The Church of the Archangel Michael at Kavalariana: Art and Society on Fourteenth-Century Venetian-Dominated Crete 1904597319, 9781904597315

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THE CHURCH OF THE ARCHANGEL MICHAEL AT KAVALARIANA ART AND SOCIETY ON FOURTEENTH-CENTURY VENETIAN-DOMINATED CRETE

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THE CHURCH OF THE ARCHANGEL MICHAEL AT KAVALARIANA ART AND SOCIETY ON FOURTEENTH-CENTURY VENETIAN-DOMINATED CRETE ANGELIKI LYMBEROPOULOU

The Pindar Press London 2006

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Published by The Pindar Press 40 Narcissus Road London NW6 1TH

Copyright© 2006 by The Pindar Press All rights reserved

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN 1 904597 31 9 (hb) ISBN 1 904597 52 1 (pb)

Printed by GRAFILUR, S.A. Avda. Cervantes, no 51 - Ed. no 21, a 4 planta (Denac) 48970 BASAURI, Spain

This book is printed on acid-free paper

TO MY PARENTS KONSTANTINOS LYMPEROPOULOS AND ELEUTHERIA LYMPEROPOULOU

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Contents Preface 

1

1 Introducing the Monument: The Area and the Era of the Church of the Archangel Michael

3

I. Introduction

3

II. The Historical Context: the Venetian Period in Crete (1211–1669)

4

III. ‘By the Hand of Ioannes Pagomenos’

10

IV. The Architecture

14

2 The Iconographic Programme

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I. Introduction

19

II. The Sanctuary

21

A. Christ Pantokrator

21

B. Scenes 1. The Hospitality of Abraham 2. The Annunciation 3. The Ascension 4. The Melismos (Officiating Hierarchs)

23 23 27 32 37

C. Figures 1. The Four Hierarchs in Medallions 2. Deacons Stephen and Romanos

43 43 46

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ii 3. The Bishops on the north and south walls III. The Nave

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A. The Festival Cycle 1. The Presentation in the Temple 2. The Baptism 3. The Transfiguration 4. The Raising of Lazarus 5. The Entry into Jerusalem 6. The Betrayal 7. The Carrying of the Cross 8. The Lamentation (Threnos) 9. The Anastasis (Harrowing of Hell) 10. The Holy Women at the Tomb

50 50 53 59 63 66 71 75 78 83 89

B. The Archangel Michael Cycle 1. Joshua and the Archangel Michael 2. The Miracle at Chonai 3. The Synaxis of the Asomatoi

94 94 97 100

C. Figures 1. Archangel Michael 2. Saint Sophia 3. Saint John (Xenos) the Hermit 4. Saint Demetrios 5. Saint Cosmas and Damian 6. Archangel Raphael 7. Saint Nicholas 8. Saint George 9. Saint Constantine 10. Saint Prokopios 11. Saint Marina 12. Saint Panteleemon 13. Saint Photios 14. The Prophets

102 102 105 106 107 109 111 111 113 115 117 118 119 120 121

IV. The Kavalariana Programme

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48

123

3 Stylistic Analysis

129

I. Introduction

129

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contents

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II. Figures A. Kavalariana B. The Pagomenos Group

134 134 137

III. Scenes A. Kavalariana B. The Pagomenos Group C. The Iconographic Programmes

148 148 150 157

IV. Decorative Motifs A. Kavalariana B. The Pagomenos Group

160 160 163

V. Inscriptions A. Kavalariana B. The Pagomenos Group

169 170 171

VI. Conclusions

181

VII. The Church of the Archangel Michael and Fourteenth-Century Monumental Painting

184

4 Signs of their Time: The Inscription and the Donors of the Church of the Archangel Michael at Kavalariana

194

I. The Inscription

194

II. The Donors

204

5 Conclusions

218

Bibliography

222

Acknowledgements

251

Index

253

List of Illustrations

269

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iv

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Maps (1–2) & Plans (1–3b)

277

Plates (Figs. 1–142)

283

Colour Plates

363

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Preface

I

WOULD like to run quickly through the few, simple rules that apply during the course of this book. Apart from the ancient/medieval Greek texts, where the accents and breathings are given, for the rest of the Greek bibliographical references I have opted for the monotoniko system (i.e. a single accent for each word of more than one syllabus) that is currently in use in the modern Greek language, despite the fact that some of the publications came out before the system was applied. As far as the spelling is concerned, for names/words that derive from the Greek language and are not standardized in English, I have opted for a phonetic spelling. For example, the name Constantine, used in English language instead of Konstantinos, was preferred, however, for names such as Demetrios, Polykarpos and Titos I used the ending –os rather than –us, since the former corresponds to the Greek spelling of the names. On the same basis, I have spelled ‘Komnenos’ rather than ‘Comnenus’, although both forms are valid in English. The names of the Greek churches used as examples have been transcribed without translation: a church dedicated to Saint George is referred to as Hagios Georgios; however, the saint himself is referred to as George in iconographic discussions. Since the subject of this research is Byzantine art, I did not put in italics Greek words that are used in English without translation (e.g. Anastasis, Melismos). On the other hand, words that are connected with the Liturgy appear in italicized form (e.g. omophorion, Proskomidi). As regards the inscriptions found in the church, in the majority of cases, for reasons of uniformity, I have opted for a � in majuscule writing rather than a C. For the rest, I tried to transcribe, as closely as the state of preservation allowed, the way they appear on the walls of the edifice. In the list and in the captions of the figures, the decorative patterns are followed by either an F or a G and a number in parenthesis. The F and

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G correspond to Floral and Geometric respectively and the number to the category under which they are examined in the text.

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1 Introducing the Monument: The Area and the Era of the Church of the Archangel Michael I. Introduction

T

HE small church of the Archangel Michael is situated in the western prefecture of the island of Crete, that of Chania (Map 1). To be more specific, the home of our church is the tiny village of Kavalariana, in the outskirts of Kandanos, which is the capital of the province Selino, the southwestern-most of the five provinces of the prefecture (Map 1). Apparently, the whole province was named after the castle that was built there by the duke of Crete, Marino Gradonico (Gradenigo) in 1282.1 The town of Kandanos on the other hand, famous in modern Cretan history because of its complete destruction during WWII, is attested since 451, when it was mentioned as a see at the Fourth Ecumenical Council.2 The church of the Archangel Michael is not unknown: it is included in Gerola’s catalogue of the Cretan monuments.3 The Italian scholar was responsible for composing a valuable four-volume catalogue on Crete, published between the years 1905 and 1932. He was also responsible for attributing the mural decoration of our monument to the painter Ioannes Pagomenos, based on the first name — Ioannes — that appears on the dedicatory inscription.4 As a consequence, our church always appears in Xanthoudidis (1926), 60; Spanakis (1974), 288. Gerola 2 (1908), 45, 54; Spanakis (1974), 198, 199; Bolanakis (2002), 23. 3 Gerola 4 (1932), 453–454 (no. 28); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 38 (no. 146). 4 Gerola 2 (1908), 308. 1 2

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connection to Pagomenos and his work, and it holds a prominent position as such in Sucrow’s work on the painter.5 However, despite the iconographic and stylistic information, and the social and historical evidence provided by a dedicatory inscription that dates the monument to 1327/28, the Kavalariana monument has not thus far been the subject of a monograph. The present book, therefore, attempts to explore these various facets of the monument in order to comprehend its identity and to establish the message it conveys about its era.

II. The Historical Context: the Venetian Period in Crete (1211–1669)6 A historical summary is necessary at this point, because it will provide an outline for the social circumstances on Crete during the period that the Archangel Michael church was built. A number of problems were raised because of the forced co-existence of the two ethnically and religiously different groups of the island’s population that the Venetian authority had to face and to resolve. It is in this historical and social context that the church of the Archangel Michael should be examined, in order to fully understand its significance and its importance. Crete ceased to be part of the Byzantine Empire on the eve of the Fourth Crusade. Alexios IV Angelos (1203–1204) sold Crete to the leader of the Fourth Crusade, Boniface Marquis de Montferrat, in order to acquire help from the crusaders in restoring his father, Isaac II Angelos (1185–1195 and 1203–1204), to the Byzantine throne. Boniface in his turn, a few months after the fall of Constantinople to the crusaders in 1204, ceded the island to the Venetians, aiming for the latter’s support in his quarrel with the Latin ruler of Constantinople, Baldwin I. As a consequence, under the treaty of Adrianople (12 August 1204), the so-called Refutatio Cretae, Venice acquired the island which proved to be the Republic’s most precious possession in the Mediterranean until 1669, when the island fell to the Ottoman Turks.7 However, it was not before 1211 that Venice established its control over the

Sucrow (1994), 26–27 and passim. For a summary on the history of the island under the Venetians: Maltezou (1988). See also Cormack (1997b), 179–182; Georgopoulou (2004). 7 Laiou (1992), 34; Georgopoulou (2001), 18–19. 5 6

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island, having fought and defeated Genoa, which was also claiming Crete. The Republic took immediate steps in applying a governmental system and colonizing the island. Until the beginning of the fourteenth century Crete was divided into six sestieri, following the prototype of Venice. From the beginning of the fourteenth century the island was instead divided in four regions (territorii), and each region was divided in a number of provinces (castelli or castellanie): the region of Chandakas (Candia) with eight provinces, the homonymous city of which was the region’s as well as the island’s capital; the region of Chania (Canea) with five provinces, one of them being Selino, the home of our church; the region of Rethymnon (Rettimo) with three provinces; and finally the region of Siteia with only one province. This division lasted for the rest of the Venetian period in Crete. The island was ruled by the duke (duca), who served for two years and resided in the capital city, Candia.8 Two counselors (consiliarii) were the duke’s assistants; these three made up the Signoria of Candia. The rest of the major cities on the island — Chania, Rethymnon and Siteia — were ruled by the rettori, while the countryside was supervised by the castellani. The capitan grande was responsible for military affairs, while financial matters were under the jurisdiction of the camerarii or camerlenghi. Questions of diplomacy and religion were dealt by the ninety members of the Senate of Candia (Consilium Rogatorum Candide).9 As soon as Venice secured its control over Crete in 1211, it shipped to the island the first colonists (feudatarii or feudati).10 This mission was followed by others in the years 1222, 1233, and 1252.11 The importance that Venice attached to the island’s colonization is apparent in the fact that between the years 1211 and the beginning of the fourteenth century the Republic had installed 10,000 feudati on Crete, in other words one sixth of Venice’s population in 1252. The Venetian colonists belonged to two categories: the milites, descendants of old Venetian families whose obligation was to provide the cavalry, and the pedites, who belonged to the middle and lower 8 Duca-katepano was the governor of the Byzantine ‘theme’ of Crete; the Venetians deliberately chose the Greek title duca for their representative on the island, instead of the Latin dux, in order to underline a connection with Byzantine practices on the island: Georgopoulou (2001), 100. 9 For a detailed analysis on the island’s administrative structure: Maltezou (1988), 110– 115. See also Georgopoulou (1995), 481, note 22; Georgopoulou (2001), 43–48. 10 Gasparis (1997), 31–35; Georgopoulou (2001), 43–45. 11 Georgopoulou (2001), 103.

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classes and were obliged to provide the infantry. In return for their military obligations, the colonists were granted hereditary fiefs in the countryside and urban estates in the capital city. The land granted to the feudati belonged to the local aristocracy, the powerful Cretan landowners, who exercised great influence on the native population, and who were displeased — to say the least — at losing their estates and property.12 Furthermore, the native nobility strenuously (and proudly) maintained their direct relation to the Byzantine Empire by promoting the legend of the twelve archontopoula. According to this, twelve Constantinopolitan nobles had been sent to Crete in order to govern it, and these were considered as the ancestry of the Cretan nobles,13 providing, thus, another reason for the Cretan nobles to resist the Venetian authority.14 As a consequence, the Cretan aristocrats were behind all the revolutions the Venetians had to face and to resolve during their prolonged occupation of the island.15 It was to the Republic’s advantage that the aristocrats never managed to unite in a common revolution against the Venetians.16 The first uprising, which was in progress already in 1211, is known as the revolution of the Agiostefanites, the family name of its leaders. It ended with a treaty at the beginning of 1213. The second uprising started when a Venetian castellan stole horses belonging to a member of the powerful Skordilis family. Venice, in order to restore peace on the island, signed a treaty in 1219 bestowing to the leaders of the rebellion fiefs, which had originally been assigned by the Republic to its colonists. The importance of the settlement of this rebellion is that, within only eight years of rule, Venice admitted local nobles to its establishment. A similar settlement ended an uprising headed by the Melissinos brothers in 1224. In 1228, the emperor

For the settlement of the colonists in Candia: Georgopoulou (2001), 167–168. Maltezou (1988), 131; Maltezou (1991), 21; Maltezou (1998), 233–236, 242; Georgopoulou (2001), 102–103. The earliest time given for the settlement is the reign of Constantine the Great (324–337), while the latest that of the reign of Alexios II Komnenos (1180–1183): ed. Spitael (1981), 187–189, 202, and 213–214. 14 During the seventeenth century (i.e. the last century of Venetian rule in Crete), this legend was exploited by the conquerors themselves, who, having heavily colonised the island in the first years of the conquest, substituted twelve Venetian nobles for the Constantinopolitan ones, in order to stress the direct link between Crete and the Republic: Maltezou (1998), 236–237. 15 For a summary of the major Cretan uprisings: Maltezou (1991), 23–25. 16 Lamprinos (1996), 207. 12 13

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of Nicaea, Ioannes Vatatzis (1222–1254), who hoped to bring the island again under Byzantine control, helped the revolution that started under the leadership of the Skordilis and the Melissinos families. The movement ended when Venice, once more, granted the native nobility some of their old privileges and estates, an act that persuaded the Cretan aristocrats to abandon the idea of making Crete part of the Nicaean Empire. In 1261 when Constantinople was restored as the capital of the Byzantine Empire, Michael VIII Palaiologos (1258–1282) tried to retrieve the island. However, because again Venice promised them new estates, some noble families assumed an ambivalent attitude towards the movement. This, as well as Michael’s inclination to balance Byzantine affairs between Venice and Genoa, resulted in a treaty between Cretans and Venetians in 1265 that put an end to yet another ordeal for the Venetians.17 Seven years later (1272–1273), the Republic had to deal with the Chortatsis brothers’ revolution who were eventually defeated in 1278 and fled to Constantinople. The year 1283 marked the beginning of the revolution of Alexios Kallergis, the biggest uprising of the Cretan aristocracy, led by one of the most powerful native nobles.18 The importance of this uprising, which ended in a treaty in 1299,19 is that Kallergis, having realized that it was impossible to detach the island from the Venetian authority, fought hard in order to improve his position within that authority and achieved his goal.20 In the first half of the fourteenth century the Republic defeated three more uprisings, which started in 1319, 1330, and 1341 respectively. The Saint Titos rebellion rocked the island between the years 1363 and 1367.21 The importance of this uprising lies in the fact that the native population joined forces with the Venetian colonists against the demands of the Republic; in other words, the Greek inhabitants and the Latin settlers collaborated for reasons of common interest. The rebellion of Saint Titos is For the treaty: Bantia (1988). On the Kallergi family: McKee (2000), 74–86. 19 Theotikis (1930); Mertzios (1949). 20 For a summary of the 1299 treaty’s main points and all the privilages obtained: Maltezou (1988), 123–124. 21 For the rebellion: Jegerlehner (1903). See also Tomadakis (1969–1970), 27; Manousakas (1971), 267–269 (commends on the various bibliography written about the rebellion); Topping (1977), 17; Maltezou (1988), 125–126; Jacoby (1989), 204; Maltezou (1991), 24–25; McKee (1994); Georgopoulou (1995), 486; McKee (2000), 133–167; Georgopoulou (2001), 260. 17 18

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the last mentioned in the Venetian documents as guerra publica occurente (open war) between Venice and the Cretans.22 With the exception of the Saint Titos rebellion, where Venice stamped its authority by beheading the leaders, the Republic did not hesitate to compromise and to grant the native nobility privileges in order to assure order on the island. However, in addition to the numerous ‘political’ rebellions, Venice had to face another major headache, that of religion. The division between the Catholic conquerors and the Orthodox inhabitants caused serious friction between the Venetian and Greek occupants of the island. The Republic feared any possible influence that the Patriarchate of Constantinople might have been able to exercise on the Orthodox native population, and therefore confiscated the property of the Orthodox Church on the island, banished Orthodox bishops and forbade the ordination of Orthodox priests.23 Under Venetian rule, the see of Kandanos, which, as we saw, had existed since 451, had a very brief life as a Latin bishop’s see, but was eventually absorbed by that at Kissamos (map 1). 24 However, although the official policy of the Republic on religious matters was identified with that of the Catholic Church in Rome, Venice did not hesitate to get involved in serious controversies with the Latin archbishop of Crete in order to defend its possessions.25 Furthermore, Venice’s position ‘semo Veneziani e poi Christiani’ (we are first Venetians and then Christians),26 and the fact that the Serenissima, as the Republic of Venice is also known, preferred its subjects to be loyal to the Republic rather than to the Pope, was, sometimes, beneficial to the Orthodox population against the Latin bishop.27 It was not difficult for Venice to realise that despite the waves of colonists, which, as has already been mentioned, landed on the island during the

Maltezou (1988), 126. For the church history in Venetian Crete: Spanakis (1959); Tomadakis (1969–1970); Chaireti (1974); Tsirpanlis (1985); Maltezou (1991), 26–29. 24 Gerola 2 (1908), 67, 100; Xanthoudidis (1926), 60; Tomadakis (1933),194; Spanakis (1974), 199. 25 For example, the controversy that broke out in 1320 over the monastery of Pala: Maltezou (1995), 269–270. Also, fifteen years earlier, in 1305, the Duke of Crete, Guido de Canale, went to great efforts trying to keep the church of San Salvatore in the borgo of Candia from the Latin Patriarch of Constantinople, Leonardus: Ed. Stahl (2000), 10 (no. 27), 20–21 (no. 52), 32–33 (no. 84), 40 (no. 104). 26 Xanthoudidis (1939), 155–156. 27 Tomadakis (1969–1970), 29. 22 23

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thirteenth century, the number of Latins among the native population was merely a fraction. The Republic in many instances assumed measures in an attempt to prevent the “loss of the Latin group identity”.28 Venice opposed unions between Latins and Greeks in all ranks of the society except for the aristocracy. The issuing of threatening decrees against such unions (e.g. in 1293), however, implies that they were taking place.29 The shortage of Latin priests on the island, which led its Catholic inhabitants to attend Orthodox services, forced Venice to issue a decree in 1349 against it. However, its renewal in 1405 implies that this practice had not been abandoned.30 The engagement of the Greek population in economic activities, especially in the major cities, was not only unavoidable, but also crucial for the Republic’s commercial character.31 The two communities were interacting at all levels, and Venice both attempted (futilely) to control this intercourse, and tried to create a common identity for the island and its hybrid population, that of Venetian Crete. The Serenissima preserved the cult of the patron saint of Crete, Titos, who did not belong to the Venetian ecclesiastical calendar. Titos became the patron saint of both communities and, to a certain extent, bridged the gap between the conquerors and the Greeks, as was explicitly demonstrated in the rebellion that erupted under the saint’s name.32 Furthermore, the Republic adopted the cult of the miracle-working icon of the Virgin Mesopanditissa, which according to the legend had been painted by Saint Luke and was brought to Candia from Constantinople during Iconoclasm. A weekly procession of the icon, which bore remarkable similarities to that of the Virgin Hodegetria in Constantinople, was attested already in 1264, and any Greek or Latin priest absent was fined.33 The willingness of the Venetian authorities to adopt the local culture of the captured island shows the importance that the Serenissima attached to Crete. Moreover, it also demonstrates that the Republic realised that other ways, and not only the enforcement of strict rules, would eventually lead to a trouble-free colony. Venice’s compromising, adopting and adapting policy bore fruit, since during the siege of the capital

Jacoby (1989), 206. See also Georgopoulou (2001), 166. Jacoby (1989), 202, 203, 204. See also Maltezou (1991), 33; McKee (1992), 108. 30 Jacoby (1989), 205–206. 31 Laiou (1984), 51. 32 Georgopoulou (1995), 483–487. For Saint Titos and his church in Candia: Georgopoulou (2001), 109–120. 33 Georgopoulou (1995), 487–490; Georgopoulou (2001), 217–223. 28 29

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of Crete, Candia, by the Ottoman Turks, the native population fought sideby-side with the Latins for twenty-one years, until 1669, when the Venetians evacuated the city.

III. ‘By the Hand of Ioannes Pagomenos’ Gerola, in the second volume of the Monumenti,34 was the first to dedicate a short entry to the painter Ioannes Pagomenos, naming the six dated churches that bear the full signature of the artist in their dedicatory inscriptions. These are: Hagios Georgios, Komitades Sfakion, dated 1313/14 (map 1); Hagios Nikolaos, Moni Selinou, Sougia, dated 1315 (Map 1); Koimesis of the Virgin, Alikampos Apokoronou, dated 1315/16 (Map 1); Hagios Georgios, Anydroi Selinou, dated 1323 (Map 1); Hagios Nikolaos, Maza Apokoronou, dated 1325/26 (Map 1); Church of the Virgin, Beilitika, Kakodiki Selinou, dated 1331/32 (Map 1). Gerola added the church at Kavalariana to this group despite the fact that its dedicatory inscription only mentions the first name of its painter – Ioannes. Its inclusion or exclusion, however, does not alter the time span of Pagomenos’ activity, since its date 1327/28 places the Archangel Michael church between Maza and Kakodiki. The painter became the subject of an article by Kalokyris, and, as noted earlier, of a monograph by Sucrow.35 That Pagomenos was active in the first half of the fourteenth century in the western and south-western part of Crete is the only certain fact we know about the painter’s life, since the place and date of his birth and death are unknown. The family name Pagomenos is a simplified form of Pepagomenos, which is of Byzantine origin,36 and is attested on Crete since 1299;37 it has been suggested that the Pepagomenoi or Pagomenoi settled on Crete after Nikephoros Phokas liberated the island from the Arabs in 961.38 The Cretan provenance and Greek ancestry of the painter, is almost

Gerola 2 (1908), 308. Kalokyris (1958); Sucrow (1994). See also PLP 9 (1989), 56 (no. 21285). 36 Schreiner (1971), 149–160, esp. 156–160. See also H. Hunger (1969), 113–117. 37 In the treaty of 1299 between Kallergis and the Venetian authorities, the surname Pagomenos appears twice: Marcus Pagomeno villanus communis and Nicolas Pagomeno: Mertzios (1949), 277 (no. 92), and 284 respectively. 38 Kalokyris (1958), 348–349, and notes 9, 10. 34 35

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certain — at least on his father’s side.39 Because the entirety of the painter’s known work is situated in the western and south-western part of the island, it has been suggested that Pagomenos might have been originally from that area.40 However, the painter appears as a resident of the capital city of the island, Candia, in two publications by Cattapan based on his research in the Venetian archives.41 Unfortunately, Cattapan died before he had the chance to fully publish the relevant document and his publications lack any indication of its whereabouts within the archives.42 In the absence of solid evidence, some scholars accept that Ioannes Pagomenos was originally from Candia,43 others reject this opinion, suggesting that Cattapan is confusing the painter with a deacon of the exact same name who was a resident of Candia,44 while still others believe that the painter, regardless of his place of origin, stayed for a certain period of his life in Thessaloniki, in Macedonia in modern northern Greece.45 Unless further documentation comes to light, the problem of the origin of Pagomenos cannot be solved. However, the strong presence of the family name Pagomenos in the area of Herakleion over a period of years — indeed until today — and its absence from western Crete, may support the opinion that Pagomenos might have originally come from the capital of the island. Among the Pagomenoi, all residents of Candia, located in the Venetian archives between the fourteenth and the sixteenth centuries, there is a reference to somebody also named Ioannes Pagomenos. He is mentioned as the license-holder for transferring iron from the port of Candia to that of Chania in the successive years of 1326 and 1327.46 To prove a connection, however, between our painter and this Pagomenos, without any further information, particularly on the latter, would be impossible. The same is valid for another Ioannes Pagomenos mentioned in the documents of the notary Benedetto da Milano for the period 1326–1330 in connection to a Gerola’s opinion that the name Pagomenos is Venetian – pago meno – is no longer accepted: Gerola 4 (1932), 444. 40 Kalokyris (1958), 350. 41 Cattapan (1968), 37 (no. 6); Cattapan, (1972), 203 (no. 5). 42 I was unable to locate the document under consideration during my trip to Venice and my research in the Archivio di Stato di Venezia, from where Cattapan drew all his material. 43 Andrianakis (1985), 45, note 109. 44 Cattapan (1973), 249; Maderakis (1986), 37. 45 Lassithiotakis (1959), 169–170; Lassithiotakis (1965), 272–273. 46 Gasparis (1991), 76, 89–90. 39

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contract concerning a vineyard.47 In the documents of the notary Bartolomeo Francesehi for the period 1337–1341 the wedding arrangements of another Yani (sic) Pagomenos, son of Georgios Pagomenos, are recorded,48 while an Athanasios Pagomenos and his heirs agreed to offer services “day and night” to a third party.49 In 1551 a document mentions the name of a certain Stamates Pagomenos, who hired a teacher for his son.50 And even today the phone directory of the prefecture of Herakleion lists sixty-eight Pagomenoi, whereas in the prefecture of Chania none appears. It would be, nevertheless, difficult to fully support the suggestion that Pagomenos came from Candia, because such a suggestion raises a number of difficult questions that do not necessarily have a straightforward answer. The obvious reason for moving in the mountainous region of western and south-western Crete, so far away from major centres would, of course, be the commissions he received. But, should we accept that he was originally from Candia, would this mean that he was he not able to find work in his hometown? And if so, why? Constantinopolitan painters, who constituted major rivals for local painters, and might have deprived them from receiving commissions, are not attested arriving and working in Candia and the area around it before the end of the fourteenth century.51 This is more than half a century later than the time our painter was active. Furthermore, how could the inhabitants of these small villages in the prefecture of Chania, his future patrons, have possibly found him? Travelling without purpose in those days was not only time consuming but also dangerous business and none of these villages could have been bursting with sailors given their distance form the nearest ports (Map 1). The established sea-routes around the island, such as between Candia and Chania verified by the aforementioned document with reference to Ioannes Pagomenos who transferred iron from the former port to the latter, were not enough to get in and out of these regions; it also involved substantial travelling by land. How did they know of him?

NdC, 33, busta 142, fol. 64v. NdC, 23, busta 97, fol. 65r. 49 NdC, 23, busta 97, fol. 101r. I would like to thank Ms. Julian Chrysostomides for helping me decipher these documents. 50 Maltezou (1988), 141. 51 Chatzidakis (1969–1970), 335 and note 102; Chatzidakis (1974b), 76, and note 1; Borboudakis (1974), 231, and note 39; Vassilaki-Mavrakaki, (1981b), 550, and note 4; Vassilaki (1997), 186–188. 47 48

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Although Pagomenos was not an untalented painter, he, nevertheless, did not posses any special artistic skills that might suggest that he could have acquired a reputation for himself. The latter might, of course, also provide the answer: his average talent pushed him to search for work elsewhere, in the less accessible parts of the island, where although his fee might have been lower he was more likely to obtain commissions. And that he certainly did — the six churches he was asked to decorate over a period of twenty years, prove that if nothing else, he became one of the favourite artists in two regions. The question of his origin, however, will have to remain open for the time being. On the base of stylistic analysis other Cretan monuments have been either attributed to Pagomenos or have been placed in the Pagomenos circle.52 Kalokyris tried to expand the artist’s attested active career from the year 1332 — when Pagomenos completed his work at Kakodiki — to 1347, by wrongly ascribing to him the church of the Virgin at Skafidia, Prodromi Selinou (Map 1), which is signed by a certain Ioakeim.53 Pagomenos’ signed, completed projects are all rather humble. The original dimensions of all of his churches are modest — simple, small, aisleless, rectangular buildings with barrel-vaulted roofs, the only exception being Hagios Georgios at Anydroi which has a transverse-vault ceiling. His art displayed on the walls is executed in the technique of fresco, where the painting is placed upon a wet, freshly prepared lime-plaster wall.54 The question of whether or not the painter employed a workshop has not been properly addressed and discussed. Based on the evidence we have of contemporary workshops it seems that they were small family enterprises,55 — a succession of the craft within the same family was highly common — and we certainly do not have any information on Pagomenos’ family status. Maderakis’ opinion is that Pagomenos created a whole school in the area, which continued to be active after the artist’s hand had ceased 52 53

Kalokyris (1958), 355–357; Sucrow (1994), 134–147. Kalokyris (1958), 349–350, and note 11. This attribution will be discussed in chapter

3. 54 Ed. Papadopoulou–Kerameos (1909), 38, §57. I would like to thank Mr. George Siganakis of the 28th Eforeia of Byzantine Antiquities of western Crete for this information. He assured me that Pagomenos used only the technique of fresco and not a mixed technique that involves both fresco and secco as suggested by Sucrow (1994), 69. 55 Kalopissi-Verti (1994), 149; Kalopissi-Verti (1997), 149–151. 56 Maderakis (1986).

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to create.56 It would be reasonable to assume that Pagomenos was familiar with wall painting decorations of the surrounding area, and also that future generations of artists active there knew his work. Therefore, any similarities between monumental decoration in the area might actually point to mutual influences and not necessarily to the continuity of a workshop. It has been suggested that the decoration in the Constantinopolitan monuments in St. Mary Pammakaristos, dated ca. 1310/15, and in the Chora Monastery, finished in the late 1320 or early 1321, were actually the work of only one artist,57 although at least the Chora edifice is too big for one artisan, even if the time span for its completion was over five years.58 Since the dimensions of the monuments Pagomenos worked on are modest, their size might possibly have prevented the involvement of many hands at the same time. Furthermore, it could permit the execution of the decoration as a one-manshow. Wall painting usually took place on Crete over the spring and summer months, when the weather conditions are better. However, good weather can prevail on the island well into late October, even early November, adding extra time for this activity to a painter’s schedule. On this basis it would be difficult to argue in favour of a big Pagomenos workshop, but the assistance of a couple of other hands, especially of apprentices being taught the art of painting, cannot be excluded.

IV. The Architecture (Plans 1–3b).59 The original parish church of the Archangel Michael at Kavalariana is of modest dimensions, measuring externally 8.85 meters in length by 5 meters in width. The church is still in use today, not only for prayers for the Orthodox congregation of the community, as the used candles left to burn demonstrate, but it also accommodates the village’s cemetery in its yard. This has certain consequences for the structure of the building: an extension to the west, a sort of a narthex, has been added to it, measuring externally 4.75 meters in length by 5 meters in width, and the original west wall of the church, along with its interior wall paintings, has been demolished and lost. Cormack (1997a), 66. Young (1976), is of the opinion that many hands were involved in the decoration of the Chora Monastery. 59 I would like to thank Mr. M. Klonizakis for his work on the church plans. 57 58

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Furthermore, the exterior of the church has been plastered and whitewashed concealing the masonry of the original building,60 which, judging from its interior (e.g. the window situated in the middle blind arch of the south wall, Plan 3b, zone II, between 15 and 16) was stone, a material widely used in Cretan church-construction.61 No ornamentation survives on the exterior, and we cannot speculate whether or not any ever existed. The modern west façade has a belfry to the left and its main entrance is a glass door with aluminium frame (Plan 2, and Fig. 1). Another similar door was added on the north wall of this modern structure to serve as a side entrance (Fig. 2), while on the south wall two windows have been opened: one is situated on the modern structure; for the other the wall painting decorating the eastern blind arch of the interior of the original church was sacrificed (Plan 3b, zone II, between 12 and 13, and Fig. 3). Judging from what has survived from the original structure of the church, it was a small, simple, aisleless, rectangular building with a barrel-vault roof. The internal width for the whole church is 2.70 meters; the nave’s length is 6 meters, while the sanctuary’s length, including the vault of the sanctuary apse, is 2.05 meters. In the nave, two transverse arches support the roof, the width of which measures 0.55 meters, and their depth 0.25 meters. The elongated north and south walls of the nave have each three blind arches built 0.35 meters above the ground; the height of the arches is 1.85 meters, their width 1.30, and their depth 0.40 meters. These measurements are more or less standard for blind arch construction in Cretan churches of the period.62 The use of blind arches creates more space for decoration without diminishing the width of the walls, and also adds to the impression of movement in the interior of the church.63 According to Pelekanidis, the blind arches in barrelvaulted churches are particularly needed from a structural point of view — apparently to support the lateral thrusts of the vault.64 The middle blind arch on the south wall bears one of the two original windows of the building, the other being the small dormer-window on the vault of the sanctuary apse.

60

The local villagers were unable to inform me about the time that these alterations took

place. Lassithiotakis (1961–1962), 190. Lassithiotakis (1961–1962), 177. 63 Orlandos (1925), 292. 64 Pelekanidis (1973), 3. He suggested that the blind arches in aisleless churches are the survival of the arched openings of the three-aisled basilicas. 61 62

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In other words, in the original church the availability of light was anything but ample. The modern entrance brings us inside the modern narthex which measures 4 meters in length by 3.80 meters. A modern wall has been added here, to the east, 65 separating it from the original building and minimizing the true clash that was amply visible in the past (Figs. 4, 4a). The nave of the original structure accommodates the wall paintings, the lower 0.62 meters of which has been whitewashed. This might be due to the fact that modern tiles were used in the recent past to cover the floor of the church.66 These tiles have been now substituted for cement and stones.67 Some chairs have been added for the congregation, as have a couple of candelabra and a chandelier, which hangs between the two transverse arches of the church.68 The original iconostasis was still at place at the beginning of the twentieth century, when Gerola visited the church;69 however, a modern, wooden one was later substituted for it.70 This installation damaged the scenes of the Raising of Lazarus and the Baptism of Christ, depicted on the north and south walls respectively (Plan 3a, and b zone III, 12 and 3 respectively), and caused the loss of two saintly figures in the sanctuary, one to the left of Saint Polykarpos (Plan 3a, zone II, B1) and the other to the right of Saint Titos of Crete (Plan 3b, zone II, B11). A plain table serves as the altar in the sanctuary. According to Lassithiotakis’ survey, Archangel Michael is one of twentynine churches with blind arches found in western Crete, though the type is

In place during my visit on 8 September 1999. Again, the locals were unable to provide any information regarding the time of this alteration. 67 In place during my visit on 8 September 1999. 68 The chandelier is one of the meaningless alterations that the Archangel Michael has suffered, since there is no electricity in the church to justify its presence. 69 Lassithiotakis (1961–1962), 182. 70 The modern iconostasis was removed at some point before my visit on 23 May 1999, only to be reinstated sometime before my visit in September 2003. Its decoration consisted of a wooden Crucifixion on top with the Virgin to the left and Saint John the Baptist to the right, twelve icons in the top row (scenes from the so-called Dodekaorton), and four on each one of the two lower rows — two icons on each side of each row — flanking the entrance to the sanctuary, which was covered with a red curtain, basically very similar to the one currently in situ, which, however, lacks the Crucifixion at the top (fig. 4a). 65 66

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also known in the east part of the island.71 Twenty-five of these churches can be found in the Selino province, with ten of them situated in the Kandanos district, the home of our edifice.72 Lassithiotakis divides the twenty-nine churches into categories according to the number and the placement of the blind arches within the building; Kavalariana, with three blind arches, falls in the category A3, of which the oldest example is the church of Hagios Georgios at Sklavopoula, dated 1290/91.73 Overall, the church construction with blind arches is attested on Crete since the late thirteenth century and continued to be in use during the fifteenth century.74 Although the question of the origins of the blind arches is highly complicated, their strong presence in northern Italian architecture might point to a Venetian influence on Cretan constructions;75 this hypothesis may be supported by the fact that the oldest surviving example with blind arches on the island is dated to the late thirteenth century,76 after the Venetian occupation. In any case, however, from a chronological point of view, had the date not survived in the dedicatory inscription of the Archangel Michael church, its architecture, apart from providing a terminus post quem in the late thirteenth century, would not have offered any further help. The church of the Archangel Michael fits perfectly in its context: in general, late Byzantine architecture, in comparison to preceding periods, was less concerned with space,77 and on Crete aisleless churches of simple

Lassithiotakis (1961–1962), 175 (no. 2), 177–185, 198. Lassithiotakis (1961–1962), 184. 73 Lassithiotakis (1961–1962), 181–183. For Hagios Georgios at Sklavopoula: Gerola 4 (1932), 431–432 (no. 1); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 31 (no. 86); Spatharakis (2001), 12–13. 74 The oldest surviving example is the church of Hagios Georgios at Kouneni, dated 1284: Gerola 4 (1932), 416 (no. 12); Lassithiotakis (1960–1961), 38–51, 55–56; GerolaLassithiotakis (1961), 26 (no. 45); Lassithiotakis (1961–1962), 184; Spatharakis (2001), 9–11. 75 Krautheimer (1986), 411. A Mesopotamian origin has also been suggested for the blind arches: Orlandos (1925), 298; Orlandos (1927), 345, 346; Lassithiotakis (1961–1962), 185–190; Gioles (1987), 63. 76 See supra, note 74. Lassithiotakis (1961–1962), 184, expresses the opinion that the type appeared on Crete in the end of the twelfth century, which is not supported, however, by an existing example. 77 Krautheimer (1986), 450. 71 72

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structure are the rule. Most are village churches: there was not any point in building a large structure, which in any case would have had demanded additional expenses for its decoration, in order to accommodate the relatively small congregation of a village.78

On the church becoming a family or neighbourhood possession: Mathews (1982). While the original structure of the Archangel Michael is neither unusual nor indicative of a period with architectural stylistic peculiarities, the present state of the building raises a question of a different nature. As the head eforos of the 28th Eforeia of Byzantine Antiquities of western Crete, Mr. Andrianakis, informed me, the modern reconstructions took place without the knowledge of the Eforeia and its department in the prefecture of Chania, which is responsible for the preservation of the church. The Eforeia have forbidden the inhabitants of the area to undertake any other building activity in the church without an authorisation. From an art-historian’s/ archaeologist’s point of view this is justifiable. However, that does not take into consideration the fact that the church was originally built in order to accommodate the congregation of the faithful, which it still does. For this congregation the modern additions, whether we like or dislike them, or whether we find them vulgar and abusive to the original character of the building, were an act of piety, and were carried out according to local taste. In a way, the building was ‘updated’ in the eyes of its users in accordance with its current function. Thus, while one personally may be opposed to these modern additions, one is hesitant to condemn them. 78

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2 The Iconographic Programme I. Introduction

I

N addition to Christ Pantokrator, depicted in the vault of the sanctuary apse (Plan 3a and b), and to the patron saint of the church, the Archangel Michael, who is represented three times (Plan 3a, zone II, 23, 26, and Plan 3b, zone II, 15), there are a further thirty-one isolated saintly figures and seventeen narrative scenes depicted within the relatively small Kavalariana church.1 With the exception of the Archangel Raphael (Plan 3b, zone II, 16), the rest of the portraits represent male and female saints, hierarchs, deacons, and prophets. Twelve of the seventeen scenes belong to the festival cycle, starting with the Annunciation (Plan 3a and b, zone III, 1a and 1b) and concluding with the Ascension (Plan 3a and b, zones III and IV, 2). The Hospitality of Abraham (Plan 3a and b, zone IV, 1) is an Old Testament scene, while the Melismos (Plan 3a, zone II, B4–B6 and Plan 3b, zone II, B6–B8) is a symbolic representation of the conversion of the bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ. Finally, the remaining three are connected to the patron saint of the church, forming the Archangel Michael cycle.2

The fourteen portraits of the donors, depicted on the lower zones of the middle blind arches of the north and south walls (Plans 3a, zone II, 23a, and 3b, zone II, 15a), will be examined in chapter 4. 2 The term ‘festival’ is generally used to indicate a scene that apart from being an integral part of the iconographic programme also recurs in the liturgical year of the church. On this basis the Miracle at Chonai and the Asomatoi scenes (Plan 3b, zone III, 7b and 7a respectively) also belong to the festival cycle. Since, however, their appearance in iconographic programmes is closely related to churches dedicated to the Archangel Michael, they have been 1

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What is notable at Kavalariana is the absence of the Crucifixion and of the Nativity.3 The first almost certainly was depicted on the now-demolished west wall of the church. The only other likely candidate for decorating the west wall is the Dormition of the Virgin.4 Since, however, the latter is commonly placed there primarily in churches dedicated to the Virgin (e.g. at Alikampos, dated 1315/16),5 it is probably safe to assume the existence of the Crucifixion on the Kavalariana’s original west wall. There are, however, no indications that the Nativity ever formed part of the iconographic programme. The now-demolished eastern blind arch of the south wall (Plan 3b, zone II, between 12 and 13) is the only surface big enough to have hosted the scene. Since, however, no scenes are represented in the surviving five blind arches, it would be safer to avoid such an assumption.6 As far as the saintly figures are concerned, in the sanctuary two saints are completely lost because of the addition of an iconostasis, later removed. One of them was depicted on the north wall, to the left of Saint Polykarpos (Plan 3a, zone II, B1), the other opposite him on the south wall, to the right of Saint Titos (Plan 3b, zone II, B11). Furthermore, the generally bad state of the wall paintings’ preservation and all the injuries they have suffered prevent the identification of five of the figures depicted in the nave. The first, a female saint (Plan 3b, zone II, 13), was depicted on the western side of the soffit of the eastern blind arch of the south wall (Fig. 45). The demolition of the original blind arch has caused great damage on this side of the soffit; almost nothing survives of the saint. The second, a prophet (Plan 3a, zone III, 11), is depicted in the lower zone on the north side of the eastern transverse arch (Fig. 42). He wears a blue chiton, a brown himation on top, and has red, disheveled hair. He holds an open scroll in his left hand the text of which is not legible. Two saints are depicted on the south side of the western transverse arch, one male (Plan 3b, zone IV, 6), and one female, dressed in elaborate garments (Plan 3b, zone III, 6) (Fig. 44). The fifth is a female saint (Plan 3b, zone II, 19) (Fig. 46). On the top left side the words Η ΑΓΙΑ (the saint) are grouped with the scenes honouring the Kavalariana patron. On the feast cycle in general: Kitzinger (1988). 3 Spatharakis (2001), 74, is incorrect in stating that the Baptism is omitted here. 4 Mouriki (1985), 205, and note 2; RbK 4 (1990), cols. 1021–1022; Emmanouel (1991), 168–169. 5 Sucrow (1994), Plan 4a and b, zones III and IV, 5. 6 Sucrow (1994), 51, believes that the blind arch was decorated with an image of the Virgin.

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still visible, but her name, which would have been written on the top right side, is lost because of the demolition of the original west wall. She wears a long chiton and an elaborate mantle on top, which is held with a brooch. Her headpiece is brown on the left side and white on the right. The saint holds her hands in front of her chest with the palms opened toward the viewer.7 The examination of the iconographic programme will begin with Christ Pantokrator in the sanctuary, the focal point of Byzantine church decoration, and will proceed with the sanctuary narrative scenes, starting with the Old Testament’s Hospitality of Abraham and concluding with the Melismos, not only because the latter’s iconography appeared in church decoration at a relatively later date, but also because it is a symbolic representation connected to the liturgy, as are the hierarchs and the deacons depicted in the sanctuary, whose examination will follow. The analysis will continue with the narrative scenes (the festival and the Archangel Michael cycles) and portraits in the nave. With the exception of the Archangel Michael, whose portrait will appear first in the analysis of the isolated figures since he is the patron of the church, their order will follow in the liturgical/Greek Orthodox Church calendar. The prophets will be examined last. Use of detailed and wide-ranging iconographic parallels is justified because the comparative similarities or dissimilarities that will be revealed between the scenes and the saintly figures will testify for the tradition as well as the development and the diversity of Byzantine iconography across time, space and means.8 Finally, the meaning that the Kavalariana iconographic programme conveys as a whole will be considered. II. The Sanctuary A. Christ Pantokrator (Fig. 5).9 Christ Pantokrator is depicted in the vault of the sanctuary apse (Plan 3a and b). The state of preservation here is relatively good. He is depicted in bust Kalokyris (1958), 354, 364, mentions as part of the iconographic programme at Kavalariana a Deesis, the Presentation of the Virgin in the Temple, and a bust of Saint Antonios; my examination of the church lead me to doubt that these wall paintings were ever included at Kavalariana. 8 Since the discussion of the colour of the wall paintings will form part of the stylistic analysis in chapter 3, is deliberately omitted here. 9 On the history of the name Pantokrator: Capizzi (1964); Matthews (1976); Matthews (1978). See also Barbagallo (1996); Boston (1999), 140–141, 157–163. 7

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form, in frontal view, facing west. He has long, brown hair, shifted to the right, a short, brown beard and He bears a cruciform nimbus adorned with pearls across its edges, while each arm has five pearl-defined circles placed in a formation of an X. To the left and right of His head the abbreviations IC XC (Jesus Christ) within medallions are visible, and outside these medallions the word Ο ΠΑΝΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡ (Pantokrator) can also be read. He wears a chiton with a clavus. The decoration on the collar consists of a stripe with circles with pearl decoration across the edges, while the right sleeve is adorned with the so-called vermiculated arabesque framed between two narrow stripes with similar decoration to the collar.10 His arms are opened wide: with His right hand He is blessing, while with His left is holding an open, leather band Gospel book, reading: ΕΓΩ ΕΙΜΙ ΕΙ ΘΕΙΡΑ Δ ΕΜΟΥ ΕΑΝ ΤΙΣ ΕΙΣΕΛΘΗ (“I am the door: by me if any man enter in” [he shall be saved]; John 10, 9). On the left side the Gospel book has three chains, and on the right their respective hooks. The word Ο ΠΑΝΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡ, which can be read at Kavalariana, and which began to accompany this image from the twelfth century onward, leaves no doubt about the iconographic type of Christ represented here.11 On Crete, where the majority of churches are domeless buildings of modest dimensions, like Kavalariana, the representation of Christ Pantokrator in the vault of the sanctuary apse is common.12 Such examples are also found in twelfth-century Sicilian monuments (e.g. the mosaics of the Cappella Palatina, dated 1143, of Cefalù, dated 1148, and of Monreale, dated 1176).13 The iconography of the Pantokrator has no specific characteristics: Christ can be represented either in a bust form or standing or enthroned, He can be holding His right hand, with which He blesses, either in front of

For the vermiculated arabesque, see the discussion in Chapter 3. Matthews (1978), 454; ODB 1 (1991), 438. 12 For examples on Crete, where only the bust of the Pantokrator is depicted in the vault of the sanctuary apse: Lassithiotakis (1960–1961), 28, note 4. Often the bust of Christ is placed between the Virgin and Saint John the Baptist (or the patron saint of the church), forming a Deesis, as seen, for example, in Hagios Nikolaos at Maza, dated 1325/26: Sucrow (1994), Fig. 64. See also Demus (1948), 21; Borboudakis (1974), 224–225; Mouriki (1978), 15, and note 19; Borboudakis (1985), 402. 13 Demus (1949), pls. 10B (Cappella Palatina), 1 and 2 (Cefalù), 59 and 61 (Monreale). See also Lassithiotakis (1960–1961), 27. 10 11

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His chest or sideways and His Gospel book can be either opened or closed.14 The bust form seen at Kavalariana is normal for the representation of His image when placed in the vault of the sanctury apse,15 while Christ with His right arm sideways and an opened book in His left hand can also be seen, for example, at Cefalù, and in the Cretan church of Hagios Georgios at Anydroi, dated 1323.16

B. Scenes 1. The Hospitality of Abraham (Fig. 6) The scene of the Hospitality is situated on the so-called triumphal arch of the sanctuary, crowning the image of Christ Pantokrator and the Annunciation (Plan 3a and b, zone IV, 1). Its state of preservation is bad; almost nothing survives from its middle part. To the left the bearded, kneeling Abraham offers with veiled hands a plate to the angel next to him. The angel sits on a cylindrical pillow on a backless throne. He bends his head to the left, towards Abraham, while looking at the beholder, but his body is directed to the right, where the kneeling Sarah also offers to the angel next to her a plate. The angel, sitting on a cylindrical pillow on a backless throne, is depicted in three-quarter view to the left, as if unaware of her presence. In the middle the third angel bears a cruciform nimbus and turns his head to the right. All figures are nimbed. Behind Abraham, to the left, is a building; underneath it, in the corner, the inscription identifying the scene is visible: Η ΦΗΛΟξΕΝΙΑ Τ(Ο)ΥΣ ΑΒΡΑΑµ (the Hospitality of Abraham),17 while behind Abraham the inscription ΜΑΡΔΗ identifies the place (Mamre). The Hospitality of Abraham is described in the Old Testament, Genesis 18, 1–15. According to the narrative, three men appeared to Abraham

RbK 1 (1966), cols. 1016, 1020; Wessel (1966), 525–526, 535; LCI 1 (1968), 392– 394; ODB 1 (1991), 438. For the description given by Dionysios of Fourna: ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 215, §7. See also Capizzi (1964). 15 LCI 1 (1968), 393. 16 Cefalù: Demus (1949), pl. 2; Anydroi: Lassithiotakis (1959), pls. ΚΓ, ΚΔ. 17 The inscription combines majuscule with minuscule letters. 14

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on the plains of Mamre and were hosted under the tree.18 Byzantine commentators interpreted the three men as the Trinity, since in the passage the three are sometimes referred to as “they” (18, 9) and sometimes as “he” (18, 10).19 Also a prefiguration of the Eucharist was seen in the offer of food to the angels.20 The Eucharistic character is apparent in the placement of many examples of the scene within the sanctuary, as seen at Kavalariana.21 An unusual feature of the scene at Kavalariana is the turning of the central angel to the right. This figure is usually shown frontally. It cannot be compared with the slight leaning of the angel’s head to the left that was introduced in the iconography of the scene, according to Mouriki, from the fourteenth century onwards.22 Despite the damaged surface, it is obvious that although the central and left angels are sitting very close to each other (their right and left wings respectively are clearly touching), the gap between the central and right angels is quite big. It is possible, therefore, that the artist thought it was necessary to “bridge” this gap with that infrequent turning of the central angel.23 It is interesting however, because of its Venetian connection, that the Hospitality mosaic in San Marco, dated to the thirteenth century, also shows the central angel turning to the right.24 On the other hand, his cruciform nimbus is a very common feature seen in

18 The tree mentioned in the narrative (Genesis 18, 8) is identified as an oak: ODB 2 (1992), 1279. 19 Prokopios of Gaza of the fifth century: PG 87, 1, col. 364 B–C; Theodore of Stoudios (759–826): PG 99, col. 733 B; Theodore Prodromos of the first half of the twelfth century: PG 133, col. 1223 B. 20 Drandakis (1957), 80; Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 170, 171; Corrigan (1992), 53, 172, note 51. Some scholars, though, were concerned with the consumption of food by the angels, e.g. Theodoret of Cyrrhus of the fifth century: PG 80, col. 177 C. 21 Charalambous-Mouriki (1962–1963), 91, note 3, 92; Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 42, 170, 171, where examples are given. 22 Charalambous-Mouriki (1962–1963), 95. 23 Since it is impossible that a fourth angel occupied this space, there was probably the table depicted here, of which nothing survives. According to Russian travellers of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the stone table of the Hospitality was in display in the southeastern exedra of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople: Majeska (1984), 32, 228. 24 Bertoli, Dorigo and Niero (1986), pl. 41a. Some other fourteenth-century examples in Crete depict the central angel turning to the left, e.g. the wall paintings in the churches of the Archangel Michael at Sarakina, dated around 1340, and of Hagios Ioannes Prodromos (the Forerunner) at Kritsa: Maderakis (1991), 124, Fig. 46, and 128, Fig. 47. The date for the latter church, according to Spatharakis (2001), 134, is 1389–1390.

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many other examples, although, as Mouriki has argued, the tendency from the fourteenth century onwards was not to differentiate the three angels with attributes.25 The angel with a cruciform nimbus, as seen at Kavalariana, is usually identified as Christ.26 The placement of the other two angels opposite each other is a common feature of the scene, found in many other examples (e.g. in Hagia Sophia at Ohrid, dated to the eleventh century, in Çarikli Kilise at Cappadocia (Göreme, Chapel 22), dated to the middle of the eleventh century, in Hagia Triada at Kranidi, dated 1244, in the Cretan church of Hagios Nikolaos at Maza, dated 1325/26, and in the fourteenthcentury icons of the Moni Vatopediou and the Benaki Museum at Athens) (Fig. 97).27 Another common feature is the cylindrical pillows on which the angels are sitting, also seen at Maza (Fig. 97), which survived during the post-Byzantine period.28 To the left and right of the scene, in their usual place,29 the kneeling couple, Abraham and Sarah respectively, are symmetrically depicted. There is a variety in the couple’s position within the scene, and also the reverse arrangement can be seen (e.g. at Maza) (Fig. 97). In our case the particular shape of the surface favoured their placement on its extreme ends rather

Charalambous-Mouriki (1962–1963), 94, 98. Charalambous-Mouriki (1962–1963), 94. In the church of Hagia Triada at Kranidi, dated 1244, the letters IC XC can be seen to the left and right of the cruciformed nimbus of the central angel: Kalopissi-Verti (1975), pl. 19. It has been suggested that it was Christ who appeared to Abraham accompanied by two angels: Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 171; Corrigan (1992), 53–55. That may be true for certain examples of the scene, but I disagree with Corrigan who believes that this is the case in the miniature in the Theodore Psalter dated to 1066 (London, Brit. Lib. Add. 19352, fol. 62v), despite the fact that the inscription here above the Hospitality scene is Η ΑΓΙΑ ΤΡΙΑΣ. She does not give a good enough reason of why the inscription should be disregarded and why, in the first place, the artist put it there, if he intended to show Christ accompanied by two angels and not the Holy Trinity: Corrigan (1992), 54, Fig. 69. Finally, there are also cases where all three angels bear cruciform nimbi, as for example, at Çarikli Kilise, dated to the middle of the eleventh century: Restle 2 (1967), XXI, Fig. 206; Jolivet-Lévy (1991), 131 (date). 27 Ohrid: Millet and Frolow 1 (1954), pl. 2, Figs. 3 and 4 and Hamann-Mac Lean and Hallensleben (1963), Figs. 19, 20; Çarikli Kilise: Restle 2 (1967), XXI, Fig. 206; Jolivet-Lévy (1991), 131 (date); Kranidi: Kalopissi-Verti (1975), pl. 19; icons: Charalambous-Mouriki (1962–1963), pl. 37, Fig. 1 and pl. 36, Fig. 2 respectively. See also LCI 1 (1968), 21. 28 E.g. in the sixteenth-century icon in the Narbonne Museum: Charalambous-Mouriki (1962–1963), pl. 35. 29 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 51, §30. See also Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 175. 25 26

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than between the angels, a placement which, according to Mouriki, can be found frequently from the fourteenth century onwards.30 At Kavalariana also the limited height of the surface probably imposed the kneeling position of the couple, which can also be seen in the Cretan church of the Archangel Michael at Sarakina, dated around 1340.31 Nimbed figures of Abraham and Sarah, as at Kavalariana, can be found in earlier examples of the scene (e.g. in Çarikli Kilise, and at Kranidi) and become very common from the fourteenth century onwards.32 As at Kavalariana, Abraham has also veiled hands at Maza (Fig. 97). However, in most of the examples illustrated in Mouriki’s article, all of them dated to the late and post-Byzantine period, it is Sarah and not Abraham who is shown with veiled hands.33 Abraham’s and Sarah’s veiled hands are indicative of the Eucharistic character of the scene, mentioned above, since they reflect the covering of the priests’ and of the deacons’ hands (and of the paten and chalice) during the Eucharist, as exemplified in the Liturgy of Saint John Chrysostom (Prothesis, Eucharist, Invocation).34 The couple is usually depicted carrying open bowls or plates, as at Kavalariana.35 Abraham’s plate contains the head of an animal (probably an ox?); this feature is also encountered at Maza (Fig. 97). This might be a reference to the calf Abraham sacrificed for his guests (18, 7–8). The content of Sarah’s plate is unclear. The building depicted to the left, behind Abraham, is a simple, steplevelled structure with many openings, simulating windows. According to Mouriki, the simplicity and minimum use of buildings in the scene is a characteristic of the pre-fourteenth-century examples. From the fourteenth century onwards, elaborated structures appear in the scene.36 At Kavalariana we cannot really see whether or not there were more buildings depicted in the background. But, in any case, the surface on which the scene is painted prevents the representation of tall, elaborated buildings. Charalambous-Mouriki (1962–1963), 96. Maderakis (1991), 124, Fig. 46. 32 Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 176. 33 Charalambous-Mouriki (1962–1963), pls. 33–35, pl. 36, Fig. 2, pl. 37, Figs. 1 and 2, pl. 38, Figs. 1 and 2, pl. 39, Figs. 1 and 2. At Kranidi they are both depicted with unveiled hands, while in the wall painting at Gračanica, dated to the fourteenth century, both have veiled hands: Hamann-Mac Lean and Hallensleben (1963), Fig. 323. 34 Ed. Brightman (1896), 360–361, 384–386, and 386–387 respectively. 35 Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 176. 36 Charalambous-Mouriki (1962–1963), 96–97. 30 31

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The scene at Kavalariana is not a representative example of the new iconographic type which became popular from the fourteenth century onwards (the central angel bears a cruciformed nimbus, Abraham and Sarah are depicted on the extreme left and right respectively, and the building in the background is simple).37 But on the other hand the painter surprises us by depicting the central angel turning to the right, thus breaking up the symmetry of the central axis; in the new iconographic type the central angel only slightly leans his head to the left.38 Furthermore, one should bear in mind that the surface available for the scene probably played an important role in the placement of the couple, and may also account for the lack of elaborate architecture in the background. Therefore, the scene cannot really inform us about the painter’s awareness or lack of awareness of contemporary iconographic developments. 2. The Annunciation (Figs. 7–7a) The scene of the Annunciation is depicted on the so-called triumphal arch of the sanctuary: the archangel Gabriel can be seen to the left (Plan 3a, zone III, 1a), the Virgin Mary to the right (Plan 3b, zone III, 1b). The Archangel is still preserved in relatively good condition, but the same cannot be said for the Virgin, whose upper and middle left hand side is poorly preserved. The Archangel, identified as Ο ΑΡ(ΧΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ) ΓΑΒΡΙΗ(Λ) (Archangel Gabriel), is depicted in three-quarter view to the right; he extends his right arm towards the Virgin, holds a staff in his left hand, and lifts his bent left leg in a position conveying movement. In the top right hand corner there is a two line inscription which reads: ΧΕΡΕ ΚΕΧΑΡΙΤΩΜΕΝΕΙ Ο Κ(ΥΡΙΟ)Σ Μ(Ε)ΤΑ ΣΟΥ (Hail, thou that art highly favoured, the Lord is with thee) — the words with which Gabriel, according to Luke 1, 28, greeted the Virgin. The Virgin is depicted in three-quarter view to the left, sitting on a rectangular throne with low back and colonnades. She rests her feet on a rectangular stool and holds a spindle in her lap with her left hand. Behind the throne, to the right, part of a building is visible. In the canonical Gospels only Luke refers to the Annunciation to the Virgin (1, 26–38). But the event is also narrated in the apocryphal Gospels: 37 38

Charalambous-Mouriki (1962–1963), 92–98. Charalambous-Mouriki (1962–1963), 95.

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it is found in the Protoevangelion of James and also in the Pseudo-Matthew Gospel.39 The way the Annunciation is depicted at Kavalariana, with the two main figures involved placed on either side of the arch of the sanctuary, had become common by the end of the twelfth century, as the wall painting at Kurbinovo, dated 1191, demonstrates, and continued to be a favourite choice during the Palaiologan period.40 The placement of the Annunciation in the sanctuary entrance, as at Kavalariana, reflects its association with the symbolism of the mystery of the Incarnation, since the Incarnation is emphasised in the sanctuary, where the liturgy is celebrated.41 It is common for the angel of the Annunciation scene to be depicted in movement: sometimes he is shown taking a small step towards the Virgin as seen, for example, in the Cretan church of Hagios Nikolaos at Maza, dated 1325/26 while in other examples his pace is greater as if he is rushing towards her, as seen at Kurbinovo, dated 1191, in Christos at Veroia, dated to the fourteenth century, and also at Kavalariana.42 This motif of the

39 Ed. Tischendorf (1959), 21–22 (XI, §1–3) and 68–69 (IX, §1–2) respectively. Both narratives describe a double Annunciation: the first, which in the Protoevangelion is really a salutation, takes place at the well; the angel in the Protoevangelion is invisible. The second, with the angel visible, takes place in the Virgin’s room while she spins the purple wool for the Temple veil. In the Pseudo-Matthew Gospel the Annunciation is completed the next day. The apocryphal narrative of the Annunciation at the well inspired representations; by the twelfth century it was found in manuscripts and by the end of the thirteenth century it appeared in wall painting decorations: Constantinides 1 (1992), 141. See also Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 99. According to Lafontaine-Dosogne (1975), 188, during the Palaiologan period the Annunciation at the well, in general, formed a part of the apocryphal cycle of the life of the Virgin, as can be seen for example in the mosaic in the Chora monastery (ca. 1316–1321), while the Annunciation in the house, as seen at Kavalariana, was depicted among the Great Feasts. For the Chora monastery mosaic: Underwood 2 (1966), 146–147, pl. 98. 40 Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 97–98, Figs. 36–37. See also Xyngopoulos (1953), 9. According to Demus (1948), 23 this spatial separation between Gabriel and Mary corresponds and reflects their physical and spiritual separation. See also Schiller 1 (1966), 47. 41 Mouriki (1975), 38; Mouriki (1978), 19; Drosogianni (1982), 47–48, and note 1; Weitzmann (1982a), 227–228. According to Kitzinger (1976), 298, and note 41, the arch of the sanctuary on which the Annunciation is usually placed, symbolises the east gate mentioned in Ezekiel 44, 1–2, which “. . . shall not be opened and no man shall pass through it: because the Lord the God of Israel hath entered by it.” In other words, the arch too, symbolises the Incarnation of Christ. Through this arch only the priest is allowed. 42 Maza: Sucrow (1994), Plan 4a and b, zone III, 1a and 1b; Kurbinovo: HadermannMisguich (1975), Fig. 36 and colour plate B; Veroia: Pelekanidis (1973), pl. 11 and colour plate B.

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‘running’ angel became popular from the second half of the twelfth century onwards.43 At Kavalariana, Gabriel is approaching the Virgin from the left, his great pace obvious from his bent left leg unusually lifted ahead of his right; a similar position is assumed by the angel in the Cretan church of the Virgin at Kakodiki, dated 1331/32 (Fig. 122).44 The small space in which his figure is confined, makes even more apparent his eagerness to reach the Virgin: Gabriel overlaps the frame with both hands and his left foot. His movement is also conveyed by his himation, which flows behind him.45 His right hand is extended towards the Virgin in a gesture of speech and greeting.46 In his left hand he holds the sceptre commonly found in examples of the scene (e.g. at Kurbinovo, at Veroia, in the churches of Sotira at Alepochori Megaridos, dated between 1260 and 1280, and of the Panagia Olympiotissa at Elasson, dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century).47 Gabriel is wearing a chiton underneath his himation, attire common for the archangel in this scene.48 According to Millet, the blue colour for the angel’s chiton, as at Kavalariana, was common from the eleventh century on.49 He wears a diadem on his nimbed head that identifies him as an archangel.50 His wings, long and simple, are closed on his back. According to Millet, to begin with the wings were usually brown and uniform, as at Kavalariana, but from the eleventh century richer colours were used for their depiction (e.g. at Veroia).51

Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 100; See also Millet (1916), 86; Pelekanidis (1973), 20; Drosogianni (1982), 49; Tsitouridou (1986), 84, note 9. 44 Sucrow (1994), Plan 6a and b, zone III, 1a and 1b. 45 According to Mouriki (1985), 120, this feature is often found in examples dated after the eleventh century. 46 Pelekanidis (1973), 20; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 96; Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 83; Mouriki (1978), 19; Tsitouridou (1986), 84. 47 Alepochori: Mouriki (1978), pl. 20; Elasson: Constantinides 1 (1992), 140 and 2 (1992), 81, 83 (in the second example the angel holds the sceptre with his right hand). See also Millet (1894), 471; Réau 2,2 (1957), 183; Schiller 1 (1966), 47; Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 83. 48 The Byzantine angel is usually simply dressed in the scene, although there are examples, found especially in Serbian churches, where he is depicted in imperial attire: Millet (1916), 87–88; Tsitouridou (1986), 84–85, and note 11; Constantinides 1 (1992), 141, and note 218. 49 Millet (1894), 470. 50 Schiller 1 (1966), 47. 51 Millet (1894), 471. 43

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From the sixth century onwards the Virgin is usually depicted on the right side of the scene, as she is at Kavalariana, either standing or sitting; here she is sitting in three-quarter view to the left looking at the divine messenger.52 Fourteenth-century examples demonstrate that both types were in use when our church was painted (e.g. the Virgin is depicted standing at Maza, seated, as at Kavalariana, at Veroia). The Virgin is sitting on a rectangular throne — or chair — which is depicted in a lateral spatial view; part of the red cushion can be discerned behind the Virgin, to the right. This thronechair has a very low back and colonnades through which the blue background of the scene is visible. I have not found yet a parallel for this original piece of furniture either in other Annunciation scenes or in contemporary Cretan and Venetian furniture; the types of throne commonly used in the iconography of the scene are either backless (e.g. in Hagios Nikolaos of Kasnitzi at Kastoria, dated to the twelfth century) or circular (e.g. Christos at Veroia).53 The Virgin’s feet, in red shoes, rest on a cushion that is placed on top of a rectangular stool with a double row of pearled decoration.54 The Virgin raises her right hand in front of her chest and extends it slightly in the direction of Gabriel, with palms inwards, as seen, for example, at Kurbinovo.55 Her left rests on her left knee holding a red spindle, denoting that she has stopped spinning, a gesture commonly found in the iconography of the scene (e.g. the wall paintings at Sopoćani, dated to the thirteenth century, and in Saint Nikitas at Čučer, dated to the fourteenth century).56 This is a reminder of the spinning of the purple skein handed to her by the priests, as narrated

52 Millet (1894), 459–460; Millet (1916), 69; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 98–99. Apparently the type of the standing Virgin reflects an older tradition: Drosogianni (1982), 49, and note 5. 53 Hagios Nikolaos of Kasnitzi: Pelekanidis (1953), pl. 46α; Pelekanidis and Chatzidakis (1985), 55, Fig. 8; for the dating: ibid., 51, 58; Veroia: Pelekanidis (1973), pl. 15. For comments on the Byzantine origin of the circular throne: Stubblebine (1966), 380 and Fig. 5; Belting (1982), 13–14. Folda (2002), 133, has noted, however, that the openwork carpentered throne-chair made of wood was familiar in the East in the thirteenth century in narrative contexts. 54 Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 510. 55 According to Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 99, and note 230, from the twelfth century the gesture of the Virgin’s right hand implies her surprise. 56 Sopoćani: Millet and Frolow 2 (1957), pl. 6, Figs. 1–2; Čučer: Millet and Frolow 3 (1962), pl. 51, Figs. 1–2. See also Schiller 1 (1966), 47; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 99.

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in the Protoevangelion.57 Finally, in the upper left hand corner part of a semi-circle, an arc of heaven, can be discerned; one ray is directed towards the Virgin from the segment of heaven, but there is no dove at Kavalariana, as seen in other examples (e.g. the wall paintings in the Holy Apostles at Perachorio, in Cyprus, dated to the twelfth century, and in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos at Thessaloniki, dated to the fourteenth century).58 Behind the throne, to the right, part of a simple building is squeezed along the border of the scene. Although from the twelfth century onwards the iconography of the scene favoured depictions of the basilica which had been built in Nazareth on the place where the Virgin’s house was believed to have stood,59 at Kavalariana the amount of space available excluded any ambitious ideas.60 Given the restricted space, it seems that the painter chose to emphasise the unusual throne-chair that with its lateral placement and its thick colonnades envelopes the lower part of the Virgin and dominates this side of the scene.

57 Ed. Tischendorf (1959), 19–20 (X, §1). This was proof that Mary was still pure at the time of the Annunciation, despite the fact that she was living with Joseph: Underwood 1 (1966), 77; Lafontaine-Dosogne (1975), 183. For its symbolic reference to the Incarnation of the Logos: Evangelatou (2003). 58 Holy Apostles: Megaw and Hawkins (1962), Fig. 29; Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos: Tsitouridou (1986), 85, and note 12, Fig. 18; See also Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 96, 99, 101. The Holy Spirit in the form of a dove in the Annunciation scene is the first of the three Epiphanies – the other two taking place in the Baptism and the Transfiguration. It was not represented in early Christian art – with the exception of the mosaic in S. Maria Maggiore, dated to the fifth century: Schiller 1 (1966), 45–46, 53–54, Fig. 66. See also Réau 2,2 (1957), 178, 185; LCI 4 (1972), 423. According to Millet (1894), 469–470, its presence in the scene is explained through a passage of Saint Gregory Thaumatourgos, bishop of Neocaesarea (ca. 266–270) (PG 10, col. 1164). However, its presence can equally be explained by the Gospel of Luke (1, 35). 59 E.g. the miniatures in the Homilies of James of Kokkinobaphos (Vat. gr. 1162), dated to the twelfth century: Stornajolo (1910), pls. 51, 53, 54 (fols. 118, 122 and 124 respectively). The publication by I. Hutter and P. Canart, Das Marienhomiliar des Mönches Jakobos von Kokkinobaphos, Codex Vaticanus Graecus 1162, Codices Vaticanis Selectis 79, Vatican City, 1991, was not available to me. 60 Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 101–102. According to Millet (1916), 88–89, the basilica was the building originally depicted in the Annunciation scene, only to be abandoned between the ninth and eleventh centuries, when simple architecture was preferred. See also Millet (1894), 467–468; Réau 2,2 (1957), 185–186; Schiller 1 (1966), 48. For the symbolism of the architecture in the Annunciation: Fournée (1968).

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The Kavalariana Annunciation incorporates common features found in the iconography of the scene from the twelfth century onwards: the seated Virgin with the spindle in her lap and the ‘running’ angel.61 However, by including the unusual throne-chair of the Virgin the artist has created, in a way, a unique Annunciation scene. 3. The Ascension (Figs. 8–8c) The Ascension is situated on the sanctuary vault (Plan 3a, and b, zones III and IV, 2) and although it is not very well preserved, in comparison to the rest of the scenes its condition is relatively good. In the middle of the scene Christ with a cruciform nimbus is depicted seated on the arc of heaven within a mandorla. Christ’s feet are resting on a stool, while His arms are opened sideways: His right hand blessing, His left supporting the closed Gospel book placed against His left thigh. Four angels carry the mandorla. In the left part of the scene (north side) the Virgin is depicted standing on a pedestal decorated with pearls on its rim. Her arms are raised in front of her chest and two angels flank her. The one to the left seems to be in discourse with the Apostle depicted to his right. Four apostles are depicted on this side. The remaining eight are depicted in the right part of the scene (south side); all twelve are nimbed. The scene is overcrowded; this is especially conveyed by the detail seen in the south side, where the third apostle from the left is stepping on the foot of the apostle standing to his right (Fig. 8c). Trees are depicted in the background on both sides. On the north side part of the inscription identifying the scene is visible: ΗΑΝΑ[ΛΗΨΗ] (the Ascension). The ascension of Christ is fully described in the Acts of the Apostles 1, 9–11. It is merely referred to in Mark 16, 19 and Luke 24, 50–52;62 it is also mentioned in John 20, 17 in the discussion between Jesus and Mary Magdalene. According to the Acts, the Ascension took place in the Mount of Olives (1, 12), while Luke places it in Bethany (24, 50).

Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 99. Mark’s text is considered to be a later addition. Whether or not this is true it does not concern us, since it does not interfere with the iconographic development of the scene. 61 62

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Its placement in the sanctuary vault, as at Kavalariana, is very common within Byzantine churches,63 since the scene, as interpreted in exegesis of the Liturgy, also has Eucharistic significance.64 The eucharistic meaning of the scene is further underlined at Kavalariana by the fact that the ascending Christ is depicted immediately above of the Hospitality of Abraham, a scene that is also considered a prefiguration of the Eucharist. In the iconography of the scene within the Byzantine tradition Christ is depicted sitting on the arc of heaven, as seen at Kavalariana, and resting His feet on a smaller semi-circle (e.g. at Kurbinovo, dated 1191).65 The way Christ is depicted at Kavalariana, blessing with His right hand, which is opened sideways, is commonly found in the scene of the Ascension (e.g. in the Cretan churches of Hagios Georgios at Komitades, dated 1313/14, and of the Koimesis of the Virgin at Alikampos, dated 1315/16) (Figs. 54, 69).66 The Kavalariana Christ supports a Gospel book with His left hand. Despite the fact that this can be found in other examples (e.g. in the Koimesis of the Virgin at Oxylithos, dated at the end of the thirteenth century, in Hagios Demetrios at Makrychori, dated 1302/3, and in the Cretan church of Hagios Georgios at Anydroi, dated 1323),67 more commonly Christ is depicted holding a scroll (e.g. at Alikampos) (Fig. 69).68 Angels carry Christ’s oval-shaped mandorla. Xyngopoulos put forward the opinion that the angels carrying Christ’s mandorla were introduced in the iconography of the scene under the influence of “old interpreters” (he does not name them), who said that Christ was ascended on the shoulders of angels and cherubim and not in a cloud, mentioned in the Acts (1, 9). This interpretation was then followed by the artists and John of Damascus, who went further in presenting the angels who are carrying Christ to be in

63 Gutberlet (1934), 127; Drandakis (1957), 134–135; RbK 2 (1971), cols. 1252–1253; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 171; Mouriki (1978), 30; ODB 1 (1991), 203. 64 E.g. Sophronios, patriarch of Jerusalem (634–38) in his Commentary of the Liturgy: PG 83, 3, cols. 3984C. See also Xyngopoulos (1938), 42. See also ODB 1 (1991), 203. 65 Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 170 and Fig. 85. See also Dewald (1915), 294; Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 109; Mouriki (1985), 187. 66 Sucrow (1994), Plan 1a, b, and c, zones III and IV, 2, and Plan 2a, b, and c, zones III and IV, 2 respectively. 67 Oxylithos and Makrychori: Emmanouel (1991), pls. 51 and 20 respectively; Anydroi: Lassithiotakis (1959), pl. ΚΑ. 68 Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 109; Emmanouel (1991), 75.

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discourse with the angels guarding Heaven.69 However, John of Damascus also mentions in the same passage that Christ ascended in a cloud of light.70 Furthermore, the theologian and saint lived at a later date (ca. 675–749) than the first representations of the Ascension (sixth century)71 — we may well have an influence of images on his writings. The usual number of angels depicted carrying Christ’s mandorla is either two or four.72 At Kavalariana, and in a number of other examples, there are four angels (e.g. the wall painting in the Cretan church of the Archangel Michael at Kouneni, dated to the first half of the fourteenth century).73 The angels who flank the Virgin on the north side of the scene are mentioned in the Acts (1, 10) and they are not often omitted.74 The narrative mentions two men in white apparel, but this is not the first time that the appearance of men dressed in white is interpreted as an apparition of angels – the same is valid for the iconography of the scene of the Holy Women at the Tomb. At Kavalariana the two angels wear blue himatia and red chitons rather than white. It has been suggested that when the angels in representations of the Ascension wear coloured garments instead of white it is because the scene through the centuries lost its historical character and incorporated the idea of Last Judgement.75 The presence of the Virgin in the Ascension, identified at Kavalariana with the letters Μ(ΗΤΗ)Ρ above her halo,76 mentioned in the Acts, is meant to underline her role as the instrument of the incarnation and a witness to

69 John of Damascus, homily on the Ascension of our Lord Jesus Christ: PG 96, col. 844D. See also Xyngopoulos (1938), 39, note 1. The discourse is based on Psalm 24, 7. 70 “Ὁ ἐν νεφέλῃ φωτός ἀναληφθείς”, homily on “The Ascension of our Lord Jesus Christ”: PG 96, col. 845B. 71 ODB 1 (1991), 203. 72 RbK 2 (1971), col. 1244ε; Mouriki (1985), 187. 73 Lassithiotakis (1960–1961), 22 and pl. 10, Fig. 2. See also Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 106–108, where the number of angels is associated with the shape of the mandorla and the painted surface. 74 According to Mouriki, the absence of the two angels to either side of the Virgin, as for example in the eleventh-century mosaic in Nea Moni, is an element of the archaic character of the iconography: Mouriki (1985), 189 and pl. 274. See also Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 111. 75 Demus (1949), 312. See also Mouriki (1975), 41, 81, note 47; Mouriki (1978), 31, and notes 134, 135. 76 The letters ΘΥ that usually follow the abbreviation ΜΡ do not survive.

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the theophany.77 Furthermore, her inclusion has been considered as a reference to the Church.78 In any case, the hymnology of the Ascension includes the Virgin among the participants (e.g. Pentecostarion, hymns 66 and 70).79 The Virgin’s presence, in fact, acquires a prominent position since she is depicted standing on the elaborated footstool, an object that has no place in an outdoor setting, but which is a common feature of the scene since the early Christian period.80 Usually the Virgin is depicted in frontal view, as at Kavalariana, and with her arms either upraised (e.g. in the church of Christ at Veroia, dated to the fourteenth century) or with her hands in front of her chest with the palms facing the faithful (e.g. in the church of Sotira at Alepochori, dated between 1260 and 1280)81. At Kavalariana, the Virgin raises her hands in front of her chest, but directs them to the right; in this way she is leading the eyes of the faithful to Christ, thus establishing the connection seen in other examples where the Virgin is depicted directly underneath Christ’s mandorla (e.g. at Veroia). This connection is further underlined by Christ Himself, whose head is turned to the left, to the direction of the group where the Virgin stands. The number of the apostles depicted in the iconography of the scene varies, but there are usually twelve represented, as at Kavalariana.82 Among them, in most of the examples, is Paul, despite the fact that he was never an apostle; his inclusion is meant to be viewed as a reference to the Church.83 He is usually given a prominent place in the scene, acting as a pendant to the Virgin (e.g. at Kurbinovo).84 At Kavalariana, Paul is depicted in the middle

Mouriki (1975), 41; Mouriki (1978), 30–31; Drosogianni (1982), 31, note 6; Weitzmann (1982b), 29–30; Mouriki (1985), 188. 78 Gutberlet (1934), 60; Réau 2,2 (1957), 587; Schiller 3 (1971), 148; Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 110, 148, note 273; ODB 1 (1991), 203. 79 Ed. Tillyard (1960), 89 and 97 respectively. See also Drandakis (1957), 135, note 254; Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 110; Mouriki (1978), 31, note 133; Mouriki (1985), 188. 80 Schrade (1928–1929), 156; Weitzmann (1976), 70; Mouriki (1985), 187–188. 81 Veroia: Pelekanidis (1973), pl. 29; Alepochori: Mouriki (1978), Fig. 40. The Virgin with her arms upraised is more frequently encountered in the iconography of the scene. See also Schrade (1928–1929), 157; RbK 2 (1971), col. 1245; Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 110; Mouriki (1985), 187; Tsitouridou (1986), 103. 82 RbK 2 (1971), cols. 1247γ–1248; Pelekanidis (1973), 62; Mouriki (1985), 188. 83 ODB 1 (1991), 203. 84 Hadermann-Misguich (1975), Fig. 81. See also Schiller 3 (1971), 148; Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 115; Mouriki (1985), 188. 77

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of the south side holding a book; he provides a compositional balance for the Virgin and Peter on the north side. It is not uncommon for Paul to hold a book, considered to be a volume with his writings, as he does here (e.g. at Kurbinovo, and Alepochori).85 The gospel books in the hands of other apostles in the scene usually identify the evangelists.86 However, the Palaiologan period favoured the recognition of the evangelists through their facial characteristics rather than through their attributes.87 Although the Acts (1, 13) name only two of the Evangelists, John and Matthew, as part of the group of the apostles at the time, their number (and their placement) within the scene varies.88 At Kavalariana we have two apostles holding gospel books: one on the north side, at the extreme right of the front row, who is identified as John by the letters ιω seen on top of his halo (Fig. 8b), and another on the south side, second from the right, who is identified as Matthew by the letter Μ. On the same side, the second and third figures from the left in the first row, are holding closed scrolls. Among the rest of the apostles, Peter can easily be recognised at the extreme left of the north side, in the first row, and seems to be in discourse with the angel; Andrew may stand behind John. On the south side, the youthful figure depicted at the extreme left in the front row is identified as Philip with the letter Φ above his halo; his counterpart at the extreme right is most probably Thomas. At Kavalariana the apostles’ reaction to the event is not indicative of any signs of alarm. On the north side Peter points upward with his left hand, and John opens his arms in wonder. On the south side, the second from the left apostle in the front row lifts his right hand in blessing to the direction of Christ, while the young apostle behind him looks up. Matthew turns his back on Paul, facing the other young apostle at the extreme right. In other words, overall their attitude is calm and relaxed. The same can also be seen in other, earlier examples (e.g. in Nea Moni),89 although during the Palaiologan period, the apostles were usually depicted showing their emotions with dramatic gestures (e.g. in Hagios Nikolaos at Platsa, dated to the fourteenth century).90 This is in accordance not only with the hymnology of the feast,

Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 168; Mouriki (1978), 30. Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 112; Mouriki (1985), 188. 87 Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 114; Emmanouel (1991), 76–77. 88 Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 112, 114. 89 Mouriki (1985), 188 and pl. 274. 90 Mouriki (1975), 41 and Fig. 12. See also RbK 2 (1971), col. 1247. 85 86

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but also with other Byzantine texts91: for example, John Chrysostom (ca. 340/350–407), in his sermon on the Ascension of Christ talks about the grief of the apostles at their separation from Christ92; similarly, the emperor Leo VI (886–912) also describes the apostles’ emotions at the Ascension in two different sermons, one of them being for the church built by Stylianos Zaoutzes.93 The Palaiologan response to these early texts can be explained by the fact that the art of the period favoured the representation of emotions. Furthermore, as far as Chrysostom is concerned, he never ceased to be popular throughout the Byzantine era, for he was the author of one of the two major liturgies. But be all this as it may, at Kavalariana the dramatic gestures and movement are absent. Three trees are depicted in the background of each side of the scene; on both sides we have one tree to the left, one to the right, and one in the middle which is split in two. The trees mark the site as the Mount of Olives, where the Ascension, according to the Acts (1, 12), took place, and can be frequently found in the scene.94 The Kavalariana Ascension does not include any unusual features. What is noticeable, however, is the absence of Palaiologan innovations such as the representation of the apostles’ emotions. 4. The Melismos (Officiating Hierarchs) (Figs. 9–9b) The scene is depicted in the lower zone (half-cylinder) of the sanctuary apse (Plan 3a, zone II, B4–B6, and 3b, zone II, B6–B8), and it is fairly well preserved. Four, full-length hierarchs are represented here,95 two to the left and two to the right. They are turned towards the middle, where on top of the painted altar situated here two liturgical objects, an empty paten to the left and a chalice to the right, can be seen. The inscription reads: ΤΟ ἂΓΙΟΝ

Drandakis (1957), 138, note 264; Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 112, 149, note 292. PG 50, col. 449. 93 Sermon on the Ascension of Christ: PG 107, col. 117 A–B. For the sermon on the church: Mango (1972), 203–205, esp. 205. 94 Drosogianni (1982), 43–44. 95 The lower half of the hierarchs has been whitewashed. 91 92

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four hierarchs are nimbed and hold opened scrolls with inscriptions. Melismos is the term used for the ritual breaking of the bread before Holy Communion, mentioned in the New Testament: Matthew 26, 26; Mark 14, 22; Luke 22, 19; Acts of the Apostles 2, 42.97 It is generally accepted that the liturgy of Saint John Chrysostom (between 340/350–407) and the text by Cyril of Jerusalem (ca. 348/50–386/7), a sermon on ‘The Presentation in the Temple of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ and on Symeon’, were the main contributors in the creation of the iconography of the scene which, from the end of the twelfth century onwards, includes, apart from the hierarchs turned towards the middle and the liturgical objects, angels holding the rhipidia (liturgical fans) — frequently omitted when the space for the scene, as at Kavalariana, is small — and the Christ-Child lying in the paten (e.g. the wall painting in the church of the Taxiarches Metropoleos at Kastoria, dated 1359/60).98 By the fourteenth century the scene’s placement within the church in the lower zone of the sanctuary apse, as seen at Kavalariana, was well established.99 In the church of the Archangel Michael we do not have the Christ-Child lying in the paten in the middle of the scene. The omission of the Child, common during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries,100 is not often encoun-

The inscription mixes majuscule and minuscule letters, as does the one found in the Hospitality of Abraham. 97 Ştefănescu (1935), 433; ODB 2 (1991), 802. 98 Liturgy of Saint John Chrysostom: ed. Brightman (1896), 353–399, esp. 393; text by Cyril of Jerusalem: PG 33, cols. 1192–1193. This text is also mentioned by Niketas Choniates (1155/57–1217): PG 140, cols. 165D–168A. Taxiarches Metropoleos: Pelekanidis (1953), pl. 119. See also Ştefănescu (1935), 436–437; Iliopoulou-Rogan (1971), 109, note 3 and 110, note 1; LCI 3 (1971), 243; Garidis (1982), 497. The first dated example — without the angels — is the wall painting in the church of Saint George at Kurbinovo, dated 1191: Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 69, Figs. 21–23. The angel-deacons were added at a later stage: ibid., 77. The iconography of the scene was fixed during the thirteenth century: ibid., 69. From the same century the term Melismos became common: ODB 2 (1991), 802. See also Walter (1982), 200–214, 238. The first example on Crete is dated to the beginning of the thirteenth century: Papadaki-Ökland (1967), 106. 99 LCI 3 (1971), 243. 100 LCI 3 (1971), 243; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 73. See, for example, the wall painting at Bezirana Kilisesi at Cappadocia, dated to the end of the twelfth or to the beginning of the thirteenth century: Lafontaine-Dosogne (1968), pl. I, Fig. 2 and pl. II, Fig. 3. See also Jolivet-Lévy (1991), 317. 96

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tered in late- and post-Byzantine painting, though these later examples are distinguished by the diminished size of the infant.101 Furthermore, from these periods we have the so-called “realistic” images of the Melismos, which show the dismembered infant lying in the paten.102 The presence of the image of the Child in the iconography of the scene is supported by the patristic texts (Saint John Chrysostom, Cyril of Jerusalem, Nicholas Kabasilas ca. 1322/3–after 1391).103 However, Kavalariana is not the only late example in which the Christ-Child is omitted and only liturgical objects are included as references to the Eucharistic ritual. The Cretan church of Hagios Georgios at Apano Symi Viannou, dated before 1478, falls in the same category.104 As is mentioned in the Gospels (Matthew 26, 26–28; Mark 14, 22–24; Luke 22, 19–20) the bread and the wine, which the faithful receive during Holy Communion, have been converted into the body and blood of Christ. The inscription at Kavalariana, a clear reference to Eucharist, is placed above the paten, the container of the Eucharistic bread. The chalice, seen to the left, container of the Eucharistic wine, is decorated with pearls on its circular rim, and two pearl-studded vertical lines can be seen in the middle; between them a cross, also pearl-studded, is visible. The appearance of the painted altar in the middle, between the officiating hierarchs, as seen at Kavalariana, is dated at the end of the twelfth or the beginning of the thirteenth century and is contemporary with the first representations of the Christ-Child depicted on it.105 The officiating hierarchs turned towards the altar appeared at the end of the eleventh or the beginning of the twelfth century. By the second half of that century, in most examples, they had taken over from the hierarchs depicted frontally, which was the common way of representing them up to that period. By the fourteenth century almost all examples show the hierHadermann-Misguich (1972), 46, and note 4; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 78; Mouriki (1975), 36; Tsitouridou (1986), 67, note 18. 102 Examples of these images can be found on Crete, among other places, such the wall painting in the Hagia Photeini chapel at Kalloni Styllou, dated to the fourteenth century: Garidis (1982), 498–502, Fig. 5. 103 Kabasilas on the “Interpretation of the Holy Liturgy”: PG 150, cols. 380–381. See also Ştefănescu (1935), 437; Croquison (1954), 150, 168, note 164; Iliopoulou-Rogan (1971), 114, and note 2; Hadermann-Misguich (1972), 46, note 6; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 73, 74; Garidis (1982), 496. 104 Apano Symi Viannou: Borboudakis (1974), pl. 46. 105 Hadermann-Misguich (1972), 45. 101

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archs turned towards the middle.106 The officiating hierarchs at Kavalariana are depicted underneath the zone that represents four busts of hierarchs in medallions, two to the left and two to the right of the window (Plan 3a, zone II, Ba, Bb, and Plan 3b, zone II, Bc, Bd). That arrangement can be found also in other examples of the scene, of an earlier (e.g. the wall painting in the church of the Panagia Arakou at Lagoudera, dated 1192), as well as of a later date (e.g. the wall painting in the Cretan church of the Archangel Michael at Kouneni, dated to the fourteenth century).107 At Kavalariana the decoration of the apse follows that of Kouneni, with the difference that the busts of the hierarchs here are in medallions. When the surface allowed for the scene is small, as at Kavalariana, then usually the hierarchs depicted are Saint Basil, Saint John Chrysostom, Saint Gregory the Theologian (Nazianzenus) and Saint Athanasios (e.g. in Christ at Veroia, dated to the fourteenth century).108 This is the case also in our church where Saints John Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzenus are depicted to the right, while Saints Basil and Athanasios to the left – all identified by inscriptions. The placement of Saints John Chrysostom and Basil closer to the altar is standard, since they are the authors of the two principal liturgies in the Orthodox Church.109 Saint Gregory’s inscription (Plan 3b, zone II, B8) reads ΓΡΙΓΟΡΙΟΣ ο θεόλοΓοΣ (Gregory the Theologian) (Fig. 9b).110 He is portrayed with a long, white/grey and wide beard, parted in the middle and with a high forehead. These facial characteristics commonly identified the saint in other examples (e.g. Christos at Veroia) while Dionysios of Fourna also mentions

106 For a detailed analysis of the depiction of the hierarchs: Chatzidakis (1959), esp. 91–99. See also Djurić (1960), 115; Dufrenne (1967), 37–38; Hadermann-Misguich (1972), 43–44; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 69, 70–71; Mouriki (1975), 36; Mouriki (1978), 18; Drosogianni (1982), 17–18; Tsitouridou (1986), 66, note 15. 107 Panagia Arakou: Hadermann-Misguich (1972), pl. XII, Fig. 1; Winfield (2003), pls. 7, 8, Figs. 14–38 (the apse paintings are undated, but, apparently, they predate 1192: ibid., 83); Kouneni: Lassithiotakis (1960–1961), pl. 14. 108 Pelekanidis (1973), pl. 5. See also Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 85; Mouriki (1975), 36; Mouriki (1978), 17; Tsitouridou (1986), 66, and note 15. 109 Chatzidakis (1959), 98; LCI 3 (1971), 243; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 81, 85; Emmanouel (1991), 45. 110 The inscription combines majuscule and miniscule writing.

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the receding hair and wide beard.111 Saint Athanasios’ inscription (Plan 3a, zone II, B4) reads ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ (Fig. 9a). 112 His facial characteristics with receding hair and wide beard can be close to those of Saint Gregory (e.g. in Christos at Veroia, in Sotira at Alepochori, dated between 1260 and 1280, and the description by Dionysios of Fourna).113 At Kavalariana he is distinguished from Saint Gregory by his shorter beard, and less bulbous forehead. Saint Basil’s inscription (Plan 3a, zone II, B5) reads ΒΑΣΙΛΙΟΣ (Fig. 9a).114 He has a thin, elongated face and long dark beard, facial characteristics that identify him also in other examples of the scene (e.g. at Kurbinovo, at Alepochori, and at Veroia).115 Finally, the fourth hierarch’s inscription (Plan 3b, zone II, B7) reads Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ΙΩ(ΑΝΝΗΣ) Ο ΧΡΙ(ΣΟΣΤΟ)ΜΟΣ (Saint John Chrysostom) (Fig. 9b). His facial characteristics of a short, two-pronged, dark beard, dark, sparse hair, hollow cheeks, aquiline nose and bulbous forehead are very distinct and accompany the saint in most of his portraits.116 The texts on the scrolls are not very well preserved.117 Best preserved is that of Saint John Chrysostom. It appears to be the first words from the Prothesis prayer: Ὁ Θεός ὁ Θεός ἡµῶν ὁ τόν οὐράνιον ἄρτον τήν τροφή τοῡ παντός κόσµου . . . (God, our God, who has provided the heavenly bread, the nourishment of all the world . . .).118 The beginning of the Prothesis appears often on the scroll of Saint John Chrysostom in the iconography of the scene (e.g. at Kurbinovo, in Christos at Veroia, in Hagios Nikolaos Orph-

111 Christos at Veroia: Pelekanidis (1973), pl. ΙΕ; Dionysios of Fourna: ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 154, §16. See also Buchthal (1963), 87, 88; Drosogianni (1982), 21, note 5 and 22, note 1. 112 Sucrow (1994), Plan 5a, zone II, B4, has Saint Athanasios with a question mark; however, the inscription with his name is clear. 113 Christos at Veroia: Pelekanidis (1973), pl. ΙΣΤ; Alepochori: Mouriki (1978), Fig. 14; Dionysios of Fourna: ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 154, §16. 114 Sucrow (1994), 44 is wrong in saying that Saint Basil (at Kavalariana) is recognizable only through his facial characteristics; he is in fact accompanied by an inscription. 115 Kurbinovo: Hadermann-Misguich (1975), Fig. 22; Alepochori: Mouriki (1978), Fig. 15; Veroia: Pelekanidis (1973), pl. ΙΕ; description by Dionysios of Fourna: ed. PapadopoulouKerameos (1909), 154, §16. See also Buchthal (1963), 87. 116 E.g. Sotiras at Alepochori: Mouriki (1978), Fig. 14. For a detailed analysis of the saint’s characteristics: Demus (1960), esp. 110–119. See also the description given by Elpios (text dated to the ninth or tenth century): Chatzidakis (1972), 413. 117 On the texts appearing on the hierarchs scrolls: Babić and Walter (1976). 118 Liturgy of Saint Basil: ed. Brightman (1896), 309; Mercenier and Paris (1937), 228.

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anos at Thessaloniki, dated to the fourteenth century) and it is also mentioned by Dionysios of Fourna.119 The writing on Basil’s scroll seems to be from the Cheroubikon: Οὐδείς ἂξιος τῶν συνδεδεµένων ταῖς σαρκικαῖς ἐπιθυµίαις (No-one tied to the desires of the flesh is worthy . . .).120 This is a common inscription held by Saint Basil, found in a number of examples and mentioned by Dionysios of Fourna.121 The texts on the other two hierarchs are not very clear. On Saint Athanasios we most probably have the second prayer of the faithful: Πάλιν καί πολλάκις σοί προσπίπτοµεν . . . (We fall before you [in supplication] again . . .), as mentioned in Dionysios of Fourna.122 Some examples show Saint Athanasios holding a scroll with the prayer from the first antiphonon.123 In Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos the prayer is from the third antiphonon.124 As far as Saint Gregory Nazianzenus is concerned, Dionysios of Fourna says that he holds a scroll with the beginning of the Trisagion.125 At Kavalariana, however, his scroll apparently provides the prayer of the catechumens: Κύριε ὁ Θεός ἡµῶν ὁ ἐν ὑψηλοῖς κατοικῶν (Lord, our God, who resides high above).126 At Veroia he holds a scroll with the prayer from the third antiphonon, which, as we saw, in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos was inscribed in Saint Athanasios’ scroll, while at Kurbinovo appears on Saint Nicholas’ scroll.127 In Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos the text is

Kurbinovo: Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 82; Christos at Veroia: Pelekanidis (1973), 86; Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos: Xyngopoulos (1964), 16; Tsitouridou (1986), 67–68; Kirchhainer (2001), 64, pl. 9; Dionysios of Fourna: ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 154, §16. 120 Liturgy of Saint Basil: ed. Brightman (1896), 318; Mercenier and Paris (1937), 244. 121 E.g. at Kurbinovo: Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 79; at Veroia: Pelekanidis (1973), 86; in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos: Xyngopoulos (1964), 16; Tsitouridou (1986), 68; Kirchhainer (2001), pl. 9; Dionysios of Fourna: ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 154, §16. 122 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 154, §16. Prayer from the Liturgy of Saint John Chrysostom: ed. Brightman (1896), 317. 123 Liturgy of Saint Basil: Ed. Brightman (1896), 310; Mercenier and Paris (1937), 233. E.g at Kurbinovo: Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 83; at Veroia: Pelekanidis (1973), 86. 124 Xyngopoulos (1964), 16; Tsitouridou (1986), 67; Kirchhainer (2001), 64, pl. 9. For the antiphonon, Liturgy of Saint Basil: ed. Brightman (1896), 311; Mercenier and Paris (1937), 234. 125 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 154, §16. Trisagion, Liturgy of Saint Basil: ed. Brightman (1896), 313; Mercenier and Paris (1937), 236. 126 Liturgy of Saint Basil: ed. Brightman (1896), 315. 127 Pelekanidis (1973), 86; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 84; see also supra, note 124. 119

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from the prayer of the Proskomidi.128 The texts which appear on the hierarchs scrolls evoke the principal moments of the Liturgy.129 However, it is obvious that the same text is not always allocated to the same hierarch, therefore an identification of an officiating hierarch based only on the inscription of his scroll cannot be without doubts. At Kavalariana the hierarchs are wearing polystavria phailonia and omophoria, which are also decorated with crosses. The appearance of the polystavrion phailonion is roughly contemporary to that of the officiating hierarchs (eleventh century) and from the thirteenth century onwards the hierarchs are usually depicted wearing it with variations on the shape of the crosses.130 Saint Basil’s crosses on his phailonion are placed within squares, while those on Saint Gregory’s are formed by check-patterns. The four-leaf shaped crosses on Saint Chrysostom’s omophorion also decorate his omophorion at Kurbinovo. According to Hadermann-Misguich, such crosses were popular during the twelfth century, but became rare during the thirteenth century.131 At Kavalariana a number of the iconographic elements of the Melismos – the omission of the Christ-Child, the representation of only liturgical objects on the painted altar, and the four-leaf shaped crosses on the omophorion of Saint Chrysostom – were found mostly and were popular in the iconography of the scene prior to the fourteenth century. We are, clearly, dealing with a rather conservative iconographic approach to the scene.

C. Figures 1. The Four Hierarchs in Medallions (Figs. 10–10b) Underneath Christ Pantokrator in the half-cylinder of the sanctuary apse there is a frieze, interrupted by the opening of a window, with the represen128 Xyngopoulos (1964), 16; Tsitouridou (1986), 68; Kirchhainer (2001), 64, pl. 9. For the Proskomidi prayer, Liturgy of Saint Basil: ed. Brightman (1896), 319. 129 Ştefănescu (1935), 455. 130 Chatzidakis (1959), 99; Mouriki (1978), 18, and note 43; Drosogianni (1982), 20. For an extensive bibliography on the liturgical garments: Papas (1981). For additional bibliographical references: LCI 3 (1971), 245 (no. 4); Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 86, note 185; Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 217, note 2; Mouriki (1978), 18, note 43. For liturgical vestments in general: Walter (1982), 9–26. 131 Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 87 and Fig. 23. See also Drosogianni (1982), 20, note 4.

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tations of four bishops/patriarchs in medallions. They are all represented in bust form, in frontal view, and are, from left to right: Saint Vlasios (Plan 3a, zone II, Ba), Saint Cyril of Alexandria (Plan 3a, zone II, Bb), an unidentified bishop (Plan 3b, zone II, Bc) and Saint John Eleemon (Plan 3b, zone II, Bd).132 They are all dressed in bishop’s garments on which white omophoria with crosses are clearly visible.133 All but Cyril of Alexandria have their heads uncovered; Cyril wears a bonnet decorated with crosses. With their right hands, placed in front of their chests, all make a gesture of blessing, while with their left hands they hold closed Gospel books, their covers adorned with pearls and gems. This is the common way of representing hierarchs in Byzantine church decoration.134 Saint Vlasios (Fig. 10a) was bishop of Sebasteia and met his martyrdom during the reign of Licinius (307–323); his feastday in the Orthodox Church is celebrated on 11 February.135 At Kavalariana he is identified by inscription, visible to the left and right of his nimbed head: Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ΒΛΑΣΙΟΣ.136 He has short, grey hair and a grey, pointed beard as described in the Hermineia of Dionysios of Fourna.137 Saint Cyril (378–444) (Fig. 10a) was a patriarch of Alexandria, succeeding his uncle Theophilos, from 412. He dealt with important Christological problems, thus taking his position among the distinguished Church Fathers; his feastday in the Orthodox Church is celebrated on 9 June. At Kavalariana, he is identified by inscription, visible to the left and right of his nimbed head: Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ἀρχιεπίσκοπ(ος) ΚΥΡΙΛ(ΟΣ) ὂ αλεξανδρίας (Saint Cyril bishop of Alexandria).138 He has a grey, pointed beard, without, however, the parting in the middle described by Dionysios of Fourna.139 Furthermore, as mentioned above, Cyril is the only one of the four patriarchs who wears a special bonnet decorated with crosses, a prerogative of the patriarch of Alex-

The name of the unidentified bishop is illegible. For a brief description on the bishop’s attire: Underwood 1 (1966), 245; RbK 2 (1971), cols. 1048–1049. On liturgical vestments in general: Walter (1982), 9–26. 134 RbK 2 (1971), col. 1041. 135 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 457, §1. See also PG 117, col. 308. 136 The words Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ are written vertically. 137 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 155. Here he is described as having curly hair. 138 The inscription combines majuscule and minuscule writing. The words Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ are written vertically. 139 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 154, §16. 132 133

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andria mentioned in the Hermineia.140 The state of preservation of the unidentified bishop is very bad and prevents a detailed description (Fig. 10b). He has a halo and apparently he had a sort of a beard. Saint John Eleemon (Fig. 10b) was a Chalcedonian patriarch of Alexandria from 610; he was born in Cyprus and died there in 619/620.141 His feastday in the Orthodox Church is 12 November.142 As his name shows (Eleemon=Merciful), he was famous for his charity. Moschos (540 or 550– 619 or 634) and Sophronios (560–638), contemporary intellectuals of John Eleemon, compiled his biographies, which are today lost and known to us only through their epitomes. The seventh-century hagiographer Leontios of Neapolis wrote a biography that has survived.143 His vita was also included in the Menologion of Symeon Metaphrastes (tenth century).144 At Kavalariana, he is identified by inscription, visible to the left and right of his nimbed head: Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ΙΩ(ΑΝΝΗΣ) Ο ελείµον.145 He has short, grey hair and a grey beard of moderate length. In contrast, the Hermineia suggests he should be represented as an old man with a white beard.146 These four hierarchs in medallions are in all probability meant to be connected to the officiating bishops of the Melismos scene depicted underneath (Plan 3a, zone II, B4–B6, and Plan 3b, zone II, B6–B8 and Figs. 9–9b). Fourteenth-century examples that combine busts of hierarchs with the Melismos scene underneath them in the sanctuary exist (e.g. in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos at Thessaloniki, at Staro Nagoričino, and in the Cretan church of Archangel Michael at Kouneni) and, according to Chatzidakis, represent a mixed type in the development of the iconography of the officiating bishops.147 140 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 154, §16. According to a non-historical tradition, the patriarchs of Alexandria celebrated the liturgy with covered heads: Der Nersessian (1975), 318, and note 80. See also Réau 3,1 (1958), 366; Underwood 1 (1966), 245, 246–247; RbK 2 (1971), col. 1049; ODB 1 (1991), 572. 141 ODB 2 (1991), 1058–1059. 142 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 215–217, §1. 143 Festugière and Rydén (1974), 254–637. 144 PG 114, cols. 894–966. 145 As often at Kavalariana, the inscription combines majuscule with minuscule writing. The phrase Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ is written vertically. 146 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 154, §16. 147 Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos: Xyngopoulos (1964), Figs. 123–126; Kirchhainer (2001), pls. 4, 5, 10, 11; Staro Nagoričino: Millet-Frolow 3 (1962), pl. 71, Figs. 1–2; Kouneni: Las-

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2. Deacons Stephen and Romanos (Figs. 11–12) These saints are depicted in the lower zone of the so-called triumphal arch, underneath the Annunciation: Saint Stephen is placed underneath the archangel Gabriel (Plan 3a, zone II, B3), while Saint Romanos is underneath the Virgin (Plan 3b, zone II, B9). The state of their preservation is fairly good. The deacons’ depiction in the sanctuary is common in church decoration, since they are participants in the liturgy.148 Furthermore, according to Kalokyris, deacon Stephen is often portrayed underneath the archangel of the Annunciation, as at Kavalariana.149 The saints are depicted full-length, in frontal view, both as young, unbearded men, with short, brown, wavy hair and with a tonsure, seen also in other Cretan examples (e.g. in Hagios Georgios at Anydroi, dated 1323, in Hagios Nikolaos at Maza, dated 1325/26, in the church of the Virgin at Kakodiki, dated 1331/32, and in Hagios Ioannes Kalogerou, dated 1347) (Figs. 108, 125).150 Each wears a long, white chiton with sleeves, known as a sticharion.151 Over their left shoulders hangs a loose, red mantle. Furthermore, on the left side of each of the Kavalariana deacons hangs a thin, brown stripe, with knots on it the identity of which is unclear; since this element also accompanies other Cretan portraits of the deacons (e.g. at Anydroi, at Kakodiki, and in the church of the Virgin (Kera) at Kritsa, dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century) (Figs. 89, 125), it may point to a local tradition.152 According to the Acts, 6, 1–7, Stephen (Fig. 11) was accused by the Jews of blasphemy against God and Moses, stood trial and was stoned to death

sithiotakis (1960–1961), pl. 14 (the bishops of all examples are not within medallions). Chatzidakis (1959), 97. See also RbK 2 (1971), col. 1046. 148 Emmanouel (1991), 48; Spatharakis (1999), 329. 149 Kalokyris (1973), 137. 150 Anydroi, Maza and Kakodiki: Sucrow (1994), Plan 3a, zone II, B4, and 3b, zone II, B11, Plan 4a, zone II, B11, and 4b, zone II, B3, and Plan 6a, zone II, B5 and 6b, zone II, B9 respectively; Hagios Ioannes Kalogerou: Kalokyris (1973), 138, Fig. BW 106. The tonsure can be indicative of entering priesthood, as we are informed, for example, from the Life of Ioannes Xenos: Oikonomou (1999), 16–17. 151 Anydroi, Maza and Kakodiki: Sucrow (1994), Plan 3a, zone II, B4, and 3b, zone II, B11, Plan 4a, zone II, B11, and 4b, zone II, B3, and Plan 6a, zone II, B5 and 6b, zone II, B9 respectively; Hagios Ioannes Kalogerou: Kalokyris (1973), 138, Fig. BW 106. 152 Kritsa: Kalokyris (1952), pl. ΚΑ, Fig. 1.

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(Acts of the Apostles, 6, 8–15 and 7, 1–60), thereby becoming the First Martyr (protomartyr).153 He is commemorated by the Orthodox Church on 27 December.154 In Constantinople the celebrations on his feastday took place at his martyrion, which was close to the Constantianai.155 At Kavalariana an inscription identifies him as Saint Stephen the First Martyr Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΣ ὂ πρωτοµάρτυρασ.156 Anticipating Dionysios of Fourna, he is depicted as young and unbearded.157 He holds a censer in his right hand and an incense box decorated with gems; these objects underline his duties as a deacon and appear in other Cretan examples (e.g. at Anydroi and at Kakodiki) (Figs. 89, 125).158 Deacon Romanos (Fig. 12) is identified by inscription, visible to the left and right of his nimbed head: Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ΡΟΜΑΝΟΣ ὂ µελοδόσ.159 Four main sources give us brief information on the life of the famous hymnographer, one being the Synaxarion of the Constantinopolitan Church.160 Romanos was born in Emesa, Syria. He came to Constantinople during the reign of Anastasios I (491–518) and stayed in the church of the Virgin in the Kyrou, where he composed his hymns inspired by the Virgin, and where his feastday, 1 October, was celebrated after his death.161 According to the Hermineia, the deacon should be depicted as a young man with a beard.162 Examples showing him with a beard exist (e.g. at Anydroi, and at Kalogerou, both on Crete) (Fig. 89), but at Kavalariana he is depicted without one, like his counterpart Stephen; a beardless Romanos can also be seen at Kakodiki, another Cretan church. Because he is not a martyr, the double-barred cross LCI 8 (1976), 397. Ed. Delehaye (1902), 349–350. 155 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 350. For the topography of Constantinople: Müller-Wiener (1977), esp. 72–215; for the location: ibid., maps on 21, 25; ed. Necipoğlu (2001), 86–87 (no. 11). 156 As usual, the inscription combines majuscule and minuscule writing. The phrase Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ is written vertically. 157 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 152, 157 (§17), 197. 158 Réau 3,1 (1958), 448; LCI 8 (1976), 396; Emmanouel (1991), 48; Kalavrezou (1997), 64–67. 159 Once again, the inscription combines majuscule with minuscule writing, and the phrase Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ is written vertically. 160 For these sources: Papadopulos-Kerameus (1893); Delehaye (1894). For the Synaxarion: ed. Delehaye (1902), 95–96. 161 For the location: Janin (1964), 378–379. 162 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 157 (§17), 168. 153 154

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that he holds in his right hand at Kavalariana probably carries an ecclesiastical significance,163 while in his left he holds a chalice which bears square patterns with pearl decoration on their sides as well as on the chalice’s rim. The chalice is a reference to his duties as a deacon.164 3. The Bishops on the North and South Walls (Figs. 13–14) On the north wall of the sanctuary a pair of bishops is depicted: Saint Polykarpos is seen to the left (Plan 3a, zone II, B1) and next to him Saint Eleutherios (Plan 3a, zone II, B2). Another pair, two archbishops of Crete, is situated on the south wall: Saint Cyril to the left (Plan 3b, zone II, B10) and Saint Titos (Plan 3b, zone II, B11). The state of preservation is good. The bishops are depicted full-length, in frontal view; they are identified by inscriptions visible to the left and right of their nimbed heads. They are wearing the phailonion, which bears decoration on the collar, over the sticharion, from which, in all cases, the right cuff is visible with two rows of pearl decoration. On top of their phailonia, they are wearing white omophoria decorated with crosses. The omophorion of Saint Titos has quatrefoil crosses, differentiating it thus from the others.165 Apart from Saint Cyril, the bishops are blessing with their right hands, and hold closed Gospel books with elaborated covers in their covered left hands. Saint Cyril is touching his Gospel book with his right hand, while Saint Eleutherios is showing, rather than holding his Gospel book, being the only one with uncovered left hand. Saint Polykarpos (Fig. 13) was a bishop of Smyrna and was condemned to be burned alive during the reign of Decius (249–251).166 His memory is celebrated in the Orthodox Church on 23 February and his synaxis at Constantinople was held in Hagia Sophia.167 His depiction is common on the side walls of the sanctuary.168 In the Hermineia he is described once as an old

Folda (1992), 112. LCI 8 (1976), 396. 165 For a brief description on the bishops’ vestments: Underwood 1 (1966), 245. See also Walter (1982), 9–26. 166 Greek Menologion: PG 117, cols. 324D–325A. 167 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 485, §1. 168 Kalokyris (1973), 137. Spatharakis (1999), 273, on the other hand, states that his portraits are rare. 163 164

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man with a round beard and once as an old man with a long beard which parts in the middle.169 At Kavalariana the painter has anticipated the second version: Polykarpos is represented as an old man with short, white hair and a long, white beard which parts in the middle. His inscription reads: Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ΠΟΛΙΚΑΡΠΟΣ.170

Saint Eleutherios (Fig. 13) was bishop of Illyricum and was beheaded during the reign of Hadrian (117–138). The Orthodox Church celebrates his memory on 15 December and at Constantinople his synaxis was held in his martyrion which was close to the Xerolofou.171 He is one of the most frequently portrayed bishops on the lateral walls of the sanctuary.172 In the Hermineia he is described as a young man with signs of a beard.173 At Kavalariana he is depicted as a young, unbearded man, with short, brown hair and a tonsure; a tonsured Saint Eleutherios can also be seen in the Cretan church of the Virgin at Kakodiki, dated 1331/32.174 His inscription reads: Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΙΟΣ.

Saint Cyril of Crete (Fig. 14), is one of the hierarchs frequently represented in the island’s church decoration.175 He is not mentioned in the Hermineia by Dionysios of Fourna, but has two entries in the Synaxarion of the Constantinopolitan church, 5 September and 14 June, and according to the narrative Cyril was bishop of Gortyna and was beheaded during the reign of Diocletian (284–305) at the age of ninety-five.176 At Kavalariana he is depicted as an old man with grey hair and long, grey beard. His inscription reads: Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ΚΥΡΙΛΟΣ ἀρχιεπίσκοπος ΚΡΙΤης.177 Saint Titos (Fig. 14), was a follower of the apostle Paul and the first bishop of Crete; he died holding the See of Gortyna.178 The Orthodox Church includes him among the seventy apostles and celebrates his memory

169

Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 155 and 200.

170

Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ is written vertically; this is the case for all four bishops.

Ed. Delehaye (1902), 307–310. See also Greek Menologion: PG 117, col. 208. For the location: Janin (1964), 439–440; Müller-Wiener (1977), maps on 21, 25. 172 Spatharakis (1999), 273. 173 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 156, 197. 174 Sucrow (1994), Plan 6a, zone II, B4. 175 Kalokyris (1973), 137. 176 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 17, §2 and 750, §3. 177 Again, the inscription combines majuscule with miniscule writing. 178 Halkin (1961). The apostle Paul wrote an epistle to Titos and in his second epistle to the Corinthians he calls Titos his brother (2, 13) and his partner (8, 23). 171

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on 25 August, which at Constantinople was also held in Hagia Sophia.179 Understandably, he was one of the favourite bishops represented in the island’s church decoration.180 Although the Hermineia describes him as a young, unbearded man, on Crete he is usually depicted as an old man, as seen, for example, apart from Kavalariana, in Hagia Photeini, near Preveli, dated to the fourteenth century.181 At Kavalariana Titos has short, grey hair and a long, grey beard which separates in many parts in the lower end. His inscription reads: Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ΤΙΤΟΣ ἀρχιεπίσκοπος ΚΡΙΤης.182

III. The Nave A. The Festival Cycle 1. The Presentation in the Temple (Fig. 15) The Presentation in the Temple is depicted on the south wall of the church at Kavalariana (Plan 3b, zone IV, 3). The scene is badly preserved: its left half and the lower part of its right half are mostly lost. To the right the Virgin is depicted, facing to the left and holding the Christ-Child in her arms. Above her head there are letters identifying her as the Mother of God, Μ(ΗΤΗ)Ρ Θ(ΕΟ)Υ. Behind her stands Joseph. Behind Joseph there is a tower-like building depicted. In front of the Virgin, in the middle of the scene, there must have been an altar depicted, because part of the ciborium on top is still visible. To the left stands Symeon, facing the Virgin and the Child; behind him is the prophetess Anna. All figures are nimbed. Only the Gospel of Luke gives us the account for the Presentation in the Temple (2, 22–39).183 During the middle Byzantine period the scene was characterised by symmetry with the four principal figures (Symeon and Anna, the Virgin and Joseph) placed on either side of the altar (e.g. in the mosaic at Hosios Ed. Delehaye (1902), 921–924. See also LCI 8 (1976), 496. On the importance of Saint Titos’ cult on the island during the Venetian domination see chapter 1. See also Georgopoulou (1995), 483–487; Spatharakis (1999), 274. 181 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 153; for Hagia Photeini: Kalokyris (1973), 137, Fig. BW 104. See also Georgopoulou (1995), 484, and note 39. 182 Once more, the inscription combines majuscule with minuscule writing. 183 It is also referred to in the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew, chapter 15: James (1924), 74. 179 180

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Loukas, dated to the eleventh century).184 According to Constantinides, the symmetrical arrangement, as seen at Kavalariana, was occasionally found in Palaiologan examples (e.g. in the wall painting in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos at Thessaloniki, dated to the early fourteenth century), but more frequently during that period the symmetry was altered in order to underline the dramatic content; such is the case, for example, in the wall paintings in the church of the Panagia Olympiotissa at Elasson in northern Thessaly, dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century and in the church of Christos at Veroia.185 Usually, Symeon and Anna were depicted to the right and Mary and Joseph to the left, but the reversed arrangement seen at Kavalariana is also found in other examples of the scene (e.g. Hosios Loukas, Protaton).186 At Kavalariana specifically, the arrangement of the scene with the Virgin and Joseph to the right was probably dictated by the sanctuary: the composition ensures that Mary faces the sanctuary rather than turns her back to it, while Symeon gives the impression of coming out of the sanctuary to receive the Child. The Virgin is depicted holding the Child in most of the cases before the twelfth century (e.g. at Hosios Loukas).187 From the late twelfth century onwards it became popular for Symeon to hold the Child (e.g. the wall painting in the church of Hagios Stephanos at Kastoria, dated to the late twelfth or the thirteenth century).188 But during the fourteenth century the Hosios Loukas: Diez and Demus (1931), Fig. 5. The symmetrical composition of the scene appeared for the first time in the enamel cross of the Pope Paschal I (817–824): Shorr (1946), 10, 32; Weitzmann (1951), 62; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 120. See also Xyngopoulos (1929), 333; Boyd (1974), 294; Mouriki (1985), 120; Constantinides 1 (1992), 117. For the cross: Wessel (1967), no. 7. 185 Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos: Tsitouridou (1986), pl. 21; Kirchhainer (2001), pl. 17; Olympiotissa: Constantinides 1 (1992), 117 and 2 (1992), 36a. Veroia: Pelekanides (1973), pl. Δ. See also Xyngopoulos (1929), 333. 186 Protaton (1927), pl. 10, Fig. 3. See also Weitzmann (1951), 62; Schiller 1 (1966), 102; Constantinides 1 (1992), 117. 187 Mouriki (1975), 38; Mouriki (1985), 121; Constantinides 1 (1992), 116. 188 Hagios Stephanos at Kastoria: Pelekanidis (1953), pl. 92β; Pelekanidis and Chatzidakis (1985), 17, Fig. 12; for the dating of the different layers of the church: ibid., 6–11, 14–19. See also Boyd (1974), 294–295; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 121; Constantinides 1 (1992), 116. Symeon was depicted holding the Child for the first time in the tenth-century wall painting in the chapel of Saint Eustathios at Cappadocia (Göreme, Chapel 11): Restle 2 (1967), XIII, Fig. 150; Jolivet-Lévy (1991), 116 (date). See also Shorr (1946), 24; LCI 1 (1968), 474. According to Maguire (1980–1981), 261, 264, the image of Symeon holding the Child is recorded in descriptions of churches which were decorated in the ninth century, 184

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depiction of the Virgin holding the Christ-Child regained popularity in the area of Thessaloniki and in other churches situated in present day northern Greece and former Yugoslavia, as seen, for example, in the wall paintings in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos, in the church of Christos at Veroia, at Protaton, and in Saint Niketas at Čučer.189 The body of the Child is turned towards the Virgin and has both His hands in front of her chest, however His head is directed to Symeon. The Child is depicted in a similar position in the wall paintings in the Cretan churches of Hagios Nikolaos at Maza, dated 1325/26 (Fig. 98), and of Panagia at Kadros, dated to the fourteenth century.190 Joseph, who is here depicted standing behind Mary, to the right, is carrying two doves,191 with both hands unveiled, a detail not commonly encountered in the iconography of the scene.192 Finally, Joseph in almost all the cases is depicted bearded, as he is at Kavalariana.193 It is unclear whether or not Symeon, standing to the left, was depicted with both his hands covered preparing to receive the Child, a motif frequently found in the iconography of the scene.194 According to Weitzmann, Symeon’s hands were very rarely uncovered when preparing to receive Christ.195 However, there are Cretan examples where the priest stretches his uncovered hands towards the Child (e.g. at Maza, and in Hagios Georgios at Anydroi, dated 1323) (Figs. 98, 84). The figure of Anna standing behind Symeon is equally barely visible, therefore we cannot comment on it.196 but he, too, agrees that the motif only became popular in the second half of the twelfth century: ibid., 263, 264. 189 Čučer: Millet and Frolow 3 (1962), pl. 36, Fig. 2. See also Constantinides 1 (1992), 116–117. 190 Kadros: Bissinger (1995), 110 (no. 78), Fig. 77. 191 Shorr (1946), 26, 32; Réau 2,2 (1957), 263; RbK 1 (1966), cols. 1142–1143. The doves, according to Leviticus 12, 8, were the offering of the poor, who were not able to afford a lamb for a burnt offering (Leviticus 12, 6): Shorr (1946), 17; Réau 2,2 (1957), 263. 192 Usually in the depictions of the scene, both of Joseph’s hands are covered. There are, however, cases where one of his hands is free, e.g. at Hosios Loukas, and at Maza (Fig. 98). See also Weitzmann (1951), 63. 193 Weitzmann (1951), 62, note 89. 194 Weitzmann (1951), 63; Schiller 1 (1966), 102; Boyd (1974), 294. 195 Weitzmann (1951), 63. 196 In the eleventh century Anna was usually depicted holding an unopened scroll, e.g. in Hosios Loukas. From the beginning of the twelfth century Anna was usually depicted holding an opened scroll which was inscribed with the well-known phrase ΤΟΥΤΟ ΤΟ ΒΡΕΦΟΣ ΟΥΡΑΝΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΓΗΝ ΕΣΤΕΡΕΩΣΕΝ (ΕΔΗΜΙΟΥΡΓΗΣΕΝ) (This Child created the world) as described by Dionysios of Fourna: ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 87, 274. The first

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At Kavalariana, an altar was situated in the middle of the scene, between the Virgin and Symeon; that can be assumed from part of the ciborium which is still visible at the top of the scene, which covered the altar, a motif often found in the iconography of the scene (e.g. at Maza) (Fig. 98).197 The altar, which is actually not specifically referred to in Luke’s narrative (2, 22– 39), appeared for the first time on the enamel cross of the Pope Paschal I (817–824) and was thereafter frequently included in the scene.198 The tower-like building seen in the background behind Joseph to the right, is most probably a reference to the architecture of the Temple; it is also often included in the scene (e.g. the wall paintings at Kurbinovo, dated 1191, and at Monagri, dated to the late twelfth or the early thirteenth century).199 The symmetrical arrangement of the Kavalariana Presentation, although it probably points to the arrangement favoured by the middle Byzantine examples, was not abandoned during the Palaiologan period. Furthermore, the Virgin holding the Child regained popularity during the century our church was built. Since, however, the fourteenth century did not inflict major changes in the iconography of the scene, it is not possible to determine whether or not the artist was aware of contemporary Presentation scenes. 2. The Baptism (Fig. 16) An account of Christ’s Baptism in the Jordan is given by all four Evangelists: Matthew 3, 13–17; Mark 1, 9–11; Luke 3, 21–22; John 1, 29–34. While in John’s Gospel we have the Baptist bearing witness to Christ, the other three Evangelists describe the opening of the heavens during Christ’s Baptism, the descent of the Holy Ghost as a dove and the voice of God identifying Christ as His Son.200 Since the fourth century, the Baptism has been closely conexample of this in monumental painting can be seen in the wall painting at Nerezi, dated 1164: Millet and Frolow 1 (1954), pl. 18, Fig. 1; Sinkević (2000), Figs. XXXVIII, XXXIX. See also Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 120–121; Mouriki (1985), 121, and note 10. Her other hand is usually raised in a gesture of speech: Weitzmann (1951), 63. 197 RbK 1 (1966), col. 1144. 198 Kartsonis (1986), 103. See also Shorr (1946), 19. 199 Kurbinovo: Hadermann-Misguich (1975), Fig. 48; Monagri: Boyd (1974), Figs. 19, 22. See also Schiller 1 (1966), 102. 200 In John, too, the Holy Ghost descends in the form of a dove (1, 32). Luke also mentions the baptism of the people (3, 21).

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nected with Old Testament episodes: the crossing of the Red Sea (Exodus 14, 21: I, Corinthians 10, 1–4), the crossing of the Jordan with Joshua (Joshua 3, 13), and the division of the Jordan by Elijah (II Kings 2, 14).201 Baptism is required in order to enter the Kingdom of Heaven (John 3, 5).202 But above everything else, the Baptism is closely connected with Christ’s death on the cross and resurrection (Romans 6, 3–23). Christ Himself referred to His Passion as Baptism (Matthew 20, 22–23; Luke 12, 50). In the fourth Council of Toledo (canon VI, A.D. 633) it is stated: “The immersion in water is as a descent in infernum, and the coming forth again from the water is a resurrection”.203 At Kavalariana, the Baptism is depicted on the south wall of the church, opposite the scene of the Raising of Lazarus (Plan 3b, zone III, 3). Its present condition is bad, but it is still possible to see that Christ is depicted naked, bearing a cruciform nimbus; His upper body is depicted frontally with His arms opened by His sides (left and right), while His lower body is shown in three quarter view to the right, as if He is marching away from John the Baptist, remnants of whom are still visible to the left. To the right three nimbed angels in veneration can be discerned. The best preserved figures in the scene are the personifications of the river Jordan in the bottom left and of, probably, the sea in the bottom right. The river god is depicted sitting (his body to the left, that is away from Christ) while he is turning his youthful head towards Christ, raising his left arm and extending his opened palm. He is naked from the waist up. The sea, in the form of a naked female, is symmetrically positioned opposite Jordan and is sitting on a serpent or dragon. Fish are depicted swimming in the water. In the scene at Kavalariana, Christ is depicted in the central axis of the scene. This position — and His cruciform nimbus — give Him prominence in the scene, although His stature in comparison to those of the Baptist and of the angels — if the latter were standing — is smaller. Furthermore, the Baptist is standing in a position higher than Christ. This is not unusual for

Ristow (1957), 120. In the Apocryphon of Nicodemus the Archangel Michael sent the risen dead to be baptized in the river Jordan before celebrating Passover: James (1924), 142. According to an Easter Homily, the thief, who was crucified with Christ, was baptized in blood and water from His side, because otherwise he would not have been able to enter Paradise without baptism: PG 50, col. 822. 203 MacCulloch (1930), 248. 201 202

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the iconography of the scene: the Baptist’s figure was far larger in the early examples where Christ was represented as a child and his position at a higher level was already established by the eleventh century in monumental painting (e.g. at Hosios Loukas, in Nea Moni on Chios, and at Daphni),204 and as can also be seen in other fourteenth-century examples (e.g. in the Cretan church of Hagios Nikolaos at Maza, dated 1325/26) (Fig. 99). The position of Christ’s legs is quite unusual: His stiff, left leg is firmly planted on the ground, to the right, while His right leg bends on the knee and looks as if about to take a step to the right. A marching Christ was, according to Millet, one of the innovations introduced to the iconography of the scene in the twelfth century, replacing the so-called contrapposto stance — with the weight of the body carried by one of the two legs, while the other is in a relaxed position — in which Christ was usually depicted earlier.205 Hadermann-Misguich, on the other hand, noted that the motif of the marching Christ is found already in the eleventh century, while the contrapposto stance is still present in examples of the twelfth century.206 The truth is that the marching Christ can be seen in Hosios Loukas, while the contrapposto position is still present in the scene of the Baptism in Saint George at Kurbinovo, dated 1191.207 I think that the intention of depicting Christ moving is already apparent at Kiliçlar Kilisesi in Cappadocia (Göreme, Chapel 29), which is dated towards 900 or to the second quarter of the tenth century.208 Rather than drawing a line of distinction separating clearly the examples dated before and after the twelfth century, it would be better to assume that the two depictions of Christ co-exist through a period, but the type of the marching Christ became more popular after the twelfth century. To presume from the damaged wall painting at Kavalariana that a marching Christ was intended, however, raises problems: Christ would be marching away not only from the Baptist depicted to the left, but also from the sanctuary. This would be very difficult to justify, especially when the scene of the Presentation in the Temple, depicted immediately above the Baptism (Plan 3b, zone IV, 3), has been reversed in order to show the Virgin walking Diez and Demus (1931), Figs. 6, 113 and pl. XI respectively; for a better illustration of Nea Moni: Mouriki (1985), pls. 16, 144. 205 Millet (1916), 179. 206 Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 127. 207 Kurbinovo: Hadermann-Misguich (1975), Figs. 53–54. 208 Restle 2 (1967), XXIV, Fig. 257; Jolivet-Lévy (1991), 141. 204

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towards the sanctuary rather than turning her back to it (Fig. 15). Furthermore, I have not come across any examples depicting Christ marching away from the Baptist. Therefore, it seems likely that the artist’s intention was to depict Christ frontally, in contrapposto, but that either inept technique (evident also in the way Christ’s body as a whole is depicted, especially His skinny, long arms) or the state of preservation resulted in a Christ who seems to march towards the opposite direction of both the Baptist and the sanctuary. Unfortunately, the state of the wall painting at Kavalariana is so poor that it does not allow us to see whether or not Christ is blessing with His right hand. Christ’s blessing, a common feature of the scene, was intended for both the Baptist and the water; therefore, the personification of the Jordan, as in our scene, is depicted close to, or to the side of, John the Baptist.209 As has already been mentioned, the Baptist, part of whose body is still visible to the left, is standing in a position higher than Christ, outside the water, a position already established by the eleventh century; his placement to the left rather than to the right is more often encountered in examples of the scene. From what can be discerned, he is wearing animal skin with a leather belt around his waist, as described in the Gospels,210 and as can also be seen, for example, at Maza (Fig. 99). It seems that the artists in the twelfth century reintroduced the Baptist dressed in animal skin, often encountered in early Christian art. Again, the antique garb which he was depicted wearing in earlier examples, (e.g. Hosios Loukas, Nea Moni, Daphni and elsewhere), did not cease to be used even during the Palaiologan period (e.g. Pammakaristos).211 According to Mouriki, the antique garb, usually worn by prophets and apostles, stressed the role of the Baptist as a prophet, while the animal skin put the emphasis on his endurance in the desert.212 The presence of the angels during the Baptism is a Byzantine feature of the iconography of the scene.213 The fact that they are included in the scene, though none of the Gospels mention them, can be explained by their function as deacons in the ceremony as dictated by the liturgical texts and the Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 125–126, and note 363. Matthew 3, 4; Mark 1, 6. 211 Pammakaristos: Belting, Mango and Mouriki (1978), pl. V. 212 Mouriki (1985), 122, and note 5. 213 Schiller 1 (1966), 144. The earliest representation of the scene including the angels is found in relief on a capital in Constantinople, dated to the second half of the fifth century: Ristow (1957), 122, and note 6; Ristow (1965), 8, Fig. 9. 209 210

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hymnology of the feast.214 According to Millet, the twelfth century established the number of angels present in the scene at three, as seen at Kavalariana, while Constantinides notes that during the Palaiologan period their number varies from three to nine.215 It seems that, at least the first of the angels, the one closer to the viewer, covers his hands with a separate veil; for the rest it is not obvious whether or not they, too, use a separate veil or they cover their hands with the end of their himatia.216 The personification of the river Jordan, depicted here to the bottom left, was included in the scene since the early Christian period, despite the fact that he, too, is not mentioned in the Gospels.217 Although the depiction of the river-god as a mature man is the most common one,218 at Kavalariana he is depicted as a youthful figure, sitting in a relaxed position, as can also be seen, for example, in Nea Moni and at the Cretan Maza (Fig. 99).219 Jordan’s left palm is opened and extended in a gesture of bearing witness: this most probably indicates that he recognises Christ’s divinity and accepts His blessing. In other words he, too, becomes a visual witness of Christ’s divine nature

214 Saint Basil of Caesarea (ca. 329–379), “Against Eunomios, Homily V, on the Holy Spirit, which has not been created”: PG 29, col. 764C; Saint Gregory Nazianzenus (ca. 325–389), sermon on “Theophania, Nativity of the Saviour”: PG 36, col. 329; Saint John Chrysostom (ca. 347–407), sermon on “Saint John the Forerunner”: PG 50, col. 801; Saint Sophronios of Jerusalem (ca. 560–538), sermon on the “Whole Church History and detailed Narration of everything that takes place during the Holy Liturgy”: PG 87,3 col. 4001. See also Mercenier and Bainbridge (1953), 282–284; Mouriki (1985), 123. 215 Millet (1916), 178–179; Constantinides 1 (1992), 118. 216 The hands of the angel to the far right are concealed by the angel in the middle. Mouriki (1985), 123, note 1, notes that the angels cover their hands with the end of their himatia in examples of the scene after the middle of the eleventh century. But again the representation of angels covering their hands with veils survives during the Palaiologan period (e.g. the first angel in the Pammakaristos mosaic). 217 The first time the river-god appears in the scene of the Baptism is in a mosaic in the Baptistery of the Orthodox in Ravenna, dated between 449 and 452: Ristow (1957), 122, pl. 19, Fig. 1. 218 Mouriki (1985), 123–124. 219 In some examples of the scene the river-god is depicted turning away frightened, trying to escape (e.g. in Bogoridica Ljeviska at Prizren, dated to the fourteenth century: Ristow [1965], 62, Fig. 30). Most probably, this type was developed under the influence of the Psalms 114, 4 and 77, 16: “The sea saw it and fled: Jordan was driven back” and “The waters saw thee, O God, the waters saw thee; they were afraid: the depths were also troubled”. See also Ristow (1957), 121–122.

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in the iconography of the scene.220 The river-god was probably originally holding an overturned jug, as seen, for example, in Nea Moni, but this is no longer visible.221 The fish, swimming in the water, are one of the best known symbols of Christ.222 Finally, a female figure is situated between Christ’s left arm and the first angel, and she is sitting on a serpent or dragon. A similar figure can be seen at Maza (Fig. 99), and most probably represents the personification of the sea, included in the scene from the sixth century,223 but more frequently encountered in later examples. The serpent/dragon on which she is sitting is found in some examples of the scene. A dragon/serpent is depicted in the Khludov (fol. 72v) and the Pantokrator 61 (fol. 98v) Psalters of the ninth century, alongside a demon: they are both lying separately, defeated and bleeding underneath a representation of the Baptism.224 They illustrate the Psalm 74, 13: “Thou didst divide the sea by thy strength: thou brakest the heads of the dragons in the waters”, therefore their presence in the Baptism is related to that Psalm.225 The dragon/serpent alone appears in monumental painting in later examples of the scene.226 Moreover, the depiction of the dragon/serpent 220 The other witnesses of Christ’s divinity in the iconography of the scene are, apart from John the Baptist, the Holy Ghost depicted descending in the form of a dove and the Hand of God appearing from a segment of the heavens which stand for the voice of God identifying Christ as His son and the opening of the heavens during the Baptism, as described in the Gospels (Matthew 3, 16–17; Mark 1, 10–11; Luke 3, 21–22). It is unclear whether or not the dove and the hand of God were depicted at Kavalariana. 221 Mouriki (1985), 123. In some Cappadocian monuments, he is depicted blowing a horn: Restle 2 (1967), XXII, Fig. 230 and 3 (1967), LI, Fig. 472. 222 Ristow (1965), 58–59. 223 The three youthful figures emerging from seashells in the scene of the Baptism in a sixth-century enkolpion in the Dumbarton Oaks collection have been interpreted as the two sources of Jordan, the Ior and the Dan, and with the sea: Ross 2 (1965), pls. A and XXVIII. 224 Khludov Psalter: Ščepkina (1977); Pantokrator 61: Dufrenne (1966), pl. 13. This is also the case in the Barberini Psalter (fol. 125r) of the eleventh century: Corrigan (1992), 11. 225 The defeat of the dragon in the waters is also mentioned by Saint Cyril of Jerusalem (ca. 315–386), Katechesis III, on “Baptism”: PG 33, col. 441; and by Didymus of Alexandria (ca. 310/13–395/98), on “The Holy Trinity”, Book II, on “The Holy Spirit”: PG 39, col. 684. See also Evangelatou (2002), 83–88. 226 A serpent is depicted in the wall painting in Arabsun-Gülşehir, Karşi Kilise, in Cappadocia dated 1212: Restle 3 (1967), LI, Fig. 472; Jolivet-Lévy (1991), 230 (date). Part of a dragon swimming away is depicted in the fourteenth-century wall painting in Bogorodica Ljeviska at Prizren: Ristow (1965), 62, Fig. 30.

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serves as a visual reference to the close relation between the Baptism and the Anastasis.227 The scene of the Baptism is a mixture of iconographical variants, developed through the centuries since its first appearance in the third century,228 that are sometimes seen as chronological indicators (e.g. the contrapposto stance of Christ). The examination of the wall painting at Kavalariana demonstrates the problems with this approach: the existing examples of the scene indicate that it would be better to assume the co-existence of these variants through the different periods. 3. The Transfiguration (Fig. 17) The Transfiguration is depicted on the north wall in the church at Kavalariana (Plan 3a, zone IV, 12). The scene is, overall, badly preserved. Christ is depicted in the middle within an oval-shaped glory. He bears a cruciform nimbus and holds a scroll in His right hand. Five rays of light are directed from the glory at each one of the remaining five persons participating in the scene: to the left, where Elijah is depicted with long hair and beard, to the right, where the youthful Moses is depicted, identified by an inscription on the extreme right reading ΜΟΙΣΗΣ, and to the lower part of the scene, where the three disciples were once depicted and which is so badly destroyed that almost nothing survives; what we can still see are part of a bearded disciple to the left (most probably Peter), the outline of a disciple in the middle, underneath Christ (most probably John), and part of another bearded disciple to the right (most probably James). On the extreme top left corner the letters ΟΦ survive, certainly part of the inscription identifying the scene (ΜΕΤΑΜΟΡΦΩΣΗ — the Transfiguration). The synoptic Gospels all mention the Transfiguration of Christ: Matthew 17, 1–9; Mark 9, 2–9; Luke 9, 28–36. Although the name of the mountain

This is very apparent in the wall painting at Gračanica, dated to the fourteenth century, where Christ is depicted stepping on broken gates — just like in the iconography of the Anastasis scene — under which two double-headed serpents are struggling: Ristow (1965), 64, Fig. 29. 228 The earliest depiction of the scene is dated at the beginning of the third century and comes from the West: it is a wall painting in the Lucina crypt in Rome (Callixtus Catacomb): Schiller 1 (1966), Fig. 346. 227

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where the Transfiguration took place is not referred to in the Gospels, the Christian tradition situated the event on the Mount Tabor.229 The main iconographic features of the scene can be explained from the narratives of the synoptic Gospels. Christ at Kavalariana is dressed in white garments; in most representations of the scene He appears in white attire, as described in the Gospels: Matthew 17, 2; Mark 9, 3; Luke 9, 29 (e.g. in the Cretan church of Hagios Georgios at Anydroi, dated 1323) (Fig. 85).230 The elliptical glory, which envelops only Christ, was already apparent in the sixth-century apse mosaic of the monastery church of Saint Catherine on Mount Sinai.231 According to Mouriki, during the middle Byzantine period the elliptical glory was used more frequently than the round one,232 while according to Constantinides, elliptical and round glories were used interchangeably during the Palaiologan period.233 Despite the fact that the inclusion of the prophets within the mandorla follows especially Luke’s Gospel (9, 31), in most examples it is reserved only for Christ.234 Apart from the blue colour, which is used for the major part of the mandorla at Kavalariana and was commonly used for the glories in the Transfiguration scene,235 we can still see an area painted in dark brown colour, behind Christ, which follows the outline of His body. According to James, in some Transfiguration examples blue is linked with black (dark brown in our case) and through this with the divinity, reflecting the divine darkness as described in the negative theology of Pseudo-Dionysios.236 According to Schiller, three colours within the mandorla denote the Trinity.237 It is possible that at Kavalariana the blue colour had two different tones that do not survive any more because of the bad state of the wall painting.238 Saint Cyril of Jerusalem (ca. 315–386), Katechesis XII, on “The Incarnated Christ”: PG 33, col. 744. See also Réau 2,2 (1957), 576–577; Schiller 1 (1966), 155. 230 James (1996), 120. 231 Forsyth and Weitzmann (1973), pl. CIII. 232 Mouriki (1975), 40; Mouriki (1985), 126. See also Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 144; Chatzidakis-Bacharas (1982), 40. 233 Constantinides 1 (1992), 119. 234 Mouriki (1985), 127. The inclusion or not of the prophets within the mandorla became a theological issue: see, for example, Saint Gregory Palamas (ca. 1296–1359) in PG 151, cols. 441–445. See also Constantinides 1 (1992), 119, note 137. 235 Another commonly used colour was white: LCI 4 (1972), 418. 236 James (1996), 104, 120. 237 Schiller 1 (1966), 159. 238 The outer part of the mandorla is clearly defined by a thick outline; in places where the colour survives it is dark blue. 229

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The rays that are directed clearly at each one of the remaining five participants were already apparent in the Mount Sinai mosaic and were a typical feature of the scene from the eleventh century on.239 At Kavalariana part of a sixth ray is barely visible on top of Christ’s cruciform nimbus. With that centrally placed ray, we have one ray for each one of the six participating figures, not unusual for the iconography of the scene.240 The simple arrangement of the rays seen at the Archangel Michael church is a characteristic of the middle Byzantine period.241 Elijah’s placement to the left, as at Kavalariana, is the most common.242 Elijah wears his prophet robes, often encountered in the iconography of the scene; in such way he is also depicted in the Cretan churches at Anydroi and in Hagios Nikolaos at Maza, dated 1325/26 (Figs. 85, 100).243 The youthful Moses is depicted to the right. A young and beardless Moses appeared in the ninth-century Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus (Paris gr. 510, fol. 75r).244 These facial characteristics he maintained in the majority of the examples up to the thirteenth century; from then on, according to Constantinides, he was depicted with a short, black beard, in other words as a man in his prime (e.g. in the Panagia Olympiotissa at Elasson, dated to the late thirteenth or the early fourteenth century),245 possibly under the influence of crusader (i.e. western) art.246 It is unclear whether or not he was holding the tablets of the Law, as seen, for example, at Elasson, or the Pentateuch, as seen, for example, at Anydroi (Fig. 85). The two prophets were depicted nimbed, as at Kavalariana, already by the ninth century (e.g. in the Paris Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus). 239 According to Mouriki (1985), 127, these rays gave a pictorial expression of the effect of Theophany. 240 Mouriki (1985), 127. 241 Mouriki (1985), 127. 242 Mouriki (1985), 128. 243 Mouriki (1985), 128; Constantinides 1 (1992), 121. According to Hadermann-Misguich, the animal skin, which can be seen at Mount Sinai, became popular in the twelfth century: Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 146. In Mesarites’ description of the church of the Holy Apostles at Constantinople, written between 1198 and 1203, Elijah in the scene of the Transfiguration, wears “the rough skin”: ed. Downey (1957), 903, §10; trans. 873, §10. 244 Brubaker (1999), Fig. 14. 245 Constantinides 1 (1992), 121, and 2 (1992), 38. See also Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 146; Mouriki (1985), 128. 246 Moses is shown with a short, black beard in thirteenth-century crusader manuscript illumination (e.g. the Arsenal Bible, cod. 5211): Buchthal (1957), 58, pl. 63; Weiss (1998), Fig. 34.

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The lower part of the scene at Kavalariana is badly damaged: what we can still see are part a bearded, nimbed apostle to the left, the outline of another in the middle, and part of the third apostle to the right. The apostles depicted would have been (from left to right) Peter, John and James. That sequence, which follows Luke’s Gospel 9, 28, is, according to Mouriki, fixed from the eleventh century on.247 From what can be discerned Peter, who is looking up in the direction of Christ, was most probably depicted kneeling as can be seen, for example, at Anydroi and at Maza (Figs. 85, 100).248 However, during the Palaiologan period Peter in some examples is depicted lying flat with his face down (e.g. the wall painting in the church of Hagios Nikolaos at Platsa, dated to the fourteenth century), which is in accordance with Matthew’s narrative 17, 6, for the period in consideration favoured more dynamic and ‘dramatic’ attitudes for the apostles.249 Up until the Palaiologan period, the figure of James, to the right, corresponded to that of Peter: he was usually depicted supporting himself with one hand on the ground, while he used the other to cover his eyes, protecting himself from the light (e.g. in the eleventh-century mosaics in Nea Moni and at Daphni, and in the fourteenth-century Cretan wall paintings at Anydroi and at Maza) (Figs. 85, 100).250 Based on the part of his figure that survives, this is most probably the case also at Kavalariana. He is certainly not depicted falling backwards, as seen, for example, at Elasson, and in the Four Gospels (Paris gr. 54, fol. 213r) of the second half of the thirteenth century, which is again in accordance with the dynamic attitudes favoured for the apostles during the Palaiologan period.251 Apparently, John was depicted prostrate on the ground, as seen in many examples of the scene (e.g. in Nea Moni, at Anydroi and at Maza) (Figs. 85, 100).252 According to Sotiriou the nimbed apostles, as seen at Kavalariana, were a feature of the art previous to the

Mouriki (1985), 128. Mouriki (1985), 128. 249 Mouriki (1975), 40, Fig. 62. 250 Nea Moni: Mouriki (1985), pl. 24; Daphni: Diez and Demus (1931), Fig. 91. See also Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 145. 251 Gospels: Omont (1929), pl. XCVI, Fig. 25. See also Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 147; Mouriki (1975), 40. 252 Millet (1916), 216; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 145. During the Palaiologan period he too, like Peter, was depicted lying flat, face down on the ground (e.g. Hagios Nikolaos at Platsa). 247 248

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Palaiologan era, for during the latter period the disciples were infrequently depicted bearing haloes.253 Finally at Kavalariana part of the mountain Tabor can be seen to the left, under the feet of Elijah; this detail is included in many examples of the scene (e.g. at Maza) (Fig. 100).254 However, there are examples which lack any indication of landscape (e.g. the mosaics at Mount Sinai, and in Nea Moni). Weitzmann has explained this absence of landscape elements on the basis of a Homily of Saint John Chrysostom (ca. 347–407), where the Transfiguration of Christ is identified with His Second Coming; in other words it is transferred from earth to heaven.255 The features of the Kavalariana Transfiguration (plain, elliptical glory, simple arrangement of the rays, position of the disciples) are characteristic of examples of the scene of the middle Byzantine rather than of the Palaiologan period. This is significant because once more in the church of the Archangel Michael, from an iconographic point of view, a conservative instead of the contemporary approach was preferred. 4. The Raising of Lazarus (Fig. 18) The Raising of Lazarus is situated on the north wall of the church, underneath the Transfiguration (Plan 3a, zone III, 12). It is one of the worst preserved scenes of the church, especially in its right part, where a modern iconostasis used to be affixed.256 To the left, Christ bears a cruciform nimbus and marches toward the right. He is accompanied by a group of nimbed

Sotiriou (1962–1963), 186; Mavropoulou-Tsioumi (1973), 55; Mouriki (1978), 22–23; Constantinides 1 (1992), 121. 254 Schiller 1 (1966), 158. 255 Forsyth and Weitzmann (1973), 14. Commentary of Saint John Chrysostom on Saint Matthew the Evangelist, sermon LVI: PG 58, cols. 554–555. See also Mouriki (1985), 129. Elsner (1988), 487, note 24, has suggested that the lack of landscape at Mount Sinai may be partly explained by the decision to depict all participants in the same plane, for in the majority of the examples of the Transfiguration scene, the Kavalariana one included, the ascended group is depicted at a higher level. However, his suggestion cannot be applicable in Nea Moni, where despite the absence of landscape elements, there are two different levels for the two participating groups. 256 The wooden iconostasis currently in situ is the second replacement of the original. The extensive damaged surface on the right part of the scene was caused by the first one. 253

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apostles. Behind Christ and the disciples there are mountains depicted. To the extreme right Lazarus is depicted coming out of his sarcophagus. A group of bystanders is visible in the upper part of this side. Two of these figures are bearded; the one in front wears attire with elaborate hem visible in the lower part toward the middle. Finally, there are two figures prostrate at Christ’s feet. The Raising of Lazarus of Bethany is only narrated by John 11, 1–44; it is also mentioned in the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus.257 The sixthcentury Rossano Gospel (fol. 1r), was the first example to include all the elements which formed the typical Byzantine iconography of the scene: the bearded Christ, coming from the left, gestures towards Lazarus; He is accompanied by the apostles and Lazarus’ sisters, Mary and Martha, are prostrate at His feet; Lazarus himself is shrouded and stands at the mouth of a cave; the assistants, one of whom is covering his mouth and nose against the foul odour, and the crowd witness the miracle.258 It was a popular scene very rarely omitted from the iconographic programmes of the Palaiologan churches. Its popularity was mostly due to the fact that the Raising of Lazarus was interpreted as Christ’s ability to defeat death and also consisted the best preview of the resurrection of Christ Himself. Furthermore, based on the Gospel narrative (11, 25–26), the story of Lazarus was perceived as a symbol the resurrection of all people.259 At Kavalariana, Christ, identified by His cruciform nimbus as well as by the letters IC XC, comes from the left, as seen in the majority of the examples (e.g. in the Cretan church of the Koimesis of the Virgin at Alikampos, dated 1315/16) (Fig. 71). He extends His right arm in the direction of Lazarus and holds a closed scroll in His left hand, as seen in numerous examples of the scene (e.g. the wall painting in the church of Christos at Veroia, dated to the fourteenth century).260 A group of nimbed apostles can be discerned behind Christ, to the left, accompanying Him. Thomas is the only disciple referred to by name in the Gospel narrative (John 11, 16). Usually in the iconography of the scene Ed. Tischendorf (1959), 305, IV (XX), § 3. Muñoz (1907), pl. 1; Sevrugian (1990), pl. 4. Variations of the scene exist, but the basic features remained the same: Schiller 1 (1966), 192. 259 Darmstaeder (1955), 23, 36; Schiller 1 (1966), 189, 190; LCI 3 (1971), 33; RbK 2 (1971), col. 389; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 132; Mouriki (1975), 38; Kartsonis (1986), 27. 260 Pelekanidis (1973), pl. 20. See also Mouriki (1978), 23. 257 258

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Thomas and Peter follow Christ, with the latter apostle depicted behind Him, as is the case at Kavalariana, where Peter is easily recognizable by his facial characteristics.261 For the rest of the apostles their individual identifications are unclear. Equally unclear is their number, which varies in the different examples of the scene and became larger during the Palaiologan period.262 Lazarus, identified by the letters ΛΑ(ΖΑΡΟΣ), is depicted to the far right; the largest part of his figure is destroyed because of the installation of the first modern, wooden iconostasis. From the eleventh century onwards he usually bears a nimbus, as he does at Kavalariana. He rises out of his sarcophagus, as can also be seen, for example, at Alikampos on Crete (Fig. 71), and in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos at Thessaloniki, dated to the fourteenth century.263 Although some Palaiologan examples show Lazarus rising out of a rock-cut tomb (e.g. Christos at Veroia), according to Constantinides, the Palaiologan period favoured the sarcophagus seen at Kavalariana.264 It is unclear whether at Kavalariana Lazarus is depicted as a youthful figure (as e.g. the eleventh-century mosaic in Nea Moni on Chios, and at Alikampos) (Fig. 71), or with traces of decomposition (as e.g. the wall painting in the church of Saint George at Kurbinovo, dated 1191).265 The bystanders to the right depict members of the crowd witnessing the miracle, as narrated in the Gospel (11, 42). A crowd was already depicted in the Rossano Gospel and became a common feature in later examples (e.g. at Alikampos) (Fig. 71).266 In the lower, extreme right side, the right leg of a figure, severely damaged by the addition of the first modern iconostasis, still survives. Apparently, it belongs to the figure depicted removing the marble slab of the tomb, frequently found in the iconography of the scene (e.g. in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos, in Christos at Veroia, in Panagia Olympiotissa at Elasson, dated to the late thirteenth or the early fourteenth century, and at

RbK 2 (1971), col. 403; Mavropoulou-Tsioumi (1973), 57; Mouriki (1978), 23. Constantinides 1 (1992), 122. 263 Xyngopoulos (1964), Fig. 20 and Tsitouridou (1986), pl. 23. 264 Constantinides 1 (1992), 122. See also Pelekanidis (1973), 40; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 133; Mouriki (1985), 176–177. 265 Nea Moni: Mouriki (1985), pl. 244; Kurbinovo: Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 134–135, Fig. 57. See also Darmstaeder (1955), 21–22, 27; Réau 2,2 (1957), 387; Schiller 1 (1966), 191; RbK 2 (1971), cols. 390–391; Tsitouridou (1986), 93. 266 Mouriki (1985), 177. 261 262

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Alikampos) (Fig. 71).267 This assisting figure is in accordance with the Gospel narrative, where Christ orders “Take ye away the stone” (John 11, 39). From the sixth century onwards, another assisting figure, usually depicted close to Lazarus, unwinds the latter’s white bands and covers his nose and mouth (e.g. in Christos at Veroia, in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos, and at Alikampos) (Fig. 71), evoking Martha’s words “Lord by this time he stinketh: for he hath been dead four days” (John 11, 39). It is unclear whether or not this figure was also present at Kavalariana.268 From the fifth century onwards, numerous examples include the two sisters of Lazarus prostrate at Christ’s feet, seen at Kavalariana in the lower middle part.269 The one in front, touching Christ’s left foot with both hands, is often encountered in the iconography of the scene (e.g. at Elasson, at Veroia, in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos, and at Alikampos) (Fig. 71). She also turns her head to the right, in the direction of Lazarus, a motif frequently found in the examples of the twelfth and later centuries.270 In contrast to the middle Byzantine period, the Palaiologan era favoured the inclusion of more apostles and Jews witnessing the miracle; there are, however, exceptions (e.g. the scenes in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos and in Christos at Veroia lack the crowd).271 At Kavalariana the number of figures is unclear, although the gathered crowd is not small. Nevertheless, Lazarus’ sarcophagus is a distinctly Palaiologan element. 5. The Entry into Jerusalem (Fig. 19) The Entry into Jerusalem is depicted on the south wall of our church (Plan 3b, zone IV, 5). The wall painting is badly preserved, especially on the left side. To the left, Christ is depicted riding the ass and heading to the right; behind Him the group of His disciples follows. Opposite Christ, to the right, the crowd of Jews, consisting of both men and women, is depicted outside the abbreviated city walls. Between the two groups stands a tree on which

Elasson: Constantinides 2 (1992), 148. Millet (1916), 239, 240–241; Schiller 1 (1966), 191; Mouriki (1985), 177. 269 Schiller 1 (1966), 191. 270 Mouriki (1985), 176. 271 Millet (1916), 237, 254; Darmstaeder (1955), 39; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 133, 134; Mouriki (1985), 176; Constantinides 1 (1992), 122. 267 268

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two children have climbed, while behind the group of the apostles, in the background, the top of a mountain is visible — the Mount of Olives. The Entry of Christ into Jerusalem is narrated by all four Evangelists — Matthew 21, 1–9, Mark 11, 1–10, Luke 19, 29–40, John 12, 12–15 — though these narratives do not account for all the details depicted in the iconography of the scene.272 Christ sitting on the ass is mentioned in the Gospels. At Kavalariana, Christ is heading to the right, where the walls of Jerusalem and the crowd are depicted. This movement from left to right is common for the Entry scene.273 The depiction of Christ riding side-saddle is typical of Byzantine art,274 although examples exist that show Him riding astride (e.g. the fifthcentury Constantinopolitan relief ).275 Also typical of middle and later Byzantine art is the white ass, which keeps its head down.276 Behind Christ and the ass, to the left, the group of the disciples which accompanies Christ, and are mentioned in the Gospels, is depicted. While the middle Byzantine period depicts between one and three apostles, Palaiologan art includes larger groups.277 Here the number of the disciples is unclear. Surely there are more than one represented, for some overlapping haloes are visible in the background. Nevertheless, Peter with his white, short beard is fairly easily discerned, to the left, immediately behind Christ. His head is turned to the left and he seems to be in discourse with the unidentifiable disciple depicted to his right.278 Maguire (1981), 68–74, discusses the antitheses which the story of the Entry provided Byzantine authors (e.g. Christ enthroned on a donkey and Christ on the heavenly throne, the crowds acclaiming Him on earth and the angels acclaiming Him in heaven). On the relationship between this scene and images of the imperial adventus, of concern to the development of the iconographic formula: MacCormack (1981), esp. 17–89; Mathews (1993), esp. 14, 24–53. 273 Dinkler (1970), 26; RbK 2 (1971), col. 23; Mouriki (1985), 177. 274 Christ is depicted riding astride in Western examples of the scene: Millet (1916), 256; Réau 2,2 (1957), 397; LCI 1 (1968), 596; Schiller 2 (1968), 31; Dinkler (1970), 35; RbK 2 (1971), col. 22. Mouriki (1985), 179, mentions that Christ usually holds a scroll in His left hand. It is unclear whether or not this is also the case at Kavalariana. 275 Dinkler (1970), Fig. 28. 276 Réau 2,2 (1957), 397; LCI 1 (1968), 596; Schiller 2 (1968), 31; Dinkler (1970), 26; RbK 2 (1971), col. 25; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 139. 277 Mouriki (1985), 179, notes 7–9; Emmanouel (1991), 62; Constantinides 1 (1992), 124. 278 In the eleventh century Peter was sometimes depicted separately from the other apostles, closer to Christ, while in the twelfth century Peter is often placed alongside Christ: Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 139; Mouriki (1985), 179. 272

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The mountain, the top of which can be discerned behind the apostles, in the background to the left, denotes the Mount of Olives, mentioned in the Gospels (Matthew 21, 1; Mark 11, 1; Luke 19, 29 and 37). From the twelfth century on it is included in the majority of the examples, usually behind the apostles, as at Kavalariana.279 To the right a group of people is depicted standing outside the walls of Jerusalem: this is the crowd of Jews welcoming Christ as mentioned in the Gospels (Matthew 21, 8–9; Mark 11, 8–10; Luke 19, 39; John 12, 12–13). The crowd at Kavalariana consists of bearded men and women; they all have their heads covered. The bearded figure to the right holds in his right hand a tiny palm branch; this is also the case in the scene depicted in the late thirteenth or early fourteenth church of the Panagia Olympiotissa at Elasson.280 People holding palm branches are mentioned by John. The architecture of the city of Jerusalem depicted to the right, behind the crowd, is rendered with the minimum of detail. The building with the round roof seen to the right, within the walls, most probably represents the temple covering the Holy Tomb, often seen in the Palaiologan examples (e.g. in the mosaic of the Holy Apostles at Thessaloniki, dated ca. 1315, and in the Cretan wall painting in Hagios Nikolaos at Maza, dated 1325/26).281 Between the two groups (Christ and the disciples to the left and the crowd of Jews to the right), in the middle, there stands a tree; a boy has already climbed into it and he is cutting branches, while one of his companions is following him up the tree. There is no reference in the Gospels to this detail, often included in the scene of the Entry. In fact, as we shall see, the Gospels do not mention children at all among the crowd during the Entry of Christ in Jerusalem. What the Gospels do mention are people cutting branches from the trees and placing them on the street (Matthew 21, 8; Mark 11, 8) or, as we have seen, holding palm branches in order to welcome Christ (John 12, 13). According to Hadermann-Misguich, the tree with a young man or an adult on it, which is included in early depictions of the scene, points to a confusion (or maybe to a combination?) between two scenes: the Entry to Jerusalem and the Entry to Jericho, where we have the

Schiller 2 (1968), 31; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 138–139. Constantinides 1 (1992), 123 and 2 (1992), 40. 281 Holy Apostles: Xyngopoulos (1953), 26, pls. 22 and 25, Fig. 2; Maza: Sucrow (1994), Plan 4a and c, zone IV, 5. See also Emmanouel (1991), 63. 279 280

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episode with Zacchaeus on the tree (Luke 19, 1–10).282 But already in the sixth-century Rossano Gospel (fol. 1v), we have the depiction with the boys on the tree, as at Kavalariana: one of them is cutting branches, the other is following his companion.283 This became a typical feature in the Byzantine depictions of the scene.284 Underneath the tree with the two boys, in the middle, between the ass’ head and the bearded figure who stands to the left of the crowd depicted to the right, there is another small figure — visible with difficulty. Apparently, this figure represents one of the children who were very often included in the scene welcoming Christ by spreading clothes on the road, along with the crowd of adults.285 Despite the fact that the children do not appear in the Gospels’ narratives of the Entry, they are included in the scene from the Early Christian period.286 They are mentioned in the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus.287 Furthermore, Matthew 21, 15–16 says that children acclaimed Christ when he drove the traders from the Temple. The main argument for connecting the appearance of the children in the scene with Matthew’s passage is that in the Rossano Gospel the Entry to Jerusalem is associated with Psalm 8, 2 which is encountered in Matthew’s passage (21, 16). This verse was also often illustrated with the scene of the Entry in the Psalters. 288 It is possible that the children in the iconography of the scene may reflect the liturgical processions in Jerusalem in the fourth century in which they participated.289 Moreover, the hymnology to Palm Sunday makes frequent references to the participation of children,290 while, as Mouriki has argued, the

Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 137. Rossano Gospel: Muñoz (1907), pl. II; Sevrugian (1990), pl. 5. 284 Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 137. See also LCI 1 (1968), 596; Schiller 2 (1968), 282 283

31. 285 The earliest preserved example in monumental painting can be seen at Çavuşin, dated between 963 and 969: Restle 3 (1967), XXVI, Fig. 309; Jolivet-Lévy (1991), 22 (date); Thierry (1995), 453 (date). See also LCI 1 (1968), 597; RbK 2 (1971), col. 25. 286 Mouriki (1985), 178. 287 James (1924), 97, I §3. But according to Réau 2,2 (1957), 399 because the Jews were called children if they have not reached the age of thirty, the appearance of children in the scene is explained better by Jeremiah 1, 6. 288 Mouriki (1972), 61, 62. 289 Ed. Maraval (1982), 274–275 (§ 31, 3). See also Schiller 2 (1968), 29; Mouriki (1972), 62; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 136–137. 290 Mercenier (1948), 71-92. See also Mouriki (1972), 62; eadem (1985), 178.

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inclusion of the children in the scene, based on the homilies of the church fathers, serves a theological purpose.291 According to the latter scholar, eleventh-century Byzantine art included in the scene a few children, which is the case at Kavalariana,292 while in the fourteenth-century iconography the children obtained an important role (e.g. the Mistra wall paintings),293 a role which they also hold in most of the Cappadocian churches.294 Summing up all the features depicted in the scene at Kavalariana, we have: a group of apostles with overlapping haloes, a simple rocky landscape, a crowd welcoming Christ in front of Jerusalem, the architecture of which is rendered with the minimum of detail, and a small number of children. According to Constantinides, these are conservative features, which characterise the depiction of the scene in the Byzantine art from the tenth to the twelfth centuries.295 During the Palaiologan period the scene expanded and occupied more levels.296 The apostles accompanying Christ and the welcoming crowd were depicted in larger groups. Christ sometimes was depicted turning His head back, conversing with His disciples.297 Typical examples of the scene as rendered during the Palaiologan period can be seen in the Holy Apostles at Thessaloniki, and in the wall paintings in Saint Clement at Ohrid, dated 1295, and in the Katholikon at Chilandari on Mount Athos, dated to the beginning of the fourteenth century.298 Except, perhaps, for the crowd, the Kavalariana Entry does not include any of the other features which became popular during the Palaiologan period; its elements characterise rather the depiction of the Entry during the middle Byzantine period.299 Mouriki (1972), 63. Mouriki (1985), 178. 293 Millet (1916), 280. 294 Restle 2 (1967), X, Fig. 72, XVIII, Figs. 177–178, XXII, Figs. 231, 233, 234 and 3 (1967), XXVI, Fig. 309, LIV, Fig. 486. 295 Constantinides 1 (1992), 124. See also Millet (1916), 262; RbK 2 (1971), col. 24; Mouriki (1975), 40. 296 Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 138; Constantinides 1 (1992), 124. The Rossano Gospel has been called the forerunner of the later Byzantine version: LCI 1 (1968), 596– 597. 297 RbK 2 (1971), cols. 28–29; Emmanouel (1991), 62; Constantinides 1 (1992), 124. The turning of Christ’s head back is already apparent at Kurbinovo, dated 1191: HadermannMisguich (1975), 141, Fig. 61. 298 Ohrid: Millet and Frolow 3 (1962), pl. 5, Fig. 1; Chilandari: Millet (1927), pl. 68, Fig. 3. 299 As seen, for example, in the eleventh-century mosaics in Nea Moni on Chios and at Daphni. Nea Moni: Mouriki (1985), pl. 250; Daphni: Diez and Demus (1931), Fig. 92. In 291 292

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The same can be seen in the Panagia Olympiotissa, another Palaiologan monument.300 It is unlikely that the conservative elements of the Kavalariana Entry are connected with the restricted available space: the painters at Arilje, dated around 1296, at Maza in Crete, and in Hagios Athanasios of Mouzaki at Kastoria, dated 1384/85,301 despite the fact that they, too, had a restricted available space, still introduced in their representations some of the iconographic elements which characterise the scene during the Palaiologan period (e.g. Christ turning His head back to talk with His disciples) (Fig. 101). 6. The Betrayal (Fig. 20) The scene is depicted on the south wall of the church (Plan 3b, zone III, 5). It is dominated by the figure of Christ, depicted in the centre; He bears a cruciform nimbus, and holds a scroll in His left hand. He tilts His head to the left, where Judas stands, embracing and about to kiss Christ. The best preserved figure in the scene is that of the kneeling Peter, depicted in the lower left corner: Peter holds a raised knife in his right hand above Malchus, who is kneeling in front of him, and is about to cut off the latter’s ear. To the left and right parts of the scene groups of soldiers are depicted. In the background, to the left, a mountain is visible, while to the right torches and spears can be discerned. Christ’s Betrayal and Arrest is mentioned by all four Evangelists: Matthew 26, 47–56; Mark 14, 43–52; Luke 22, 47–53; John 18, 1–11. In Byzantine art the three main episodes of the combined narrative of the Gospels, Judas’ kiss, Christ’s arrest and Peter cutting off Malchus’ ear, are represented in one scene. Judas’ kiss is usually the main focus of the scene, while Christ’s arrest is implied.302 At Kavalariana the kiss of Judas occupies the centre of the scene, with Christ the dominant figure.303 Christ holds a scroll in His left hand, freboth scenes the movement is from right to left, for reasons connected with the placing of the iconographic programme within the church: Mouriki (1985), 177. 300 Constantinides 2 (1992), 40. 301 Arilje: Millet and Frolow 2 (1957), pl. 74, Fig. 3; Kastoria: Pelekanidis (1953), pl. 147β; Pelekanidis and Chatzidakis (1985), 111, Fig. 4. 302 Millet (1916), 336; Cook (1927–1928), 183; Schiller 2 (1968), 62, 65; LCI 4 (1972), 443. 303 Judas is usually represented in a smaller scale than Christ: Réau 2,2 (1957), 434.

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quently found in the examples of the scene (e.g. in the fourteenth-century wall paintings in Christos at Veroia, in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos at Thessaloniki, and in the Cretan church of Hagios Nikolaos at Maza) (Fig. 102).304 His right hand is covered, but in the majority of examples He is depicted blessing. Judas is represented in profile, for this figure, in the context of the Betrayal scene, represents the incarnation of evil.305 Judas’ kiss is mentioned only in the synoptic Gospels,306 and is followed by the majority of the Betrayal scenes.307 The placement of Christ and Judas to the right and left respectively is commonly found in the examples of the scene (e.g. the thirteenth-century wall paintings at Mileševo, and in Saint Clement at Ohrid, and the fourteenth-century wall paintings at Staro Nagoričino, Christos at Veroia, Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos, and at Maza) (Fig. 102).308 However, at Kavalariana, Christ’s head, tilted to the left, along with His feet, are indicative of His movement from right to left; a close parallel can be found in a fourteenth-century Gospel (Paris gr. 54, fol. 99r).309 This clear movement, apart from underlying the confrontation between Christ and Judas, is closely connected, as we shall see, with the Malchus incident in the lower left corner. The Malchus episode is mentioned by all four Evangelists (Matthew 26, 51; Mark 14, 47; Luke 22, 50; John 18, 10) but only John names the two persons involved.310 Up to the eleventh century Peter and Malchus were usually depicted standing (e.g. in the eleventh-century mosaic in Nea Moni on Chios).311 But in later examples of the scene Malchus is usually depicted on the ground with Peter kneeling over him and holding him down with his leg, as seen at Kavalariana and in other examples (e.g. at Ohrid, at Staro

304 Christos at Veroia: Pelekanidis (1973), pl. 24; Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos: Tsitouridou (1986), pl. 35; Kirchhainer (2001), pl. 32. 305 For a discussion between the connection of the figures rendered in profile and evil, see infra the Holy Women at the Tomb scene. 306 Matthew 26, 49; Mark 14, 45; Luke 22, 47. 307 Mouriki (1985), 184, 185. 308 Mileševo: Millet and Frolow 1 (1954), pl. 67, Fig. 3; Ohrid and Staro Nagoričino: Hamann-Mac Lean and Hallensleben (1963), Figs. 164 and 295 respectively. 309 Omont (1929), pl. XCIII, Fig. 8. 310 Luke and John specify that it was the right ear of the high priest’s servant that was cut off. Luke also mentions the healing of Malchus’ ear (22, 51). 311 Mouriki (1985), 186, and note 2, pl. 102.

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Nagoričino, at Veroia, and in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos).312 This is in accordance with the Gospel narrative, where it is mentioned that Peter hit the high priest’s servant before cutting off his ear.313 Peter’s raised knife indicates that he is about to cut off Malchus’ ear, as can also be seen, for example, at Maza in Crete (Fig. 102), in the thirteenth-century church of the Koimesis of the Virgin at Oxylithos, and in the fourteenth-century churches of Hagios Demetrios at Makrychori and of the Panagia at Rustika on Crete.314 In other examples Peter is depicted in the act of cutting off the servant’s ear (e.g. in Nea Moni, at Ohrid, in Staro Nagoričino, at Veroia, and in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos). Furthermore, there are also examples depicting a later stage of the incident, Peter having already cut off Malchus’ ear.315 Peter raises his head in the direction of Christ, as if to draw His attention to him. Although there are examples that show Peter looking up at Christ (e.g. at Oxylithos, at Makrychori, and at Maza) (Fig. 102), the majority depict him concentrated in his act (e.g. in Nea Moni, at Ohrid, at Staro Nagoričino, in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos, at Veroia, at Rustika, and in the Gospel Paris gr. 54, fol. 99r). Furthermore, according to Tsitouridou, the episode of Malchus was usually depicted to the left in earlier examples, but always to the right during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.316 Kavalariana contradicts this thesis, and, apart from here, a few other Palaiologan monuments also place the incident to the left (e.g. Oxylithos, Makrychori, and Rustika). At Kavalariana this placement is partly due to the fact that a decorative ornament occupies the lower right corner of the scene. However, the placement of the incident to the right, with Peter’s raising of his head, Malchus’ raising of both his arms towards Christ, and finally the latter’s obvious movement towards the episode along with His tilted head, create a diagonal between the two groups, which, on the one hand, gives prominent position to the episode, and on the other underlines the dominance of Christ. In most of the examples, even in those where Peter is looking up at Christ, the only indication that Christ is aware of the Malchus episode is His

There are, however, fourteenth-century examples that represent the group standing, e.g. the miniature in the Gospel Paris gr. 54, fol. 99r: see supra, note 309. 313 Matthew 26, 51; Mark 14, 47; Luke 22, 50; John 18, 10. 314 Oxylithos and Makrychori: Emmanouel (1991), pls. 45 and 15 respectively; Rustika: Bissinger (1995), 189–190 (no. 157), Fig. 149. 315 Cook (1927–1928), 188. 316 Tsitouridou (1986), 114, and notes 41–43 and 45–46. My italics. 312

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right, blessing hand, directed towards the suffering servant.317 The diagonal connecting the two groups in the Kavalariana Betrayal has a further significance: underneath the scene, in the lower level of the middle blind arch, the group of donors is depicted raising their arms in supplication, like Malchus, towards the patron saint of the church, the archangel Michael, situated to the right part of the same blind arch, immediately beneath the Malchus episode (Fig. 28). In this way the donors (and the faithful) are directed via the archangel and the Malchus incident to Christ, the visual as well as the metaphorical centre. At Kavalariana groups of soldiers are depicted to the left and right of the scene. Some of them are rendered in profile, as is Judas; the representation of evil is underlined here by their grotesque facial characteristics.318 To the right, one of the soldiers raises his sword with his right hand, while his left arm reaches out to grab Christ. According to Emmanouel, the presence of a figure with a raised sword is a typical feature of the middle Byzantine period.319 However, a number of fourteenth-century examples depict soldiers with raised swords in the proximity of Christ (e.g. Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos, Staro Nagoričino, and the Cretan church of the Koimesis of the Virgin at Alikampos) (Fig. 72). The grabbing of Christ, implying His arrest, is frequently encountered in the scene (e.g. Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos, and Alikampos) (Fig. 72); at Staro Nagoričino the figure who grabs Christ, seen to the right, also raises a sword in his right hand, as in our church. Another figure, seen also to the right at Kavalariana, holds a lantern in his left hand; a figure with a lantern is also found at Staro Nagoričino. The presence of the lanterns along with the torches seen in the Kavalariana background and elsewhere (e.g. in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos), can be explained by John’s narrative (18, 3). The spears, also visible in the background, imply a (further) military throng, and are frequently encountered in the iconography of the scene (e.g. in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos), as is the rocky landscape, seen to the left at Kavalariana (e.g. at Veroia, and in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos). It seems unlikely that there are laymen and/or priests included among the

317 The blessing is considered to forecast the healing of the servant, mentioned in Luke 22, 51: Mouriki (1985), 184, 185. 318 See infra the Holy Women at the Tomb scene. 319 Emmanouel (1991), 119.

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military contingent of the Kavalariana Betrayal, as seen in other examples of the scene (e.g. at Ohrid, at Staro Nagoričino, and at Makrychori).320 The importance given to the Malchus episode, as seen at the Kavalariana Betrayal, is considered to be in accordance with an older tradition.321 However, since at Kavalariana its prominence is closely connected with another part of the iconographic programme, it might be preferable for this particular scene not to conclude that the artist ‘chose’ a pre-Palaiologan iconographic type. This hesitation is partly supported by the fact that the crowded Betrayal seen at Kavalariana was favoured by the fourteenth-century art.322 7. The Carrying of the Cross (Fig. 21) The scene is depicted on the south wall of the church (Plan 3b, zone IV, 7); its state of preservation is poor. Christ is depicted in the middle, bearing a cruciform nimbus and facing to the right. Six soldiers, visible to the left, follow Him. In front of Christ, there is another soldier depicted, who turns to the left towards Him, and drags Christ by a rope with which the latter’s hands are tied. Finally, to the extreme right, Simon of Cyrene is depicted, bearded and nimbed, facing to the right and carrying the cross. All four Gospels, as well as the Gospel of Nicodemus, narrate the carrying of the cross on the road to Golgotha (Matthew 27, 31–32; Mark 15, 20–21; Luke 23, 26–31; John 19, 17; Gospel of Nicodemus 10, 1–2).323 According to John, Christ carried His cross (19, 17). The Kavalariana scene follows the synoptic Gospels and the Gospel of Nicodemus, according to which Simon the Cyrenian carried the cross (Matthew 27, 32; Mark 15, 21; Luke 23, 26; Gospel of Nicodemus 10, 1).324 Despite the fact that John’s narrative better reflects reality, since under Roman law, slaves, who alone

The Gospel narratives mention that the crowd was sent by the chief priests, not the latter’s presence in the scene (Matthew 26, 47; Mark 14, 43; John 18, 3). 321 Mouriki (1985), 185–186. 322 Pelekanidis (1973), 44. 323 Ed. Tischendorf (1959), 281–283. 324 Ed. Tischendorf (1959), 281. Luke also mentions the crowd following Christ and the weeping women whom He addressed (23, 27–31). The crowd is also mentioned in the Gospel of Nicodemus where three of the weeping women are named (Martha, Mary Magdalene and Salome). But here the emphasis is put on the Virgin’s lament and suffering (10, 2): ed. Tischendorf (1959), 282–283. 320

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were condemned to death by crucifixion, had to carry their crosses,325 the depiction of the scene according to the synoptic Gospels was equally popular since the Early Christian period. The scene comprises both episodes narrated by the synoptic Gospels and the Gospel of Nicodemus: Christ’s road to Calvary and the carrying of the cross by Simon (Matthew 27, 31–32; Mark 15, 20–21; Luke 23, 26–31; Gospel of Nicodemus 10, 1–2).326 At Kavalariana, Christ is depicted in the middle bearing a cruciform nimbus. His hands are tied and the soldier in front of Christ drags Him by the rope. This is in accordance with the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus (10, 2),327 followed by other examples too (e.g. the fourteenth-century wall paintings in the Holy Archangels at Lesnovo, in Hagios Nikolaos Magaleiou at Kastoria, and in Hagios Nikolaos at Maza on Crete).328 At Kavalariana only soldiers escort Christ: six are depicted to the left, following Christ, and one to the right, walking in front of Him. The escort of Christ comprised solely of soldiers is more frequently seen in earlier – Cappadocian – examples of the scene.329 In later examples a crowd, mentioned in the narratives of Luke 23, 27 and of Nicodemus 10, 2, joined the soldiers in Christ’s road to Calvary (e.g. at Prilep).330 Fourteenth-century examples where only soldiers are following Christ, as at Kavalariana, can also be seen at Veroia, in Taxiarches Metropoleos, and in the Cretan churches at Maza, and of the Archangel Michael at Kouneni.331 According to Millet, the presence of the soldiers in the iconography of the scene reflects not only the mocking of Christ, as narrated by Matthew and Mark (27, 27–30 and 15, 16–19 respectively), but also sermons of Byzantine scholars (e.g. Theophanes Kerameus of the ninth century) in which soldiers are blamed, along with the Jews, for Christ’s suffering.332 The soldier who walks in front of Christ and drags Him Réau 2,2 (1957), 462, 463; Schiller 2 (1968), 88. Ed. Tischendorf (1959), 281–283. 327 Ed. Tischendorf (1959), 282. 328 Lesnovo: Millet and Velmans 4 (1969), pl. 10, Fig. 22; Hagios Nikolaos Magaleiou: Pelekanidis (1953), 170α, date in Pelekanidis (1973), 53; Maza: Sucrow (1994), Plan 4a and c, zone IV, 6. 329 Tsitouridou (1986), 123, and notes 109, 110. 330 Millet and Frolow 3 (1962), pl. 24, Fig. 3. 331 Veroia: Pelakanidis (1973), pl. 26; Taxiarches Metropoleos: Pelekanidis (1953), pl. 123β; Kouneni: Lassithiotakis (1960–1961), pl. 8, Fig. 2. 332 Millet (1916), 379; Theophanes Kerameus on “Christ’s Holy Passion”: PG 132, cols. 577 and 580. This may be supported by some examples which render the soldiers in profile 325 326

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by the rope is a common iconographic element (e.g. Prilep, Čučer, Lesnovo, Veroia, Kouneni, Hagios Athanasios of Mouzaki, and Hagios Nikolaos Magaleiou at Kastoria).333 However, at Kavalariana rather than holding a sword in his left hand, he carries a sort of a vessel or a basket; a very similar iconographic element is found at Maza. This may reflect either the drink offered to Christ before the Crucifixion,334 or may allude to the basket carrying the Crucifixion tools: in Taxiarches Metropoleos, and in the Cretan churches of the Panagia at Rustika, dated 1391, and of Hagios Georgios at Artos, dated 1401, a soldier is depicted offering Christ a vessel, while in the Crucifixion scene in the naos of the monastery of Saint Neophytos in Cyprus, dated around 1200, a soldier depicted to the right, standing in front of a group of Jews, also carries a pot; in the foreground of the Lamentation scene in Saint Clement at Ohrid, dated to the late thirteenth century, the basket with the Crucifixion tools is visible.335 Because I have not found a parallel to this iconographic element outside Crete, it may point to a local tradition. As mentioned above, Simon the Cyrenian is depicted carrying the cross from the Early Christian period.336 According to Luke 23, 26, Simon carries the cross behind Christ. Although examples of the scene that illustrate Luke’s narrative do exist,337 he is usually depicted carrying the cross ahead of Christ, as at Kavalariana. The movement from left to right, with Simon leading the group, is the most common and can be seen in all the examples mentioned so far.338 At Kavalariana, if the Crucifixion had survived on the now-demolished west wall of the church, this movement would have shown the group directed towards it. The Cyrenian at Kavalariana bears a nimbus. According to Millet, this is because Simon is placed among the seventy apostles; this and with grotesque facial characteristics (e.g. in the Taxiarches Metropoleos), a combination that represents the incarnation of evil: see infra the Holy Women at the Tomb scene. 333 Čučer: Millet and Frolow 3 (1962), pl. 53, Fig. 4; Hagios Athanasios of Mouzaki: Pelekanidis and Chatzidakis (1985), 117, Fig. 11. 334 Matthew 27, 34 (vinegar mingled with gall); Mark 15, 23 (wine mingled with myrrh). 335 Rustika and Artos: Spatharakis (1999), Figs. 247 and 39 respectively; Saint Neophytos: Mango and Hawkins (1966), Figs. 32, 33; Ohrid: Hamann-Mac Lean and Hallensleben (1963), Fig. 168. 336 Schiller 2 (1968), 89; LCI 2 (1970), 649–650. 337 E.g. the wall painting in Kiliçlar Kilisesi, dated to the beginning or to the second quarter of the tenth century: Restle 2 (1967), XXIV, Fig. 274; Jolivet-Lévy (1991), 141 (date). 338 Schiller 2 (1968), 90.

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feature is often found in the Cappadocian examples of the scene, while it is less common in the examples of the rest of the Byzantine world.339 Apart from Kavalariana, Simon is also nimbed in Hagios Nikolaos Magaleiou, and on Crete at Kouneni, and at Maza. The cross he is carrying at Kavalariana, with a podium and a smaller cross at the top, where the inscription with the Greek letters IΝΒI, according to John’s narrative 19, 19, appears in the Crucifixion scenes, is commonly found in most of the examples of the scene. The iconographic elements of the Kavalariana Carrying of the Cross point to a pre-Palaiologan tradition. 8. The Lamentation (Threnos) (Fig. 22) The scene is depicted on the north wall of the church at Kavalariana (Plan 3a, zone IV, 8). It is not very well preserved, particularly in its right part. Christ is depicted lying on a stone, His head to the left, wearing only a loincloth. The Virgin embraces Him and slightly raises His head while pressing His cheek against hers. Behind the Virgin, in the centre of the scene, a kneeling John is depicted; with both hands he holds Christ’s left hand. To the right part of the scene two figures are visible: the one in the foreground bends over Christ’s feet, the other in the background stands behind the first. Finally, to the left, three women are depicted: two of them, in the background, are standing, while the one in the foreground is kneeling. The one standing to the left brings her left hand to her face, while the other standing to the right brings her right hand to her face. The facial characteristics of all women show grief. All figures are nimbed. The scene is set against a rocky landscape. The inscription, on the upper left part, reads: Ο ΕΝΤΑΦΙΑ(Σ)ΜΟΣ ΤΟΥ Χ(ΡΙΣΤΟ)Υ. The Gospels only describe Christ’s Entombment by Joseph from Arimathaia.340 The Lamentation of the Virgin over Christ’s dead body is referred to in the Apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus, especially the later

339

Millet (1916), 363. See, for example, Kiliçlar Kilisesi: Restle 2 (1967), XXIV, Fig.

274. 340 Matthew 27, 57–61; Mark 15, 42–47; Luke 23, 50–55; John 19, 38–42. Only John mentions Nicodemus (19, 39) who came with Joseph. But he does not mention the women who were watching the Entombment, as the synoptic Gospels do (Matthew 27, 61; Mark 15, 47; Luke 23, 55).

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recension B.341 Here, apart from Joseph and the Virgin, are also mentioned John, Nicodemus and the two women, Mary Magdalene and Salome. The Lamentation is also described in a sermon by George of Nikomedeia (second half of the ninth century),342 and by Symeon of Metaphrastes (second half of the tenth century);343 it is also mentioned in the Meditations on the Life of Christ of Pseudo-Bonaventura.344 It is generally accepted that the scene was introduced in art in the eleventh century.345 In monumental painting the Lamentation was established from the mid-twelfth century onwards.346 At Kavalariana, Christ is lying on a stone, wearing a loincloth, which is one of the main features characterising the Lamentation scene and distinguishing it from the Entombment. In the Entombment, Christ is wrapped in His grave clothes, according to John 19, 40 (as e.g. in the Khludov Psalter of the ninth century).347 On the other hand, in the Lamentation, Christ wears a loincloth as if He has just been taken down from the Cross; an early example is the eleventh-century ivory in Constance, in the RosgartenMuseum.348 Based on the iconographic evidence the labelling of the Kavalariana scene as the Entombment is wrong. Confusion between the two scenes is attested on the island from other examples: in the churches of Hagios Nikolaos at Argyroupolis and of Soter at Zouridi, both dated to the beginEd. Tischendorf (1959), 291–293, § 4–5. Sermon on the “Standing next to Christ’s Cross His Mother and His Mother’s Sister and on the Burial of our Lord Jesus Christ on Good Friday”: PG 100, cols. 1457–1490. On the sermons by George of Nikomedeia: Ed. Vassilaki (2000), 457–461. 343 Sermon on “The Lamentation of the Virgin when she embraced the Holy Body of our Lord Jesus Christ”: PG 114, cols. 209–218. 344 Eds. Ragusa and Green (1961), LXXXII, 342–345. 345 Weitzmann (1961b), 476, 484; Schiller 2 (1968), 187; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 156; Maguire (1977), 160, 172; Velmans 1 (1977), 102; Maguire (1981), 102. Sotiriou (1973–1974), 142, thinks that the scene can be found already in the tenth century. For the development of the scene Weitzmann (1961b), 476–490, has argued that the Lamentation derived from the changes in the scene of the Entombment, while Sotiriou (1973–1974), 139–148, believes that these two scenes were developed in parallel. 346 Velmans 1 (1977), 104. 347 Ščepkina (1977), fol. 87r. 348 Constance ivory: Goldschmidt and Weitzmann 2 (1934), 75 (no. 208), pl. LXVIII. See also Weitzmann (1961b), 484; Sotiriou (1973–1974), 141; Maguire (1981), 107. In some representations of the scene the cave where Christ’s body will be placed is visible, e.g. Kurbinovo, dated 1191: Hadermann-Misguich (1975), Figs. 74, 75. At Kavalariana the extreme left part of the scene is destroyed and, therefore, it is unclear whether or not the cave was depicted here. 341 342

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ning of the fourteenth century, the wall paintings depicting a shrouded Christ are labelled the Lamentation (Ο ΕΠΙΤΑΦΙΟΣ ΘΡΗΝΟΣ).349 In general, however, the painters working on the island used the correct inscription for the respective scenes: the inscription in the wall painting in the church of the Transfiguration at Meskla, dated 1303, which shows Christ in grave clothes, reads ‘the Entombment’ (Ο ΕΝΤΑΦΙΑΣΜΟΣ), while the one in the church of the Koimesis at Thronos, dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century, where Christ wears only the loincloth, reads ‘the Lamentation’ (Ο ΕΠΙΤΑΦΙΟΣ ΘΡΗΝΟΣ).350 As far as Kavalariana is concerned, the inscription may point to the use of the church as a burial place for its donors, without sacrificing the iconography of a scene reflecting a vital element of the Orthodox culture: the lament over a dead body.351 The stone on which Christ is depicted lying is a famous relic which, according to Choniates (ca. 1140–1220), was brought to Constantinople from Ephesus during Manuel I Komnenos’ reign (1143–1180) and placed in the Monastery of the Pantocrator,352 where it remained during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.353 It was adopted in the iconography of the scene by the thirteenth century and consisted one of its main features during the Palaiologan period.354 Sometimes Christ is lying on a white sheet on the stone (e.g. in the church of Christos at Veroia, dated 1323).355 At Kavalariana the sheet is omitted as it is, for example, in the fourteenth-century church of Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos at Thessaloniki.356 The Virgin’s suffering is one of the main focuses of the scene, therefore she is never omitted.357 At Kavalariana, she embraces Christ, lifts His head with her right arm, and presses her right cheek against His left cheek. This Spatharakis (1999), Figs. 73 and 333 respectively. Meskla: Bissinger (1995), 91–92 (no. 43), Fig. 47; Thronos: Kalokyris (1973), 103, Fig. BW 59. 351 Alexiou (1974), esp. 36–51, 102–118, 122–128, 165–177. 352 Choniates on the reign of Manuel I Komnenos: PG 139, col. 573. See also Millet (1916), 498; Pelekanidis (1973), 58, and note 5; Sotiriou (1973–1974), 146; HadermannMisguich (1975), 158; Tsitouridou (1986), 127, and note 135; Constantinides 1 (1992), 126. 353 Majeska (1984), 289, §28, and 292–293. 354 Pelekanidis (1973), 58; Sotiriou (1973–1974), 145–146; Constantinides 1 (1992), 126; Spatharakis (1995). 355 Pelekanidis (1973), pl. 28. 356 Tsitouridou (1986), pl. 44; Kirchhainer (2001), pl. 24. 357 Schiller 2 (1968), 187. 349 350

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embrace, visualising her sorrow, can be found in earlier (e.g. in Saint Panteleemon at Nerezi, dated 1164), as well as in later examples (e.g. in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos, and in the Panagia Olympiotissa at Elasson, dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century).358 As Maguire noted, the embrace of the mother, before it was introduced in art, was elaborated in a ninth-century sermon by George of Nikomedeia.359 The presence of John during the Lamentation is mentioned in the Apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus.360 John, especially from the beginning of the twelfth century, is very rarely omitted from the iconography of the scene.361 At Kavalariana, John, with both his hands, brings to his lips Christ’s left hand, an iconographic element often encountered in other examples of the scene (e.g. at Elasson, and in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos).362 To the right, in the foreground, a figure is depicted kneeling or bending over Christ’s feet. This figure is Joseph of Arimathaia who, according to the Gospels, asked Pilate for Christ’s body.363 Joseph’s placement and position, as seen at Kavalariana, is also found in other examples (e.g. at Elasson, in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos, and in Christos at Veroia).364 Behind Joseph, in the background to the right, there is another nimbed figure depicted, standing and bending forward the head; this figure is most probably Nicodemus, mentioned in John’s narrative (19, 39–42) and in the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus.365 Nicodemus is very rarely omitted from the Lamentation scene.366 During the Palaiologan period, the standing Nico-

Nerezi: Hamann-Mac Lean and Hallensleben (1963), Fig. 39; Sinkević (2000), Figs. XLVI, XLVIII; Elasson: Constantinides 1 (1992), 127 and 2 (1992), 42. See also Maguire (1977), 160–161. 359 Maguire (1977), 173; George of Nicomedeia, sermon on the “Standing next to Christ’s Cross His Mother and His Mother’s Sister and on the Burial of our Lord Jesus Christ on Good Friday”: PG 100, col. 1488 A–B. On the maternal side of the Virgin, a side incorporated in the iconography of the scene: Ed. Vassilaki (2000), 43. 360 Ed. Tischendorf (1959), 292, § 4. The statement by Weitzmann (1961b), 486, “. . . there is, as far as we know, no literary source for John’s presence at the Bewailing . . .”, is wrong. 361 Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 157. 362 Weitzmann (1961b), 486. 363 Matthew 27, 57–60; Mark 15, 42–46; Luke 23, 50–53; John 19, 38–42; Gospel of Nicodemus: ed. Tischendorf (1959), 289–293, § 3–5. 364 Weitzmann (1961b), 484–485. 365 Ed. Tischendorf (1959), 291, §4 and 293, §5. 366 Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 158. 358

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demus is usually depicted leaning upon a single (e.g. at Veroia, and in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos) or a twin ladder (e.g. at Elasson). At Kavalariana, the ladder is omitted as it is also, for example, in Saint Clement at Ohrid, dated to the end of the thirteenth century.367 According to Constantinides, a nimbed Nicodemus, as represented at Kavalariana, is unusual.368 However, this iconographic element can be found also in other Palaiologan examples (e.g. at Ohrid, and at Elasson). According to Hadermann-Misguich, from the second half of the twelfth century, the group of the female mourners, depicted at Kavalariana to the left, formed a part of the main group of the Lamentation scene — the Virgin, John, Joseph and Nicodemus — and were depicted at the same scale.369 The Palaiologan period favoured a larger number of the participant mourners with great emotional involvement; prominent place was given to Mary Magdalene, who was often depicted with her arms raised (as e.g. in Saint Clement at Ohrid).370 At Kavalariana, we only have three women whose expression of grief is restrained. The two standing in the background bring one of their hands to their faces (the one to the left, her left hand, the one to the right, her right hand). According to Maguire, this gesture could be indicative of the grief of separation.371 The dark streaks underneath their eyes, simulating tears, were another favoured sign of grief during the middle Byzantine period.372 Apparently the painter at Kavalariana chose to portray the mourners’ grief in a way more popular during the middle Byzantine, rather than the Palaiologan period. The rocky landscape, against which the Kavalariana Lamentation is set, is a reference to Golgotha and constitutes a typical background for its iconography.373 The basic layout of the scene did not change during the Palaiologan period; the fourteenth century favoured both compound, rich representations as well as plain, austere ones as seen at Kavalariana.374 The austerity of the Kavalariana Lamentation is underlined by the restricted number of

Ohrid: Hamann-Mac Lean and Hallensleben (1963), Fig. 168. Constantinides 1 (1992), 127. 369 Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 157. 370 Weitzmann (1961b), 490; Constantinides 1 (1992), 127. 371 Maguire (1977), 148. 372 Maguire (1977), 169. 373 Sotiriou (1973–1974), 142; Constantinides 1 (1992), 128. 374 Weitzmann (1961b), 490; Pelekanidis (1973), 58; Tsitouridou (1986), 127. 367 368

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mourners and their contained grief. However, Palaiologan artisans added iconographic elements to the scene such as the cross in the background, and the angels flying above (e.g. at Ohrid, and at Elasson), the lack of which at Kavalariana probably points to a pre-Palaiologan iconographic tradition.375 9. The Anastasis (Harrowing of Hell) (Fig. 23) The Anastasis scene is depicted on the north wall of the church at Kavalariana, opposite the Entry into Jerusalem (Plan 3a, zone IV, 10). In the centre, Christ with a cruciform nimbus and with a himation billowing high up is depicted in three-quarter view to the left where a kneeling, bearded Adam and a youthful Eve await their salvation. Behind Eve there is a youthful male figure with eyes wide opened and dishevelled hair, most probably Abel. To the right, in the foreground, King David and, to his left, King Solomon are depicted, while behind them, John the Baptist is visible with his long dishevelled hair and thick beard. Beside the Baptist, to his left, there is another bearded figure — most probably a representative of the group of the Righteous usually seen in the Anastasis scenes. All figures are nimbed. None of the Gospel narratives describes Christ’s Resurrection. The event appears in the Apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus and despite the fact that it is mentioned in other apocryphal writings and the works of the Fathers, it has been generally accepted that the iconography of the Anastasis illustrates Nicodemus’ narrative.376 Kartsonis has challenged this theory on the base of the inconsistencies which exist between image and text (e.g. the text does not mention Eve and distinguishes Hades from Satan, while the image depicts the trampling of the defeated Hades not mentioned in the text).377 The variations of the iconography of the Anastasis scene which were developed through the centuries are divided into four categories, mainly determined by Christ’s attitude towards Adam; ever since these types appeared Pelekanidis (1973), 57, note 1; Constantinides 1 (1992), 128. James (1924), 117–146. 377 Kartsonis (1986), 14–16. Kartsonis has put forward the opinion that the association between Nicodemus’ text and the Anastasis scene came ex posto facto, since the late Byzantine Anastasis as described and labeled by Dionysios of Fourna reflects the apocryphal text better than the earliest examples of this iconography: ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos, (1909), 110. Hence in the opinion of Kartsonis (1986), 15, 29, the texts encouraged rather than inspired the artistic solutions. 375 376

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they continued to coexist.378 A more typical Palaiologan variant appears at the Chora and shows Christ pulling Adam and Eve, who flank Him symmetrically, up at the same time.379 Despite the fact that the decoration of our church is more or less contemporary with the Chora Monastery decoration, the iconographic type of the Anastasis depicted in our church is that of the so-called “narrative” type, where Christ is depicted leaning towards Adam in order to lift him from his grave.380 The way Christ’s himation is billowing high up conveys His energetic motion; this motif can also be seen in Hosios Loukas and in Nea Moni.381

378 Kartsonis (1986), 9. One of the earliest surviving types is the so-called ‘narrative’ and represents Christ leaning towards Adam in order to lift him from his grave. This type, which according to Weitzmann is the oldest (dates back to the pre-iconoclastic period), can be seen in Nea Moni on Chios, dated to the eleventh century, as well as in our church: Weitzmann (1960), 99; Nea Moni: Mouriki (1985), pls. 48, 180. On the literature for the development of this type and the different arguments: Lucchesi-Palli (1962); Grabar (1968), 125; Schwartz (1972–1973), 30, note 5; Kartsonis (1986), 11 (on Lucchesi-Palli). A variation of the first type depicts Christ moving away from Adam and Eve, while still continued to pull Adam out of his tomb (e.g. Hosios Loukas, dated to the beginning of the eleventh century): Diez and Demus (1931), pl. XIV. On the literature for the development of this type and the comparisons with the compositional scheme of the late antiquity of Hercules dragging Cerberus out of Hades as seen in the sarcophagi of the second and third centuries A.D.: Weitzmann (1936), 88; idem (1960), 99; for a different interpretation and an earlier date (early ninth rather than tenth century as suggested by Weitzmann): Schwartz (1972–1973); Kartsonis (1986), 136. Another variant represents Christ fully frontal, hands extended sideways showing His wounds, flanked by Adam and Eve. This type can be seen in the Khludov Psalter, and it is the so-called ‘dogmatic’ type according to Weitzmann, or the ‘hymnological’ type according to Xyngopoulos: Khludov Psalter, fol. 82v: Ščepkina (1977). Weitzmann (1960), 99 (he dated the type in the second half of the ninth century); Xyngopoulos (1941). For a denial of Xyngopoulos’ conclusions: Galavaris (1969), 73–77. For an analysis of all these three types: Morey (1914); idem (1929), 57 ff.; Weitzmann (1936); idem (1960). See also Kartsonis (1986), 9. 379 Chora Monastery: Underwood 3 (1966), 341, pl. 201. Weitzmann (1961a), 234; Der Nersessian (1975), 320–322. The latter has argued the preference for a symmetrical type in the Palaiologan and later periods may be partly due in the development of the cult of the Virgin during this time. The Virgin was the “New Eve” through whom humanity was redeemed from the sin to which it was condemned because of Eve. 380 See supra, note 378. The completion of the decoration of the Chora Monastery can be dated at the end of the 1320 or the first months of 1321, while our church is dated by inscription 1327/28. At the Chora, the Anastasis wall painting is depicted in the parekklesion (it fills the semidome of the apse at the east). 381 Mouriki (1985), 135, has also argued that this motif is a reminder of the iconography’s origin from ancient art, where heroes were usually depicted with billowing himatia.

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Christ is enveloped in beams of light.382 Beams of light also envelop Christ’s figure in the Anastasis scene on the Vicopisano and on the Pliska reliquary crosses, dated by Kartsonis not before the beginning of the ninth century.383 However, Mouriki’s opinion, as far as the shining light is concerned, is that the Byzantine iconography of the scene only infrequently adopted solutions such as the addition of a glory of light enveloping the figure of Christ and, even more infrequently, a chiastic pattern of rays of light.384 She considers that both were unnecessary because the gold background, especially in mosaic representations of the scene, conveys the idea of light already. Since, however, in our church there is no gold background, the artist might have felt that these beams of light provided him with a means of representing the shining light. Christ at Kavalariana holds a scroll in His left hand, usually found in older examples of the scene (e.g. S. Maria Antiqua, dated to the early eighth century);385 it is still held by Christ in a few examples of the tenth and eleventh centuries,386 while a fourteenth-century example can be seen in the Cretan church of the Koimesis of the Virgin at Alikampos (1315/16) (Fig. 74). However, by the eleventh century, the motif of the cross in the hand of Christ was established (e.g. in Hosios Loukas, in Nea Moni, and in Hagios Nikolaos at Maza on Crete, dated 1325/26).387 Christ is stepping on broken doors underneath which Hades’ legs are visible; the same can be seen, for example, in the eleventh-century mosaic at Daphni,388 and at Alikampos (Fig. 74). The figure of Hades was already included in the scene in S. Maria Antiqua, and by the early ninth century was depicted lying flat, as seen at Kavalariana and in the fore-mentioned examples. In the same century, the motifs of broken doors, associated with Psalm 24, 7 and 9, on which Christ is stepping at Kavalariana, made their appearance, accompanied by keys, bolts, chains and so forth (e.g. at Alikampos) (Fig. 74).389 Christ pulls Adam’s left According to the Gospel of Nicodemus, a great light shone in Hades before Christ’s appearance there: James (1924), 123–124. See also MacCulloch (1930), 248–249, 331. 383 Kartsonis (1986), 94–125, Figs. 25b and 26b respectively. 384 Mouriki (1985), 135. 385 Kartsonis (1986), Fig. 14a and b. This mosaic depiction is only known through drawings which were made before its demolition in 1606: ibid., 70, Fig. 15 386 Mouriki (1985), 135. 387 Maza: Sucrow (1994), Plan 4b and c, zone IV, 8. See also Kartsonis (1986), 205– 207. 388 Diez and Demus (1931), Fig. 100. 389 Kartsonis (1986), 231. 382

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hand with His right hand; the same can be seen at Alikampos (Fig. 74), at Maza, and in the Koimesis of the Virgin at Oxylithos, dated to the late thirteenth century.390 Adam is usually depicted as a venerable patriarch, unlike Eve, who assumes a youthful appearance (e.g. at Alikampos) (Fig. 74). The appearance of the first parents in our church follows the established custom in Byzantine art, with Eve raising her hands in supplication.391 Eve remained the only woman represented in the scene, even after the eleventh century when Righteous were introduced on either side of Christ.392 As noted earlier, the youthful male figure who stands behind Eve can most probably be identified as Abel. The shepherd’s dress he is commonly depicted wearing makes his identity clear, along with a staff he usually holds, which, however, is not present at Kavalariana. The appearance of Abel in the Anastasis scene can be explained by the fact that Abel’s martyrdom was compared to that of Christ: Abel was the first shepherd and the first dead, therefore he is the image of the unjust death of Christ the shepherd; in other words, Abel is a Christomemetes.393 In the right part of the composition (behind Christ’s back), David is fairly easily discerned, standing, bearded and crowned. To his left there is another standing, youthful figure bearing also a crown. According to established Byzantine tradition, this figure must be Solomon, since the two prophet kings are almost always paired in the iconography of the scene.394 The iconography of the Anastasis seems to be the first context in which the age and attributes of the two kings are co-ordinated: according to the established tradition in middle Byzantine period, David has a white, short beard, while Solomon is beardless and youthful (e.g. at Alikampos in Crete) (Fig. 74).395 Kartsonis has argued that the joint portrait of the two prophet kings in the Anastasis scene constitutes the material proof of Christ’s humanOxylithos: Emmanouel (1991), pl. 49. Mouriki (1985), 136; Kartsonis (1986), 8. 392 Kartsonis (1986), 214. 393 Homily of Pseudo-Epiphanius (beginning of the eighth century) on “The Burial of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ and on Joseph of Arimatheia and on the Harrowing of Hell after the Passion on Easter Sunday”: PG 43, col. 452 C; Proclus (411–485), sermon on “The Passion of the Lord on Good Friday”: PG 65, col. 784. See also Der Nersessian (1975), 322; Kartsonis (1986), 210. 394 Their first joint portrait in the East appeared on the Fieschi Morgan reliquary, dated not before the beginning of the ninth century: Buckton (1982), 35–36; Buckton (1988), 242–244. See also Kartsonis (1986), 94–125. 395 Mouriki (1985), 136; Kartsonis (1986), 187–188. 390 391

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ity and points to Christ’s davidic ancestry. Thus, it is the joint appearance of the two kings which is important, since it asserts the historical reality of Christ’s human ancestry; therefore David has to appear in the iconography of the scene with Solomon in order for the reference to the doctrine of the incarnation to be clear.396 Behind the two kings, John the Baptist is visible with his long, dishevelled hair and thick beard. The Baptist is wearing a chiton, which leaves his right arm, extended towards Christ, bare. His right hand is depicted crossing the thumb over the third and fourth fingers while the two remaining fingers point upward;397 this is also the case at Daphni. This gesture is one, among others, with which the Baptist is depicted bearing witness to Christ.398 Kartsonis has argued that the inclusion of John the Baptist in the scene was connected to the identification by him, through the gesture described above, of Christ as Amnos; this identification made a clear reference to Eucharist (the eucharistic bread is also called “amnos”).399 I also believe that his inclusion 396 Kartsonis (1986), 186–203. While David’s appearance in the scene is almost selfexplanatory (he is the prophet of the redemption and furthermore the importance of the Psalter is unquestionable in the post-iconoclastic period), Solomon is absent from all versions of the Apocryphon of Nicodemus as well as from paschal homiletic literature, while the liturgical value of his writings was minimal: Kartsonis (1986), 189–190, and note 97. Kartsonis’ arguments provide an explanation for the joint portrait of the two kings in the iconography of the Anastasis, if we do not wish to view the appearance of Solomon in the scene as just a pair for David: Mouriki (1985), 135. It is possible, however, that a further explanation is offered by the Patristic references to the Descent, where Saint Irenaeus reports the teaching of a certain Presbyter who taught that it is enough for the ancients, specifically David and Solomon, to be rebuked for their sins by the Scriptures, without our reproaching them because they had an opportunity of enlightenment by Christ in Hades: MacCulloch (1930), 87. 397 Kartsonis (1986), 172–173, has argued that this gesture was established as early as the sixth century as part of the iconography of the Baptist pointing to Christ as the sacrificial lamb and that most representations of the Anastasis which include him show him making this sign in Christ’s direction. One of the two examples which she cites for the establishment of this gesture in the sixth century is the icon of the Baptist in Kiev; this icon is, however, firstly, dated with convincing arguments by Corrigan to the seventh century and, secondly, is badly flaked and does not allow us to see in detail the Baptist’s gesture: Corrigan (1988), 11, and Fig. 1. 398 Other gestures with which the Baptist bears witness to Christ, not only in the Anastasis scene, include the Baptist pointing at Christ with his index finger (e.g. the Deesis wall painting in S. Maria Antiqua, in Rome, dated to the seventh century: Corrigan [1988], Fig. 9) and the Baptist’s opened and extended palm (e.g. the Anastasis mosaic in Nea Moni). See also Kalavrezou (1997), 70. 399 Kartsonis (1986), 173.

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was connected, too, to the importance of the Forerunner in the narrative: the Baptist went to Hades to preach Christ’s coming in the underworld, therefore he was the Forerunner there as he was on earth.400 Furthermore, the connection between Baptism, the Passion of Christ, and the Anastasis may be, up to a certain point, responsible for the addition of the Baptist to the iconography of the scene, since an allusion to Baptism is inherent in all the images of the Forerunner.401 Most of the fourteenth-century portraits of John the Baptist showed him wearing a chiton under a himation, a tradition which harks back to the eleventh-century depictions. The Forerunner’s right arm came out of the himation, while his chest was left uncovered.402 In our scene the Baptist is almost certainly wearing a himation and his right arm, as mentioned above, comes out of it; but it is unclear whether or not his chest was uncovered, since most of the Forerunner’s figure is concealed by that of David’s in front. Behind John the Baptist there stands another bearded figure — perhaps a representative of the group of the Righteous; from the eleventh century on, as mentioned above, it became usual to place groups of older and younger men on either side of Christ.403 Finally, on each of the top right and left corners of our scene, the peak of a hill is discerned. Two hills, one opposite the other, were introduced in the iconography of the scene in the eleventh century as part of the topography of the Anastasis and became a common motif from then on. Kartsonis has argued that with this motif the iconography stressed that the “creation did not ignore its Lord and Maker”.404 It is implied that the two hills formed a single mountain before the earthquake that took place after the death and burial of Christ.

400 See James (1924), 125 (Latin A text), 125–126 (Greek text). Kartsonis (1986), 172, is of a different opinion: she wrote that the presence of the Baptist in an attempt to enhance the narrative is discouraged by the late date of his addition, while his presence in Hades at the time of the Resurrection does not fully account for his selection above other important prophets, such as Isaiah. John enters the iconography of the scene for the first time in the mid-tenth century wall painting decoration of the New Tokali Kilise church at Cappadocia: Epstein (1986), 32, and Fig. 5. 401 Kartsonis (1986), 173. 402 Xyngopoulos (1939), 261. 403 Kartsonis (1986), 214. 404 Kartsonis (1986), 207–209.

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From all the above, it is apparent that the Anastasis scene depicted in our church follows the established Byzantine tradition for the representation of the image. The artist used the first type of the Anastasis, the so-called “narrative”, either because he was not yet aware of the fourth type as executed in the Chora Monastery or because he thought he did not have enough space for such a composition (e.g. there is only one representative of the Righteous group) or simply because the “narrative” type enjoyed a long period of popularity and continued to appear in fourteenth-century art.405 10. The Holy Women at the Tomb (Figs. 24–24a) The Holy Women at the Tomb are depicted on the north wall of our church below the Anastasis scene (Plan 3a, zone III, 10). Unfortunately, this scene, too, is not very well preserved, especially in its upper left and right corners. The scene is dominated by the big figure of the ‘man in white’ in the centre, who is winged and bears a halo. He is, in fact, presented as an angel. The angel sits on a big, cubic, brown stone and inclines his head towards the left, where the group of the Holy Women, three in number and all nimbed, is depicted; the first woman is holding a censer. With its right arm across its body, the angel is pointing towards the opposite direction, to the right, where the tomb of Christ with His empty grave clothes and a group of sleeping soldiers, apparently six in number, are depicted. The angel is raising its left hand in a gesture of discourse, while its wings are wide open. The arrival of the Holy Women at the Tomb is mentioned by all four Evangelists (Matthew 28, 1–8; Mark 16, 1–8; Luke 24, 1–10; John 20, 1–18) — not without differences in the narrative. In Matthew the women mentioned are Mary Magdalene and the other Mary who went to visit the sepulchre as it began to dawn the first day of the week (28, 1); in Mark and Luke the women went to the sepulchre very early in the morning the first day of the week in order to anoint Jesus’ body with spices (16, 1–2 and 24, 1 respectively; because of that, the scene is also known as Myrophoroi — unguent bearers), but while Mark mentions three women, Mary Magdalene, Mary the mother of James, and Salome (16, 1), Luke refers to a group of

Schwartz (1972–1973), 30, notes that the type appears “. . .as late as the fourteenth century in a manuscript of the Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris.” (gr. 543): Galavaris (1969), 70–71, and Fig. 454. 405

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women (of which he names three, Mary Magdalene, Joanna, and Mary the mother of James, 24, 10); and finally in John, Mary Magdalene alone went to visit the sepulchre, the first day of the week when it was still dark (20, 1).406 Matthew mentions one angel dressed in white, sitting outside the sepulchre on the stone removed from the entrance (28, 2–3), while in Mark a young man, also dressed in white, sits inside the sepulchre (16, 5). Luke mentions two men who are wearing shining garments and are sitting inside the sepulchre (24, 3–4), while in John the two angels which are, too, sitting inside the sepulchre are dressed in white (20, 11–12). Finally, only Matthew mentions the guards, who “became as dead men” out of fear (28, 4). The scene was the main representation of Christ’s Resurrection up until the first decade of the eighth century, when the Anastasis scene made its first appearance. However, the Anastasis scene, which became canonical, did not replace the Holy Women at the Tomb; it merely put the Myrophores scene in a “secondary” position, which continued to be represented in the middle Byzantine period. Moreover, the two scenes often appear together in iconographic programmes as they do at Kavalariana (e.g. in a number of Cappadocian churches).407 But especially from the twelfth century onwards the two scenes compose, according to Mouriki, a diptych in monumental painting, designed to emphasise the importance of Christ’s Resurrection.408 In the church of the Archangel Michael the two scenes are definitely connected to each other, not only by being one above the other (Plan 3a, zones III and

406 The number of women mentioned in the synoptic Gospels is in accordance with Roman and Jewish law, which required at least two or three witnesses in order to consider a testimony valid: Vilette (1957), 62; Grabar (1968), 123. But, parenthetically, as far as Jewish law is concerned, one should bear in mind that in the Passion Gospels, Acts of Pilate, a case is mentioned where the Jews did not allow a woman to give testimony: “And a certain woman named Bernice crying out from afar off said: I had an issue of blood and I touched the hem of his garment, and the flowing of my blood was stayed which I had twelve years. The Jews say: We have a law that a woman shall not come to give testimony” (my italics): James (1924), 102, VII. In that case the number of the women does not matter: Jewish law would not have accepted their testimony simply because they were women. Only in John’s Gospel, where the minimum number of witnesses acquired is complemented by the two disciples who run at the sepulchre after Mary Magdalene told them the news (20, 1–10), would the testimony have been valid. 407 Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 34, 59, note 82. For more examples of monuments of the twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, where the two scenes appear together: KalopissiVerti (1975), 34. 408 Mouriki (1978), 28.

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IV, 10), but also by the angel’s halo that overlaps the border of the Anastasis scene, serving as a visual link between the two scenes (Figs. 23, 24, 24a). It is obvious that the iconography of the scene at Kavalariana does not follow the narrative of only one of the Gospels; it rather combines different elements from them. This is not unusual: when depicting this scene, painters rarely followed one Gospel text.409 The three women depicted here to the left are in accordance with Mark’s Gospel; their number appears also in other examples of the scene (e.g. in the Cretan church of Hagios Nikolaos at Maza, dated 1325/26).410 Only two of them are fully depicted; the third is partly shown between the first two. The depiction of three or more women following the narratives of Mark and Luke is in accordance with the practice seen in the monuments of the Palaiologan period; prior to that, the two women of Matthew’s Gospel are more characteristic.411 The censer held by the first woman in our scene made its appearance in monumental painting during the twelfth century (in Kosmosoteira at Feres in 1152, and at Kurbinovo in 1191) and from the thirteenth century on became widespread.412 As mentioned above, the guards at Kavalariana, depicted to the right, are only referred to in Matthew’s Gospel (28, 4). To the left an inscription Vilette (1957), 62. Sucrow (1994), Plan 4a and c, zone III, 2. 411 Mouriki (1978), 26; Constantinides 1 (1992), 129. However, as is usual with iconographic types, this is not a rule without exceptions. For example, three women are depicted in the scene as early as the eleventh century in Cappadocian churches, e.g. Pürenli Seki Kilisesi in Ihlara, dated to the first half of the tenth century, and Karşi Kilise in Arabsun, Gülşehir, dated in 1212: Restle 3 (1967), LIV, Fig. 487 and LI, Fig. 471 respectively; Jolivet-Lévy (1991), 305 and 230 respectively (dates). On the other hand the scene depicted at Staro Nagoričino, dated 1316/17, includes only two women: Hamann-Mac Lean and Hallensleben (1963), Fig. 280. Schiller 3 (1971), 18, says that sometimes four women are depicted and in that case the Mother of Christ is added to the three women. Schiller (ibid., 31) also notes that the Meditations of Bonaventura (Italy, first half of the fourteenth century), mention more women at the Tomb and this led to the depiction of up to five women in the iconography of the scene (in the West, since the end of the tenth century, the usual number of women depicted was three). I have been unable to find the passage to which Schiller refers: Bonaventura mentions three women at the Tomb, Mary Magdalene and the other two Marys — that is Jacobi and Salome: eds. Ragusa and Green (1961), 359–360. In any event, in the sources of the painter’s Manual by Dionysios of Fourna, six women are mentioned: ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), Parartima Γ, 266 and Parartima Δ, 300. 412 Mouriki (1978), 26. Feres: Sinos (1985), fig, 140. Kurbinovo: Hadermann-Misguich (1975), Fig. 78. 409 410

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reads: κέν(ον) φιλάση ἀπό νεκρό, referring to the fact that the soldiers guard an empty grave. In other examples the soldiers are identified as guards (οἱ φυλάσσοντες τόν τάφον).413 At Kavalariana, they sit on the ground, sleeping, leaning either against each other or on the shields they are carrying (two round shields can be discerned, one bigger, in the middle between the two soldiers to the left and one smaller which the soldier to the right, in the foreground, holds). They are dressed in armour and wear helmets. Matthew does not give their number; there appear to be six in the church of the Archangel Michael — two are indicated with part of their faces and heads in the background, behind the first four. Six guards, dressed in armour, wearing helmets and resting their heads upon triangular shields, are also depicted in the church of the Panagia Olympiotissa at Elasson in northern Thessaly, dated to the late thirteenth or the early fourteenth century.414 Two of these guards, to the left and to the right, opposite each other in the foreground, are depicted in profile; the one to the right also seems to have grotesque facial characteristics — elongated jaw and nose.415 The guards do not belong to the hierarchy of the Gospel narrative; in other words, their depiction did not have to copy a certain prototype, like the depiction of the holy persons.416 I suppose that is the reason why Mouriki wrote that the Byzantine artists took liberties when representing the guards; furthermore, the way they are depicted (their position, and their usually rich armour)

413 E.g. in Çarikli Kilise and in Karanlik Kilise (Chapel 23) at Göreme, both dated to the middle of the eleventh century: Restle 2 (1967), XXI, Fig. 211 and XXII, Fig. 239 respectively; Jolivet-Lévy (1991), 131 and 135 respectively (dates). 414 Constantinides 1 (1992), 128, and 2 (1992), 48. The example at Elasson is far from unique; guards, varying in number, are depicted carrying round shields and leaning on them in Cappadocian monuments (e.g. in Çarikli Kilise, and in Karanlik Kilise at Göreme). In Serbian churches they are depicted dressed in armour, carrying shields either round or triangular and leaning either on them or on each other (e.g. at Mileševo, dated ca. 1235, at Sopoćani, dated 1263/68, and at Staro Nagoričino, dated 1316/17: Hamann-Mac Lean and Hallensleben [1963], Figs. 88, 117, and 280 respectively). A big number of soldiers is depicted in the Cretan church of Panagia at Prasses, dated ca. 1300: Spatharakis (1999), Fig. 216. 415 Figures in profile and with grotesque facial characteristics appear also in the Betrayal scene (see supra). 416 There is an extensive literature on the issue of the icon which serves as a channel of divine grace and therefore had to copy the prototype as faithfully as possible; see e.g. Ed. Acheimastou-Potamianou (1987), 37–39. See also Demus (1948), 5–7; Lymberopoulou (forthcoming a).

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add a decorative element to the scene.417 At Kavalariana, though, the caricature-like representation of the soldier most probably indicates more than the liberty of the artist and a decorative touch, especially since it is combined with his depiction in profile. According to Demus, the profile in Byzantine monumental painting was used for figures that represented evil (e.g. Judas in the Betrayal scene, which is also the case at Kavalariana).418 Furthermore, as Corrigan has argued, the artists of the marginal Psalters make use of caricature in their representation of the Jews; an elongated jaw and nose, seen here, was among the grotesque facial characteristics in use.419 Whether or not our painter intended to represent a Jew here, the important point is that he most probably wanted to underline the evil nature of the soldiers through the combination of profile and caricature depiction. The focal point of the scene at Kavalariana, the angel depicted in the central axis, is sitting on what seems to be a big, cubic stone. Its white garments, wide-spread wings, and the way the angel is pointing with its arm across its body are in accordance with the usual iconography of the scene in Byzantine tradition.420 The angel is pointing to the right, where the guards are depicted; above their heads an inscription reads: ἲδε ὂ τόπος ὂπου ἔθηκαν αυτόν (Mark 16, 6), indicating Christ’s rock-cut tomb with His empty grave clothes, seen in the upper right part. The latter iconographic element is frequently encountered (e.g. in the Cretan churches of Hagios Georgios at Komitades, dated 1313/14, and of Hagios Georgios at Apostoloi, dated ca. 1375) (Fig. 57).421 The Palaiologan period did not add any characteristic elements in the iconography of the scene, therefore the artist’s awareness of contemporary art cannot be judged from the Kavalariana Myrophores, which, in any case, does not show any unusual features.

Mouriki (1978), 27. Demus (1948), 8. It should be noted, however, that the Palaiologan art offers examples of figures in profile that do not represent evil, such as two of the three Magi in the Chora Monastery mosaic which depicts the Journey of the Magi: Underwood 2 (1966), 176 (pl. 103). 419 Corrigan (1992), 46–49. Elsewhere (ibid., 82), though, says that it is unusual to find caricatures of Jews in Byzantine art outside the marginal Psalters. 420 Roe (1941), 217; Mouriki (1978), 27; Constantinides 1 (1992), 129. 421 Komitades: Sucrow (1994), Plan 1a and c, zone III, 11; Apostoloi: Bissinger (1995), 184–185 (no. 153), Fig. 148. See also Mouriki (1978), 27; Constantinides 1 (1992), 129. 417 418

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B. The Archangel Michael Cycle 1. Joshua and the Archangel Michael (Fig. 25) The scene is depicted on the north wall of the church (Plan 3a, zone III, 8); like the rest of the wall paintings, it is not very well preserved. The scene depicts two successive episodes from the Joshua narrative. To the left we have the appearance of the archangel Michael before Joshua (Joshua 5, 13–15). Michael is depicted standing to the extreme left, holding his raised sword in his right hand. In front of him the kneeling Joshua extends his right arm with opened palm towards the archangel. Between Michael and Joshua rest the latter’s sword and shield. To the right the besieging of Jericho is depicted (Joshua 6, 1–27). Joshua is shown once again kneeling, holding this time his shield and sword in his right hand and a thin spear in his left hand. To the extreme right four bearded figures blow trumpets. Jericho’s walls are visible in the background with soldiers on them. According to the narrative (Joshua 5, 13–15), a man appeared before Joshua with his sword drawn in his hand, who called himself captain of the host of the Lord. From a very early date he was identified with the archangel Michael.422 The identification is also mentioned in the Synaxarion of the Church of Constantinople.423 The wall paintings representing the appearance of Michael before Joshua at Çavuşin, dated between 963 and 969, and in Hosios Loukas, dated to the eleventh century, are connected with the admiration which the Byzantine commanders had towards Joshua: the successor to Moses was regarded as the archetypal leader, a figure of courage, and of divine inspiration.424 However, the scene commonly forms part of the iconographic programme in churches dedicated either to the archangel Michael, as at Kavalariana, or to the Taxiarches: the wall paintings depicted in the Cretan churches dedicated to the archangel Michael at Kouneni, dated to the first quarter of the fourteenth

422 E.g. Origen the theologian (ca. 185–254): Rohland (1977), 52–53. See also LCI 2 (1970), 440; ODB 2 (1991), 1075. 423 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 203, lines 45–46. 424 Çavuşin: Restle 3 (1967), XXVI, Fig. 317; Jolivet-Lévy (1991), 22 (date); Thierry (1995), 453 (date); Hosios Loukas: Stikas (1974), 110–114, Figs. 22, 23, 25. In some examples Joshua is depicted nimbed, e.g. at Çavuşin.

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century,425 at Sarakina, dated around 1325,426 at Prines, dated 1410,427 at Kamiliana, dated 1440 (the archangel is depicted on horseback),428 in the Cretan church dedicated to Asomatos at Archanes, dated 1315–1316,429 and in the church dedicated to the Taxiarches at Geraki in the Peloponnese, dated to the mid-thirteenth century,430 are a few examples. The archangel is usually depicted in the scene as he appears at Kavalariana: standing, nimbed, wearing a military garb and holding his drawn sword.431 At Kavalariana Joshua kneels in the presence of the archangel as seen, for example, in the Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus (Paris gr. 510, fol. 226v), dated between 879 and 882,432 in Taxiarches at Geraki, and at Kouneni on Crete. However, many examples show him prostrate at the archangel’s feet, which is in accordance with the narrative (Joshua 5, 14) (e.g. the Menologion of Basil II (Vat. gr. 1613), dated between 976 and 1025).433 His extended, opened right palm at Kavalariana implies that Joshua is bearing witness to Michael.434 To the right part of the scene the besieging of Jericho is depicted (Joshua 6, 1–27). According to Joshua 6, 4, Joshua ordered seven priests to blow trumpets in order for Jericho’s walls to fall down. Their presence in the scene is a common iconographic element (e.g. Kouneni); at Kavalariana four of them are depicted to the far right.435 Joshua is depicted here once again kneeling, to the left of the priests. This time he holds his sword and his shield in his right hand and a thin spear in his left. Although in most of the examples where Joshua is depicted twice he is shown first standing and the then kneeling/prostrate, the second kneeling Joshua at Kavalariana may be a reference to the second meeting between the archangel and Joshua;436 Lassithiotakis (1960–1961), 23–26, pl. 11, Fig. 2. Lassithiotakis (1970a), 144; date in Bissinger (1995), 101 (no. 61). 427 Lassithiotakis (1970b), 362. 428 Lassithiotakis (1969), 191–192. 429 Chatzidakis (1952), 71. 430 Sotiriou (1964–1965), 264–265, pl. 55, Fig. 1. 431 RbK 3 (1978), col. 44. 432 Brubaker (1999), Fig. 26. 433 Il Menologio, 3. 434 The extended, opened palm is one of the gestures used for the Baptist when he bears witness to Christ: see supra, the Anastasis scene. 435 The besieging of Jericho with trumpets was considered a prefiguration of the Last Judgement: Réau 2,1 (1956), 219–220, 223. 436 On this meeting: Brubaker (1999), 194. 425 426

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since, however, here Joshua is fully armoured, this may also be relevant to the attack on the city that followed the blowing of the trumpets (Joshua 6, 20–21). In Taxiarches at Geraki this attack is explicitly shown with Joshua leading the cavalry. Joshua’s almond-shape shield was used by the Byzantine army until the late thirteenth century on a regular base, and, occasionally, was still in use up until ca. 1350, while his sword, the sabre, made its appearance around the late thirteenth century.437 Joshua’s mail head and neck cover can be seen in other Byzantine examples of the Palaiologan period (e.g. in the church of Saint George at Staro Nagoričino);438 however, it represents western influence since it is characteristic of the armour worn by the Crusaders, as depicted in thirteenth-century manuscripts,439 and in the soldiers in the Holy Women at the Tomb scene who are covered in mail armour (Fig. 24). The city walls with soldiers on them, seen in the background at Kavalariana, can also be seen in other examples (e.g. at Kouneni). A further two iconographic elements of the Kavalariana Jericho scene should be mentioned here. First is the depiction of the sun or the moon in front of the city walls. This is probably a reference to Joshua’s stopping them (Joshua 10, 12). The Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus (Paris. gr. 510, fol. 226v) illustrate the incident, while at Kouneni on Crete, a standing Joshua raises his arms towards the sun/moon. Second is the representation of a rectangular structure, depicted in the middle of the scene between the two kneeling Joshua figures, which seems to contain a column. The rectangular structure may well be the entrance to Jericho, the Great Gate, as it is depicted, for example, at Geraki and at Kouneni. The column, on the other hand, which due either to lack of space or the inept technique of the painter is portrayed within the rectangular structure, might be a reference to the monument Joshua built in Gilgal (Joshua 4, 20), as seen in the Joshua Roll (Vat. pal. gr. 431), sheet III.440 According to Joshua 6, 4, during the besieging of Jericho the priests blowing the trumpets had to stand before the ark; therefore the monument, since it is connected to the ark (Joshua 4, 9), might serve at Kavalariana as a visual reference for it. Heath and McBride (1995), 42, 44. See also Bartusis (1992), 326–329. Millet and Frolow 3 (1962), pl. 95, Fig. 3. 439 For example, the Arsenal Bible (Bibliothèque de l’ Arsenal, 5211), and London Add. 15268 (Histoire Universelle): Buchthal (1957), pls. 67a and 112c respectively; for the Arsenal Bible, see also Weiss (1998), Fig. 38. See also Emmanouel (1991), 66. 440 Weitzmann (1948), Fig. 9. 437 438

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2. The Miracle at Chonai (Fig. 26) The scene is depicted on the south wall of the church (Plan 3b, zone III, 7b). Because of the very bad state of preservation of the wall painting, the scene remains unidentified in most publications mentioning the church at Kavalariana.441 But I believe that the scene can be positively identified as Michael’s miracle at Chonai: to the right, in the foreground, a nimbed figure with a short, white beard and a black head-piece can be seen; this figure is the monk Archippos who kneels in front of the tall and nimbed archangel Michael, depicted to the left, plunging his spear into the river. The archangel apparently wears elaborate clothes, as the lower part of his figure reveals. In the background, to the right, behind the monk, a church is visible. The Orthodox Church celebrates the miracle at Chonai on the sixth of September.442 Chonai was a centre of pilgrimage and its church, a large basilica with mosaics dedicated to the archangel Michael, was famous. Michael was venerated there, as throughout western Asia Minor, as a wondrous healer (θαυµατουργός) and his activity was related to sacred water (springs).443 According to Symeon Metaphrastes’ tenth-century record of the miracle, Michael appeared at Chonai in order to save his church, its guardian the monk Archippos and the holy spring from pagans who wanted to pollute the sacred water by diverting other rivers into it. The archangel struck a rock open with his spear, and as a consequence the diverted waters ran through it without spoiling the holy spring.444 The first depiction of the miracle can be seen in the Menologion of Basil II (Vat. gr. 1613), dated between 976 and 1025.445 The basic structure

In Lassithiotakis (1970a), 188, the scene is ‘undiagnosed’ (Plan 68, no. 3); in Borboudakis, Gallas, and Wessel (1983), 220, the scene is not mentioned; in Sucrow (1994), Plan 5b, zone III, 7b, the scene is referred to as a scene of the archangel Michael. 442 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 19–20, § 1. See also LCI 3 (1971), 256; ODB 1 (1991), 427 and 2 (1991), 1360. 443 Meinardus (1980), 462; Mango (1984), 53, and note 35; ODB 1 (1991), 427 and 2 (1991), 1360. The church was most probably built around the sixth century, although smaller chapels dedicated to the archangel existed before that date, and was destroyed in 1189: Meinardus (1980), 467, 469. 444 Bonnet (1889), 289–316. For a hagiographic approach to the miracle: Peers (1996). 445 Il Menologio, 17. Sotiriou 2 (1958), 80; Xyngopoulos (1959), 30, 31; Chatzidakis (1977), 71; RbK 3 (1978), col. 47; ODB 1 (1991), 427. 441

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seen in this miniature was maintained for almost all the representations of the scene: Archippos, usually shown as an old man with a beard, is mainly depicted to the right; Michael to the left, usually at a larger scale, strikes with his spear the rock; a river separates the two main figures, while behind the monk, in the background, the church is visible. The landscape is usually rocky, and sometimes at the top of the scene, in the centre, the pagans with pickaxes can be seen.446 The depiction of the miracle was a very popular subject, even during the post-Byzantine period.447 In monumental painting it is mainly found in churches dedicated to the archangel Michael; as at Kavalariana, in these churches the wall painting decoration often also includes the scene with Joshua outside the walls of Jericho and the Synaxis of the Asomatoi (e.g. the fourteenth-century Cretan church at Kouneni).448 At Kavalariana the lower part of the archangel Michael survives. Apparently he wore elaborate attire: the hem of his chiton bears pearl decoration. Although in the iconography of the scene Michael normally wears simple garments (e.g. in the twelfth-century icon on Mount Sinai, and at Archanes on Crete),449 examples representing him in richly decorated garments exist (e.g. on the so-called Kerularios cross of the eleventh century, Michael wears the imperial loros, at Kouneni his chiton bears pearl decoration around the collar, and in the Patmos icon, dated around 1500, the archangel’s chiton bears gold decoration).450

E.g. in the Cretan church of the archangel Michael at Archanes, dated 1315/16: Bissinger (1995), 105–106 (no. 68), Fig. 69; in the Palaiologan icon in the Greek Patriarchate at Jerusalem: Weitzmann et al. (1965), Fig. 69. See also the description given by Dionysios of Fourna: ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 175, ιγ. 447 E.g. the icon in the church of Saint John Theologian on Patmos, dated around 1500: Chatzidakis (1977), pl. 17. See also LCI 3 (1971), 263. 448 Lassithiotakis (1960–1961), 22–23, pl. 11, Fig. 1, 23–26, pl. 11, Fig. 2, and 26–27, pl. 12, Fig. 1 respectively. In Taxiarches at Geraki, dated to the second half of the thirteenth century, the miracle at Chonai almost certainly existed alongside with the Joshua scene: Sotiriou (1964–1965), 265. In the Archangel Michael church at Kamiliana on Crete, dated 1440, only the miracle at Chonai is depicted: Lassithiotakis (1969), 190–191. 449 Mount Sinai icon: Sotiriou 1 (1956), Fig. 65 and 2 (1958), 79–81 and Weitzmann (1978), 82, pl. 22. See also Jenkins and Kitzinger (1967), 248; Meinardus (1980), 460; Mango (1984), 44, and note 7. 450 Cross: Jenkins and Kitzinger (1967), Figs. 1 and 8. On the cross see also Cotsonis (1994), 81–83 (no. 5), Fig. 29; Patmos icon: Chatzidakis (1977), pl. 17. 446

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According to the narrative Archippos fell to the ground or to his knees, as seen at Kavalariana and at Kouneni, when the archangel appeared;451 he is shown prostrate on the so-called Kerularios cross and at Archanes. However, in the iconography of the scene he is usually depicted standing, in a smaller scale compared to the archangel (e.g. in the Menologion of Basil II, on the Sinai icon, and on the Palaiologan icon in the Loverdou collection).452 The monk was already depicted nimbed, as at Kavalariana, in the first example of the scene in Basil’s Menologion. Behind the monk, in the background, Michael’s church is visible. The church is not omitted even in the abbreviated versions of the miracle (e.g. in the Menologion icon on Mount Sinai, dated to the second half of the thirteenth century).453 The façade of the Kavalariana church has three columns, one to the left and two to the right, with a double capital each; a similar architectural element can be seen in the Cretan church at Kouneni. It is unclear whether or not the church is domed as seen in numerous examples of the scene (e.g. in the Menologion of Basil II, and on the twelfth-century Sinai icon).454 Symeon Metaphrastes mentions two rivers, the Lykokapros and the Koufos.455 In some pre-Palaiologan examples the two rivers are depicted like arches above each of the two main participating figures, combined in a vertical river separating them (e.g. in the Menologion of Basil II, and on the Sinai icon). However, the single river, as seen at Kavalariana and elsewhere (e.g. at Kouneni) was favoured during the Palaiologan period; furthermore, it was in accordance with a short description of the miracle given in the Menaion.456 At Kavalariana it is unclear whether or not there is a rocky landscape in the background that, according to Xyngopoulos, was imposing during

Bonnet (1889), 303, 315. Loverdou collection icon: Xyngopoulos (1959), pl. 7. 453 Sotiriou 1 (1956), Fig. 140 and 2 (1958), 121. 454 Xyngopoulos (1959), 33, 34. During the Palaiologan period the domed church is sometimes accompanied by a barrel-vaulted basilica (e.g. on the Loverdou collection icon). According to Xyngopoulos, the basilica represents the church dedicated to Michael, while the domed church reflects the building covering his holy spring. Other Palaiologan examples depict a complex architectural structure (e.g. at Archanes). On the actual church of the archangel: Meinardus (1980), 469; Mango (1984), 53, 54. 455 Bonnet (1889), 298, 313. 456 Menaion of September, 43. See also Sotiriou 2 (1958), 80; Xyngopoulos (1959), 30, 32; Chatzidakis (1977), 71, note 2. 451 452

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the Palaiologan period;457 equally unclear is the presence of pagans, seen in other examples (e.g. at Archanes, and in the Palaiologan icon in the Greek Patriarchate at Jerusalem).458 The changes that occurred in the iconography of the scene during the Palaiologan period concern mainly its secondary elements (i.e. the river and the landscape).459 At Kavalariana the single river demonstrates, possibly, an awareness of the contemporary Palaiologan version of the Chonai Miracle. 3. The Synaxis of the Asomatoi (Fig. 27) The scene is situated on the south wall of the church (Plan 3b, zone III, 7a); like most of the wall paintings at Kavalariana, it is not very well preserved. The Archangels (Asomatoi, meaning incorporeal) are depicted standing in frontal view. They are all nimbed. The two archangels in front, Michael and Gabriel, are holding a medallion with the bust of Christ-Emmanuel. Those depicted in the background are represented only with parts of their haloes and heads. They all wear elaborate attire. The scene is a visual representation of the feast of the Synaxis of the Asomatoi (Σύναξις τῶν Ἀσωµάτων) which is celebrated by the Orthodox Church on the 8th of November and reflects Theodore of Stoudios’ (759– 826) sermon on the Synaxis of the heavenly armies (hosts).460 According to Grabar, the scene is closely connected to iconoclasm in the sense that it served as a symbol of the Triumph of the Orthodoxy.461 The earliest example, however, dates from the eleventh century.462 The scene is quite popular in

Xyngopoulos (1959), 33. Jerusalem icon: Weitzmann et al. (1965), Fig. 69. 459 Xyngopoulos (1959), 32. 460 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 203–204, §1. Theodore of Stoudios: PG 99, cols. 729–748. See also Lassithiotakis (1960–1961), 26, note 2; LCI 3 (1971), 256; Gabelić (1977), 64; RbK 3 (1978), col. 53; Grabar (1984), 264; ODB 1 (1991), 210. The Synaxis of the Asomatoi is also connected to the fall of the angels as illustrated, for example, in the Menologion of Basil II (Vat. gr. 1613): Il Menologion, 168. See also Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 194–195. 461 Grabar (1984), 264, 265. See also Lassithiotakis (1960–1961), 26; Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 189, 192; RbK 3 (1978), col. 53. 462 Gabelić (1977), 64; Grabar (1984), 267; ODB 1 (1991), 210. Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 41–42, 70, note 175, 192–193, 198, note 36, 37, says that the first example of the scene can be found in the church of the Virgin Eleousa at Veljousa, dated around 1080 or in the first 457 458

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churches dedicated to the archangel Michael;463 it is depicted in a number of churches in western Crete.464 At Kavalariana a number of archangels are depicted in the scene, though only parts of heads and haloes indicate those in the background. The indication of a (holy) person through part of their halo was a solution for crowded scenes often used in Christian art (e.g. the eleventh-century Deesis mosaic in the cathedral at Torcello).465 The archangels visible in full are all standing and are shown in frontal view.466 The two in the front, Michael and Gabriel, hold a medallion with the bust of Christ-Emmanuel, which is the common representation of Christ in the iconography of the scene.467 The medallion, situated in the front middle of the scene, emphasises compositional symmetry. All the archangels wear imperial garments (the loros) decorated with lines of pearls; these garments distinguish them from regular angels.468 According to Peers, this ceremonial attire also visualises the angels’ subservience to Christ.469 A scene similar to the Kavalariana Synaxis can be seen, for example, at Kouneni on Crete, dated to the first quarter of the fourteenth century.470 According to Gabelić, the scene of the Synaxis of the Asomatoi within a church is usually represented in the lower zone and close to the door.471 This is the case at Kavalariana, where the scene is depicted in the lower zone and was situated very close to the original, now-demolished, door of the church. However, as usual, this is not the rule: at Kouneni the scene is situated in the

half of the twelfth century; she recognises, though, that the interpretation of the scene here as Synaxis of the Asomatoi is not indisputable. 463 See supra, the Miracle at Chonai scene note 448. 464 Church at Kouneni, dated to the first quarter of the fourteenth century: Lassithiotakis (1960–1961), 26–27 (no. 14), pl. 12, Fig. 1; at Sarakina, dated around 1325: Lassithiotakis (1970a), 143–144 (no. 7), Fig. 173, date in Bissinger (1995), 101 (no. 61); at Prines, dated 1410: Lassithiotakis (1970b), 361, 362 (no. 6); at Kamiliana, dated 1440: Lassithiotakis (1969), 190, 192 (no. 10); and at Koustogerako, dated 1488: Lassithiotakis (1970b), 382, Fig. 379, date in Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 46 (no. 201). All the above mentioned churches are dedicated to the archangel Michael, except the one in Koustogerako that is dedicated to the Virgin. 465 Polacco (1984), 66. 466 For the representation of angels in general: Peers (1997a). 467 Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 193. 468 ODB 1 (1991), 155. 469 Peers (1997b), 54. See also Jolivet-Lévy (1998), 126. 470 Lassithiotakis (1960–1961), pl. 12, Fig. 1. 471 Gabelić (1977), 64.

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south-east corner of the sanctuary vault. Kalopissi-Verti’s opinion is that the scene is not submitted to any regulations and can be found almost anywhere within a church.472

C. Figures 1. The Archangel Michael (Figs. 28, 29, 30) The patron saint of the church at Kavalariana is depicted three times: twice on the north and once on the south wall. On the north wall he is depicted on the upper half of the middle blind arch, above the donors (Plan 3a, zone II, 23, Fig. 29) and on the eastern blind arch (Plan 3a, zone II, 26, Fig. 30), while on the south wall he is depicted on the upper left side of the middle blind arch, again above the donors and now underneath the dedicatory inscription (Plan 3b, zone II, 15, Fig. 28). The state of preservation is not good, the worst damaged portrait being the representation on the eastern blind arch of the north wall, where the wall painting, among other injuries, has suffered whitewashing in its lower part; in all three depictions the eyes of the Archangel have been destroyed. He is shown as a young, unbearded man, with shoulder-length, brown, curly hair neatly combed and held with a tainia. He is depicted in frontal view, half-length in the cases where he is represented above the donors and full length in the eastern blind arch of the north wall. He is nimbed and has widespread wings. In both images associated with the donors, Michael has his arms opened wide, blessing the donors depicted underneath, although in the middle blind arch of the south wall (Fig. 28) he only blesses them with his left hand, for he holds a spear in his right; he is dressed in elaborate imperial clothes. The loroi and the belts are decorated on the north wall with painted precious stones framed between stripes with double rows of pearls and on the south wall with rectangular patterns, the

472 Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 42. She agrees that the scene in later examples is usually depicted in the lower zones of the walls, because their even surface is more appropriate for it. Kalopissi-Verti is one of the scholars who interprets as Synaxis of the Asomatoi also the depiction of only Michael and Gabriel holding a medallion with Christ, as seen, for example, in the church of Hagia Triada at Kranidi, dated 1244: ibid., 41–42, 188–195, pl. 22. Gabelić (1977), 64, on the other hand, believes that the scene as depicted at Kranidi has similarities with the Asomatoi scene, but that its symbolic meaning is different.

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sides of which are defined with pearls and contain a painted gemstone in the middle; these patterns are again framed between stripes similar to those found on the north wall.473 On the eastern blind arch of the north wall he wears armour with a tunic with long sleeves underneath his cuirass. Pteryges are attached around his waist and also around the upper arms. A single row of pearls decorates the collar and on the upper right arm at the place where the pteryges are attached to the cuirass; the right cuff is adorned with painted jewels framed between two rows of single pearls. His legs are covered with anaxyrides. Over his left shoulder hangs a red chlamys and in his right hand he holds a sheathed sword, which is facing upwards.474 His armour here is similar to the one he wears in the scene with Joshua (Fig. 25). Although the inscription that identifies him as the archangel Michael survives only to the left and right of his nimbed head on his representation on the south wall — Ο ΑΡΧ(ΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ) [ΜΙΧΑ]Η[Λ] — it is natural to assume that the archangel represented in both other places is also Michael, especially since in the middle blind arch of the north wall he is shown blessing the donors depicted underneath, who have actually dedicated the church at Kavalariana to Michael. Despite the church’s original objection to the worship of angels, Michael’s veneration was established by the fifth century and many churches and sanctuaries were built in his honour in Constantinople and across the Empire.475 He is the most frequently evoked of the archangels and is considered as the archistrategos of the angelic order; his main two celebrations within the Orthodox Church are held on 6 September (Miracle at Chonai) and 8 November (Synaxis of the Asomatoi).476 His youthful appearance at Kavalariana, the tainia on his hair, his imperial and military garments, are no exception to the rule for the representation of the archangel.477 Only one of the donors is named after the archangel and he is not identified in the dedicatory inscription but only with his portrait.478 Apparently, this On the angels wearing loroi: Peers (1997b), 53–57; Jolivet-Lévy (1998). For a more detailed description of military garments: Underwood 1 (1966), 253–255. See also Heath and McBride (1979), 6–10; Bartusis (1992), 322–334. 475 Mango (1984), 53–54, 61–62; ODB 2 (1991), 1360. 476 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 19–20, §1 and 203–204, §1 respectively. Both scenes are included in the iconographic programme of the church at Kavalariana (Figs. 26, 27). For celebrations of his synaxis held in different churches through the ecclesiastical year: ibid., 1136. See also Réau 2,1 (1956), 44. 477 LCI 3 (1971), 257; Mango (1984), 55; Constantinides 1 (1992), 205. 478 See chapter 4. 473 474

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Michael was one of the sons of the main donors. It is unlikely that the church was dedicated to the archangel because of him. Were that the case, one would have expected at least his name to be placed in the inscription. Beyond the current use of the church yard as a cemetery for the village community, there are indications, especially in the iconographic programme, that the church was the intended burial place for its donors. The dedication of the Kavalariana church to Michael also points in the same direction, since the archangel was responsible for weighing the souls of the dead, as well as interceding on behalf of people.479 Michael was one of the most favoured patrons for funerary chapels: for example, the burial chapel in the Pantokrator Monastery of the Emperor John II Komnenos (1118–1143), his wife Irene, and members of their family, was dedicated to him.480 Theodore Metochites (ca. 1269–1332) in his address to the Archistrategos begs the Archangel for his intercession on the day of the Last Judgment.481 We may recognize the same petition in the patronage of Michael for the Kavalariana church, reflecting the donors’ hope that when the time came, the archangel would be merciful toward their souls. Furthermore, the function of Michael as guardian (φύλαξ) can be recognized in his fulllength image depicted on the eastern blind arch of the north wall (Fig. 30). This representation of Michael became popular from the fourteenth century onwards and at Kavalariana has all the main characteristics seen in such depictions: Michael wears a cuirass, holds an unsheathed sword in his right hand, and is placed close to the sanctuary entrance.482 In that way Michael is not only the patron saint of the Kavalariana church, but also its guardian, which, in a broader sense, makes him also the guardian of its donors. The fact that the 479 There are examples which depict Michael stepping on a sinner (e.g. at Myrtia, dated 1712): Orlandos (1961), 110, Fig. 13. See also LCI 3 (1971), 256 (nos. 4, 5), 262–263; Der Nersessian (1975), 324; RbK 3 (1978), cols. 45, 46. 480 Babić (1967), 181; Der Nersessian (1975), 307; Belting, Mango and Mouriki (1978), 69–70, and note 110. 481 Der Nersessian (1975), 318, 331. Underwood 1 (1966), 243, suggested that Theodores Metochites’ funerary chapel in the Chora Monastery might have also been dedicated to Michael. A relevant Ph.D thesis is currently in progress: D. Kotoyla, Founding for Salvation: the decoration of the Burial Chapel of the Founder in Byzantine Monastic Institutions, Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London. 482 Xyngopoulos (1932), 184. See also Mouriki (1975), 52; Emmanouel (1991), 91–92; Constantinides 1 (1992), 206. The military garb for Michael suits his role as the angel who protects and avenges: Mouriki (1985), 110. Michael as φύλαξ can also be placed close to the church entrance. Pelekanides (1973), 1, is of the opinion that the blind arches closer and at either side of the sanctuary are connected with the saint or the feast to which the church is dedicated.

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donors’ portraits are placed in supplication underneath Michael’s blessing in the middle blind arches of the north and south walls (Figs. 28, 29) visualizes their wish and expectation that the archangel would undertake the role of their merciful intercessor and guardian both in their terrestrial and heavenly life; his blessing is meant for both their bodies and for their souls.483 2. Saint Sophia (Fig. 31) The saint is depicted on the north wall, close to the western entrance (Plan 3a, zone II, 20). Considering the demolition of the original west wall of the church and the whitewashing of the lower part, the saint’s portrait remains in relatively good condition. To the right of her nimbed head her name can be read: ΣΟΦΗΑ The saint is depicted full-length, in frontal view and with her arms raised in prayer (orans). She wears a green chiton the right cuff of which is decorated with painted gems and pearls, with a brown maphorion on top, which also covers her head. Underneath the maphorion, the orarion, a characteristic element of the deacons’ attire, is visible; it is yellow and adorned with painted gems framed between a single line of pearls on each side.484 Despite the fact that Saint Sophia was never a deacon, she is depicted wearing the orarion as at Kavalariana, also in other examples (e.g. in the Cretan church of Hagios Georgios at Anydroi, dated 1323).485 Lassithiotakis associates Sophia’s orarion with the saint’s placement in the western part of the nave, which was intended for the female congregation, and the order of which was among the duties of the female deacons, implying thus that Sophia assumes that role in the church for eternity.486 Furthermore, the representation of the saint as an orans figure might reflect an early Christian tradition symbolizing the prayer addressed to God by the soul for the salvation of humanity.487 According to Rohland (1977), 124–126, not only the Emperor, but also high ranking officers in Byzantine society, sought both Michael’s protection as an archistrategos and also his approval of the legitimacy of their offices. 484 ODB 3 (1991), 1531. 485 Lassithiotakis (1959), pl. ΛΑ. 486 Lassithiotakis (1959), 164–165. See also Emmanouel (1991), 174. For deaconesses see also Taft (1998), 63–70. 487 Grabar (1946), 48, 50–51, 105; Emmanouel (1991), 188. For a possible interpretation of the figure as the Holy Wisdom of God, there is a forthcoming publication by Dr. Vasiliki Tsamakda, whom I would like to thank for this information 483

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According to the Synaxarion Saint Sophia was not a martyr, but the mother of three young sisters, Pisti, Elpida, and Agapi, who were tortured to death because of their faith. Sophia died three days after her daughters’ martyrdom, crying on their tomb. They are all commemorated on 17 September.488 3. Saint John (Xenos) the Hermit (Fig. 32) The saint is depicted on the south wall of the church, on the base of the western transverse arch (Plan 3b, zone II, 17). The lower row of the wall paintings in a church is the common place for the depiction of ascetic saints like him.489 The state of preservation, apart from the lower part of his body that has been whitewashed, is fairly good. To the left and right of his nimbed head the inscription, which identifies him as Saint John the Hermit, is still visible: Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ΙΩ(ΑΝΝΗΣ) ΕΡΙΜΙΤ(ΗΣ).490 John is depicted full-length, in frontal view, with long, white, dishevelled hair and a long, white beard. The saint is wearing a long, white mantle with sleeves, underneath which part of his chiton is visible. He holds a small cross in his right hand. Despite some confusion, it is now generally accepted that Saint John Xenos the Hermit is a different saint altogether from Saint John the Hermit.491 Since the iconographic type of the latter saint appeared in art not before the sixteenth century,492 we may assume that at Kavalariana the saint portrayed is John Xenos the Hermit.493 His feast day is celebrated in the Orthodox Church on 20 September.494 The saint was popular during the Venetian period of the island, and he was particularly venerated in western Crete (i.e. locally), which may explain his exclusion from Dionysios of Fourna’s Hermineia. The saint died peacefully, therefore the cross in his right hand, usually associated with martyrs, is considered as a reference to his didactic work or Ed. Delehaye (1902), 51–52, §1. Pallas (1989–1990), 139–140, suggests that Saint Sophia and her three daughters are a creation based on a misinterpretation of I. Corinthians 13, 12–13. See also Cormack (1997b), 228–229, note 4. 489 RbK 2 (1971), cols. 1064, 1066. 490 The phrase Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ is written vertically. 491 Andrianakis (1985), 14–53, esp. 39–53; Oikonomou (1999), 11–28. 492 Andrianakis (1985), 50; Oikonomou (1999), 27. 493 Oikonomou (1999), 27, is in agreement with this identification. 494 Andrianakis (1985), 40; Oikonomou (1999), 26. 488

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to the fact that he is commemorated in the week after the celebration of the recovery of the Holy Cross (14 September).495 4. Saint Demetrios (Fig. 33) The saint is depicted on horseback, on the western blind arch of the south wall (Plan 3b, zone II, 18). The state of preservation is not very good, although the colours are still vivid: most of his face has flaked off, a large part of the surface to the left, in front of the saint’s horse, is destroyed and the lower part of the representation has been whitewashed. The saint, judging from the part of his face which is still visible, is depicted as a young, unbearded man, with short, brown hair. To the right of his nimbed head an inscription, identifies him as Demetrios (ΔΗΜΕΙΤΡΙΟΣ). Although the saint’s horse is heading to the left, his upper body is depicted frontally, facing the viewer, while his chlamys, the ἀναπεταρίκιν,496 fastened in front of his chest, in the middle, billows behind him, implying the horse’s movement.497 Demetrios wears a short tunic with long sleeves. Over this he wears a cuirass, decorated with rectangular patterns to indicate that it was made of scale armour, which has a single row of pteryges attached around the waist; pteryges are also worn in the upper arms.498 A sash, indicative of his rank, is tied around his chest.499 Only the left leg of the saint is visible: apparently his legs are covered with anaxyrides and on his feet he wears boots.500 His right hand holds a thin, long spear, while his left grasps the horse’s reins. He also carries a round shield, part of which is visible behind him, to the left. The rim of the shield is decorated with two rows of pearls, interrupted by gems; its inner side is adorned with a floral pattern. The horse is saddled and its tail is held with a band.

Andrianakis (1985), 44, and note 103. See also Xyngopoulos (1948), 94–95; Underwood 1 (1966), 154. However, the entry in RbK 2 (1971), cols. 1064, 1066, mentions that crosses can often be seen in the hands of ascetic saints, and that from the fourteenth century onward this group of saints can also be depicted holding open scrolls with inscriptions. 496 Koukoules (1954), 4. 497 Theotokas (1955), 482. 498 Heath and McBride (1979), 6–7. 499 Heath and McBride (1979), Fig. on 12. 500 For a detailed analysis of the armour worn by military saints: Underwood 1 (1966), 252–255. See also Bartusis (1992), 322–334. 495

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Saint Demetrios is one of the most popular military saints and, next to Saint George, one of the most frequently depicted; from the twelfth century onwards these two saints are often paired.501 At Kavalariana they are depicted on the western blind arches of the south and north walls respectively (Plan 3b, zone II, 18, and 3a, zone II, 21), facing each other. Saint Demetrios’ feast day is on 26 October and in Constantinople his synaxis was held at Deuteron.502 His martyrdom took place in the early fourth century.503 His emergence as a military saint probably started developing during the end of the sixth or beginning of the seventh century and it is in all likelihood closely connected to the attacks by the Slavs and the Avars that the city of Thessaloniki, of which he is the patron saint, was suffering in those centuries: the saint’s miraculous intervention saved the city on a number of occasions.504 His military status was established by the tenth century, after the appearance of his biography, unknown until the ninth century.505 His vita is included in Symeon Metaphrastes’ writings.506 The Palaiologan period favoured his representation in armour, while his depiction on horseback, as at Kavalariana, was a popular iconographic type.507 His presentation at Kavalariana as a young, unbearded man, with short hair, is the most common type seen in a number of examples (e.g. in the Cretan church of Hagios Georgios at Anydroi, dated 1323) (Fig. 90),508 although the Hermineia by Dionysios of Fourna mentions the beginnings of a moustache.509

Delehaye (1909), 103; Underwood 1 (1966), 156, 252; RbK 2 (1971), cols. 1049– 1050; LCI 6 (1974), 41; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 280; ODB 1 (1991), 606; Constantinides 1 (1992), 213. See also Pelekanidis (1973), 87; Tsitouridou (1986), 195. For a more detailed analysis on the saint: Walter (2003), 67–93. 502 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 163–166. For the location: Janin (1964), 336–340; MüllerWiener (1977), maps on 21, 25. 503 Delehaye (1909), 103–109. 504 Lemerle (1979–1981); Ed. Bakirtzis and Sideris (1997). 505 Theotokas (1955), 479; ODB 1 (1991), 605, 606. 506 PG 116, cols. 1081–1426. 507 Theotokas (1955), 482–484; Constantinides 1 (1992), 211. 508 Lassithiotakis (1959), pl. ΚΘ. 509 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 157, §18. See also Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 280–281; Constantinides 1 (1992), 211. 501

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5. Saints Cosmas and Damian (Figs. 34, 35) A pair of identical male saints is depicted on the west and east side of the soffit of the eastern blind arch on the north wall (Plan 3a, zone II, 25 and 27). They are nimbed and represented in frontal view as young, unbearded men with short, brown hair. There are no identifying inscriptions. However, it is almost certain that we have here the Anargyroi, Cosmas and Damian. The reason for this identification is based mainly on the fact that these particular saints are represented as identical twins in a number of examples seen in manuscript illumination and in church decoration, as, for example, the miniature in the Menologion of Basil II (Vat. gr. 1613), dated between 976 and 1025, the wall paintings in the churches of Saint George at Kurbinovo, dated 1191, of Hagios Ioannes Prodromos (the Forerunner) at Megali Kastania Manis, dated at the end of the twelfth or beginning of the thirteenth century, of the Panagia Olympiotissa at Elasson, dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century, and of Christos at Veroia, dated to the fourteenth century).510 Furthermore, apart from the closed scrolls in their left hands, each holds a scalpel in his right hand, one of the attributes of the doctor saints.511 Their elaborate garments are also characteristic of their representation in Byzantine art.512 From the twelfth century onwards they have a place in Byzantine churches, often close to the sanctuary, as at Kavalariana.513 Dionysios of Fourna distinguishes three groups of the saints Anargyroi: from Rome, from Asia and from Arabia.514 The Anargyroi from Rome and Arabia were martyrs, whereas those from Asia died peacefully. Cosmas and Damian from Rome are depicted, according to the Hermineia, as young men with pointed beards.515 Their envious mentor stoned them to death during the reign of Carinus (283–285) and the Orthodox Church celebrates their

Menologion: Il Menologio, 152; Kurbinovo: Hadermann-Misguich (1975), Fig. 125; Megali Kastania: Drosogianni (1982), pls. XX, XXI; Elasson: Constantinides 2 (1992), 55b; Veroia: Pelekanidis (1973), Fig. 82. 511 Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 242–243; Constantinides 1 (1992), 204. 512 Emmanouel (1991), 96. 513 Demus (1948), 26; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 242; Emmanouel (1991), 95, 172; Constantinides 1 (1992), 205. 514 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 161, §24. 515 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 161, §24. 510

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memory on 1 July; at Constantinople their synaxis was held in their church at Paulinou.516 The Anargyroi from Asia were the sons of Theodoti and are considered to be the Saints Anargyroi par excellence.517 Their feast day is on 1 November and their synaxis at Constantinople was held at Dareiou.518 According to Dionysios of Fourna they are represented as young men with sparse beards.519 Finally, the brothers from Arabia were beheaded during the reign of Diocletian and Maximian (285/6–305), along with their other three brothers Anthimos, Leon and Euprepios; their feast day is on 17 October.520 They are depicted as young men with sparse beards, dark skin and turbans on their heads.521 Whereas Dionysios of Fourna describes all three pairs of Saints Anargyroi as having some sort of a beard, at Kavalariana, as mentioned above, Cosmas and Damian are represented without them. According to Xyngopoulos, this type has its roots in the Early Christian art and it is not often encountered in Byzantine and post-Byzantine examples, where the Anargyroi are usually depicted moustached and with a shorter or longer beard.522 Among the examples where Cosmas and Damian are depicted as young and unbearded men, as at Kavalariana, are the wall paintings in the church of Hagios Stephanos at Kastoria, dated to the late twelfth or thirteenth century, and in the Cretan churches of Christ at Meskla, dated 1303, and of Hagios Nikolaos at Mountros, dated to the beginning of the fourteenth century.523 At Kavalariana, we cannot be sure which pair of the Anargyroi is depicted though we can presumably exclude those from Arabia, since they would have been represented with dark skin, as seen at Kurbinovo. Furthermore, according to Xyngopoulos, they are always depicted with a beard.524 It is most likely 516 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 791, §1. For the location: Janin (1964), 463; Necipoğlu (2001), 86–87 (no. 18). 517 Constantinides 1 (1992), 204. 518 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 185, §1. For the location: Janin (1964), 334–335. 519 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 161, §24. 520 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 144–146. 521 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 161, §24. 522 Xyngopoulos (1965), 87, 89. 523 Kastoria: Pelekanidis (1953), 98α; Pelekanidis and Chatzidakis (1985), 20, Fig. 17; for the dating of the different layers of the church: ibid.,6–11, 14–19; Christ at Meskla: Orlandos (1955–1956), 147, Fig. 15; Mountros: Spatharakis (1999), Fig. 169 (wrongly identified here as Archangel Michael, who is depicted on Fig. 170). At Meskla only Saint Damian is depicted. See also Xyngopoulos (1965), 89, note 31, 91, note 37. 524 Xyngopoulos (1965), 87–88, 90.

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that we have the Anargyroi from Asia (feast day on 1 November), who, as we saw, are considered the Anargyroi par excellence, and whose cult was the most widespread.525 6. Archangel Raphael (Fig. 28) The archangel is depicted in the middle blind arch of the south wall, to the right, underneath the dedicatory inscription and above of the donors’ portraits (Plan 3b, zone II, 16). The state of preservation is good. Above his nimbed head there is an inscription, identifying him as Raphael: Ο ΑΡ(ΧΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ) ΡΑΦΑΗΛ.526 The archangel is depicted half-length, as a young, unbearded man, with widely opened wings. His body is shown in three-quarters view to the right, while his head, with its neat coiffure, is turned to the left. He is wearing a himation on top of his chiton and he is holding a thin spear in his left hand. Raphael is one of the three archangels recognised by the Christian Church, the other two being Michael and Gabriel.527 The Synaxarion of Constantinople does not include a feast day specifically for him, but he is venerated on 8 November with the other archangels, when the Orthodox Church celebrates the Synaxis of the Asomatoi.528 In general, Raphael was not as familiar in Byzantium as the other two archangels and particularly Michael. He is rarely depicted by himself;529 usually he is shown alongside the other archangels, as at Kavalariana. 7. Saint Nicholas (Fig. 36) The saint is depicted on the north wall on the base of the eastern transverse arch (Plan 3a, zone II, 24). The state of preservation is fairly good, although the lower part of Nicholas’ body has been whitewashed. He is depicted fulllength, in frontal view and nimbed. He is dressed as a bishop, wearing a

Xyngopoulos (1965), 92; Constantinides 1 (1992), 204. Sucrow has identified wrongly the archangel as Gabriel: Sucrow (1994), Plan 5b, zone II, 16. 527 ODB 1 (1991), 155. 528 Ed. Delahaye (1902), 203–204. 529 RbK 3 (1978), col. 48. 525 526

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sticharion on which the enchirion is attached on the right side, and an epitrachelion, which bears decoration with lozenge and gems.530 On top the phailonion and the omophorion are visible.531 He blesses with his right hand, and holds a Gospel book with an elaborate cover – painted gems in a cross formation — in his left. To the left and right of his nimbed head an inscription identifies his portrait: Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ.532 Saint Nicholas is depicted as an old man, with receding, white hair and a short, white, round beard; there is also a distinctive bulge in his forehead.533 These facial characteristics, typical for Nicholas’ representation in Byzantine art, were developed from the eleventh century onwards and can be seen in a number of his portraits in church as well as in icon decoration (e.g. the wall painting in the Panagia Olympiotissa at Elasson, dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century, the icons from Sinai, dated to the twelfth century, and from Kastoria, dated to the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century).534 The life and miracles of Saint Nicholas combine information about two different saints, one from Myra and the other from Sion; Saint Nicholas of Myra took over the life and miracles of the latter.535 He is greatly venerated in the Eastern as well as in the Western church (his relics were transferred to Bari in 1087).536 The Orthodox Church celebrates his memory on 6 December and at Constantinople his synaxis was held at Hagia Sophia.537 At Kavalariana he holds a prominent and accessible position, opposite a saint especially popular on Crete, Constantine (Plan 3b, zone II, 14). Nicholas was neither a martyr, nor a military nor a healer saint, however, his popularity in Byzantium was second only to the Virgin. This is mainly based on the

According to Thierry, fourteenth-century representations of bishops replaced the enchirion with the epigonation: Thierry (1966), esp. 310–311. 531 Brief description of bishops’ garments: Underwood 1 (1966), 245. See also Walter (1982), 9–26; Ševčenko (1983), 76–85. 532 The phrase Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ is written vertically. 533 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 154, §16. 534 Olympiotissa: Constantinides 2 (1992), 89, 91, 222; Sinai icon of Saint Nicholas with scenes from his life: Ševčenko (1983), 182, Fig. 3; double-sided icon of Saint Nicholas with scenes from his life: Zias (1969), pls. 104 α, β. See also ODB 2 (1991), 1470. 535 For detailed information about Saint Nicholas and his life: Anrich (1913–1917); Ševčenko (1983); Eds. Ševčenko and Ševčenko (1984). 536 Réau 3,2 (1958), 977; LCI 8 (1976), 46; ODB 2 (1991), 1470. 537 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 281–284. 530

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fact that Nicholas was considered to be an effective intercessor, just like the Virgin, for humanity.538 8. Saint George (Fig. 37) The saint is depicted on horseback on the western blind arch of the north wall, opposite Saint Demetrios (Plan 3a, zone II, 21). The state of preservation is relatively good, although the lower part of the representation has been whitewashed. The nimbed saint is depicted as a young, unbearded man, with short, curly, brown hair. He wears a short tunic with long sleeves and a cuirass with rectangular patterns that overlap upwards (lamellar armour);539 each of these patterns bears a cross in the middle. A sash is tied around his chest, indicative of his rank.540 Around the waist two rows of pteryges are attached. A pteryga is also worn on his upper right arm — his left is concealed by his triangular shield, which, by the late thirteenth century, had displaced the almond-shaped shield.541 Judging from his visible right leg, he wears anaxyrides and most probably soft, leather boots.542 He holds a thin, long spear in his right hand, which he plunges into the serpent-like dragon lying underneath his horse; a shield is in his left hand and a sheathed sword hangs next to his right leg. Finally, his chlamys, the ἀναπεταρίκιν,543 billows behind him, to the left, emphasising his horse’s movement to the right: the horse is depicted with its two front legs up, jumping over the dragon. It has a saddle and its tail is tied in a knot. There is no inscription identifying the saint. However, the fact that the saint is depicted killing a dragon leaves no doubt about his identification as George, one of the most favoured military saints.544 The dragon-slaying

Mouriki (1975), 68, 85, note 143. For the role of the ninth-century poet, Joseph the Hymnographer, in the cult of Saint Nicholas: Ševčenko (1998). 539 Heath and McBride (1979), 6–7. 540 Heath and McBride (1979), Fig. on 12. 541 Heath and McBride (1979), 8; Heath and McBride (1995), 44 (C2). 542 On armour see supra, note 500. 543 Koukoules (1954), 4; Lassithiotakis (1959), 150. 544 Delehaye (1909), 45; Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 279–280; Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 211; Mouriki (1978), 42; ODB 2 (1991), 834–835. 538

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episode did not form part of his vita before the twelfth century.545 From the thirteenth century onwards Saint George is frequently represented on horseback killing the dragon, as at Kavalariana, though mainly in ‘provincial’ areas (e.g. the wall paintings in the church of Sotira at Alepochori Megaridos, dated between 1260 and 1280, and in the Cretan church of Hagios Georgios at Anydroi, dated 1323) (Fig. 91).546 According to Mouriki, the lack of any narrative elements in the representation of the scene (e.g. there are no city walls in the background, the princess who usually forms a part of the scene from the second half of the twelfth century onwards has been omitted),547 connects the depiction to an image deriving from the classical heritage, that of the triumphal military hero.548 It is true that the fight against the dragon can be interpreted as a symbol of the victory of good against evil.549 Nevertheless, the fourteenth-century congregation at Kavalariana would have primarily connected this depiction to the episode directly associated by that time with Saint George rather than to the classical heritage and symbolic meanings. Saint George’s principal feast day is April 23 and at Constantinople his synaxis took place at Deuteron.550 His veneration is attested from an early time and the major cult site of the martyr was Lydda.551 The vita describing his martyrdom, which took place during the time of the king Dadianos, or, according to later accounts, during the reign of Diocletian (284–305), contained many exaggerations which forced the Church to take action as early as 325, in the Council of Nicaea, by censoring certain events.552 According to the Hermineia, George is depicted as a young, unbearded man; the sources of the Hermineia also mention him having curly hair.553 According to Under-

545 Myslivec (1933–1934), 373; Réau 3,2 (1958), 576; Mouriki (1978), 42; Dorsch (1986), 298, 300; ODB 2 (1991), 835. 546 Alepochori: Mouriki (1978), 42, fig 55; Anydroi: Lassithiotakis (1959), pl. KZ. See also Constantinides 1 (1992), 212. 547 On the princess: Dorsch (1986), 300. 548 Mouriki (1978), 42–43. 549 Dorsch (1986), 299. 550 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 623–636. For the location: Janin (1964), 336–340; MüllerWiener (1977), maps on 21, 25. 551 Delehaye (1909), 46; Réau 3,2 (1958), 572; ODB 2 (1991), 834; Constantinides 1 (1992), 212. See also Cormack and Mihalarias (1984). 552 Dorsch (1986), 297–298; ODB 2 (1991), 834. 553 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 157 (§18), 270, 295.

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wood, the saint’s features, when compared to other martyrs, were delineated with more consistency.554 At Kavalariana the representation of Saint George does not demonstrate any exceptional characteristics. 9. Saint Constantine (Fig. 38) The saint is depicted on the south wall, on the base of the eastern transverse arch (Plan 3b, zone II, 14). His figure is very badly damaged across the middle. To the left and right of his nimbed head the identifying inscription reads: Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ΚΟΝΣΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ.555 The saint is depicted full-length, in frontal view. He has short, curly, black hair, a fairly short, black beard and a moustache. He wears a hexagonal crown, from which hang prependoulia. He is dressed in an elaborate imperial attire, which consists of a long chiton with the loros on top. The loros is decorated with diamond patterns the sides of which bear pearl decoration. Pearl decoration also embellishes the collar of his chiton. Constantine holds a cross in his right hand, while his left hand is held in front of his chest with its opened palm facing the viewer. The lower part of his figure has been whitewashed. Constantine I the Great, founder of Constantinople and sole emperor from 324 until 337, is venerated by the Greek Orthodox Church as a saint, along with his mother, Saint Helena, on 21 May; the church has given him the title of isapostolos (equal to the Apostles). His synaxis was held at Constantinople in the churches of Hagia Sophia, the Holy Apostles and at Vonou.556 In church decoration he is usually represented with his mother, Saint Helena, holding together, between them, the Holy Cross, which she was believed to have found, as seen, for example, in the wall paintings in the church of Saint George at Kurbinovo, dated 1191, and in the Cretan churches of the Koimesis of the Virgin at Alikampos, dated 1315/16, of

Underwood 1 (1966), 156, 255. For a more detailed analysis on the saint: Walter (2003), 109–144. 555 The phrase Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ is written vertically. 556 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 697–700. See also Réau 3,1 (1958), 342; LCI 7 (1974), 336; RbK 4 (1990), col. 359. For the location of Hagia Sophia and Holy Apostles: Necipoğlu (2001), 85, 86–87 (nos. 1, 14 respectively); Vonou: Janin (1964), 128–129, 206–207. 554

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Hagios Nikolaos at Maza, dated 1325/26, and of the Archangel Michael at Kouneni, dated to the first quarter of the fourteenth century.557 Constantine is depicted by himself, as at Kavalariana, in a wall painting in the Cretan church of Hagios Georgios at Anisaraki, dated at the end of the thirteenth or beginning of the fourteenth century.558 The saint was particularly popular on Crete and a number of churches on the island are dedicated to him.559 His popularity on Crete is underlined by the fact that in some of these churches the decoration includes an iconographic cycle with scenes from Constantine’s life (e.g. the churches of Saints George and Constantine at Pyrgos Monofatsiou, dated 1314/15 and of Saint Constantine at Avdou Pediados, dated 1445).560 It is possible that Constantine’s popularity is connected to the legend of the twelve archontopoula, who, according to one of its versions, were sent to the island by the Byzantine emperor to govern the Cretans, a legend which linked the island directly to the Empire and, therefore, was used as ideological propaganda, especially during the Venetian conquest.561 Constantine was considered a glorious figure of the past and in certain cases participation in the festivals held in villages on the saint’s feast day meant to honour his memory.562 At Kavalariana, Constantine holds a cross in his right hand, probably a reference to the depictions where he is represented with his mother holding a

557 Kurbinovo: Hadermann-Misguich (1975), Fig. 129; Alikampos and Maza: Sucrow (1994), Figs. 38 and 76 respectively (Alikampos also in Borboudakis Gallas and Wessel [1983], Fig. 118); Kouneni: Lassithiotakis (1961–1962), pl. 19, Fig. 1 and Borboudakis, Gallas and Wessel (1983), Fig. 125. See also ODB 1 (1991), 499. 558 Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 39 (no. 150). 559 Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 24 (no. 32), 31 (no. 89), 61 (no. 336), 81 (no. 530), 82 (no. 541), 85 (no. 567), 89 (no. 600), 104 (no. 776). Churches nos. 534, 548, and 558 are also considered to be dedicated to Saint Constantine, while no. 687 is jointly dedicated to him and to Saint George. 560 Saints George and Constantine at Pyrgos: Borboudakis, Gallas and Wessel (1983), 374–377, Figs. 126, 127, 339; Saint Constantine at Avdou: Borboudakis, Gallas and Wessel (1983), 410–411. See also Vassilaki (1987). 561 Maltezou (1998), 235. The legend also places the settlement either during the reign of Theodosius (379–395) or immediately after the reconquest of Crete by Phokas in 961, while a document of questionable authenticity holds responsible the emperor Alexios II Komnenos (1180–1183): ed. Spitael (1981), 187–189, 202, and 213–214; Maltezou (1998), 234. See also Manousakas (1956). See also chapter 1. 562 Maltezou (1998), 235.

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cross between them, as mentioned above. In any event Dionysios of Fourna mentions as attributes of Constantine a cross and a Gospel book.563 10. Saint Prokopios (Fig. 39) The saint is depicted on the north side of the western transverse arch (Plan 3a, zone IV, 9). To the left and right of his nimbed head the identifying inscription reads: Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ΠΡΟΚΟΠΙ[ΟΣ].564 The saint is depicted fulllength, in frontal view, as a young, unbearded man, with short hair, which curls around his ears. He wears a long chiton decorated with painted gems framed between two single lines of pearls around the right shoulder and collar and on its hem. Over this the saint wears a green chlamys fastened on his right shoulder. He holds a cross in his right hand, while his left hand is held in front of his chest with his opened palm facing the viewer. The area around the saint’s feet is destroyed. Saint Prokopios’ feast day is on 8 July. In Constantinople churches dedicated to him were found in the area of Chelone and in the Kondylion.565 Eusebios of Caesarea (ca. 260–339/340) provides us with a brief account on the saint’s life, according to which Prokopios was the first Palestinian martyr: he was beheaded in Caesarea during Diocletian’s persecutions of 303.566 Longer versions of his life narrate his martyrdom and his miracles; in one of them Prokopios is transformed into the pagan Neanias, Diocletian’s military commander, who was converted to Christianity.567 The saint eventually acquired the features of a military saint: he is included among the most important military saints along with Saints George, Demetrios, Theodore Tiron, Theodore Stratelates, Mercurios, Sergios and Bacchos.568 At Kavalariana, however, the young, unbearded Prokopios, as the Hermineia of Dionysios of Fourna

Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 168, §28. Again, the phrase Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ is written vertically. 565 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 805–808. See also Mouriki (1988), 343, note 81. For the location of Chelone: Janin (1964), 329–330; Kondylion: ibid., 371–372. 566 Ed. Bardy (1958), 122 (I §1–2). 567 For a more detailed analysis on these texts: Delehaye (1909), 77–89. See also ODB 3 (1991), 1731. 568 Delehaye (1909), 77; Underwood 1 (1966), 252; RbK 2 (1971), cols. 1049–1050; ODB 3 (1991), 1731; Constantinides 1 (1992), 247. For a more detailed analysis on the saint: Walter (2003), 94–100. 563 564

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describes him,569 is not represented dressed in armour like the other military saints (e.g. Saints George and Demetrios), but wears a court dress — although he maintains the chlamys, an item of clothing that, according to Walter, differentiates warrior martyr from civil martyr saints — and holds the cross, a common attribute of martyrs.570 Military saints represented as civil martyrs reflect an earlier tradition, faithfully replicated at Kavalariana, where Saint Prokopios appears full-length, in frontal view, holding a cross in his right hand and with the left palm open, facing the viewer.571 11. Saint Marina (Fig. 39) The saint is depicted on the north side of the western transverse arch (Plan 3a, zone III, 9). The wall painting is badly preserved, especially around her hands. The saint’s identification is made possible by the word to the right of her nimbed head, which reads: ΜΑΡΗΝΑ. There are two virgin saints with the name Marina: the Early Christian virgin was martyred at Antioch in Pisidia in 305, during the reign of Diocletian (284–305), while the fifthcentury virgin was from Syria and died peacefully.572 Since the latter’s portrait appears infrequently,573 we may assume that in the church of the Archangel Michael we have Marina the martyr of the Christian faith, whose feast day, according to the Synaxarion, is celebrated by the Orthodox Church on 17 July.574 At Kavalariana she is depicted full-length, in frontal view, and she wears a blue chiton with a red maphorion on top, which also covers her head. The representation of Marina either as a bust or full-length was in use in Byzantine art since the ninth century.575 The simple attire was also favoured for Marina’s portraits.576 Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 158 (§18), 206. Walter (2003), 275. The chlamys is often decorated with tablia, not seen on the Kavalariana’s Prokopios: Underwood 1 (1966), 154, 258, 259. See also Xyngopoulos (1948), 94–95. 571 RbK 2 (1971), col. 1050. See also Mouriki (1988), 343. 572 Folda (1992), 107. 573 Folda (1992), 108. 574 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 825. On the different feast days of the two saints: Folda (1992), 126, notes 3, 4. 575 Kalopissi-Verti (1975), 206; Folda (1992), 108–109. Marina was a popular saint among pregnant women as an intercessor in childbirth: Kalavrezou (2003), 276, 301, 302. 576 Emmanouel (1991), 99. 569 570

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12. Saint Panteleemon (Fig. 40) The saint is depicted on the eastern side of the soffit of the eastern blind arch on the south wall (Plan 3b, zone II, 12). No identifying inscription survives; however, despite the destruction of the original eastern blind arch, the preservation of the wall painting is relatively good. The saint is depicted nimbed, full-length, and in frontal view. He wears a blue chiton adorned with pearls and painted gems on the collar, right shoulder and hem; a pearl-studded epitrachelion; and a brick-red himation on top. In his veiled, left hand he holds a vessel decorated with lozenge patterns and pearls, at which he is pointing with his right hand held in front of his chest. His youthful appearance, with short, curly, brown hair, is very close to that of Saint George at Kavalariana (Fig. 37). The identification of the saint under consideration as the doctor Saint Panteleemon is suggested by his description in Dionysios of Fourna’s Hermineia, as well as in its sources: Panteleemon is a young, unbearded man, with curly hair, who looks similar to Saint George.577 Furthermore, his placement opposite the pair of saintly doctors, Cosmas and Damian, is in accordance with the setting of the Kavalariana iconographic programme, since the blind arches on opposite walls are decorated with same subjects: the western blind arches host the military saints, George and Demetrios, while the middle blind arches bear portraits of the donors and the patron saint of the church.578 Panteleemon also represents the group of saintly doctors along with Cosmas and Damian in other examples of church decoration: at Kurbinovo, dated 1191, the saint is depicted to the right of Cosmas and Damian, in the Diakonikon of the Metropoli at Mistra, dated in the last quarter of the thirteenth century, he is placed underneath them, in the in Panagia Olympiotissa at Elasson, dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century, as well as in Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos, dated to the fourteenth century, Panteleemon is depicted opposite the twin brothers,

Ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 162, 270, 293. Following the same line of thinking, it is highly likely that the unidentified female saint depicted opposite Saint Panteleemon (Plan 3b, zone II, 13 and Fig. 45) is also a doctor saint, such as, for example, Saint Anastasia Farmakolytria (the one who delivers from medicine, i.e. makes medicine unnecessary), whose portrait can be seen in the church of Hagios Georgios at Anydroi (Fig. 90). 577 578

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while in Saint Nikitas at Čučer, dated to the early fourteenth century, the saint is placed between them.579 The vessel Panteleemon holds at Kavalariana is a container of surgical implements, a feature often associated with the saint.580 Pantoleontas assumed his saintly name during the course of his martyrdom, when a ‘voice from above’ called him Panteleemon.581 For the Byzantines he was the most important of the saints who perform miraculous cures.582 He is commemorated on 27 July, and in Constantinople his synaxis was held in one of the churches dedicated to him.583 13. Saint Photios (Fig. 41). The saint is depicted on the north wall, on the base of the western transverse arch (Plan 3a, zone II, 22). The wall painting is fairly well preserved. To the left and right of his nimbed head the identifying inscription reads: Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ ΦΩΤΙΟΣ.584 The saint is depicted full-length, in frontal view. He is shown as a young man with a sparse, short beard and short, wavy hair. The pearls decorating the left cuff of his chiton are placed in a cross formation, framing painted gems. Pearls and painted gems also adorn the collar, right shoulder, and, from what can still be discerned (the lower part of the figure has been whitewashed), hem of the saint’s chiton. Although Walter has suggested that the chlamys is an item of clothing that differentiates military martyr from civil martyr saints, and it, actually, forms part of the attire of all the military 579 Kurbinovo: Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 243–245, Fig. 126; Mistra (where Saint Panteleemon is placed underneath three of the four scenes from the life of Saints Cosmas and Damian): Chatzidakis (1977–79), 158, pls. 39γ, 40, 41α; Dufrenne (1970), pl. 5, nos. 6–9, 14; Elasson: Constantinides 1 (1992), 203–204, and 2 (1992), 55a and b; Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos: Tsitouridou (1986), pls. 95 and 97; Kirchhainer (2001), pls. 3 (nos. 83, 88, 89), 51, 54 Čučer: Hamann-Mac Lean and Hallensleben (1963), Plan 26. 580 Hadermann-Misguich (1975), 242, 243; Mouriki (1985), 152. 581 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 848: “φωνή ἂνωθεν”. His life is included in Symeon Metaphrastes’ collection of the lives of the saints: PG 115, cols. 448–477. See also ODB 3 (1991), 1572–1573. 582 Mouriki (1985), 210. 583 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 847–848, §1. The church is not named in the Synaxarion. Mouriki (1985), 151, and note 5 has noted the importance of the saint’s church at Narsou; for the location: Janin (1964), 395–396; Necipoğlu (2001), 82, 86–87 (no. 9). 584 Again, the phrase Ο ΑΓΙΟΣ is written vertically.

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saints depicted at Kavalariana — Michael, Demetrios, Georgios and Prokopios, although the latter is in court dress — Photios here also wears on top the sleeveless mantle in brick-red colour, fastened on the right shoulder.585 Photios holds a cross in his right hand, while his left arm bends on the elbow and is raised with his opened palm facing the viewer. Saint Photios is a martyr of the Orthodox Church whose feast day, along with his martyr uncle Saint Anikitos, is on 12 August; in Constantinople their synaxis was held at Strategio.586 Their martyrdom took place in Nikomedia, during Diocletian’s reign (284–305). While Saint Anikitos was tortured under Diocletian’s orders, his nephew, Saint Photios, came and embraced him. They were both burned alive.587 The saint at Kavalariana wears the attire frequently seen in depictions of civil martyrs, that is a court dress, and also holds the familiar attribute of a small cross.588 Saint Prokopios, whose status as a martyr rather than as a military saint is represented at Kavalariana, is depicted in the same way (Fig. 39). Both, however, are given the chlamys, and if we were to accept Walter’s aforementioned suggestion, it would imply that the Kavalariana artist made a mistake by putting it over Photios’ shoulders. 14. The Prophets (Figs. 42, 43) Four prophets are depicted on the eastern transverse arch, two on its north side (Plan 3a, zones III and IV, 11) and two on its south side (Plan 3b, zones III and IV, 4). They are all nimbed and hold open scrolls with texts that the condition of the wall paintings make difficult to read. As we have already seen, one of them cannot be identified (Fig. 42).589 Two, one young and beardless (Plan 3a, zone IV, 11), the other with white beard and hair (Plan 3b, zone IV, 4), wear crowns. It is likely that we have here Kings Solomon and David respectively whose joint portraits also appear in the Anastasis scene (Figs. 42, 43 and 23). The young prophet is actually placed on the same level and to

Walter (2003), 275. See also supra, Saint Prokopios. Ed. Delehaye (1902), 886. For the location: Janin (1964), 431–432; Müller-Wiener (1977), maps on 21, 25; Necipoğlu (2001), 30, 48. 587 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 885–886. For Aniketos, a military saint: Walter (2003), 246. 588 Xyngopoulos (1948), 94–95; Underwood 1 (1966), 154. 589 See supra, at the Introduction of this chapter, where his description is also given. 585 586

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the right of the latter scene. His facial characteristics and posture, especially the tilting of his head to his right, are very close to those of King Solomon’s portrait in the Kavalariana Anastasis. The prophet in the lower zone of the south side (Plan 3b, zone III, 4) is badly preserved. He wears a short tunic with a brown mantle on top, and red anaxyrides on his legs. Based on his youthful appearance and on the so-called Persian cap on his head, he can be identified as Daniel (Fig. 43). The prophet is usually depicted as a young, unbearded man, as mentioned by Elpios the Roman and in the Hermineia by Dionysios of Fourna, and habitually wears a ‘Persian’ cap (κίδαρη) (e.g. in the wall paintings in the churches of Omorfi Ekklisia at Aigina, dated to the late thirteenth century, and of the Panagia Olympiotissa at Elasson, dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century).590 Daniel is commemorated on 17 December, and his biography was included in the collection of the lives of the saints by Symeon Metaphrastes.591 His popularity can be explained partly by the fact that he was considered as a prefiguration of Christ,592 and partly because he was associated with the Incarnation (Daniel 2, 26–45).593 This relation is implied at Kavalariana by his location on the eastern transverse arch, the one closer to the sanctuary, and at the same level with the Annunciation. Furthermore, according to the Synaxarion, Daniel was among those resurrected at Christ’s Anastasis, which might explain his Kavalariana placement with the two prophet Kings, David and Solomon, whose portraits are an integral part of the iconography of the Anastasis.594 Daniel’s placement at Kavalariana next to the Baptism scene (Plan 3b, zone III, 3) serves as another visual link documenting the close relation between the Baptism and the Anastasis.595

590 Elpios the Roman, a ninth or tenth century text: Chatzidakis (1972), 409; Hermineia: ed. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (1909), 78, 262, 290; Omorfi Ekklisia: Vasilaki-Karakatsani (1971), pl. 41β; Elasson: Constantinides 2 (1992), 17. See also Réau 2,1 (1956), 392. 591 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 317–320, §1; Symeon Metaphrastes: PG 115, cols. 372–404. 592 Réau 2,1 (1956), 391. 593 Verses from this passage (especially 2, 35) often appear on his scroll in church decoration: Mouriki (1985), 154, and notes 9, 10, 11. See also Der Nersessian (1975), 311–312. 594 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 319; MacGulloch (1930), 87. Daniel appears beside David and Solomon also at Elasson: Constantinides 1 (1992), 100. 595 See supra, the Baptism scene.

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IV. The Kavalariana Programme The majority of the Kavalariana scenes display elements characteristic of the pre-Palaiologan period (the Ascension, the Melismos, the Transfiguration, the Entry into Jerusalem, the Carrying of the Cross, and the Lamentation). That does not mean, however, that the painter was totally ignorant of contemporary iconographic developments. His knowledge of Palaiologan features is demonstrated, for example, in the Raising of Lazarus, and in the Miracle at Chonai, where he follows fourteenth-century preferences, for the sarcophagus and the single river respectively. However, it should be noted that, as it is clearly apparent in the Baptism, in general, the iconography of scenes incorporated elements and developed over a prolonged period of time. The co-existence of iconographic details from different periods is, therefore, inevitable and does always truthfully reflect a painter’s awareness (or lack of it) of contemporary art. The Kavalariana artist’s creativity is apparent in the unique throne-chair of the Annunciation, and in the way he used the prominence of the Malchus episode in the Betrayal to establish a connection with the donors depicted in the lower zone. The dedication of the church to the Archangel Michael suggests that the edifice was the intended burial place for its donors. One of the scenes from his cycle, Joshua and the Archangel Michael, is considered to be a prefiguration of the Last Judgment, where Michael’s major responsibility is weighing the souls.596 A number of iconographic indications hinted at by the programme, such as the inclusion of the Threnos and the representation of a popular military saint, Prokopios, as a martyr,597 support further the suggestion that the Kavalariana church was meant to be a funerary chapel. The prominent placement of the Anastasis in the middle of the north wall, forming a diptych with the Holy Women at the Tomb, and topping the blind arch with the donors’ portraits, emphasizes their hope for the salvation of humanity in general, and of their souls in particular; it further provides another indication of the funerary character of the church.598 In order, howRéau 2,1 (1956), 219–220, 223; Underwood 1 (1966), 243. It should be noted, however, that representations of the saint in court dress rather than military attire are not uncommon; see Walter (2003), 94–100. 598 Velmans (1977), 89–96. 596 597

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ever, for the Anastasis to be placed in the upper zone, the Kavalariana programme follows a different sequence from the one commonly found in Byzantine church decoration, where the cycle starts on the south-eastern side, next to the sanctuary, and terminates on the north-eastern side, working its way clockwise around the church.599 The starting point at Kavalariana remains the upper zone of the south-eastern side of the church; however, the sequence of the scenes bounces between its south and north walls. Bilateral symmetry governs the location of scenes: the Presentation in the Temple and the Baptism on the south wall are reflected by the Transfiguration and the Raising of Lazarus on the north wall which follow them chronologically; the Entry into Jerusalem, the Betrayal, and the Carrying of the Cross on the south wall are mirrored by the Lamentation, the Anastasis, and the Holy Women at the Tomb on the north wall. Even if the Crucifixion had survived on the now-demolished original west wall, the clockwise sequence between the Carrying of the Cross and the Holy Women at the Tomb would have been interrupted by the Archangel Michael cycle, which is also depicted on opposite walls, the Synaxis of the Asomatoi and the Miracle at Chonai on the south, Jericho on the north. This bilateral symmetry can also be detected in the opposite blind arches of the lower zone: the doctor saints appear in the eastern blind arches, the patron saint with portraits of the donors in the middle, while the military saints in the western blind arches of the church. Apparently the festival cycle sequence, apart for ensuring a prominent position for the Anastasis, attempted to impose the same kind of bilateral symmetry on certain narrative scenes. While on Crete the sequence of the scenes decorating a church is often distorted,600 it would appear that the programme at Kavalariana was carefully orchestrated: bilateral symmetry was the guiding iconographic principle of the church.601

Kalokyris (1954), 393; Kitzinger (1988), 57; Emmanouel (1991), 166. Spatharakis (1999), 277. 601 It seems that a partial bilateral arrangement can be detected in a number of icons that include scenes of the Dodekaorton in the margins, framing a central representation of, usually, the Virgin and Child. Where in the top and bottom rows the scenes are usually presented in a chronological order, from left to right, in the two vertical rows the chronological sequence, rather that following top to bottom arrangement, seems to bounce between the left and right side. See, for example, the double-sided icon depicting the Virgin Hodegetria with the Dodekaorton on one side and the Hetoimasia on the other, dated to the second half of the fourteenth century: ed. Vassilaki (2000), 410–413, no. 64 (there are no scenes at the bottom row here); the double-sided icon with the Virgin Pafsolype and the Dodekaorton on 599 600

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To begin with, the bilateral symmetry of the festival cycle has placed the Transfiguration on the north-eastern side, next to the Ascension in the sanctuary vault, rather than in the middle of the south wall, thus visualizing the anticipation of the latter scene by the former.602 Furthermore, the Transfiguration, being a Theophany and a manifestation of the Trinity, is positioned opposite the Baptism, which incorporates and projects the same concepts.603 The two latter scenes, along with the Anastasis, reflect further the dogma of the two natures of Christ.604 At Kavalariana the Raising of Lazarus, placed on the north wall, underneath the Transfiguration, considered as the prefiguration of Christ’s Resurrection and also as a symbol of the resurrection of all people,605 takes the place of the Anastasis in the group of the four scenes, the Presentation and the Baptism on the south wall, and the Transfiguration and the Raising of Lazarus on the north wall. The close connection between the Baptism and the Resurrection was made apparent by Christ when He referred to His Passion as Baptism (Matthew 20, 22–23; Luke 12, 50). The establishment of the relation between the two in the church environment was made obvious by canon VI of the fourth Council of Toledo (A.D. 633);606 and Kartsonis has argued that the pictorial parallelism between the Baptism and the Resurrection may have its roots in the pre-iconoclast period.607 At Kavalariana, the central positioning of the Anastasis has not allowed a close association between the two scenes. However, the connection between the two is not totally abandoned in the iconographic programme of the Archangel Michael church. It is achieved

one side and the Crucifixion and prophets on the other, also dated to the second half of the fourteenth century: ed. Evans (2004), 167–169, no. 90; a steatite icon with the enthroned Christ Pantepotes, scenes from the Dodekaorton and the choir of saints, dated 1300–1500: ibid., 235–236, no. 143. 602 Réau 2,2 (1957), 575. 603 Réau 2,2 (1957), 575. 604 Mouriki (1985), 204. Had the Crucifixion survived on the west wall, it would have been facing the Annunciation in the sanctuary; both scenes stress the human nature of Christ. 605 Kartsonis (1986), 174–175. 606 MacCulloch (1930), 248. See also supra, the Baptism scene. Because an allusion of baptism is inherent in all images of the Baptist, it has been suggested that the latter’s presence in the iconography of the Anastasis may be partly due to the close relation between the two: Kartsonis (1986), 173. 607 Kartsonis (1986), 173–175.

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by placing Daniel, who is specifically named in the Synaxarion among the resurrected in Christ’s Anastasis,608 next to the Baptism, and by depicting on the opposite north wall the Raising of Lazarus. Other examples wherein the Lazarus scene ‘substitutes’ for the Anastasis and is paralleled to the Baptism exist (e.g. the tenth-century ivory in Leningrad).609 The Raising of Lazarus is also connected to Christ’s Baptism in church ritual, at least as known in Constantinople: Lazarus Saturday was one of four occasions for baptism in the capital and a complete baptismal liturgy was performed in Hagia Sophia on that day.610 The sequence followed at Kavalariana allowed the Betrayal to top the middle blind arch of the south wall, where the donors (and the faithful) are connected and directed to Christ, the visual and metaphorical center, via the patron saint and the Malchus episode.611 In some cases the close affiliation between scenes and/or persons is underlined by overlapping boundaries. For example, the right foot of Abraham in the Hospitality steps into the space of the angel of the Annunciation underneath (Fig. 6). During the Philoxenia it was announced to Sara that she was going to have a child (Genesis 18, 10). Therefore, apart from the obvious Eucharistic meaning that the scene conveys, it can be regarded as a forerunner of the Annunciation depicted underneath it, reinforcing also the message of the Incarnation. In the same way, the halo of the angel in the Holy Women at the Tomb overlaps the border of the Anastasis, depicted above the former scene (Figs. 23, 24, 24a), serving as the visual link between the two closely connected scenes.612 Romanos’ halo also links him with the Virgin of the Annunciation, depicted above him (Fig. 12), perhaps because according to Byzantine legend she had divinely inspired the deacon in his composing of hymns.613 The assembly of saints at Kavalariana is not unusual in either a Cretan or a Byzantine context. The popularity of the military saints, George and Demetrios, is well established within the Orthodox Church. Their prominence is underlined in Greek hagiography as well as in the liturgy: during

Ed. Delehaye (1902), 319. Kartsonis (1986), 174–175, Fig. 71b. See also Schiller 1 (1966), 190. 610 Mateos (1963), 62–65. See also ODB 1 (1991), 1198–1199. 611 See supra, the Betrayal scene. 612 See supra, the Holy Women at the Tomb scene. 613 Ed. Delehaye (1902), 95–96, §2. See also ODB 3 (1991), 1807. 608 609

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the Proskomidi rite, the two saints with Theodore are mentioned immediately after the Church Fathers and before other saints.614 On Crete numerous portraits of the two military saints can be found in church decoration, verifying their popularity on the island.615 Maguire has suggested that the soldier saints in Byzantine art had to look strong, solid, and physically active in order to inspire confidence in the beholder, and this is certainly the case at Kavalariana, especially for Saint George.616 Nicholas is also one of the most beloved and venerated saints in Byzantine tradition, since he is considered an effective intercessor for humanity.617 On Crete, a number of churches include his portrait in their decoration.618 His placement at Kavalariana on the north wall rather than in the sanctuary as a hierarch is not surprising: his vast popularity ensured his representation in different positions in the church decoration.619 In the Archangel Michael church, his success at intercession is stressed by his placement opposite Constantine, a saint also favoured on the island,620 since according to the Praxis de Stratelatis, Nicholas appeared in the emperor’s dream in order to prevent the execution of three wrongly accused generals.621 The scene is included in the cycle of Saint Nicholas’ life in Cretan churches dedicated to him (e.g. in the fourteenth-century churches at Mountros, at Pigi, and at Maza).622 Furthermore, this positioning continues the pattern of pairing related subjects on opposite walls.

Ed. Brightman (1896), 358. Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), passim. Gerola-Lassithiotakis’ omission of Saint Demetrios at Kavalariana (ibid., 38 [no.146]) is a mistake; Saint George is mentioned instead twice, both on the south and north walls. 616 Maguire (1996), 78. See also Walter (2003), 285. 617 Mouriki (1978), 68, 85, note 143. 618 Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 24 (no. 31), 35 (no. 124), 39 (no. 149), 45 (no. 199), 63 (no. 357), 67 (nos. 392, 397), 86–87 (no. 584), 91–92 (no. 633), 100 (no. 730). The book does not include the saint’s portrait at Kavalariana: ibid., 38 (no. 146). Portraits of the saint in the church dedicated to him at Maza (Fig. 117 and Sucrow [1994], Plan 4b, zone II, 28), and in the church of the Virgin at Kakodiki (personal observation) should be added. 619 Emmanouel (1991), 175. 620 See supra, Saint Constantine. 621 Ševčenko (1983), 115–119. 622 Pigi and Mountros: Spatharakis (1999), 140, 157, 279, Fig. 171 (partially visible to the left of the scene depicting Saint Nicholas appears to Ablabios); Maza: Sucrow (1994), Fig. 71. 614 615

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The presence of doctor saints at Kavalariana is self-explanatory, especially of Panteleemon, who was famous for performing miraculous cures.623 Marina is one of the most frequently depicted female saints in Cretan church decoration,624 while John (Xenos) the Hermit was a popular local saint.625 Portraits of Saint Sophia and of Saint Photios also exist in other churches on the island.626 Only Raphael was infrequently included in Cretan church decoration, however within the Kavalariana context, which is dedicated to Michael and includes the scene of the Synaxis of the Asomatoi, when Raphael is also commemorated, his presence is not surprising.627 Bilateral symmetry characterizes the Kavalariana programme. Apart from providing a prominent placement for the Anastasis, the centre of the Orthodox faith and also very important for a funerary context, it ensures that narrative scenes and saintly figures closely associated to one another, either because they project the same concepts (e.g. the Transfiguration and the Baptism) or because they belong to the same group (e.g. the Archangel Michael cycle and the military saints), appear on opposite walls. This symmetry is indicative of the careful planning of the iconographic programme of the Archangel Michael church.

623 Mouriki (1985), 210. Portraits of Saints Cosmas and Damian: Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 38–39 (no. 147), 90 (no. 611, only Cosmas), 95 (no. 675), 108–109 (no. 815); portraits of Saint Panteleemon: Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 36 (nos. 127, 130), 40 (no. 152), 64–65 (no. 374), 95 (no. 675), 96 (no. 687). The book does not include their portraits among the Kavalariana saints: ibid., 38 (no. 146). To these the portrait of Saint Panteleemon in Hagios Georgios at Komitades should be added: Sucrow (1994), Fig. 9 (wrongly labelled as Archangel Michael, who appears in Fig. 10). 624 Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 33 (no. 102), 37 (no. 136), 38–39 (no. 147), 39 (no. 150), 42 (no. 168), 43 (no. 173), 57 (no. 298), 57–58 (no. 303), 87 (no. 585), 105 (no. 793), 107 (no. 809) (the book does not mention Marina among the Kavalariana saints: ibid., 38 [no. 146]); RbK 4 (1990), cols. 1020; Spatharakis (1999), 342. To these her portraits in Hagios Georgios at Anydroi (personal observation), and in Hagios Nikolaos at Maza (Sucrow [1994], Fig. 74) should be added. 625 Andrianakis (1985), 43–48; Oikonomou (1999), 19, 26. 626 Saint Sophia: Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 40 (no.152), 42 (no. 168), 48 (no. 218). To these her portrait in Hagios Georgios at Anydroi should be added: Lassithiotakis (1959), pl. ΛΑ. Saint Photios: Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 30 (no. 79), 33–34 (no. 109), 40 (no. 152), 54 (no. 274). 627 Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), includes only one example of a portrait of Raphael: 92 (no. 637). His presence is not mentioned in the Kavalariana church: ibid., 38 (no. 146).

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3 Stylistic Analysis I. Introduction

A

S has already been mentioned, the painter of the Kavalariana church signed only his first name — Ioannes. Gerola, writing in 1908, was apparently the first who expressed the opinion that this painter not only should be identified with Ioannes Pagomenos, but also that the wall paintings of the Archangel Michael are the best example of his work.1 This opinion has been more or less accepted ever since by scholars.2 To my knowledge, only Chatzidakis mentions the church of the Archangel Michael without identifying its painter Ioannes as Pagomenos.3 The lack of a significant number of named Byzantine artists with signatures preserved in more than one monument presumably accounts for the tendency of some scholars to try to attribute to named artists as many works of art as possible. An example of interest for our purpose is the Cretan church of the Virgin Skafidiani, named after the village Skafidia, where the church is situated, at Prodromi Selinou Chanion (Map 1).4 It is dated by inscription to 1347 and bears the name of a certain Ioakeim. Kalokyris expressed the opinion that this painter was in fact Pagomenos, signing with the name he

Gerola 2 (1908), 308; Gerola–Lassithiotakis (1961), 113. Kalokyris (1958), 347–367, esp. 351, 354; Lassithiotakis (1970a), 187–188 (no. 88); Borboudakis, Gallas, and Wessel (1983), 219–220; Sucrow (1994), 26–27; Bissinger (1995), 98–99 (no. 55). The latter is of the opinion that the church of Hagios Georgios at Anydroi, dated 1323, demonstrates the highest point in Pagomenos’ painting development: ibidem, 97–98 (no. 53). 3 Chatzidakis (1974b), 85, note 3. 4 Gerola 4 (1932), 447–448 (no. 21); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 36 (no. 130). 1 2

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obtained after becoming a monk.5 This far-fetched assumption is no longer accepted,6 but it is a clear demonstration of the tendency to link known personalities with quasi-anonymous artisans whenever possible. The attribution of the church of the Archangel Michael to Pagomenos has not been challenged, even in the latest research on the artist completed by Sucrow.7 However, the obvious differences which can be detected between Kavalariana and the church of Hagios Nikolaos at Maza Apokoronou Chanion (Map 1), a work which bears the full signature of the artist and is dated only one year (1325/26) before the Archangel Michael church, raise serious questions. A detailed stylistic comparison between Kavalariana and the monuments which bear the full signature of Pagomenos is necessary. However, we should bear in mind that the importance of the monument does not depend on whether or not its artist was Pagomenos: if it was, it will help us understand the artist’s development; if it was not, then we can see what impact Pagomenos’ art had on Ioannes of the Archangel Michael’s church, since the latter would have almost certainly been familiar with the former’s work. In both cases the contribution of the church at Kavalariana to our understanding of fourteenth-century Cretan style is valuable. The monuments bearing the full signature of Pagomenos are all situated in the prefecture of Chania on the island of Crete, and are all dated by inscription.8 They are: 1. Hagios Georgios, Komitades Sfakion, dated 1313/14 (Map 1).9 A small, aisleless, rectangular building, with a barrel-vaulted roof. It has two transverse arches, but no blind arches. There are seven scenes from the cycle of the life of Saint George and eight more from the festival cycle. The very

Kalokyris (1958), 350, note 11. Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 113, note 4; Lassithiotakis (1969b), 480, note 180; Borboudakis, Gallas, and Wessel (1983), 106; Bissinger (1995), 100 (no. 58), note 25. In Sucrow’s work the church is included in the chapter concerning the followers of Pagomenos: Sucrow (1994), 138–141, 144–145. 7 Sucrow (1994), 26–27 and passim. 8 The inscriptions of all these churches will be dealt with later in this chapter. 9 Gerola 4 (1932), 472–473 (no. 2); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 48 (no. 218). For the full bibliography on the church, including the restoration work: Sucrow (1994), 17–18. See also Spatharakis (2001), 33–35. The locals informed me that a liturgy takes place here every year on the 3rd November and that the church is dedicated to Hagios Georgios Μεθυστής (= the drunkard). 5 6

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badly preserved narthex is of a later date and has no mural decoration.10 The west facade is decorated with three ceramic plaques. The inscription is situated on the west wall. 2. Koimesis of the Virgin, Alikampos Apokoronou, dated 1315/16 (Map 1).11 A small, aisleless, rectangular building, with a barrel-vaulted roof. It has neither transverse nor blind arches. The west facade is decorated with eleven ceramic plaques. The inscription is situated on the west wall. There are nine scenes from the festival cycle, including the Melismos, and two scenes from the cycle of the life of the Virgin. The dedication of the church to the Virgin explains the two medallions depicting Ioakeim and Anna, her parents, in the sanctuary.12 Sucrow is of the opinion that the bema wall paintings are by a different hand, while Borboudakis believes that the whole decoration of the sanctuary belongs to a different period.13 If nothing else, the punching decoration used for the haloes of the figures here is found nowhere in Pagomenos’ work, nor in the rest of the church. It is probably safest to attribute only the wall paintings outside the bema area to Pagomenos. 3. Hagios Georgios, Anydroi Selinou, dated 1323 (Map 1).14 The church has a transverse-vault ceiling and today has two aisles, since a modern one, dedicated to Saint Nicholas, has been added on the south. Originally there were two blind arches on each of the elongated north and south sides, but those on the south wall have been demolished, in order for the two aisles to be connected. The inscription is found on the south wall. The original church is decorated with eight scenes from the cycle of the life of Saint George and with twelve more from the festival cycle including the Melismos.15

Sucrow (1994), 32. For the bad condition of the church: Borboudakis (1971), 523. Gerola (1932), 430 (no. 6); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 29 (no. 75). For the full bibliography: Sucrow (1994), 19–20, and Spatharakis (1999), 270, note 1, 323, note 147. See also Spatharakis (2001), 48–50. The Virgin is also called Sourothiani, because, as the local priest informed me, of the water condensation in the church (σουρώνω = to strain). He also told me that a liturgy takes place here not only once every year on the 15th August, but in other days too. Furthermore, many people choose the church for weddings and christenings. 12 Mouriki (1985), 209; Emmanouel (1991), 186. 13 Sucrow (1994), 75–78; Borboudakis, Gallas, and Wessel (1983), 251. 14 Gerola 4 (1932), 443–444 (no. 15); Lassithiotakis (1959); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 35 (no. 125). For the full bibliography: Sucrow (1994), 22–24. See also Spatharakis (2001), 63–66. 15 There is one scene with an unidentified subject. 10 11

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4. Hagios Nikolaos, Maza Apokoronou, dated 1325/26 (Map 1).16 A small, aisleless, rectangular building, with a barrel-vaulted roof. It has no blind arches but one transverse arch. The west facade is decorated with one ceramic plaque. The inscription is found on the west wall. There are eight scenes from the cycle of the life of Saint Nicholas and fourteen, including the Melismos, from the festival cycle. 5. Church of the Virgin, Beilitika, Kakodiki Selinou, dated 1331/32 (Map 1).17 A small, aisleless, rectangular building, with a barrel-vaulted roof. Like Maza, it has no blind arches but one transverse arch, most of which is destroyed, like most of the wall paintings. Quite a few saints survive, but only four scenes are still visible.18 The inscription is found on the west wall. The church of Hagios Nikolaos at Moni Selinou, Sougia, deserves a special note (Map 1).19 The inscription with the signature of Pagomenos and the date, 1315, appears on the part which is most probably a later addition to the west of the original building.20 The state of preservation of the wall paintings in this part of the church is terrible; almost nothing survives.21 The bad state of the wall paintings does not allow any contribution to the stylistic analysis which follows. I have therefore omitted the church at Sougia from discussion; since we have a representative of the artist’s work from the same Gerola 4 (1932), 429–430 (no. 5); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 29 (no. 73). For the full bibliography, including notes on restoration work: Sucrow (1994), 24–25. See also Spatharakis (2001), 70–72. 17 Gerola 4 (1932), 462–463 (no. 41); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 42 (no. 168). For the full bibliography: Sucrow (1994), 28–30. See also Spatharakis (2001), 82–84. There is a plaque on the west facade that mentions the restoration work, which took place in 1936. The locals informed me that the church was almost ruined and the roof had collapsed. The church is dedicated to the Annunciation of the Virgin and a liturgy takes place once every year on the 25th March. 18 The Dormition of the Virgin on the north wall, the Annunciation, the Melismos and fragments from the Ascension in the sanctuary. 19 Gerola 4 (1932), 470 (no. 53); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 45–46 (no. 199). See also Spatharakis (2001), 40–43. 20 See also Bissinger (1995), 92, note 10. 21 Sucrow does not accept Pagomenos as the painter of the original church. She gives an earlier date and attributes the wall paintings to Venieris, a painter mostly active in the late thirteenth century: Sucrow (1994), 20–22, 85–86, 114–116. Bissinger (1995), 92 (no. 45) also assigns this church to the Venieris circle. Personal observation of the wall paintings of the naos raises many questions. Since, however, the main focus of this work is the church at Kavalariana, this is neither the place nor the time to discuss them nor to express an opinion on Sucrow’s attribution to Venieris. 16

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period — the church at Alikampos — this omission, though unfortunate, is not critical. The church of the Archangel Michael, dated 1327/28, falls between the churches at Maza and Kakodiki. From all the above it is obvious that all the churches under consideration have roughly the same dimensions (they are certainly all small edifices); therefore, the discussion of style will not be hindered by a scale difference between the wall paintings. In the majority of the cases, I have compared the scenes separately from the isolated figures, because, as Belting put it, “. . . a narrative scene . . . resists comparison with the chorus of single figures. The narrative genus required a language proper to relating a story or, in other words, a distinct stylistic idiom”.22 For the isolated figures the comparisons will emphasize: — Proportion (anatomy), postures, and gestures; — Faces, with a detailed examination of eyes, mouth, ears; — Clothes and their modelling. The portrayals of horses, which appear in almost all the churches, will also be considered here. After a general comment on the overall impression and colouring of each monument, scene comparisons will focus on: — the figures depicted; — architectural space and motifs; and — the depiction of vegetation. Furthermore, I have decided to also consider the iconographic programmes, because, though not, strictly speaking, a component of formal analysis, any similarities or differentiations between the festival cycles may provide an additional clue as to whether or not the painter of Kavalariana is Pagomenos. One must, however, bear in mind that any similarities might be a reflection of the taste and the preferences of the patrons rather than of the artisan(s). The decorative patterns (ornamentation) will be the third level on which this discussion will focus. Finally, the wording of the inscriptions, as well as the style of the letters, will also be examined. At Kavalariana the technique used for the execution of the wall paintings is exactly the same used in all the churches signed by Pagomenos, that is

22

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fresco, where the painting is placed upon a wet, freshly prepared lime-plaster wall.23 Therefore, a comparative technical analysis between the two groups will not be included in this discussion, since it cannot offer any vital information concerning the identity of the Kavalariana painter.24 After considering the relationship between Ioannes of Kavalariana and Pagomenos, I will place the wall paintings at Kavalariana within the broader sphere of Palaiologan monumental art of the first half of the fourteenth century.

II. Figures A. Kavalariana Thirty-three representations of male and female saints, hierarchs and prophets, including portraits of the patron saint,25 of the archangel Raphael and of Christ Pantokrator, and another fourteen portraits of the donors,26 decorate the nave and the sanctuary of the church of the archangel Michael, separated from each other and from the scenes by brick-red bands. Most of them are well-proportioned, with heads neither too big nor too small for their physiognomies and with oval-shaped faces. Most are depicted either in full or half-length frontal view, while the three-quarter view is used for some of the donors and, strangely enough, because of his placement above the donors in the middle blind arch of the south wall, for the archangel Raphael. While his counterpart, archangel Michael, is depicted in half-length frontal view, Raphael’s body is depicted in three-quarters view to the right and with his head turned to the left towards Michael. One of the prophets depicted in the eastern transverse vault is shown in contrapposto. Most of the saintly figures are depicted either blessing with their right hands and holding a Gospel book in their left (e.g. the hierarchs in the sanctuary, Saint Nicholas on the north wall in the nave) (Figs. 13, 14, 36) or holding a cross in their right hands,

See chapter 1, note 54. For Dionysios of Fourna’s instructions on wall painting techniques: ed. PapadopoulouKerameos (1909), 36–43, §53–70. 25 The archangel Michael appears three times within the church: see chapter 2. 26 The portraits of the donors will be examined in detail in chapter 4. 23 24

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while the left hands are held in front of the chest (e.g. Saint Prokopios on the western transverse arch) (Fig. 39) or slightly higher (e.g. Saint Photios on the north wall) (Fig. 41) with the palms of the left hands facing the viewer. The unidentified female saint on the south wall has both her hands in front of her chest with the palms facing the viewer, Saint Sophia (north wall) is depicted orans, while the donors are in supplication towards Michael (Figs. 46, 31, 28, 29).27 The prophets on the eastern transverse arch are holding scrolls and the deacons in the sanctuary liturgical vessels. The oval-shaped faces, which most of the figures share, have a brown or green outline; their modelling is built up from dark undertones and consists of many white lines (highlights) visible on the forehead and chin and also around the eyes, mouth and along the bridge of the nose (e.g. the archangel Michael and Saints Cosmas and Damian on the eastern blind arch of the north wall) (Figs. 30, 34, 35). A brown, curved line marks the point where the base of the neck meets the rest of the body. The eyes of the figures, wherever they survive, are rather big, but not almond-shaped; they are rounded and outlined with a black line, which is stretched at the corner. Another curved and in most cases brown line is drawn underneath them. The pupils have in their left side a white line in the shape of a half moon. The eyelids are dark brown/green, while the eyebrows are thick, black/brown and arched; from here the nose starts forming. Most noses are elongated with wide nostrils, while their tip bulges and shifts to the right; Christ Pantokrator’s is shifted to the left. The shape of the mouth is formed with a thick, black line for the upper lip and a thinner, white for the lower. In the middle both lips are fleshier and bulgier with the lower slightly bigger, and in some cases the bulging is underlined with red or pink colour (e.g. Saints Cosmas and Damian on the eastern blind arch of the north wall, deacon Romanos in the sanctuary) (Figs. 34, 35, 12). Strictly speaking, there are two types of ears found at Kavalariana, but since the first, two curved lines, a smaller one inside another, appears predominantly when the ears are concealed by either the headpiece or the coiffure (e.g. Saint George on the western blind arch of

The child-donor in the middle blind arch of the north wall, who for reasons of symmetry, since he is found in the middle of this group of donors, is depicted in full-length frontal view, is crossing its arms in front of its chest; the same depiction is used for the other child-donor, seen in the opposite blind arch, although here the child is the first figure from the left. 27

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the north wall) (Fig. 37),28 I will focus on the second type. These ears look like miniature harps and are outlined with black: rather long and pointed at the bottom, becoming wider and almost forming a circle at the upper part of the ears, the circle stops just short of its completion with a distinctive bulge (e.g. the donors on the sides of the middle blind arch of the north wall, the hierarchs in the sanctuary) (Figs. 50, 51, 13). The hands of the figures, when the palm is open towards the viewer, have long fingers, while the palm has a distinctive bulge at the base of the thumb (e.g. the unidentified female saint on the south wall) (Fig. 46). When the figures are grasping something, the hands are flat and swollen (e.g. Saint Demetrios on the western blind arch of the south wall, Saint Photios on the north wall) (Figs. 33, 41). When they are blessing, the base of the thumb still bulges, the two last fingers form a right angle with the thumb, and the other two fingers curve upwards to the left (e.g. Christ Pantokrator in the sanctuary, Saint Nicholas on the north wall) (Figs. 5, 36). The blessing right hand of the archangel Michael above the donors in the middle blind arch of the north wall seems deformed: the thumb is fat and short, like a miniature chicken-leg, while the two blessing fingers are long and skinny and seem to start from the lower part of the thumb (Fig. 29). The blessing hands of the archangel Raphael in the middle blind arch of the south wall and of Saints Polykarpos and Titos in the sanctuary bend the second to the last finger, so that it forms a circle, and extends the little finger (Figs. 28, 13, 14). Overall the formation of the fingers, although the artist keeps them in proportion to each other, looks bulgy and unnaturally flexible. Black, dark or white lines, the latter usually seen on garments of a lighter colour (e.g. green or pinky-red), mark the formation and the separation between the folds on the clothing of the figures. The simple, rigid, and in most cases vertical folds of the chitons show no attempt to describe the volume of the body which they wrap, not even in the case of the young prophet in contrapposto on the eastern transverse arch. An exception is the archangel Raphael, on whose himation the curved folds manage to express

28 This type of ear, concealed by a headpiece or coiffure, is found not only at the church of the Archangel Michael and in the Pagomenos group as a whole, but also in other examples outside Crete and from different periods, as for example, in the wall paintings depicting Saint George and Saint Theodore Stratelates in the church of the Panagia Olympiotissa, dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century: Constantinides 2 (1992), 66 and 69 respectively.

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his right thigh underneath (Fig. 28). The usual drapery configuration, however, means that the lower part of most of the figures depicted in full frontal view resembles a column. The right sleeves of the chiton of Saint Photios and of the himation of Saint John (Xenos) the Hermit (north and south walls respectively) form a large loop, rectangular rather than round, while the latter’s garment has egg-shaped folds around the waist (Figs. 41, 32). The himatia of the figures hang over the bodies, falling vertically and sharply, forming pointed, stiff and unnatural edges. In the cases of the saints on horseback, George and Demetrios (western blind arches on north and south walls respectively) (Figs. 37, 33), the himatia billow behind their backs, forming twisting and turning, but still unnatural, folds. Gradation of the shading between the folds either does not exist or is slight. The two horses depicted at Kavalariana, those of Saints George and Demetrios, are big animals, with large necks and comparatively small heads (Figs. 37, 33). They have long, pointed ears, big eyes formed with a black outline, and wide nostrils. Saint George’s shows its teeth by opening its mouth for the bridle and has a tidy knot on its tail, while Saint Demetrios’ horse’s tail has a band on its base. B. The Pagomenos Group The saintly figures at Komitades, which decorate the nave and the sanctuary, are separated from each other and from the scenes by brick-red bands. Most of them are tall and slender with relatively small heads and oval-shaped faces. A strange anatomical feature are the knees of the archangel Michael (south wall), which are formed by two circles, one on top of the other, in the shape of a figure eight (Fig. 60). The figures are depicted either in full or half-length frontal view or on horseback (military saints). The donors (south wall) are depicted kneeling in three-quarter view, one to the left, the other to the right, in supplication. Apart from Saint Sophia (south wall), who is depicted with her arms raised in prayer (orans), the figures are gesturing and/ or holding attributes, as, for example, the hierarchs in the sanctuary, who are blessing with their right hands and holding Gospel books in their left hands, Panteleemon (south wall), who as a doctor saint is holding a vessel in his left hand with his medicines, and archangel Michael (south wall), who is holding his raised sword in his right hand and the scabbard in his left. The faces have a dark brown outline and the base of the necks is marked by either a curved line (e.g. Saint Sophia on the south wall) (Fig. 61) or a

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V-shaped line (e.g. archangel Michael on the south wall) (Fig. 60). Highlights are mostly visible along the bridge of the noses. The eyes are big and round, outlined with black colour and stretched at the corners; underneath them there is a curved line. The left side of the pupils has a white line in the shape of a half moon. The eyebrows are arched, thick and dark. From this height the elongated noses start forming and end in a bulging tip with barely visible nostrils. Most mouths are formed with a longer, thinner, black line for the upper lip and a shorter, thicker one for the lower, which makes the latter look swollen and bulging. Generally speaking, the ears are relatively big for the heads. However, they fall into two categories, those seen on the military saints of the north wall of the nave (Fig. 62) and those found on the hierarchs in the sanctuary (Fig. 59). Both categories feature long ears with a pointed bottom end, but while the saints’ ears are formed with soft, curving lines in their wider upper part, the hierarchs’ ears resemble the shape of a rhombus with a wider upper half and a thick horizontal line separating the top third of the upper ear from the rest. The hands of the figures are not well articulated. A bulging in the palm underneath the thumb exists (e.g. Saint Sophia on the south wall) (Fig. 61); in most cases the thumb is clearly divided by the rest of the hand either by being placed far apart from the rest of the fingers or by being depicted as long and fat (e.g. left hand of Saint Sophia); overall the fingers are short, the exception being the long fingers seen on Saint Titos’ right, blessing hand (sanctuary) (Fig. 59), and on some of the figures they seem unnaturally flexible. The worst example of a badly drawn, deformed hand in the church is archangel Michael’s left hand (south wall) (Fig. 60): six fingers are wrapped around the scabbard, too many for a hand, too big for the relatively small palm, and too long in comparison to their counterparts seen on the archangel’s right hand. The folds of the garments worn by the figures, defined by dark and/or white lines, are curvy and wavy rather than stiff, rigid and vertical, forming many loops and finishing softly at the hems of the garments. Noteworthy is the finishing of the hem of Archangel Michael’s chiton (south wall) (Fig. 60), which resembles a snake wrapped around Michael’s legs, just over his knees. However, the chitons and himatia hang over the bodies without any attempt to reveal their volume underneath. There are three horses depicted at Komitades on the north wall. They belong to the Saints Demetrios and Theodore(?), depicted together, and to Saint George (Figs. 62, 62a, 63). The best preserved is George’s: it is a big animal with large neck and head proportional to its size. It has short, pointed

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ears, big, round eyes and wide nostrils. Its mouth is open for the bridle, but without showing its teeth. Its tail is tied in a knot, different from the one found on the tail of Saint Demetrios’ horse which resembles a bow. The knee of the back right leg of Saint Demetrios’ horse is formed with two circles, one on top of the other, just like the knees of the archangel Michael. Overall, the depictions of the archangel Michael at Komitades (south wall) (Fig. 60) and at Kavalariana (eastern blind arch on the north wall) (Fig. 30), which can be used as an example of comparison between the two churches, are quite different. Michael is overly tall and thin with a relatively small head in the first, normally proportioned and well built in the second. Soft folds, made up of curved lines, characterise the garments at Komitades, while vertical lines, finishing in pointed, rough edges appear at Kavalariana. The nose of Michael at Komitades does not show the tip shifting to the left, apparent at Kavalariana, and the line marking the base of Michael’s neck at Komitades is V-shaped while at Kavalariana it is curved. There are, however, general similarities between the figures of the two churches, such as the big, round eyes with the arched eyebrows, the bulging lower lip and the bulging in the palm, underneath the thumb. The Kavalariana ears look as if they are a combination of the two categories of ears found at Komitades. I believe that these two categories of ears, rather than implying the involvement of a second hand other than Pagomenos in the execution of the wall paintings at Komitades, are an indication that Pagomenos was probably still in search of his personal style; in other words, the artist had not yet settled into a repetitive pattern. However, the question of whether or not he was also responsible for painting the church at Kavalariana cannot be answered on the basis of this comparison. The saintly figures at Alikampos are separated from each other and from the scenes with brick-red bands. They are rather short with small heads and, in most cases, with oval-shaped faces. They are depicted either in full or half-length frontal view, or on horseback (military saints). The Virgin and Christ are depicted enthroned on the north and south walls respectively. The three-quarter view is used for the donors: the two depicted standing on the west wall are holding between them the church which they are offering, while the other seen on the north wall is represented kneeling and in supplication towards the enthroned Virgin. Although not unusual, it is none the less worth noting that on the south wall the saintly mother and son, Helen and Constantine, hold the True Cross between them. The oval-shaped faces have a green or brown outline and are of a brownred colour without many highlights, apart from those along the bridge of the

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noses. A thin, brown, curving line marks the bottom of the neck. The eyes are big and round, rimmed with a black line which stretches outwards at the corners, with the usual curved line underneath and with the half-moon shaped white line in the left corners of the pupils. The eyelids are of an orange-brown colour and are enclosed underneath the thick, black, arched eyebrows. The elongated noses start forming from that height; they have a bulging tip, situated at the centre, as at Komitades, but wider nostrils than at the latter church. The formation of the mouths also shows similarities with Komitades: a thinner, dark line is used for the upper lip, while the lower lip is shorter, swollen and is of a pink or red coloration. The ears are comparable to those found on the hierarchs at Komitades (Fig. 59), with the rhombus shape and the thick, horizontal line separating the upper third from the rest of the ear (e.g. the saint on horseback on the north wall) (Fig. 75), though at Alikampos ears are not as long and pointed as those at Komitades.29 The palm shows a bulging underneath the thumb. Most of the hands are badly drawn: the palms and the fingers are long, unlike those at Komitades, and unnaturally flexible. For example, the right hand of the archangel Michael (south wall) (Fig. 76), with which he is holding a staff, has a long palm, while the index finger is clearly separated from the rest and forms a right angle, as if it is broken. The right hand of the Christ-Child, depicted enthroned with the Virgin on the north wall, shows the chicken-leg like thumb formation (Fig. 77). There is no attempt to indicate the body volume through the drapery, and the folds, marked by dark and/or white lines, have developed the tendency, not found at Komitades, to form pointed edges, even in the loops (e.g. folds on the lap of the enthroned Christ on the south wall) (Fig. 78). The two Alikampos horses, belonging to the military saints depicted on the north wall (Fig. 75), have short, pointed ears, big eyes, wide nostrils and mouths open to take the bridles. The head of the horse of the saint depicted on the inside, although smaller, is quite similar to Saint George’s horse at Komitades (Figs. 63, 65). Overall, the necks and heads of the horses at Alikampos are smaller than those at Komitades, but they are still big ani29 The clear differences, especially visible on the ears and noses, of the heads of the deacons Stephen and Romanos in the sanctuary in comparison to the description of the figures at Alikampos so far, is explained by the fact that here we have a different artist and possibly from a different period: Sucrow (1994), 76–77. See also Borboudakis, Gallas and Wessel (1983), 251.

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mals. The tail of the horse of the saint depicted on the outside is tied in a bow, which is, in a way, an improved version of the bow seen on Saint Demetrios’ horse’s tail at Komitades (Fig. 62a). The knees of the back legs of the horse on the outside are formed with one circle rather than the two found at Komitades. In comparison to Kavalariana the Alikampos figures are shorter and have smaller heads. Dissimilarities can also be found in the formations of the nose, which at Alikampos lacks the shifting tip, of the mouth and of the ears. In that respect Alikampos is closer to Komitades — as it is also in the representation of the horses. However, the formation of the folds of the garments at Alikampos, with the tendency for rough rather than soft edges, is closer to Kavalariana. In all three churches, it is obvious that the drawing of the hands was not the artist’s strongest point. A notable similarity between Alikampos and Kavalariana is the chicken-leg like thumb, seen in the Christ-Child on the north wall in the first church (Fig. 77) and in the archangel Michael in the middle blind arch of the north wall in the second (Fig. 29). The figures at Anydroi, separated from each other and from the scenes by brick-red bands, are tall with relatively small heads and oval-shaped faces. The equestrian Saint Demetrios’ figure, depicted on the blind arch of the north wall, is disproportionate with a far too tall torso in comparison to the lower part of his body (Fig. 90). The saints are depicted either in full of half-length frontal view (some of the half-length figures are within medallions), or on horseback; the three-quarter view is used for the hierarchs of the Melismos scene in the sanctuary. Some hold attributes; Saint Anastasia (north wall) is actually pointing at the vessel of medicines she holds in her left hand, which is an explicit reference to her role as the poison curer. Saint Sophia (south wall) is depicted once again with her arms raised in prayer (orans). The oval-shaped faces have a dark coloured outline and minimum use of highlights; the base of the neck is marked by a brown, curving line. The big, round eyes are outlined with black, stretched at each corner, while the pupils have the half moon shaped white line at the left side corners. Underneath the eyes there is a curved line. The eyelids are brown and the eyebrows are black and arched. From here the elongated noses start forming and end up in a bulging tip, which shifts, in most cases, to the right, with wide nostrils. The mouths are formed with a black line for the upper and white for the lower lips, while the middle parts are fleshier, and usually coloured pink or red. The middle of the lower lips bulges, but the lips do not look as swollen as,

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for example, they do at Komitades. The ears are long and, as at Kavalariana, look like miniature harps: pointed at the lower end, curving and wider at the upper, with a bulge situated two thirds up from the bottom. The hands have long fingers and palms and the bulging of the palm, underneath the thumb, is also apparent here. Saint Anastasia’s index finger (north wall) (Fig. 90), with which she is pointing at her vessel, is unnaturally long, thin and curvy. However, the difficulty in drawing hands is less evident in this church. In some cases there is an attempt to indicate the body volume underneath the garments: big, round loops mark the two knees of the unidentified female saint on the north wall and the right knee of Saint Anastasia (Fig. 90). However, overall the clothes hang down over the bodies with vertical folds formatted by dark and/or white lines, usually finishing at angled edges, though not sharply. The billowing himation of Saint George, depicted killing the dragon on the eastern blind arch of the north wall (Fig. 91), forms a curved fold which resembles the entrance to a cave. The two horses depicted in the church (Saints Demetrios’ and George’s on the western and eastern blind arches of the north wall respectively) (Figs. 90, 91) are big animals, with large necks and relatively small heads. Saint George’s has longer ears, but on both animals they are pointed. The horses have big eyes and wide nostrils and keep their mouths open because of the bridles; Saint Demetrios’ horse shows its teeth. Their tails are tied in a knot of three levels, while both knees of their back legs are formed with one circle, as at Alikampos (Fig. 75). The facial characteristics at Anydroi, especially the nose with the shifting tip, the mouths and the ears, are close to those seen at Kavalariana. Also the folds of the draperies with the inclination to form rough edges (though not sharp), are also comparable to Kavalariana. Saint Romanos’ garments at Anydroi (sanctuary) (Fig. 89) show curving folds, shifted to the left, around his waist that are comparable to those seen at Kavalariana on Saint John (Xenos) the Hermit’s himation (south wall) (Fig. 32); although the latter’s folds are egg-shaped, they present the same inclination towards the left. However, the overall impression of the figures of the two churches is different, especially in their proportions. Comparison of the representations of Christ Pantokrator in the sanctuary in both churches is revealing (Figs. 5, 88). In both cases the figures of Christ share the big eyes, long nose with a bulging tip shifting to the right at Anydroi, to the left at Kavalariana, wide nostrils and swollen lips. Their neckline is of a V-shape and their chitons show the same decoration on the collars (circles with dots in the middle) and

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right side of the clavus (vegetal motives). Their Gospel books have the same partitions. Noteworthy also is the meticulous drawing of the nails for both hands, although the blessing hand of Christ at Anydroi is different from the one seen at Kavalariana in the schematised depictions of the knuckles of the latter two fingers and the exaggerated bulging on the palm, underneath the thumb. However, the bigger, fuller face of Christ at Anydroi, with His bulllike neck, gives a different overall impression in comparison to the Christ at Kavalariana with His oval-shaped face and thinner neck; observed from a distance the characteristics that the two figures have in common, disappear. Before drawing any conclusions from this discrepancy we will examine the rest of the Pagomenos group. The figures at Maza, separated from each other and from the scenes by brick-red bands, are rather tall, with relatively small heads for their anatomies and with oval-shaped faces. As at Anydroi, the torso of one of the two saints on horseback, depicted on the north wall, is too long for his lower body (Fig. 109). Apart from the enthroned Virgin and Child on the south wall, the rest of the figures are depicted in either full or half-length frontal view, or on horseback. The three-quarter view is used for the figures of the Virgin and the patron saint of the church, Nicholas, both of whom are depicted as part of a Deisis with Christ Pantokrator in the sanctuary; it is also used for the small figure of the donor, depicted in supplication towards the patron saint on the north wall. Apart from Saint Marina, who is depicted as an orant on the north wall, the figures make the usual blessing gestures, and hold Gospel books or crosses. Noteworthy is that here, as at Alikampos, on the south wall we find, from left to right, the archangel Michael and the Saints Constantine and Helen, who hold the True Cross between them. The oval-shaped faces are outlined with brown or green and a few highlights are visible, especially around the eyes and along the bridge of the nose. The brown neckline undulates. The eyes are big and round with a black outline, which is stretched at the corners; another curved, black line sits underneath the eyes. The pupils have a white line in the shape of half-moon in their left corner. The eyebrows are dark and arched; from that height the long noses start forming, ending in a bulging tip, which only in some of the figures is shifted to one side, with wide nostrils. The mouths are formed by a black line for the upper and a white for the lower lips; their fleshier middle part, with the lower bulgier than the upper, is painted with pink or red colour. The ears look like miniature harps: long and pointed at the bottom, but slightly rounder than those seen at Anydroi in the upper part, and with

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a bulge in the upper part of the upper half of the ears. The hands have long fingers and palms and the distinctive bulging on the palms underneath the thumbs. The right hand of the enthroned Virgin (south wall) (Fig. 110) looks as if it is swollen and its palm is in contrast with the thin fingers, from which the index finger is separated. Another example of a badly drawn hand is that of a deacon in the sanctuary, with a long, swollen hand and three, rather than four, short fingers (Fig. 108). In some cases the fingers look stiff and wooden (e.g. the blessing hand of Christ Pantokrator in the sanctuary) (Fig. 107). Finally, an example of the chicken-leg like thumb can be seen in the blessing hand of the Christ-Child, depicted enthroned with the Virgin, on the south wall (Fig. 110). At Maza the folds of the draperies are formed with contrasting lines (dark and/or white depending on the base colour) and only in a few cases is there an attempt to depict the body volume underneath the garments, as, for example, in the two saints on the north wall (Figs. 111). The folds shaping the right thigh of the saint to the right are comparable to the ones found at Anydroi on the two female saints mentioned above (Figs. 90). However, at Maza they have become softer and undulating, hugging the thigh rather than hanging vertically on top. The folds around the waist of the saint to the left are comparable to those seen on deacon Romanos’ waist at Anydroi (sanctuary) (Fig. 89), but at Maza they are more curved and less wide. Maza stands between Anydroi and Komitades, since the artist here seems to draw not only folds which are vertical and finish, though not sharply and abruptly, at angles, but also folds which are curved and form loops, as seen at Komitades. From the two horses of the military saints depicted together at Maza on the north wall (Fig. 109), only the one in the front is clearly visible;30 it is a big animal, with a large neck, relatively small head, long, pointed ears, small eyes and wide nostrils. It shows its teeth through its slightly open mouth and its tail has a tidy knot. The circle, which we have seen being used for the formation of the knees of the back legs of the horses at Alikampos and at Anydroi (Figs. 75, 90, 91), has here become a triangle. Maza and Kavalariana share certain similarities, such as some of the facial characteristics and the chicken-leg like thumb, but again the overall impression is different, especially in the proportion of the figures. A com-

30 The second horse is concealed partly by the one in front and partly by its black color, which is the same as the background.

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parison between the images of Christ Pantokrator in the sanctuaries of the two churches (Figs. 5, 107), despite the similarities (e.g. mouth, neckline, decoration on the collar and right side of the clavus), serves to underline the features that Maza shares with the church at Anydroi (Fig. 88), decorated three years earlier, rather than with the Christ at the Archangel Michael church, painted only a year later. These similarities extend even to the parting of the bottom of His beard in the middle, which is not found at Kavalariana. At Maza Christ looks much bigger, even though He occupies less space, because, as at Anydroi, He is flanked by the Virgin and the patron saint as part of a Deesis. Unfortunately, the state of preservation of the church at Kakodiki is very poor. Judging from what can be discerned, the figures are commonly separated from each other and from the surviving scenes by brick-red bands. They are not particularly tall, and have heads neither too big nor too small for their bodies, with oval-shaped faces. The body of Saint George on horseback on the north wall shares the lack of proportion with the military saints at Anydroi and Maza (Figs. 90, 91, 109, 126), with a rather long torso in comparison with the lower part of his body. Apart from the enthroned Virgin and Child on the north wall and Christ on the south,31 the rest of the figures are depicted in either full or half-length frontal view or on horseback. The donors are depicted in three-quarter view and in supplication towards either the enthroned Virgin and Child or the enthroned Christ. The figures are blessing and hold either Gospel books or open scrolls or crosses or vessels. The oval-shaped, fleshy faces have, in most cases, a dark brown outline. Highlights are mostly in use around the neck, the base of which is marked with a brown, undulating line. The eyes are big and almond-shaped (e.g. Saint Paraskevi on the west wall) (Fig. 127); a black outline, stretched at the corners, underlines their shape, while another curved, brown line can be seen underneath them. The pupils have the usual white line in the shape of a half moon at the left side. The eyelids are of a dark brown colour and the eyebrows are arched. The elongated noses start forming from here and finish with a bulging tip, shifted to the right, and wide nostrils. The mouth is formed with a thicker upper black line and a thinner lower white one, while the middle is fuller and fleshier, painted red or pink; the swell

31 The same can be seen at Alikampos, with the enthroned Virgin and Child on the north wall facing the enthroned Christ on the south.

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of the lower lip is more pronounced. The harp-shaped ears are long and pointed at the bottom, wider and with a bulging in the middle of their upper part. The curved or slightly pointed upper half is closer to Maza than to Anydroi. The hands have long fingers and the palms show the familiar bulging underneath the thumb. Notable is the left blessing hand of the ChristChild (Fig. 128), depicted enthroned with the Virgin on the north wall, which shows the chicken-leg like thumb, also found at Alikampos and Maza (Figs. 77, 110). The right, blessing hands of Saint Gregory the Theologian and of another unidentified male saint, both depicted in the sanctuary on the south and north walls respectively (Figs. 123, 124), have fat palms and thin long fingers, while the unnatural bending of the second from the last finger forms a circle. The lines marking the folds of the draperies at Kakodiki are, in most cases, hard and thick and use, along with black and white, also dark brown colouring. Examples of an attempt to indicate the body volume underneath the garments can be seen in the Child’s left thigh (north wall) (Fig. 128), where curved parallel folds are wrapped around His leg, around His belly (indicated by parallel folds from both sides meeting in the middle), and also in the sanctuary on the right elbows and sides of the deacons (Fig. 125). The billowing himation of Saint George, who is depicted on horseback killing the dragon on the north wall (Fig. 126), shows the cave-like fold, seen also at Anydroi (Fig. 91). However, overall the garments hang over the bodies and the folds show a preference for an angular, although not sharp, rather than a curved finish. Saint George’s horse is a big animal with a large neck, small head, long, pointed ears, small eyes and wide nostrils (Fig. 126). Its mouth is barely open and it does not show its teeth. It seems that it had a knot on its tail, but since the wall painting is badly damaged here, it cannot be clearly discerned. The figures at Kakodiki reveal a harder use of lines on the drapery folds, and give an overall impression different from the figures seen at Kavalariana. In spite of the fact that they share facial characteristics, especially the shifting of the bulging tip of the nose, the faces at Kakodiki are fuller and fleshier and the eyes have become almond-shaped. However, a notable similarity is the chicken-leg like thumb seen in figures of both churches (Figs. 29, 128), as well as the form of a circle of the second from the last finger found in the blessing hands of saints (Figs. 13, 14, 123, 124). * * * *

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The surviving signed works by Pagomenos allow us to follow his development over nearly twenty years from Komitades (1313/14) with its tall, slender figures with relatively small heads, soft drapery folds, two types of ears and the strange anatomical feature of the formation of the knees as two circles, one on top of the other, to Kakodiki (1331/32) with the particularly tall figures, normal-sized heads and hard drapery folds. The question is whether or not Kavalariana is a part of Pagomenos’ artistic development. Based on the stylistic analysis of the figures, we can see that Kavalariana shares with the Pagomenos group not only the oval-shaped faces but also certain facial characteristics: the big eyes, the arched eyebrows, and the elongated noses, seen in all churches; the shifting tip of the nose seen at Anydroi, at Kakodiki and in some examples at Maza; the formation of the mouth seen at Anydroi, Maza and Kakodiki. However, these characteristics cannot be considered of overwhelming importance, since they can be found in many works of art, including icons, dating from the Palaiologan and post-Byzantine period.32 In Crete an example is provided by the church of Panagia Skafidiani at Prodromi Selinou, dated 1347 and signed by Ioakeim;33 its figures show similar facial characteristics with the big eyes, the arched eyebrows, the elongated noses with a bulging tip shifted either to the left or to the right, the wide nostrils and the fleshy lower lip (e.g. the enthroned Virgin and Child on the eastern blind arch of the north wall) (Fig. 133). Also the formation of the ears, which Kavalariana shares with Anydroi, Maza and Kakodiki, can be found not only in the church of the Panagia Skafidiani, but also in the church of Hagios Nikolaos at Moni (e.g. the portrait of the patron saint on the eastern blind arch of the south wall) (Fig. 135); and Sucrow has attributed this work to Venieris, active in the late thirteenth century.34 If nothing else, this suggests that, at least some of the painters on Crete during the late thirteenth and the first half of the fourteenth century were aware of each other’s work — possibly by working in the same workshop as young apprentices. Even the formation of the chicken-leg like thumb, shared by the paintings at Kavalariana, Alikampos, Maza and Kakodiki, can be found

32 E.g. the wall painting depicting Saint George in the church of the Panagia Olympiotissa, dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century: Constantinides 2 (1992), 66. 33 As we have seen in the Introduction of this chapter (see supra), the attribution of this church to Pagomenos is no longer accepted. 34 Sucrow (1994), 114–116.

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in other Cretan examples, such as in the right blessing hand of the ChristChild in the wall painting depicting the Virgin and Child enthroned in the Katholikon of the Closter Hodegetria (Kainourgio), dated around 1300 or in the first decade of the fourteenth century.35 An explanation, however, is needed for the different overall impression that Kavalariana’s well-proportioned figures give when compared to the figures of the Pagomenos group. The closeness between Christ Pantokrator at Anydroi and at Maza and at the same time the distance between these two from the one at Kavalariana is noticeable (Figs. 5, 88, 107). We have to take into consideration though, that the artist might have used two different models for the three Pantokrators, since at Anydroi and at Maza Christ is flanked by the Virgin and the patron saints, George and Nicholas respectively, as part of a Deesis, while at Kavalariana, He is depicted alone. We still have to account, however, for the differences between the saints on horseback with their disproportionate bodies seen at Anydroi, at Maza and at Kakodiki (Figs. 90, 91, 109, 126) and the equestrian saints at Kavalariana with normal anatomies (Fig. 33, 37), especially since chronologically Kavalariana appears in the middle of the Pagomenos group, after Anydroi and Maza but before Kakodiki. Before proposing a solution to this problem we will examine the narrative scenes and the decorative motifs.

III. Scenes A. Kavalariana The seventeen scenes which decorate the nave and the sanctuary at Kavalariana are separated from each other and from the isolated figures by brickred bands. Most of them are crowded. However, even the scenes in which movement is expected to be one of the main characteristics (e.g. the Entry into Jerusalem, the Betrayal, both on the south wall, and the Anastasis on the north wall) (Figs. 19, 20, 23) convey a calm atmosphere with motionless participating figures. In the scene of the Threnos (north wall) (Fig. 22),

Bissinger (1995), 120–121 (no. 87), fig. 86. In all buildings, it is mostly associated with blessing hands represented in a specific gesture: the hand is depicted with the last two fingers bent and connected to the thumb, while the remaining two are extended. 35

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the expression of grief is shown by the black streams underneath the eyes, simulating tears, and it does not involve gesturing. In contrast, in the scene of the Annunciation (sanctuary) (Fig. 7), Gabriel is definitely on the move with the big step he is about to make in order to approach the Virgin: his left leg is raised quite high and he has overstepped his boundaries. The figures depicted are relatively well proportioned, with, in most cases, oval-shaped faces. The heads are neither too big nor too small in comparison to the rest of the body and arms and legs are also usually in proportion. Striking exceptions, however, do exist, as in, for example, the figure of Christ in the scene of the Baptism (south wall) (Fig. 16). Strangely enough, since He is the central and most important figure in the narrative, His torso is rather long for His legs, while his skinny arms are far too long for His whole body. As we have already seen, the artist seems to have a problem in drawing hands: the hand of the mourning female in the Lamentation scene (north wall) (Fig. 22), second from the left in the top row, seems deformed: the palm is small and swollen with only two thin fingers, while the thumb is short and fat. Also interesting is the way Joshua’s right hand is drawn in the Jericho scene (north wall) (Fig. 25): because the thumb is placed very low, the open, extended palm looks as if it is broken. In contrast, the coiffures are carefully drawn, neat and detailed, as, for example, in the angel in the Marys at the Tomb scene (north wall) (Fig. 24a). Ioannes does not seem very concerned with the architectural background. He uses it whenever the narrative requires it (e.g. the Entry into Jerusalem on the south wall) (Fig. 19) to accommodate the figures, but keeps the buildings simple and flat. He did place the throne of the Virgin in the Annunciation in the sanctuary (Fig. 7a) in a lateral spatial view within the narrow available space. More interesting here, however, is this piece of furniture itself, which with its low back and colonnades through which the background of the scene is visible, looks more like a chair than a throne and is without parallel.36 As far as the representation of nature is concerned, the mountains depicted at Kavalariana are abrupt, step-like rocks, with steep and angular edges, underlined by the formation of ninety-degree corners to the right in their upper parts (e.g. the Entry into Jerusalem on the south and the Anastasis on the north walls) (Figs. 19, 23). Trees are schematic; most are big and

36

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See chapter 2, the Annunciation scene.

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round without any specific details (e.g. the Entry into Jerusalem) (Fig. 19); though the tree in the Ascension (sanctuary) (Fig. 8b) has an unnaturally curved trunk. Finally, the painter’s palette is basically confined to brown — with quite a few shades in use — brick-red and green. Even in the places where the deterioration of the wall paintings is not that bad, the colours are not lively and vibrant but rather neutral. Overall, the figures of the scenes at Kavalariana do not have major differences from their isolated counterparts. As with the isolated figures, the garments of the figures incorporated in narrative scenes do not show any attempt to reveal the body volume underneath. Noteworthy is the billowing drapery seen in three of the four angels carrying the glory of Christ in the Ascension and of Gabriel in the Annunciation scenes (Figs. 8a–c, 7): its undulating shape, unusual for Kavalariana, looks like the entrance to a cave.37 B. The Pagomenos Group The scenes at Komitades, separated from each other and from the isolated figures by brick-red bands, can be divided into two categories: those depicted in the festival scenes and those found in the scenes of the life of Saint George. In the first category, like the isolated figures, they are tall and slender, with relatively small heads (e.g. the Anastasis, the Holy Women at the Tomb, both on the north wall) (Figs. 56, 57). In the second category, the figures are shorter and more naturalistically proportioned. It is possible that this has to do not only with the space available to the painter, but also with the prototype he might have used — possibly an icon of Saint George with scenes from his life in the frame.38 Christ in the Ascension in the sanctuary is noteworthy (Fig. 54): His face, with the moustache drawn downwards, has a very distinctive, ‘sad’ expression, while His blessing hand is deformed. It has an over-swollen thumb with tiny fingertip. A close parallel can be found at Kavalariana, in the blessing hand of Christ in the Ascension in the sanc-

37 This cave-like fold was also noted in isolated figures at Anydroi and at Kakodiki (figs. 91, 126). 38 Mouriki (1975), 61, 69.

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tuary (Fig. 8a) as well as in the isolated figure of the archangel Michael on the middle blind arch of the north wall, with its miniature chicken-leg like thumb (Fig. 29). Further similarities between Komitades and Kavalariana can be seen in the long, skinny arms of Christ in the Crucifixion in the first church (west wall) (Fig. 55) and those of Christ in the Baptism in the latter (south wall) (Fig. 16). The coiffures are also elegant at Komitades and the architectural background simple and flat. The city walls seen in the back of the scene depicting Saint George killing the dragon (a scene from his life on the north wall) (Fig. 58) are almost identical to those seen in the Entry into Jerusalem at Kavalariana (south wall) (Fig. 19). In this particular scene at Komitades, the billowing himation of the equestrian saint shows a cavelike fold very similar to the one found on the drapery of the three angels in the Ascension and Gabriel of the Annunciation at Kavalariana (sanctuary) (Figs. 8a–c, 7), which for Komitades is not unusual, since the folds there are mostly curved. As at Kavalariana, the palette demonstrates a preference for shades of brown. Details aside, however, and especially in terms of figural proportions, neither of the two categories of the figures seen at Komitades has much in common with those found at Kavalariana. At Komitades there are examples of draperies indicating the body volume underneath, as seen, for example, in the Holy Women at the Tomb (north wall) (Fig. 57), where the thigh of the first from the left woman and the knee of the second are shown with big, round loops. In the first woman, however, the loop creates a bulge in the upper half of her leg, which makes it look deformed. Further, the tree in the Ascension scene at Komitades (sanctuary) (Fig. 54), with its trilobe shape and its depiction of leaves, looks more naturalistic than those found at Kavalariana. The scenes at Alikampos are separated from each other and from the isolated figures by brick-red bands. Unlike the isolated figures, the narrative figures are rather short, with round, fleshy faces. Distinctive features which seem to characterise the work of Pagomenos as seen at Komitades are also found at Alikampos, which shares, for example, Christ’s face with the drooping moustache as well as His blessing right hand, with the distinctive deformity of the chicken-leg like thumb (in the Ascension in the sanctuary) (Fig. 69). Another similarity between the two scenes is the formation of the tree with its trilobe shape and the depiction of the leaves (Fig. 69b). Furthermore, the formation of the left hand of Ioakeim in the Presentation of the Virgin in the Temple (north wall) (Fig. 70), with its flexible fingers and

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the index finger separated from the rest, is comparable to the formation of the hands seen in the Holy Women at the Tomb at Komitades (north wall) (Fig. 57). Alikampos shares the deformity of Christ’s hand in the Ascension with Komitades, and as we have seen the motif also appears at Kavalariana (Fig. 29). Another similarity shared by Alikampos and Kavalariana is the architectural background with the simple buildings. The buildings at Alikampos indicate simply where the scene takes place (e.g. the temple in the Presentation of the Virgin in the Temple on the north wall) (Fig. 70), or just fill in the background (e.g. the wall behind the Crucifixion on the north wall) (Fig. 73).39 However, dissimilarities between the two churches can also be seen: in addition to the trees in the Ascension (Figs. 69–69b), Alikampos and Kavalariana reveal different proportions between the figures. Also the coiffures are less neat and detailed than at Kavalariana (e.g. the angel to the left of the Virgin in the Ascension in the sanctuary) (Fig. 69a). Furthermore, while earth colours are also mostly in use at Alikampos, ochre seems to be as predominant as brown and the effect is lively and vibrant. But the most important difference between Alikampos and Kavalariana is that, in the majority of the cases, the draperies in the first church seem to describe the body volume underneath, especially in the lower part of the bodies with curved folds around the thighs and bellies or circular loops around the knees. Unlike Komitades, at Anydroi and at Maza there is no differentiation between the figures depicted in the extensive hagiographic cycles and those in the festival cycle. The scenes are separated from each other and from the isolated figures with brick-red bands. The figures within them are short, with round, full, fleshy faces. In that respect they are different from their isolated counterparts within each church, though close to those seen at the Alikampos scenes.40 In comparison to the latter church, Maza’s figures, painted a decade later, with their diminutive stature look like children (e.g. the Baptism, the Transfiguration, both on the north wall) (Fig. 99, 100). Anydroi’s figures, on the other hand, can be placed between those found in the above churches, since their stature is not as small as at Maza but not as large as at

Behind the Virgin of the Annunciation in the sanctuary there is a more complicated building depicted. However, as mentioned above, Sucrow (1994), 75–78, is of the opinion that a different hand has drawn the Annunciation; here I agree with her. 40 Maza and Alikampos are also geographically very close (map 1). 39

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Alikampos (e.g. the Transfiguration on the north wall) (Fig. 85). The progressive diminution of the figures notwithstanding, the figures participating in the narrative scenes at Alikampos, Anydroi and Maza, consistently appear as small with round, fleshy faces, and this may point to the distinctive style of Pagomenos during the decade 1316–1326. A notable change in the churches at Anydroi and Maza is the depiction of the architecture: in comparison with Komitades and Alikampos, the buildings in the background have become more complex (e.g. the Presentation of Christ in the Temple on the west wall of the transverse barrel-vault at Anydroi and on the north wall at Maza, where the columns seen in the background share the same motif of masks as capitals; the Hospitality of Abraham, the Birth of Saint Nicholas, both on the north wall at Maza) (Figs. 84, 98, 97, 106). A notable similarity that Anydroi and Maza share with Kavalariana is the cave-like fold, seen at Anydroi in the billowing himation of Saint George in the scene of his killing of the dragon (a scene from the cycle of his life on the north wall) (Fig. 86),41 and at Maza in the billowing himation of Christ in the Anastasis as well as on Peter’s garment in the Transfiguration (both scenes on the north wall) (Figs. 104, 100); as we have seen, a similar fold can be found in three of the angels in the Ascension and on the himation of Gabriel in the Annunciation at Kavalariana (Figs. 8a–c, 7). However, between Anydroi and Kavalariana dissimilarities can be found not only in the overall representation of the figures (with different proportions, and face shapes) and in the relative interest in architecture (which, unlike Anydroi, Kavalariana does not show) but also in the garments of the figures. At Anydroi there is an attempt to define the body volume underneath, especially around the thighs and bellies, either with loops or with undulating lines (e.g. the Transfiguration on the north wall, Saint George in front of the Governor on the south wall) (Figs. 85, 87). Furthermore, the colouring at Anydroi has vibrant shades which Kavalariana lacks. At Maza, as at Kavalariana, the expression of grief is shown with black streams underneath the eyes and there is no dramatic gesturing (e.g. the Crucifixion on the west wall) (Fig. 103).42 The coiffures here are also neat 41 The patron saint of the church at Anydroi is also depicted killing the dragon as an isolated figure in the eastern blind arch of the north wall (fig. 91). 42 For the black streams underneath the eyes simulating tears, see chapter 2, the Lamentation scene.

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and, in some cases, detailed (e.g. the angel in the Holy Women at the Tomb on the south wall) (Fig. 105). The ‘chicken-leg’ deformity of the thumb, seen in the blessing hands of the middle angel in the Hospitality of Abraham, Christ in the Baptism and at Adam’s left hand in the Anastasis, all of them depicted on the north wall at Maza (Figs. 97, 99, 104), can be found at Kavalariana, although in an isolated figure rather than within a scene, on the blessing hand of the archangel Michael depicted in the middle blind arch of the north wall (Fig. 29). The strange shape of the mountain in the Anastasis (Fig. 104) is quite close to the one found in the same scene at Kavalariana (north wall) (Fig. 23), especially in its formation of a ninety-degree corner to the right in its upper part, while the tree in the Entry into Jerusalem (south wall) (Fig. 101) is a version — slightly more pointed at the top — of the one found in the same scene at Kavalariana (south wall) (Fig. 19). Even the palette at Maza is very much the same as at Kavalariana, based mostly on brown and lacking vibrant coloration. However, basic dissimilarity between the two churches remains the different overall representation of the figures. At Maza, in many cases, the garments with curving folds, lines or loops describe the body volume underneath, especially around the thighs, bellies and knees. Another difference is the interest in a more complex architectural background seen at Maza. The state of preservation at Kakodiki, as far as the scenes are concerned, is very bad; almost nothing survives to allow a decent description.43 Apart from the usual brick-red bands, which separate the scenes from each other and from the isolated figures, and the colouring, which appears to be the same as at Kavalariana, the only other comment which can be made is about the Annunciation in the sanctuary (Figs. 122, 122a): archangel Gabriel’s movement, posture, and elevated position of his left leg are very close to Kavalariana (Fig. 7). Gabriel at Kakodiki occupies a larger area, obviously because of the space available to the painter, but the building behind him is again flat. Furthermore, both the archangel and the Virgin show on their draperies the cave-like fold also found at Kavalariana (Figs. 8a–c, 7). As far as the scenes are concerned, Alikampos, Anydroi and Maza form a group which demonstrates the style of Pagomenos over the decade 1316–

43 Only four scenes survive at Kakodiki, all in a terrible condition: the Annunciation, the Melismos and fragments from the Ascension in the sanctuary and the Dormition of the Virgin on the north wall.

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1326: they all share the small figures with round, fleshy faces and show an interest in revealing the body volume underneath the draperies. Anydroi and Maza stand out from the rest by the interest they demonstrate in architectural construction. Unlike Komitades, Anydroi and Maza fail to show any differentiations between the figures seen in the festival cycles and those found in the cycles of the lives of the patron saints. As has been argued for Komitades, it is possible that the dissimilarities of the figures between the two cycles here can be based on the prototype that Pagomenos chose for the cycle of the life of Saint George in the church, which might have been an icon of the saint with scenes from his life on the frame.44 However, in the cases of Anydroi and Maza, Pagomenos painted both cycles in what we might call his personal style, already apparent at Alikampos. But, however convoluted the argument may appear, we cannot exclude the possibility that Pagomenos’ personal style was in part formed by the possible prototype he used for the cycle of Saint George at Komitades, since the Alikampos, Anydroi and Maza figures are closer to those found in the Saint George’s cycle at Komitades than in the festival cycle of this church. * * * * Comparing Kavalariana with Pagomenos’ works, a number of similarities can be pointed out, such as the deformity of the chicken-leg like thumb and the cave-like fold; Kavalariana shares the first with Komitades, Alikampos and Maza and the second with Komitades, Anydroi, Maza and Kakodiki.45 It has already been mentioned that examples of the chicken-leg like thumb can also be found in Crete outside Kavalariana and the Pagomenos group, as, for example, in the Katholikon of the Closter Hodegetria (Kainourgio), dated around 1300 or in the first decade of the fourteenth century.46 As far as the cave-like fold is concerned, it is not only found in contemporary wall painting decoration in Crete (e.g. the billowing himatia of the equestrian saints in the church of the Archangel Michael at Kouneni, dated to the first half of the fourteenth century),47 but also in many other examples from different

Mouriki (1975), 61, 69. As we have seen in the analysis of the isolated figures, examples of the chicken-leg like thumb can also be found at Kakodiki (see supra). 46 Bissinger (1995), 120–121 (no. 87), fig. 86. 47 Lassithiotakis (1960–1961), pl. 15, figs. 1–2. 44 45

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areas and periods: the billowing himatia of the equestrians saints of the wall painting decoration at Göreme, Chapel 28, dated to the end of the eleventh or beginning of the twelfth century, the billowing himatia of the angels supporting the glory of Christ in the Ascension wall painting in the church of Saint Sophia at Ohrid, dated to the eleventh century, the billowing himation of the equestrian Saint Menas in the wall painting decoration of the church of the Panagia Koumpelidiki at Kastoria, dated 1260–1280, in the lower part of the himation of Saint Anna in the wall painting depicting the Birth of the Virgin in the church of Joachim and Anna at Studenica dated 1313/14, and in the himation of Adam in the wall painting depicting the Anastasis in the Protaton on Mount Athos, dated at the beginning of the fourteenth century.48 It continues to be in use during the post-Byzantine period (e.g. the billowing himation of Christ in the wall painting depicting the Miraculous Draught of Fishes at the refectory of the Stavronikita monastery on Mount Athos, dated 1546).49 Other similarities include the movement of the archangel Gabriel in the Annunciation at Kakodiki which is close to that of the archangel in the same scene at Kavalariana. Apart from Anydroi and Maza, the rest of the churches demonstrate a simple, flat architecture, like, in most cases, Kavalariana. Close parallels to the depiction of nature at Kavalariana (mountains, trees) can be found at Maza. The palette of Komitades, Maza and Kakodiki is very close to the one in use at Kavalariana. However, the overall differences between the relatively well-proportioned figures at Kavalariana with the figures seen in the rest of the churches, raises the same question as the examination of the isolated figures: can these similarities of detail, which are evident only on careful and close observation and which disappear when the figures are viewed from a distance, weigh more than the overall appearance? Furthermore, Kavalariana is the only church where we do not find significant differences between the figures depicted in the narrative scenes and their isolated counterparts. In the Pagomenos group, however, when the isolated figures are compared with those depicted in the festival and the

Göreme: Restle 2 (1967), XXIII, figs. 246, 247; Jolivet-Lévy (1991), 136–137 (date); Ohrid and Studenica: Hamann-Mac Lean and Hallensleben (1963), figs. 15, 18, and 267 respectively; Koumpelidiki: Pelekanides (1953), pl. 117α; Mavropoulou-Tsioumi (1973), pl. 74; Pelekanidis and Chatzidakis (1985), 89, fig. 6; Protaton: Millet (1927), pl. 12, fig. 4. 49 Millet (1927), pl. 166, fig. 1; Chatzidakis (1986), fig. 206. 48

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hagiographical cycles of the churches, differences are noted.50 The tendency to show the body volume underneath the garments is absent from most of the examples at Kavalariana. Finally, the complex architectural background seen at Anydroi and at Maza, but not in our church, also raises the question of why the Kavalariana painter, if he was Pagomenos, did not carry on with his experimentation but rather went back to the simple and flat buildings of his earlier work.51 The question, therefore, remains to be answered: how can the completely different overall first impression, especially between Maza and Kavalariana, be explained, if Pagomenos painted them both? The question becomes more complicated if we take into consideration that there is only one year between those two churches and, as the other programmes demonstrate, Pagomenos apparently stuck to the same style for at least a decade. C. The Iconographic Programmes As far as the iconographic programmes are concerned, Table 1 allows a quick comparison between the scenes from the festival cycles depicted in the churches. The scenes of Joshua, of Chonai and of the Synaxis of the Asomatoi, all represented at Kavalariana (the first on the north, the latter two on the south walls; plan 3a, zone III, 8 and plan 3b, zone III, 7b, and 7a respectively), are omitted from the Table because they are connected with the patron saint of the church, Michael, and hence do not appear in the other churches, dedicated to different saints. In fact, all the churches have either scenes or extensive cycles with the life of the patron saint and all have been omitted from Table 1.52 The Crucifixion, which appears at Komitades,

50 At Komitades, the figures in the festival cycle are, however, close to their isolated counterparts, though the figures in the scenes of the cycle of the patron saint are not. 51 It is very unfortunate that we do not have enough examples of architecture from the later work at Kakodiki, which could have been very enlightening. Only part of a building survives, behind Gabriel from the Annunciation in the sanctuary; it is flat, like those seen at Kavalariana, but more complex. 52 Alikampos and Kakodiki have scenes from the life of the Virgin; Komitades and Anydroi have each an extensive cycle of the life of Saint George, while Maza has an extensive cycle of the life of Saint Nicholas.

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Table 1 Kavalariana

Komitades1

Alikampos

Anydroi2

Maza

Kakodiki3

1327/28

1313/14

1315/16

1323

1325/26

1331/32

Hospitality of Abraham

*

*

*

*

Annunciation

*

*4

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

Festival Scenes

Nativity Presentation in the Temple

*

Baptism

*

Transfiguration

*

Raising of Lazarus

*

*

Entry to Jerusalem

*

*

Betrayal

*

Carrying of the Cross

*

Crucifixion

*

*

* *

*

*

*

Lamentation (Threnos)

*

Anastasis

*

*

Holy Women at the Tomb

*

*

Ascension

*

*

*

*

*

*

* *

*

* *

*

*

Mandylion

* *

Melismos

*

*

*

*

*

Sucrow mentions the Annunciation and the Nativity as part of the iconographic cycle here, but they are not actually included: Sucrow (1994), plan 1a and b, zone III, 1a, 1b and plan 1b, zone IV, 4 respectively. 2 Sucrow mentions the Entry into Jerusalem as part of the iconographic cycle here but it is not actually included: Sucrow (1994), plan 3a, zone III, 12. 3 Sucrow does not mention the Ascension. 4 The artist is not Pagomenos here: Sucrow (1994), 75–78. 1

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Alikampos and Maza,53 almost certainly was depicted at Kavalariana on the west wall of the church which has been demolished.54 However, the absence of the Nativity, which is a very popular scene, is very interesting.55 There is no indication within the church that this scene might have been part of the festival cycle; in other words it is improbable that its omission is linked to the various rebuilding and destructions that the church of the Archangel Michael has suffered. The only probable place where the scene might have been depicted is on the now-demolished eastern blind arch of the south wall (plan 3b, zone II, between 12 and 13). However, this is highly unlikely, since the blind arches within the church depict either individual saints or the donors, but not scenes from the festival cycle.56 Was it intentional or did the artist realise too late that he did not have any space left for it? On the base of the careful planning of the Kavalariana iconographic programme,57 it is safe to exclude the latter possibility. Furthermore, Kavalariana is the only church in which the Lamentation scene (Threnos) is depicted (north wall, Fig. 22). Along with the dedication to Archangel Michael, this might point to the fact that the church, or some area outside it, was intended to be the burial place of the donors. If this is the case, then the absence of the Nativity scene might be explained on the base that the donors did not considered it as a vital iconographic part, since the emphasis at Kavalariana is clearly placed on the Resurrection.58 I do not think that any definite conclusions concerning whether or not Pagomenos was the painter of the Archangel Michael church can be drawn

53 At Komitades and at Maza the Crucifixion is found on the west wall, at Alikampos on the north wall. Sucrow mentions the Crucifixion as part of the cycle at Anydroi, but actually it is not: Sucrow (1994), plan 3b, zone IV, 5. 54 The scenes depicted on the west wall are normally either the Crucifixion or the Dormition of the Virgin. Since the latter appears mostly on the west wall of churches dedicated to the Virgin, it is safe to assume that the demolished wall of the church of the Archangel Michael represented the Crucifixion (see also chapter 2). 55 Sucrow’s inclusion of the Nativity in the cycle at Kavalariana is wrong; she places it in the position where the Baptism is depicted (south wall), omitting the latter scene: Sucrow (1994), plan 5b, zone III, 3. Sucrow seems to be inconsistent about the two scenes: in the text she mentions that Kavalariana includes the Baptism and not the Nativity: ibid., 54. She goes on in the next page to say that Kavalariana does not include the Baptism: ibid., 55.The Nativity is depicted on the south wall at Alikampos and Maza and on the east wall of the transverse barrel-vault at Anydroi. 58 See chapter 2.

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from the iconographic programmes, since they are dependant primary upon local taste and the patrons’ preferences.59 On the other hand, iconographic programmes can be indicative of the influence that the donors had upon the completion of a church, which is almost certainly the case at Kavalariana. However, the absence of the Nativity and the inclusion of the Threnos at Kavalariana, the first appearing in most of the churches firmly linked to Pagomenos’ work, the second never found, should be noted.60

IV. Decorative Motifs A. Kavalariana According to Vasilaki-Karakatsani the decorative motifs within a church, apart from being used as ornaments on objects and on the costumes of the figures, have three functions: they are used either for 1. separating the scenes, mostly those depicted on surfaces with architectural joints as, for example, a cornice or an arch-springing; or as 2. decoration on surfaces which are unsuitable for other representations (e.g. a scene or a saintly figure), as, for example, on the apex of the soffit of an arch; or finally 3. as the chosen decoration on surfaces which are in fact suitable for any representation.61 At Kavalariana there are not any examples where the decorative patterns occupy a space suitable for a narrative scene, and only in the western blind arches of the north and south walls decorative patterns occupy the whole soffit of the arch, rather than being confined to their apex, as demonstrated by the remaining blind arches of the church, where figures are depicted in the lower parts of the soffits. Furthermore, brick-red bands provide the borders and separate the scenes and the figures. As a consequence, the decorative motifs in the church of the archangel Michael are mostly found on surfaces either

Sucrow (1994), 37–39. On the scenes appearing in the iconographic programmes in Cretan churches: Kalokyris (1973), 49–159. Lassithiotakis (1959), 168, note 90, says that Pagomenos has not included the Lamentation in any of his churches, without challenging, however, the Kavalariana attribution to the painter. 61 Vasilaki-Karakatsani (1971), 107, note 1. 59 60

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unsuitable (e.g. the apex of the soffit of an arch) or too small for other representations.62 The decorative patterns at Kavalariana fall in three categories, floral, geometric and “abstract”. We only have one example of “abstract” decoration which is found on the north wall, underneath the scene of Joshua and to the right of Saint Sophia (Figs. 25, 31). Within a small triangle is depicted a decorative pattern which is not found anywhere else within the church; the pattern is based on the repetition of the same motif, which resembles the letter G. This motif can also be found at Maza, however here within scenes: it decorates the ciborium of the Presentation of Christ in the Temple on the north wall (Fig. 98) and the ground underneath the feet of the angel in the Holy Women at the Tomb on the south wall (Fig. 105). In the floral category we have the following examples: 1. From a black undulating line set on an ochre background, black curves come off and form loops (Fig. 47). These loops are usually the leaves of very simple flowers (a vertical thick line) found in the middle. The motif is confined within a band formed by two black, straight lines, running parallel to each other. The pattern decorates the west extrados of the western transverse arch. This motif, with colour alterations, can also be found at Anydroi (Fig. 92), where it occupies a larger surface, on the lower part of the west wall of the transverse barrel-vault, and at Maza (Fig. 109) on the lower parts of the north (underneath the military saints on horseback) and south walls and on the eastern extrados of the transverse arch. A variation in colour of this motif, which basically remains the same but without the band — white branches on dark blue or brick-red background — occupies small, trapezoid spaces on the south wall at Kavalariana, on the top right and left of the western blind arch and on the top right of the middle blind arch (Figs. 32, 33). It also decorates the inside of Saint Demetrios’ round shield (Fig. 33) in the western blind arch of the south wall. 2. A variation of no. 1 (Figs. 40, 48, 53). The difference is that two curved and undulated lines, running parallel to each other, separate the sur62 The decorative patterns which almost certainly decorated the lower level of the church are lost because of the resurfacing of the original floor. The decorative pattern of the west extrados of the eastern transverse arch is very badly damaged and cannot be commented upon.

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face that the pattern occupies on the left and right sides. From these two main lines on either side spring branches, which form loops similar to those seen in no. 1. Each line has a different colour that corresponds to the colour of the floral decoration found on the respective side. The motif decorates the apex of the soffits of the middle and eastern blind arches on the south wall, where one line is white and the other is brick-red on a dark blue background, and also the east extrados of the western transverse arch, where the top main line is black and the bottom brick-red on an ochre background. A very similar, if not identical, motif can be seen at Komitades (Fig. 54), where it decorates the east extrados of the eastern transverse arch and the band above the Ascension scene in the sanctuary. It can also be seen at Anydroi (Fig. 93) on the soffit of the western blind arch of the north wall and on the east wall of the transverse barrel-vault,63 and at Maza (Fig. 112) on the north wall, underneath Saint Marina. In the geometric category we have the following examples: 1. On an ochre background big, yellow squares contain smaller squares which have a black outline and alternate between red or green (Figs. 33, 37). Each of the smaller squares is connected by black lines (starting from its four corners) with the squares situated diagonally, thus forming polygons. The whole pattern of bigger and smaller squares and polygons is contained within a parallelogram formed by thick, black lines. The pattern decorates the whole soffit of the western blind arches on the north and south walls and the apex of the soffit of the middle blind arch on the north wall. This motif is also found at Komitades on the south wall (Fig. 60): it decorates the stone on which the archangel Michael steps. At Alikampos the motif, with differentiations in the colouring, decorates the Diakonikon in the sanctuary (Fig. 79): the big squares here are outlined with a thick black line, the smaller ones, rather than being painted, contain a black dot, while the lines forming the polygons are brick-red. At Maza (Fig. 112) it can be seen on the base of the transverse arch on the north wall, where the smaller squares share the ochre background with their bigger containers. 2. On an ochre background brick-red circles are connected with each other on the top and on the bottom and with the left and right sides with brick-red parallelograms (Figs. 34, 35). Each circle contains a red square cross or a green polygon, alternatively. To the left and right sides, between

63

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the circles, there are four or five-stepped crenellations depicted, painted red or green alternatively. This pattern decorates the apex of the soffit of the eastern blind arch on the north wall. The same motif can be seen at Anydroi on the soffit of the western arch on the south wall (Fig. 94);64 it also decorates part of a zone between scenes on the west and east walls of the transverse barrel-vault (Fig. 84). 3. Zigzag lines, one inside the other, come diagonally from four different directions (top, bottom, left and right) to meet at the same centre (Fig. 49). The lines are ochre or red alternatively. The motif is depicted on the right and left sides of the window situated between the archangels Michael and Raphael of the middle blind arch on the south wall. The same motif is found on the north wall at Maza (Fig. 114). B. The Pagomenos Group Having examined the decorative patterns that Kavalariana shares with the Pagomenos group, we will now briefly comment upon the rest of the decoration seen in the latter group of churches, in order to have an overall view of the decorative motifs the artist used. Unless otherwise stated, the decorative patterns appear only in the church under discussion. As at Kavalariana, at Komitades we have three categories of decoration: floral, geometric and “abstract”. At Komitades there is only one geometric decorative motif, which is the same to Kavalariana’s no. 1 (Figs. 33, 37, 60). The example of the “abstract” category, can be seen in the lower west extrados of the eastern transverse arch (Fig. 64). In a long parallelogram outlined with black, small, wavy, connected lines run vertically. They resemble thin hooks each hanging from the bottom part of the previous one. Komitades shares with Kavalariana the decorative pattern described in the latter church under the floral category in no. 2. It should also be noted here that, on the bottom of the north wall, part of a decorative pattern survives. However, because of the very bad state of preservation in this part of the church, it can only be said that, judging from its remains, in all prob-

The arches on the south wall used to be blind like their counterparts on the north wall, but they have been knocked down in order for the original church of Hagios Georgios to communicate with a later addition dedicated to Hagios Nikolaos: Lassithiotakis (1959), 143. 64

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ability it was a floral motif with undulating lines forming loops. In the floral category at Komitades we have: 1. Heart-shaped patterns connected antithetically in pairs (one is upright, the other reversed), contain smaller heart-shaped patterns (Fig. 65). These smaller hearts have two leaves in the lower, narrow end and one in the middle of their wider upper part, while inside them a simple flower (a thick, straight line) with two rows of two leaves, is depicted. The smaller hearts and their decoration are mirror images of each other. The whole pattern is enclosed within a parallelogram. The motif decorates the lower intrados of the north side of the western transverse arch. 2. Another heart-shaped pattern can be seen on the south wall, between the two kneeling donors (Fig. 66). The bigger hearts here, still connected, are all turned upside down. Furthermore, thin, curved branches spring from the outside of the hearts and each one of them splits in the middle to form another two curving branches. 3. On the west extrados of the western transverse arch, within a long, black outlined parallelogram, there are small, curved lines, directed from top to bottom (Fig. 65). These lines, black on the right and brick-red on the left side of the parallelogram, do not interact with each other and they form at their ends either a loop or a flower denoted by a thin, short line and two curved leaves, one on each side. 4. On the upper part of the west extrados of the eastern transverse arch, within a long parallelogram outlined in black, there is a long, wavy line, starting from its upper left side corner and finishing in its mid-bottom part (Fig. 67). From this main line spring smaller lines that interact with each other to form loops and curved leaves. The church at Alikampos is decorated with floral and geometric patterns. In the floral category we have: 1. A thick branch surrounds to the left and right the Holy Cross depicted in the front of the original stone altar in the sanctuary (Fig. 80). From this branch spring smaller, but equally thick, branches finishing with either curvy or pointed leaves. 65 In the geometric category we have two patterns: one is similar to Kavalariana’s no. 1 (Figs. 33, 37, 79); the other consists of large, black, quatrefoilIn the sanctuary, to the right of the Diakonikon we have the remains of an additional decorative pattern which seems to belong to the floral category, judging from the remaining undulating leaves. 65

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shaped crosses connected with each other, forming squares; each of these squares contains a thick dot (Fig. 81). The pattern can be seen to the right of the door, on the west wall;66 it also decorates the bier of the Virgin in the Dormition scene, depicted on the same wall, above the door, only here the thick dots are surrounded by four smaller ones. Most of the decorative patterns seen at Anydroi are also depicted at Kavalariana.67 However, there is a combination of floral and geometric motifs forming a decorative pattern on the east wall of the transverse barrelvault, which is not found in the church of the Archangel Michael (Fig. 95): in a horizontal line, one next to the other, heart-shaped motifs, upright or reversed alternatively, are separated by zigzag lines which form triangles, also alternating between reversed and upright. The heart-shaped patterns at Komitades are not comparable with the one at Anydroi;68 however, a very similar motif can be seen at Kakodiki on the south wall (Fig. 129). At Maza the same motif appears on the lower part of the north wall, underneath the portrait of Saint Nicholas and on the western extrados of the transverse arch (Fig. 112). Furthermore, in the latter church the same motif is seen on the north wall, to the right of Saint Nicholas’ portrait (Fig. 115). Rather than being depicted on a line, it forms a square with its upper left part cut off because of lack of space: the top and bottom triangles and brick-red hearts within them are mirror images of each other, while the black heart on the left side, rather than being a mirror image to its counterpart on the right side, is shifted to the left in order to accommodate the awkward cutting off of the square. Two more decorative motifs seen at Anydroi deserve a note. One is a pair of fleur-de-lys, one bigger than the other, which decorate the outside visible part of the concave shield of the equestrian Saint George, depicted killing the dragon on the north wall (Fig. 91). The other is a black bird which decorates the shield of the soldier depicted being killed by the equestrian Saint Demetrios on the western blind arch of the north wall (Fig. 90a). The bird here, according to Lassithiotakis, is a symbol of evil,69 which is justifiable in

66 The door is modern and its installation has caused the destruction of a large part of the decoration. 67 Nos. 1 and 2 in the floral category at Kavalariana (figs. 33, 47, 40, 53, 92, 93) and no. 2 in the geometric category (figs. 34, 35, 94, 95). 68 Komitades floral category nos. 1 and 2 (figs. 65, 66). 69 Lassithiotakis (1959), 162, note 59.

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this case, since in all probability the soldier being killed is Ioannitzis, also known as Skylogiannis.70 Two birds, their bodies facing each other, but their heads turned away from each other, also serve as decoration at Maza, on the south wall on the base of the transverse arch (Fig. 116). Here however, unlike Anydroi, their role is purely decorative, and they are combined with floral patterns of thin, curved branches with loop-forming leaves and simple flowers (a thicker or thinner vertical line) between them. Maza shares its floral decoration with Kavalariana (nos. 1 and 2; Figs. 33, 47, 40, 53, 109, 112) and the combination of floral and geometric motifs with Anydroi (Figs. 95, 112, 115). Also at Maza there are examples, within scenes, of the decoration described as “abstract” at Kavalariana (Figs. 31, 98). Furthermore, at Maza on the north wall, to the left of Saint Nicholas’ portrait there is a pattern formed by a thick, twisting and turning, ochre branch set against a brick-red background (Fig. 117). It is a rinceau pattern very similar to the one known as “vermiculated arabesque”, which often decorates the garments of figures, and it can be found on the right side of Christ Pantokrator’s clavus at Anydroi, Maza and Kavalariana (Figs. 5, 88, 107).71 In the geometric category Maza shares with Kavalariana the decorative patterns described in the latter church in the nos. 1 and 3 (Figs. 33, 37, 49, 112, 114). However, two more examples from Maza are not found in the Archangel Michael church: 1. On the north wall rhomboid shapes, formed with thick black lines and connected to each other, contain big, brick-red and black circles alternatively; each one of these circles has around it four thick dots of the same colour (Fig. 118). 2. Rhomboid shapes, depicted separately in a line, containing quatrefoil-shaped crosses (Fig. 119). They are enclosed within four lines, two at each side, running parallel. From each one of the inside lines at either side spring small triangles situated between the rhomboids. The whole pattern is formed with black lines set against an ochre background and decorates the Mandylion depicted on the transverse vault of the sanctuary. Kakodiki shares with Anydroi the decorative pattern which combines floral and geometric motifs, described in the latter church (Figs. 95, 129). For this very famous and popular miracle by Saint Demetrios: Theotokas (1955), 484–488. 71 Megaw and Hawkins (1962), 336, 341, 345. On the arabesque: Nelson (1988). 70

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The rest of the very badly preserved Kakodiki’s surviving decorative patterns fall in the geometric category: 1. The base of the original stone altar is decorated on its front side with large squares, set in a horizontal line and connected to each other, which contain smaller ones; both sized squares are outlined with thick black lines (Fig. 130). Each one of the smaller squares contains either a fleur-de-lys or a quatrefoiled-shaped cross.72 2. Zigzag lines decorate the lower part of the north wall, but unlike the pattern described at Kavalariana,73 they do not seem to form a specific pattern: they come from all directions to intersect with each other, just filling in the surface (Fig. 131). * * * * It is clear that Kavalariana shares almost all of its decorative patterns with the Pagomenos group. Kavalariana does not have a parallel for the variation described under the floral category no. 1 (Figs. 32, 33). However, the motif is basically the same as no. 1 itself, also found at Anydroi and Maza, with minor differences such as the lack of the band (Figs. 92, 109). This lack is probably due to the trapezoid surfaces which this variation fills in. Among the Pagomenos churches, Kavalariana does not have a direct parallel only at Kakodiki;74 but, since the latter church is very badly damaged we can safely assume that quite a few of its decorative patterns have been lost. However, most of the patterns which decorate the church of the Archangel Michael are common, with parallels also outside from the Pagomenos group. According to Frantz’s grouping of the vegetable motifs, Kavalariana’s floral category no. 1 (Figs. 32, 33, 47) can be placed under the abstract type, group b, while no. 2 (Figs. 40, 48, 53) fits the description of the tendril type.75 In monumental painting, decoration similar to Kavalariana’s floral category no. 1 can be seen, for example, in Omorfi Ekklisia at Aigina, and in

72 Apparently there were two rows of these squares, one on top of the other, but the top row is barely preserved. 73 In the geometric category no. 3, which is also found at Maza (figs. 49, 114). 74 Indirect parallels are the zigzag lines of the geometric category: Kavalariana, no. 3; Kakodiki, no. 2. 75 Frantz (1934), 60.

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the church of Saint Arilije at Arilje, both dated to the thirteenth century;76 similar examples to no. 2 are offered by the church of the Panagia Olympiotissa at Elasson, dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century and by the Cretan church of Archangel Michael at Kouneni, dated to the first quarter of the fourteenth century.77 Very close parallels to Kavalariana’s geometric category no. 1 (Figs. 33, 37) can be found in Cappadocia, for example in Direkli Kilise, dated 976–1025, in Hagios Stephanos at Cemil, dated to the eighth or ninth century, and at Göreme, Chapel 33, dated to the first half or to the middle of the eleventh century.78 I could not find a close or direct parallel for Kavalariana’s geometric category no. 2 (Figs. 34, 35) outside Crete. On the island, apart from the Pagomenos group, this motif is found in the churches of the Panagia at Phodele (Malebizi), dated 1323, and of the Panagia Skafidiani at Prodromi, which post-dates Kavalariana (1347) (Fig. 134).79 The border with crenellated patterns (step design) is commonly found in Byzantine art of all periods.80 A pattern formed by (only) squareshaped crosses enclosed within circles and with step designs on either side can be found in the churches of the Transfiguration at Pyrgi, dated 1296, and of Saint Clement at Ohrid, dated to the end of the thirteenth century.81 In the church of the Redeemer at Zica, dated to the first half of the fourteenth century, there is a pattern formed by circles that enclose crosses and double-headed eagles alternatively, and with the step crenellation on its borders.82 These examples represent, in a way, the same idea as the motif depicted at Kavalariana; however, none of them offers a direct parallel. It is possible that this particular decoration in the Archangel Michael church has

76 Omorfi Ekklisia: Vasilaki-Karakatsani (1971), pl. 53α; Arilje: Hamann-Mac Lean and Hallensleben (1963), figs. 144, 157; Millet and Frolow 2 (1957), pls. 68, fig. 4 and 96, fig. 3. 77 Olympiotissa: Constantinides 2 (1992), 254; Kouneni: Lassithiotakis (1960–1961), pl. 12, fig. 2. 78 Direkli Kilise: Thiery (1963), pl. 84a; Jolivet-Lévy (1991), 326–327 (date); Thierry (1995), 454 (date); Hagios Stephanos: Restle 3 (1967), XLIII, fig. 409; Jolivet-Lévy (1991), 163 (date); Thierry 1 (1983), pls. 2b and 9b; Göreme: Restle 2 (1967), XXV, figs. 280, 286, 294; Jolivet-Lévy (1991), 146 (date). 79 Panagia at Phodele: Bissinger (1995), 106 (no. 70), fig. 71. 80 Megaw and Hawkins (1962), 340. 81 Pyrgi: Koumoussi (1987), 225, 224 (drawing 11e), pl. 56.1; Ohrid: Millet and Frolow 3 (1962), pls. 15, figs. 1, 3 and 19, fig. 1. 82 Hamann-Mac Lean and Hallensleben (1963), figs. 214, 215.

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Cretan affiliations, in other words it may well be an example of a local motif. Finally, a similar pattern to Kavalariana’s geometric category no. 3 (Fig. 49) can be found in the monastery of Saint Neophytos in Cyprus, and in the Cretan church of Hagios Georgios at Artos, Rethymnon, dated 1401.83 In short, having considered the Kavalariana patterns in a broader context, the similarities they bear with the Pagomenos group cannot be of crucial importance for either accepting or rejecting Pagomenos as the painter of the church of the Archangel Michael.

V. Inscriptions Although the examination of the inscriptions is not an integral part of the stylistic analysis, they are considered here because a comparison of the wording and the palaeography between the Kavalariana inscription and the inscriptions of the Pagomenos group offers important information for the identification of the painter of the church of the Archangel Michael.84 For the transcription of the inscriptions the following rules apply: • Spelling, breathings, accents, diaeresis sign and punctuation marks are given exactly as in the inscriptions. • All letters, except the first letter of proper names, including Greek numbers are given in lower case. • Word division is imposed where necessary. • The following symbols are used in transcribing the texts: (αβγ) round brackets enclose expansion of abbreviations, contractions (e.g. sacred names) and special symbols, which stand for specific letters or words. [ ] square brackets enclose a lacuna caused by damage on the inscription. [. . 10 . .] a lacuna of ten spaces. < > angular brackets enclose letters not extant, but supplied by the editor.

83 Cyprus: Mango and Hawkins (1966), figs. 22, 52, 60, 82, 100, 115; in most cases the zigzag lines alternate with either single or double straight lines. For dating: ibid., 193–206. Artos: Drandakis (1957), pls. Δ, fig. 2 and ΣΤ, fig. 1. 84 The inscription at Kavalariana will also be examined further in chapter 4 in consideration with the donors.

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{ } braces enclose letters extant, but rejected as superfluous by the editor. (?) the reading, form or meaning of the preceding word is doubtful. | a single vertical stroke indicates change of line; it is followed by a number indicating the next line (e.g. |9 marks the end of line 8 and the beginning of line 9). A. Kavalariana The dedicatory inscription is situated on the upper part of the three-levelled middle blind arch of the south wall (Fig. 28); the middle level is occupied by the archangels Michael and Raphael and the window situated between them, while the lower level is filled with depictions of the donors. The surface is semi-circular, shaped by a black line. However the horizontal, rather than being a continuous line, stops half-way from both sides, turns downwards and meets at a lower level, creating thus more space for writing. The letters are in black paint, placed against an ochre background. The inscription is written in an unattractive hand, in minuscule script mixed with certain majuscule letterforms (alpha, beta, gamma, lamda, pi, kappa).85 The division of the words is not always consistent. The text, however, is legible, apart from certain cases where the paint has faded. Despite the fissure on the right side of the wall it is not difficult to restore the lost letters. Some errors in spelling may in fact reveal idiosyncrasies of the Cretan dialect of the period. All accents (acute, grave and circumflex) are used, though not always correctly or in their correct position. The painter used ligatures (sigma-rho, tau-omicron, delta-epsilon, theta-epsilon, omicron-upsilon etc.), though not extensively. The use of abbreviations in the end of the words is limited to ov (\\), and ης (Cc). The abbreviation oς deserves a special mention, for it is presented by the usual superscript omicron with a curved dash placed over it (ô); this dash normally stands for omega-nu (ων). A sign in the form of a grave accent in middle word most probably represents v, which is most unusual. Punctuation marks are also very limited. A colon (:) in line 4 is used to denote a parenthetic phrase, while semicolons are used randomly as

85 Kalopissi-Verti, who has examined thirteenth-century inscriptions in Greek churches, says that there are only a few inscriptions in minuscule: Kalopissi-Verti (1992), 24.

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commas. Smooth breathings, only, are used occasionally.86 The inscription reads:87 1 . . . τρέχο(ν)τ(ος) του παρόντοσ |2 εόνοσ· ἒτουσ ςωλς ἀφε(ν)τέβο(ν)τ(ος) ε τη Κρήτη τ(όν) µε- |3 γάλον κέ ἀφέτ(ον) ηµ(όν) βενετήκ(ον)· ἐγεγώνη δέ· η παρού[σα] εκλη- |4 σήα τοῡ µέγάλου ταξηάχου Μηχαήλ: τ(όν) άνο{ν ὁ}δηνά[µ]εόν: δη [ἐ]ξόδου κε ση- |5 δροµ(ής) Θεωτόκη τού Κότζη κε Μανούλ του Μελησουργού· κε Νηκήτα του Σηδέρου κε Δηµη- |6 τρήου κε τα τ(όν) τ[έκν](ον) [αυ]τω.|7 εὒ[χεσθε δη εµου αµάρτολου Ιω(άννου) |8 [.ω] τάχα κε ζουγράφου αµήν.

English translation: “ . . . during the present century, in the year 6836 [A.M.] [=AD 1327/28], when Crete is ruled by the great Venetians our masters, this present church of the great archangel Michael of the heavenly hosts was made with the expenses and contributions by Theotokis Kotzis and Manuel Melisourgos and Nikitas Sideres and Demetrios and their children. Pray for me the sinner88 Ioannes who happened to be the/a89 painter. Amen.”90 B. The Pagomenos Group The inscription at Komitades is situated on the west wall, to the right of the door, above Saint Anastasia (Fig. 68). It occupies a square surface, outlined

I am indebted to Dr. Ch. Dendrinos for his suggestions on the description of the Kavalariana script. 87 Gerola 4 (1932), 453–454 (no. 28); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 38 (no. 146); Sucrow (1994), 26–27. 88 The expressions ‘sinner’ (ἁµαρτωλός) and ‘who happened to be a painter’ (τάχα καί ζωγράφος) usually accompany the signatures of painters showing modesty and humility: Kalopissi-Verti (1994), 147, 154–155, note 44, 155, note 49; Kalopissi-Verti (1997), 145. 89 The translation ‘a painter’ is a better indication of the humility that Ioannes is expressing by using the word τάχα. 90 The fourteen portraits of the donors, who are depicted on the middle blind arches of the north and south walls (seven on each one), and are identified by inscriptions, will be examined in chapter 4. 86

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with black, and its majuscule letters in black paint are set against an ochre background. It reads:91 1 . . 20 . .]ος κ(αί) πάνσεπτος |2 [. . 15. . µεγαλο]µάρτυρος Γεωργ· δια κώπ(ων) κ(αί) |3 µωχθων πολλῶν· κύρ Μανοήλ του Σκορδίλη κ(αί) τ(ης) συv- |4 µβίου κ(αί) τ(ῶν) τέκν(ων) αὐτοῦ· κ(αί) Φίµη τοῡ Σκορδλ· κυρ(ᾶς) Καλῆς |5 της Βλαστούδεν(ας)· κ(αί) τ(ῶν) τέκν(ων) αυτ(ῆς)· κ(αί) Άν(ας) της Τζηνα- |6 ρωπόλ(ας)· κ(αί) τ(ῶν) τέκν(ων) αυτῆς>· Μανουήλ του Φαρωπλ· κ(αί) τ(ης) |7 σµβίου κ(αί) τ(ῶν) τέκν(ων) αυτ δ(ιά) τ(οῦ) Καληνήκ· κ(αί) µοναχ· Γερασίµ τοῦ |8 Φουρογιώρ· κ(αί) ἑτέρων αν(θρώπ)ων ὧ|ν Κ(ύρι)ος γηνόκει· |9 τα ὀνόµατα αὐτ· ἁµήν: . . . πούλας κέ τ(ῶν) τεκ(νων) αὐτῆς92 |10 ἒτ(ους) ςωκβ’ (ινδικτιῶνος) ιβ· διά χειρός καµοῦ Ιω(άννου) τοῦ Παγοµέν.

English translation: “. . . and most sacred (church) of the Great martyr George with great labour and pains Manuel Skordilis and his wife and his children and Fimis Skordilis, Kale Vlastoudena and her children and Anna Tzinaropoli and her children, Manuel Faropoulos and his wife and his children, by Kalinikos the monk, Gerasimos Fourogiorges and other people whose names are known to the Lord. Amen. . . . poulas and her children. In the year 6822 [A.M.] [=AD 1313/14), Indiction 12, by my hand, Ioannes Pagomenos”. Based on the relatively small size of a village community, it is highly likely that Manuel and Fimis Skordilis were related, which means that five family names are mentioned here, while a sixth is the first name of a monk. Certainly more people have contributed here, since the inscription includes the clause very familiar for Byzantine practices, ‘. . . and other people whose names are known to the Lord’. In all probability, the names recorded must have contributed a comparatively larger sum of money. Only two donor portraits are included in the mural decoration, depicted kneeling on the

Gerola 4 (1932), 472–473 (no. 2); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 48 (no. 218); Sucrow (1994), 17–18. 92 This line has been transcribed from Gerola 4 (1932), 472, since it is not legible any more. 91

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south wall (Fig. 66) identified by inscriptions as Manuel Skordilis (left) and Gerasimos Fourogiorges (right), whose names appear at the beginning and at the end of the inscription respectively.93 The very badly preserved inscription at Alikampos is situated on the west wall, to the left of the door, above the two donors who are holding the offered church between them (Fig. 82). It is written with majuscule letters in black paint set against an ochre background. The surface it occupies is square, formed with a black line. It reads:94 Ἀνιστορήθη . . . ὁ . . . ναός τῆς ὑπεραγίας Θεοτόκου τῆς . . . δι’ ἐξόδου καί σηντροµῆς Μιχαήλου Ασ . . . καί σηµβίου αὐτοῦ κέ τῶν τέκνων αὐτοῦ κέ Θεο . . . νι καί τῆς συµβίου αὐτοῦ κέ τῶν τέκνον αὐτοῦ . . . ασπροτο . . . καί τῆς συµβίου αὐτοῦ κέ τῶν τέκνον αὐτοῦ καί δ . . . τ . . . µα . . . ε διά . . . διά χειρός . . . Ιωάννου τοῦ Παγοµένου . . . στί . . . ἒτους ςωκδ ἐνδικτιῶνος ιδ.

English translation: “It was painted . . . the church of the holy Virgin of . . . with the expenses and contributions of Michael As . . . and his wife and his children and Theon . . . ni and his wife and his children . . . asproto . . . and his wife and his children and d . . . t. . . . ma . . . e by . . . by the hand of Ioannes Pagomenos . . . sti. . . In the year 6824 [A.M.] [=AD 1315/16), Indiction 14”. The church at Alikampos was financed by the contributions of at least three different families. Unfortunately the present condition of the inscription does not allow its clear reading. Two of the donors, lacking any identification, possibly a couple, are depicted offering the church on the west wall, underneath the inscription (Fig. 82).95 A third donor, identified as Martha

Gerola 2 (1908), 334 (no. 27), pl. 11, fig. 1; Sucrow (1994), 18. Gerola 4 (1932), 430 (no. 6); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 29 (no. 75); Sucrow (1994), 19–20. I have used the revised Gerola text as it appears in Sucrow, since the present condition of the inscription makes it impossible to read or provide line division. 95 Byzantine iconography offers a variety of examples from different periods with donors presenting their churches to their saintly patrons, as, for the example, the tenth-century mosaic in Hagia Sophia depicting Constantine to the right offering the city of Constantinople to the enthroned Virgin and Child while Justinian to the left is offering the church of 93 94

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the nun, is depicted kneeling towards the enthroned Virgin and Child on the north wall (Fig. 83).96 This could be regarded as a sort of votive offering and might be an indication that this particular individual was the sponsor of this particular mural only.97 The inscription at Anydroi is situated on the south wall, in the borders with the west wall, above Saint Sophia (Fig. 96). The trapezoid surface that contains it is formed with a black outline and has an ochre background. The letters are majuscule and in black paint. It reads:98 1 + [Aνακένείστυ· κέ ανιστορίθυ· ό θύος· ναός· ου[τος] τοῦ µεγαλόµαρτειρος· : |2 Γέώργιοῦ: του Ανειδριότει δυα σινέργηάς κε κόπου: ὑερέος του Νεστορου |3 κ(αι) τοῦ προτοπαπα: µοναχου Υσαγία· τοῦ Μαρήνα· Γεωργιου· του Αµαγέρεµου:· |4 κε τ(ῆς) σιµβιου· κε τ(όν) τεκνο αυτου: Γεώργίου: τοῦ Μάµου· κε τ(ης) σιβυ· κε τ(όν) τέκνο· αυτοῦ· |5 του Καπάδοκα του Παπαδοπουλου· κε τ(ης) σηµβήου· κε τ(ον) τέκνο αυτου |6 Γεωργιου του Παπαδόπουλου· κε τ(ῆς) υου· κε τ(ον) τέκνο αυτου· Ιω του Παπαδόπουλου |7 κε τ(ῆς) σιβυου αυτου κε τ(όν) τέκνο αύτου: Κάλου τού Παπαδόπουλου· κε τ(όν) τέκνο αύτου: Γεωργίου |8 του Μερ[οπου]λου κε τ(ης) σιβυου: κε τ(όν) τέκνο αύτου: Πούκγι του Μεροπουλου κ(αι) σιβύου· κε τ(όν) τέκνο αυτου· |9 Γιανιτζι· του Σκαταλι· κε τ(όν) τέκνο αύτου· Καλου· κέ τ(όν) τέκνο αύτου· Λέον του Αµαγερέπ[. . .] |10 Κώστα του Γιανακόπουλου· Ερηνης τ(ῆς) Ανηφατούς· κε τ(όν) τέκνο αύτ(ῆς)· Κόστα του Λου- |11 γγίνου· κε τ(ῆς) σιβύου κε τ(όν) τέκνο αύτου: Καµισά του Μιχάλι· Πελαγιας του Θοδορορακοπούλου |12 Ιω του Μακρικοκάλου: κε τ(ῆς) σιβύου κε τ(όν) τέκνο αύτου: · Γεώργιου του |13 Σκορδίλι κε τ(όν) τέκνον αύτου· Αλέξης ο Στρατιγης· κ[ε] τ(ης) σιβήου αυτου κε τ(όν) τέκνο αύτου |14 ηστωρίθει δε διά χειρ(ός) καµου αµαρτολου· Ιω(άννου) Παγωµένου: εν µι- |15 νί Μαυω ης στες κα (?)· ἒ[τ(ους) ςωλα’: ενδ(ικτιῶνος) δ

Hagia Sophia, and the fourteenth-century mosaic in the parekklesion of the Chora monastery which shows its patron, Theodore Metochites, offering the edifice to the enthroned Christ. Hagia Sophia: Lowden (1997), 192, fig. 106; Chora: Underwood 2 (1966), 26, pl. 3. 96 Gerola 2 (1908), 330 (no. 7), pl. 8, fig. 2; Sucrow (1994), 20. 97 See discussion for the donors in chapter 4, particularly note 66. 98 Gerola 4 (1932), 443–444 (no. 15); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 35 (no. 125); Sucrow (1994), 22–24.

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Ιω(άννης) ο Θλουβος Θόδορος ο Παπαδόπουλος κε τ(ης) σιβήου κε τ(ον) τέκνο

English translation: “Holy church of the great martyr Saint George Anydriotis was renovated and painted with the contributions and labour of the priest Nestor99 protopapas, the monk Ysagias, of Marina,100 Georgios Amageremos and his wife and his children, Georgios Mamos and his wife and his children, Kapadokes Papadopoulos and his wife and his children, Georgios Papadopoulos and his wife and his children, Ioannes Papadopoulos and his wife and his children, Kalos Papadopoulos and his children, Georgios Meropoulos and his wife, Pougis Meropoulos and his wife and his children, Gianitzis Skatalis and his children, Kalos and his children, Leon Amagerep(tos), Kostas Gianakopoulos, Erine Anifatou and her children, Kostas Louginos and his wife and his children, Kamisas Michalis, Pelagia of Thodororakopoulos, Ioannes Makrikokalos and his wife and his children, Georgios Skordilis and his children, Alexis Stratigis and his wife and his children. It was painted by the hand of the sinner Ioannes Pagomenos in the month of May 21st (?), in the year 6831 [A.M.] [=AD 1323], Indiction 4.101 Ioannes Thlouvos, Thodoros Papadopoulos and his wife and his children”. The lengthy inscription at Anydroi mentions no less than twenty-three names, individuals, a priest and a monk among them, as well as whole families. None of these donors/contributors are portrayed in the church. The last two names are mentioned after the signature of Pagomenos. Since in the rest of the examples the name of the painter is always the last to be recorded, we are probably dealing here with late contributions from the particular individuals. The inscription at Maza is situated on the west wall, to the right of the door, above the Saints Barbara and Anastasia, on a parallelogram surface

99 The inscription contains Nestorou instead of the correct form of the genitive singular of Nestor, which is Nestoros. 100 Probably an area or a village rather than a person. 101 Sucrow (1994), 24 translates the indiction Δ, the fourth letter of the Greek alphabet as 6; 4 is of course the correct.

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outlined with black (Fig. 120). The majuscule letters in black paint are set against an ochre background. It reads:102 1 + Ανηστορείθη ο θηος κέ σεβάσµειος να- |2 ός του ἁγίου κέ θαµατουργοῦ κέ µειροβλίτου |3 Νίκολαοῦ· τοῦ Μαζιάνου διά σεινεργήας κε κό- |4 που· Δείµίτρίου· του Σάράκηνόποῦλού· κε Κοστατήνου |5 [του] Ράπτη· ης του µισόν· Κοστατήνου του Σαρακηνοπουλου |6 τοῦ Γεώργιου, τοῦ Μαβροµατη· Μιχαυλ· ιερέος κέ παντός του λαου |7 τοῦ χορίου· τ(ης) Μάζας· ο Κ(υριο)ς· γηνόσκη· τά ονοµατα αυτ(όν)· ετελιοθη |8 δε· δηα χειρός· ἁµαρτολου· Ιω(άννου) του Παγοµένου·ἔ[τ(ους) ςωλα’ +

English translation: “This holy and revered church of the saint and wonderworking and myroblytes (i.e. giving forth perfume)103 Nikolaos of Maza was painted with the contributions and labour of Demetrios Sarakinopoulos and Kostatinos Raptis for the half, Kostattinos Sarakinopoulos, Georgios Mavromatis, the priest Michael and of the whole people of the village of Maza. The Lord knows their names. It was completed by the hand of the sinner Ioannes Pagomenos in the year 6834 [A.M.] [=AD 1325/26)”. Here, it is clearly stated that the whole of the village acted as patron for this particular church. Obviously, the first two names, Demetrios Sarakinopoulos and Kostatinos Raptis, bore the greatest burden, since they paid for half of it. Neither Sarakinopoulos’ nor Raptis’ portraits, however, are placed on the walls of the church. It is possible that the explicit statement of the inscription might have been considered a sufficient way for praising their contributions. There is, however, one small portrait of a male donor depicted standing in supplication to the right of the portrait of the patron saint, Nicholas, on the north wall (Fig. 121).104 It is possible that we have here a similar case as with that of Martha the nun, mentioned above in Alikampos – i.e. the individual was the sponsor of the particular painting. If this is the case, and since the supplicant is male, it is highly likely that Gerola 4 (1932), 429–430 (no. 5); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 29 (no. 73); Sucrow (1994), 24–25. 103 For the word myroblytos: PGL, 889. 104 Sucrow (1994), 25 says wrongly that there are no representations of the donors in the church. 102

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his name was also Nicholas [Nikolaos]. According to the Greek Orthodox faith, the saints after who individuals are named are their protectors, they watch over them and may also act as intercessors for the salvation of their souls. And although monks and nuns, like Martha, showed a preference for praying next to the enthroned Virgin and Child or Christ, to lay donors, the sponsoring of a painting with their protector saint and their portrayal in supplication in its vicinity must have been very appealing. The inscription at Kakodiki is situated on the west wall, to the left of the door, above the Saints Marina and Paraskevi (Fig. 132). It occupies a trapezoid space, outlined with black. The letters in black paint, majuscule in the upper and lower part, minuscule in the middle part of the inscription, are set against an ochre background. It reads:105 1 + Ανακενιστυ ο θειος κε πανσεπτος ναος: της υπεραγιας Θεο[τόκου] |2 κέ ἀυπάρθενου· Μαρηας:· δει εξοδου κέ σείδροµής: Νεικηφορου |3 του πρότόπάπα· κέ τ(ῆς) σιβηου αυτου· Ιω ειερέος· του Νοµεικου· κε τ(ης) [σιβη]- |4 ού αυτου· κε τ(όν) τέκνο αυτου: Νἢκητα του Καλαµάρη κε τ(ης) βηου αυτου· Νηκολαου…|5 του Αµαγερέπτου κε τ(ῆς) σηβηου αυτου::· Σκορδήλη του Μουσογηάνη Πάτζος ο Γεράρδου |6 Νηκόλαου του Πάρτζαλη· Γηραρδος· ε Καληνηκος κε τ(όν) τεκν[ον αυτου]· Μηχαήλ ο Ραπτο- |7 πουλος κε υ αδελφη του Νηκόλα του Οχτοκεφάλου· Γεώργηος ο Κουκοµάρης |8 Γεωργηου του Κοπετον κε τ(ῆς) ετέρηας του: Στεφανου του Κήπρο[…] Μαρηνον του Βαπτακου |9 κε [. . .]όπουλου: Αχλαδη του Καλογήρου· η Σγουρογηανού µε την ετερήα της κέ µε τα πεδηα της· Κουκα µε την ετερήα του· + η Στεφαναδες ὅλη· µέ τήν ετερή τ(όν) Εξελούρηκη· ὀλη· µε την εταιρεί- |11 α των κέ µε τα πεδηα τ(όν)· Σγουρός + Ιω ο Σγουρογηανης + Μηχαηλ ο Λαφραγκ(ης)· + Ιωάννης |12 [.] Μηχαήλ ο Καλαµαρις· + Νηκόλαος ο Παπαδόπουλος [ ..6..] |13 + Ανδρέας ο Σαληβαρης· Ιω ο Ραπτοπουλος Γεώργιος ο [..8..] µέ την γηνέκαν |14 Γεωργηος ο Θερηανός· µέ τον |15 + Ετελιόθει ἤ παρούσα· εκκλεισεια· δεια χειρ(ος) αµαρτολου Ιω(άννου) ταχα κε ζογράφου του Πάγωµένου |16 µ[ηνι . . .] ε’ + : έτους ςωµ’· ἠµερα Πα

105 Gerola 4 (1932), 462–463 (no. 41); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 42 (no. 168); Sucrow (1994), 28–30.

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English translation: “The holy and revered church of the most holy Theotokos the Virgin Mary was painted with the expenses and contributions of Nikephoros protopapas and his wife, Ioannes the priest Nomikos106 and his wife and his children, Nikitas Kalamaris and his wife, Nikolas Amagereptos and his wife, Skordilis Mousogianis Patzos Gerardon, Nikolaos Partzalis, Gerardon Kalinikos and his children, Michael Raptopoulos and his sister, Nikolas Ochtokefalos, Georgios Koukomaris, Georgios Kopeton and his family, Stefanos Kipro.., Marinon Vaptaka . . . and . . . opoulos, Achladis Kalogeros, Sgourogianes with her family and her children . . . Kouka with his family, all of the Stefanades with their family, all of the Exelouriki with their family and their children, Sgouros Ioannes Sgourogianes, Michael Lafragis, Ioannes, Michael Kalamaris, Nikolaos Papadopoulos, Andreas Salivaras, Ioannes Raptopoulos, Georgios . . . with the wife . . . Georgios Therianos with . . . The present church was completed by the hand of the sinner Ioannes who happened to be the/a107 painter Pagomenos, in the year 6840 [A.M.] [=AD 1331/32) on Friday”. When compared to the rest of the inscriptions where Pagomenos’ signature is included, Kakodiki holds the record for names mentioned in it – twenty-eight.108 Only five of these donors are depicted on the walls of the church in the vicinity of the paintings that they, in all probability, sponsored. A female donor whose name does not survive, is depicted on the west wall, kneeling, in supplication towards Saint Marina, making it highly likely that the latter was her patron saint.109 A female and a male donor are depicted on the north wall, to the left and right respectively of the enthroned Virgin and Child (Figs. 126, 128); the male is identified as the priest Nikephoros. Two more donors are depicted on the south wall turned towards

106 It is possible that here we do not have the surname of Ioannes, because according to Maltezou (1995), 275, “nomikos” denotes the representative of the peasants of the village, who was usually a priest. 107 See supra, note 93. 108 This also includes the inscription in the church of Hagios Nikolaos at Moni Selinou, Sougia, which is not considered here: see the Introduction in this chapter. 109 Spatharakis (2001), fig. 73.

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the enthroned Christ Pantokrator and one of them identified as the priest Ioannes Nomikos.110 * * * * There are three basic differences between the inscription at Kavalariana and those of the Pagomenos group: its placement, its wording, and the palaeographical evidence. Firstly, at Kavalariana the inscription is situated in the middle of the south wall, whereas in the rest of the churches it is mostly found on the west wall.111 However, in the church of the archangel Michael it is possible that its placement is connected to the depiction of the donors who, by occupying the middle blind arches on the south and north walls, form, in a way, an iconographic entity within the programme. Therefore, it might have seemed appropriate for the inscription to be a part of this representation. Secondly, Kavalariana shares the combination of “sinner” and “painter” in the wording of the signature only with Kakodiki, whereas at Anydroi and at Maza only the word “sinner” appears.112 Kavalariana, however, differs from all of them, for Ioannes rather than declaring in his colophon that he executed the work — “by the hand”—, as Pagomenos does, preferred to ask the congregation to “pray for” him. Furthermore, the Kavalariana inscription is the only one which uses the verb ἐγεγώνη (leg. ἐγεγόνει = was made), rather than ἀνιστoρήθη (it was painted),113 ἀνακενείστυ (leg. ἀνακαινίσθη = it was renovated),114 ἡστωρίθει (leg. ἱστoρήθη = it was painted) and ἐτελιόθη (leg. ἐτελειώθη = it was completed).115 At Kavalariana, the Christian name of the painter ιω(άvvης), is written at the end of the line. At the beginning of the next line we have a space then the letter ω and finally the ending of the inscription (“who happened to be

Gerola 2 (1908), 330–331 (no. 14), fig. 381; Sucrow (1994), 29–30. Only at Anydroi can the inscription be seen on the south wall; however it appears on the border with the west wall. 112 At Komitades and at Alikampos the word “sinner” is not part of Pagomenos’ signature. 113 Alikampos, Anydroi, and Maza, with different spelling in each case. 114 Anydroi and Kakodiki with different spelling in each case. 115 The two latter words appear in the signature of Pagomenos, at Anydroi the first, at Maza and at Kakodiki, with different spelling in each case, the second. 110 111

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the/a painter”; there is no space available for another letter between ω and the last part of the inscription).116 Sucrow is certain that in this space we can fill in the surname of the painter – Pagomenos.117 It is true that Pagomenos has spelled his surname with an ω at Anydroi and at Kakodiki.118 However, his surname either is wholly written,119 or stops at the letter v,120 or at the letter µ,121 but never at the letter ω, which would be the case at Kavalariana, should we accept that Pagomenos’ name was placed here. Finally, the choice of minuscule letters for the major part of the inscription can only be found at Kavalariana. The rest of the churches demonstrate majuscule letters and only Kakodiki combines the two in its inscription. In the inscription at Kakodiki, however, at least three different hands can be identified, one in majuscule script and at least two more in minuscule. Most probably the hand which executed the majuscule script left the space in the middle of the inscription in order to be filled in later with names of the donors. Furthermore, it is obvious by mere observation that the Kavalariana inscription has nothing in common with either of the two hands which executed the minuscule script at Kakodiki (Figs. 28, 132).122 In fact, the Kavalariana inscription demonstrates palaeographical and textual differences when compared to any of the Pagomenos group inscriptions: the inscriptions of the Pagomenos group are written in a tidy, interlaced majuscule script and they follow a clear ruling, whereas the Kavalariana inscription is written in an untidy, minuscule script and does not follow any ruling. The Pagomenos group reveals a calligraphic hand which used symmetrical letterforms, whereas at Kavalariana the asymmetrical letterforms point to an untrained hand. Finally, the Pagomenos group hand is more orthographic in comparison to the Kavalariana hand: for example, in the Komitades inscription (Fig. 68) the wavy dash ( ~ ) above the word τ(ων) in line 6, indicates the correct abbreviation mark for the genitive plural ending (-ων), whereas

Sucrow (1994), 26–27, leaves a space after ω, which close observation of the inscription at Kavalariana does not reveal. 117 Sucrow (1994), 27. 118 In the rest of the churches, Komitades, Alikampos and Maza, he spelled it with an o. 119 Anydroi, Maza and Kakodiki. 120 Komitades. 121 Alikampos. However, we should keep in mind that the inscription is very badly preserved, so it is likely that his full name appeared also here. 122 I would like to thank Miss J. Chrysostomides and Dr. Ch. Dendrinos for their suggestions concerning the paleography of the inscriptions. 116

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at Kavalariana the abbreviation (\\) is used for such endings, which is wrong, since it corresponds to an -oν ending, indicative of accusative singular in our case. It is clear that the palaeographical evidence, as well as the differences between the wording of the Kavalariana inscription and the inscriptions of the Pagomenos group, offer strong reasons to doubt that Ioannes of Kavalariana was Ioannes Pagomenos.123

VI. Conclusions Ihor Ševčenko, in order to distinguish the hands of different illuminators of the Menologion of Basil II, suggested the isolation of one secondary stylistic trait for investigation, which should not be likely to have been taken over from a model, should be likely to express the artist’s individual habits and should be susceptible to quantification.124 The foregoing analysis has not offered such a stylistic trait. The two most likely candidates, the chickenleg like thumb and the cave-like fold, as we have seen can also be found in examples not connected with the Pagomenos group, the first within Crete, the second both inside and outside the island. In fact, this is true for almost all the similarities detected between the church of the Archangel Michael and the Pagomenos group: none of the similarities observed characterises exclusively the two different sets of monuments. Even the decorative patterns, which often reveal and ‘betray’ a painter’s hand, have parallels in different periods and areas. 123 An examination of the inscription of Hagios Nikolaos at Moni Selinou, Sougia, dated 1315, the church of the Pagomenos group omitted here, does not contradict these conclusions. The word “sinner” appears here, like at Anydroi and Maza; the painter declares that the church was executed ‘by the [i.e. his] hand; the use of the verb ἀνιστoρήθη (it was painted) is found here like at Alikampos, Anydroi and Maza; Pagomenos’ surname, spelled with an ο like at Komitades, Alikampos and Maza, is wholly written like at Anydroi Maza and Kakodiki; and, finally, the inscription is written in majuscule letters: Gerola 4 (1932), 470 (no. 53), Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 45–46; Sucrow (1994), 20–22. Furthermore, as we shall see in chapter 4, the Kavalariana inscription is unique for Crete and has a political significance. However, any hypothesis that Pagomenos used a different wording in his signature at Kavalariana because he did not want to be associated with an inscription that was friendly towards the Venetians cannot be supported on the basis of the paleographical evidence, and therefore should be dismissed. 124 Ševčenko (1962), 265.

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However, and apart from the different overall impression which Kavalariana conveys when compared to any churches of the Pagomenos group, there are a number of dissimilarities which raise doubts concerning the identification of Ioannes of Kavalariana as Pagomenos. Even if we accepted the hypothesis that the closeness between Christ Pantokrator at Anydroi and at Maza, and at the same time the distance between these two from the Pantokrator seen at Kavalariana, is due to the use of two different models,125 we still have to account for the differences observed between the saints on horseback: at Anydroi, at Maza and at Kakodiki they have disproportionate bodies, with a rather long torso in comparison with the lower part of their bodies, while at Kavalariana the equestrian saints show normal body anatomies. This dissimilarity gains more weight because while Anydroi and Maza predate our church, Kakodiki post-dates Kavalariana. The depiction of the architectural background raises another point: as we have seen, the work of Pagomenos at Anydroi and at Maza displays a more complex architectural background, not seen at Kavalariana. The logical question is why the painter of the archangel Michael church, if he were Pagomenos, did not carry on with his experimentations, which, as we shall see, were in agreement with the art of the Palaiologan period, but rather went back to the simple and flat buildings of his earlier work. Finally, the overall different impression of the wall paintings at Kavalariana and the fact that, as we have seen, Pagomenos was not an artist of multiple stylistic expression, sticking to his style, already apparent in his first work at Komitades, throughout the decade 1316–1326 (Alikampos, Anydroi and Maza), raises yet another doubt about the identification of Ioannes of Kavalariana as Ioannes Pagomenos. In addition the wording of the dedicatory inscription at Kavalariana is different from the inscriptions found in the Pagomenos group in three instances: firstly, at Kavalariana Ioannes asks the congregation to “pray for” him, while Pagomenos always states that the work in the church was executed “by the [i.e. his] hand”. Secondly, Kavalariana shares only with Kakodiki the combination of “sinner” and “painter” in the painter’s signature; at Anydroi and at Maza only the word “sinner” appears.126 As we have already seen, Kalokyris, who is of the opinion that the church of the Archangel Michael was painted by Pagomenos, has argued that the artist attached the expression See supra, II. Figures. At Komitades, the first dated and signed work by Pagomenos (1313/14), and at Alikampos none of these words appear. 125 126

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“who happened to be the/a painter” to his name Ioannes since 1328, that is at the time he finished Kavalariana.127 It was the similar wording in the signature of the painter Ioakeim in the church of the Virgin at Skafidia, dated 1347, that led Kalokyris to wrongly identify that painter with Pagomenos. Following Kalokyris’ line of thinking, however, it is possible that Ioannes of Kavalariana introduced in his signature this wording, and Pagomenos (and Ioakeim of Skafidia for that matter) took it up for their later works. Kakodiki is geographically very close to Kavalariana (Map 1), and it is plausible to suppose that Pagomenos, assuming that he did not paint the building himself was at least aware of the church of the Archangel Michael. Thirdly, it is only at Kavalariana, and not in any of the churches of the Pagomenos group, that we find the use of the verb ἐγεγώνη (it was made, i.e. it was decorated). Finally, the palaeographical evidence, which reveals a number of differences between the Kavalariana inscription and the inscriptions of the Pagomenos group (e.g. the minuscule script, the untrained hand, the asymmetrical form of letters and the spelling errors seen in the first church, against the interlaced majuscule script, the calligraphic hand, the symmetrical letter forms and the orthography seen in the latter group) also undermining the identification of Ioannes of Kavalariana as Pagomenos. Gouma-Peterson has argued that a stylistic change may reflect a change in the taste of important patrons as easily as it can respond to independent decisions by the artists.128 It is not difficult to acknowledge the influence of patrons such as Constantine IX Monomachos (1042–1055) on the Nea Moni on Chios, dated to the eleventh century, or king Milutin of Serbia (1282–1321), to whom Gouma-Peterson actually refers, another wellknown patron of churches. It becomes difficult, however, when we consider churches of a much smaller scale, without royal patrons and on the outskirts of the Empire. As far as the Kavalariana donors are concerned, their ‘touch’ within the church can be detected in the iconographic programme: certainly, their representation on the middle blind arches of the north and south walls makes them an integral part of the whole decoration, depicted exactly in the middle of the whole church; the inclusion of Threnos and the exclusion of the Nativity might possibly also point to the donors’ preferences. Furthermore, as we shall see in the following chapter, the inscription at Kavalariana

127 128

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Kalokyris (1958), 351, note 20. Gouma-Peterson (1991), 126.

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is unique on the island. It has a very important political significance concerning the co-existence of the Cretans with, and under the rule of, the Venetians. There cannot be any reasonable doubt that the donors had specifically asked the painter for that inscription. However, even if we accepted the assumption that the Kavalariana donors influenced the artist on the wording of his signature, since it was a part of the dedicatory inscription, I do not believe that it would be reasonable to detect the donors’ influence in the depiction of the bodies of the equestrian saints or in the architectural background or in the orthography or in the calligraphy and the symmetry of the letters. In sum sufficient doubt has been raised to allow Ioannes of Kavalariana to have his own artistic identity: it looks as if he was not Pagomenos.

VII. The Church of the Archangel Michael and Fourteenth-Century Monumental Painting . . . artistic production in the rest of Greece has little of interest to offer from an aesthetic point of view during the 14th century. Monumental painting . . . is confined to the decoration of small unpretentious churches generally raised on the initiative of some obscure local inhabitants . . . Provincial art in Greece is distinctly conservative, both as regards style and iconography throughout the 14th century . . . 129 Following Mouriki, the church of the Archangel Michael at Kavalariana would be described as one of these “small, unpretentious” churches, raised by “some obscure local inhabitants”. It is also roughly contemporary with the decoration of the Chora Monastery in Constantinople, which was completed at the end of 1320 or the first months of 1321.130 The contrast is striking. The Chora is Constantinopolitan and cosmopolitan and, not only was the ktetor of the Chora Monastery the well-known Theodore Metochites (ca. 1269–1332),131 but its mosaic and fresco decoration is considered to be the epitome of the Palaiologan style. However, a comparison between the Archangel Michael and the Chora will demonstrate that there are also other

Mouriki (1975), 65–66. My italics. Underwood 1 (1966), 15. 131 On whom: ODB 2 (1991), 1357–1358. On his writings: Bydén (2003). 129 130

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currents in the art of the period and, therefore, the Palaiologan style should (and could) not be identified only with the latter monument. In general, the artistic activity in two major centres, Constantinople, the capital, and Thessaloniki, the second major city of the Empire, forms the rule against which monumental painting during the Palaiologan period is measured. As a consequence, Mouriki’s use of the word “provincial” is not only understood in its literal meaning — belonging to a province — but it has also come to imply “inferior”, of a lesser (stylistic and aesthetic) quality or importance. However, the “aesthetic point of view” is directly linked to taste, and is therefore subjective. Its variability over time is clearly demonstrated by the Saint Peter icon in the British Museum, which is stylistically connected to the Chora Monastery.132 The portrait of the saint was found by chance underneath layers of whitewash and varnish on the back of a seventeenth-century icon of Christ.133 The entry of the Exhibition Catalogue From Byzantium to El Greco describes the icon of Saint Peter as “. . . an excellent example of the highest quality work to be found in Constantinople in the 14th century, . . ”.134 Apparently, whoever carried out its whitewashing did not share this opinion. There are often problems with the tacit equation of “inferiority” and the term “provincial art”.135 As far as Crete is concerned, archival evidence shows that from the fourteenth century onwards artists from Constantinople were living and working on the island, mainly in its capital, Candia, and the area around it, in the prefecture of Herakleion (Map 2).136 By definition, any churches decorated by them fall in the category of “provincial art”, since they are situated in a province, however one would be reluctant to apply any other ‘side’ meaning to this term, since these churches are the creation of artists coming from one of the major artistic centres of their era. Any picture of the Palaiologan era created by focusing mainly on the artistic activity in the major centres is handicapped. A large number of churches, dated or datable in the first half of the fourteenth century, exist Ed. Acheimastou-Potamianou (1987), 80, pl. 16, and 156–157. Mihalarias and Cormack (1983). 134 Ed. Acheimastou-Potamianou (1987), 157. 135 A term, which seems to contain this equation even in more recent publications; see, for example, Mitsani (2000), pp. 241–242. 136 Chatzidakis (1969–1970), 335 and note 102; Chatzidakis (1974b), 76, and note 1; Borboudakis (1974), 231, and note 39; Vassilaki-Mavrakaki, (1981b), 550, and note 4; Vassilaki (1997), 186–188. 132 133

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in the provinces of the Empire and on Crete in particular. They all provide us with vital evidence about the artistic activity in their areas. A study combining the research on both the churches of the major centres and of the provincial areas would significantly enhance our understanding of the last phase of the Byzantine era. In the following, therefore, I will restrain the term “provincial” to its literal meaning, i.e. as a geographical distinction, and set it free from the implication of “inferiority”. The art of the provinces may be different, but it depends upon political, economical and social factors, just like the art produced in the major centres, and it is of no less importance for our understanding of cultural production – which is, after all, what art history is all about. However, this does not mean that we can either underestimate the importance of the Chora Monastery or ignore it when discussing the style of the Palaiologan period — especially for our purpose, since Kavalariana is dated by inscription in 1327/28, seven years after the completion of the decoration in the former. Hence, I will mainly set my stylistic comparisons of the church of the Archangel Michael against the latter monument: in that way the similarities and dissimilarities of two roughly contemporary monuments of the first half of the fourteenth-century, one belonging to a major centre, the other to a province under Latin domination, will be illuminated.137 The choice of the Chora Monastery is further supported by the fact that the artistic ties between the capital of the Empire and the island, regardless of its Venetian occupation and the ‘exposure’ of its native population to western religious art and style,138 remained strong. Not only were Constantinopolitan artists, as mentioned above,139 living and working on the island, but also Cretan painters visited the capital.140 On the other hand, Cretan artists started visiting Venice only after 1498, the year of the foundation of the Greek confraternity there;141 by that time, Constantinople was long lost and Venice had become the ‘natural’ substitute.

137

For general bibliography on the Palaiologan Style: Constantinides 1 (1992), 261,

note 1. See chapter 4. See supra, note 140. 140 For example the fifteenth-century painter Angelos Akotantos: Vassilaki-Mavrakaki (1981a). 141 Chatzidakis (1987), 81. 138 139

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Kavalariana displays a gathering of well-proportioned figures with heads neither too big nor too small, and with oval-shaped faces (e.g. Fig. 30). The oval-shaped faces is the only thing that the Kavalariana figures have in common with the tall, robust figures, with relatively small heads of the Chora Monastery (e.g. Fig. 136).142 The modelling of the faces at Chora, when compared to the dark undertones of the Kavalariana faces, is of a pale colour, with barely visible highlights (e.g. Saint Demetrios at Chora,143 and Saints Cosmas and Damian on the soffit of the eastern blind arch of the north wall at Kavalariana) (Figs. 139, 34, 35). In most cases the neckline at Chora is V-shaped (e.g. the third angel from the dome of the western bay),144 and not curved as at Kavalariana (e.g. Fig. 30), although in the latter church some examples demonstrate the V-shaped line (e.g. Fig. 5). Both monuments share the big eyes with the white line in the shape of a half moon in the pupils and the curved, dark line underneath them, the thick, arch-shaped eyebrows, and the elongated noses with wide nostrils; at Chora the tip of the nose is shifted either to the right or to the left (e.g. the third and the fourth angels from the dome of the western bay respectively) (Fig. 136).145 However, as we have already seen, these facial characteristics can be found in many works of art and cannot be regarded per se as indicative characteristics. The shape of the mouth is also formed in the same way in both decorative programmes: a thick, black line for the upper lip, and a thinner, white for the lower. In the middle both lips are fleshier with the lower slightly bigger, and in most cases the bulging is underlined with red or pink colour (e.g. Saint Demetrios at Chora;146 Saints Cosmas and Damian at Kavalariana on the soffit of the eastern blind arch of the north wall) (Figs. 139, 34, 35). The formation of the mouth as seen in the Chora and the Kavalariana examples is a refined version of the formation of the mouth found in thirteenth-century examples, where the black line for the upper lip is much thicker.147

Underwood 3 (1966), 415, pl. 215. Underwood 3 (1966), 493, pl. 253. 144 Underwood 3 (1966), 414, pl. 214. 145 Underwood 3 (1966), 414, pl. 214 and 415, pl. 215 respectively. 146 Underwood 3 (1966), 493, pl. 253. 147 According to Miljković-Pepek, the thirteenth-century formation can be also found in examples dated between the eighth and the eleventh centuries: Miljković-Pepek (1964), 311 (no. 3). 142 143

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The miniature harp-like formation of the ears at Kavalariana (e.g. Figs. 50, 51) is not found at the Chora: the ears here are curved and wider in their upper part and finish softly, without a pointed bottom end (e.g. Fig. 139).148 In other words, they look more naturalistic when compared to the Kavalariana ears. According to Xyngopoulos, attempts at a naturalistic representation of the ears started in the thirteenth century, with examples mainly found in the major artistic centres; in the provinces, however, we have mostly examples of the schematised representation of ears well into the fourteenthcentury.149 The red circles on the cheeks seen in some examples at Kavalariana (e.g. Fig. 30) and at Chora (e.g. Fig. 139),150 hark back to the eighth or ninth century and continue to be in use in the later periods.151 It should be noted here that this stylistic detail, just like the rich hairstyle with curls also apparent in many representations of archangels and saints, probably consists a direct reference to a feature that was considered part of the ‘ideal’ of male beauty in Byzantium.152 The chicken-leg like thumb, which, as we have seen, is also found in other examples from Crete,153 is not encountered in the Chora Monastery; neither is the bending of the second to the last finger so that it forms a circle, as seen in the blessing hands of the archangel Raphael in the middle blind arch of the south wall and of the Saints Polykarpos and Titos in the sanctuary at Kavalariana (Figs. 28, 13, 14). However, a similar formation can be seen in the blessing hand of Christ in the wall painting at Yilanli Kilise (Göreme, Chapel 28) in Cappadocia, dated to the end of the eleventh or beginning of the twelfth century,154 and also in the blessing hand of Saint Polykarpos in the wall painting at the church of Hagios Demetrios at Makrychori, Euboia, dated 1303.155 During the Palaiologan period the folds of the garments tend to reveal the human body which they wrap, as, for example, can be seen in the fourth angel from the dome of the western bay in the Chora Monastery (Fig. 136),

Underwood 3 (1966), 493, pl. 253. Xyngopoulos (1957), 21–23. 150 Underwood 3 (1966), 493, pl. 253. 151 Xyngopoulos (1957), 19; Miljković-Pepek (1964), 31 (no. 1); Orlandos (1970), 128, and notes 1, 2, 3. 152 Hatzaki (2000), 6, 8, 12–13, 27. 153 See supra, II. Figures, and III. Scenes. 154 Thierry (1963), pl. 50b; Jolivet-Lévy (1991), 136–137 (date). 155 Ioannou (1959), fig. 27. 148 149

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in the wall painting depicting Saint Matthew in the church of the Panagia Olympiotissa at Elasson, dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century and in the wall paintings depicting Saints Peter and Paul in the church of the Redeemer at Zica, dated to the first quarter of the fourteenth century.156 This is not the case for Kavalariana: with the exception of the archangel Raphael (Fig. 28), whose right thigh is described underneath his himation, in the rest of the figures the garments hang loosely over the bodies. However, Kavalariana demonstrates the vertical folds with the sharp and abrupt finish, which can be also seen in the examples from the Chora Monastery, the Olympiotissa and Zica mentioned above. The cave-like fold seen at Kavalariana in the billowing himatia of three of the four angels carrying the glory of Christ in the Ascension in the sanctuary (Figs. 8a–c), and which, as we saw, is commonly found in decorations of different areas and periods,157 is also encountered in the Chora Monastery, both in its mosaic and fresco decoration (e.g. in the himation of the young man carrying a jug in the mosaic depicting the Miracle at Cana and in the billowing himation of the angel carrying the Scroll of the Heaven in the fresco depicting the Last Judgement) (Fig. 138).158 The formation of the rectangular loop on the right sleeves of the Saints John (Xenos) the Hermit (Fig. 32) and Photios (Fig. 41) at Kavalariana can be found in other fourteenth-century decorations as, for example, in the sleeve of Christ in the wall painting depicting the Entry into Jerusalem in the church of Hagios Demetrios at Makrychori, and in the sleeve of the first apostle from the right in the mosaic depicting the Dormition of the Virgin in the church of the Holy Apostles at Thessaloniki, dated to the second decade of the fourteenth century.159 The billowing himatia seen at Kavalariana, indicative of movement, forming twisting and turning folds (e.g. Figs. 33, 37) or even billowing vertically behind Christ in the Anastasis (Fig. 23), have parallels in monuments of the Palaiologan period:

156 Chora: Underwood 3 (1966), 415, pl. 215; Olympiotissa: Constantinides 2 (1992), 34; Zica: Hamann-Mac Lean and Hallensleben (1963), figs. 214–215. 157 See supra, III. Scenes. 158 Mosaic: Underwood 2 (1966), 235, pl. 117; fresco: Underwood 3 (1966), 371, pl. 204. According to Young (1976), the mosaicists and the fresco painters responsible for the completion of the Chora Monastery were the same craftsmen. More recently, Cormack (1997a), 66, suggested that there was only one artist involved in the decoration of the Chora Monastery. 159 Makrychori: Ioannou (1959), fig. 18; Holy Apostles: Xyngopoulos (1953), pl. 31.

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the vertically billowing himation behind the apostle John in the Transfiguration at Olympiotissa, the himatia of Christ in the wall paintings depicting the Anastasis in the church of Joachim and Anna at Studenica (1313/14), in the Protaton at Mount Athos (fourteenth century), and in the mosaic depicting the same scene in the Holy Apostles at Thessaloniki.160 From the Chora an example is offered by the himation of the angel in the fresco depicting the Angel smiting the Assyrians before Jerusalem.161 Crowd scenes as seen at the Chora Monastery (e.g. the mosaic depicting the Virgin receiving the Skein of Purple Wool and the frescoes depicting the Anastasis and the Raising of the Daughter of Jairus) (Figs. 141, 137),162 can also be found at Kavalariana (e.g. Figs. 18, 20). However, the bigger space available to the Chora Monastery artist(s) makes a difference, since at Kavalariana most of the scenes look overcrowded and suffocating. Movement, rarely indicated at Kavalariana, as, for example, by the archangel Gabriel in the Annunciation (Fig. 7), is present at the Chora: the figures’ restlessness is demonstrated by their gestures, turning of their bodies and/or their heads and the positioning of their feet (e.g. Fig. 137).163 At Chora there are a number of examples where the figures’ heads are turned in the opposite direction to that of their bodies, emphasising thus their movement, as, for example, in the mosaics depicting Joseph taking the Virgin to his House (the figure of Joseph) (Fig. 142), the Annunciation to the Virgin at the Well (the figure of the Virgin), Joseph taking leave of the Virgin (the figure of a son of Joseph), and Christ taken to Jerusalem for Passover (the figure of Joseph).164 This “contre-movement”, as Chatzidakis calls it,165 can be seen at Kavalariana in the figure of the archangel Raphael in the middle blind arch of the south wall (Fig. 28); however, in the case of Kavalariana it does not underline movement and is in symmetrical disagreement with Raphael’s counterpart, the archangel Michael, shown in frontal view. At Kavalariana in the scene 160 Olympiotissa: Constantinides 2 (1992), 152; Studenica: Hamann-Mac Lean and Hallensleben (1963), fig. 262; Protaton: Millet (1927), pls. 7, figs. 1, 3 and 12, fig. 4; Holy Apostles: Xyngopoulos (1953), pls. 28 and 29, fig. 1. 161 Underwood 3 (1966), 464, pl. 235. 162 Mosaic: Underwood 2 (1966), 131, pl. 94; frescoes: Underwood 3 (1966), 341, pl. 201 and 363, pl. 203 respectively. 163 Underwood 3 (1966), 341, pl. 201. 164 Underwood 2 (1966), 144, pl. 97, 146, pl. 98, 150, pl. 99, and 208, pl. 112 respectively. 165 Chatzidakis (1974a), 178–179.

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of the Threnos (Figs. 22, 22) the expression of grief does not involve dramatic gesturing as is the case, for example, in the same scene depicted at the Chilandari Katholikon on Mount Athos, dated at the beginning of the fourteenth century.166 The mourning at the Kavalariana scene is demonstrated only by the black streams, simulating tears, underneath the eyes. Reserved expressions of grief can be also found in other fourteenth-century examples (e.g. the wall painting depicting the Threnos in the church of the Transfiguration at Pyrgi, Euboia, dated 1310);167 however, it is more commonly encountered in earlier examples (e.g. the wall painting depicting the same scene in the church of Saint George at Kurbinovo, dated 1191).168 The flat, simple representation of the architecture at Kavalariana (e.g. Fig. 19) stands in contrast to the rich, complex and, in some cases, ornamented architecture of the Chora (e.g. the mosaic depicting Joachim’s offering rejected [Fig. 140] and the fresco depicting the Raising of the Daughter of Jairus).169 At the Chora, in almost all the decoration that displays architectural background there is an interest in spatial organisation, not found at Kavalariana. Furthermore, the Chora examples mentioned above show draperies hanging over the buildings, which, again, we do not have at Kavalariana. The hanging draperies are a common feature in background architecture from the twelfth century onwards with numerous examples dated to the fourteenth century.170 Overall, though not at Kavalariana, during the fourteenth century there is a tendency to depict more complex architectural background (e.g. the wall painting depicting the Presentation of Christ in the Temple in the church of the Anastasis at Veroia, dated 1315, the wall paintings depicting the Last Supper and the Washing of the Feet in the church of Saint Nikita, near Čučer, dated towards 1307, and in the church of Saint George at Staro Nagoričino, dated 1318, in the wall painting depicting the Last Supper at Protaton on Mount Athos, dated at the beginning of the fourteenth century and in the wall paintings depicting the Birth of the Virgin and the Presentation of the Virgin in the Temple at Chilandari, Katholikon, on Mount Athos, dated also

Millet (1927), pl. 67, fig. 1. Ioannou (1959), fig. 52. 168 Hadermann-Misguich (1975), fig. 75. 169 Mosaic: Underwood 2 (1966), 86, pl. 82; fresco: Underwood 3 (1966), 363, pl. 166 167

203. 170

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at the beginning of the fourteenth century).171 In contrast to the schematic Kavalariana trees (e.g. Fig. 19), the Chora trees are more naturalistic, with depictions of branches and rich foliage in different shades (e.g. the mosaic depicting the Annunciation to Saint Anne).172 Furthermore, the mountains at the Chora do not have as steep and angular edges as do those seen at Kavalariana (e.g. Fig. 23). At the Chora their finish is smoother and they do not form the ninety-degree corner seen at Kavalariana (e.g. Fig. 137).173 From that aspect, the Kavalariana mountains are comparable to those seen in the wall paintings depicting the Entry into Jerusalem in the Cretan church of the Archangel Michael at Kouneni, dated to the first half of the fourteenth century, and the Anastasis scene in the church of the Anastasis of Christ at Veroia, although in the first example the mountains, compared to their Kavalariana counterparts, are more schematic, while in the latter they are less rigid.174 The palette at Kavalariana lacks the rich coloration of the Chora: while at Kavalariana the colours are confined to brown, brick-red and green, in the frescoes of the Chora the different shades of blue — from lapis-lazuli to the pale blue/green — and the use of golden yellow, purple and brick-red give the decoration a noticeable vibration. * * * * The dissimilarities between Kavalariana and the Chora outnumber their similarities. Among the differences observed, three of the main characteristics often encountered in the art of the Palaiologan period can be seen in the Chora Monastery, but not at Kavalariana: the tall, robust figures, the description of the figures’ bodies revealed underneath their garments, and the complex architectural background with an interest in spatial organisation. We find these elements only as isolated examples at Kavalariana (e.g. the archangel Raphael’s right thigh is revealed underneath the himation on the middle blind arch of the south wall; the throne of the Virgin in the Annunciation in the sanctuary is depicted in lateral spatial view) (Figs. 28, 7a), but they are

Veroia: Pelekanides (1973), pls. Δ and 17; Čučer and Staro Nagoričino: Millet and Frolow 3 (1962), pl. 37, fig. 1 and pl. 71, fig. 2 respectively; Protaton and Chilandari: Millet (1927), pl. 26, fig. 2 and pl. 74, figs. 1–2 respectively. For a general bibliography on architectural background: Emmanouel (1991), 215, and note 950. 172 Underwood 2 (1966), 93, pl. 85. 173 Underwood 3 (1966), 341, pl. 201. 171

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not the rule in the decoration of the church of the Archangel Michael. Furthermore, Kavalariana offers features such as the reserved expression of grief more commonly encountered in earlier works. However, elements of what we have been taught to see as Palaiologan art are present in the church of the Archangel Michael in the vertical folds of the garments with the sharp and abrupt finish, in the billowing himatia, and in the crowded scenes. The stylistic differences between the Chora and Kavalariana can be partly due to the remote, even by present-day standards, location of the latter monument (Map 1). Herakleion (Map 2), where, as we saw, Constantinopolitan painters were dwelling from the fourteenth-century onwards, is roughly 200 km away. However, these dissimilarities can be better explained by the political realities of the island. By the year 1328, when the church at Kavalariana was completed, the Venetians had dominated Crete for one hundred and seventeen years. Regardless of the fact that the sponsor of the Chora, Theodore Metochites, and the Kavalariana donors reveal, as we shall see, the same attitude towards their edifices, the historic and social circumstances of fourteenth-century Crete and Constantinople differ, and are bound to reflect different — artistic — preferences between the respective group of donors and artists. As we shall see in the following chapter, the dedicatory inscription of the Archangel Michael, from an historic point of view, is the forerunner of an era for the island of Crete.

174

Kouneni: Lassithiotakis (1960–1961), pl. 7, fig. 2; Veroia: Pelakanides (1973), pl.

35.

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4 Signs of their Time: The Inscription and the Donors of the Church of the Archangel Michael at Kavalariana

I. The Inscription (Fig. 28) 1 . . . τρέχο(ν)τ(ος) του παρόντοσ |2 εόνοσ· ἒ[τουσ ςωλς ἀφε(ν)τέβο(ν)τ(ος) ε τη Κρήτη τ(όν) µε- |3 γάλον κέ ἀφέτ(ον) ηµ(όν) βενετήκ(ον)· ἐγεγώνη δέ· η παρού[σα] εκλη- |4 σήα τοῦ µέγάλου ταξηάχου Μηχαήλ: τ(όν) άνο{ν ὁ}δηνά[µ]εόν: δη [ἐ]ξόδου κέ ση- |5 δροµ(ής) Θεωτόκη τού Κότζη κε Μανούλ του Μελησουργού· κε Νηκήτα του Σηδέρου κε Δηµη- |6 τρήου κε τα τ(όν) τ[έκν](ον) [αυ]τω.|7 εὔ[χεσθε δη εµου αµάρτολου Ιω(άννου) |8 [.ω] τάχα κε ζουγράφου αµήν.1

English translation: “ . . . during the present century, in the year 6836 [A.M.] [= AD 1327/28], when Crete is ruled by the great Venetians our masters, this present church of the great archangel Michael of the heavenly hosts was made with the expenses and contributions by Theotokis Kotzis and Manuel Melisourgos and Nikitas Sideres and Demetrios and their chil-

Because of its importance to the following discussion, the transcription and translation of the inscription at Kavalariana, which appeared in chapter 3, are repeated here. For the rules that apply when transcribing an inscription, see chapter 3. 1

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dren. Pray for me the sinner2 Ioannes who happened to be the/a3 painter. Amen”.4 As has already been mentioned, the dedicatory inscription of the church of the Archangel Michael at Kavalariana is situated on the upper part of the middle blind arch of the south wall. We owe the preservation of the inscription to its location, for if it had been situated on the west wall, which is the usual place for the inscriptions in the churches on Crete, it would have been lost when they built the extension.5 Its preservation presents us with a unique formula in a dedicatory inscription within Crete: never before have the Venetians been named as “great” and “masters” in a dedicatory inscription within an Orthodox church on the island, nor have they been mentioned as a kind of chronological reference. Eleven inscriptions in Orthodox Cretan churches, dated between the years 1291 and 1446 — in other words during the period of the Venetian rule of the island from before the fall of Constantinople — survive and all contrast with the one found at Kavalariana by referring to the reign of the Palaiologan emperors and by using the last dynasty of the Byzantine Empire, rather than the Venetians, as a chronological reference. These are: — The church of Hagios Ioannes (the Baptist) at the village of Hagios Vasileios Pediados, Herakleion, north-central Crete (Map 2). The inscription states that the church was decorated during the reign of Andronikos Palaiologos, in the year 1291.6 Andronikos II Palaiologos reigned from 1282 until 1328. — The church of Hagios Paulos at the village of Hagios Ioannes Messaras, Pyrgiotissa, Herakleion, south-central Crete (Map 2). The inscription states that the church was decorated during the reign of our Orthodox The expressions ‘sinner’ (ἁµαρτωλός) and ‘who happened to be a painter’ (τάχα καί ζωγράφος) usually accompany the signatures of painters showing modesty and humility: 2

Kalopissi-Verti (1994), 147, 154–155, note 44, 155, note 49; Kalopissi-Verti (1997), 145. 3 The translation ‘a painter’ is a better indication of the humility that Ioannes is expressing by using the word τάχα. 4 Gerola 4 (1932), 453–454 (no. 28); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 38 (no. 146); Sucrow (1994), 26–27. 5 See chapter 1, IV. The Architecture. 6 Gerola 4 (1932), 509–510 (no. 1); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 77 (no. 489); Borboudakis, Gallas, and Wessel (1983), 382–383; Psilakis (1994), 14 α. See also Spatharakis (2001), 14–15.

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emperors, Andronikos Palaiologos and Irene and their son Michael, in the year 1303/4.7 The emperor mentioned is again Andronikos II (1282–1328), while Irene was his second wife, Yolanda of Montferrat. Andronikos’ son was Michael IX, co-emperor from 1294/5 until his death in 1320. — The church of the Archangel Michael at the village of Doraki Monofatsiou, Herakleion, south-central Crete (Map 2). The inscription states that the wall painting decoration of the church was executed during the reign of Andronikos Palaiologos, in the year 1321.8 Once more the emperor mentioned is Andronikos II. — The church of Hagios Ioannes at the village of Koudoumas Monofatsiou, Herakleion, south-central Crete (Map 2). The inscription mentions that the church was decorated during the reign of our emperors Ioannes and Heleni Palaiologoi, in the year 1360.9 The emperor is John V Palaiologos (1341–1391) and his wife is Heleni Kantakouzeni. — The church of the Virgin Eleousa at the village of Papagiannades, Siteia, eastern Crete (Map 2). The inscription mentions the reign of the emperor Ioannes Palaiologos and his son Andronikos, in the year 1363/64.10 The emperor is John V (1341–1391), and his son is Andronikos IV, sole emperor between the years 1376 and 1379. — The church of the Virgin at the village of Skouloufia Mylopotamou, Rethymnon, north-central Crete (Map 1). The inscription states that the church was completed during the reign of the emperor Manuel Palaiologos, in the year 1407.11 The emperor mentioned is Manuel II, who reigned between the years 1391 and 1425. — The church of Hagios Georgios at the village of Plemeniana Selinou, Chania, south-west Crete (Map 1). The inscription mentions the

My italics. Gerola 4 (1932), 538 (no. 7); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 87 (no. 585); Borboudakis, Gallas, and Wessel (1983), 325–328; Psilakis (1994), 14 β. See also Spatharakis (2001), 29–30. 8 Gerola 4 (1932), 571–572 (no. 15); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 96 (no. 685); Psilakis (1994), 14 γ. 9 My italics. Gerola 4 (1932), 568–569 (no. 10); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 95 (no. 675); Psilakis (1994), 14 δ. See also Bougrat (1982), esp. 148–151. 10 Gerola 4 (1932), 589–590 (no. 15); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 107 (no. 806); Psilakis (1994), 14 ε. 11 Gerola 4 (1932), 480 (no. 4); Psilakis (1994), 14 στ. 7

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ruler Andronikos the second (sic), but gives the date 1409/10.12 Andronikos II reigned between the years 1282 and 1328. In the year 1409/10 the emperor at Constantinople was Manuel II (1391–1425). It is possible either that Andronikos’ name implies that the church was originally built during Andronikos’ reign,13 or, more likely, that the name of the reigning emperor of the period was mistaken, an indication that the Cretan patrons were out of touch with the empire. — The church of Hagios Georgios at the village of Exo Mouliana, Siteia, north-eastern Crete (Map 2). The inscription states that the church was decorated during the reign of our pious emperors Ioannes and his mother Hypomone the nun, in the year 1426/27.14 The emperor mentioned is John VIII Palaiologos (1425–1448). His mother was Helena Dragaš, who assumed the name Hypomone after becoming a nun.15 — The church of Hagios Georgios at the village of Emparos Pediados, Herakleion, south-central Crete (Map 2). The inscription states that the church was decorated during the reign of the most pious emperor Ioannes Palaiologos, emperor of the Romans, in the year 1436/37;16 again, this is John VIII (1425–1448). — The church of Hagios Konstantinos at the village of Avdou Pediados, Herakleion, north-central Crete (Map 2). The inscription mentions that the church was decorated during the reign of Ioannes Palaiologos, in the year 1445/46.17 The emperor mentioned here is once more John VIII (1425–1448). This is the last known inscription within an Orthodox church from Venetian-dominated Crete which mentions the name of a Byzantine emperor. 12 Gerola 4 (1932), 459–460 (no. 35); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 41 (no. 162); Borboudakis, Gallas, and Wessel (1983), 218–219; Psilakis (1994), 14 ζ, is wrong in saying that the inscription mentions the name of the emperor Manuel Palaiologos. 13 Gerola 4 (1932), 459. Lassithiotakis (1970a), 206–208 (no. 99) is of the opinion that the date is not 1409, but 1449. 14 My italics. Gerola 4 (1932), 584 (no. 5); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 103 (no. 768); Psilakis (1994), 15 θ. 15 On Helena Dragaš: Barker (1969), 99–100, and note 24. 16 Gerola 4 (1932), 516 (no. 20); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 82 (no. 543); Borboudakis, Gallas, and Wessel (1983), 456–458; Psilakis (1994), 15 ι. See also Spatharakis (2001), 185–189. 17 Gerola 4 (1932), 513–514 (no. 14); Gerola-Lassithiotakis (1961), 81 (no. 530); Borboudakis, Gallas, and Wessel (1983), 410–411; Psilakis (1994), 15 ια. See also Spatharakis (2001), 197–199.

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— An inscription now found in the Historical Museum of Crete at Herakleion. According to the inscription, it belonged to a church dedicated to the Archangel Michael, which has not been located. It is very badly preserved and its wording — the reign of our most pious emperors the Palaiologans — implies that originally more than one name followed. Although neither the names of the Byzantine emperors nor the date survive, the inscription is generally accepted as a reference to the reign of John VIII (1425–1448), while the letters ια surviving as part of a name in the inscription are considered to refer to one of the two wives of John, Sofia of Montferrat, or Maria Komnene.18 These inscriptions, which are scattered around Crete and cover a period of almost two-hundred years, last mentioning a Byzantine emperor just seven years before the fall of Constantinople in 1453, have played a major role in shaping the point of view that the Cretans (until the total loss of the Empire) considered themselves as the moral subjects of the Palaiologans.19 As a consequence, it is assumed that the huge barrier blocking the cultural fusion and the peaceful co-existence between conquerors and conquered was lifted only when Constantinople fell to the hands of the Turks. This position is usually supported by citing the major uprisings declaring the hostility of the native population to the Venetians that rocked the island during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the first already in 1211, the year that Venice finally established control over the island — which it had on paper since 1204 — by defeating the Genoese during a war fought between 1206 and 1211.20 Furthermore, despite the fact that revolutionary movements continued to erupt on the island throughout the Venetian domination, after the second half of the fifteenth century they appear to be of a local and limited character rather than involving the native population on a larger scale. Given these circumstances, how can the inscription at Kavalariana be explained? The question becomes more difficult if we take into consideration that the church is not a ‘natural’ site for Venetian influence. It is not only situated far from the sea — today the closest route to the sea at Palaiochora is at least thirty minutes by car (Map 1) — but also the latter town 18 My italics. Gerola 4 (1932), 398 (no. 2); Borboudakis, Gallas, and Wessel (1983), 339; Psilakis (1994), 14 η. John VIII was married three times, but his first wife’s name, Anna (of Moscow), does not fit the surviving letters. 19 Chatzidakis (1974b), 73; Kalopissi-Verti (1992), 25; Psilakis (1994), 14; Bissinger (1995), 21, and notes 5, 6; Maltezou (1995), 279–280. 20 See chapter 1.

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does not now and did not ever have a lively and active port.21 The interest that Venice showed in major ports, essential to her naval character, is well known. In Crete it is underlined by the capital chosen, Candia, known at present as Herakleion (Map 2), which even today remains the capital of the island and still is an important port. Like the site, then, the church is not in a ‘natural’ Venetian centre. Any assumption that the Kavalariana donors tried to “flatter” the Venetians through the inscription at the church of the Archangel Michael because they were benefiting or in order to gain some benefits from their putative patrons, especially of a commercial nature, is thus unlikely. Any benefits from olive oil production, for which today the province of Selino is famous, should also be dismissed, since the trees in the vast olive tree fields that surround the area of the Archangel Michael church were not planted before the sixteenth century.22 We have to explain the enigmatic inscription by some other means. In fact, political, cultural and artistic evidence supports the suggestion that the cultural fusion between the native and imported inhabitants of the island had started well before the loss of the Byzantine Empire. This evidence paints a picture of Venetian-dominated Crete in which the Kavalariana inscription finds a place without striking a jarring note. As we have seen, in 1363 the native population of Crete joined forces with Venetian colonists and rebelled against the increasing demands of the central government in Venice.23 While the Metropolis defeated the uprising of Saint Titos — as the rebellion is known — in 1367, the important point here is that, from a political point of view, by the fourteenth century the Cretan and Venetian inhabitants of the island had developed common interests, strong enough to unite them against the Venetian authority based outside Crete.24 21 For the active ports during the fourteenth century: Gasparis (1991), 69. Palaiochora was mostly used as a port in emergency cases; the town was often attacked from the sea by enemies (e.g. pirates and the Ottoman Turks): Spanakis (1974), 198, 288, 290. 22 Spanakis (1974), 336. I would like to thank Mr. Ph. Baroutsos for conferring this information in an oral communication. 23 For the uprising: Jegerlehner (1903); Manousakas (1971), 267–269, commends on the various bibliography written about the rebellion; McKee (1994); McKee (2000), 133– 167. See also chapter 1, note 21. 24 Topping (1977), 17; Georgopoulou (1995), 486. Jacoby (1989), 204, believes that this revolution reflects the opportunism of its Venetian leaders who were in need of the support of the Greek side. Even if this were the case, however, the point remains and it is still valid that, at least up to a certain level, there must have been common grounds and interests on which

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By the fourteenth century the Cretans were living in cities which were designed, built and fortified according to Italian practices — and taste.25 Already by 1282, following the orders of the Duke of Crete Marino Gradonico (Gradenigo), a castle was built in the area of Palaiochora (Map 1) in the province of Selino, where the church of the Archangel Michael is situated.26 The native population became familiar with the western (either Gothic or Renaissance) style as well as with western religious art, which they would have been able to see in Latin churches found on the island and, in the main cities, also in the public (governmental) buildings, well before 1453.27 The Cretans developed a taste for western fashion, apparent, as we shall see, in the garments of some of the Kavalariana donors (Figs. 28, 29, 50, 51).28 The involvement of Greeks in business transactions with the Latins,29 must have been an important step of bringing the two cultures together since, as we all know, money talks in a language that knows no borders and has been successful for hundreds of years as an effective means of communication. Intermarriages between Latins and Greeks at all levels of the social hierarchy are mentioned in the sources already from the thirteenth century.30 In spite of the fact that the official language on the island was Latin,31 the bilingualism of Venetian settlers is noted from the early fourteenth century as in the case, for example, of Stefano Bon, one of the most important notaries in Candia, and probably an offspring of mixed marriage.32 It is also significant the ‘opportunists’ Venetian relied in order to persuade and attract the Greek inhabitants of Crete in a joined revolution against the Serenissima. 25 Vassilakis-Mavrakakis (1982), 301–302. 26 Gerola 1a (1905), 232–236; Spanakis (1974), 288. For the Venetian fortifications on the island: Gerola 1a (1905), 97–300 and Gerola 1b (1906). 27 For the Latin churches: Gerola 2 (1908), 17–169. See also Georgopoulou (1995), 481–483; Georgopoulou (2001), 132–164. For the public and governmental buildings: Gerola 3 (1917), 9–142 and Gerola 4 (1932), 9–282. See also Georgopoulou (2001), 19–42, 79–94. 28 Maltezou (1991), 43. 29 Topping (1977), 19; Maltezou (1988), 140; Jacoby (1989), 217. On the economy on the island at the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century: Laiou (1982). 30 Laiou (1982), 197–198; Jacoby (1989), 202, 203, 204, 205; Maltezou (1991), 33; Cormack (1997b), 204–205. On the Cretan households in the fourteenth century: McKee (1995). 31 On the language of the Venetian bureaucracy: Gasparis (1994). 32 Manousakas (1971), 247; Laiou (1984), 53, 54; Laiou (1992), 37–38. See also Georgopoulou (2001), 165–166. By the sixteenth century the Cretan dialect was predominant on the island: Maltezou (1991), 33-35.

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that in 1381, Venice granted to Georgios Kallergis, son of Alexios, leader of the rebellion which concluded in 1299,33 the privilege of Venetian nobility.34 This unique case indicates not only that Venice accepted a member of the Greek aristocracy as equal to its own subjects, but also seems to suggest that the Venetian citizenship was welcomed from the recipient’s side. The latter point acquires further importance when we take into consideration that the native nobility stressed their direct relation to the Byzantine empire via the legend of the twelve archontopoula, according to which, as we have seen, twelve Constantinopolitan nobles were sent to Crete in order to govern it, and they were considered as the ancestors of the Cretan nobles.35 The thorny issue of religion was aggravated by a strict Venetian policy, which took the property from the Orthodox Church on the island, banished many Orthodox bishops, and forbade the ordination of Orthodox priests.36 However, as we saw earlier, the shortage of Latin priests on Crete, which led the Catholic inhabitants of the island to attend Orthodox services, and the Serenissima’s position ‘semo Veneziani e poi Christiani’ (we are first Venetians and then Christians), did not efface, but certainly decreased, the gap between the faithful of the two churches.37 As far as Venetian influence on Orthodox art on Crete is concerned, the inclusion of soldiers dressed in western uniforms, most often encountered in the scenes of the Betrayal, the Carrying of the Cross, the Crucifixion, the Holy Women at the Tomb, and the martyrdom of saints, is very common.38 See chapter 1. Maltezou (1988), 125; Maltezou (1991), 24. 35 Maltezou (1988), 131; Maltezou (1991), 21; Maltezou (1998), 233–236, 242; Georgopoulou (2001), 102–103. The earliest time given for the settlement is the reign of Constantine the Great (324–337), while the latest that of the reign of Alexios II Komnenos (1180– 1183): Ed. Spitael (1981), 187–189, 202, and 213–214. See also chapter 1 and chapter 2. 36 For the church history on Venetian Crete: Spanakis (1959); Tomadakis (1969–1970); Chaireti (1974); Tsirpanlis (1985); Maltezou (1991), 26–29. See also chapter 1. 37 Xanthoudidis (1939), 155–156. See also: Tomadakis (1969–1970), 29; Chaireti (1974), 340–341; Maltezou (1991), 34. Venice tried to prevent the attending of Orthodox services by Catholics, by issuing decrees in 1349 and 1405: Jacoby (1989), 205–206. However, the renewal of the first decree by the latter implies that the Catholics did not give up the attendance of the Orthodox services. 38 For example, at Kavalariana in all the scenes named except the Crucifixion, which does not survive, and in Hagios Georgios at Anydroi, dated 1323, in the wall painting depicting Saint George before the Governor, which is part of the cycle with scenes from his life (Fig. 87). 33 34

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However, this does not necessarily portray the acceptance of western clothing (apparent, as we shall see, in the garments of the Kavalariana donors): it may well point to the use of western dress to symbolise evil, since it is restricted to those figures, which one way or another, added to Christ’s and/ or to the saints’ suffering.39 The placement of Venetian glasses on the table in the wall painting depicting Herod’s Feast in the church of the Panagia Kera, outside Kritsa in Merambello, dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century, may also, partly, be considered as pointing to a similar direction, since that feast led to the beheading of John the Baptist.40 On the other hand, in the same church the identical, expensive Venetian glasses seen on the table in the wall painting depicting the Last Supper, should certainly be regarded as (positive) visual evidence of the everyday life contact and interaction between Greeks and Latins.41 In other words, although, certainly by the fourteenth century, the native population was familiar with the western way of everyday life, the choice of its use and application differs. Western influences on Byzantine art on Crete which do not have the potential to be regarded as criticism against the Latins are apparent already by the fourteenth century.42 The radiating halo in relief, widely used in Italian painting from the second half of the thirteenth century onwards,43 is also encountered in fourteenth-century Cretan painting: for example, in the wall painting depicting the patron saint in the church of the Archangel Michael at Astratigos (Kakodiki), Selino, dated to first half of the fourteenth century, and in the wall painting depicting the Chairete, in the church of the 39 For the connection between evil and caricature representation and profile in the depiction of soldiers, see chapter 2, the Holy Women at the Tomb scene. A similar (negative) treatment and understanding of the presence of Jews and Orientals in scenes depicting tortures of saints can be detected in fifteenth-century western painting: Wood (forthcoming). 40 Borboudakis, Gallas, and Wessel (1983), 116, fig. 67. See also Lymberopoulou (forthcoming b). 41 Papadaki-Ökland (1967), 96 and pl. 62 α–β. The first layer of the church is dated to the first half of the thirteenth century, while the second, to which both Herod’s Feast and the Last Supper belong, is dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century: ibid., 105–111, and 95–105 respectively. See also Lymberopoulou (forthcoming b). 42 Vassilakis-Mavrakakis (1982). She does not consider, however, the possible criticism on the Latins implied by the inclusion of soldiers dressed in western clothes in the aforementioned scenes, and by the presence of Venetian glasses in Herod’s feast: ibid., 303. See also Papadaki-Oekland (1992). 43 For example, the frescoes in the upper church of Saint Francis at Assisi by Cimabue, dated to the 1280’s: Chiellini (1988), figs. 21–26, 38–44, 46–53, and 55–56.

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Katholikon at Valsamonero, Kainourjio, dated to second half of the fourteenth century.44 From an iconographic point of view, we have examples of saints belonging to the Catholic Church depicted in Byzantine churches among Orthodox saints, as is, for example, Saint Francis of Assisi, who is included in two wall painting programmes dated to the fourteenth century: in the church of the Panagia Kera at Kritsa and in the church of the Panagia at Sambas, Pediada.45 Saint Francis, adopted easily and quickly by the Orthodox faithful, was particularly loved by the Cretans and his inclusion in their Orthodox churches is thus not surprising.46 Another example for the adoption of western iconography by the Cretan painters is offered by two wall painting representations of Saint Bartholomew dated to the fourteenth century, one in Hagia Pelagia at Viannos and the other at the Hagioi Apostoloi at Drys: in both churches the saint is depicted holding his flayed skin, following the western tradition of his martyrdom, since according to the Orthodox Church he was crucified.47 The wall painting depicting the enthroned God the Father holding in his arms the Cross with the crucified Christ in the church of the Panagia and Sotiros Christou at Roustika, dated 1381/82, follows a western iconographic variation of the scene known as “Thronum Gratiae” — or “Throne of Mercy” — depicted in the West from the beginning of the twelfth century.48 It would thus appear that the cultural fusion on the island between the Venetian Catholics and the Cretan Orthodox had begun long before the fall 44

Astratigos: Vassilakis-Mavrakakis (1982), fig. 4; Valsamonero: Bissinger (1995), fig.

144. Kritsa: Lassithiotakis (1981), 147, and fig. 54 α (the wall painting is part of the second layer in the church, dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century: Papadaki-Ökland [1967], 95–105); Sambas: Lassithiotakis (1981), 147–149 and figs. 55, 56, and Borboudakis, Gallas, and Wessel (1983), 118, fig. 69. Two other Cretan Orthodox churches include a portrait of Saint Francis, one dated to the fifteenth century and one recorded at the beginning of the twentieth century, now damaged: Georgopoulou (2001), 184. 46 Lassithiotakis (1981), 146–154, esp. 152–154; Maltezou (1988), 152; Maltezou (1991), 34. 47 Vassilakis-Mavrakakis (1982), 304, figs. 7 and 8. For the martyrdom of Saint Bartholomew and its representation in the Orthodox and western churches: Xyngopoulos (1958). 48 Borboudakis, Gallas, and Wessel (1983), 119, fig. 70, and Spatharakis (1999), pl. 19b and fig. 242. For the subject: Schiller 2 (1968), 133–136, figs. 411–414, 425. For a discussion on the Roustica representation and its relation to the Italian art of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries: Dile (1998), 26–28. Spatharakis (1999), 198–206, 271, suggested that the church was converted to Catholicism. 45

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of Constantinople in 1453.49 As a consequence, the inscription at Kavalariana should be viewed as more evidence for this process maturing on Crete, as politically expressed by the uprising of Saint Titos in 1363. As noted earlier, the inscription not only acknowledges the domination of the Venetians, but also uses them as a chronological reference. The eleven inscriptions citing emperors demonstrate that the idea of the Byzantine Empire was still alive on Crete, but the second body of evidence that I have presented, of which the Kavalariana inscription must now form part, indicates that this belief was not hegemonic. The reality involved in living with, and under the rule of, the Venetians could not be ignored. This reality was greatly supported by the fact that the Venetians, in their quest to have a trouble-free colony, showed flexibility in the way they ruled the island and did not hesitate to adapt to and also adopt the native culture, as the examples of the patron saint chosen for the island, Titos, and the icon of the Virgin Mesopantitissa demonstrate.50 The inscription of the church of the Archangel Michael is strong evidence of that reality, and bears more weight when we take into consideration its placement in a province: despite the fact that the castle built in 1282 in the Palaiochora area (Map 1) had a castellanus, a supervisor of the countryside, living there with his family and guards,51 the interaction between Latins and Greeks was much closer in the major urban centres. Its attestation here in a rural setting is, therefore, especially remarkable. II. The Donors (Figs. 28, 29, 50–53)52 As we have already seen, three donors are mentioned with their full names in the dedicatory inscription – Theotokis Kotzis, Manuel Melisourgos, and Nikitas Sideres; one is mentioned with his first name – Demetrios; their children are mentioned collectively; and there are no references to any females. However, the lower zones of the middle blind arches on the north and south

49 The predominant “Byzantine character” of the religious art on the island does not contradict this conclusion; as has already been mentioned, the artistic ties between Constantinople and Crete remained strong up until the fall of the city in 1453: see chapter 3. 50 See chapter 1. 51 Spanakis (1974), 288. The question of the land ownership will be addressed in the following section. 52 Gerola 2 (1908), pl. 10, figs. 3, 4.

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walls are covered with fourteen portraits, seven on each side (plan 3a and b, zone II, 23a and 15a respectively), including five female donors. The state of preservation is relatively good, apart from their lower part, which has been whitewashed, thus depriving the donors of their footwear. Each portrait is accompanied by an identifying inscription written in black paint against an ochre background, and which, like the dedicatory inscription, combines certain majuscule letterforms in its miniscule script.53 The portraits are: On the middle blind arch of the north wall, from left to right (west to east), starting with the left (west) side of the soffit of the arch: 1. A young, unbearded man with short, wavy, brown hair is depicted in three-quarter view to the right, raising his arms in supplication toward the patron saint, Archangel Michael, who is depicted in the upper half of the blind arch (Figs. 29, 50). He wears a white hypokamison underneath a checkpatterned garment, which is fastened with a series of small buttons on the left shoulder; this garment is brick-red on the top left and bottom right and white on the top right and bottom left. To the left and right of his head the inscription reads: (left) 1† δέησις τοῦ δού |2 λου τοῦ Θεοῦ (right) 1Γεώργ |2 ήου.54 (Prayer of the servant of God Georgios). 2. First from the left on the blind arch, a young woman is depicted in three-quarter view to the right with her arms crossed in front of her chest (Figs. 29, 50). She wears a long, white mantle on top of a white dress and, although her head is badly preserved, it seems that her hair is not covered. Above her head the inscription reads: 1† δέησις [τῆς] δούλης τοῦ Θεoῦ|2 Β . . . 55 (Prayer of the servant of God B . . . ). 3. Second from the left on the blind arch, a woman is depicted in three-quarter view to the right, raising her arms in supplication towards Michael (Figs. 29, 50). She wears a hypokamison underneath a long, white dress, a brick-red mantle on top, fastened with a small brooch in the middle underneath her neck, and her hair is covered with a white headband (turban). Above her head the inscription reads: 1† δέησις τῆς δούλης τοῦ Θεοῦ Άννας |2 τῆς Κότζενας.56 (Prayer of the servant of God Anna Kotzena). 4. Third from the left on the blind arch, a male child is depicted in frontal view and with his arms crossed in front of his chest (Fig. 29). He See chapter 3. Gerola 4 (1932), 454. 55 Gerola 4 (1932), 454. 56 Gerola 4 (1932), 454; PLP 6 (1983), 29 (no. 13330). 53 54

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has short, wavy, brown hair, and wears white garments. The outer item of clothing has a series of small buttons vertically arranged underneath the collar. The inscription above his head reads: † δέησις Μανωύλ.57 (Prayer of Manuel). 5. Fourth from the left on the blind arch, a bearded man with short, wavy, brown hair is depicted in three-quarter view to the left, raising his arms in supplication toward the Archangel (Fig. 29). He wears a white hypokamison, visible in the sleeves and around the collar, underneath a brickred garment. The inscription, above his head and to the left, reads: 1† δέησις τοῦ δούλου τοῦ Θεοῦ Θεοτό[κη] |2 τοῦ Κότζη.58 (Prayer of the servant of God Theotokis Kotzis). His name is mentioned first in the dedicatory inscription. 6. Fifth from the left on the blind arch, a young, beardless man with short, wavy, brown hair is depicted in three-quarter view to the left with his arms crossed in front of his chest (Fig. 29). Like Georgios, he wears a check-patterned garment on top of his white hypokamison, the top left and bottom right of which is white, while the top right and bottom left is brickred. The inscription above his head reads: † δέησις τοῦ δούλου τοῦ Θεοῦ Θεοδώρου.59 (Prayer of the servant of God Theodoros). 7. Another unbearded, young man is depicted on the right (east) side of the soffit of the blind arch, opposite the donor Georgios, in three-quarter view to the left. He, too, has short and wavy, brown hair and raises his arms in supplication toward the archangel Michael (Figs. 29, 51). His checkpatterned garment on top of his white hypokamison is identical to that of the donor Theodoros, and fastens with a series of small buttons on the left shoulder, as the one worn by his counterpart on the west side of the soffit, Georgios. The inscription, to the left and right of his head, reads: (left) 1† δέησις τοῦ [δ]ού |2 λου τοῦ Θεοῦ (right) 1Μηχαύ |2 λ.60 (Prayer of the servant of God Michael). On the middle blind arch of the south wall, from left to right (east to west), starting with the left (east) side of the soffit of the arch: 1. A woman is depicted in three-quarter view to the right, raising her arms in supplication toward the patron saint, Archangel Michael, who is Gerola 4 (1932), 454. Gerola 4 (1932), 454; PLP 6 (1983), 30 (no. 13334). 59 Gerola 4 (1932), 454. 60 Gerola 4 (1932), 454. 57 58

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depicted on the left side of the blind arch (Figs. 28, 52). She wears a hypokamison underneath a long, white dress, a brick-red mantle with an orange hem on top, fastened in the middle underneath her neck with two small brooches, and her hair is covered with a white turban. The area around her head is damaged and has caused the loss of her identifying inscription. 2. First from the left on the blind arch, a female child with long, brown hair and white garments is depicted in frontal view with arms crossed in front of her chest (Fig. 28). Her identifying inscription is illegible. 3. Second from the left on the blind arch, a bearded man with short, wavy, brown hair is depicted in three-quarter view to the right, raising his arms in supplication toward the archangel (Fig. 28). The garment he wears on top of his white hypokamison has diagonal stripes of white and black color alternatively. The inscription to the left of his head, reads: [δέησις τοῦ δού]λου τοῦ Θεοῦ` Μανοῢλου τοῦ Μελισουργοῦ.61 (Prayer of the servant of God Manuel Melisourgos). His name is mentioned second in the dedicatory inscription. 4. Third from the left on the blind arch, a bearded man with also short, brown and wavy hair is depicted in three-quarter view to the left, raising his arms in supplication toward the patron saint (Fig. 28). On top of his brick-red hypokamison he wears a garment with horizontal stripes of alternatively brick-red and white color. The inscription, to the left of his head, reads: δέησις τοῦ δούλου τοῦ Θεοῦ Νηκήτα τοῦ Σηδέρου.62 (Prayer of the servant of God Nikitas Sideres). His name is mentioned third in the dedicatory inscription. 5. Fourth from the left on the blind arch, a woman is depicted in threequarter view to the left, raising her arms in supplication toward the archangel (Fig. 28). Her garments, a long, white dress on top of the hypokamison, a brick-red mantle fastened with two small brooches, and the white headband covering her hair, are similar to the female donor depicted on the east side of the soffit of the arch. The inscription, to the left of her head, reads: δέησις

61 Gerola 4 (1932), 454; PLP 7 (1985), 200 (no. 17828). Gerola had transcribed the inscription when it was still readable. The inscription is in two lines but because of the fading of the letters it is unclear where the line changed. 62 Gerola 4 (1932), 454; PLP 10 (1990), 233 (no. 25291). Gerola had transcribed the inscription when it was still readable. The inscription is in two lines but because of the fading of the letters it is not obvious where the line changed.

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[τῆς δού]λης τοῦ Θεοῦ Κα[τερίνης].63 (Prayer of the servant of God Katerine). 6. Fifth from the left on the blind arch, a bearded man with short, brown, wavy hair is depicted in three-quarter view to the right, a position probably chosen for symmetrical reason, since his arms raised in supplication are not directed towards either of the archangels depicted here (Fig. 28). The garment he wears on top of his white hypokamison has the check pattern worn by the male donors on the opposite blind arch, and is identical to Georgios’ (Fig. 50) with brick-red color for the top left and bottom right and white for the top right and bottom left. His inscription, to the left of his head, reads: 1 δέησις τοῦ δούλου |2 τοῦ Θεοῦ Δηµητρίου.64 (Prayer of the servant of God Demetrios). His name is mentioned fourth in the dedicatory inscription. 7. On the right (west) side of the soffit of the arch, a female donor is depicted in three-quarter view to the left, raising her arms in supplication toward the patron saint (Fig. 53). Her attire is identical to the one worn by the female donor depicted fourth from the left on the blind arch (Fig. 28). Her identifying inscription has not survived. Judging from the display of the portraits, the three donors identified fully in the dedicatory inscription were the heads of the Kotzis, Melisourgos (correct spelling Melissourgos) and Sideres families respectively: they are all distinguished from the younger men by their beards, their full names are repeated in their identifying inscriptions, and they are accompanied by female portraits, probably representing their wives and daughters. This is certain in the case of the female accompanying Theotokis Kotzis on the north wall, since her name is stated as Anna Kotzena: the ending –ena (-αινα) of a male surname is used to identify his spouse.65 Demetrios, the fourth name in the dedicatory inscription, since he is mentioned immediately after Nikitas Sideres and his surname is not given, was probably a Sideres too. He is also portrayed with a beard and accompanied by a female, however he would not have been considered as the head of the family, a role which Nikitas, being apparently his father or elder brother, held. It is reasonable to assume that 63 Gerola 4 (1932), 454; PLP 5 (1981), 156 (no. 11481). Gerola had transcribed the inscription when it was still readable. The inscription is in two lines but because of the fading of the letters it is not obvious where the line changed. 64 Gerola 4 (1932), 454. 65 Triantafyllidi (1982), 198; Maltezou (1986b), 38. For the role of women and their position in the society of Venetian-dominated Crete: ibid., 37–40.

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since the portraits of the beardless men, young females and children are identified only with their first names, they belonged to the families with which they are grouped. In that case, the Theotokis family, occupying the whole blind arch on the north wall, is the largest with three young men, Georgios, Theodoros and Michael, a child, Manuel, and a young female. On the south wall the only child is depicted between the female on the east side of the soffit and Manuel Melisourgos, and is apparently their young daughter. The arrangement and grouping of the portraits in families, in combination with the dedicatory inscription suggests that each family contributed towards the building of the Archangel Michael church.66 Taking into consideration the similarities that the facial characteristics of the bearded men, the young male, and the female donors reveal when compared within their own genre, it is doubtful that the portraits were actually intended to capture the true likeness of the person depicted. According to Velmans, the lack of individualization characterizes Byzantine portraiture, though Kalopissi-Verti suggested that during the Palaiologan period there were attempts at realistic portraits,67 an opinion supported by the portraits of John Kantakouzenos (1347–1354) depicted as emperor and monk in the manuscript with his theological works (Par. gr. 1242, dated 1370–1375).68 At Kavalariana we do not have individualization of the donors’ portraits — a further indication that the Archangel Michael church displays elements characteristic of the pre-Palaiologan period, as detected in the iconography of its scenes.69 I have been unable to locate the family name Kotzis in a context outside that of the donors of the Kavalariana church; the name Theotokis, however, is attested on Crete as a surname.70 The family name Melisourgos (Melissourgos) is identified with that of Melissinos or Mellissinos,71 a name of

66 Based on the evidence of the inscriptions, there are examples where donors have sponsored one or more specific wall paintings (e.g. in the churches of Hagios Strategos at Mpoularioi in Mesa Mani, dated 1274/75, and of the Panagia Drosione at Mone on the island of Naxos, dated at the end of the thirteenth century, now in Pyrgos Glezou at Chora): Kalopissi-Verti (1992), 69–71 (no. 20a) and 90–91 (no. 39a and b) respectively. In this case their portraits are usually depicted close to their sponsored wall painting. 67 Velmans (1977), 59; Kalopissi-Verti (1992), 28. 68 Spatharakis (1976), 132–139, figs. 87, 89. For a colour reproduction: Byzance (1992), 461, fig. 355. 69 See chapter 2. 70 Mertzios (1949), 291. 71 Tsikritsi-Katsianaki (1981), 144.

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Byzantine origin and, according to the legend of the twelve archontopoula, the name of one of the families who came to Crete from Constantinople.72 A certain Michael Melisourgos with his wife Irene and their children were mentioned in the now-destroyed dedicatory inscription in the church of the Presentation of the Virgin at Fodele (prefecture of Herakleion), dated 1323,73 indicating that the surname was not confined within the prefecture of Chania. Two further donors, both bearing the name Georgios Melisourgos, are mentioned in the long inscription of the church of the Virgin at Zangaraliana, a village in the Kandanos area, dated to the fourteenth or fifteenth century.74 In a document dated 1323, concerning an agreement between the Doge John Superentio or Soranzo (1312–1327) and the Latin archbishop of Crete Alivrando, Sideres appears as a family name for five out of the one hundred and thirty Greek priests appointed by the archbishop.75 It seems that Sideres, like Melissourgos, was also a Greek family name. It is unfortunate that all the archival material concerning the Venetian period in the prefecture of Chania were destroyed when the city fell into the hands of the Ottoman Turks in 1645.76 The Notai di Candia Inventario Provvisorio kept in the Archivio di Stato di Venezia does not include a single listing for a notary from the Chania area. The Cancelleria Inferiore has two notaries from Canea, Marco Catalacci (for the year 1313) and Enrico da Montesella (for the period 1272–1276);77 unfortunately, in their scanty files there is not any documentation directly or indirectly linked with the Kavalariana donors. Therefore, it is impossible to know whether or not the donors of the Archangel Michael church were also the landowners of the estate or what was their status overall. However, based on the historical and artistic evidence of the period, we are entitled to make certain assumptions. During the Venetian occupation of Crete, the peasants, living at large in the countryside, continued to struggle and to starve, and faced imposed labor by the authorities, such as the fortification of buildings or — even

Ed. Spitael (1981), 188, 202, and 214. Lassithiotakis, (1951), 85; PLP 7 (1985), 200 (no. 17830). Fortunately the inscription was recorded before its desctruction. 74 Gerola 4 (1932), 455–456 (no. 29); PLP 7 (1985), 199 (nos. 17826 and 17827). 75 Spanakis (1959), 246, 249–250, 253 (nos. 63, 64), 254 (no. 79), 255 (nos. 105, 106). 76 Maltezou (1988), 157; Maltezou (1991), 41, note 35; Spitha-Pimpli (1998), 11. 77 Archivio di Stato di Venezia (1886), 318 (busta 31), and 358 (busta 107) respectively. 72 73

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worse — galley services.78 On the other hand, based on the historic evidence drawn from the treaties agreed after the various revolutions tackled by the Venetians in their long possession of the island,79 the elite was the recipient of considerable benefits. The interaction between Latins and Greeks at all levels of society cannot be denied; however, the native aristocrats were more likely than the peasants to appreciate and welcome the conditions of life under the Venetians, to accept them as rulers and to express this acceptance in a dedicatory inscription such as the one at Kavalariana. The possibility that the donors of the Archangel Michael church were members of the elite is supported by the presence of Manuel Melisourgos (Melissourgos), whose Byzantine-rooted family name was connected to Constantinopolitan aristocratic ascendancy. According to Kalopissi-Verti, when the name of a painter is mentioned in the dedicatory inscription, it is an implication that there is no gap between the social ranking of the painter, who was considered as a craftsman rather than an artist during the Palaiologan period, and the donors.80 In the parekklesion of the Chora Monastery, for example, completed at the end of 1320 or beginning of 1321,81 the name of the artist is not recorded along with that of the ktetor and high-ranking officer of his time, Theodore Metochites (ca. 1269–1332).82 Apart from the fact that the Kavalariana inscription does not record the full name if its painter, Kalopissi-Verti’s opinion should, nevertheless, be viewed with caution: although some of the examples she provides derive from fourteenth-century Crete, the society of the island during this period is not, strictly speaking, Byzantine. Furthermore, the wind of change regarding the (more elevated) status of the artist was already being felt in fourteenth-century western art, where artists such as, for example, Duccio and Simone Martini proudly signed their works (Duccio signed his Maestà, a panel painting preserved for the most part in the Opera del Duomo in Siena and dated 1308/11, while Martini signed the frescoed Maestà in the

Maltezou (1988), 147–150; Maltezou (1991), 41. I would like to thank Mr. Ph. Baroutsos for discussing this matter with me. 79 See chapter 1. 80 Kalopissi-Verti (1994), 145, 146, 150, 151; Kalopissi-Verti (1997), 142–145, 154– 155, 158–159. 81 Underwood 1 (1966), 15. 82 On whom: ODB 2 (1991), 1357–1358. On his writings: Bydén (2003). 78

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Palazzo Pubblico in Siena, dated 1315/21).83 With their signatures, Duccio and Martini were making a claim for their identity as artists as much as for their status as artists. With the close economic, social and cultural relations between Italy and Byzantium during the Palaiologan period, it was only natural that this change affected also the status of contemporary Byzantine painters: for example the inscription of the church of Christ at Veroia, dated 1315, informs us without any signs of the frequently-encountered Byzantine modesty (i.e. “sinner”) that its painter Kalliergis is ‘the best painter in the whole of Thessaly’.84 And since, as we have seen, by the fourteenth century the native Cretans were certainly far from oblivious to western lifestyle and culture, there can be little doubt that Cretan painters embraced this change too, the impact of which was fully felt during the fifteenth-century with the emergence of painters such as Angelos and his apprentices.85 At the same time it should be remembered that although Kavalariana is a collective donation, it only involved three families, who must have had enough money between them for the erection of the their church, and not the whole of the village or countless donors, as, for example, did the construction of the churches of Hagios Georgios at Anydroi, of Hagios Nikolaos at Maza, and of the Virgin at Kakodiki.86 Metochites may have omitted the name of the artist in his dedicatory inscription in the Chora Monastery, however a comparison between the distinguished and well-known Byzantine official and the obscure Kavalariana donors reveals the same attitude of both sets of donors towards their sponsored edifice: apart from stating their names in the respective dedicatory inscriptions, they both placed their portraits in prominent positions within the church (Metochites above the entrance of the inner narthex,87 83 Duccio: White (1993), 289, 290, fig. 172; ed. Norman (1995), vol. I, 63–66, plate 57, vol. II, 55–81; Martini: Castris (1989), 24–29; White (1993), 349, 350, fig. 207; Norman (1999), 48–58, fig. 54 (on 49). 84 “…ὅλης Θετταλίας ἄριστος ζωγράφος…” Pelekanides (1973), 7. Although present day Veroia belongs to the Greek province of Macedonia rather than that of Thessaly, in the fourteenth-century the name Thessaly was used to denote the area of Macedonia: ibid., 9 and note 1. 85 Lymberopoulou (forthcoming c) with bibliography. 86 See chapter 3. For the inscriptions that record the donors in the churches of the Pagomenos group, it seems that there was neither a particular plan nor an apparent order, alphabetical or other, that was followed. Names were thrown in or piled up, individuals mentioned next to families, priests mentioned next to widows. 87 Underwood 2 (1966), 26, pl. 3.

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the Kavalariana donors in the centre of their church), and they are both dressed according to the fashion of their time and place (Metochites wears the skiadion and the kabbadion,88 while the garments of some of the Kavalariana donors, as we shall see, reveal a taste for their contemporary western fashion). In other words, both sides fulfilled their ambitions and their hopes for the salvation of their soul according to their financial capacities. The Kavalariana donors, depicted full-length and with the patron saint only in a bust form, acquire a distinguished placement within the edifice just like the kneeling Metochites who is depicted to the left of the full-scaled enthroned Christ. The Kavalariana portraits accord with the tendency which, according to Velmans, is apparent in particular in the art of the provinces since the late thirteenth century, which reverses the proportions between the donor and the patron saint by ascribing to the former the dominant size while diminishing the visual presence of the latter.89 On the other hand, at the Chora, Metochites remained faithful to the tradition, and his portrait follows in the steps of depictions such as the late ninth or early tenth-century mosaic of Basil I (867–886) or Leo VI (886–912) in the lunette above the Imperial Door in Hagia Sophia,90 which he may have been emulating. The garments of the male donors, both bearded and unbearded, reveal the diversity of the clothing of the time, while those worn by the female and younger members of the families (i.e. children) do not show, within their own gender, substantial differentiation, which is, actually, typical in female clothing in the Byzantine context.91 Starting with the different types of the male clothing, Kotzis’ outfit is the simplest: he wears a white hypokamison underneath a long, brick-red garment (Fig. 29; fourth from the left on the north blind arch). During the Byzantine period, the hypokamison was a sort of a long, body-length shirt worn directly on the flesh, underneath the other layers of clothing by both male and female,92 as is also the case for all the Kavalariana donors, including the children. Apparel similar to Kotzis’, with colour differentiations, appears in the portraits of other male donors in fourteenth-century Cretan churches as, for example, in the churches of the Virgin at Alikampos, and at Tsevremiana, Kandanos, of Hagios Ioannes at

Underwood 1 (1966), 42. Velmans (1977), 79–81. 90 Velmans (1977), 80. For the mosaic: Cormack (1989), pl. VIII, fig. 5. 91 Brubaker (1996). 92 Koukoules (1954), 11–12; Mylopotamitaki (1986), 49. 88 89

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Diskouri, Mylopotamos, and of Hagios Georgios at Karines, Amari.93 The progress in tailoring during the fourteenth century introduced in Renaissance Italian clothing the use of buttons for fastening;94 as the fit got tighter in male wardrobes, they started to be used on gowns.95 Buttons can actually be seen in the attire of the donors Georgios (Fig. 50) and Michael (Fig. 51) and, possibly, on the sleeves of Theodoros (Fig. 29; fifth from the left on the north blind arch) and Demetrios (Fig. 28; fifth from the left on the south blind arch). The two-coloured garments worn by all the aforementioned donors are known as ‘Particoloured’ or ‘Mi-Partie’: Georgios’ and Demetrios’ are brick-red on the upper left and bottom right and white on the upper right and bottom left, while for the remaining two the colour combination is the opposite.96 This outfit, judging from the surviving examples of the fourteenth century, is directly linked with western fashion: in the Duomo at Trento, in the fresco depicting a scene from the story of Saint Giulano, the saint wears a garment which is white on one side and black on the other;97 in the chapel of Saint Martin at Assisi, painted by Simone Martini in 1315/17, in the fresco depicting Saint Martin knighted, one of the musicians in the background to the right, wears a garment which is checkered green and white on the left and green on the right side.98 A western influence is also apparent in the clothing of the remaining two male donors, since garments, especially with horizontal stripes, reflect the habit worn by the Catholic monastic order, the Carmelites.99 Diagonal stripes on the garments, as worn by Manuel Melisourgos (Melissourgos) (Fig. 28; second from the left on the south blind arch), and by the donor depicted to the left of Saint Nicholas’ portrait in the homonymous church at Maza, dated 1325/26 (Fig. 121), can be seen on three figures in the church of the Dominicans at Bolzano, in one of the frescoes narrating the life of Saint Nicholas;100 diagonal stripes also decorate the hat of the soldier standing behind Saint Martin in the scene

Gerola 2 (1908), pl. 8, fig. 2, pl. 10, fig. 2, pl. 11, fig. 2, pl. 13, fig. 1 respectively. Herald (1981), 210. 95 Levi Pisetzky (1964), 37–46. 96 Mylopotamitaki (1986), 50; Maderakis (1988), 42. 97 Morassi (1934), 247, fig. 151, 248, fig. 152, and 249, fig. 153 respectively. 98 Castris (1989), 37. 99 The Carmelites habit consisted of alternating black and white horizontal stripes, as seen, for example, in the Carmine altarpiece, painted by Pietro Lorenzetti: Frugoni (1988), 10, fig. 8, and 11, fig. 10. 100 Morassi (1934), 194, fig. 109, and 196, fig. 111 respectively. 93 94

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depicting the Renouncing of his Weapons in the aforementioned chapel, painted by Martini.101 Finally, the horizontal stripes that decorate the garment of Nikitas Sideres (Fig. 28; third from the left on the south blind arch), can also be found on western painting, such as, for example, in the frescoes in Castel Roncolo at Bolzano,102 in the Chapel of Saint Martin at Assisi, in the altarpiece of the Blessed Agostino Novello, painted also by Simone Martini, and dated 1325/28,103 and in one of Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s panel paintings depicting the Madonna and Child.104 The taste for western garments, apparent in the male donors of the Kavalariana church, was widespread among the Greeks in Venetian-dominated Crete.105 The dressmakers in the capital of the island, Candia, created clothes according to the western fashion for their clients, while from the fifteenth century onwards wealthy women ordered their garments directly from Venice.106 The ‘Mi-Partie’ garments were particularly popular in male wardrobes between the fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries.107 The presentable and fashionable outfits of the Kavalariana donors also points to their placement within their local elite, since the peasants were usually dressed poorly.108 A further and final point, in regards to the taste for western garments of the male Kavalariana donors, should be raised: ‘Mi-Partie’ clothing, in western tradition, often contains heraldic colours, the use of which was very common in western, but unfamiliar in Byzantine art.109 A prominent example of heraldic colours in western clothing is the equestrian portrait of Guidoriccio de Fogliano in Simone Martini’s fourteenth-century fresco in the Palazzo Pubblico in Siena.110 Heraldic colours were worn by people of social standing, who had their private coats-of-arms, like Guidoriccio, and

Castris (1989), 38. Morassi (1934), 300, fig. 182. 103 Castris (1989), 37, and 101–102 respectively. 104 Frugoni (1988), fig. 48 on 39. 105 Maltezou (1986a), 140. 106 Maltezou (1986a), 140–141. 107 Mylopotamitaki (1986), 50. 108 Mylopotamitaki (1986), 48. For the price of fabrics in Crete during the fifteenth century: Maltezou (1986a), 140, note 8. 109 I would like to thank Dr. Rembrandt Duits for bringing this point to my attention and discussing it in detail with me. 110 Polzer (1983), esp. 108–110. 101 102

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also by people of military rank, people belonging to the court of an aristocrat (e.g. servants), or by people who associated themselves to an aristocrat.111 Based on the red and white colour combination seen in most of their garments, the possibility that the local upper class Kavalariana donors belonged to the latter category, not only cannot be excluded, but seems quite likely: red and white were also the colours in the coats-of-arms of the Venetian Gradenigo family,112 a member of which, Marino, built in 1282 the castle of the province where the village of Kavalariana is situated.113 The clothing of the female donors, on the other hand, follows the Byzantine fashion for women, which consisted of the hypokamison, the kamision, a long dress, white in the case of our donors, and a mantle,114 brick-red at Kavalariana (Figs. 28, 29, 50, 52, 53).115 Brooches, used here to fasten their mantles, appear to have been common to all the territories of Christendom.116 The white turban that covers their hair was, according to Byzantine tradition, a sign of the woman’s virtue and of her submission to her husband.117 Although commonplace among the Byzantines, it was, nevertheless, originally a loan from their Armenian, Georgian and Islamic neighbours.118 However, fourteenth-century Cretan examples that depict females with uncovered heads exist (e.g. the donor in the church of the Virgin at Logari, Kritsa),119 and we know that from the mid-fifteenth century onwards the women left their hair loose.120 In any case, young girls and female children did not use a head-cover,121 as is demonstrated by the child on the south blind arch (Fig. 28; first from the left), and by the young female on the north blind arch (Figs. 29, 50; first from the left). Many portraits of female donors in contemporary Cretan churches demonstrate that the outfit of the Kavalariana women, with colour differentiations, was popular among the female

Levi Pisetzky (1964), 157–158. Morando di Custoza (1979), tav. CLXXIII, nos. 1551–1555. 113 See chapter 1 and supra in this chapter (I. Inscription). 114 Koukoules (1954), 16–17. 115 Mylopotamitaki (1986), 49. 116 Lightbown (1992), 43–44. Brooches were certainly used to fasten female mantles in the West, either in front or at the left shoulder: Levi Pisetzky (1964), 140. 117 Mylopotamitaki (1986), 50. 118 Ed. Evans (2004), 62, no. 32. 119 Gerola 2 (1908), pl. 15, fig. 2. See also Mylopotamitaki (1986), 50, fig. 9. 120 Mylopotamitaki (1986), 50. 121 Mylopotamitaki (1986), 50. 111 112

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population of the period, (e.g. at Alikampos, dated 1315/16,122 and all the female donors at Kakodiki, dated 1331/32) (Figs. 83, 126, 128). Finally, the depiction of the young girl on the north wall (Figs. 29, 50; first from the left) is poorly preserved, but it seems that she wears a white mantle with orange hem on top of a white dress, in other words an outfit similar in its components to those worn by the rest of the women. The assumption that she is a young member of the family, apart from her uncovered hair, may further be supported by the white colour of her clothes, since the attire of the remaining two children (Figs. 28, 29) is also white, and consists of a hypokamison and a different garment on top. The church of the Archangel Michael at Kavalariana and its Venetophile inscription were paid for by three families, two of which, according to the evidence, were certainly Greek. Although there is no concrete evidence for the status of the donors, the historic information suggests that they belonged to the local nobility, the class that was the major beneficiary of general Venetian policy on Crete. The western outfits of the male donors demonstrate the taste in fashion of their time and partly reflect the ongoing cultural fusion between the Greeks and the Latins. The possibility that their garments also point to Venetian heraldic colours, offers further support to the cultural fusion and mutual acceptance between the two ethnicities. It should be noted, however, that not only it is one of the very few visual western elements incorporated in the edifice, but it is also secular. The Byzantine character of the religious imagery of the Archangel Michael church, as we have seen, is unquestionable, and based on the information we have concerning religious affairs on the island,123 is not in conflict with the interaction between the two cultures.

122 123

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Gerola 2 (1908), pl. 8, fig. 2. See chapter 1 and supra in this chapter.

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5 Conclusions

T

HE church of the Archangel Michael at Kavalariana is one of the small churches found by the hundreds on Crete. According to its dedicatory inscription, it was built and decorated by members of the native population in 1327/28, during the Venetian domination of the island (1211–1669). Although, strictly speaking, Venetian Crete is not a Byzantine society, churches such as the one at Kavalariana, built by and for an Orthodox congregation, are usually considered part of Byzantine (i.e. Palaiologan) art. Although the date 1327/28, provided by its dedicatory inscription, places the iconographic programme within the art of the Palaiologan period, the majority of the scenes display elements characteristic of the pre-Palaiologan era. However, rather than solely concluding that this provides confirmation of the general rule that the artistic developments of major centres, Constantinople and Thessaloniki in our case, required a certain period of time before reaching the provinces of the Empire, it may also be an indication that fourteenth-century Cretan patrons and artists had developed different artistic preferences, which can be explained by the different political and historical circumstances that characterize the Venetian domination of the island. The dedication of the church to the Archangel Michael, along with a number of iconographic elements — such as, for example, the inclusion of the Lamentation in combination with the absence of the Nativity scene, and the representation of a military saint, Prokopios, as a martyr — suggest that the edifice was the intended burial place for its donors. The Kavalariana programme’s sequence of the festival cycle has bilateral symmetry as the guiding iconographic principle. This sequence gives a prominent place in the centre of the church (Plan 3a, zone IV, 10) to the Anastasis, the focus of the Orthodox Church and liturgy, which, since it consists a manifestation of the salvation and the resurrection of the people, sup-

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ports further the suggestion that the Archangel Michael church was meant to be a funerary chapel. It would seem, thus, that the Kavalariana iconographic programme followed a careful plan, based on bilateral symmetry and probably required by its donors that ensured the grouping between related scenes and related isolated figures and also made them a (prominent) part of the Archangel Michael iconographic ensemble. But more importantly, this unusually orchestrated programme succeeded in ensuring the central placement for the three main focal points that its donors and creators apparently had in mind: themselves, their chosen protector, and the Anastasis. Furthermore, this careful planning of the iconographic programme, excludes the possibility that the omission of such an important scene, like the Nativity, was an ‘accident’ (i.e. the artist either forgot to include it or realized too late that there was no space for it). It is highly possible that this omission is rather connected to the funerary character of the church of the Archangel Michael: the Nativity, like the Annunciation, present in the church, manifests the Incarnation of Christ.1 The donors were, apparently, more concerned with the lament over their dead bodies (Threnos) and the redemption of their immortal souls (Anastasis, Archangel Michael); they might have thought, therefore, that the “message” of Christ’s Incarnation in their edifice was sufficiently represented by the Annunciation. The sophistication of the iconographic lay-out, created by the donors, is, however, in contrast with the less than top quality nature of the wall paintings, executed by the painter, whose identity has never before been questioned: the wall painting decoration of the church of the Archangel Michael was attributed to the prolific Cretan painter Ioannes Pagomenos, based on the first name of the Kavalariana artist, Ioannes, that appears in the dedicatory inscription. However, the different overall impression between the Archangel Michael church and the churches that bear the full signature of Pagomenos, and especially between our church and that of Hagios Nikolaos at Maza that was completed just one year before the Kavalariana programme (1325/26), made necessary a detailed stylistic analysis in order to reject the identification of Ioannes of Kavalariana as Pagomenos. Although in recent years stylistic analysis for the purposes of dating or the revelation of the involvement of artistic hands has been confronted by some scholars with skepticism, style is always a part of the ‘nature’ of the object/building, and in

1

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See chapter 2 (note 604).

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our case a stylistic analysis was unavoidable from the moment the question about the painter’s identity was raised. The analysis helped to detect differences between the Archangel Michael church and the Pagomenos group, evident particularly, and apart from the different overall impression, in the bodies of the saints in horseback, well-proportioned at Kavalariana but disproportionate at Anydroi, Maza, and Kakodiki, and in the simple architectural background seen at Kavalariana which contrasts with the more complex one found at Anydroi and at Maza. This stylistic discord was confirmed by a paleographical analysis that revealed substantial differences especially between the wording and the orthography of the Kavalariana inscription and those of the Pagomenos group. The fact that reasonable doubt has been raised concerning the painter of the Archangel Michael church – instead of the known Pagomenos the ‘anonymous’ Ioannes of Kavalariana – does not diminish the importance of the monument: the similarities and dissimilarities which the detailed stylistic analysis revealed between Kavalariana and the Pagomenos group testifies to the awareness of the Cretan painters about each other’s works. Furthermore, the Kavalariana church, along with other dated monuments on the island, can provide the background for the chronological placement for the undated churches on Crete. Another important body of evidence is provided by the unique Venetophile dedicatory inscription of the Archangel Michael church. This inscription, when placed against the historical context of the period, attests that the cultural fusion between the two ethnically and culturally different groups of its inhabitants, the Venetian Catholics and the Cretan Orthodox, had started well before the fall of Constantinople in 1453. The Kavalariana dedicatory inscription is an important witness to the unquestionable interaction between the two groups, apparent especially in the upper levels of society, which was maturing in Crete and was already established by the fourteenth century. Closely connected to this inscription are the donors of the Archangel Michael church, the fourteen portraits of whom consist a part of the iconographic programme of their edifice. Three families were involved in the construction of the building, two of which were with certainty Greek. One of these family names, Melisourgos (Melissourgos), not only has Byzantine roots but it is also connected to Constantinopolitan aristocratic ascendancy. This, in combination with the donors’ outfits, especially those worn by the male donors that reveal a taste for expensive and fashionable western gar-

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ments, support the suggestion that the families who paid for the erection of the Archangel Michael church were members of the local aristocracy. The Venetophile inscription and the western outfits of the male donors are the only positive western elements within the edifice. Regardless of the fact that by the fourteenth century western influences can be detected in Cretan Orthodox churches, the ‘Byzantine’ character of the wall painting decoration of the Archangel Michael church does not contradict the social interaction between Latin Catholics and Greek Orthodox: religiously, it was the Venetians rather than the natives who ‘surrendered’, as exemplified by the chosen patron saint of the island, Saint Titos, and the adoption of the cult of the Virgin Mesopantitissa. * * * * The Kavalariana monument is an important link in the chain of social developments on Venetian-dominated Crete before the fall of the Byzantine Empire. Its donors and its ‘unique’ Venetophile inscription reflect the historic and social circumstances that characterize the fourteenth-century Venetian ‘reality’ on the island. And since the edifice itself can no longer be a part of Pagomenos’ artistic career, it proves that the identity of the monument is more important than the identity of its artist for our understanding of the era within which it was created. The church of the Archangel Michael at Kavalariana demonstrates that fourteenth-century Palaiologan art has multiple expressions that reflect the regional preferences of the patrons and donors, which are the result of social and historic circumstances of the specific place where this art was produced, a fact which, when disregarded, can lead to a distorted picture of the art of the Palaiologan era.

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Acknowledgements

T

HERE are not enough words to express my gratitude to the supervisor of my Ph.D thesis, on which the present book is based, Dr. Leslie Brubaker, who over the course of this research became a dear friend, a confidant and a counselor. I was privileged to have an incredible scholar and human being as my supervisor and my friend. I would also like to thank Prof. Maria Vassilaki, my former tutor at the University of Crete, for her encouragement and advice over the years. She was also the one who brought me in contact with Dr. Brubaker, because, in the former’s words “I believe that your personalities will match”. I would also like to thank Dr. Liz James and Prof. Michael Kaufmann for their encouragement and valuable comments on my draft and Ms Julian Chrysostomides and Dr. Charalambos Dendrinos for their priceless help with the paleography of the monuments and documents. I am indebted to the 13th and 28th Eforeies of Byzantine Antiquities of Crete for allowing me to pursue my research on the church of the Archangel Michael at Kavalariana; to the University of Birmingham, Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies for covering my fees during my studies and for its welcoming, comfortable and friendly environment; to the Bakala Foundation for awarding me a thirty-six month scholarship and for their understanding and encouragement over this period; to the Istituto Ellenico di Studi Byzantini e Postbyzantini di Venezia, for accommodating me during my research in the Venetian archives, and to the Warburg Institute for becoming my ‘second home’ over the years. I am grateful for the generous sponsorship of the Hellenic Foundation, of the London Hellenic Society, of Mr. George Andrea Lemos and of my present employer, the Open University, which allowed the inclusion of colour illustrations in this book. On a more personal level I would like to thank my dearest Dr. Rembrandt Duits for helping me and supporting me in every way, and my dear friends Mr. Peter Jennett, Dr. Martina Schilling, Dr. Anna Williams, and my

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cousins Frau Dr. Chrysoula Loupis, and Mr. Zannis Giouzelis for enduring my (constant) moaning. Special thanks to Mr. Diogenis Papadopoulos for providing excellent quality slides of the monument and to Mr. Miltiades Klonizakis for his hard work on the architectural drawings and maps. Last, but by no means least, I would like to thank my parents Konstantinos Lymperopoulos and Eleutheria Lymperopoulou, to whom this book is dedicated: without their devoted love, unquestionable understanding and financial support, none of this would have been possible.

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Index Abel: 83, 86 Ablabios: 127 n. 622 Abraham: 19, 21, 23, 25, 26, 27, 33, 38 n. 96, 126, 153, 154, 158 Account of Eusebios of Caesarea: 117 Acts of the apostles: 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 46, 47 Adam: 83, 84, 85, 86, 154, 156 adventus: 67 n. 272 Agiostefanites, revolution of: 6 Aigina, Omorfi Ekklisia: 122, 167 Akotantos, Angelos, painter: 186 n. 140 Alexios IV Angelos, emperor: 4 Alexios II Komnenos, emperor: 6 n. 13, 116 n. 561, 201 n. 35 Alivrando, Latin archbishop of Crete: 210 Amageremos, Georgios, donor: 175 Amageremos, Georgios, donor, family: 175 Amagerep(tos), Leon, donor: 175 Amagereptos, Nikolas, donor: 178 Amagereptos, Nikolas, donor, family of: 178 Anastasia Farmakolytria, St: 119 n. 578, 141, 142, 171, 175 Anastasis of Christ (Harrowing of Hell): 59, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87 n. 396, 397 and 398, 88, 89, 90, 91, 95 n. 434, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 128, 148, 149, 150,

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153, 154, 156, 158, 189, 190, 192, 218, 219 Anastasis of Christ, reliquary cross of: 85, 86 n. 394 Anastasios I, emperor: 47 anaxyrides: 103, 107, 113, 122 Andrew, apostle: 36 Andronikos II Palaiologos, emperor: 195, 196, 197 Andronikos IV Palaiologos, emperor: 196 Angel smiting the Assyrians before Jerusalem: 190 Angelos, painter: 212 Anifatou, Erine, donor: 175 Anifatou, Erine, donor, family of: 175 Anikitos, St: 121 Anna of Moscow, empress: 198 n. 18 Anna, prophetess: 50, 51, 52 Anna, St: 131, 156 Annunciation of the Virgin: 19, 23, 27, 28, 30, 31 n. 58 and 60, 32, 46, 122, 123, 125 n. 604, 126, 132 n. 18, 149, 150, 151, 152 n. 39, 153, 154, 156, 157 n. 51, 158, 190, 192, 219 Annunciation of St Anne: 192 Anthimos, brother of Sts Anargyroi: 110 antiphonon: 42 Antonios, St: 21 n. 7

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254 Apocryphal gospel of Nicodemus: 54 n. 202, 64, 69, 75, 76, 78, 81, 83, 85 n. 382, 87 n. 396 apostle, unidentified: 65, 67 Archangel Gabriel: 27, 28 n. 40, 29, 30, 46, 100, 101, 102 n. 472, 111, 149, 150, 151, 153, 154, 156, 157 n. 51, 190 Archangel Michael: 19, 21, 74, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 111, 121, 123, 124, 128, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 143, 151, 154, 157, 162, 163, 170, 190, 205, 206, 213, 219 Archangel Raphael: 19, 111, 128, 134, 136, 163, 170, 188, 189, 190, 192 Archippos, monk: 97, 98, 99 Archivio di Stato di Venezia: 11 n. 42, 210 archontopoula: 6, 116, 201, 210 Arilje, Saint Arilije, church of: 71, 168 Ascension of Christ: 19, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 123, 125, 132 n. 18, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154 n. 43, 156, 158, 162, 189 Assisi, Saint Francis, upper church of: 202 n. 43, 203 Assisi, Saint Martin, chapel of: 214, 215 Athanasios, St: 40, 41, 42 Athens, Daphni monastery: 55, 56, 62, 70 n. 299, 85, 87 Athos Pantokrator Cod. 61 (psalter): 58 Baldwin I, Latin ruler of Constantinople: 4 Baptism of Christ: 16, 20 n. 3, 31 n. 58, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57 n. 217, 58,

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59, 88, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 128, 149, 151, 152, 154, 158, 159 n. 55 Baptism of Christ, enkolpion of: 58 n. 223 Barbara, St: 175 Bartholomew, St: 203 Basil I, emperor: 213 Basil, St: 40, 41, 42, 43 Belting, H.: 133 Benedetto da Milano, notary: 11 Betrayal of Christ: 71, 72, 74, 75, 92 n. 415, 93, 123, 124, 126, 148, 158, 201 Birth of Saint Nicholas: 153 Birth of the Virgin: 156, 191 bishop, unidentified: 44, 45 Bissinger, M.: 129 n. 2, 132 n. 21 Blessed Agostino Novello, altarpiece: 215 Bolzano, Castel Roncolo: 215 Bolzano, Dominicans, church of: 214 Bon, Stefano, notary: 200 Boniface, Marquis de Montferrat: 4 Book of Joshua: 54, 94, 95, 96 Book of Kings: 54 Book of Romans: 54 Borboudakis, M.: 97 n. 441, 131 camerarii or camerlenghi: 5 Cancelleria Inferiore: 210 Cappadocia, Arabsun-Gülşehir, Karşi Kilise: 58 n. 226, 91 n. 411 Cappadocia, Bezirana Kilisesi: 38 n. 100 Cappadocia, Çavuşin, church of: 69 n. 285, 94 Cappadocia, Cemil, Hagios Stephanos, church of: 168 Cappadocia, Direkli Kilise: 168 Cappadocia, Göreme, Chapel 33: 168

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INDEX

Cappadocia, Göreme, Çarikli Kilise: 25, 26, 92 n. 413 and 414 Cappadocia, Göreme, Karanlik Kilise: 92 n. 413 and 414 Cappadocia, Göreme, Kiliçlar Kilisesi: 55, 77 n. 337, 78 n. 339 Cappadocia, Göreme, New Tokali Kilise: 88 n. 400 Cappadocia, Göreme, Saint Eustathios, chapel of: 51 n. 188 Cappadocia, Göreme, Yilanli Kilise: 156, 188 Cappadocia, Ihlara, Pürenli Seki Kilisesi: 91 n. 411 capitan grande: 5 Carinus, emperor: 109 Carmelites, Catholic monastic order: 214 Carmine altarpiece: 214 n. 99 Carrying of the Cross: 75, 76, 77, 78, 123, 124, 158, 201 castellani: 5, 204 Catalacci, Marco, notary: 210 catechumens, prayer of: 42 Cattapan, M.: 11 Chairete: 202 Chatzidakis, M.: 45, 129, 190 Cheroubikon: 42 Chios, Nea Moni: 34 n. 74, 36, 55, 56, 57, 58, 62, 63, 65, 70 n. 299, 72, 73, 84, 85, 87 n. 398, 183 Chortatsis, family: 7 Christ, Pantepoptes, icon of: 125 n. 601 Christ, Pantokrator: 19, 21, 22, 23, 43, 134, 135, 136, 142, 143, 144, 145, 148, 166, 179, 182 Christ taken to Jerusalem for Passover: 190 Chronicle of Niketas Choniates: 38 n. 98, 80 Cimabue: 202 n. 43

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255 Commentary of Prokopios of Gaza: 24 n. 19 Commentary of St John Crhysostom: 63 n. 255 Commentary of St Sophronios of Jerusalem: 33 n. 64 Commentary of St Theodore of Studios: 24 n. 19 Commentary of Theodore Prodromos: 24 n. 19 consiliarii: 5 Consilium Rogatorum Candide: 5 Constantine IX Monomachos, emperor: 183 Constantine the Great, St, emperor: 6 n. 13, 112, 115, 116, 117, 127, 139, 143, 173 n. 95, 201 n. 35 Constantinides, E. C.: 51, 57, 60, 61, 65, 70, 82 Constantinople, Chelone, Saint Prokopios, church of: 117 Constantinople, Chora monastery: 14, 28 n. 39, 84, 89, 93 n. 418, 104 n. 481, 173 n. 95, 174 n. 95, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 211, 212, 213 Constantinople, Dareiou, church of: 110 Constantinople, Deuteron, church of: 108, 114 Constantinople, Hagia Sophia, church of: 24 n. 23, 48, 50, 112, 115, 126, 173 n. 95, 213 Constantinople, Holy Apostles, church of: 61 n. 243, 115 Constantinople, Kondylion, Saint Prokopios, church of: 117 Constantinople, Kyrou, Virgin, church of: 47 Constantinople, Narsou, Saint Panteleemon, church of: 120 n. 583

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256 Constantinople, Pammakaristos monastery: 14, 56, 57 Constantinopole, Pantokrator monastery: 80, 104 Constantinople, Paulinou, Cosmas and Damian, church of: 110 Constantinople, Strategio, church of: 121 Constantinople, Vonou, church of: 115 Corrigan, K.: 25 n. 26, 87 n. 397, 93 Cosmas and Damian (Anargyroi), Sts: 109, 110, 111, 119, 120 n. 579, 124, 128 n. 623, 135, 187 Council, First Ecumenical: 114 Council, Fourth Ecumenical: 3 Council, Fourth of Toledo: 54, 125 Crete, Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, church of: 10, 20, 33, 64, 65, 66, 74, 85, 86, 115, 116 n. 557, 131, 133, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145 n. 31, 146, 147, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157 n. 52, 158, 159, 162, 164, 173, 176, 179 n. 112 and 113, 180 n. 118 and 121, 181 n. 123, 182, 213, 217 Crete, Anisaraki, Hagios, Georgios, church of: 116 Crete, Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, church of: 10, 13, 23, 33, 46, 47, 52, 60, 61, 62, 105, 108, 114, 119 n. 578, 128 n. 624, 129 n. 2, 131, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 150 n. 37, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159 n. 53 and 55, 161, 162, 163, 165, 166, 167, 174, 175, 179, 180, 181 n. 123, 182, 201 n. 38, 212, 220 Crete, Anydroi, Hagios Nikolaos, church of: 131, 163 n. 64

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Crete, Apano Symi, Hagios Georgios, church of: 39 Crete, Apostoloi, Hagios Georgios, church of: 93 Crete, Archanes, Archangel Michael (Asomatos), church of: 95, 98, 99, 100 Crete, Argyroupolis, Hagios Nikolaos, church of: 79 Crete, Artos, Hagios Georgios, church of: 77, 169 Crete, Astratigos, Archangel Michael, church of: 202, 203 n. 44 Crete, Avdou, Hagios Konstantinos, church of: 116, 197 Crete, Candia, San Salvatore, church of: 8 n. 25 Crete, Candia, Saint Titos, church of: 9 n. 32 Crete, Diskouri, Hagios Ioannes, church of: 213, 214 Crete, Doraki, Archangel Michael, church of: 196 Crete, Drys, Hagioi Apostoloi, church of: 203 Crete, Emparos, Hagios Georgios, church of: 197 Crete, Exo Mouliana, Hagios Georgios, church of: 197 Crete, Hagios Ioannes Messaras, Hagios Paulos, church of: 195 Crete, Hagios Vasileios, Hagios Ioannes Prodromos, church of: 195 Crete, Hodegetria monastery (Kainourgio): 148, 155 Crete, Kadros, Panagia, church of: 52 Crete, Kakodiki, Annunciation of the Virgin, church of: 10, 13, 29, 46, 47, 49, 127 n. 618, 132, 145, 146, 147, 148, 150 n. 37, 154, 155, 156, 157 n. 51 and 52, 158,

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INDEX

165, 166, 167, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181 n. 123, 182, 183, 212, 217, 220 Crete, Kalloni, Hagia Photeini, chapel of: 39 n. 102 Crete, Kalogerou, Hagios Ioannes church of: 46, 47 Crete, Kamiliana, Archangel Michael, church of: 95, 98 n. 448, 101 n. 464 Crete, Karines, Hagios Georgios, church of: 214 Crete, Komitades, Hagios Georgios, church of: 10, 33, 93, 128 n. 623, 130, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 144, 147, 150, 151, 152, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159 n. 53, 162, 163, 164, 165, 171, 172, 179 n. 112, 180, 181 n. 123, 182 Crete, Koudoumas, Hagios Ioannes, church of: 196 Crete, Kouneni, Archangel Michael, church of: 34, 40, 45, 76, 77, 78, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99, 101, 116, 155, 168, 192, 193 n. 174 Crete, Kouneni, Hagios Georgios, church of: 17 n. 74 Crete, Koustogerako, Virgin, church of: 101 n. 464 Crete, Kritsa, Hagios Ioannes Prodromos, church of: 24 n. 24 Crete, Kritsa, Panagia Kera, church of: 46, 202, 203 Crete, Logari, Virgin, church of: 216 Crete, Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, church of: 10, 22 n. 12, 25, 26, 28, 30, 46, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 58, 61, 62, 63, 68, 71, 72, 73, 76, 77, 78, 85, 86, 91, 116, 127, 128 n. 624, 130, 132, 133, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 152, 153,

Angeliki Index.indd 257

257 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 163, 165, 166, 167, 175, 176, 179, 180 n. 118 and 119, 181 n. 123, 182, 212, 214, 219, 220 Crete, Meskla, Transfiguration of Christ, church of: 80, 110 Crete, Moni, Hagios Nikolaos, church of: 10, 132, 147, 178 n. 108, 181 n. 123 Crete, Mountros, Hagios Nikolaos, church of: 110, 127 Crete, Pala monastery: 8 n. 25 Crete, Papagiannades, Virgin Eleousa, church of: 196 Crete, Phodele (Malebizi), Presentation of the Virgin, church of: 168, 210 Crete, Pigi, Hagios Nikolaos, church of: 127 Crete, Platsa, Hagios Nikolaos, church of: 36, 62 Crete, Plemeniana, Hagios Georgios, church of: 196 Crete, Prasses, Panagia, church of: 92 n. 414 Crete, Preveli, Hagia Photeini, church of: 50 Crete, Prines, Archangel Michael, church of: 95, 101 n. 464 Crete, Pyrgos, Saints George and Constantine, church of: 116 Crete, Roustika, Panagia and Sotiros Christou, church of: 203 Crete, Rustika, Panagia, church of: 73, 77 Crete, Sambas, Panagia, church of: 203 Crete, Sarakina, Archangel Michael, church of: 24 n. 24, 26, 95, 101 n. 464 Crete, Skafidia, Virgin, church of: 13,

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258 129, 147, 168, 183 Crete, Sklavopoula, Hagios Georgios, church of: 17 Crete, Skouloufia, Virgin, church of: 196 Crete, Thronos, Koimesis of the Virgin, church of: 80 Crete, Tsevremiana, church of: 213 Crete, Valsamonero monastery (Kainourjio): 203 Crete, Viannos, Hagia Pelagia, church of: 203 Crete, Zangaraliana, Virgin, church of: 210 Crete, Zouridi, Soter, church of: 79 Crossing of the Jordan with Joshua: 54 Crossing of the Red Sea: 54 Crucifixion of Christ: 16, 20, 77, 78, 124, 125 n. 604, 151, 152, 153, 157, 158, 159 n. 53 and 54, 201 Crucifixion of Christ, icon of: 125 n. 601 Crusade, Fourth: 4 Čučer, Saint Niketas, church of: 30, 52, 77, 120, 192 n. 171 Cyprus, Lagoudera, Panagia Arakou, church of: 40 Cyprus, Monagri, Archangel Michael monastery: 53 Cyprus, Perachorio, Holy Apostles, church of: 31 Cyprus, Paphos, Saint Neophytos, monastery: 77, 169 Cyril of Alexandria, St: 44 Cyril of Crete, St: 48, 49 Cyril of Jerusalem, St: 39 Dadianos, king: 114 David, prophet-king: 83, 86, 87, 88, 121, 122 deacon: 11, 19, 21, 26, 38 n. 98, 46,

Angeliki Index.indd 258

47, 48, 56, 105, 126, 135, 140 n. 29, 144, 146 Decius, emperor: 48 Deesis: 21 n. 7, 22 n. 12, 87 n. 398, 101, 143, 145, 148 Demetrios, donor: 171, 194, 204, 208, 214 Demetrios, St: 107, 108, 113, 117, 118, 119, 121, 124, 126, 127 n. 615, 136, 137, 138, 139, 141, 142, 161, 165, 187 Demetrios, St, miracle of: 166 n. 70 Demus, O.: 28 n. 40, 93 Description of Nicholas Mesarites: 61 n. 243 Didymus of Alexandria: 58 n. 225 Diocletian, emperor: 49, 110, 114, 117, 118, 121 Division of the Jordan by Elijah: 54 Dodekaorton, icon of: 16, 124 n. 601 donor, unidentified: 173, 178, 179, 205, 207, 208, 213, 217 Dormition of the Virgin: 20, 132 n. 18, 154 n. 43, 159 n. 54, 165, 189 duca: 5 Easter Homily: 54 Elasson, Panagia Olympiotissa, church of: 29, 51, 61, 65, 68, 71, 81, 92, 109, 112, 119, 122, 136 n. 28, 147 n. 32, 168, 189, 190 Eleutherios, St: 48, 49 Eleutherios, St, martyrion of: 49 Elijah, prophet: 54, 59, 61 Elpios the Roman: 41 n. 116, 122 Elsner, J.: 63 n. 255 Emmanouel, M.: 74 enchirion: 112 Enrico da Montesella: 210 Entombment of Christ: 78, 79, 80

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INDEX

Entry to Jericho: 68 Entry to Jerusalem (Palm Sunday): 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 83, 123, 124, 148, 149, 150, 151, 154, 158, 189, 192 Entry to Jerusalem, relief of: 67 epigonation: 112 n. 530 Epistle of Apostle Paul: 49 n. 178 epitrachelion: 112, 119 Euboia, Makrychori, Hagios Demetrios, church of: 33, 73, 75, 188, 189 Euboia, Oxylithos, Koimesis of the Virgin, church of: 33, 73, 86 Euboia, Pyrgi, Transfiguration, church of: 168, 191 Eucharist: 24, 26, 33, 39, 87 Euprepios, brother of Sts Anargyroi: 110 Eve: 83, 84, 86 Exelouriki, family, donors: 178 Exodus, book of: 54 Faropoulos, Manuel, donor: 172 Faropoulos, Manuel, donor, family of: 172 feudatarii or feudati: 5, 6 Folda, J.: 30 n. 53 Fourogiorges, Gerasimos, donor: 172, 173 Francesehi, Bartolomeo, notary: 12 Frantz, M. A.: 167 fresco technique: 13, 134 Gabelić, S.: 101, 102 n. 472 Gallas, K.: 97 n. 441 Genesis, book of: 23, 24 n. 18, 126 George, St: 108, 113, 114, 115, 117, 118, 119, 124, 126, 127, 130, 131, 135, 136 n. 28, 137, 138, 140, 142, 145, 146, 147 n. 32, 148, 150, 151, 153, 155, 157 n.

Angeliki Index.indd 259

259 52, 201 n. 38 George, St, icon of: 155, 165 Georgios, donor: 205, 206, 208, 209, 214 Georgios […], donor: 178 Gerardon, Kalinikos, donor: 178 Gerardon, Kalinikos, donor, family of: 178 Gerardon, Patzos, donor: 178 Gerola, G.: 3, 10, 11 n. 39, 16, 127 n. 615, 128 n. 627, 129, 172 n. 92, 207 n. 61 and 62, 208 n. 63 Gianakopoulos, Kostas, donor: 175 Giulano, St: 214 God the Father enthroned: 203 Gospel of evangelist John: 22, 32, 53, 54, 64, 66, 67, 68, 71, 72, 73 n. 313, 74, 75, 78, 79, 81, 89, 90 Gospel of evangelist Luke: 27, 31 n. 58, 32, 38, 39, 50, 53, 54, 58 n. 220, 59, 60, 62, 67, 68, 69, 71, 72, 73 n. 313, 74 n. 317, 75, 76, 77, 78 n. 340, 81 n. 363, 89, 90, 91, 125 Gospel of evangelist Mark: 32, 38, 39, 53, 56 n. 210, 58 n. 220, 59, 60, 67, 68, 71, 72, 73 n. 313, 75, 76, 77 n. 334, 78 n. 340, 81 n. 363, 89, 90, 91, 93 Gospel of evangelist Matthew: 38, 39, 53, 54, 56 n. 210, 58 n. 220, 59, 60, 62, 67, 68, 69, 71, 72, 73 n. 313, 75, 76, 77 n. 334, 78 n. 340, 81 n. 363, 89, 90, 91, 92, 125 Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew: 28, 50 n. 183 Gouma-Peterson, T.: 183 Grabar, A.: 100 Gračanica, Assumption of the Virgin monastery: 26 n. 33, 59 n. 227 Gradenigo, family: 216 Gradonico (Gradenigo) Marino, duke

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260 of Crete: 3, 200, 216 Gregory Palamas, St: 60 n. 234 Gregory Thaumatourgos, St: 31 n. 58 Gregory the Theologian (Nazianzenus), St: 40, 41, 42, 43, 146 guerra publica occurente: 8 Guido de Canale, duke of Crete: 8 n. 25 Guidoriccio de Fogliano, portrait of: 215 Hadermann-Misguich, L.: 30 n. 55, 43, 55, 68, 82, 61 n. 243 Helena, St: 115, 139, 143 Heleni Kantakouzeni, empress: 196 Hermineia of Dionysios of Fourna: 23 n. 14, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 47, 49, 52 n. 196, 83 n. 377, 91 n. 411, 98 n. 446, 106, 108, 109, 110, 117, 119, 122, 134 n. 24 Herod’s Feast: 202 Hetoimasia, icon of: 124 n. 601 hierarch: 19, 21, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 49, 92, 127, 134, 136, 137, 138, 140, 141 Holy Communion: 38, 39 Holy Spirit: 31 n. 58, 53, 58 n. 220 Holy Trinity: 24, 25 n. 2, 60, 125 Holy Women at the Tomb (Myrophoroi): 34, 72 n. 305, 74 n. 318, 77 n. 332, 89, 90, 96, 123, 124, 126, 149, 150, 151, 152, 154, 158, 161, 201, 202 n. 39 Homily of Pseudo-Epiphanius: 86 n. 393 Homily of St Basil: 57 n. 214 Homily of St John Chrysostom: 63 Hospitality of Abraham: 19, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 33, 38 n. 96, 126, 153, 154, 158 Hospitality of Abraham, icon of: 25 hypokamison: 205, 206, 207, 208,

Angeliki Index.indd 260

213, 216, 217 Hypomone (Helena Dragaš), empress, nun: 197 Incarnation, mystery of: 28, 31 n. 57, 34, 87, 122, 126, 219 Interpretation of the Holy Liturgy by Nicholas Kabasilas: 39 Invocation, prayer of: 26 Ioakeim, painter: 13, 129, 147, 183 Ioakeim, St: 131, 151, 191 Ioannes, donor: 178 Ioannes, painter: 3, 129, 130, 134, 149, 171, 179, 181, 182, 183, 184, 195, 219, 220 Ioannes Vatatzis, emperor: 7 Irenaeus, St: 87 n. 396 Irene Komnene, empress: 104 Irene (Yolanda of Montferrat), empress: 196 Irene, wife of Michael Melisourgos, donor: 210 Isaac II Angelos, emperor: 4 Isaiah, prophet: 88 n.400 Jacobi: 91 n. 411 Jacoby, D.: 199 n. 24 James, L.: 60 Jerusalem, Holy Sepulchre, church of: 68 Joachim’s offering rejected: 191 Joanna: 90 John Chrysostom, St: 40, 41, 43 John Eleemon, St: 44, 45 John, evangelist: 36, 59, 62, 78, 79, 81, 82, 88 n. 400, 190 John of Damascus, St (hymnographer): 33, 34 John Kantakouzenos, emperor: 209 John II Komnenos, emperor: 104 John the Baptist (Forerunner), St: 22 n. 12, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58 n. 220,

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INDEX

83, 87, 88, 95 n. 434, 125 n. 606, 202 John the Baptist (Forerunner), St, icon of: 16, 87 n. 397 John V Palaiologos, emperor: 196 John VIII Palaiologos, emperor: 197, 198 John (Xenos) the Hermit, St: 106, 128, 137, 142, 189 Joseph of Arimathaia, St: 78, 81 Joseph: 31 n. 57, 50, 51, 52, 53, 190 Joseph taking leave of the Virgin: 190 Joseph taking the Virgin to his House: 190 Joseph the Hymnographer: 113 n. 538 Joshua: 54, 94, 95, 96, 98, 103, 123, 149, 157, 161 Joshua and the Archangel Michael: 94, 95, 96, 98, 103, 123, 124, 149, 157, 161 Journey of the Magi: 93 n. 418 Judas: 71, 72, 74, 93 Justinian I, emperor: 173 n. 95 kabbadion, garment: 213 Kalamaris, Michael, donor: 178 Kalamaris, Nikitas, donor: 178 Kalamaris, Nikitas, donor, family of: 178 Kalinikos the monk, donor: 172 Kallergi, family: 7 n. 18 Kallergis, Alexios: 7, 201 Kallergis, Alexios, revolution of: 7, 201 Kallergis, Alexios, treaty: 7, 10 n. 37 Kallergis, Georgios: 201 Kalliergis, painter: 212 Kalogeros, Achladis, donor: 178 Kalokyris, K.: 10, 13, 21 n. 7, 46, 129, 182, 183 Kalopissi-Verti, S.: 25 n. 26, 34 n. 73,

Angeliki Index.indd 261

261 100 n. 462, 102, 170 n. 85, 209, 211 Kalos, donor: 175 Kalos, donor, family of: 175 Kamisas, Michalis, donor: 175 Kartsonis, A. D.: 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 125 Kastoria, Hagios Athanasios Mouzaki, church of: 71, 77 Kastoria, Hagios Nikolaos Kasnitzi, church of: 30 Kastoria, Hagios Nikolaos Magaleiou, church of: 76, 77, 78 Kastoria, Hagios Stephanos, church of: 51, 110 Kastoria, Panagia Koumpelidiki, church of: 156 Kastoria, Taxiarches Metropoleos, church of: 38, 76, 77 Katechesis of St Cyril of Jerusalem: 58 n. 225, 60 n. 229 Katerine, donor: 208 Khludov Psalter: 58, 79, 84 n. 378 Kipro[…], Stefanos, donor: 178 Kitzinger, E.: 28 n. 41 Kopeton, Georgios, donor: 178 Kopeton, Georgios, donor, family of: 178 Kotzena, Anna, donor: 205, 208 Kotzis, family: 208, 209 Kotzis, Theotokis, donor: 171, 194, 204, 206, 208 Kouka, donor: 178 Kouka, donor, family of: 178 Koukomaris, Georgios, donor: 178 Kranidi, Hagia Triada, church of: 25, 26, 102 n. 472 Kurbinovo, Saint George, church of: 28, 29, 30, 33, 35, 36, 38 n. 98, 41, 42 n. 121, 123 and 125, 43, 53, 55, 65, 70 n. 297, 79 n. 348, 91, 109, 110, 115, 116 n. 557,

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262 119, 120 n. 579, 191 Lafontaine-Dosogne, J.: 28 n. 39 Lafragis, Michael, donor: 178 Lamentation (Threnos): 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 123, 124, 148, 149, 153 n. 42, 158, 159, 160, 183, 191, 218, 219 Lamentation, ivory of: 79 Lassithiotakis C. E.: 16, 17, 97 n. 441, 105, 127 n. 615, 128 n. 627, 160 n. 60, 165, 197 n. 13 Last Judgement: 189 Last Supper: 191, 202 Lazarus, St: 16, 54, 63, 64, 65, 66, 123, 124, 125, 126, 158 Leo VI, emperor: 37, 213 Leon, brother of Sts Anargyroi: 110 Leonardus, Latin Patriarch of Constantinople: 8 n. 25 Lesnovo, Holy Archangels, church of: 76, 77 Leviticus, book of: 52 n. 19 Life of St John (Xenos) the Hermit: 46 n. 150 Liturgy of St Basil: 41 n. 118, 42 n. 120, 123, 124, 125 and 126, 43 n. 128 Liturgy of St John Chrysostom: 26, 37, 38, 39, 42 n. 122 Lorenzetti, Ambrogio, painter: 215 Lorenzetti, Pietro, painter: 214 n. 99 London Brit. Lib. Add. 15268 (Histoire Universelle): 96 n. 439 London Brit. Lib. Add. 19352 (Theodore Psalter): 25 n. 26 loros: 98, 101, 102, 103 n. 473, 115 Louginos, Kostas, donor: 175 Louginos, Kostas, donor, family of: 175 Luke, evangelist: 9 Lydda, Saint George, church of: 114

Angeliki Index.indd 262

Maderakis, S. N.: 13 Madonna and Child, painting: 215 Maestà: 211 Maguire, H.: 51 n. 188, 67 n. 272, 81, 82, 127 Makrikokalos, Ioannes, donor: 175 Makrikokalos, Ioannes, donor, family of: 175 Malchus, servant: 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 123, 126 Maltezou, C. A.: 178 n. 106 Mamos, Georgios, donor: 175 Mamos, Georgios, donor, family of: 175 Mandylion: 158, 166 Mani, Megali Kastania, Hagios Ioannes Prodromos, church of: 109 Manuel, donor: 206, 209 Manuel I Komnenos, emperor: 80 Manuel II Palaiologos, emperor: 196, 197 maphorion: 105, 118 Maria Komnene, empress: 198 Marina, St: 118, 128, 143, 162, 177, 178 Martha, sister of St Lazarus: 64, 66, 75 n. 324 Martha the nun, donor: 173, 174, 176, 177 Martin, St: 214 Martini, Duccio, painter: 211, 212 Martini, Simone, painter: 211, 214, 215 Mary Magdalene, St: 32, 75 n. 324, 79, 82, 89, 90, 91 n. 411 Mary, mother of James: 89, 90 Mary, sister of St Lazarus: 64 Matthew, evangelist: 36, 63 n. 255, 189 Mavromatis, Georgios, donor: 176

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INDEX

Maximian, emperor: 110 Meditations of Pseudo-Bonaventura: 79, 91 n. 411 Megara, Alepochori, Sotiras, church of: 29, 35, 36, 41, 114 Melismos: 19, 21, 37, 38, 39, 43, 45, 123, 131, 132 n. 18, 141, 154 n. 43, 158 Melisourgos, family: 208, 209, 210 Melisourgos, Georgios, donor: 210 Melisourgos, Manuel, donor: 171, 194, 204, 207, 209, 211, 214 Melisourgos, Michael, donor: 210 Melissinos, family: 6, 7, 209 Menaion of September: 99 Menas, St: 156 Menologion, icon of: 99 Menologion of Symeon Metaphrastes: 45, 97, 99, 108, 120 n. 581, 122 Mercurios, St: 117 Meropoulos, Georgios, donor: 175 Meropoulos, Georgios, donor, family of: 175 Meropoulos, Pougis, donor: 175 Meropoulos, Pougis, donor, family of: 175 Mesa Mani, Mpoularioi, Hagios Strategos, church of: 209 n. 66 Metochites, Theodore, donor: 104, 174 n. 95, 184, 193, 211, 212, 213 Michael, donor: 206, 209, 214 Michael, As[….], donor: 173 Michael, As[….], donor, family of: 173 Michael, priest, donor: 176 Michael IX Palaiologos, emperor: 196 Michael VIII Palaiologos, emperor: 7 Mileševo, church of: 72, 92 n. 414 milites: 5 Miljković-Pepek, P.: 187 n. 147 Millet, G.: 29, 31 n. 58 and 60, 55,

Angeliki Index.indd 263

263 57, 76, 77 Milutin, king of Serbia: 183 Mi-Partie, garments: 214, 215 Miracle at Cana: 189 Miracle at Chonai: 19 n. 2, 97, 98 n. 448, 100, 101 n. 463, 103, 123, 124, 157 Miracle at Chonai, Kerularios cross: 98, 99 Miracle at Chonai, icon of: 98, 99, 100 Miracle at Chonai, miniature of: 99 Miraculous Draught of Fishes: 156 Mistra, Metropoli: 119, 120 n. 579 Moses, prophet: 59, 61, 94 Moses, prophet, miniature of: 61 motif, decorative, abstract: 161, 163, 166, 167 motif, decorative, fleur-de-lys: 165, 167 motif, decorative, floral: 107, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165 n. 67 and 68, 166, 167 motif, decorative, floral and geometric: 165, 166 motif, decorative, geometric: 161, 162, 163, 164, 165 n. 67, 166, 167, 168, 169 motif, decorative, vermiculated arabesque: 22, 166 Mount Athos, Chilandari monastery: 70, 191 Mount Athos, Protaton monastery: 51, 52, 156, 190, 191, 192 n. 171 Mount Athos, Stavronikita monastery: 156 Mount Athos, Vatopedi monastery: 25 Mount Sinai, Saint Catherine monastery: 60, 61, 63, 98, 99, 112 Mouriki, D.: 24, 25, 26, 29 n. 45,

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264 34 n. 74, 56, 57 n. 216, 60, 61 n. 239, 62, 67 n. 274, 69, 84 n. 381, 85, 90, 92, 114, 120 n. 583, 184, 185 Nativity of Christ: 20, 158, 159, 160, 183, 218, 219 Naxos, Mone, Panagia Drosione, church of: 209 Nerezi, Saint Panteleemon, church of: 53 n. 196, 81 Nestor, priest, donor: 175 Nicholas (?), donor: 176, 177 Nicholas, St: 42, 111, 112, 113, 127, 132, 134, 136, 143, 145, 148, 153, 157 n. 52, 165, 166, 176, 214 Nicholas, St, cult of: 113 n. 538 Nicholas, St, icon of: 112 Nicholas, St, relics of: 112 Nicodemus: 78 n. 340, 79, 81, 82 Nikephoros Phokas, emperor: 10, 116 n. 561 Nikephoros, protopapas, donor: 178 Nikephoros, protopapas, family of: 178 Nomikos, Ioannes, priest, donor: 178, 179 Nomikos, Ioannes, priest, donor, family of: 178 Notai di Candia Inventario Provisorio: 210 Ochtokefalos, Nikolas, donor: 178 Ohrid, Hagia Sophia, church of: 25, 156 Ohrid, Saint Clement, church of: 70, 72, 77, 82, 168 Oikonomou, S.: 106 n. 493 Old Testament: 19, 21, 23, 54 omophorion: 43, 44, 48, 112 orarion: 105

Angeliki Index.indd 264

Origen, theologian: 94 n. 422 Pagomeno, Marcus: 10 n. 37 Pagomeno, Nicolas: 10 n. 37 Pagomenos, Athanasios: 12 Pagomenos, family: 13 Pagomenos, Georgios: 12 Pagomenos, Ioannes, painter: 3, 4, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 137, 139, 143, 147, 151, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158 n. 4, 159, 160, 169, 172, 173, 175, 176, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 219, 220, 221 Pagomenos, Stamates: 12 Pagomenos, Yani: 12 Pallas, D. I. : 106 n. 488 Panteleemon, St : 119, 120, 128, 137 Papadopoulos, Georgios, donor: 175 Papadopoulos, Georgios, donor, family of: 175 Papadopoulos, Ioannes, donor: 175 Papadopoulos, Ioannes, donor, wife and children of: 175 Papadopoulos, Kalos, donor: 175 Papadopoulos, Kalos, donor, family of: 175 Papadopoulos, Kapadokes, donor: 175 Papadopoulos, Kapadokes, donor, family of: 175 Papadopoulos, Nikolaos, donor: 178 Papadopoulos, Thodoros, donor: 175 Papadopoulos, Thodoros, donor, family of: 175 Paraskevi, St: 145, 177 Paris gr. 54 (Gospel): 62, 72, 73, Paris gr. 510 (Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus): 61, 89 n. 405, 95, 96 Paris gr. 543 (Homilies of Gregory

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INDEX

Nazianzenus): 89 n. 405 Paris Bibliothèque de l’ Arsenal cod. 5211 (Arsenal Bible): 61 n. 246, 96 n. 439 Partzalis, Nikolaos, donor: 178 Paschal I, pope: 51 n. 184, 53 Passion Gospels, Acts of Pilate: 90 n. 406 Passover: 54 n. 202 Paul, apostle: 35, 36, 49, 189 pedites: 5 Peers, G.: 101 Pelagia of Thodororakopoulos, donor: 175 Pelekanidis S.: 15, 104 n. 482 Peloponnese, Geraki, Taxiarches, church of: 95, 96, 98 n. 448 Pentateuch: 61 Pentecostarion: 35 Peter, Apostle: 36, 59, 62, 65, 67, 71, 72, 73, 153, 189 Peter, Apostle, icon of: 185 phailonion: 43, 48, 112 Philip, Apostle: 36 Phokida, Hosios Loukas monastery: 50, 51, 52 n. 192 and 196, 55, 56, 84, 85, 94 Photios, St: 120, 121, 128, 135, 136, 137, 189 Pilate: 81 Polykarpos, St: 16, 20, 48, 49, 136, 188 Praxis de Stratelatis: 127 prependoulia: 115 Presentation of Christ in the Temple: 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 124, 125, 153, 158, 161, 191 Presentation of the Virgin in the Temple: 21 n. 7, 151, 152, 191, 210 Prilep, church of: 76, 77 Prizren, Bogorodica Ljeviska, church

Angeliki Index.indd 265

265 of: 57 n. 219, 58 n. 226 Prokopios, St: 117, 118, 121, 123, 135, 218 Prophecy of Jeremiah: 69 n. 287 prophet, unidentified: 20, 121 Proskomidi, prayer of: 43 Proskomidi, rite of: 127 Prothesis, prayer of: 26, 41 Protoevangelion of James: 28, 31 Pseudo-Dionysios: 60 Psilakis, N.: 197 n. 12 Psychostasia: 104 n. 479 pteryges: 103, 107, 113 Raising of Lazarus: 16, 54, 63, 64, 65, 66, 123, 124, 125, 126, 158 Raising of Lazarus, ivory of: 126 Raising of the Daughter of Jairus: 190, 191 Raptis, Kostatinos, donor: 176 Raptopoulos, Ioannes, donor: 178 Raptopoulos, Michael, donor: 178 Raptopoulos, Michael, donor, family of: 178 Ravenna, baptistery of the Orthodox: 57 n. 217 Réau, L.: 69 n. 287 Refutatio Cretae, treaty: 4 rettori: 5 rhipidia: 38 Rohland, J. P.: 105 n. 483 Romanos, St: 46, 47, 126, 135, 140 n. 29, 142, 144 Rome, Lucina, crypt of (Callixtus Catacomb): 59 n. 228 Rome, Santa Maria Antiqua, church of: 85, 87 n. 398 Rome, Santa Maria Maggiore, church of: 31 n. 58 Rossano Gospel: 64, 65, 69, 70 n. 296

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266 Saint George before the Governor: 153, 201 n.38 Saint Martin Renouncing of his Weapons: 214, 215 saint, unidentified: 20, 119 n. 578, 135, 136, 142, 146 Salivaras, Andreas, donor: 178 Salome: 75 n.324, 79, 89, 91 n. 411 Sarah: 23, 25, 26, 27, 126 Sarakinopoulos, Demetrios, donor: 176 Sarakinopoulos, Kostatinos, donor: 176 Schiller, G.: 60, 91 n. 411 Schwartz, E. C.: 89 n. 405 secco technique: 13 n. 54 Sergios and Bacchos, Sts: 117 Sermon of George of Nikomedeia: 79, 81 Sermon of St Cyril of Jerusalem: 38 Sermon of St Gregory the Theologian (Nazianzenus): 57 n. 214 Sermon of St John Chrysostom: 37, 57 n. 214 Sermon of St Sophronios of Jerusalem: 57 n. 214 Sermon of St Theodore Stoudios: 100 Sermon of Theophanes Kerameus: 76 Sermon of Symeon Metaphrastes: 79 Ševčenko, I.: 181 Sgourogianes, donor: 178 Sgourogianes, donor, family of: 178 Sgouros, Ioannes, Sgourogianes, donor: 178 Sicily, Cefalù, cathedral: 22, 23 Sicily, Monreale, cathedral: 22 Sicily, Palermo, Cappella Palatina: 22 Sideres, family: 208, 210 Sideres, Nikitas, donor: 171, 194, 204, 207, 208, 215 Siena, Opera del Duomo: 211 Siena, Palazzo Pubblico: 212, 215

Angeliki Index.indd 266

Simon of Cerene, St: 75, 76, 77, 78 Skatalis, Gianitzis, donor: 175 Skatalis, Gianitzis, donor, family of: 175 skiadion, garment: 213 Skordilis, family: 6, 7 Skordilis, Fimis, donor: 172 Skordilis, Georgios, donor: 175 Skordilis, Georgios, donor, family of: 175 Skordilis, Manuel, donor: 172, 173 Skordilis, Manuel, donor, family of: 172 Skordilis, Mousogianis, donor: 178 Sofia of Montferrat, empress: 198 Solomon, prophet-king: 83, 86, 87, 121, 122 Sophia, St: 105, 106, 128, 135, 137, 138, 141, 161, 174 Sophronios, patriarch of Jerusalem: 45 Sopoćani, Holy Trinity, church of: 30, 92 n. 414 Sotiriou, M. G.: 62, 79 n. 345 Spatharakis, I.: 20 n. 3, 24 n. 24, 48 n. 168, 110 n. 523, 203 n. 48 Staro Nagoričino, Saint George, church of: 45, 72, 73, 74, 75, 91 n. 411, 92 n. 414, 191, 192 n. 171 Stefanades, family, donors: 178 Stephen Protomartyr, St: 46, 47, 140 n. 29 sticharion: 46, 48, 112 Stratigis, Alexis, donor: 175 Stratigis, Alexis, donor, family of: 175 Studenica, Sts Joachim and Anna, church of: 156, 190 Sucrow, A.: 4, 10, 13 n. 54, 20 n. 6, 41 n. 112 and 114, 97 n. 441, 111 n. 526, 128 n. 623, 130, 131, 132 n. 21, 147, 152 n. 39, 158 n. 1,

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INDEX

2 and 3, 159 n. 53 and 55, 175 n. 101, 176 n. 104, 180 Superentio or Soranzo, John, doge: 210 Symeon, St: 50, 51 n. 188, 52, 53 Synaxarion of Constantinople: 47, 49, 94, 106, 111, 118, 120 n. 583, 122, 126 Synaxis of the Asomatoi: 19 n.2, 98, 100, 101, 102 n. 472, 103, 111, 124, 128, 157 tainia: 102, 103 Theodore Stratelates, St: 117, 136 n. 28 Theodore Tiron, St: 117 Theodoret of Cyrrhus: 24 n. 20 Theodoros, donor: 206, 209, 214 Theodosius, emperor: 116 n. 561 Theodoti, mother of Sts Anargyroi: 110 Theon[…], donor: 173 Theon[…], donor, family of: 173 Theotokis, family: 209 Therianos, Georgios, donor: 178 Thessaloniki, Hagios Nikolaos Orphanos, church of: 31, 41, 42, 45, 51, 52, 65, 66, 72, 73, 74, 80, 81, 82, 119, 120 n. 579 Thessaloniki, Holy Apostles, church of: 68, 70, 189, 190 Thierry, N.: 112 n. 530 Thlouvos, Ioannes, donor: 175 Thomas, Apostle: 36, 64, 65 Thrace, Feres, Panagia Kosmosoteira monastery: 91 Thronum Gratiae (Throne of Mercy): 203 Titos, St, patron of Crete: 9, 16, 20, 48, 49, 50, 136, 138, 188, 204, 221 Titos, St, rebellion: 7, 8, 199, 204

Angeliki Index.indd 267

267 Transfiguration of Christ: 31 n. 58, 59, 60, 61 n. 243, 63, 123, 124, 125, 128, 152, 153, 158, 168, 190, 191 Trento, Duomo: 214 Trisagion: 42 Tsitouridou, A.: 73 Tzinaropoli, Anna, donor: 172 Tzinaropoli, Anna, donor, family of: 172 Underwood, P. A.: 104 n. 481, 114, 115 Vaptakas, Marinos, donor: 178 Vasilaki-Karakatsani, A.: 160 Vat. Barberinianus gr. 372 (Barberini Psalter): 58 n. 224 Vat. gr. 1162 (Homilies of James of Kokkinobaphos): 31 n. 59 Vat. gr. 1613 (Menologion of Basil II): 95, 97, 99, 100 n. 460, 109, 181 Vat. pal. gr. 431 (Joshua Roll): 96 Veljousa, Virgin Eleousa, church of: 100 n. 462 Velmans, T.: 209, 213 Venetian archives: 11 Venice, San Marco, church of: 24 Venice, Torcello, Santa Maria Assunta, cathedral of: 101 Venieris, painter: 132 n. 21, 147 Veroia, Christos (Anastasis), church of: 28, 29, 30, 35, 40, 41, 42, 51, 52, 64, 65, 66, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 80, 81, 82, 109, 191, 192, 212 Virgin and Child enthroned: 140, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 173 n. 95, 174, 177, 178 Virgin, Hodegetria, icon of: 9, 124 n. 601 Virgin, Mesopanditissa, cult of: 221 Virgin, Mesopanditissa, icon of: 9,

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268 204 Virgin, Pafsolype, icon of: 124 n. 601 Virgin receiving the Skein of Purple Wool: 190 Vlasios, St: 44 Vlastoudena, Kale, donor: 172 Vlastoudena, Kale, donor, family of: 172

Xyngopoulos, A.: 33, 84 n. 378, 99, 110, 188 Young, S. H.: 14 n. 58, 189 n. 158 Ysagias of Marina, monk, donor: 175 Zacchaeus: 69 Zaoutzes, Stylianos, patron: 37 Zica, Redeemer, church of: 168, 189

Walter, C.: 118, 120, 121 Washing of the feet: 191 Weitzmann, K.: 52, 63, 79 n. 345, 81 n. 360, 84 n. 378 Wessel, K.: 97 n. 441

Angeliki Index.indd 268

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List of Illustrations Maps 1. 2.

Western part of Crete (prefectures of Chania and Rethymnon). Eastern part of Crete (prefectures of Herakleion and Lassithi).

Plans 1. 2. 3. 3a. 3b.

Ground plan with measurements of both the original and modern structures. Plan of the modern west façade. Plan with the location of the wall paintings. Plan of the north wall. Plan of the south wall.

Figures 1. 2. 3. 4. 4a. 5. 6. 7.

Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, west façade. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, north wall, external view. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, south wall, external view. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, internal view (from the west). Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, internal view (from the west). Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Christ Pantokrator. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Hospitality of Abraham. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Gabriel of the Annunciation. 7a. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Virgin of the Annunciation.

Angeliki List of Plates.indd 269

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270

8. 8a. 8b. 8c. 9. 9a. 9b. 10. 10a. 10b. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 24a. 25. 26.

Angeliki List of Plates.indd 270

Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Ascension. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Christ of the Ascension with angels. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Ascension, north side. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Ascension, south side. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Melismos (Officiating Hierarchs). Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Saints Basil and Athanasios, detail. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Saints John Chrysostom and Gregory, detail. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, four Hierarchs in medallions. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Saints Vlasios and Cyril of Alexandria. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Saints unidentified and John Eleemon. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, deacon Stephen. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, deacon Romanos. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Saints Polykarpos and Eleutherios. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Saints Cyril of Crete and Titos. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Presentation in the Temple. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Baptism. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Transfiguration. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Raising of Lazarus. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Entry into Jerusalem. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Betrayal. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Carrying of the Cross. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Lamentation. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Anastasis. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Holy Women at the Tomb. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Holy Women at the Tomb, detail, angel. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Joshua and the Archangel Michael. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Miracle at Chonai.

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271

27. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Synaxis of the Asomatoi. 28. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Inscription, Archangels Michael and Raphael, Donors. 29. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Archangel Michael, Donors. 30. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Archangel Michael. 31. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Sophia, and decorative pattern (Abstract). 32. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint John (Xenos) the Hermit, and decorative pattern (F1). 33. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Demetrios, and decorative patterns (F1 and G1). 33a. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Demetrios, detail, and decorative pattern (G1). 34. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Cosmas, and decorative pattern (G2). 35. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Damian, and decorative pattern (G2). 36. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Nicholas. 37. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint George, and decorative pattern (G1). 38. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Constantine. 39. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saints Prokopios and Marina. 40. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Panteleemon, and decorative pattern (F2). 41. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Photios. 42. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, King Solomon and unidentified Prophet. 43. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, King David and Daniel. 44. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, unidentified Saints male and female. 45. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, unidentified female Saint. 46. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, unidentified female Saint. 47. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, decorative pattern (F1). 48. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, decorative pattern (F2). 49. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, decorative pattern (G3). 50. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, donor Georgios, unidentified female donor and Anna Kotzena. 51. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, donor Michael.

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272

52. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, unidentified female donor. 53. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, unidentified female donor, and decorative pattern (F2). 54. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, sanctuary, Ascension, detail, and decorative pattern (Kavalariana F2). 55. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Crucifixion. 56. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Anastasis. 57. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Holy Women at the Tomb. 58. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saint George killing the dragon. 59. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, sanctuary, Saints Vlasios and Titos. 60. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Archangel Michael, and decorative pattern (Kavalariana G1). 61. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saint Sophia. 62. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saints Demetrios and Theodore (?), detail. 62a. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saints Demetrios and Theodore (?), detail. 63. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saint George. 64. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, decorative pattern (Abstract). 65. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, decorative patterns (to the right F1, to the left F3). 66. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, decorative pattern (F2) and donors. 67. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, decorative pattern (F4). 68. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, inscription. 69. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, sanctuary, Ascension, Christ. 69a. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, sanctuary, Ascension, north side. 69b. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, sanctuary, Ascension, south side. 70. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, Presentation of the Virgin. 71. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, Raising of Lazarus. 72. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, Betrayal. 73. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, Crucifixion. 74. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, Anastasis. 75. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, military saints on horseback. 76. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, Archangel Michael. 77. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, Virgin and Child enthroned.

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273

78. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, Christ enthroned. 79. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, sanctuary, decorative pattern (Kavalariana G1). 80. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, sanctuary, decorative pattern (F1). 81. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, decorative pattern (G1). 82. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, inscription and donors, detail. 82a. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, inscription and donors, detail. 83. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, female donor, detail. 84. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, Presentation of Christ, and decorative pattern (Kavalariana G2). 85. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, Transfiguration. 86. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saint George killing the dragon. 87. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saint George before the Governor. 88. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, sanctuary, Christ Pantokrator. 89. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, sanctuary, deacon Romanos. 90. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saints Anastasia (left), Demetrios (middle), and unidentified female (right). 90a. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saint Demetrios, detail, bird on the shield. 91. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saint George. 92. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, decorative pattern (Kavalariana F1). 93. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, decorative pattern (Kavalariana F2). 94. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, decorative pattern (Kavalariana G2). 95. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, decorative pattern (F+G, and Kavalariana G2). 96. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, inscription. 97. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Hospitality of Abraham. 98. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Presentation of Christ, and decorative pattern (Kavalariana Abstract). 99. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Baptism. 100. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Transfiguration. 101. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Entry into Jerusalem.

Angeliki List of Plates.indd 273

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274

102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 122a. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129.

Angeliki List of Plates.indd 274

Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Betrayal. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Crucifixion. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Anastasis. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Holy Women at the Tomb, and decorative pattern (Kavalariana Abstract). Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Birth of Saint Nicholas (right). Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, sanctuary, Christ Pantokrator. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, sanctuary, deacon. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, military saints on horseback, and decorative pattern (Kavalariana F1). Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Virgin and Child enthroned. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, two male saints. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Saint Marina, and decorative patterns (Kavalariana F2, G1 and Anydroi F+G). Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, female saint. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, decorative pattern (Kavalariana G3). Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, decorative pattern (Anydroi F+G). Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, decorative pattern (Birds). Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, decorative pattern (Vermiculated) and Saint Nicholas, detail. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, decorative pattern (G1). Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, decorative pattern (G2). Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, inscription. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, male donor, detail. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, sanctuary, Gabriel of the Annunciation. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, sanctuary, Virgin of the Annunciation. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, sanctuary, Saint Gregory the Theologian. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, sanctuary, hierarchs. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, sanctuary, deacons. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, nave, Saint George and female donor. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, nave, Saint Paraskevi. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, nave, Virgin and Child enthroned and donors. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, nave, decorative pattern (Anydroi

04/11/2022 19:35:19

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142.

Angeliki List of Plates.indd 275

275

F+G). Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, nave, decorative pattern (G1). Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, nave, decorative pattern (G2). Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, nave, inscription. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Saint Helen holding the True Cross (detail) and female saint. Prodromi, church of the Virgin, nave, decorative pattern (Kavalariana G2). Moni, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Saint Nicholas. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, Parekklesion, dome, fourth angel. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, Parekklesion, Anastasis. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, Parekklesion, the Last Judgment, the Scroll of Heaven. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, Parekklesion, Saint Demetrios. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, inner narthex, Joachim’s Offering rejected. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, inner narthex, the Virgin receiving the Wool. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, inner narthex, Joseph taking the Virgin to his House.

04/11/2022 19:35:19

Angeliki Plates.indd 30

04/11/2022 19:24:14

MAPS and Plans

277

1. Western part of Crete (prefectures of Chania and Rethymnon).

2. Eastern part of Crete (prefectures of Herakleion and Lassithi).

Angeliki Plans.indd 277

19/01/2007 04:43:45

1. Ground plan with measurements of both the original and modern structures.

278

Angeliki Plans.indd 278

19/01/2007 04:43:46

MAPS and Plans

279

2. Plan of the modern west façade.

Angeliki Plans.indd 279

19/01/2007 04:43:47

3a. Plan of the north wall.

280

Angeliki Plans.indd 280

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281

MAPS and Plans

Zone II B1 Saint Polykarpos B2 Saint Eleutherios B3 Deacon Stephen B4 Saint Athanasios B5 Saint Basil B6 Melismos B7 Saint John Chrysostom B8 Saint Gregory Nazianzenus Ba Saint Vlasios Bb Saint Cyril of Alexandria Bc Bishop Bd Saint John Eleemon B9 Deacon Romanos B10 Saint Cyril of Crete B11 Saint Titos 12 Saint Panteleemon 13 Female Saint 14 Saint Constantine

15 Archangel Michael 15a Donors 16 Archangel Raphael 16a Inscription 17 Saint John (Xenos) the Hermit 18 Saint Demetrios on Horseback 19 Female Saint 20 Saint Sophia 21 Saint George on Horseback killing the dragon 22 Saint Photios 23 Archangel Michael 23a Donors 24 Saint Nicholas 25 Saint Cosmas 26 Archangel Michael 27 Saint Damian

Zone III

Zone IV

1a Archangel Gabriel of the Annunciation 1b The Virgin of the Annunciation 2 The Ascension of Christ 3 The Baptism of Christ 4 Daniel 5 The Betrayal 6 Female Saint 7a The Synaxis of the Asomatoi 7b The Miracle at Chonai 8 Joshua and the Archangel Michael 9 Saint Marina 10 The Holy Women at the Tomb 11 Prophet 12 The Raising of Lazarus

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

The Hospitality of Abraham The Ascension of Christ The Presentation in the Temple King David The Entry into Jerusalem Male Saint The Carrying of the Cross The Lamentation Saint Prokopios The Anastasis King Solomon The Transfiguration of Christ

3. Plan with the location of the wall paintings (based on Sucrow [1994], plan 5a and b, with corrections and additions).

Angeliki Plans.indd 281

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3b. Plan of the south wall.

282

Angeliki Plans.indd 282

19/01/2007 04:43:50

Plates

283

1. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, west façade. 2. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, north wall, external view.

Angeliki Plates.indd 283

19/01/2007 04:50:37

284

3. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, south wall, external view.

4. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, internal view (from the west).

Angeliki Plates.indd 284

19/01/2007 04:50:37

Plates

285

4a. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, internal view (from the west).

5. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Christ Pantokrator.

Angeliki Plates.indd 285

19/01/2007 04:50:38

286

6. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Hospitality of Abraham.

7. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Gabriel of the Annunciation.

Angeliki Plates.indd 286

19/01/2007 04:50:38

Plates

287

7a. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Virgin of the Annunciation.

8. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Ascension.

Angeliki Plates.indd 287

19/01/2007 04:50:38

288

8a. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Christ of the Ascension with angels.

8b. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Ascension, north side.

Angeliki Plates.indd 288

19/01/2007 04:50:39

Plates

289

8c. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Ascension, south side.

9. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Melismos (Officiating Hierarchs).

Angeliki Plates.indd 289

19/01/2007 04:50:39

290

9a. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Saints Basil and Athanasios, detail. 9b. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Saints John Chrysostom and Gregory, detail.

Angeliki Plates.indd 290

19/01/2007 04:50:40

Plates

291

10. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, four Hierarchs in medallions. 10a. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Saints Vlasios and Cyril of Alexandria.

Angeliki Plates.indd 291

19/01/2007 04:50:40

292

10b. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Saints unidentified and John Eleemon.

11. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, deacon Stephen.

Angeliki Plates.indd 292

19/01/2007 04:50:40

12. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, deacon Romanos.

13. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Saints Polykarpos and Eleutherios.

Plates

Angeliki Plates.indd 293

293

19/01/2007 04:50:41

14. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Saints Cyril of Crete and Titos.

15. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Presentation in the Temple.

294

Angeliki Plates.indd 294

19/01/2007 04:50:41

Plates

295

16. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Baptism. 17. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Transfiguration.

Angeliki Plates.indd 295

19/01/2007 04:50:42

296

18. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Raising of Lazarus.

19. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Entry into Jerusalem.

Angeliki Plates.indd 296

19/01/2007 04:50:42

Plates

297

20. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Betrayal. 21. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Carrying of the Cross.

Angeliki Plates.indd 297

19/01/2007 04:50:43

298

22. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Lamentation. 23. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Anastasis.

Angeliki Plates.indd 298

19/01/2007 04:50:43

Plates

299

24. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Holy Women at the Tomb.

24a. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Holy Women at the Tomb, angel, detail.

Angeliki Plates.indd 299

19/01/2007 04:50:43

300

25. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Joshua and the Archangel Michael.

26. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Miracle at Chonai.

Angeliki Plates.indd 300

19/01/2007 04:50:44

27. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Synaxis of the Asomatoi.

28. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Inscription, Archangels Michael and Raphael, Donors.

Plates

Angeliki Plates.indd 301

301

19/01/2007 04:50:44

29. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Archangel Michael, Donors.

30. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Archangel Michael.

302

Angeliki Plates.indd 302

19/01/2007 04:50:45

31. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Sophia, and decorative pattern (Abstract).

32. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint John (Xenos) the Hermit, and decorative pattern (F1).

Plates

Angeliki Plates.indd 303

303

19/01/2007 04:50:45

33. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Demetrios, and decorative patterns (F1 and G1).

33a. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Demetrios, detail, and decorative pattern (G1).

304

Angeliki Plates.indd 304

19/01/2007 04:50:45

34. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Cosmas, and decorative pattern (G2).

35. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Damian, and decorative pattern (G2).

Plates

Angeliki Plates.indd 305

305

19/01/2007 04:50:46

36. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Nicholas.

37. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint George, and decorative pattern (G1).

306

Angeliki Plates.indd 306

19/01/2007 04:50:46

38. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Constantine.

39. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saints Prokopios and Marina.

Plates

Angeliki Plates.indd 307

307

19/01/2007 04:50:47

40. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Panteleemon, and decorative pattern (F2).

41. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Photios.

308

Angeliki Plates.indd 308

19/01/2007 04:50:47

42. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, King Solomon and unidentified Prophet.

43. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, King David and Daniel.

Plates

Angeliki Plates.indd 309

309

19/01/2007 04:50:47

44. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, unidentified Saints male and female.

45. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, unidentified female Saint.

310

Angeliki Plates.indd 310

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46. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, unidentified female Saint.

47. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, decorative pattern (F1).

Plates

Angeliki Plates.indd 311

311

19/01/2007 04:50:48

48. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, decorative pattern (F2).

49. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, decorative pattern (G3).

312

Angeliki Plates.indd 312

19/01/2007 04:50:48

50. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, donor Georgios, unidentified female donor and Anna Kotzena.

51. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, donor Michael.

Plates

Angeliki Plates.indd 313

313

19/01/2007 04:50:49

52. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, unidentified female donor.

53. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, unidentified female donor, and decorative pattern (F2)..

314

Angeliki Plates.indd 314

19/01/2007 04:50:49

Plates

315

54. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, sanctuary, Ascension, detail, and decorative pattern (Kavalariana F2). 55. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Crucifixion.

Angeliki Plates.indd 315

19/01/2007 04:50:50

316

56. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Anastasis.

57. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Holy Women at the Tomb.

Angeliki Plates.indd 316

19/01/2007 04:50:50

Plates

317

58. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saint George killing the dragon. 59. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, sanctuary, Saints Vlasios and Titos.

Angeliki Plates.indd 317

19/01/2007 04:50:51

Angeliki Plates.indd 318

60. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Archangel Michael, and decorative pattern (Kavalariana G1).

61. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saint Sophia.

318

19/01/2007 04:50:51

Plates

319

62. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saints Demetrios and Theodore (?), detail. 62a. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saints Demetrios and Theodore (?), detail.

Angeliki Plates.indd 319

19/01/2007 04:50:51

320

63. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saint George. 64. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, decorative pattern (Abstract).

Angeliki Plates.indd 320

19/01/2007 04:50:52

Plates

321

65. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, decorative patterns (to the right F1, to the left F3). 66. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, decorative pattern (F2) and donors.

Angeliki Plates.indd 321

19/01/2007 04:50:52

322

67. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, decorative pattern (F4). 68. Komitades, Hagios Georgios, nave, inscription.

Angeliki Plates.indd 322

19/01/2007 04:50:53

Plates

323

69. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, sanctuary, Ascension, Christ. 69a. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, sanctuary, Ascension, north side.

Angeliki Plates.indd 323

19/01/2007 04:50:54

324

69b. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, sanctuary, Ascension, south side. 70. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, Presentation of the Virgin.

Angeliki Plates.indd 324

19/01/2007 04:50:55

Plates

325

71. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, Raising of Lazarus. 72. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, Betrayal.

Angeliki Plates.indd 325

19/01/2007 04:50:55

326

73. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, Crucifixion. 74. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, Anastasis.

Angeliki Plates.indd 326

19/01/2007 04:50:56

Plates

327

75. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, military saints on horseback. 76. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, Archangel Michael.

Angeliki Plates.indd 327

19/01/2007 04:50:57

77. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, Virgin and Child enthroned.

78. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, Christ enthroned.

328

Angeliki Plates.indd 328

19/01/2007 04:50:57

Plates

329

79. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, sanctuary, decorative pattern (Kavalariana G1).

80. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, sanctuary, decorative pattern (F1).

Angeliki Plates.indd 329

19/01/2007 04:50:57

81. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, decorative pattern (G1).

82. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, inscription and donors, detail.

330

Angeliki Plates.indd 330

19/01/2007 04:50:58

Plates

331

82a. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, inscription and donors, detail.

83. Alikampos, Koimesis of the Virgin, nave, female donor, detail.

Angeliki Plates.indd 331

19/01/2007 04:50:58

332

84. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, Presentation of Christ, and decorative pattern (Kavalariana G2). 85. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, Transfiguration.

Angeliki Plates.indd 332

19/01/2007 04:50:59

Plates

333

86. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saint George killing the dragon. 87. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saint George before the Governor.

Angeliki Plates.indd 333

19/01/2007 04:50:59

334

88. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, sanctuary, Christ Pantokrator.

89. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, sanctuary, deacon Romanos.

Angeliki Plates.indd 334

19/01/2007 04:50:59

Plates

335

90. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saints Anastasia (left), Demetrios (middle), and unidentified female (right).

90a. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saint Demetrios, bird on the shield, detail.

Angeliki Plates.indd 335

19/01/2007 04:51:00

336

91. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, Saint George.

92. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, decorative pattern (Kavalariana F1).

Angeliki Plates.indd 336

19/01/2007 04:51:00

Plates

337

93. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, decorative pattern (Kavalariana F2).

94. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, decorative pattern (Kavalariana G2).

Angeliki Plates.indd 337

19/01/2007 04:51:00

338

95. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, decorative pattern (F+G, and Kavalariana G2). 96. Anydroi, Hagios Georgios, nave, inscription.

Angeliki Plates.indd 338

19/01/2007 04:51:01

Plates

339

97. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Hospitality of Abraham. 98. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Presentation of Christ, and decorative pattern (Kavalariana Abstract).

Angeliki Plates.indd 339

19/01/2007 04:51:01

340

99. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Baptism.

100. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Transfiguration.

Angeliki Plates.indd 340

19/01/2007 04:51:01

Plates

341

101. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Entry into Jerusalem. 102. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Betrayal.

Angeliki Plates.indd 341

19/01/2007 04:51:02

342

103. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Crucifixion. 104. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Anastasis.

Angeliki Plates.indd 342

19/01/2007 04:51:02

Plates

343

105. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Holy Women at the Tomb, and decorative pattern (Kavalariana Abstract).

106. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Birth of Saint Nicholas (right).

Angeliki Plates.indd 343

19/01/2007 04:51:03

344

107. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, sanctuary, Christ Pantokrator.

108. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, sanctuary, deacon.

Angeliki Plates.indd 344

19/01/2007 04:51:03

109. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, military saints on horseback, and decorative pattern (Kavalariana F1).

110. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Virgin and Child enthroned.

Plates

Angeliki Plates.indd 345

345

19/01/2007 04:51:04

111. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, two male saints.

112. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Saint Marina, and decorative patterns (Kavalariana F2, G1 and Anydroi F+G).

346

Angeliki Plates.indd 346

19/01/2007 04:51:04

Angeliki Plates.indd 347

113. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Saint Helena holding the True Cross (detail) and female saint.

114. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, decorative pattern (Kavalariana G3).

Plates

347

19/01/2007 04:51:04

348

115. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, decorative pattern (Anydroi F+G).

116. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, decorative pattern (Birds).

Angeliki Plates.indd 348

19/01/2007 04:51:05

Plates

349

117. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, decorative pattern (Vermiculated) and St Nicholas, detail. 118. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, decorative pattern (G1).

Angeliki Plates.indd 349

19/01/2007 04:51:05

Angeliki Plates.indd 350

119. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, decorative pattern (G2).

120. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, inscription.

350

19/01/2007 04:51:06

121. Maza, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, male donor, detail.

122. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, sanctuary, Gabriel of the Annunciation.

Plates

Angeliki Plates.indd 351

351

19/01/2007 04:51:06

352

122a. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, sanctuary, Virgin of the Annunciation. 123. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, sanctuary, Saint Gregory the Theologian.

Angeliki Plates.indd 352

19/01/2007 04:51:07

Plates

353

124. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, sanctuary, hierarchs. 125. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, sanctuary, deacons.

Angeliki Plates.indd 353

19/01/2007 04:51:08

354

126. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, nave, Saint George and female donor. 127. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, nave, Saint Paraskevi, detail.

Angeliki Plates.indd 354

19/01/2007 04:51:08

Plates

355

128. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, nave, Virgin and Child enthroned and donors. 129. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, nave, decorative pattern (Anydroi F+G).

Angeliki Plates.indd 355

19/01/2007 04:51:08

356

130. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, nave, decorative pattern (G1).

131. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, nave, decorative pattern (G2).

Angeliki Plates.indd 356

19/01/2007 04:51:09

Plates

357

132. Kakodiki, church of the Virgin, nave, inscription. 133. Prodromi, church of the Virgin, nave, Virgin and Child enthroned, detail.

Angeliki Plates.indd 357

19/01/2007 04:51:09

358

134. Prodromi, church of the Virgin, nave, decorative pattern (Kavalariana G2). 135. Moni, Hagios Nikolaos, nave, Saint Nicholas.

Angeliki Plates.indd 358

19/01/2007 04:51:10

Plates

359

136. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, Parekklesion, dome, fourth angel (photo: Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Photograph and Fieldwork Archives, Washington D.C.).

137. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, Parekklesion, Anastasis (photo: Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Photograph and Fieldwork Archives, Washington D.C.).

Angeliki Plates.indd 359

19/01/2007 04:51:10

360

138. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, Parekklesion, the Last Judgment, the Scroll of Heaven (photo: Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Photograph and Fieldwork Archives, Washington D.C.).

139. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, Parekklesion, Saint Demetrios (photo: Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Photograph and Fieldwork Archives, Washington D.C.).

Angeliki Plates.indd 360

19/01/2007 04:51:11

Plates

361

140. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, inner narthex, Joachim’s Offering rejected (photo: Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Photograph and Fieldwork Archives, Washington D.C.). 141. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, inner narthex, the Virgin receiving the skein of Purple Wool (photo: Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Photograph and Fieldwork Archives, Washington D.C.).

Angeliki Plates.indd 361

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362

142. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, inner narthex, Joseph taking the Virgin to his House (photo: Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Photograph and Fieldwork Archives, Washington D.C.).

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COLOUR Plates

363

5. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Christ Pantokrator. 10. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, four Hierarchs in medallions.

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13. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Saints Polykarpos and Eleutherios.

14. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, sanctuary, Saints Cyril of Crete and Titos.

364

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COLOUR Plates

365

24a. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Holy Women at the Tomb, angel, detail.

25. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Joshua and the Archangel Michael.

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28. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Inscription, Archangels Michael and Raphael, Donors.

29. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Archangel Michael, Donors.

366

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30. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Archangel Michael.

33. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Demetrios, and decorative patterns (F1 and G1).

COLOUR Plates

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367

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37. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint George, and decorative pattern (G1).

38. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, Saint Constantine.

368

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50. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, donor Georgios, unidentified female donor and Anna Kotzena.

51. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, donor Michael.

COLOUR Plates

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369

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52. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, unidentified female donor.

53. Kavalariana, Archangel Michael, nave, unidentified female donor, and decorative pattern (F2).

370

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