 n3; Gray’s Nature biographical sketch of Hooker 438 & n4; heterostyled plant specimens sent 21 n2; Harriet Hooker’s marriage to W.T. Thiselton-Dyer discussed 212–13 & 213 nn 1–6; Hoya seeds not germinated 51 & n2; R.B. Litchfield’s illness 419 & 420 n4; married H. Jardine 116 n5; O.C. Marsh cited 466 n6; on O.C. Marsh’s American vertebrates address 466 & n6; F.A.W. Miquel, visit to 78 n17; H.N. Moseley’s photographs 111 & 112 n7, 113 & 114 n7; D. Oliver glad to assist F. Darwin at Kew 133 & n1, 137 n2; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 50 & 51 n1, 611 & n9; Pedro II (emperor of Brazil) asks Hooker to arrange meeting with CD 239 & 240 nn 2–5 xxiii, 242 & n1, 244 & 245 n1, 250–51 & 251 n1; Permian leaf tracing 530 & 532 n29, 537 & 538 n11, 600 & 601 n29; photograph 390; Rocky mountains botany, in Nature 438 n4; Royal Botanic Gardens, director 213 n1, 466 n2; Royal Botanic Gardens, expenses estimate 465 & 466 n2; Royal Society, funding 49 n2; Royal Society, hosted reception 239 & 240 n1; Royal Society, papers sent to by young authors 65–6; Royal Society, president 53 n2, 60 n3, 245 & n6, 457 n6, 458 n4; Royal Society, presidential address (1876) 49 n2, 59 & 60 n2; Royal Society, presidential address (1877) 465 & 466 n2, n6, 501 & nn 1–3; S.J.A. Salter’s work on seeds 51 & n4; T. Sedgwick, met in America 458 & n3; sends greetings via A. Gray 389 & 391 n1; sends seeds 456 & 457 n2; sons 213 n5; Star of India honour 244–5 & 245 nn 2–7; stinging nettle 225 & 229 n5; The student’s flora of the British Isles 2d ed. 51 & n5; supplies requested seeds 214–15 & 215 n1, 288 n3, 465 & 466 n3, n4; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer, CD writes that Hooker said to ask Thiselton-Dyer for anything 296 & 297 n5; Thiselton-Dyer, Hooker comments on to CD 345, 351 n2, 420 & n5; Thiselton-Dyer oversees Royal Botanic Gardens in Hooker’s absence 404 n3, 420 & n5; Thiselton-Dyer to review Cross and self fertilisation 65 & 66 n1; C.W. Thomson, memorial supporting 219 n1; vitality of seeds 51 & n3, n4, 59; Welwitschia 454 n4, 456–7 & 457 n4; workload 216, 241, 465 & n2, 481 Hoole, Alice Mary 424 n4 Hoole, Stanley 402 & 403 n5, 423 & 424 n6 Hopkins, William: Origin, review 77 & 79 n20 horned orchid (Orthocerus strictum) 367 n1 horned poppy (Glaucium) 301 & n1 Horsburgh, James: Aldabra (island) 68 n4

Index Hottonia: Forms of flowers 61 n2; H. Müller’s experiments 60–61 & 61 n2 Hottonia palustris (water violet; featherfoil): Forms of flowers 128 n1; H. Müller’s experiments 61 n2 Houston, John 463 & 465 n4, 464, 513 n4 Howie, Thomas: career 166 & n1, n3; picture of (with wife and child) 167; reports on Australian ferns shrubs with worm-like roots 166 & n1 Hoya (waxplant): J.D. Hooker reports seeds not germinated 51 & n2 Hughes, Thomas McKenny 211 & 212 n1, 444 & 445 n3 Hull, George 442 n2, n6 human evolution: CD regarded as leading theorist of xxiv; CD’s correspondence became repository for facts and claims about human ancestry xxiv, see also ‘missing link’ human fossil remains 188 & 190 n4, 189 & 190 n8, 568 & 569 n2 humble-bees (bumble-bees) 51–2 & 52 n2; and flowers 252 & n2; and Gentiana andrewsii 448 & 449 n4 Humboldt, Alexander von: mineral collection 69 & 70 n6; Personal narrative, influence on CD 249 n3 Humphreys, Alfred Edward 479 & 481 n3 Huntsman, Henry: CD orders pair of webbing bracers 221 & 222 n1, n3; supplied CD’s clothing 222 n3 Huxley, Henrietta Anne 485 & 486 n2, 603 & n8 Huxley, Thomas Henry: Académie des sciences, proposed for 165 & n2; CD thanks for comments in Philosophical Society speech 482 & n1, n2; F. Darwin’s Dipsacus paper reading 111; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 613 & n33; J.D. Hooker’s Star of India honour 244 & 245 n3, 245; Lemuria sunken continent 66 & 67 n8; natural selection, critique of as mechanism for creating new species 18 n2; Origin, review 242 & 243 n3; persistent types 537 & 538 n10; Philosophical Society speech xxviii, 482 & n1, n2, 485 & 485–6 n1, 486 n3, 511 & 512 n2; séance 207–8 n5; sterility of hybrids, as test of physiological species 18 n2; C.W. Thomson, memorial supporting 219 n1; visited Down 603 & n6, n8 Huxley, Thomas Scott 129 & 130 n4 Hyalonema 323 & 324 n8, 342 & 343 n10 Hyatt, Alpheus: acceleration and retardation of development 8 & 14 n12, 10, 14 n14, 171 & n4, 197, 198 & 198 n2; ammonites 8 & 14–15 n14, 15 n15, 10 & 15 n22; CD comments on Steinheim fossil shells 86 & 87 n2, 120 & n2; The

863

genesis of the Tertiary species of Planorbis at Steinheim 11, 12, 13, 14 n3, n4, n6, n11, 15 n24; on impact of CD’s work 6; and E.S. Morse 197–8 & 198 n3; Steinheim fossil shells 6–10, 11, 12, 13, 87 n2, n7 hybrid sterility: T.H. Huxley’s natural selection critique as an impetus for CD 18 n2 hybridism 18 & n2 hygroscopic grass seeds 144 & 145 n4, 187 & n5 Hylobates 366 & n3 Hymenaea 526 & 531 n18, 596 & 601 n18 Hymenocallis littoralis see Pancratium littorale Hymenoptera 525 & 531 n7, 594 & 600 n7 Iberis (candytuft) 43 & 44 n7, 109 & n2 Iberis umbellata (candytuft) 96 & n4 Ilex aquifolium (common holly) 36 n3, 156 & n4 Ilex aquifolium ‘nobilis’ 57 n2 Ilex aquifolium ‘ovata’ 57 n2 ‘Illegitimate offspring of dimorphic and trimorphic plants’ (CD): reworked in Forms of flowers 55 n5, 60 n5, 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610 illegitimate unions (plants of same form): fertility of 60–61 & 61 n2, n6 imitation: J.V. Carus’s observations 54 Impatiens fulva (Impatiens capensis; jewel-weed or spotted touch-me-not) 393 & 394 n2 inbreeding: cattle 134, 135 n2; CD’s comments for Agricultural Gazette 139–40 & 141 n1 inconspicuous flowers: CD hopes L.A. Errera will work on 399 & 400 n5; Errera plans to work on 407 & n3, 590 & 591 n3 Indian hemp 447 & n2 Indian Ocean: Lemuria sunken continent 66 & 67 n8 infanticide 298, 299, 311 inflorescences 97, 530, 599 inheritance: CD will not work on again 84, 84 & n3; characteristics appearance in offspring 417 & nn 1–3; characteristics inherited by one sex 367 n1; of injuries 540 n1; G. Jäger 509 & n6 ‘Inheritance’ (CD) 143 n2 inherited habits: J.B. Lamarck xxv, 493 & 496 n2 Innes, John Brodie: career 402 n3; CD comments on Down Friendly Society xxvi, 107–8 & 108 n2, n3; CD on Loch Carron tree 402 & n1, n2; Down Coal and Clothing Club 424 n4; Down Friendly Society trustee 310 n2; Loch Carron tree 402 n1, 423 & 424 n2, n3 Innes, John William Brodie 108 n2 Insectivorous plants (CD): carbonate of ammonia 375 n6; cites W. Kirby and W. Spence 374 n2;

864

Index

Insectivorous plants (CD), cont. critics of CD’s theory xx, 292 & n10, 374 n1; F. Darwin experiments on Drosera to prove CD’s theory about carnivorous diet 297 n8; F. Darwin lists critics 292 n10, 374 n1; Dionaea muscipula 329 n3; Drosera, aggregation 375 n6; Drosera, main subject of experimental work 164 n2, 244 n1; Drosera, nutrition 374 n1, n3; Drosera rotundifolia 332 n4; Drosera spathulata 428 n1; finance 505 & 506 n3; L. Grenier summarised 71 & 72 nn 4–6, 554 & 555 nn 4–6; A. Laugel’s review 229 & 230 n3, 569 & 570 n3; nutrition 374 n3; phosphoric acid experiments 244 n2; H. Piggot comments on 373–4 & 374 nn 1–4; Saxifraga tridactylites 164 & n3; suspended work on bloom to finish 193 n2 Insectivorous plants French ed. (CD): E. Barbier translated 90 n4, 188 n2, 229 & 230 n2, 414 n3, 558 n4, 567 n2, 569 & 570 n2, 592 n3; cheque for author’s rights 188 & n4, 414 & n3, 567 & n4, 592 & n3 Insectivorous plants US ed. (CD) 138 & 139 n2; sales 138 & 139 n2, 317 insects: Arctic Expedition collection 170 & nn 2–4; and flowers 336 & n1, n2, 337 n3, 393–4 & 394 nn 1–5, 486–7 & 487 n2, n3, 530, 536 & 537 n5, 599; hibernating 52 & n2; naphthalene, insects giving off smell of 514, 516 & n1; opium poppies 161; pests 316 & n4; and plant fertilisation xviii, 267 n2, 524 & 531 n5, 525–6, 527, 594 & 600 n5, 595, 597; and plants 524–5, 527, 529, 594–5, 596, 599; sucking insects 525, 594 instinct: B. von Carneri sends reference on 307; Origin (1876) 493 & 496 n6; sexual instincts 237 n2 intemperance xxv, 371–2 & 372 nn 2–4, see also temperance movement intercrossing: CD responds to G.J. Romanes’s notes 234–5 & 235 nn 2–6; G.J. Romanes’s notes xxiv, 225, 226–9 & 229 n2, 242–3 & 243 nn 2–4 intoxication in animals 367–8 & 368 n1, n2, 369 & n3; elephants (story of) xxv, 367 & 368 n2, 369 & n3, 445–6 & 446 nn 2–5, 447 intoxication in humans 447 & n3, see also intemperance invertebrates: eyes (and vertebrate eyes) 178 & 179 n5, 565 & 566 n2 Ipomoea see Calonyction Ipomoea purpurea (morning-glory) 96 & n4 Ipomopsis aggregata see Gilia aggregata iris 300 n1, 304 & 305 n2, 305 Iris pseudoacorus (yellow flag) 279 n2

Irishman quotation (W.R. Greg) in Descent xxiii, 237–8 & 238 n1 Isatis (woad) 214 & 215 n8 islands: and tortoises 66 & n7, 67 & 68 n3 Italian melilot (Melilotus italica; M. italicus) 209 & n6 Iturbide, Agustin de 70 & 71 n11 ivy (Hedera) 526 & 531 n13, 596 & 600 n13 ivy, common (Hedera helix; English ivy) 531 n14, 600 n14 Jackson, Henry: writes to F. Darwin on plant movement terminology 481 & n1, 482 n2 Miss Jacobson: CD accedes to request 108 & n1 Jäger, Gustav: colour perception 286 & 287 n4, 577 & 578 n4; Die Darwin’sche Theorie und ihre Stellung zu Moral und Religion 159 & n2, 564 & n2; on inheritance 509 & n6; Kosmos editor 102, 123 n1, 560 James, Constantin: CD thanks for book 273 & n2, 576 & 577 n2 Japanese laurel (Aucuba japonica) 29 & n2 Jardine, Hyacinth see Hooker, Hyacinth jellyfish, common (Aurelia aurita; moon jelly) 332 & n4, 334 & 335 n7, 337 & 338 n2, n3, 338, 514 n3 Jenkin, Henry Charles Fleeming: Origin, review xxiv, 229 n8 Jet (W.E. Darwin’s dog) 283 & n1 Jevons, William Stanley 488 & 489 n6 Johnson, Charles Alfred William Murray 538 & 539 n6 Johnson, Charles Richardson 538 & 539 n4 Johnson, George William 424 n2 Jordan, Alexis 162 & n9 Jordan hemp (Apocynum androsaemifolium; fly-trap dogbane; bitter-root) 38 n1, 336 & 337 n3 Journal of researches (CD): began work on 105 & 106 n3; Tinochorus rumicivorus 102 & n2, 560 & 561 n2; O. Zacharias researching for transmutation theory formation 102 & 103 n3, 560 & 561 n3 Joyce, James Gerald: Silchester, Roman town excavation 479 n1; Silchester visit by F. Darwin and H. Darwin xxviii, 467–71 & 479 nn 1–8, 472–7 Judas tree (Cercis siliquastrum) 526 & 531 n18, 596 & 601 n18 Judd, John Wesley: CD thanks for Geological observations 2d ed. review 74 & n2; on CD’s approach to reasoning 74 n2; Contributions to the study of volcanoes 501 n4; regrets missing CD when he called 176 & n1; thanks CD for support for Royal Society fellowship 176 & n2 Judson’s dyes 500 & n2

Index Julia longwing (Colaenis julia; Dryas iulia) 421 & 423 n8, 498 & 499 n4 Juno longwing (Dione juno; Juno silverspot) 498 & 499 n4 Juno silverspot (Dione juno; Juno longwing) 498 & 499 n4 Kalili inhabitants, Papua New Guinea xxiv, 17 n2 Kashmir gray langur (Semnopithecus ajax; Chamba sacred langur) 466 n5 Kennedy, Benjamin Hall 495 & 497 n17 Kerner von Marilaun, Anton: crossing terminology 395 & 396 n4, 587 & 588 n4; Forms of flowers, cited in 346 n2, 422 n3; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n20; ‘Die Schutzmittel der Blüthen gegen unberufene Gäste’ 345 & 346 n2, n3, n6, 346 & n5, 421 & 422 n3 Kew see Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew Key, Axel: CD thanks for book 534 & n1, n2 King, George: CD thanks for Melastomaceae seeds and pigeon skins 185 & 186 n1; Lagerstroemia 160; superintendent Royal Botanic Gardens, Calcutta 104 & 105 n6, 162 n2 Kippist, Richard: CD requests papers from Linnean Society library 89 & n1, n2; CD’s request to Linnean Society about illustrations for Forms of flowers 133 & n1; Linnean Society, librarian 89 n1, 133 n1 Kirby, William: and W. Spence 374 n2 Kleinia ficoides see Senecio ficoides knife-leaf wattle (Acacia cultriformis) 385 & n3 Knight, Joseph 373 & 374 n2 Kniphofia see Tritoma Knowlton, Charles 223 n2 Koch, Eduard: botanical volume of CD’s collected works in German 236 & n3, 243 n4, 340 n1; J.V. Carus forwards Smith, Elder & Co’s letter to 53 & 54 n1, 55 & n3; E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, head of 54 n1, 236 n3, 340 n1 Koch, Robert 262 n2; Bacillus anthracis 543 & 544 n3, n4; bacteria photograms 543 & 544 n1 Koninklijke Hollandsche Maatschappij der Wetenschappen (Royal Holland Society of Sciences and Humanities): nominates CD foreign member 198 & 199 n1 Kořenský, Josef 152 Kosmos: ‘Aus einem Briefe von Mr. Charles Darwin an die Redaktion’ 144 n4; ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’, children’s colour perception notes added to translation xxi, 286 & 287 n2, 398 n3, 431 n3, 435 & 436 n2, 577 & 578 n2; ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’, translation

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published xxi, 143 n2, 278 n3, 281, 287 n2, 398 n3, 431 n3, 577 n3, 578 n2; CD interested in several articles but finds reading German difficult 281 & 282 n3; CD suggests Krause urges Kosmos readers to investigate causes of variability 143 & 144 n4; CD’s copies of 261 n1, 282 n3, 398 n2; CD’s and E. Haeckel’s names appear in full title of xxi, 121 & 123 n1; CD’s translated Nature papers published in 143 n2; F. Darwin 143 & 144 n3; editors, E. Krause, O. Caspari and G. Jäger 102, 123 n1, 560; first issue and name 102 & 103 n5, 560 & 561 n5; founding of 25 & n5, 121–2 & 123 n1, 552 & n5; E. Haeckel 25 n5, 102 & 103 n5, 121 & 123 n1, 552 n5, 560 & 561 n5; F. Müller, Brazilian butterflies (three-part article) 153 & n5, 384 n2, 420 & n1, 466 & 467 n3, 487 & n8; H. Müller’s publications 153 & 154 n6; progress of 277–8, 286, 577, 578; publication delayed 25 n5, 552 n5; publisher, E. Günther 281 & 282 n4; O. Zacharias 25 & n5, 102 & 103 n5, 552 & n5, 560 & 561 n5 Kovalevsky, Alexander Onufrievich: Royal Society foreign member 63 & 64 n1, n3, n4 Krause, Ernst (Carus Sterne): career 122 & 123 n3, n4; CD agrees to translation request 281 & n2; CD comments on nature of his publications 143; CD discusses colour sense xxi, 260 & 261 n1, n2, 281 & 282 n4; CD suggests Krause urges Kosmos readers to investigate causes of variability 143 & 144 n4; CD thanks for book and article 143 & 144 n5; colour sense xxi, 261 n1, 286 & 287 nn 3–5, 398 n2, 577–8 & 578 nn 3–5; Darwinism in Germany 286–7 & 287 n6, n7, 578 & n6, n7; Kosmos, editor 102, 123 n1, 560; Kosmos, founding 121–2 & 123 n1; Kosmos, progress of 277–8 & 278 n4, 286, 577 & n4, 578; published as C. Sterne 103 n6, 123 n4, 561 n6; request to publish German translation of ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ 277 & 278 n3, 577 & n3; review of H. Magnus’s Die geschichtliche Entwickelung des Farbensinnes 261 n1, 282 n4, 398 n2; thanks CD for permission to publish translated ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ 286 & 287 n2, 577 & 578 n2; welcomes written contributions from CD for Kosmos 122 Kubanka (wheat variety) 449–50 & 450 n2, n3, 455, 458, 459 Kuhn, Max: cited in Cross and self fertilisation 141 & n2; cleistogamy 141 & n2; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 611 & 613 n2 labial furrow 547 & n4

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Index

Lacaze-Duthiers: Félix Joseph Henri de, reports CD proposed again for Académie des sciences 165 & n2 Lachnanthes caroliniana (Carolina redroot; paint root) 21 n3 Lactuca (lettuce) 338 & 340 n3, 583 & 585 n3 Lactuca virosa (bitter lettuce) 214 & 215 n8 Laffan, Mary (May), The Hon. Miss Ferrard 358 n3 Lafoensia vandelliana 161 & 162 n6 Lagerstroemia (crape myrtle): J. Scott 104 & 105 n5, 160–61 & 162 n3 Lagerstroemia elegans 161 & 162 n3 Lagerstroemia elegans Wall. 161 & 162 n4 Lagerstroemia indica (crape myrtle) 161 & 162 n3 Lamarck, Jean Baptiste: S. Butler discusses 493 & 496 n2, 494; CD mentions in Origin from 3d ed. onwards 496 n7; CD sends Lamarck extract to G.J. Romanes 222 & n1, n2; inherited habits xxv, 493 & 496 n2; transformism 75 & 78 n4 Lambourne, Robert Henry 390 lanceleaf buckthorn see Rhamnus lanceolatus Langton, Charles 538 & 539 n2 language: development of 540 & 541 nn 1–3, see also children’s language Lankester, Edwin Ray: F. Darwin’s teasel paper 210 & n4; on E. Haeckel’s theory of perigenesis 497 n15; wishes to reprint F. Darwin’s food bodies paper 200 & n2 Lantana 421 & 423 n8, n9, 498 & 499 n3 Laplace, Pierre Simon 487 & 488 n3 larches (Larix) 156 & n5 large-flowered lungwort (Pulmonaria grandiflora) 154 & 155 n5 Larix (larches) 156 & n5 larvae of British moths and butterflies 28 & n3, 32–3 & 33 n8 latent characteristics, reappearance of 141 n2 Lathraea squamaria (common toothwort) 323 & 324 n10 Lathyrus maritimus (L. japonicus var. maritimus; beach pea) 296 & 297 n7 Lathyrus palustris (marsh pea) 214 & 215 n8 Lathyrus sylvestris (narrow-leaved everlasting pea) 214 & 215 n8 Laugel, Auguste: Insectivorous plants, review 229 & 230 n3, 569 & 570 n3; Origin, review 230 n4, 570 n4 laurel (Laurus nobilis) 156 & n5 Laurence, Samuel: chalk portrait of CD 40 n2; wishes to portray CD from a photograph 40 & n2, n4 Laurineae 527 & 531 n20, 597 & 601 n20

Laurus nobilis (laurel) 156 & n5 Lavigne, Ernest: educational establishment 263–5, 571–2 Lavigne, Ernestine Clara 264 & 265 n4, 571 & 573 n4 Lawless, Emily 328 & 329 n4, 333 & 335 n3 Lawlor’s Lake (now Lawlor Lake), Canada 9 & 15 n17 Layton, Charles: London agent for D. Appleton & Co. 260 n4, 318 n2; payment to CD for US publications 138–9 & 139 n1, n2, 318 n2 Le Conte, John Lawrence 410 & n2 least seedsnipe (Tinochorus rumicivorus; Thinochorus rumicivorus) 102 & n2, 560 & 561 n2 leaves: histological differences in two halves of 345, 351 & n3, n4; Permian leaf discovery 410 n1, 530 & 532 n26, 538 n11, 599–600 & 601 n26; terminology 531 n21, 601 n21 Lechenaultia see Leschenaultia Lecky, William Edward Hartpole: Times, notice about forged letter purportedly written by T. Carlyle 64 & 65 n3, n5 Lecoq, Henri: holly 19 & 20 n3 Lee, Henry 464 & 465 n8 Leggett, William Henry: CD interested in further Pontederia observations 56 & nn 1–3; CD thanks for Pontederia observations 343 & n1; cited in Forms of flowers 38 n1, 56 n3; F. Müller comments on Pontederia observations 421 & 423 n10; Pontederia cordata observations 37–8 & 38 nn 1–3, 56 & n1, n3, 58 n1, 187 & n2, 423 n10, 487 n6 Leguminosae (Fabaceae; Papilionaceae) 339 & 340 n7, 403 & 404 n4, 584 & 585 n7; G. de Saporta 526 & 531 n10, 595 & 600 n10 Lemuria sunken continent 66 & 67 n8 Lepidodendron 299 & 300 n2 Lepidoptera: J. Hellins 28 n2; R. Meldola 382 & 383 n2; G. de Saporta 524 & 531 n6, 525 & 531 n7, 594 & 600 n6, n7, see also butterflies; moths Leptophobia aripa see Pieris aripa Leptophobia aripa elodia 499 n5 Leptosiphon parviflorus see Gilia micrantha Leschenaultia (Lechenaultia) 429 & 430 n2 Lespedeza (bush clovers) 280 & 281 n5 lesser periwinkle (Vinca minor) 97 & 98 n3 Lettington, Henry 233 & 234 n4, 514 n1 lettuce (Lactuca) 338 & 340 n3, 583 & 585 n3 Leucauge venusta (orchard orbweaver) 113 n1 Leuckart, Rudolf 63 & 64 n1, n3, n4 Leucosmia burnettiana: CD’s interest in 94 n4; CD’s observations 118 & n1; A. Gray offered to send 21 n1, 118 n1; J.D. Hooker supplied 21 n2, 118 n1

Index Lewes: George Henry, CD thanks for book 164 & 165 n1 Lewis, Thomas 201 n3 Leymus arenarius see Elymus arenarius Leymus condensatus see Elymus condensatus Light, Evelyn 538 & 539 n3 light: influence of on movement in plants see heliotropism Ligustrum 32 & 33 n6 lime trees 526 & 531 n17, 596 & 601 n17 Limnocharis plumieri (L. flava; yellow velvet-leaf) 279 n2 Lindley, John: bletting 356 n5; holly 35 & 36 n3; opinion of A. Murray 316 & 317 n6 Linnaeus, Carolus (Carl von Linné): chimpanzee placed in genus Homo 62 & 63 n4 Linnean Society: CD’s and A.R. Wallace’s joint paper communicated 78 n14; A. Günther, fellowship 67 n2; librarian, R. Kippist 89 n1, 133 n1; publications, botany and zoology 65–6 & 66 n4; published CD’s earlier botanical papers 160 n5; Taylor & Francis 160 n5 Linnström, Hjalmar: CD gives permission to publish Swedish translation of Expression 403 & n1; reliability of 417 & n2; wishes to publish translation of Expression 401 & n1 Linum: ‘Two forms in species of Linum’ 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610 Linum bootii (L. sulcatum var. sulcatum; grooved yellow flax) 21 & n4 Linum usitatissimum (common flax) 104 & 105 n9 Linum virginianum (woodland flax) 21 & n4 Linyphia (Leucauge) argyrobapta 113 n1 lions: sounds 366 & n4 Litchfield, Henrietta Emma (née Darwin): CD on R.B. Litchfield’s illness and other family news 400 & n2, 401 nn 3–6; W.E. Darwin’s engagement xxvii, 400 & 401 n5, 401 & 402 n4; Darwins visit ( Jan) 18 n3, 22 n2, 23 n1, 27 n1, 34 n1, 603 & n4; Darwins visit (Apr) 160 n4, 168 n1, 168 & n3, 169 n1, 176 n1, 603 & n7; health 27, 444 & 445 n7; J.F. McLennan hopes will visit 299 & n6, 312 & n4; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 611 & n15; return to England 451 n7; visits Down 454 n5 Litchfield, Richard Buckley: W.E. Darwin’s engagement 401 & 402 n4; Darwins visit ( Jan) 18 n3, 22 n2, 23 n1, 27 n1, 34 n1, 603 n4; Darwins visit (Apr) 160 n4, 168 n1, 168 & n3, 169 n1, 176 n1; illness 400 & n2, 416 n2, 419 & 420 n4, 425 & 426 n6, 443 n7, 445 n7, 451 & n7, 454 n5, 457 & n5, 458 n5, 503 & 504 n3, 510 & n1; J.F. McLennan hopes will visit 299 & n6, 312 &

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n4; travel and return to England 451 n7, 454 & n5; visits Down 454 n5, 458 Litchi chinensis see Nephelium litchi Lithospermum longiflorum (L. incisum; L. angustifolium; fringed gromwell): C.E. Bessey’s observations 202–6 & 206 nn 1–4, 205, 220 & 221 n2, 257 & 259 n4; A. Gray 149 & n2, 202 & 206 n1 Littrow, Karl Ludwig von 487 & 488 n3 Liveing, George Downing 460 n1 Liverpool Geological Society: T.M. Reade, presidential address 31 & 32 n1, n2 livestock: higher prices for well-bred male livestock 45 & 46 n3 Livingstone, David 195 & n3 Lloyd, Francis: CD sends cheque xxvi, 182–3 & 183 n2, n3 Lloyd-Mostyn, Edward Mostyn, 2d Baron Mostyn 535 & 536 n1 Lockyer, Joseph Norman: Nature editor 103 & n2 locust trees (Robinia): CD asks W.E. Darwin to observe in rain 344 & n2 logograph 99 & 100 n3 logwood see Haematoxylon campechianum Lotus: seeds 289 & 290 n1, 292 & n7 Lotus creticus (Cretan trefoil) 301 & n1 Lotus ornithopodioides 287 & 288 n2, 289 & 290 n1 lotuses see Nelumbium Lowell, James Russell 436 & n3 Löwenfeld, Rosa 456 n1 Lubbock, Ellen Frances: CD sent message to W.C. Williamson via 428 & 429 n3 Lubbock, John: CD reports Lubbock’s interest in A. Weismann’s book 32; cited in Descent 298 & 299 n1; and C.A. Fairbridge 362 & n5; W.E. Gladstone visits 130 n5; T. Meehan’s interpretation of 267 n2; visited Down 603 & n6 Ludlow, John Malcolm Forbes: CD sends documents about Down Friendly Society rules 295 & n2 Ludwig, Friedrich: CD thanks for Collomia description 318 & n1 Ludwig, Rudolph: CD thanks for essay with dedication 288–9 & 289 n2, n3 Lycaena (copper butterflies) 170 & n4, 382 & 383 n4 lychee (Nephelium litchi; Litchi chinensis) 161 & 162 n7 Lychnis githago (Agrostemma githago; common corncockle) 97 & 98 n4, 100 & 101 n2 Lyell, Charles: communicated CD’s and A.R. Wallace’s joint paper to Linnean Society (with J.D. Hooker) 76 & 78 n14; death of 410 & n5; Principles of geology 78 n15, 410 n5; rocks subdivided by statistical analysis of their fossils 410 n5; transmutation 75 & 78 n4, 76 & 78 nn 13–15

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Index

Lynch, Richard Irwin: Averrhoa bilimbi observations xix, 305 & n1, n2, 306 & n2, 307 & 308 n2, 344 & 345 n3; CD asks him to observe Erythrina crista-galli 346 & 347 n2, 347 & n4; CD asks W.T. Thiselton-Dyer if Lynch would like a couple of CD’s books 347 & 350 n4; CD comments on observation of cotyledons 432 & 433 n3; CD requests coniferous seeds 432 & 433 n2; CD requests plants with bloom 325 & n4; CD requests seeds for cotyledons observations 438 & n3; CD sends thanks to for Erythrina crista-galli observations 358 & 359 n6; CD thanks for observations 376 & n1; CD thanks via W.T. Thiselton-Dyer 335 & 336 n2, 410 & 412 n3, 438 n2; cited in Movement in plants 306 n2, 376 n2; Desmodium gyrans xix, 306; Erythrina crista-galli observations 354–5 & 355 n1; Euphorbia jacquiniiflora xx, 375–6 & 376 n2, 376 & n3, 378 & n2; logwood 335 & 336 n2; Mimosa pudica 306 & n4; plant movement work (to help CD) started xix, 412 n3; plants sent to CD 300–301 & 301 n1, 332; Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, propagating department foreman 301 n1, 308 n2, 325 n1, 332 n1, 336 n2, 350 n4, 351 n1, 359 n11, 376 n1, 378 n2, 412 n3, 497 & n2; sleep in plants xx, 306 & nn 2–4, 354–5 & 355 n1, 358 & 359 n11, 375–6 & 376 n2; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer comments on xix, 350 & 351 n1 Lysimachia maritima see Glaux maritima Lythrum salicaria: ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’, reworked in Forms of flowers 55 n5, 60 n5, 133 n1, 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610 McCallum, Blanche Lily Julia 538 & 539 n5 McCallum, Henry Edward 538 & 539 n5 McCallum, Lilian Murray 538 & 539 n5 McLachlan, Robert: Arctic insects 170 & nn 2–4; thanks CD for support for Royal Society fellowship 170 & n1 McLennan, Eleonora Anne 299 & n7, 312 n3 McLennan, John Ferguson: asks CD for Descent references to G. Grey 298 & 299 nn 1–3; cited in Descent 255 n12; exogamy 299 & n5; on infanticide 298, 299, 311; Litchfields to visit 299 & n6, 312 & n4; Primitive marriage 255 n12, n13; returns CD’s copy of F. de Azara 311 & 312 n1; H. Spencer discussed his work and used some of terms 254 & 255 n12; Studies in ancient history 255 n12 Macrosilia antaeus (Cocytius antaeus; giant sphinx) 499 n9 Macrosilia cluentius (Neococytius cluentius; cluentius sphinx) 499 n2

madder see Rubiaceae Magnin, Antoine 71 & 72 n2, 554 & 555 n2 Magnolia 526 & 531 n17, 529, 596 & 601 n17, 598; and beetles 536 & 537 n7 Magnoliaceae 527, 597 Magnus, Hugo: colour sense 261 n1, 282 n4, 398 & n1, n2, 435 & 436 n2; E. Krause’s review of H. Magnus, Die geschichtliche Entwickelung des Farbensinnes 261 n1, 282 n4, 398 n2 maize (Zea mays): E.W. Black 482 & 483 n2; seed from Arctic germinated 51 & n3 males: differences between males and females 191 & 192 n2, n3; display 366 & n5; livestock, higher prices for well-bred 45 & 46 n3; mammals, sounds 366 & n3, n4; mammary glands and nipples in male mammals 363 n2 Mallet, Robert 492 & 493 n4 Malm, August Hugo 535 & n6 Malm, August Wilhelm: cited in Origin 6th ed. 63 n3, 535 n1; sends two papers 62 & n1; thanks for Origin 6th ed. and sends paper 534–5 & 535 nn 1–6 Malpighiaceae 421, 486 Malthus, Thomas: Essay on population, influence on CD xxvi Malva peruviana (Fuertesimalva peruviana) 288 & n6, 289 & 290 n4, 296 & 297 n2 Malvaceae 526 & 531 n17, 527, 596 & 601 n17, 597 mammals: males, mammary glands and nipples in 363 n2; males, sounds 366 & n3, n4; and plants 525, 536 & 537 n6, 595 mammary glands and nipples in male mammals 363 n2 Mammillaria (pincushion cacti) 405 & n6, 589 & 590 n6 Manchester Courier and Lancashire General Advertiser: CD’s Gardener’s Chronicle letter reprinted 40 & n1, n2 Mangles, James Henry 452 n2 Mantegazza, Paolo 360 & n3 Maranta 351 & n4 marriage: refraining from 223 n3 Marsh, Othniel Charles 439 & 442 n4; American Association for the Advancement of Science 466 & n6, n7 marsh pea (Lathyrus palustris) 214 & 215 n8 marsh stitchwort (Stellaria glauca; S. palustris) 214 & 215 n8 Marshall, William Cecil: addition to Down House 166, 168 & n2, 541 n1; CD thanks for building work 541 & nn 1–3 Marsilea pubescens 209 & n7 Marsilea quadrifolia (four-leaf or European clover) 209 & n7, 214 & 215 n2; sent from Kew 279 n2

Index Martinelli, Alfred James: beans forming tubers not seeds 252 & n1 Martins, Charles Frédéric: Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612; passed CD’s compliments to E. Barbier on translation of Insectivorous plants 229 & 230 n2, 569 & 570 n2; sends review of Insectivorous plants 229 & 230 n3, 569 & 570 n3; on trees and shrubs 230 & n5, 569 & 570 n5 marula tree (Sclerocarya birrea; umganu tree) 368 n2, 446 n5 Masters, Maxwell Tylden 272 & n2; CD sends suspended Cotyledon specimen 514 & n2, n3, 515; comments on Cotyledon specimen 520 & nn 2–4; Ranunculus auricomus 43 & 44 n6; Restiaceae 42 & 44 n3 Mastodon bones 187 & n6 Matthew, George Frederic: Lawlor’s Lake 9 & 15 n18 Max (A. Gray’s dog) 389 & 391 n4 Max Müller, Friedrich: language 541 n2, n3 Maxse, Frederick Augustus: W.E. Darwin spent day with 36 & 37 n5 Maxwell, James Clerk 418 & n2, 430 & 431 n1; G.H. Darwin’s Royal Society candidacy 488 & 489 n6 meadow bistort (Polygonum bistorta; Persicaria bistorta; common bistort) 215 & 215–16 n8 Mechanitis (tigerwing butterflies) 422 & 423 n12 Medicago marina 300 medusae: T. Eimer 18 n6; G.J. Romanes 17 & 18 n6, 235 & n9, 333 & 335 n2 Meehan, Thomas: ‘Are insects any material aid to plants in fertilization?’ 266 & 267 n2; CD differs with 273–4 & 274 n2; comments on Cross and self fertilisation 266–7 & 267 n2, n3; Forms of flowers, CD will send copy 273 & 274 n3, 612 & 613 n11; sends review of Cross and self fertilisation 266 & 267 n1, 274 n2; Yucca gloriosa 267 & n4 Megacilissa 421 & 422 n5 Meineke, August 459 & 460 n6 Melastomaceae (Melastomataceae): seeds 185 & 186 n1 Meldola, Raphael: Callidryas philea specimen sent by F. Müller exhibited at Entomological Society 499 n10; CD has doubts about publishing F. Müller’s letter (1871) extracts 377 & n1, 384 & n1; CD thanks for volumes arrived 448 & n2; CD thinks F. Müller would not object to Meldola’s essay 391 & n2; CD thinks A. Weismann will be glad for translation 427 & 428 n3; cites Descent 2d ed. 392 n3; comments on A.R. Wallace’s articles 424 & 425 n4; dimorphism in butterflies 382–3 & 383 nn 2–5; ‘Entomological notes bearing on

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evolution’ 391 & n2, 392 n3; entomology 371 & n3; Macrosilia cluentius proboscis sent by F. Müller exhibited at Entomological Society 499 n2; F. Müller’s Kosmos article, CD offers to lend to Meldola 420 & n1; F. Müller’s Kosmos article, CD sends 427 & n2; F. Müller’s Kosmos article, Meldola accepts CD’s loan offer 424 & n1; F. Müller’s letter (1871), extracts published 391 & n2, 392 n3; F. Müller’s letter (1871), Meldola asks CD’s permission to publish extracts of 370 & 371 n1, n2, 377 n1, 384 n1; F. Müller’s letter (1871), Meldola sends copy for CD to look at 382 & 383 n1; F. Müller’s letter on moths, butterflies and flowers communicated by CD and read by Meldola at Entomological Society 499 n12; A. Weismann, CD’s preface to Meldola’s translation of 424 n2; A. Weismann, translation of 424 & n2, 448 n2 Meldola, Samuel 424 & n1, n3 Melete lycimnia see Daptonoura lycimnia Melilotus coerulea (Trigonella caerulea; blue fenugreek) 209 & n6 Melilotus italica (M. italicus; Italian melilot) 209 & n6 Melilotus officinalis (yellow sweet clover) 209 & n6 Melipona (stingless bees) 421 & 422 n5 Mellersh, Arthur: on ‘missing link’ news report xxiv, 17 & n2; offers CD foreign bird’s nest from G. Hodgskin 16–17 & 17 n1, 23 & 24 n1 men: physiological effects of conscription on French men 23 & n2, n3 Menispermum (moonseed vines) 526 & 531 n17, 596 & 601 n17 Mer, Émile: Forms of flowers, presentation copy 613 n29 mercury thiocyanate 544 n7 Merriam, Clinton Hart: CD thanks for book 519 & n2 Mertensia maritima (oyster or oysterleaf plant) 215 & 215–16 n8, 385 & n3, 392 & n2, 403 & 404 n1 Mesembryanthemum 217 & 218 n7 Michalet, Louis Eugène 89 & n1 Michelet, Athénaïs 236 & n2, n3, 240 & n2, 257 n2 Michelet, Jules: memorial for 236 & n1, n2, 240 & n2, 256 & 257 n1, n2 Michels, John: Colorado Giant, drawing of 516 & 517 nn 2–4 Micrococcus 543 & 544 n2 Midland Union of Scientific and Literary Societies 467 n3 Miers, Edward John: Brachyura 262 n4; New Zealand Crustacea 262 & n4 mignonette (Reseda) 41 n2

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Index

Mill, John Stuart: freedom from state interference 372–3 n4; influence on C. Wright 130 n2; System of Logic refers to CD’s theory of descent as example of hypothesis 249 n2 Miller, David Benton: comments on differences between males and females after reading Descent 190–92 & 192 n2, n3 Miller, Howard: CD declines his offer 27 & n1 mimicry: Malayan butterflies 382 & 383 n5; R. Meldola publicises F. Müller’s work on 370 & 371 n2; F. Müller 360 & n5, 377 & n1, 384 & n2 Mimosa (Schrankia) 296 & 297 n4, 301 & n1, 302 & n4; H.N. Ellacombe 310–311 & 311 n2, 325 & n3, 358 & 359 n2 Mimosa albida 209 & 210 n10, 214 & 215 n4; sent from Kew 279 n2, 293 n3; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer believes CD has 289 & 290 n2; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer refers to G. Bentham’s work 292–3 & 293 n2, n3 Mimosa microphylla (Schrankia uncinata) 311 n5, 325 n3, 359 n2 Mimosa pudica 306 & n4, 438 & n3, 454 & n2, 456 & 457 n2; Movement in plants 306 n4, 438 n3, 454 n2; seeds did not arrive 457, 465 & 466 n3 Mimosa sensitiva: CD requests 209 & n6, 287 & 288 n3; CD thanks for information about 296 & 297 n2; J.D. Hooker reports lost and has written to Brazil for seeds 214 & 215 n6; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer refers to G. Bentham’s work 292, 293 & 293 n2; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer reports Kew does not have 289 & 290 n2 Mimulus 429 & 430 n4 Mimulus luteus (monkey flower) 106 & 107 n3 Mind: ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ xx, 181 n1, 206 n1, 246 n2, 272 & 273 n1, 275 & 276 n1, 285 n1, 319 n4, 354 n1, 570 n2, 603 & n14; evolutionary psychology articles xx; G.C. Robertson, editor 285 n1; H. Taine’s article xxi, 181 & n2, 304 & n2, 354 n1 mineral collections; C.C. Graham 69 & 70 n6; G. Troost 69 & 70 n6; A. von Humboldt 69 & 70 n6 minhocão (huge earthworm): CD comments on 187 & n6; F. Müller reports on so-called 144–5 & 145 n7 Miquel, Friedrich Anton Wilhelm 76 & 78 n17 ‘missing link’ (human evolution): W.B. Bowles comments on xxiv, 194–5 & 195 nn 1–4, 197; Times article, Kalili inhabitants xxiv, 17 n2 mistletoe (Viscum album) 374 n3 Mivart, St George Jackson: On the genesis of species 493 & 496 n4, 495 Mohl, Hugo von 284 & n6

Moleschott, Jacob: CD thanks for book 511 & n2 Möller, Alfred 422 n1 Molothrus: ‘The parasitic habits of Molothrus’ 143 n2 Molteno, John Charles 361 & 362 n3 Moltke, Helmuth von 459 & n4 Monk, Thomas James: aviary 18 & n2 monkey flower (Mimulus luteus) 106 & 107 n3 monkeys: sounds 366 & n3, see also Cambridge University awards CD honorary degree, stuffed monkey suspended from ceiling monocotyledons 528, 598 monoecism: change towards hermaphroditism 537 & 537–8 n9; fish 62 n1, n2; trees 156 n2 moon: motion of 487 & 488 n3 moon jelly (Aurelia aurita; common jellyfish) 332 & n4, 334 & 335 n7, 337 & 338 n2, n3, 338, 514 n3 moonseed vines (Menispermum) 526 & 531 n17, 596 & 601 n17 Moore, Norman 400 n2, 603 & n17 Moore, Thomas: holly varieties 57 & n2, n3 Moorsom, Warren Maude: CD on intoxication of animals xxv, 369 & n2, n3; F. Darwin on CD’s behalf thanks for elephant story 447 & n2, n3; on intemperance xxv, 371–2 & 372 nn 2–4; intoxication of animals xxv, 367–8 & 368 n1, n2, 445–6 & 446 nn 2–5 Morgan, Lewis Henry: CD thanks for book 231 & n1; comments on H. Spencer’s work on evolution of family 253–5 & 255 nn 3–13, 278 n3; visited Down (1871) 278 & 279 n6 Morley, John 234 & n9; Fortnightly Review editor 512 & n9; visited Down 603 & n6 morning-glory (Ipomoea purpurea) 96 & n4 Morren, Édouard 292 n10; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n15 Morse, Edward Sylvester: and L. Agassiz 198 n3; American Association for the Advancement of Science, vice-presidential address 171 & nn 1–3, 197 & 198 n2; career 198 nn 3–5; CD comments on address 171 & nn 1–4; evolution, lectures on 198 & n5; and A. Hyatt 197–8 & 198 n3; thanks CD for comments on his papers 197 & 198 n1, n2 Mortillet, Gabriel de 189 & 190 n13, 568 & 569 n7 Morton, John Chalmers: CD responds in letter to Agricultural Gazette 141 n1; seeks CD’s advice about shorthorn cattle correspondence in Agricultural Gazette 134–5 & 135 nn 1–6 Moseley, Henry Nottidge: CD acknowledges receipt of photographs from J.D. Hooker 113 & 114 n7; Hooker sent photographs on behalf of 111 & 112 n7

Index moss phlox see Phlox subulata Mostyn, Lord see Lloyd-Mostyn, Edward Mostyn mothers: prenatal influence of mother on offspring 368–9 & 369 n1 moths: larvae of British moths and butterflies 28 & n3, 32–3 & 33 n8; F. Müller 498 & 499 n2, n9; Noctua 104 & 105 n4; and Petunia nyctaginiflora 50 & n6, see also Lepidoptera Mott, Albert Julius: ‘On Haeckel’s History of creation’ 47 & n2, n3 motto for scientific workers: A. Trollope’s phrase ‘it’s dogged as does it’ quoted by CD as xxv, 509 & n5 moundlily yucca (Yucca gloriosa) 267 & n4 The Mount, Shrewsbury (CD’s childhood home) 365 n2 mountain ash (Sorbus aucuparia; rowan) 156 & n4 mountain chains 501 n4 mountain white (Pieris aripa; Leptophobia aripa) 421 & 423 n8, 498 & 499 n5 movement in plants: Acacia 344 & n1; Averrhoa, tracings of movement of 349; bloom in relation to 365 & n2, 401 n6; Cassia 376 & n2, 403 & 404 n5, 467 n2; Cassia calliantha 376 n2; Cassia mimosoides 350 n3; CD works on xx, 438 n5, 502 n5, 510 & n4, 602 & 603 n3; CD works on with F. Darwin xvii, 378 & n3, 426 n9, 438 & n3, 457 & 458 n2, 481 n1, 537 & 538 n13; CD’s interest in 454 n3; Euphorbia 385 n1; leaf motion, method of recording xix, 411 & 412 n4; R.I. Lynch began helping investigate 412 n3; photographs of experiments 348; Robinia 344 & n1, 350 n3; terminology 443 n3, 481 & n1, 482 n2; work on in tandem with work on bloom xix, 365 n2, 400 & 401 n6, 426 n9; see also cotyledons; heliotropism; Movement in plants; sleep in plants Movement in plants (CD): Avena sativa 443 & n4; Averrhoa bilimbi 290 n5, 347 n6; Cassia 438 n3, 454 n2; Cassia tora 412 n5, 466–7 n1; CD all on fire at the work 411; cites G. Bentham 293 n3; cites J. Chatin 427 n5; cites R.I. Lynch 306 n2, 376 n2; cites W.T. Thiselton-Dyer 293 n3; Cycas pectinata 454 n3, 458 n2; Desmodium gyrans 306 n3, 347 n6, 438 n3, 454 n2; Echeveria stolonifera 514 & n2, 522 n1; Erythrina corallodendron 297 n5, 347 n3; Erythrina crista-galli 347 n4; Euphorbia jacquiniiflora 376 n2, 378 n4; Haematoxylon campechianum 288 & n6, 302 n3; leaves responses to touch 306 n4; light reaching leaves 500 n2; Lotus 292 n7; Lotus ornithopopoides 287 & 288 n2; Mimosa pudica 306 n4, 438 n3, 454 n2; Neptunia oleracea 454 n2; Oxalis sensitiva 497 n4; Passi-

871

flora gracilis 288 n5; Pinus nordmanniana 427 n5; Primula sinensis 412 n5; published 502 n5, 603 n3; pulvinus 378 n3; red cabbage 412 n4; Strephium floribundum 288 n4; terminology 443 n3, 481 n1, 482 n2; Thalia dealbata 359 n10, 365 & n4; Tropaeolum minus 292 n8; written after Forms of flowers (which CD thought might be his last book) 160 n2 mud skippers (Periophthalmus) 285 & 286 n3, 291 n1 Mueller, Ferdinand von 166 & n3 mulberry seedling 293–4 & 294 n5 Mulder, Gerrit Jan von 75 & 78 n6 mullein, common (Verbascum thapsus; great mullein) 282 n1 mullein, great (Verbascum thapsus; common mullein) 282 n1 Müller, Daniel Ernst 89 n1 Müller, Fritz: Aristida observations 144 & 145 n5; bees 421 & 422 n4, n5; Beobachtungen an brasilianischen Schmetterlingen 466 & 467 n3; butterflies 360 & n5, 361 n6, 384 n2, 420 & n1, 421 & 423 n8, 422 & 423 n12, 427 n2; butterflies, Brazilian (Kosmos three-part article) 153 & n5, 384 n2, 420 & n1, 466 & 467 n3, 487 & n8; butterflies, and flowers 498 & 499 nn 3–8, n12; career 61 n4, 144 & 145 n2, n4, 422 n6; CD renewed contact with xviii; CD requests bloom observations 192 & 193 n2; CD requests information on earthworms in Brazil 192–3 & 193 n4; CD requests more Cassia seeds 466 & n1; Descent 2d ed., cited in 392 n3; ‘Einige Worte über Leptalis’ 360 & n5, 377 & n1, 384 n2; Forms of flowers, CD will use Pontederia observations in 156 n5; Forms of flowers, Pontederia specimens acknowledged 145 n3, 187 & n1, n3, 423 n11; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 420–21 & 422 n2, 593 & n2, 612; Forms of flowers, Viola observations 153 & n4; Für Darwin (Facts and arguments for Darwin; translated by W.S. Dallas) 58 & 59 n3; Lantana 421 & 423 n8, n9; letters to CD written in English 422 n1; Malpighiaceae 421; R. Meldola and CD correspond about publishing Müller’s 1871 letter extracts 370 & 371 n1, n2, 377 & n1, 382 & 383 n1, 384 & n1, 391 & n2; R. Meldola published Müller extracts 391 & n2, 392 n3; mimicry 360 & n5, 377 & n1, 384 & n2; mimicry, R. Meldola publicises Müller’s work on 370 & 371 n1, n2; minhocão, reports of so-called 144–5 & 145 n7; Nature 422 n1; Nature, CD sent Müller’s letter on flowers and insects 486–7 & 487 nn 2–8, 512 n6; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 144 & 145 n1, 611;

872

Index

Müller, Fritz, cont. Pontederia cordata 487 & n6; Pontederia observations 38 n1, 56 & n2, 144 & 145 n3, 187 & n1, n3, 421–2 & 423 n10, n11; Pteris aquilina observations, communicated to Nature by F. Darwin 200 & n3, 234 n5; sent F. Darwin hygroscopic grass seeds 144 & 145 n4, 187 & n5; Solanum 421 & 422 n5; Viola observations 153 & n4 Müller, Hermann: Die Befruchtung der Blumen durch Insekten, English translation 61 n2; cleistogamy 141 & n2; F. Darwin’s food bodies paper mentioned 200; Forms of flowers, CD discusses H. Müller’s suggestion regarding homostyled plants 61 n6; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612; Hottonia experiments 60 & 61 n2; Kosmos publications 153 & 154 n6; T. Meehan’s interpretation of 267 n2; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 61 & n3, 611; Papaver rhoeas 105 & n10; pollination and fertilisation, distinction between 395 & 396 n5, 587 & 588 n5; thanks CD for advice on Viola tricolor experiments 152–3 & 153 n1; thanks CD for informing of error in Die Befruchtung der Blumen durch Insekten 60–61 & 61 n1, n2; Viola tricolor 153 & n1 Munk, Hermann 329 n7 Murphy, Joseph John: Habit and intelligence, preparing 2d ed. 58 & 59 n1, n2, n5; requests use of some woodcuts from F. Müller, Facts and arguments for Darwin 58 & 59 nn 3–5 Murray, Andrew: insect pests 316 & n4; plants and carbon dioxide 297 & n9, 316 & 317 n5 Murray, John: advertising of CD’s books 160 n3; G.M. Asher writes to about wheat varieties 449–50 & 450 nn 1–3; CD asks about financial agreement 502 & n8; CD on reprints and stereotyping of books 502 & nn 2–6; CD thanks for financial answer with accounts 507 & n1, n2; CD thanks for payment 501 & 502 n1; CD’s publisher 129 n1, 133 n2; William Clowes & Sons, Murray’s printer 160 n4, 259 n3, 412 n2, 508 n2, 518 n2; congratulates CD on honorary degree 499 & 500 n5; Descent 2d ed., accounts 505 & 506 n5; on financial agreement for CD’s books 504–5 & 506 nn 2–8; Forms of flowers, accounts 505 & 506 nn 6–8; Forms of flowers, publishing terms for 160; illustrations for translations 414 n6, 593 n6; premises 133 & n1; printers see Clowes & Sons; publishing arrangement for CD’s books 160 n3; sale dinners (November) 22 & n2, 412 n1, 500 n4, 503 n2; sends cheque for book royalties 499 & 500 nn 2–4 Musa (bananas and plantains) 214 & 215 n5, 404 & 405 n5, 479 & 481 n2, 589 & 590 n5

Musa glauca (Ensete glaucum; snow banana) 209 & 210 n9, 214 & 215 n5, 217 & n5 Muscari (feather hyacinth; grape hyacinth) 43 & 44 n9 Mussaenda 43 & 44 n8, 46 & n4 mustard (Brassica) 214 & 215 n8 Myanthus barbatus (Catasetum barbatum) 33 n1 myeline (myelin) 323 & 324 n6, 341 & 343 n8, 544 & 545 n10 Myers, Arthur Thomas 546 n2 Myers, Frederic William Henry 546 n2 Myrica (myrtle; sweet gale) 526 & 531 n16, 596 & 601 n16 Myricaceae 339 & 340 n8, 584 & 585 n8 myrtle (Myrica; sweet gale) 526 & 531 n16, 596 & 601 n16 myrtle spurge (Euphorbia myrsinites; blue spurge) 300 & 301 n1, 301 & 302 n2 myxomycetes 111 & 112 n6 Nägeli, Carl Wilhelm von: CD thanks for book 392 & n1; A. Dodel-Port informed of proposed botanical atlas 268, 271, 574, 575; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n23; Hieracium 15 n26, 86 & 87 n4 Nares, George Strong: British Arctic Expedition 51 & n3 Narrative 3 (CD): Mastodon bones 187 & n6 narrow-leaved everlasting pea (Lathyrus sylvestris) 214 & 215 n8 narrow-leaved lungwort see Pulmonaria angustifolia Nash, Wallis and Louisa A’hmuty: F. Darwin and H. Darwin dine with 234 & n9 Nasse, Christian Friedrich: J.V. Carus informs CD of Nasse’s paper 53 & 54 n9; cited in Expression 2d ed. 54 n9 nasturtiums (Tropaeolum) 393 & 394 n3 National Debt Office: Down Friendly Society wishes to withdraw money 310 & n2, n3; Friendly Societies 310 n2 natural selection: S. Butler xxv, 494–5; Descent, W.R. Greg quotation as example of possible failure of natural selection as applied to humans xxiii, 238 n1; T.H. Huxley’s critique of as mechanism for creating new species 18 n2; A. Hyatt’s Steinheim fossil snails query 10; operation on individuals or group xxiv–xxv, 229 n8, 235 & n6; sterility of hybrids 18 n2; A.R. Wallace 297 & 298 n2, 363 & 364 n2 Nature: A.A. van Bemmelen and H.J. Veth’s letter presenting photograph album to CD published 103 n2; J.S. Burdon Sanderson, on germinal particles of bacteria 511 & 512 n7; T.F.

Index Cheeseman, CD sent his letter to Nature 430 n5, 519 & 520 n2; F.J. Cohn’s Dipsacus observations (communicated by CD) xx, 331 n5, 340–42 & 342 n2, 343 nn 3–13, 358 & 359 n8, 391 n2, 544 n6; Cross and self fertilisation reviews of 65 & 66 n1, 92 & n1; F. Darwin communicated F. Müller’s Pteris aquilina observations 200 n3, 234 n5; editor J.M. Lockyer 103 n2; German translations of some of CD’s short articles published in Kosmos 143 n2; A. Gray’s biographical sketch of J.D. Hooker 438 & n4; J.D. Hooker, Rocky Mountains botany 438 n4; F. Müller 422 n1; notice of Dutch photograph album 124 n1, 132 n2, 142 n4; notice of German photograph album 123 & 124 n1, 132 n2; G.J. Romanes, ‘Fetichism in animals’ 511 & 512 n8; G.J. Romanes, lecture on evolution of nerves 207 n4, 211 n5, 328 & n2, 331 & 332 n2, 337 & 338 n1; G.J. Romanes, letter on hen rearing ferrets 241 n3, 277 & n3; G.J. Romanes, review of G. Allen’s Physiological aesthetics 235 & n7, n8, 243 n5; C.W. Thomson, letter to P.M. Duncan 250 & n1; C.W. Thomson, memorial supporting 219 n1, 262 & 263 n6 Nature (CD’s letters): F.J. Cohn’s Dipsacus observations xx, 331 n5, 340–42 & 342 n2, 343 nn 3–13, 358 & 359 n8, 391 n2, 544 n6; F. Müller on flowers and insects 486–7 & 487 nn 2–8, 512 n6 Naturhistorischer Verein der Rheinlande und Westfalens (Natural Historical Society of Rhineland and Westphalia) 132 & n2 Naudin, Charles Victor 292 n10 Nebalia 262 & n3 Nederlandsche Dierkundige Vereeniging (Dutch Zoological Society): co-ordinated Dutch photograph album xxii, 614 Neemia butterfly (Hesperocharis anguitia) 498 & 499 n4 Neisler, Hugh Mitchell 280 & 281 n4 Nelumbium (Nelumbo; lotuses) 209 & 210 n12, 214 & 215 n5; bloom removal 332 & n2; CD received 291 & 292 n4; resists wetting 290; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer sends 289 & 291 n7 Nelumbium esculentum 332 n1 Neococytius cluentius see Macrosilia cluentius Neottia (bird’s nest orchid) 374 n3 Nepenthes (tropical pitcher-plants) 66 & 67 n9 Nephelium litchi (Litchi chinensis; lychee) 161 & 162 n7 Neptunia 289, 454 & n2, 465 & 466 n4 Neptunia monosperma 287 Neptunia oleracea (water mimosa; sensitive neptunia) 454 n2, 497 & n3 Netherlands: evolution, progress of opinion 76–7

873

& 78 nn 2–19, 79 nn 20–23, 85, see also Dutch photograph album Neumayr, Melchior: CD comments on Die Congerien- und Paludinenschichten 120 & n1, n2, 410 & n3; CD comments on environmental factors 120 & n4 Nevill, Dorothy Fanny: CD thanks for botanical references 38 & n1 New Zealand: bees 20 & n4; Crustacea 262 & n4; evolution controversy 84 & n4; Selliera 429 & 430 n1 new-born babies xxi, 275 & 276 n2 Newnham College: E.M. Dicey 3 n1 Newton, Alfred: CD comments on wagtails crossing information from 18; and F. Darwin 444 & 445 n9 Nicholson, Hunter: white cattle in America 101 Nicotiana rustica (Aztec or wild tobacco) 378 & n4 Nipher, Francis Eugene: prenatal influence of mother on offspring 368–9 & 369 n1, n2 Nipher, Sarah Matilda 368 & 369 n2 nipples and mammary glands in male mammals 363 n2 Noctua 104 & 105 n4 Noiré, Ludwig: CD thanks for book and dedication 326 & n1 Nordenskiöld, Adolf Erik 309 & n4, 579 & n4 Norman, Alfred Merle 183 & n1 North, Marianne 147 & n3 Northcote, Stafford 117 & n1 Norton, Catherine Eliot 116 & n4 Norton, Charles Eliot: CD comments on W.E. Darwin’s engagement to S. Sedgwick 436 & nn 2–4; CD thanks for book 129 & 130 n1, n2; CD’s comment to A. Gray about Americans after a visit by Norton’s family 233 n4; on CD’s work 130 n2; J.L. Gray visits and hears of A. Darwin’s death 116 & n4; and J.D. Hooker 419 & 420 n2; visited Down (1868; 1869) xxvii, 130 n3, 420 n2 Norton, Susan Ridley Sedgwick: aunts 436 n4; death of 458 n3; visited Down (1868; 1869) xxvii, 130 n3, 420 n2 Norwegian North-Atlantic Expedition 250 & n3 Novara expedition 87 & 88 n2 Nymphaea (waterlilies) 526 & 531 n17, 536 & 537 n7, 596 & 601 n17 oak 155 & 156 n2 oak-leaved goosefoot (Chenopodium glaucum; Oxybasis glauca) 215 & 215–16 n8 oats, blackened (Avena sativa) 443 & n4 obliquity of planets 510 n7

874

Index

observers: CD acknowledges role of 85, 92; J.C. Conybeare comments on CD’s valuing of 533 & n5 Odebrecht, Emil 422 n6 Oenanthe fistulosa 279 n2 offspring: ‘Illegitimate offspring of dimorphic and trimorphic plants’, reworked in Forms of flowers 55 n5, 60 n5, 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610; inheritance, characteristics appearance in offspring 417 & nn 1–3; prenatal influence of mother on offspring 368–9 & 369 n1 Ogle, William: hairiness of plants 345–6 & 346 nn 2–6; thanks CD for Forms of flowers 345 & 346 n1 Oliver, Daniel: bloom 284 & n5; CD apologises (via J.D. Hooker) for Oxalis request 137 & n2; CD renewed contact with xviii; cleistogamic flowers of Oxalis 124–5 & 125 n1, n2; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 283 & 284 n1, 612 & 613 n32; will help F. Darwin at Kew 65 & 66 n2, 133 & n1, 137 n2 ‘On the tendency of species to form varieties’, CD and A.R. Wallace 78 n14 Onchidella celtica see Onchidium celticum Onchidium: dorsal eyes 178, 181–2 & 182 n2, 285 & 286 n1, 291 & n1, 565–6 Onchidium celticum (Onchidella celtica; Celtic sea slug) 286 & n4 Onchidium verruculatum (Peronia verruculata) 178 & 180 n6, 566 & 567 n3 onion fly (Delia antiqua) 512 n5 onions: grafting experiments 511 & 512 n5, 513 & 514 n1 Ononis minutissima 280 & 281 n2 Ophideres fullonica (Eudocima phalonia; Pacific fruit-piercing moth) 381 n3, 587 n3 opinions: public making up its own mind about differing opinions 273, 576; writers with differing opinions 273, 576 opium poppy see Papaver somniferum opossums 512 & 513 n3 opponents of CD’s theories: M. de Bonnal xxiii, 1, 549; W. Buckler 28, 33 & n8; S. Butler (1835–1902) xxv, 493–5 & 496 nn 2–13; C. de Candolle 292 n10; Cuvier, Georges 77 & 78 n19; H.R. Göppert 292 n10; Gregorios 218 & n2; J. van der Hoeven 77 & 78 n19, 78 n12, 79 n20; W. Hopkins 79 n20; C. James 273 n2, 577 n2; P. Mantegazza 360 & n3; T. Meehan 273; É. Morren 292 n10; C.V. Naudin 292 n10; F. Parlatore 292 n10; A.R. Wallace 297 & 298 n2 orange-barred sulphur butterfly (Callidryas philea; Phoebis philea) 498 & 499 n10

orbweaver spiders (Epeira; Araneus) 112 & 113 n1 orchard orbweaver (Leucauge venusta) 113 n1 orchid bees (Euglossa) 421 & 422 n5 orchids: Australian orchids 366 & 367 n1 Orchids (CD): finance 502 & n8, 505 & 506 n4, 507 & n2; A. Gray’s review 93 & 94 n7; published 50 n2, 506 n4, 610 Orchids 2d ed. (CD): Bolbophyllum 428 & 429 n3; Catasetum tridentatum 32 & 33 n1; CD works on 610; cites R.D. Fitzgerald 127 & 128 n1; correction 492 & n2; F. Darwin helped correct proofs 610; F. Delpino’s observations 61 n5; error 235 & 236 n1, 243 & 244 n5; ‘Fertilization of orchids’ incorporated 610; J. Gibbs thanks CD for copy 97 & 98 n1; A. Gray, CD sends title page 131 & n2; Gray, proofs for review 79 & n3, 93 & 94 n6; Gray, thanks CD for copy 115 & 116 n1; Gray’s review 391 n1; F. Hildebrand’s observations 61 n5; illustrations 44 & 45 n3; F. Müller’s observations 61 n5; H. Müller’s observations 61 n5; Myanthus barbatus 33 n1; observations added based on information received 61 & n5, 610; published 22 & n1, 116 n1, 491 n2, 502 n2, 506 n4, 610; review of 391 n1; stereotyping 491 & n2, 501 & 502 n2, 610; sun orchids 128 n3; terminology 461 n2; text altered 610; works published since 1st ed. listed 61 n5, 610 Orchids 2d ed. (CD; presentation copies) 610, 611; A.W. Bennett 611 & n11; W. Breitenbach 611; J.V. Carus 44 & 45 n2, 54, 611 & n7; T.F. Cheeseman 611; F. Darwin 611 & n14; G.H. Darwin 611 & n12; W.E. Darwin 36 & n2, 611 & n13; F. Delpino 611 & n4; R.D. Fitzgerald 127 & 128 n1, 611; A. Gray 611; E. Haeckel 611 & n8; F. Hildebrand 49 & 50 n1, 611 & n3; J.D. Hooker 50 & 51 n1, 611 & n9; H.E. Litchfield 611 & n15; F. Müller 144 & 145 n1, 611; H. Müller 61 & n3, 611; J. Scott 611 & n2; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer 611 & n10; A.R. Wallace 46 & 47 n1, 611 & n5; A. Weismann 32 & 33 n1, 611 & n6 Orchids 2d ed. rev. (CD): J.V. Carus’s correction included 236 n1 Orchids French ed. (CD): L. Rérolle translated 610 Orchids German ed. (CD): H.G. Bronn translated 50 n2 Orchids 2d ed. German ed. (CD): J.V. Carus translated 45 n2, 55 n11, 235 & 236 n1, n3 Orchids 2d US ed. (CD): published 22 n1, 610 Origin (CD): analogical variation 120 & n3; ants and aphids 263 & n4; Asclepias 336 n1; R.F. Cooke asks if any corrections for next reprint 412 & n1, 490 & 491 n1; Cooke reports will reprint 502–3 & 503 n1, n2; environmental

Index factors 120 & n4; Europe, reception in 76–7 & 78 n18, n19, 79 nn 20–25; C.C. Graham defends 69; Hieracium 87 n5; holly, fertilisation by bees 20 & n6; W. Hopkins’s review 77 & 79 n20; T.H. Huxley’s review 242 & 243 n3; intermediate forms, tendency to extinction of 234 & 235 n4; H.C.F. Jenkin’s review xxiv, 229 n8; J.B. Lamarck mentioned from 3d ed. onwards 496 n7; A. Laugel’s review 230 n4, 570 n4; reviews xxiv, 77 & 79 n20, 229 n8, 230 n4, 242 & 243 n3, 570 n4; Rubus 87 n5; total sales 508; unconscious selection 234 & 235 n3; variation 126 & n5 Origin 3d ed. (CD): black pigs 21 n3 Origin 4th ed. (CD): flowers and insects 536 & 537 n5; sterility of hybrids 18 n2 Origin 5th ed. (CD): environmental factors 120 n4; response to H.C.F. Jenkin’s review xxv, 229 n8 Origin 6th ed. (CD): acceleration and retardation of development 171 n4; birds’ egg colour 33 n7; cites A.W. Malm 63 n3, 535 n1; published 508 n1; various printings up to 1876: 179 n5, 566 n2; vertebrate and invertebrate eyes 178 & 179 n5, 565 & 566 n2, see also Origin (1876) Origin (1876) (CD): 6th ed., with additions and corrections 179 n5, 412 n1, 496 n5, 566 n2; ants 496 n7; S. Butler on 493, 494–5 & 496 nn 5–8, n10; CD asks for more information about reprint 492 & n1, 502 & n6; corrected reprint of sixth ed. of 1872 including new chapter responding to St G.J. Mivart’s criticisms 496 n5, 508 n1; domestic productions 494 & 496 n10; environmental factors 120 n4; instinct 493 & 496 n6; no further changes to text after this printing of 6th ed. 412 n1; sales 129 & n1, 130 n1; spontaneous variability 496 n8 Origin Dutch ed. (CD), T.C. Winkler translated 76–7 & 78 n18, 79 n20 Origin German ed. (CD), H.G. Bronn translated 319 & n2, 582 & 583 n2 Origin Spanish ed. (CD): E. Godínez translated 139 & n1 Origin US eds. (CD): sales 317 Origin US 3d ed. (CD) 138 & 139 n2 Ornithogalum 331 & n7 Orpington railway station 24 & n4, 509 n7 Orthocerus 366 & 367 n1 Orthocerus strictum (horned orchid) 367 n1 os coccyx: Hainan inhabitants 121 & n3 Otis tarda (great bustard) 248 n4 Ottoman Empire, rebellion against 19 n2 Owen, Richard: Royal Society address (1873) 59 & 60 n3

875

Oxaea flavescens 422 n5 Oxalis: cleistogamic flowers 124–5 & 125 n1, n2; cleistogamy and heterostyly in 132 n1; Forms of flowers 125 n2, 259 n3; F. Hildebrand 132 & n2, 137 & n3; D. Oliver will assist F. Darwin at Kew 133 & n1, 137 n2 Oxalis acetosella (wood sorrel) 124 & 125 n1 Oxalis enneaphylla (scurvy-grass sorrel) 300 & 301 n1, 301 & 302 n2 Oxalis sensitiva (Biophytum sensitivum) 124 & 125 n1, 147 & n4; Forms of flowers 147 n4; Movement in plants 497 n4; plants requested 344 & 345 n2; seeds requested 497 & n4 Oxalis violacea (violet wood-sorrel) 257–8 & 259 n2 Oxybasis glauca see Chenopodium glaucum oyster plant (Mertensia maritima; oysterleaf plant) 215 & 215–16 n8, 385 & n3, 392 & n2, 403 & 404 n1 Pachyphytum bracteosum see Cotyledon bracteosum Pacific fruit-piercing moth (Ophideres fullonica; Eudocima phalonia) 381 n3, 587 n3 Paeonia moutan (P. suffruticosa) 537 n7 paint root (Lachnanthes caroliniana; Carolina redroot) 21 n3 Paley, William 494 & 496 n9 Palmer, Thomas: Pomeranian dog, observations on 73 & 74 n1 Paludina (Vivipara) 120 n1 Pancratium: bloom removal 332 & n2 Pancratium littorale (Hymenocallis littoralis; beach spiderlily) 332 n1 pangenesis hypothesis: CD’s response to F. Galton’s experiments 136 n1; F. Galton’s experiments 135 & 136 n1, n2; G.J. Romanes comments on E. Haeckel’s perigenesis essay 26 & n2, n3; Romanes, experiments on xxiv, xxv, 26 & 27 n5, 207 & n5, 225 & 229 n6, 335 & n10, 509 & n4, 511 & 512 n5; Variation 26 n3, 388 n4; Variation 2d ed. 496 n14 Papaver (poppies) 338 & 340 n3, 583 & 585 n3 Papaver hybridum (rough poppy) 272 & n1 Papaver rhoeas (corn poppy) 105 & n10 Papaver somniferum (opium poppy): CD requests from J.D. Hooker 209 & n6; J.D. Hooker suggests as plant with bloom 214 & 215 n8; J. Scott 103–4 & 105 n3, 161–2 & 162 n8, n9 Papilio cleotas (P. menatius cleotas) 498 & 499 n11 Papilio coroebus (P. menatius coroebus) 498 & 499 n11 Papilio grayi (P. scamander; scamander swallowtail) 498 & 499 n11 Papilio menatius cleotas see Papilio cleotas Papilio menatius coroebus see Papilio coroebus

876

Index

Papilio scamander see Papilio grayi Papilionaceae see Leguminosae ‘The parasitic habits of Molothrus’ (CD) 143 n2 Parker, Mary, Jr 523 & n4 Parker, Mary, Sr 523 n2 Parlatore, Filippo 292 n10 Parslow, Joseph 308 & n5 Passiflora gracilis (crinkled passion-flower) 288 & n5, 289 Paul, Carl: M. Neumayr and C. Paul, Die Congerien- und Paludinenschichten Slavoniens und deren Faunen: ein Beitrag zur Descendenz-Theorie 120 n1, 410 n3 Paul, George: holly varieties 56–7 & 57 n1, n2 Paul, William 57 n4 peanut clover (Trifolium polymorphum) 280 & 281 n5 peanuts see Arachis Pearson, Charles: Down Friendly Society trustee 310 n2 Pedicularis hirsuta (hairy lousewort) 170 & n3 Pedro II (emperor of Brazil): asks J.D. Hooker to arrange meeting with CD xxiii, 239 & 240 n2, 242 & n1, 244 & 245 n1, 250–51 & 251 n1; CD honoured by request to meet 241 & n3 Peel, Frederick 70 & 71 n14 pencilflowers (Stylosanthes) 280 & 281 n3, n4 Penzig, Albert Julius Otto 323 & 324 n13 perigenesis hypothesis: E. Haeckel 497 n15; G.J. Romanes comments on Haeckel’s essay 26 & n2, n3 periodicals: CD does not write for 467 & n2 Periophthalmus (mud skippers) 285 & 286 n3, 291 n1 Permian leaf (gingko-like species) discovery 410 n1, 530 & 532 n26, 538 n11, 599–600 & 601 n26 Peronia verruculata see Onchidium verruculatum Peronospora 300 n3 Persian clover see Trifolium resupinatum Persicaria bistorta see Polygonum bistorta persistent types 537 & 538 n10 Petasites hybrida see Petasites vulgaris Petasites vulgaris (P. hybrida; butterbur) 42 & 44 n4 petty spurge (Euphorbia peplus) 296 & 297 n7 Petunia 109 & n2 Petunia nyctaginiflora: and moths 50 & n6 Pfeffer, Wilhelm: Nicotiana rustica 378 & n4 Phaleria disperma see Leucosmia burnettiana phanerogams 525, 595 Pharaoh’s serpent (from mercury thiocyanate) 543 & 544 n7 pharyngeal fistula 547 & n4 Phaseolus: CD’s observations 358 & 359 n7 Phaseolus multiflorus (runner beans) 252 n1

Phear, Samuel George 211 & 212 n3, 444 & 445 n3, n4 Philaethria dido see Colaenis dido Philosophical Society (Cambridge University): CD declines dinner invitation xxviii, 460 & n1; T.H. Huxley’s speech xxviii, 482 & n1, n2, 485 & 485–6 n1, 486 n3, 511 & 512 n2 Philosophical Society of Ross-shire: G.J. Romanes’s lecture 508–9 & 509 n2, n3,n8, 511 & 512 n3 Phlox species: A. Gray 58 n2 Phlox nivalis 58 n2 Phlox subulata (moss phlox) 57–8 & 58 n2, 79 n2; CD’s observations 118 & n3 Phoebis neocypris see Callidryas cipris photograph albums see Dutch photograph album; German and Austrian scientists photograph album photographs: F. Adler 631; CD sends photographs with signature to C. Roberts 224; composite 453 & n2; experiments on movement in plants 348; Expression 453 n1; Gonzales family xxiv, 408 & n2, 409, 415 & n1, 591 & n2; A. Gray, J.D. Hooker and others camping in Rockies, Colorado 390; E. Haeckel and students 615; S. Laurence wishes to portray CD from a photograph 40 & nn 2–4; H.N. Moseley’s photographs sent by J.D. Hooker 111 & 112 n7, 113 & 114 n7; E. Rade 631; J. Sachs sends his photograph 24, 551; H. Schneider requests CD’s photograph 83, 557; C.G. Semper’s views on as tribute xxii, 177, 182 & n4, see also Dutch photograph album; German and Austrian scientists photograph album Phragmites communis (P. australis; common reed) 215 & 215–16 n8 Phyllothelys westwoodi 383 & n6 physiological experiments: use of animals 2 & 3 n4 physiology: women studying 2 Picea (spruces) 156 & n5 Pick, Thomas Pickering 451 & n6 pickerel weed see Pontederia cordata pictures of CD: Elliot & Fry’s cartes de visite 40 & n3; S. Laurence, chalk portrait 40 n2; S. Laurence wishes to portray CD from a photograph 40 & nn 2–4; portrait by W.B. Richmond 485 n4 Pierinae 498 & 499 n10 Pieris aripa (Leptophobia aripa; mountain white) 421 & 423 n8, 498 & 499 n5 pig feet abnormalities: W.H. Flower 180 n2, 184, 196 & n1, n2; foot with thumb development 168–9 & 169 n2, 564–5 & 565 n2; Variation 169 n2, 565 n2

Index pigeon skins from Yarkand 185 & n2, 185 & 186 n1 Piggot, Horatio: comments on Insectivorous plants 373–4 & 374 nn 1–4 Pim, Frederic William: holly-berries, scarcity of 39 & n1 pincushion cacti (Mammillaria) 405 & n6, 589 & 590 n6 pink (Dianthus) 214 & 215 n8 pink sun orchid (Thelymitra carnea) 128 n3 Pinopsida 531 n11, 600 n11 Pinus nordmanniana (Abies nordmanniana) 426 & 427 n5 Pinus sylvestris (Scots pine) 156 & n5 Piper, Carl Edward Wilhelm 417 & n2 Pistia stratiotes (water lettuce) 279 n2, 289 & 291 n8 pitcher-plants (Sarracenia) 290 & 291 n9 Planchon, Jules Émile 404 & 405 n3, n5, 589 & 590 n3, n5; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n22 planets: obliquity of 510 n7 Planorbis: A. Hyatt, The genesis of the Tertiary species of Planorbis at Steinheim 14 n3, n4, n6, n11, 15 n24; A. Hyatt’s plates of 11, 12, 13, 14 n3, n6, 15 n19 Planorbis crescens (Gyraulus crescens) 7 & 14 n9 Planorbis discoideus (Gyraulus sulcatus) 7 & 14 n8 Planorbis laevis Klein (Gyraulus kleini ) 14 n11 Planorbis levis (P. laevis Klein) 7 & 14 n11, 14 n7 Planorbis minutus series 8 & 14 n13 Planorbis multiformis aequiumbilicatus 14 n9 Planorbis m. crescens 14 n9 Planorbis m. denudatus (Gyraulus denudatus) 14 n13 Planorbis m. oxystomus (Gyraulus oxystoma) 14 n9, 14–15 n14 Planorbis m. revertens (Gyraulus revertens) 14–15 n14 Planorbis m. supremus 14 n9, 14–15 n14 Planorbis m. trochiformis 14–15 n14 Planorbis oxystomus 7 & 14 n9, 8, 14 n14 Planorbis steinheimensis 14 n4 Planorbis supremus (Gyraulus supremus) 7 & 14 n9, 8 Planorbis tenuis (Gyraulus rhytidophorus) 7 & 14 n8, 10 plant fertilisation: and insects xviii, 267 n2, 524 & 531 n5, 525–6, 527, 594 & 600 n5, 595, 597 plantains (Musa; bananas and plantains) 214 & 215 n5, 404 & 405 n5, 479 & 481 n2, 589 & 590 n5 plants: and carbon dioxide 297 & n9, 316 & 317 n5; development of plants, CD responds to G. de Saporta on 536–7 & 537 nn 2–9; development of plants, G. de Saporta on 524–30 & 531 nn 4–23, 532 nn 24–29, 594–600 & 600 nn 4–15, 601 nn 16–29; hairiness 345–6 & 346 n3, n5, n6; inflorescences 97, 530, 599; and insects 524–5, 527, 529, 594–5, 596, 599; and

877

mammals 525, 536 & 537 n6, 595; nutrition 374 n3; plant forms, transition of 410 & n3; primitive types 526–7 & 531 nn 12–19, 596 & 600 nn 12–15, 601 nn 16–19; protandrous plants 50 & n5; separation of sexes xviii, 92 & 93 n2; see also bloom; cotyledons; Cross and self fertilisation; crossing plants; crossing plants experiments; dimorphism; Forms of flowers; heliotropism; movement in plants; Movement in plants; sleep in plants Playfair, Lyon 603 & n6 poems: F. Adler (sent with German and Austrian scientists photograph album) xxii, 91 & n5, 92 & n2, 559 & n5, 630–54; A. Fitger (in German and Austrian scientists album) 630 poinsettia (Euphorbia pulcherrima) 536 & 537 n8 pollen-grains: CD studies pollen-grains and stigmas xvii, 59 & 60 n5; Forms of flowers 200 & n5; weight of 119 & n2, n3 pollination and fertilisation, distinction between 395 & 396 n5, 587 & 588 n5 polydactylism: Variation 184 n2 Polygonum bistorta (Persicaria bistorta; common or meadow bistort) 215 & 215–16 n8 Polygonum maritimum (sea knotgrass) 215 & 215–16 n8 Pontederia: A. Gray’s observations 38 n2; F. Müller’s observations 38 n1, 56 & n2, 144 & 145 n3, 187 & n1, n3, 421–2 & 423 n10, n11; J. Torrey’s observations 38 n2 Pontederia cordata (pickerel weed): W.H. Leggett’s observations 37–8 & 38 nn 1–3, 56 & n1, n3, 58 n1, 343 & n1, 423 n10, 487 & n6; J. Torrey’s observations 38 n2 Pontederia crassipes (Eichornia crassipes; common water hyacinth): F. Müller 56 n2 Pontederia rotundifolia (tropical pickerelweed) 423 n11 Poor Law Unions 96 n3 poppies see Papaver population: Descent 2d ed., natural rate of increase in human population xxvi, 223 n3 Populus alba (white poplar) 156 & n5 Populus tremula (European aspen) 156 & n5 portraits: of CD 40 n2, 224, 485 n4; Erasmus Darwin 523 & n3, n4, 546 & n1, n2 potatoes 482; H.E.J. Stanley writes to J. Torbitt about 542 & n1 Pouchet, Félix Archimède 274 & n1 powdery alligator-flag (Thalia dealbata) 279 n2, 359 n10, 365 & n4 Pozzi, Samuel Jean: Expression French ed. translated 99 & n4, 559–60 & 560 n4; Expression French 2d ed. translated 99 & n4, 188 n6, 414 n5, 559–60 & 560 n4, 567 n6, 593 n5

878

Index

prenatal influence of mother on offspring 368–9 & 369 n1 Preobrazhensky, Vasily 447 n2 Prévost, Louis-Constant 75 & 78 n4 Preyer, Axel Thierry xxi, 276 n2 Preyer, William: CD sends ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ 277 & n1; guinea pigs 275; new-born babies 275 & 276 n2; requests copy of ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ xxi, 275 & 276 n1; Die Seel des Kindes xxi Price, John: CD comments on stripes on animals 196 & 197 n1; E.A. Darwin requests address of from CD 16 & n1 prickly Russian thistle (Salsola kali) 296 & 297 n7 primitive types: plants 526–7 & 531 nn 12–19, 596 & 600 nn 12–15, 601 nn 16–19 Primula: ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’ 55 & n5, 60 n5, 133 & n1, 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610; ‘Specific difference in Primula’ 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610 Primula elatior (true oxlip): W. Breitenbach 380–81 & 381 n2, 586–7 & 587 n2; Cross and self fertilisation 378 n2, 586 n2; L.A. Errera 377 & 378 n2, 585 & 586 n2; Forms of flowers 380 & n3 Primula farinosa (bird’s eye primrose) 215 & 215–16 n8 Primula mistassinica (bird’s eye primrose) 21 & n4 Primula sinensis (Chinese primrose) 411 & 412 n5 Pringsheim, Nathanael 268, 271, 574, 575 privet hawk-moth (Sphinx ligustri) 32 & 33 n6, 498 & 499 n9 progressive development 15 n23 Pronuba yuccasella (Tegeticula yuccasella; yucca moth) 267 & n4 protandrous plants 50 & n5 Protestantenverein 287 & n7, 578 & n7 protoplasm: terminology 338, 583 protoplasmic filaments in common teasel (F. Darwin’s paper) see Dipsacus sylvestris (F. Darwin’s paper) Pruner, Franz Ignaz 189 & 190 n8, n9, 190 n8, n9, 568 & 569 n2, n3 Prunus avium (wild cherry) 156 & n4 Psamma arenaria (Ammophila arenaria; European beachgrass) 215 & 215–16 n8 Psygmophyllum 532 n26, 601 n26 Pteris aquilina (Pteridium aquilinum; bracken fern): F. Darwin’s Nature letter communicating F. Müller’s observations 200 n3, 234 n5; Müller’s observations 200 & n3 publications (CD): Agricultural Gazette, on scrofula and inbreeding 139–40 & 141 nn 1–3; CD comments on nature of his publications 143; CD

supposes he shall not publish any more books 243; CD thinks Forms of flowers will be his last book 159 & 160 n2; CD will have worked up all old material on plants once Forms of flowers finished 146; ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’ 55 n5, 60 n5, 133 & n1, 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610; ‘Fertilisation of Leschenaultia’ 429 & 430 n2; ‘Fertility of hybrids from the common and Chinese goose’ 143 n2; ‘Fertilization of orchids’ 610; ‘Formation of mould’ 193 n4; Fossil Cirripedia (1854) 19 n4; German collected edition of CD’s works 236 n3, 243 n4, 340 n1; ‘Illegitimate offspring of dimorphic and trimorphic plants’ 55 n5, 60 n5, 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610; ‘Inheritance’ 143 n2; Kosmos, ‘Aus einem Briefe von Mr. Charles Darwin an die Redaktion’ 144 n4; Kosmos, CD’s translated papers published in 143 n2; Narrative 3: 187 & n6; ‘On the tendency of species to form varieties’, CD and A.R. Wallace 78 n14; ‘The parasitic habits of Molothrus’ 143 n2; periodical articles, CD does not write 467 & n2; royalty payments for books 160 n3; ‘The sexual colours of certain butterflies’ 143 n2; ‘Specific difference in Primula’ 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610; ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’ 55 n5, 60 n5, 133 n1, 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610; ‘Two forms in species of Linum’ 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610; Weismann, A., CD’s preface to R. Meldola’s translation of Weismann’s Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie 424 n2; see also ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’; Climbing plants; Coral reefs; Cross and self fertilisation; Descent; Earthworms; Expression; Forms of flowers; Gardeners’ Chronicle (CD’s letters and article); Geological observations; Insectivorous plants; Journal of researches; Movement in plants; Nature (CD’s letters); Orchids; Origin; Variation Pulmonaria angustifolia (narrow-leaved lungwort): W.E. Darwin 128 n2, 142 & n2; Forms of flowers 128 n2, 155 n6; W.D. Fox 154 & n4 Pulmonaria grandiflora (large-flowered lungwort) 154 & 155 n5 pulvinus of leaves 359 n10, 378 n3, n4 purple crown vetch (Coronilla varia; Securigera varia) 486 & 487 n3 purple marshlocks (Comarum palustre) 279 n2 Pycnogonida (sea spiders) 250 n2; British species 250 & n4; Norwegian North-Atlantic Expedition 250 & n3 Pycnogonida specimens from Challenger 248 n2; P.P.C. Hoek writes to C.W. Thomson requesting

Index duplicate specimens 250 & 250 nn 1–6; Hoek’s report 262 n2; Thompson will send to Hoek 262 & n1 Pythium 299–300 & 300 n3 Pythium proliferum (P. middletonii) 300 & n4 Quain, Richard 464 & 465 n8 Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science: F. Darwin, Dipsacus paper xx, 60 n7, 207 n3, 302 n1 Quercus petraea (sessile oak) 155 & 156 n2 rabbits: and guinea pigs 225; and stinging nettles 225 race and degeneration 195 & n2 Raddia see Strephium Raddia brasiliensis see Strephium floribundum Rade, Emil: German and Austrian scientists photograph album, CD thanks for 91–2 & 92 n2; German and Austrian scientists photograph album sent xxii, 81 n3, 90–91 & 91 nn 2–5, 115 & n2, 124 n1, 556 n3, 558–9 & 559 nn 2–5, 561 & n2, 614; photograph 631 Raja clavata (thornback ray) 62 & n1 Ralston, William Ralston Shedden: CD thanks for reviews and welcomes D.M. Wallace to visit him 148 & n1 Ramsay, Andrew Crombie 31 & 32 n1; glaciation 298 & n3 Ranunculus auricomus (goldilocks buttercup) 43 & 44 n6 raspberry hybrids 489–90 & 490 n1, n2, see also Rubus Rate, Alice Gertrude 397 & 398 n1 rattle (Rhinanthus) 153 & n2 Rawson, Arthur: holly-berries and bees 51–2 Reade, Alfred Arthur 504 n5 Reade, Thomas Mellard: age of earth 82 n2, 493 & n5; CD declines offer of his age of earth manuscript 413 & n2, n3; CD thanks for presidential address 82 & n1; Liverpool Geological Society presidential address, will send to CD 31 & 32 n1, n2 reading (CD): G. Allen, Physiological aesthetics 210 & 211 n8, 235 n7; F. de Azara, Voyages dans l’Amérique Méridionale 312 n1; A.F. Batalin, ‘Mechanik der Bewegungen der insektenfressenden Pflanzen’ 144 n5; C.H. Blackley, ‘New observations on hay-fever, with new experiments on the quantity of ozone in the atmosphere’ 119 & n1; J.D. Caton, The antelope and deer of America 406 n2; CD cannot read Dutch 131; CD comments one subject drives another out of his head 384; CD comments that reading now

879 tires him more than writing 278; CD does not read Italian 68, 351, 553; CD had to read so much on subjects at which he is at work 93; CD has forgotten much of Spanish 139 & n3; CD has not much strength for reading 129; CD reads German slowly 32, 110, 252, 281; CD receives more books from authors than he can possibly read 87; M.P. Churilov, ‘Étude sur la dégénérescence physiologique des peuples civilisés’ 23 & n2, n3; F.J. Cohn, communication about Lathraea squamaria 324 n10; C. Cramer, Ueber die Insektenfressenden Pflanzen 329 n7; J. Croll, ‘On the probable origin and age of the sun’ 327 & n1; F. Delpino, article on plants requiring animal agency for fertilisation 423 n7; L.A. Errera and G. Gevaert, manuscript of heterostyled plants article 399 & n1, 407 n6, 591 n6; A. Espinas, Des sociétés animales 263 & nn 2–4; K.F. von Gärtner, Bastarderzeugung im Pflanzenreich 282 & n1; A. Gaudry, ‘Les ruminants et leurs parents’ 542 n1; German, CD reads slowly 32, 110, 252, 281; W.R. Greg, ‘On the failure of ‘natural selection’ in the case of man’ 237, 238 & n1; P. Harting, ‘Darwin’ 131 & 132 n1; J.F.W. Herschel, Preliminary discourse on the study of natural philosophy 249 & n3; J.D. Hooker, Royal Society presidential address (1876) 59 & 60 n2; A. von Humboldt, Personal narrative 249 n3; Italian, CD does not read 68, 351, 553; G. Jäger, Die Darwin’sche Theorie und ihre Stellung zu Moral und Religion 159 n2, 564 n2; J.W. Judd, ‘Contributions to the study of volcanoes’ 501 n4; A. Kerner von Marilaun, ‘Die Schutzmittel der Blüthen gegen unberufene Gäste’ 346 n2, n6; Kosmos 281 & 282 n3; E. Krause, review of H. Magnus’s Die geschichtliche Entwickelung des Farbensinnes 261 n1, 282 n4; G.H. Lewes, The physical basis of mind 165 n1; F. Ludwig, Kleistogamische Blüthen und Verbreitung der Samen der Collomia grandiflora 318 & n1; R.I. Lynch, manuscript 307 & 308 n2; J.F. McLennan, Primitive marriage 255 n12; J.F. McLennan, Studies in ancient history 255 n12; A.W. Malm, ‘Om monoecism hos fiskar’ 62 & n1; T. Malthus, Essay on population xxvi; T. Meehan, ‘Are insects any material aid to plants in fertilization?’ 266 & 267 n2; R. Meldola, Entomological notes bearing on evolution 391 & n2; C.H. Merriam, A review of the birds of Connecticut 519 n2; E.S. Morse, ‘What American zoologists have done for evolution’ 171 & n1, n2; A.J. Mott, ‘On Haeckel’s History of creation’ 47 n2; F. Müller, ‘Beobachtungen

880

Index

reading (CD), cont. an brasilianischen Schmetterlingen’ 466 & 467 n3; F. Müller, ‘Einige Worte über Leptalis’ 360 & n5, 377 & n1, 384 n2; F. Müller, ‘Ueber Haarpinsel, Filzflecke und ähnliche Gebilde auf den Flügeln männlicher Schmetterlinge’ 360 & 361 n6; H. Müller, Die Befruchtung der Blumen durch Insekten 60 & 61 n1, n2; J.J. Murphy, Habit and intelligence 59 n1; M. Neumayr and C. Paul, Die Congerien- und Paludinenschichten Slavoniens und deren Faunen: ein Beitrag zur Descendenz-Theorie 120 & n1, 410 & n3; A.J.O. Penzig, Untersuchungen über Drosophyllum lusitanicum Lk. 324 n13; J.R. Rengger, Naturgeschichte der Saeugethiere von Paraguay 366 & n3; C.V. Riley, ninth Annual report on the noxious, beneficial, and other, insects of the State of Missouri 199 & n1; W. Rimpau, ‘Das Aufschießen der Runkelrüben’ 41 & n1; W. Rimpau, ‘Die selbst-sterlität des Roggens’ 518 n1; W. Rimpau, ‘Die Züchtung neuer Getreide-Varietäten’ 41 & n1; G.J. Romanes, Croonian lecture: Preliminary observations on the locomotor system of medusæ (published version) 17 & 18 n6, 235 & n9; G.J. Romanes, ‘Evolution of nerves and nervous systems’ 328 & n2; G.J. Romanes, review of G. Allen’s Physiological aesthetics 235 & n7, 243 n5; G.J. Romanes, ‘The scientific evidence of organic evolution’ 508–9 & 509 n2, n3; G.O. Sars, Researches on the structure and affinity of the genus Brisinga 181 & n1; K. von Scherzer, Narrative of the circumnavigation of the globe by the Austrian frigate Novara 87 & 88 n2; J. Scott, Manual of opium husbandry 105 n2; H. Semmig, Das Kind: Tagesbuch eines Vaters 354 n2; C.G. Semper, ‘On visual organs of the vertebrate eye type on the backs of slugs’ 291 & n1; C.G. Semper, preliminary report on dorsal eyes in Onchidium 181–2 & 182 n2; C.T.E. von Siebold, ‘Die haarige Familie von Ambras’ 415 & n1; J.E. Smith, The English flora 42 & 44 n4; Spanish, CD has forgotten much of 139 & n3; H. Spencer’s works 278 & n4; H. Taine, ‘On the acquisition of language by children’ 181 & n2, 353 & 354 n1; L. Tait, Diseases of women 240; J. Tyndall, ‘Science and man’ 425 & n1, n2; M. Wagner, ‘Naturwissenschaftliche Streitfragen’ 193 & n2, n3; A.R. Wallace, ‘The colours of animals and plants’ 359 & 360 n1, n2; A. Weismann, Beiträge zur Naturgeschichte der Daphnoiden 93 & n2; A. Weismann, ‘Die Entstehung der Zeichnung bei den Schmetterlings-Raupen’ 360 & n4; A. Weismann, Über die letzten Ursachen der Transmutationen 32 & 33 n2, n3, 392 n5,

428 n4; A. Weismann, Ueber den Saison-Dimorphismus der Schmetterlinge 32 & 33 n2, 384 & n3, 428 n4; R. von Willemoes-Suhm, papers on Cirripedia 415 & n2; C. Wright, Philosophical discussions 129 & 130 n1; O. Zacharias, ‘Darwin über Kreuzung und Selbstbefruchtung im Pflanzenreiche’ 25 & n3, 552 & n3 rectal organs 512–13 & 513 nn 2–4; valves of Houston as rudimentary organ 461–5 & 465 nn 1–10, 513 n2 recurring fever see febris recurrens red-berried elder 423 & 424 n2 red cabbage 411 & 412 n4, 411 red-hot pokers (Tritoma; Kniphofia; torch lilies): and bees 397 & 398 n1, n2 reed, common (Phragmites communis; P. australis) 215 & 215–16 n8 reed, giant (Arundo donax) 332 n1 Reeves, William 443 & n6 Reimarus, Johann Albert Heinrich: Erasmus Darwin’s letters to 519 & n2 Reinwald, Charles-Ferdinand: Climbing plants French ed. 414 & n5, 592 & 593 n5; Cross and self fertilisation, presentation copy 89 & 90 n2, 557 & 558 n2; Cross and self fertilisation French ed. 89–90 & 90 n3, 98–9 & 99 n2, n3, 413–14 & 414 n2, 558 & n3, 559 & 560 n2, n3, 592 & n2; Expression French ed. 99 & n4, 559–60 & 560 n4; Expression 2d French ed. 414 & n5, 592 & 593 n5; Forms of flowers 414 & n6, 483 n2, 592 & 593 n6; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n10; Insectivorous plants French ed. 187–8 & 188 n2, n4, 414 & n3, 567 & n2, n4, 592 & n3 Rekowsky, Franz von: requests CD’s autograph 98 & n1, 109 Renault, Bernard 529 & 532 n25, 599 & 601 n25 Rengger, Johann Rudolph 366 & n3 Renshaw, Thomas Charles 398 n3 Rérolle, Louis: Orchids French ed., translated 610 research: lack of organisation in British research 459 Reseda (mignonette) 41 n2 Restiaceae (Restionaceae) 42 & 44 n3, 316 n5, 582 n5 retardation of development see acceleration and retardation of development Retzius, Gustaf 534 & n1 reversion: E. Haeckel 26 n4; L. Tait suggests hermaphroditism in humans could be regarded as 42 n2 Rhamnus catharticus (R. cathartica; common buckthorn) 21 & n5, 171–2 & 175 n2

Index Rhamnus frangula (Frangula alnus; alder buckthorn) 175 n2 Rhamnus lanceolatus (R. lanceolata; lanceleaf buckthorn) 21 & n5, 172, 173, 174; A. Gray 82 & 83 n1 Rhinanthus (rattle) 153 & n2 Rhipogonum 313 & 315 n4, 580 & 582 n4 Rhizopoda 322 & 324 n3, 341 & 343 n5 Rhodiola sibirica 300 & 301 n1 Rhododendron 156 & n5 Ribes aureum (golden current) 498 & 499 n8 Ribot, Theodule: and A. Espinas translated H. Spencer’s Principles of psychology 266 & n8, 573 & 574 n8 Riches, John Thomas: Comparettia falcata 460–61 & 461 n1, n2 Richmond, William Blake: portrait of CD 485 n4 Ricinus communis see castor-oil plant Rickards, George Henry Lascelles 362 & 363 n1 Ridley, Henry Nicholas: CD thanks for specimens 164 & n2, n3; sends Saxifraga tridactylites with insects 163 & n1 Riedel, Johan Gerard Friedrich: Hainan inhabitants, os coccyx 121 & n3 Riley, Charles Valentine: C.L. Bernays sends copy of report 276 & n2; CD thanks Riley for report 199 & n1; W. Saunders hears from of CD’s courtesy 490 Rimpau, Wilhelm: CD thanks for essays and comments on self-sterility 41 & n1, n2; CD thanks for observations 522 & n2, 523 n3; observations on Secale cereale, Beta vulgaris and crossing wheat 517 & 518 nn 1–3 rivet wheat (Triticum turgidum) 517 & 518 n3 Roberts, Charles: CD sends photographs with signature as contribution to Roberts’s charity 224 Roberts, William: asks about organisms acquiring parasitic habit 261 & n1, 262 n2, n3; cited CD 262 n3 Robertson, George Croom: CD agrees to request for German translation of ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ 246 & n3; CD assumes Robertson has no objection to publication of German translations of article 285 & n3; CD requests permission for French translation of article 248–9 & 249 n2; CD returns proofs with corrections 206 & n1; CD sends manuscript for possible publication xxi, 180 & 181 n1, n2; CD thanks for copies of ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ 285 n1; Mind editor 285 n1 Robinia (locust trees): CD asks W.E. Darwin to observe in rain xix, 344 & n2

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Robinia pseudoacacia (black locust or false acacia) xix, 325 & n2, 344 n2 Rocky Mountains vegetation 391 n3, 412 n7, 419 & 420 n3, 438 n4 Rodó, Señor: foreign bird’s nest for CD 23 & 24 n2, 41 n2 Rodrigues Island 66 & n7 Rodwell, John Medows: CD asks G.H. Darwin to translate extract 219 n3; CD thanks for sermon extract 220 & n1; sends sermon extract from Gregorios 218 & n1, n2, 219 n3 Rolleston, George: career 188 & 190 n7; sends copy of P. Broca’s paper 188 & 190 n8 Rolleston, Grace 188 & 190 n6 Roman villa excavations: Abinger 352 n1, 364–5 n1, 385 & 387 n2, 389 n3; Chedworth 364 n1, 451 n1, n3 Romanes, George John: G. Allen’s Physiological aesthetics, review of 235 & n7, n8, 242–3 & 243 n5; Aurelia aurita 332 & n4, 334 & 335 n7, 337 & 338 n2, n3, 338, 514 n3; CD arranges to meet 21–2; CD comments on F. Darwin’s work xx, 207 & n3, 210 & n3, n4, 328 & 329 n6, n8; CD comments that Romanes overestimates him and his works 513; CD glad to look after experimental plants at Down 513 & 514 n1; CD offers Down House garden for experiments 509, 512 n5; CD pleased to propose Romanes for election to Royal Society 17 & 18 n1, n2; CD responds to Romanes’s intercrossing notes 234–5 & 235 nn 2–6; CD on Romanes’s lecture to Philosophical Society of Ross-shire 508–9 & 509 n2, n3; CD on Romanes’s Nature articles 328 & n2, 329 n3, 331–2 & 332 nn 2–4; CD sends extract from J.B. Lamarck 222 & n1, n2; CD thanks for G. Allen’s book with passages marked by Romanes 207 & n1; CD will be delighted to read lecture when published in Nature 210 & 211 n5; Croonian lecture: Preliminary observations on the locomotor system of medusæ (published version) 17 & 18 n6, 235 & n9; F. Darwin suggests thymol for medusae experiments 513 & 514 n3; F. Darwin’s help, asks CD for at Kew 225–6 & 229 n7; F. Darwin’s work, comments on 334 & 335 n5, n6; graft hybrids experiments (pangenesis hypothesis) xxiv, xxv, 26 & 27 n5, 207 & n5, 225 & 229 n6, 335 & n10, 509 & n4, 511 & 512 n5; E. Haeckel’s essay on perigenesis discussed 26 & n2; intercrossing notes xxiv, 225, 226–9 & 229 n2, 242–3 & 243 nn 2–4; lunched with CD 18 n7, 207 n5; muscular tissue 337–8; muslin analogy and nervous plexus of medusae 333 & 335 n2; Nature, ‘Evolution

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Romanes, George John, cont. of nerves and nervous systems’ (Royal Institution lecture; published in three parts) 207 n4, 211 n5, 328 & n2, 331 & 332 n2, 337 & 338 n1; Nature, ‘Fetichism in animals’ 511 & 512 n8; Nature, letter on hen rearing ferrets 241 n3, 277 & n3; nettles 225 & 229 n3; Philosophical Society of Ross-shire, lecture 508–9 & 509 n2, n3, n8, 511 & 512 n3; on reception of CD’s work by popular audiences 511 & 512 n4; Royal Institution, lecture 207 & n4, 211 n5, 229 n1, 328 n2, 338 n1; Royal Society, candidacy 17 & 18 n1, n2, 22 n1; Royal Society, elected to 18 n2; H. Spencer’s work 226 & 229 n1, n9, n10; H. Spencer’s work, CD thinks Romanes has given too much credit to 235 & n8; starfish 334 & 335 n8; suggests experiment on contractile tissue of plants 338; thanks CD for comments on third part of Nature nerves article 337 & 338 n1; thanks CD for Lamarck extract 225 & 229 n1; values CD’s opinion 511 & 512 n1; visits Down 225 & 229 n2, 603 & n10 Roon, Albrecht von 459 & n4 Rosaceae 339 & 340 n7, 584 & 585 n7 rough poppy (Papaver hybridum) 272 & n1 round-leaved sundew see Drosera rotundifolia rowan (Sorbus aucuparia; mountain ash) 156 & n4 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew: annual expenses estimate 465 & 466 n2; W. Borrer’s plant collection 128 & n3; CD comments to J.D. Hooker in appreciation of 458; F. Darwin’s visit to look for dimorphic plants 59, 65 & 66 n2, 93 & 94 n4, 113 & n6; gardeners, Hooker’s view of 457 & n3; J.E. Gilbert sent plants to Kew 125 & n3; J.D. Hooker, director 213 n1, 466 n2; R.I. Lynch, propagating department foreman 301 n1, 308 n2, 325 n1, 332 n1, 336 n2, 350 n4, 351 1, 359 n11, 376 n1, 378 n2, 412 n3; G.J. Romanes’s experiments 229 n6; supplies CD with plants xviii, 279 n2, 426 & n9; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer, assistant director 279 n2, 376 n4; Thiselton-Dyer, oversees in Hooker’s absence 404 n3, 420 & n5 Royal Holland Society of Sciences and Humanities (Koninklijke Hollandsche Maatschappij der Wetenschappen): nominates CD foreign member 198 & 199 n1 Royal Institution of Great Britain: F. Galton preparing heredity lecture 27 n2, 31 & n3; G.J. Romanes, lecture on evolution of nervous systems 207 & n4, 211 n5, 229 n1, 328 n2, 338 n1 Royal Literary Fund 15 & 16 n1 Royal Nurseries: holly varieties 57 & n4

Royal Society of London: candidates proposed or supported by CD 17, 170 & n1; J.D. Dana, medal 457 & n6, 458 n4, 501 n2; G.H. Darwin, candidacy and fellowship 488 & 489 n6, 491 & n2, 492 & 493 n2, 493; F. Darwin, Dipsacus paper abstract (not full paper) published xx, 60 n7, 66 n4, 207 n3, 210 & n3, 342 n2, 358 & 359 n8; F. Darwin, Dipsacus paper communicated by CD xx, 60 n7; F. Darwin, Dipsacus paper read xx, 60 n7, 111 & 112 n2, 359 n8; F. Darwin, Dipsacus paper welcomed by J.D. Hooker 65 & 66 n3; P.M. Duncan, council 501 n3; foreign membership candidates 63–4 & 64 nn 1–4; funding 49 n2; C. Gegenbaur, foreign membership 63 & 64 n2; Government Grant Committee 111 & 112 n5; grants 47 & 48 n2, 48–9 & 49 n2, n4, 111 & 112 n5; O. Heer, medal 457 & n6, 458 n4; J.D. Hooker, hosted reception 239 & 240 n1; J.D. Hooker, president 53 n2, 60 n3, 245 & n6, 457 n6, 458 n4; Hooker, presidential address (1876) 49 n2, 59 & 60 n2; Hooker, presidential address (1877) 465 & 466 n2, n6, 501 & nn 1–3; J.W. Judd, fellowship 176 & n2; A.O. Kovalevsky, foreign member 63 & 64 n1, n3; R. Leuckart, foreign membership 63 & 64 n1, n3; R. McLachlan, fellowship 170 & n1; medals 457 n6, 458 n4, 501 n2; R. Owen 60 n3; papers sent to by young authors, Hooker comments on 65–6; G.J. Romanes, candidacy and election 17 & 18 n1, n2, 22 n1; W. Spottiswoode, vice-president 427 n2; J. Tyndall, read paper 207 & n2; W. White, assistant secretary 19 n3; W. White, fellowship 19 n3 Royer, Charles 323 & 324 n9, 342 & 343 n11 Rubiaceae (coffee and madder) 43 & 44 n8 Rubus (brambles and raspberries) 214 & 215 n8; variation in 86 & 87 n3, n5, see also raspberry hybrids Rubus occidentalis 489 Rubus strigosus (R. sachalinensis var. sachalinensis) 489 & 490 n1 Ruck, Arthur Ashley (Atty) 234 & n8 Ruck, Richard Matthews (Dicky) 150 & n2 rudimentary organs: Descent US eds. 461 & 465 n1; F. Galton 242; valves of Houston 461–5 & 465 nn 1–10 rue-leaved saxifrage (Saxifraga tridactylites) 163 & n1, 164 & n2, n3 runner beans (Phaseolus multiflorus) 252 n1 Russia: CD’s works widely read 381–2 n1; German communities on the Volga 456 & n2, n4; grasses 455 & 456 n3; wheat varieties 449–50 & 450 n2, n3, 455

Index Rutimeyer, Ludwig 188 & 190 n2 rye (Secale cereale) 517 & 518 n1, 522 & n2 Sachs, Julius: Cross and self fertilisation, presentation copy 24 & n4, 551 & n4; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n18; Scitamineae 358 & 359 n10, 365 & n3; sends his photograph 24, 551; sends papers 24 & n5, 551 & n5; sends thanks to F. Darwin for his papers 24 & n6, 551 & 552 n6; Text-book of botany 358 & 359 n10, n12 sacral dimple 546–7 & 547 n1, n3 Saint-Lager, Jean Baptiste: comments on Drosera 72 & n5, 554 & 555 n5; sends requested article 71 & 72 n2, 554 & 555 n2 Salicornia (glasswort) 296 & 297 n7 Salicornia macrostachya (Arthrocnemum macrostachyum) 300 & 301 n1 Salisburia primigenia 532 n26, 601 n26 Salisburiae 309 & 310 n6, 579 & n6 Salisbury, 3d marquess of, R.A.T. Gascoyne-Cecil 244 & 245 n3 Salix (willows) 215 & 215–16 n8 salsify (Tragopogon; goatsbeard) 214 & 215 n8 Salsola kali (prickly Russian thistle) 296 & 297 n7 saltbush (Atriplex) 215 & 215–16 n8 Salter, Samuel James Augustus: vitality of seeds 51 & n4 Salvia horminum (S. viridis; annual clary) 43 & 44 n9 Samouelle, George: spider specimens 107 n3 sand ryegrass (Elymus arenarius; Leymus arenarius) 301 & n1 Sandberger, Fridolin 6 & 14 n5; Planorbis laevis 7 & 14 n11 Sandys, John Edwin 435 n2, 655; public oration for CD at Cambridge University honorary degree ceremony xvii, xxvii, 497 n5, 655–8 & 658 nn 1–15, 659 nn 16–21 sap circulation 104 & 105 n8, 162 & n10 Saponaria (soapwort) 214 & 215 n8 Saporta, Gaston de: Académie des sciences, CD’s forthcoming election to botanical section 523–4 & 530 n2, 593 & 600 n2; CD comments on development of plants 536–7 & 537 nn 3–9; CD thanks for information on his interesting discovery 410 & nn 1–5; comments on Cross and self fertilisation 524, 525, 530, 594, 595, 599; conference on ancient climates and plant development 526 & 531 n12, 596 & 600 n12; Cross and self fertilisation, presentation copy 524 & 531 n3, 594 & 600 n3; development of plants 524–30 & 531 nn 4–23, 532 nn 24–29, 594–600 & 600 nn 4–15, 601 nn 16–29; fern in Silurian schists discovered 410 & n4; Forms of flowers, presentation

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copy 613 & n34; Permian leaf discovery 410 n1, 530 & 532 n26, 538 n11, 599–600 & 601 n26; plant forms, transition of 410 n3; terminology 531 n21, 601 n21 Sara longwing (Heliconius apseudes; H. sara) 421 & 423 n8, 498 & 499 n4 Sarracenia (pitcher-plants) 290 & 291 n9 Sars, Georg Ossian: autography 181 & n2; CD comments on his book 181 & n1; Nebalia 262 & n3; Pycnogonida 250 & n3; Schizopoda 262 & n3 Sars, Michael: Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n17 Saunders, William: raspberry hybrids 489–90 & 490 n1, n2 Saunders, William Wilson 520 & n3 Saville-Kent, William: CD declines honorary committee membership invitation 148 & 149 n2; plans for aquarium 146 & 147 n1, n2, 436–7 & 438 nn 1–6 Saxifraga tridactylites (rue-leaved saxifrage) 163 & n1, 164 & n2, n3 Saxonca (wheat variety) 449–50 & 450 n2, n3, 455, 458, 459 Sayce, Archibald Henry: asks about children’s language 303–4 & 304 n1, n2, 318 n2; asks if he may cite CD 312 & n1; CD comments on children’s language 307 & n1; children’s language 312; cited CD 312 n1, 320 & n1 scamander swallowtail (Papilio grayi; P. scamander) 498 & 499 n11 scarce bamboo page (Colaenis dido; Philaethria dido; Dido longwing) 498 & 499 n4 scarlet gilia see Gilia aggregata scarlet plume see Euphorbia jacquiniiflora Schäfer, Edward Albert 337 & 338 n4 Scherzer, Karl von: CD comments on M. Wagner’s views 193 & n2, n3; CD interested in Novara expedition 87 & 88 n2, n3; offered CD Novara publications 194 n5 Schizopoda 262 & n3 Schlesinger, Max: request to publish German translation of ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ 246 n3; translated ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ 272 & 273 n1, 281 n2 Schneider, Hugo: requests autograph and photograph 83, 557; sends birthday greetings 83, 556 Schnyder, Otto: botany of Argentine Republic 404 & 405 n4, 589 & 590 n4 Schollera graminea Willd. (Heteranthera dubia; water stargrass) 38 & n3 Schön, Johannes: question from student science club about intellectual difference between humans and animals 157–8, 562–4

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Index

Schrankia see Mimosa Schrankia uncinata see Mimosa microphylla E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung: German collected edition of CD’s works 236 n3, 243 n4, 340 n1; E. Koch, head of 54 n1, 236 n3, 340 n1 Schwerzfeger, Frederick: asks CD for financial loan xxvii, 356–7 & 357 n1 scientific views (CD): acceleration and retardation of development 171 & n4; analogical variation 120 & n3; botany 275 & n3, 536; colour sense xxi, 260 & 261 n1, n2, 281 & 282 n4; contraception xxvi, 223 & n3; crossing, advantages of 140 & 141 n3; entomologists 377; evolution xxvi, 307; evolution of sexual instincts 237 n2; evolutionary change 410 & n2, n3; extinction, tendency of intermediate forms to become extinct 234 & 235 n5; inbreeding 140; inheritance, characteristics inherited by one sex 367 n1; inheritance, of injuries 540 n1; latent characteristics, reappearance of 141 n2; monoecious species change towards hermaphroditism 537 & 537–8 n9; natural selection, operation on individuals or group xxiv, 229 n8, 235 & n6; origin of different flower forms and separate sexes xviii; pangenesis hypothesis 26 n3, 136 n1; progressive development 15 n23; on public making up its own mind about differing opinions 273, 576; separation of sexes (plants) xviii, 92 & 93 n2; sexual dimorphism in regard to colour 359–60 & 360 n2, 363 & 364 n3; H. Spencer’s work 235 & n8, 278 & n4; tortoises, giant land- 67 & 68 n3; unconscious selection 234 & 235 n3; vertebrate and invertebrate eyes 178 & 179 n5, 565 & 566 n2; on writers with differing opinions 273, 576, see also sexual selection scientific work (CD): acacia 220 & 221 n6; botany, CD never been properly grounded in botany 536; CD able to work pretty hard 379; CD able to work several hours daily 55; CD cannot endure doing nothing (being an idler) xix, 126, 208, 243; CD comments as usual almost everything goes differently to what he anticipated 328; CD on untrustworthy stories 369; CD will renew exertion as long as capable of any work 92; CD wonders whether he is capable of any more good work 243; CD’s productivity and nature of topics worked on xvii; children’s development (based on CD’s children) xxi, 181 n1, 206, 260–61 & 261 n2, 319 n4; children’s language 307 & n1; cross-fertilisation, floral morphology, CD’s role acknowledged 61

n4; cross sterility 18 n2; crossing plants experiments xviii, 49 & 50 n4, 61 n2, 140; and F. Darwin, CD on their hard work 358, 402, 426 & n9; dimorphism xvii, 59 & 60 n5; Drosera, critics of CD’s theory 292 & n10, 374 n1; Drosera, main experimental subject for Insectivorous plants 164 n2; eucalyptus 220 & 221 n6; flower specimens studied xviii, 118 & nn 1–4; flowers, CD on dreadful work making anything out about dried flowers xviii, 118; Forms of flowers, CD longs to get this old work off his hands 93 & 94 n5; Forms of flowers, research for 113 & n6, 132 n1, 200 & n5; Forsythia suspensa 137 n4; future and past work, CD comments on 125–6, 366; gradations in development 181–2 & 182 n3; J.F.W. Herschel’s book, influence on CD 249 & n3; heterostyled flowers xvii; A. von Humboldt’s book, influence on CD 249 & n3; A. Hyatt comments on impact of 6; hybridism 18 & n2; Iberis umbellata 96 & n4; inconspicuous flowers, CD would work on if he were not too old and too much occupied 399 & 400 n5; inheritance, CD will not work on again 84, 84 & n3; insects and plant fertilisation xviii; Ipomoea purpurea 96 & n4; J.W. Judd comments on CD’s approach to reasoning 74 n2; letters to write, CD often quite overwhelmed with 193; T. Malthus’s Essay on population influenced CD’s evolutionary theory xxvi; motto, A. Trollope’s phrase ‘it’s dogged as does it’ as a motto for scientific workers quoted by CD xxv, 509 & n5; movement in plants, CD all on fire at work on xix, 411; C.E. Norton comments on 130 n2; observers, CD acknowledges role of 85, 92; observers, J.C. Conybeare on CD’s valuing of 533 & n5; Oxalis, cleistogamy and heterostyly in 132 n1; plant physiology, CD working hard on 510 & n4; plants, CD lately working so hard on 278; reading, CD on what a lot of books to read 207; reading now tires CD more than writing 278; G.J. Romanes, CD comments to that Romanes overestimates CD and his works 513; G.J. Romanes on reception of CD’s work by popular audiences 511 & 512 n4; transmutation 102 & 103 n3, 560 & 561 n3; vegetable physiology, CD occupied with observations on 413; A.R. Wallace on CD’s continuous work 46–7; writing, CD comments reading now tires him more than writing 278, see also ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’; bloom; cotyledons; dimorphism; earthworms; Forms of flowers; heliotropism; movement in plants; publications; sleep in plants; species

Index Scitamineae: A. de Candolle 339 & 340 n8, 584 & 585 n8; J. Sachs 358 & 359 n10, 365 & n3 Sclater, Philip Lutley: hears good report of CD from V. Brooke 219 & n2; sends memorial supporting C.W. Thomson to CD for signature 219 & n1; C.W. Thomson, memorial supporting 219 n1 Sclerocarya birrea (umganu or marula tree) 368 n2, 446 n5 Scomber scombrus (Atlantic mackerel) 62 & n1 Scots pine (Pinus sylvestris) 156 & n5 Scott, John: career 104, 105 n2, 162 n1; CD renewed contact with xviii; CD suggests crossing experiment 104 & 105 n3; Cross and self fertilisation, presentation copy 103 & 105 n1; Duabanga sonneratioides 161 & 162 n6; Forms of flowers, cited in 105 n5, 162 n5; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n19; Lafoensia vandelliana 161 & 162 n6; Lagerstroemia 104 & 105 n5, 160–61 & 162 n3; Manual of opium husbandry 105 n2; Nephelium litchi 161 & 162 n7; opium poppy observations 103–4 & 105 n3, 161–2 & 162 n8, n9; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 611 & n2; sap circulation 104 & 105 n8, 162, 162 & n10; thanks for Cross and self fertilisation 103 & 105 n1 Scott, John, 3rd earl of Eldon 364 & n1 scrofula: and inbreeding 134–5 & 135 nn 2–5, 139– 40 & 141 n1; Times report 238 & n1 Scudder, Samuel Hubbard 524 & 531 n6, 594 & 600 n6 Scully, John: pigeon skins 185 n2, 185 & 186 n1 scurvy-grass sorrel (Oxalis enneaphylla) 300 & 301 n1, 301 & 302 n2 sea campion (Silene maritima; S. uniflora) 300 & 301 n1 sea holly (Eryngium maritimum) 214 & 215 n8, 296 & 297 n7, 300 sea knotgrass (Polygonum maritimum) 215 & 215–16 n8 sea milkwort (Glaux maritima; Lysimachia maritima) 300 & 301 n1 sea rocket (Cakile) 214 & 215 n8 sea spiders see Pycnogonida sea spurge (Euphorbia paralias) 301 & 302 n2 seablite (Suaeda fruticosa; S. vermiculata) 301 & n1, 332 n1 seakale (Crambe) 214 & 215 n8 seakale (Crambe maritima) 296 & 297 n6; W.G. Smith 300 n1, 304 & 305 n2 séances 207–8 n5 Secale cereale (rye) 517 & 518 n1, 522 & n2 Securigera varia see Coronilla varia Sedgwick, Sara (Sara Darwin from marriage Nov

885

1877): aunts 436 n4; CD on her engagement to W.E. Darwin xxvii, 394–5 & 395 n2, n3, 397 n2; and W.E. Darwin, engagement xvii, xxvii, 394–5 & 395 n2, n3, 397 n2, 400 & 401 n5, 416 & n2, 420 n1, 425 & 426 n5, 436 & n2, 456 & 457 n1, 458 & n3; and W.E. Darwin, marriage 395 n2, 399 n2, 454 n6, 510 & n3, 539 n2; and W.E. Darwin, wedding xxvii, 489 n7, 491 n3, 501 n3, 504 n2, 510 & n3; honeymoon 539 n2; living in Tilgate 402 n5; thanks CD for his letter 396–7 & 397 n2, n3; visits Down 416 & n4, 434 & n4, 454 & n6 Sedgwick, Theodora: CD sends greetings to 436 & n4; J.D. Hooker met in America 458 & n3; Hooker wonders which Sedgwick sister is engaged to W.E. Darwin 456 & 457 n1; S. Sedgwick’s sister 420 n2; visits Down 454 & n6 Sedgwick, Theodore and Sara (Sara Sedgwick’s parents) xxvii Sedum 522 n2 Sedum dasyphyllum (thick-leaf stonecrop) 214 & 215 n8 seeds: vitality of 51 & n3, n4, 59 selection see group selection; natural selection; sexual selection; unconscious selection Selenka, Emil 77 & 79 n21 self-fertilisation of plants: Cross and self fertilisation 399 & 400 n3, 407 & n4, 590 & 591 n4; A. Gray 266–7 & 267 n3; inconspicuous flowers 400 n5 self-sterility in plants: Cross and self fertilisation 41 & n2 Selliera 429 & 430 n1, 519 & 520 n1, n2 semaphore plant see Desmodium gyrans Semmig, Bertha 354 n2 Semmig, Hermann: child development 353–4 & 354 nn 1–9 Semnopithecus ajax (Kashmir gray langur; Chamba sacred langur) 466 n5 Semper, Carl Gottfried: annelid affinity to vertebrates 286 & 287 n6, 578 & n6; career 63 & 64 n1; CD comments on gradations in development 181–2 & 182 n3; CD honoured by dedication 181 & 182 n1, 291; CD thanks for paper and dedication 291 & n1; comments on German and Austrian scientists photograph album xxii, 177 & 179 n1, 182 & n4; hopes CD will accept dedication of forthcoming publication xxii, 177 & 179 n2; ‘On visual organs of the vertebrate eye type on the backs of slugs’, introduction 178–9 & 179 n2, 180 nn 6–8, 565–6 & 567 nn 3–5; ‘On visual organs of the vertebrate eye type on the backs of slugs’, sends paper 285 & 286 n1, 291 & n1; Onchidium,

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Index

Semper, Carl Gottfried, cont. dorsal eyes in 181–2 & 182 n2; publications 179 n2, n3 Senecio ficoides (Kleinia ficoides) 289 & 290 n6 Senna obtusifolia 466–7 n1 Senna tora see Cassia tora sensitive neptunia (Neptunia oleracea; water mimosa) 454 n2, 497 & n3 separation of sexes (plants) xviii, 92 & 93 n2 sessile oak (Quercus petraea) 155 & 156 n2 ‘The sexual colours of certain butterflies’ (CD) 143 n2 sexual dimorphism in regard to colour: CD and A.R. Wallace’s debate over 359–60 & 360 n2 sexual instincts: evolution of 237 n2 sexual selection: butterflies, F. Müller 420 & n1, 427 n2, 487 n8; A.R. Wallace 297 & 298 n2, 425 n4, n5, 427 & 428 n5 sexual selection (CD’s work): butterflies 487 & n8; CD comments on to A.R. Wallace 360 & n3, 365–6 & 366 n2, 428 n5; Descent 298 n2; P. Mantegazza 360 & n3; terminology 360, 363 & 364 n3, 365 & 366 n2; Wallace and CD’s differences about 297 & 298 n2, 360 & n3, 363 & 364 n2, 365–6 & 366 n2, 425 n5, 427 & 428 n5; Wallace comments on to CD 297 & 298 n2, 363 & 364 n2 Shaen, Margaret 150 & n6 Shand, James William Fraser Smith 362 & 363 n2 Sharpe, Richard Bowdler: CD offers foreign bird’s nest to British Museum 41 & nn 1–4 sheep 247 shorthorn cattle 134 & 135 n2, n3 Shrewsbury School: CD attended 497 n17 Shuválov, Peter Andreivich 381–2 & n1 Siberian pea tree: Caragana arborescens 498 & 499 n8 Siciliani, Pietro: CD thanks for book 68 & n2, 553 & 554 n2 Siebenbürgische Verein für Naturwissenschaften (Transylvanian Society for Natural Sciences): appointed CD honorary member 605–6 Siebold, Carl Theodor Ernst von: CD thanks for photographs and article 415 & n1; sends photographs of Gonzales family xxiv, 408 & n2, n3, 409, 415 n1, 591 & n2, n3; starfish 334 & 335 n8 Sieveking, Edward Henry: CD interested in Erasmus Darwin’s letters to J.A.H. Reimarus 519 & n2 Silchester (Roman town excavation): bronze eagle 472 & 479 n6; diagrams of vertical cuttings 472–7, 479 n3, n4; J.G. Joyce xxviii, 479 n1; visit by F. Darwin and H. Darwin xxviii, 467–71 & 479 nn 1–8

Silene maritima (S. uniflora; sea campion) 300 & 301 n1 Silesian Society: Dipsacus 331 n6; Lathraea squamaria 323 & 324 n10 Silliman, Benjamin, Jr 116 n2 silver fir (Abies alba) 156 & n5 Simon, John 436 & n3 Slack, Henry James 467 n2 slavery 195 sleep in plants xix, 411 & 412 n6; A. Brongniart 209; Cassia 376 & n2, 403 & 404 n5; CD and F. Darwin work on 288; CD’s plant requests 287 & 288 n4, 288 & n6; cotyledons 411 & 412 n6; Erythrina 296 & 297 n5; Erythrina caffra 346 & 347 n3; Erythrina corallodendron 346 & 347 n3; Erythrina crista-galli 347 & n4, 354–5 & 355 n1, 358 & 359 n9; Euphorbia jacquiniiflora xx, 375–6 & 376 n2, 376 & n3; R.I. Lynch’s observations xx, 306 & nn 2–4, 354–5 & 355 n1, 358 & 359 n11, 375–6 & 376 n2; Phaseolus 358 & 359 n7; pulvinus 359 n10; Thalia dealbata 365 & n4; Tropaeolum minus 292 & n8; see also movement in plants Smilaceae: A. de Candolle 313 & 315 n3, 321 n2, 580 & 582 n3 Smilax: A. de Candolle 313 & 315 n4, 580 & 582 n4; F. Delpino 315 & 316 n9, 581 & 582 n9 Smilax aspera 315, 581 Smilax bononox 315 & 316 n9, 581 & 582 n9 Smith, Arthur Edgar 305 n2 Smith, Austin Rogers: comments on Descent 416– 17 & 417 nn 1–3 Smith, Henry 464 & 465 n8 Smith, James Edward: Petasites vulgaris 42 & 44 n4 Smith, John: CD declines possibility of Smith collecting seaside plants with bloom 335 & 336 n3; CD tells J.D. Hooker he will communicate with Smith 216 & n2; Mimosa pudica 465 & 466 n3; Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, curator 311 n2, 332, 426 & n9; visiting Bude 332 & 333 n3, 336 n3; will attend to CD’s requests in Hooker’s absence 213 & n9 Smith, Samuel 362 & 363 n1 Smith, Worthington George: iris 300 n1, 304 & 305 n2, 305; Peronospora 300 n3; Pythium 299– 300 & 300 n3; seakale 300 n1, 304 & 305 n2; thanks CD for Forms of flowers 304 & 305 n1 Smith, Elder & Co: CD inquires about cost of maps for Coral reefs 2d ed. French ed. 117–18 & 118 n1, n2; Geological observations 2d ed., maps for German ed. 53 & 54 n1 Smithia 359 & n12 Smithia sensitiva 359 n12

Index Smithsonian Institution 15 n16 snail orchid (Comparettia falcata; sickle-leaved comparettia) 460–61 & 461 n1 snow banana (Musa glauca; Ensete glaucum) 209 & 210 n9, 214 & 215 n5, 217 & n5 soapwort (Saponaria) 214 & 215 n8 Sociedad Cientifica Argentina (Argentine Scientific Society): appointed CD honorary member 608–9 Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa (Geographical Society of Lisbon): elects CD corresponding member 397 n2, 588 & 589 n2, 607–8 Société helvétique des Sciences naturelles (Swiss Society of Natural Sciences) 404 & 405 n3, 589 & 590 n3 Solanum 421 & 422 n5 Solanum palinacanthum 422 n5, 486 & 487 n5 Solidago (goldenrod) 393 & 394 n4 solitary cacique (Cacicus solitarius; boyero negro) 24 n3, 41 n3, n4 Sonchus (sow thistle) 214 & 215 n8 Sorbus aucuparia (mountain ash; rowan) 156 & n4 sound-producing in males 363, 366 & n3 South Africa: voting rights in proposed confederation 294–5 & 295 nn 1–4 South Africa Museum 361 & 362 n3, n5 southern monarch (Danais erippus; Danaus erippus) 421 & 423 n8, 498 & 499 n6 sow thistle (Sonchus) 214 & 215 n8 Spalding, Douglas Alexander 277 & n2 sparrows 186 & n1 species: CD started notebook on 105 & 106 n3; environmental factors affecting variability of species 120 & n4; sterility of hybrids as test of physiological 18 n2 species book (CD): projected works described in Variation 124 & n3; variation material 126 n5 ‘Specific difference in Primula’ (CD) 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610 Spectator: Cross and self fertilisation review 110 & 111 n1 Spence, William see Kirby, William, and W. Spence Spencer, Herbert: CD on deductive style of 278 & n4; CD thinks G.J. Romanes has given too much credit to Spencer’s work 235 & n8; A. Espinas comments on 265 & 266 n5, n8, 573 & 574 n5, n8; First principles 2d ed. 229 n9, n10; freedom from state interference 372–3 n4; heredity theory 26 & n3; J.F. McLennan comments on 311 & 312 n2; L.H. Morgan comments on Spencer’s work on evolution of family 253–5 & 255 nn 3–13; Principles of psychology translated 266 & n8, 573 & 574 n8; Principles

887

of sociology 253 & 255 n3; reception of his work in America 253 & 255 n5; G.J. Romanes discusses his work 226 & 229 n1, n9, n10, 235 n8 Sphaerodoris (Actinocyclus) 285 & 286 n2 sphinx, giant (Macrosilia antaeus; Cocytius antaeus) 499 n9 Sphinx convolvuli (Agrius convolvuli; convolvulus hawk-moth) 50 & n6, 498 & 499 n9 Sphinx ligustri (privet hawk-moth) 32 & 33 n6, 498 & 499 n9 spiders: CD’s spider collection 67 n3, 107 & n2, 112 & 113 n1 Spirillum 543 & 544 n2 spiritualism 207 & n5 splenic fever (anthrax) 543 & 544 n2 spontaneous generation: H.C. Bastian 207 n2; J. Tyndall 207 & n2, 512 n7 spontaneous variability 496 n8 Spottiswoode, William 426 & 427 n2 Spratt, Thomas Abel Brimage: offers his book on Crete to CD 18–19 & 19 n1 Sprenger, Aloys Ignatz Christoph 126 & n3, 562 & n3 Spring Rice, Thomas and Elizabeth 603 & n9 spruces (Picea) 156 & n5 spurges see Euphorbia stags: sounds 366 & n4 Stanley, Edward Henry, 15th earl of Derby: C.G. Gordon met 36 & 37 n4; P.A. Shuválov 381–2 n1 Stanley, Henry Edward John: writes to J. Torbitt about potatoes 542 & n1 Stanley, Mary Catherine: CD’s works in Russia 381 & 381–2 n1 Star of India 245 starfish 334 & 335 n8 starfruit see Averrhoa carambola Stationers’ Company 506 n7, 521 n4 Stebbing, Thomas Roscoe: decapods 262 n3 Steinheim basin, Germany 14 n4 Steinheim fossil shells (fossil snails from Steinheim) 6–10 & 14 nn 1–11; CD comments on 86 & 87 n2, 120 & n2; A. Hyatt’s plates of 11, 12, 13, 14 n3, n6, 15 n19; phylogeny 7 & 14 n9, 8 & 14 n13, n14, 10 & 15 n24, n25, 86 & 87 n2, see also Planorbis species ‘Steinheimensis/ aequiumbilicatus’ 6–7 & 14 n7, 10, 14 n7 Stellaria glauca (S. palustris; marsh stitchwort) 214 & 215 n8 Stephanoceras: A. Hyatt 8 & 15 n15 stereotyping 492 n3 sterility of hybrids see hybrid sterility

888

Index

Sterne, Carus see Krause, Ernst Stillfried, Adolphe de: requests CD’s autograph 4–5 stinging nettle (Urtica dioica) 225 & 229 n3, n5 stingless bees (Melipona) 421 & 422 n5 stocks: amateur growers 106 & 107 n5 Stone, William Henry 239 n4 Stoneham, Allen: bees, scarcity of 28–9 & 29 n2, n3 Stonehenge: CD and sons visit xxviii, 603 & n13 Stoppelaar, Gerardus Nicolaas: CD thanks society for membership 164; F. Darwin acknowledges arrival of diploma for CD 176–7 & 177 n1, n2; Zeeuwsch Genootschap der Wetenschappen nominates CD as member 163 & n1 Strachey, Jane Maria 390 Strachey, Richard 245 & n8, 390 Strasburger, Eduard: Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n25 Strelitzia (bird-of-paradise plants) 404 & 405 n5, 589 & 590 n5 Strephium (Raddia) 287 & 288 n4 Strephium floribundum (Raddia brasiliensis) 214 & 215 n3, 288 n3, n4, 289 & 290 n3 Strephium guianense (Raddia guianensis) 209 & n7, 214 & 215 n3, n7, 288 n3 stripes in animals 196 & 197 n1 Strix aluco (tawny owl; brown owl) 156 & n6 Struthers, John 363 & 363 n3 Stuart, Dugald 423 & 424 n3 Stylosanthes (pencilflowers) 280 & 281 n3, n4 Suaeda (seepweed) 296 & 297 n7 Suaeda fruticosa (S. vermiculata; seablite) 301 & n1, 332 n1 subterranean clover (Trifolium subterraneum) 280 & 281 n5 sucking insects 525, 594 Sulivan, Bartholomew James: congratulates CD on honorary degree 538 & 539 n7; family news 538 & 539 n1, n3; met W.E. Darwin and S. Darwin 538 & 539 n2; news of C.R. Johnson and family 538 & 539 nn 4–6; sends article on Patagonia 539 & n8 Sulivan, James Young Falkland 538 & 539 n3 Sulivan, Sophia 538 & 539 n1 Sullivant, William Starling 233 & n2 sun: origin and age 327 & n1, n3 sun orchids (Thelymitra) 128 & n3 sundew see Drosera sundew, common see Drosera rotundifolia support for CD’S theories: G.J. Allman 64; E.H. von Baumhauer 198; C.L. Bernays 276; L. Blomefield 123–4; E. Burgess 233; S. Butler

(1835–1902) xxv; G. Canestrini 351 & n2; J.V. Carus 141; C.F. Claus 115, 119, 561; F.J. Cohn 321–2; F. Delpino 61 n4; A. Dodel-Port 97, 271, 575, 576; A. Espinas 265 & 266 n3, 573 & n3; French naturalists 230, 569; C.C. Graham 69; A. Grugeon 35; E. Haeckel 81, 555; P. Harting 76 & 78 n8, n16, 77; H. Hartogh Heijs van Zouteveen 77 & 79 n23; T. von Heldreich 319, 582; F. Hildebrand 49–50, 61 n4; C. Hoare 483 & 484 n1; C.K. Hoffmann 77 & 79 n22; A. Hyatt 6; E. Krause xxi, 121, 122; C.F. Martins 230, 570; J. Michelet 236, 256; F.A.W. Miquel 76 & 78 n17; L.H. Morgan 255; E.S. Morse 171, 198 & n5; F. Müller 61 n4; W. Ogle 345; E. Rade 90, 559; F. von Rekowsky 98; J.M. Rodwell 218; G. de Saporta 524, 593–5; H. Schneider 83, 556; J. Schön 157, 563; E. Selenka 77 & 79 n21; C.G. Semper 177; W.G. Smith 304; A. de Stillfried 4; L. Tait 42 & n1, n2, 237 & n2, 241 n2; R. Trimen 361; J. Tyndall 425 & n2; O. Zacharias 25 & n5, 552 & n5; see also Darwin, Charles Robert, awards and positions sweat bees (Augochlora) 421 & 422 n5, 422 sweet fern (Comptonia) 526 & 531 n16, 596 & 601 n16 sweet gale (Myrica; myrtle) 526 & 531 n16, 596 & 601 n16 Swiss landed population 31 & n2 Swiss Society of Natural Sciences (Société helvétique des sciences naturelles) 404 & 405 n3, 589 & 590 n3 sycamore (Acer pseudoplatanus) 155 & 156 n3, 156 Syme, James 464 & 465 n8 systematic botanists 36 n5 Tahiti 87 & 88 n4 tailed sulphur (Callidryas cipris; Phoebis neocypris) 498 & 499 n4 tails (vestigial) in humans 362 & 363 n1 Taine, Hippolyte: Mind reprint (translation), influence on CD xxi, 181 & n2, 304 n2, 353 & 354 n1; Revue philosophique, original article 304 n2; A.H. Sayce refers to 304 & n2 Tait, Lawson: asks for Marcus Aurelius reference in Descent 108 & 109 n1; career 467 n3; CD comments on Tait’s forthcoming book Diseases of women 45 & 46 n2, n3; CD does not write for periodicals 467 & n2; CD thanks for book 240 & 241 n2; Cross and self fertilisation, review 42 & n3, 88 & 89 n2; Diseases of women 42 & n1, n2, 89 n1; sacral dimple 546–7 & 547 n1, n3; sends book 237 & n2; sends proofs from forthcoming book 42 & nn 1–3, 88 & 89 n1

Index Tait, Peter Guthrie: age of earth 82 & n3; quoted by R. Meldola 371 & n3 Tanner, Thomas Hawkes 135 & n5 Tasmanian bluegum (Eucalyptus globulus) 384–5 & 385 n2, 392 n2 tawny owl (Strix aluco; brown owl) 156 & n6 Taylor, Agnes: CD sends cheque for E. Beke 428 & nn 1–4 Taylor & Francis: printers for Linnean Society 159 & 160 n5 teasel see Dipsacus sylvestris Tedder, Henry Richard 452 n2 Tegeticula yuccasella see Pronuba yuccasella telegraph plant see Desmodium gyrans telephones 430 & 431 n5 temperance movement: Emma Darwin 373 n5; W.M. Moorsom xxv, 372 & n4; B.J. Sulivan 539 n3, see also intemperance terminology: cleistogamy 141 & 141 n2; crossing plants 395–6 & 396 nn 4–6, 399 & n2, 407 n5, 587–8 & 588 nn 4–6, 591 n5; flowers 531 n10, 600 n10; heliotropism 481 n1; heterostyled xvii; leaves 531 n21, 601 n21; movement in plants 443 n3, 481 & n1, 482 n2; Movement in plants 443 n3, 481 n1, 482 n2; Orchids 2d ed., floral organs 461 n2; pollination and fertilisation, distinction between 395 & 396 n5, 587 & 588 n5; protoplasm 338, 583 Tetrapedia 421 & 422 n4 Thalia dealbata (powdery alligator-flag) 279 n2, 359 n10, 365 & n4 Thecla (hairstreak butterflies) 422 & 423 n12 Thelymitra (sun orchids) 128 & n3 Thelymitra carnea (pink sun orchid) 128 n3 Thelymitra longifolia (common sun orchid) 128 n3 thick-leaf stonecrop (Sedum dasyphyllum) 214 & 215 n8 Thinochorus rumicivorus see Tinochorus rumicivorus Thiselton-Dyer, Catherine Jane 212 & 213 n4 Thiselton-Dyer, Harriet Anne: assists W.T. Thiselton-Dyer 302 & n5; marriage to Thiselton-Dyer 212–13 & 213 n1, 245 & n8, 251 & n3, 404 n3, 420 n5, 426 n8, 427 n4 Thiselton-Dyer, William Turner: bloom, CD asks about Australian Acacias with 385; bloom, CD asks about bloom on plants in warm climates 279 & n3; bloom, CD declines offer of J. Smith collecting seaside plants with bloom 335 & 336 n3; bloom, CD reports on work on xix, 303 & n4, 335, 365 & n2; bloom, quotes from N. Wallich on 216–17 & 217 nn 2–6, 218 n8; CD asks about culture of some plants from Kew 279 & n1, n2; CD asks about

889 leaves differing histologically in two halves of leaf 345; CD asks for further Euphorbia jacquiniiflora observations 378 & nn 2–4; CD asks him to thank R.I. Lynch 307 & 308 n2, 410 & 412 n3; CD asks if Lynch would like a couple of CD’s books as thanks 347 & 350 n4; CD asks for logwood observation after spraying with water 296–7; CD asks for seeds of plants with large cotyledons 403 & 404 n5, 411 n2; CD comments on praise for Cross and self fertilisation 46 & n1; CD on cotyledon movement xix, 411 & 412 n4, 411; CD on F. Darwin’s Dipsacus paper 358 & 359 n8; CD relays J.D. Hooker’s comment about Thiselton-Dyer 345, 351 n2; CD requests plants 287–8 & 288 nn 2–7, 296 & 297 nn 4–6, 301 n1, 325 & nn 1–5, 336 n1, 344 & 345 n2, 347 & 350 n3, 384–5 & 385 n1, n2; CD sends plants to Kew 358 & 359 n2, n3; CD tells of F. Darwin’s Drosera work 297 & n8; CD tells Hooker he will communicate with Thiselton-Dyer 216 & n2; CD tells Hooker of Thiselton-Dyer’s helpfulness 426 & n9; CD tells that Hooker said to ask Thiselton-Dyer for anything 296 & 297 n5; CD thanks for offer of Dionaea muscipula but already has ample supply 347 & n2; CD thanks for plants and seeds 291–2 & 292 nn 2–8, 296–7 & 297 nn 2–7, 303 & n2, n4, 335 & 336 nn 1–3, 384 & 385 n1, 392 & n2, 403 & 404 n1, n2, n4, n5, 410 & 411 n2; CD thanks for review of Cross and self fertilisation 92 & n1; CD on Trifolium resupinatum 344–5 & 345 n4, 358 & 359 n5; cotyledons, suggested CD examine those of some conifers 432 & 433 n2; Cross and self fertilisation, review 65 & 66 n1, 92 & n1, 537 & 537–8 n9; F. Darwin’s Dipsacus paper 113 & n5; Forms of flowers, CD thanks for comments on 46 & n3, n4; Forms of flowers, cited in 42 & 44 n3, 43 & 44 n9; Forms of flowers, comments on introduction to 42–3 & 44 n2, 46 & n3; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 284 n1, 612 & 613 n32; glad to assist CD xix, 290, 350; histological difference in two halves of leaf 351 & n3, n4; holiday 403 & 404 n3, 420 & n5, 426 & n8, 426 & 427 n4; J.D. Hooker’s return from America 426 & 427 n3; letter recommending Timiryazev to F. Darwin 303 n3; Linnean Society, papers for publication 66 & n4; R.I. Lynch xix, 350 & 351 n1; marriage to Harriet Hooker 212–13 & 213 n1, 245 & n8, 251 & n3, 404 n3, 420 n5, 426 n8, 427 n4; Movement in plants, cited in 293 n3; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 611 & n10; Pinus nordmanniana 426 & 427 n5; Royal Botanic Gardens,

890

Index

Thiselton-Dyer, William Turner, cont. Kew, assistant director 279 n2, 376 n4; Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, oversees in J.D. Hooker’s absence 404 n3, 420 & n5; J. Sachs’s Textbook of botany, assisted with English translation 358 & 359 n10; sends requested plants 289–90 & nn 2–6, 291 nn 7–9, 292 n3, 292–3 & 293 n2, n3, 301–2 & 302 nn 2–5, 332 & n1, n2; Shrankia, CD received from H.N. Ellacombe and sends to Kew 358 & 359 n2; thinks Hooker has too great an opinion of his knowledge 351 & n2; Trifolium resupinatum 351 & n2, 358 & 359 n5 Thompson, Joseph 129 & 130 n4 Thomson, Charles Wyville: CD a signatory on memorial supporting Thomson 219 n1, 263 n6; F. Darwin informs P.P.C. Hoek that CD has written to Thomson 248 & n2, 250 n6; letter to P.M. Duncan in Nature 250 & n1; memorial supporting him organised by P.L. Sclater and others 219 & n1, 262 & 263 n6; offers CD Cirripedia specimens from Challenger expedition 183 & n1, n2; seeks advice about Challenger Crustacea specimens 262 & n3, n4, 263 n5; thanks CD for support 262 & 263 n6; will send Pycnogonida to P.P.C. Hoek 262 & n1, n2 Thomson, William 488 & 489 n5, 492 & 493 n4 thornback ray (Raja clavata) 62 & n1 ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’ (CD): reworked in Forms of flowers 55 n5, 60 n5, 133 n1, 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610 Thwaites, George Henry Kendrick: CD comments on Oxalis sensitiva specimens sent previously 147 & n4; CD thanks for insect specimens 147 & n1; fig wasps 355–6 & 356 nn 2–5; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 355 & 356 n1, 611 thymol 513 & 514 n3 Tiaropsis 337 & 338 n3 Ticknor, George 83–4 & 84 n2, 84 & n2 tigerwing butterflies (Mechanitis) 422 & 423 n12 The Times: CD’s Gardener’s Chronicle letter reprinted 29 & 30 n1, 35 & 36 n2, 36 & n2, 39 & n1, 45 n2, 52 n1; ‘forged letter’ purportedly written by T. Carlyle 64 & 65 n2; German and Dutch photograph albums, notice of 100 & n4, 132 n2; W.E.H. Lecky, notice about forged letter purportedly written by T. Carlyle 64 & 65 n3, n5; ‘missing link’ article 17 n2 Timiryazev: visits Down 303 & n3 Tinochorus rumicivorus (Thinochorus rumicivorus; least seedsnipe) 102 & n2, 560 & 561 n2 toothwort, common (Lathraea squamaria) 323 & 324 n10

Torbitt, James: CD suggests suitable phrase for publication 313 & n1; H.E.J. Stanley writes to about potatoes 542 & n1; writes to House of Commons concerning whisky blending tax evasion 116–17 & 117 nn 1–3 torch lilies (Tritoma; Kniphofia; red-hot pokers): and bees 397 & 398 n1, n2 Torellia 309 & 310 n5, 579 & n5 Torrey, John: Pontederia 38 & n2 tortoises see giant land-tortoises Tracy, George Murton: CD admits Tracy’s holly-berries observations have thrown doubt on his conclusions 30 & 31 n2; holly-berries, scarcity of 29–30 & 30 n1, n2, 45 n2 Tragopogon (goatsbeard or salsify) 214 & 215 n8 transmutation: C. Lyell 75 & 78 n4, 76 & 78 nn 13–15; O. Zacharias asks CD about formation of his theory 102 & 103 n3, 560 & 561 n3 Transylvanian Society for Natural Sciences (Siebenbürgische Verein für Naturwissenschaften): appointed CD honorary member 605–6 trees: J. Colby’s observations 155–6 & 156 nn 2–5 Trifolium (clovers) 280 & 281 n3; fertilisation by bees 20 & n4 Trifolium polymorphum (peanut clover) 280 & 281 n5 Trifolium repens (white clover) 20 n4 Trifolium resupinatum (Persian clover) 209 & n6; CD’s observations 344–5 & 345 n4, 358 & 359 n5; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer 351 & n2, 358 & 359 n5 Trifolium subterraneum (subterranean clover) 280 & 281 n5 Trigonella caerulea see Melilotus coerulea Trimen, Roland: career 361 & 362 n3; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 361 & 362 n1, 612 trimorphism: ‘Illegitimate offspring of dimorphic and trimorphic plants’, reworked in Forms of flowers 55 n5, 60 n5, 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610 Trinity College, Cambridge: G.H. Darwin 418 n2, 487 & 488 n2 trips and visits (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, trips and visits Triticum see wheat Triticum repens (Elymus repens; couch grass) 296 & 297 n6 Tritoma (Kniphofia; red-hot pokers or torch lilies): and bees 397 & 398 n1, n2 Trollope, Anthony: CD quotes phrase ‘it’s dogged as does it’ as a motto for scientific workers xxv, 509 & n5 Troost, Gerard: mineralogical and fossil collection 69 & 70 n6

Index Tropaeolum (nasturtiums) 393 & 394 n3 Tropaeolum minus (dwarf nasturtium) 292 & n8 tropical pickerelweed (Pontederia rotundifolia) 423 n11 tropical pitcher-plants see Nepenthes Troschel, Franz Hermann 534 & 535 n4 Trotter, Coutts 211 & 212 n1 true oxlip see Primula elatior Tschouriloff, Michel see Churilov, Mikhail Petrovich tunicates 3 & 4 n4, 4 n2, 550 & n4 ‘Two forms in species of Linum (CD): illustrations 133 n1; reworked in Forms of flowers 146 n2, 160 n5, 309 n2, 579 n2, 610 Tyndall, John: CD appreciates Tyndall’s comments about CD 425 & n2; CD comments on Tyndall’s ‘Science and man’ 425 & n1, n2; and C.C. Graham 69; spontaneous generation 207 & n2, 512 n7 Typha latifolia (bulrush) 119 & n3, 279 n2 typhoid fever see febris recurrens Ulex (gorse) 428 & 429 n2 Ulmus glabra (wych elm) 156 & n4 umganu tree (Sclerocarya birrea; marula tree) 368 n2, 446 n5 unconscious memory xxv, 494 & 496 n13 unconscious selection 234 & 235 n3 Union Bank 308 n2 unknown correspondents: CD comments on J.F.W. Herschel’s Preliminary discourse on the study of natural philosophy 249 & n3; CD requests item be sent to Down marked not to be forwarded 256; CD sends autograph as requested 149; CD sends information about Down Friendly Society 200–201 & 201 nn 2–6; CD thanks for new work received and hopes the German is not too difficult to understand 110; CD thanks for paper with reference to CD’s last book 230 & 231 nn 1–3; writes to CD about Irishman quotation in Descent 237–8 & 238 n1 Urtica dioica (stinging nettle) 225 & 229 n3, n5 Utricularia (bladderwort) 374 n3 Vachellia sphaerocephala see Acacia sphaerocephala Valenciennes, Achilles 459 & 460 n5 Valvata 9 & 15 n17 valves of Houston, as rudimentary rectal organ 461–5 & 465 nn 1–10, 513 n2 Van Buren, William Holme 464 & 465 n8 Vance, Reuben Aleshire: CD comments on rectal organs 512–13 & 513 nn 2–4; valves of Houston as rudimentary rectal organ 461–5 & 465 nn 1–10, 513 n2

891

variability of species: environmental factors 120 & n4; investigation of causes of 143 & 144 n4; spontaneous variability 496 n8 variable linanthus (Gilia micrantha; Leptosiphon parviflorus): CD’s observations 118 & n2 variation: analogical variation 120 & n3; discontinuous variation 243 n2; Origin 126 & n5; species book 126 n5 Variation (CD): bud variation 262 n2; Chillingham cattle 101 & 102 n1; cites F. d’Azara 144 n4; hand-writing, inheritance of 84 n3; inheritance by one sex 367 n1; inheritance of injuries 540 n1; latent characteristics, reappearance of 141 n2; pangenesis hypothesis 26 n3, 388 n4; pigs’ feet 169 n2, 565 n2; polydactylism 184 n2; projected works described 124 & n3; stripes in horses and asses 197 n1 Variation 2d ed. (CD): S. Butler quotes from in Life and habit 387 & 388 n3, n4; J.V. Carus translating 536 n1; error 535–6 & 536 n1, 539 & n2; inheritance of injuries 540 n1; pangenesis hypothesis 496 n14 James Veitch & Sons 209 & 210 n11, 293 & 294 n2; Dionaea muscipula supplied 333 & n2, 336 & n4, 347 n2 Venus fly trap see Dionaea muscipula Verbascum lychnitis (White mullein) 282 n1 Verbascum thapsus (great or common mullein) 282 n1 Veronica pinguifolia 300 & 301 n1 vertebrates: America 466 & n6, n7; debate about ancestors of 4 n2; eyes (and invertebrate eyes) 178 & 179 n5, 565 & 566 n2 Vestiges of the natural history of creation (R. Chambers) 75; Dutch translation, J.H. van den Broek 75–6 & 78 n6, n7 vestigial tails in humans 362 & 363 n1 Veth, Huibert Johannes: Dutch photograph album sent 75–8 & 78 nn 1–19, 79 nn 20–25, 103 n2, 124 n1, 614 Viburnum opulus 402 n2 Vinca minor (lesser periwinkle) 97 & 98 n3 Viola: G. Bentham 280 & 281 n3; F. Müller 153 & n4 Viola odorata (common violet) 125 n1 Viola subdimidiata 422–3 n6 Viola tricolor: H. Müller 153 & n1 violet, common (Viola odorata) 125 n1 violet, white-flowered 421 & 422–3 n6 violet wood-sorrel (Oxalis violacea) 257–8 & 259 n2 Virchow, Rudolf Carl 544 & 545 n10 Virginia opossum (Didelphis virginiana) 513 n3 Viscum album (mistletoe) 374 n3 Vivipara see Paludina

892

Index

vivisection: Parliamentary debate 3 n3 Vogt, Carl 459 & 460 n5; microcephaly 286 & 287 n6, 578 & n6 Volvox globator: F.J. Cohn 270 & 271 n5, 575 & 576 n5; illustration 269, 270 & 272 n7, 275 & n2, 575 & 576 n7 Vries, Hugo de 196 & 197 n2 Wagner, Moritz: CD comments on Wagner’s views 193 & n2, n3; migration 286 & 287 n6, 578 & n6 wagtails: A. Newton’s observations 18; J.J. Weir’s observations 18 n2 Wallace, Alfred Russel: H.W. Bates’s caterpillar observation mentioned 28 n1; black pigs 21 & n3; CD comments on his (CD’s) future and past work 366; CD mentions German publications of interest 360 & n4, n5, 361 n6; ‘The colours of animals and plants’, CD comments on 359–60 & 360 nn 1–5, 361 n6, 365–6 & 366 nn 2–4; ‘The colours of animals and plants’, CD comments on to R. Meldola 427 & 428 n5; ‘The colours of animals and plants’, R. Meldola comments on to CD 424 & 425 n4; ‘The colours of animals and plants’, responds to CD’s comments on 363 & 364 nn 1–3; comments on T. Belt’s oceanic ice damming rivers hypothesis 297–8 & 298 n3; comments on CD’s continuous work 46–7; group selection 242 & 243 n4; lives in Dorking 360 & 361 n7, 364 & n5; mimicry in Malayan butterflies 382 & 383 n5; A.J. Mott’s work discussed 47 & n2, n3; F. Müller 360 n5; natural selection 297 & 298 n2, 363 & 364 n2; ‘On the tendency of species to form varieties’, CD and Wallace 76 & 78 n14; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 46 & 47 n1, 611 & n5; sexual dimorphism in regard to colour, CD comments on 359–60 & 360 n2; sexual selection, differences with CD 297 & 298 n2, 363 & 364 n2, 365–6 & 366 n2, 425 n5, 427 & 428 n5; thanks CD for Forms of flowers 297 & 298 n1; Tropical nature and other essays 297 & 298 n3 Wallace, Donald Mackenzie 148 & n1 Wallich, Nathaniel: W.T. Thiselton-Dyer quotes from Wallich’s paper 216–17 & 217 nn 2–6, 218 n8 Wallis, William 532 & 533 n1 Walpole, Edward: bees, scarcity of 39 & n1 Walsh, Benjamin Dann 490 wapiti (elk; Cervus canadensis) 405–6 & 406 n3 water hyacinth, common (Pontederia crassipes; Eichornia crassipes): F. Müller 56 n2

water lettuce (Pistia stratiotes) 279 n2, 289 & 291 n8 water mimosa (Neptunia oleracea; sensitive neptunia) 454 n2, 497 & n3 water stargrass (Schollera graminea Willd.; Heteranthera dubia) 38 & n3 water violet see Hottonia palustris waterlilies (Nymphaea) 526 & 531 n17, 536 & 537 n7, 596 & 601 n17 waxplant (Hoya): J.D. Hooker reports seeds not germinated 51 & n2 Wedgwood, Caroline Sarah: Darwins visit at Leith Hill 211 n7, 222 n2, 223 & 224 n4, 231 n2, 232 n2, 234 n1, 238–9 n1, 510 n6, 603 n11; W.D. Fox asks about 503 & 504 n6 Wedgwood, Emma see Darwin, Emma Wedgwood, Frances Emma Elizabeth (Fanny) 352 & 353 n3, 416 & n6 Wedgwood, Hensleigh 207–8 n5 Wedgwood, Josiah, III: Darwins visit 211 n7, 238–9 n1, 603 n11 Wedgwood, Sarah Elizabeth: CD finds tree cut down in her garden 344 & n3; F. Darwin reports he read letters to 238 & 239 n4 weeping forsythia (Forsythia suspensa) 137 n4 Weiler, August 488 n3 Weir, John Jenner: male display 366 n5; wagtail observations from T.J. Monk’s aviary 18 n2 Weismann, August: H.W. Bates trying to obtain loan of caterpillar drawings for Weismann 75 n2; Beiträge zur Naturgeschichte der Daphnoiden 93 & n2; caterpillars 360 & n4, 391 & 392 n5; CD on Bates’s negotiations for loan of drawings 93 & n1; CD discusses caterpillars 32–3 & 33 nn 2–4; CD suggests Weismann studies colour of birds’ eggs 32 & 33 n7, 75 n1; CD’s preface to R. Meldola’s translation of Weismann’s Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie 424 n2; ‘Die Entstehung der Zeichnung bei den Schmetterlings-Raupen’ 360 & n4; A. Hyatt reads 6 & 14 n2; R. Meldola, translation of Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie 424 & n2, 427 & 428 n3; Orchids 2d ed., presentation copy 32 & 33 n1, 611 & n6; Über die letzten Ursachen der Transmutationen 32 & 33 n2, n3, 392 n5, 428 n4; Ueber den Saison-Dimorphismus der Schmetterlinge 32 & 33 n2, 384 & n3, 392 n5, 428 n4 Welwitsch, Friedrich 351 & n3, n4 Welwitschia 454 & n4, 456–7 & 457 n4 Westfälischen Provinzialvereins für Wissenschaft und Kunst (Westphalian Provincial Society for Science and Art) xxii, 91 & n4, 559 & n4 Westwood, John Obadiah 316 & n3; fig wasps 147 & n2, 356 & n3, n4; W.G. Smith supplies illustration to 305 & n3

Index Westwood, Mary Ann: F. Darwin will give E. Darwin’s messages to 234 & n10 wheat (Triticum): crossing 517 & 518 n3, 522 & 523 n3; seeds from Arctic germinated 51 & n3; varieties in Russia 449–50 & 450 n2, n3, 455–6 & 456 n1, 458–9 whisky-blending tax evasion 116–17 White, Adam: Linyphia (Leucauge) argyrobapta 113 n1; spider specimens 107 & n3 White, Walter 19 n3 white clover (Trifolium repens) 20 n4 white mullein (Verbascum lychnitis) 282 n1 white poplar (Populus alba) 156 & n5 Whitehead, Stephen 201 n3, 295 n2 Whitney, William Dwight: CD forwarded newspaper abstract to A.H. Sayce 318 & n2; CD sends ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ 318 & 319 n4; publication 318 & n3, 320 & n2 Wiesner, Julius: Forms of flowers, presentation copy 612 & 613 n13 Wight, George Oswald: comments on Expression 418–19 wild cherry (Prunus avium) 156 & n4 wild tobacco (Nicotiana rustica; Aztec tobacco) 378 & n4 wildrye, giant (Elymus condensatus; Leymus condensatus) 279 n2 Willemoes-Suhm, Rudolf von 408 & n4, 415 & n2, n3, 591 & n4 William Clowes & Sons see Clowes & Sons Williams, Charles E. 207–8 n5 Williams, J. Madison 368 & 369 n2 Williamson, William Crawford: CD comments on Drosera spathulata 428 & n1, 434 & 435 n2; sends Drosera spathulata specimens 428 & n1, 433 & n1 willows (Salix) 215 & 215–16 n8 Wilson, Alexander Stephen: wheat varieties 450 n3 Wilson, George John: comments on F. Galton’s pangenesis experiments 135–6 & 136 nn 1–3 Winkler, Tiberius Cornelis: Origin Dutch ed., translated 76–7 & 78 n18, 79 n20 woad (Isatis) 214 & 215 n8 Wöhler, Friedrich 544 n7 women: studying physiology 2 wood sorrel (Oxalis acetosella) 124 & 125 n1 Wood-Mason, James: Phyllothelys westwoodi 383 & n6 woodland flax (Linum virginianum) 21 & n4 Woolner, Thomas 547 n2 wormograph (H. Darwin) xxviii, 443 & n6 worms see earthworms

893

Wright, Chauncey 129 & 130 n1, n2; influence of J.S. Mill and CD on 130 n2 Wright, Joseph 523 & n3 wych elm (Ulmus glabra) 156 & n4 Wylie, William Howie: authenticity of T. Carlyle’s ’forged letter’ 65 n5 Wyman, Jeffries: black pigs and paint root 21 & n3 xenogamy 395 & 396 n4, 399 & n2, 587 & 588 n4 yellow flag (Iris pseudoacorus) 279 n2 yellow hornpoppy (Glaucium luteum) 214 & 215 n8 yellow sweet clover (Melilotus officinalis) 209 & n6 yellow velvet-leaf: Limnocharis plumieri (L. flava) 279 n2 yew: D.T. Fish 80 Yucca gloriosa (moundlily yucca) 267 & n4 yucca moth (Pronuba yuccasella; Tegeticula yuccasella) 267 & n4 Zacharias, Otto: asks about the formation of transmutation theory 102 & 103 n3, 560 & 561 n3; CD comments on German and Austrian scientists photograph album 105 & 106 n2; CD will forward pig’s foot to W.H. Flower 180 & n2, n3; ‘Darwin über Kreuzung und Selbstbefruchtung im Pflanzenreiche’ 25 & n3, 552 & n3; G.H. Darwin’s cousin marriages paper, introduction to German translation 25 n6, 552 n6; Flower writes to about pig’s foot 196 & n1, n2; Forms of flowers, presentation copy 613 n24; Kosmos, founding of 25 & n5, 102 & 103 n5, 123 n1, 552 & n5, 560 & 561 n5; reports CD forwarded letter from W.H. Flower 180 n3; scientists photograph album, belated arrival of 102 & 103 n4, 560 & 561 n4; scientists photograph album, notice sent to CD xxii, 81 n3, 556 n3, 614; sends pig’s foot to CD 168–9 & 169 n2, 184 n1, 196 & n1, 564–5 & 565 n2; thanks CD for Cross and self fertilisation proof sheets 25 & n2, 552 & n2 Zea mays see maize Zeeuwsch Genootschap der Wetenschappen (Zeeland Scientific Society): appointed CD member 163 & n1, 164, 177 n1, 607 zoological station, Channel Islands: proposal for 147 n2, 438 n4 Zoological Station, Naples: aquarium 438 n1; A. Dohrn founded 142 n3