The Church in the Face of Crises and Challenges over the Centuries: Selected Issues from the History of the Church [1 ed.] 9783666573583, 9783525573587

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Marcin Nabożny / Marcin Wysocki (eds.)

The Church in the Face of Crises and Challenges over the Centuries Selected Issues from the History of the Church

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Lublin Theological Studies in connection with The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin edited by Adam Kubiś (The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin) in cooperation with Nicholas Adams (University of Birmingham), Marek Jagodziński (The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin), Paweł Mąkosa (The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin) Advisory Board Klaus Baumann (University of Freiburg), David Fagerberg (University of Notre Dame), Zdzisław Kijas (Seraphicum, Rome), Juan Luis Lorda (University of Navarra), Dalia Marx (Hebrew Union College, Jerusalem), Łukasz Popko (École biblique et archéologique française de Jérusalem), Ilaria Ramelli (University of Cambridge; Durham University; Sacred Heart University, Milan), Carl-Maria Sultana (University of Malta)

Volume 2

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Marcin Nabożny / Marcin Wysocki (eds.)

The Church in the Face of Crises and Challenges over the Centuries Selected Issues from the History of the Church

VANDENHOECK & RUPRECHT

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The project is funded by the Minister of Education and Science within the program under the name “Regional Initiative of Excellence” in 2019-2022, project number: 028/ ID/2018/19, the amount of funding: 11 742 500 PLN

The book has been reviewed by Prof. Marek Inglot (Pontifical Gregorian University) and Prof. Tomasz Moskal (The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin).

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek: The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data available online: https://dnb.de. © 2023 by Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Robert-Bosch-Breite 10, 37079 Göttingen, Germany, an imprint of the Brill-Group (Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands; Brill USA Inc., Boston MA, USA; Brill Asia Pte Ltd, Singapore; Brill Deutschland GmbH, Paderborn, Germany, Brill Österreich GmbH, Vienna, Austria) Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Hotei, Brill Schöningh, Brill Fink, Brill mentis, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Böhlau, V&R unipress and Wageningen Academic. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without prior written permission from the publisher. Typesetting: le-tex publishing services, Leipzig Cover design: SchwabScantechnik, Göttingen

Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Verlage | www.vandenhoeck-ruprecht-verlage.com ISBN 978-3-666-57358-3

Table of Contents

Marcin Nabożny, Marcin Wysocki Introduction .........................................................................................

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Marcin Nabożny A Church in Crisis According to Ralph Martin .......................................... 11 Tomasz Karol Mantyk Reading the Psalms in Times of Crisis. Franciscus Titelmans’s Relecture of the Psalms in the Context of Humanism and Reformations ....... 23 Vincenzo Rubino The Catholic Church Amidst Internationalism. Luigi Maglione’s Swiss Mission (1918–1926) ..................................................................... 35 Joanna Pyszna The Sisters of the Resurrection from the Warsaw District of Żoliborz at the Time of the Warsaw Uprising (1944)................................... 55 Mariusz Krzysztofiński Bishop Ignacy Tokarczuk in the Face of Attempts to “Reconcile” the Catholic Faith with Communism in the Realities of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) .......................................................................... 77 Ryszard Ficek Looking the Devil in the Eyes. Totalitarianism and Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński’s Humanitarian-Personalist Concept of Socio-Political Life.......... 99 Grzegorz Kamil Szczecina Actions of the Repressive Apparatus of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) Against the Chaplain of “Solidarity” – Bl. Fr. Jerzy Popiełuszko .......................................................................................... 127 Robert Zapart The Catholic Church and the Threats and Challenges to Poland’s Security in the 20th and 21st Centuries. Selected Methodological Issues ........ 137

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Adam Jaszcz The Diocesan Synod and Its Greatest Crisis in the History of the Church ...... 153 Jacenty Mastej Cardinal Stanisław Nagy’s Apology of the Catholic Church ......................... 169 Author Index......................................................................................... 185 Notes on Contributors............................................................................ 192

Marcin Nabożny, Marcin Wysocki

Introduction

Challenges, crises and difficult experiences are an integral part of our lives. They are an inherent element of every human being’s existence, in addition to being ingrained in the functioning of organisations, institutions and nations. On many occasions humankind has failed to confront them, resulting in the real dramas that we witness on the pages of history. Fortunately, challenges, crises and difficult situations have often been lessons, from which appropriate conclusions have been drawn, thanks to which it was possible to create a better future. In the history of the Church from its very beginnings, challenges have been an integral part of working towards a better tomorrow, a better version of oneself and the reality around us. From the first moments of their dynamic development, Christians had to face the hostility of the world that did not fully understand the ideas of the new religion. This led to bloody persecutions. Still, the blood of the martyrs became the sowing of new Christians. The crisis of persecutions strengthened the Church and the followers of Christ in their courageous witness to the faith. Paradoxically, what was intended to weaken or even destroy the faith became an impulse for its spread. Crisis became the cause of consolidation and development. And so, over the centuries, the Church has faced crises caused by schisms, divisions, unsuitable people in ecclesiastical offices, as well as challenges posed by the surrounding world, political systems and conflicts of human origin. These have often led many people to depart from the faith or from its practice. On the other hand, they have become a challenge in the purification of the Church itself. The reality of the challenges and crises in the Church has repeatedly become the leading theme of literature. This publication, which you are holding in your hands, represents the work of both young and experienced scholars (theologians, historians and lawyers) who look at the reality of the Church and its history with a fresh, innovative, yet professional perspective. The result of their research and work is presented in the multi-author publication of the Church in the face of crises and challenges over the space of centuries. Since the beginnings of its existence, Christianity has repeatedly experienced various crises and challenges which it has had to face. This book aims to look at the last centuries of Christian history in the context of various challenges, crises and problems. In this publication we touch upon wounds, conflict situations and painful places over the space of centuries and look at them from a historical, theological,

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economic and legal perspective. Owing to this publication, the reader will be able to learn about various types of crises and challenges in order to draw conclusions from them, to appreciate the history of the Church through a better knowledge thereof, and all this in order to create a better future. The book opens with an article discussing the vision of the crisis in the Church as theorized by, Ralph Martin, the author of an exhaustive publication on the crisis. In the article, Marcin Nabożny focuses on the cause-and-effect analysis of the crisis in the Church conducted by Ralph Martin, the author of the publication “A Church in Crisis. Pathways Forward” (Steubenville, Ohio 2020). Apart from providing a historical background, the article evaluates the current actions of the Church leaders and their positive and negative consequences. Another article, “Reading the Psalms in times of crisis. Franciscus Titelmans’s relecture of the Psalms in the context of humanism and reformations” by Tomasz Karol Mantyk aims to illustrate the way Titelmans interpreted the Scriptures with the help of examples from selected psalms. In the light of this study, the Psalms appear as a remedy for various crises in which returning to God through the reading the Scriptures, in this case the Psalms, is an effective way to gain spiritual strength in facing challenges. Reclaiming the spiritual, modernising reading of the Scriptures, following Titelmans’s example, can be of considerable help in the face of contemporary crises afflicting the Church. Vincenzo Rubino, in the article “The Catholic Church amidst internationalism: Luigi Maglione’s Swiss mission (1918–1926)”, undertakes reflection along the lines of historical research aimed at examining the position of the Church in relation to the profound changes brought about by the Great War (1914–1918). The author of the article presents the determination and efforts of the text’s protagonist, Luigi Maglione, in the face of the crisis during which he had to carry out his tasks. In the article “The Sisters of the Resurrection from the Warsaw District of Żoliborz at the Time of the Warsaw Uprising (1944)”, Joanna Pyszna presents the actions (oriented both towards the congregation and for the benefit of other people) of Mother Teresa Kalkstein (1888–1980) in response to the crisis caused by the Second World War. This period prompted in Mother Teresa the eagerness to help adults and children at a time when the value of human life was of little meaning to many. In the next article entitled “Bishop Ignacy Tokarczuk in the Face of Attempts to “Reconcile” the Catholic Faith with Communism in the Realities of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL)”, Mariusz Krzysztofiński – a member of the Institute of National Remembrance (Poland) – presents the attitude of Bishop/Archbishop Ignacy Tokarczuk (1918–2012), the ordinary of the Przemyśl diocese (1965–1993), a long-time member of the Polish Episcopal Commission/Main Council, towards the attempts to reconcile the Catholic faith and communism by the faithful and some priests under the conditions of the communist dictatorship. Krzysztofiński, as an expert on the biography of Archbishop Tokarczuk, presents the unwavering

Introduction

attitude of the bishop towards communism, which aimed to stir up a crisis in the life of the Church. In the article “Looking the Devil in the Eyes: Totalitarianism and Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński’s Humanitarian-Personalist Concept of Socio-Political Life”, the author, Ryszard Ficek, presented the specificity of the theory of totalitarianism in the context of the humanitarian-personalistic concept of social and political life by Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński. The person of the hero of the article – Blessed Stefan Wyszyński – is a figure who must not be overlooked in relation to the fight against communism in Central and Eastern Europe. Grzegorz Kamil Szczecina, the author of the article “Actions of the Repressive Apparatus of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) Against the Chaplain of “Solidarity” – Bl. Fr. Jerzy Popiełuszko”, presents the martyr of communist times, who seemed to have lost the fight against inhuman communism. The article is an attempt to present the influence of the communist repression apparatus on the chaplain of “Solidarity” as a symbol of post-war communist terror and the times of hardship in the history of the Church in Poland. Robert Zapart, the author of the study entitled “The Catholic Church and the Threats and Challenges to Poland’s Security in the 20th and 21st Centuries: Selected Methodological Issues”, presents the forms and scope of the Catholic Church’s support for Poland’s national security system from the perspective of the threats occurring in the 20th and 21st century. In the article “The Diocesan Synod and Its Greatest Crisis in the History of the Church”, Adam Jaszcz points out that the diocesan synod, established in the first centuries of Christianity, is now an integral part of the particular Church. Frequently, synods were a response to the crisis in the Church and worldwide. Adam Jaszcz analyses the reasons behind the greatest crisis in the history of diocesan synods. He also indicates the ways of overcoming the crisis and how it became in consequence a tool of pastoral renewal in many dioceses across the world. In the last article, entitled “Cardinal Stanisław Nagy’s Apology of the Catholic Church”, Jacenty Mastej presents the apology of the Catholic Church in the scientific work of Cardinal Stanisław Nagy (1921–2013), a professor at the Catholic University of Lublin and a member of the International Theological Commission and the JointCatholic-Lutheran Commission. We hope that this publication will serve scientists, people showing interest in the history of Christianity, researchers of Europe’s past and the relationship between the state and the Church, in addition to enabling them to understand the current and past crises, as well as the ways of resolving them.

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A Church in Crisis According to Ralph Martin

Abstract:

The Catholic Church has been faced with crises and challenges from its very inception. Many authors have tried to characterize the various crises in the Church. One of them is Ralph Martin, whose analysis of the contemporary crisis was included in the most recent, comprehensive and substantive publication on the topic. According to the author the Church has the responsibility to correct errors, stand for the truth that calls on the world for repentance, and not to neglect its mission for any reason. This article presents the main thoughts of Martin on the causes, course, and ways out of the crisis in the Church. Keywords:

Crisis | Catholic Church | Papacy | Ralph Martin

Introduction The Roman Catholic Church has always been faced with crises from its inception until recent times. Crisis is a reality of circumstance that is felt by all concerned. The Catholic Church is a divine entity of believers as one body. When analyzing the history of the Church, one should always remember the divine primacy and at the same time consider human imperfection, which can be overcome by the virtue of God’s grace. Many authors try to define crisis, at the same time undertaking reflections on its causes, course and effects on the Church. In their publications, the authors analyze the crisis from a certain perspective, sometimes focusing on a selected aspect, subjecting it to solid logical reflection. The crisis in the Universal Church and local communities has been the subject of many scientific works. One of the major crises of the last century was the teaching of the Second Vatican Council. Prior to the survey conducted by Hughes (2020) on the Church in Crisis, it was revealed that the Second Vatican Council, which was as at then faced with a crisis, was just one of the many crises in the Vatican Council’s history. Yet, none were resolved the moment they arose1 . Like Hughes who had notably recalled

1 Philip Hughes, The Church in Crisis: A History of the General Councils, 325–1870. Providence: Cluny Media, 2020.

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the Church in crisis through his survey of the General Councils, White (2021) also revealed some cultural and social challenges posing a threat to the Church’s tradition, and also how to face the crisis in terms of approach2 . The need to review Christianity and the stance of modernity is crucial, one which has always been associated with crisis. The challenges faced by the Church many centuries ago are different from those faced a century ago or in the 21st Century; things change with time, events are modified, more challenges arise, and crises emerge or are reborn. Recognizing these, Rauschenbusch (2008) updated his book published in the twentieth century entitled ‘Christianity and the Social Crisis’ to a 2008 publication called ‘Christianity and the Social Crisis in the 21st Century’, which updates the Church’s approach in transforming the world3 . Likewise, Martin who had written a book entitled ‘A crisis of truth: The attack on faith, morality, and mission in the Catholic Church’4 has represented and published a new book ‘A Church in Crisis…’ This is due to the need to review the issues and approach unique to crisis in the present day. Another author, Heschmeyer (2020), reiterates the right approach expected of the faithful when an issue or issues of papal flaws emerge: not to leave the Church, but arrive at the awareness and discernment of what the papacy is. The authority of the Pope is scriptural and historical, dating back from when Jesus made Peter the rock of the Church and Jesus’ promise that the gates of hell would not prevail against it; this, Heschmeyer referred to as the Church’s most distinctive doctrine to be defended even in times of crisis5 . One of the crises the Church has faced for many years is sexual abuse committed by the Church’s people, especially the clergy. According to Fortune’s essay (2008), she revealed that between ten and twenty percent of the clergy compromise the integrity of the mandate of pastoral work, which places those entrusted to them in a vulnerable state, this increasingly discredits the good pastoral relationship expected of the clergy6 . According to Doane (2019), we are all called to go back to the Catholic drawing board and rebuild our tradition and culture that glorifies Christ as the Light of the world – a lost tradition or in the state of being lost completely like in the West and the United States. The Church must take seriously the dimming state of the Light of

2 James Emery White, The Church in an Age of Crisis: 25 New Realities Facing. Ada: Baker Books, 2021. 3 Walter Rauschenbusch, Christianity and the Social Crisis in the 21st Century: The Classic that woke up the Church. San Francisco: HarperOne 2008. 4 Ralph Martin, A Crisis of Truth: The Attack on Faith, Morality and Mission in the Catholic Church. Ann Arbor: Servant Books, 1982. 5 Joe Heschmeyer, Pope Peter- Defending the Church’s Most Distinctive Doctrine in a Time of Crisis. San Diego: Catholic Answers Press, 2020. 6 Marie M. Fortune, Sexual Abuse by Clergy: A Crisis For the Church. Eugene: Wipf and Stock, 2008.

A Church in Crisis According to Ralph Martin

the world (Jesus) and rekindle her mandate in raising the Light to be encountered by all. The Church must always preach the good news and all revealed to mankind by God in truth. The Church has to go back to her spiritual root and reaffirm what it means to be Catholic7 . Different types of crises, long or short, critical or not, can be exchanged endlessly. All through the history of the Church, right from the very beginning, there have always been crises, which both strengthen and weaken her: according to the book of 2 Corinthians 12: 9 “For strength is made perfect in weakness”. One of the newest, in-depth and systematic reflections on the crisis in the Church is Ralph Martin’s publication “A Church in Crisis. Pathways Forward”8 . The author – Dr. Ralph Martin – a devoted professor in theology and Director of Graduate Programs in the New Evangelization, received his B.A. in Philosophy from the University of Notre Dame. In 2002, he received his M.A. in theology from Sacred Heart Major Seminary. He obtained a degree in S.T.L. from the Dominican House of Studies, and a degree in S.T.D. from the Pontifical University of St. Thomas Aquinas. He has been in the pontifical arena, been active in Rome, and indeed in Catholic evangelization which prompted the Catholic Leadership Institute to award him for his outstanding Catholic leadership. Pope Benedict XVI appointed him consultant in Catholic evangelization to the Pontifical Council in 2011, and again chose him in 2012 to join the Global Synod of Bishops on New Evangelization, given his expertise. He is widely published. He actively engages in proactive evangelization while presiding over his own organization named Renewal Ministries9 .

How the Crisis Started Having reiterated the historical trait of global confusion and division which has perplexed the Church in particular, the author agrees that disturbing events still plague the Church differently and probably more critically compared to centuries ago. Yes, we have had more righteous and peace-seeking popes in recent times unlike some immoral and complicit popes of centuries and decades ago. Thus, wicked popes are not the crisis now; Martin has identified morality and faith-based matters, including evangelical approach, to be the critical cause of the confusion ranging in the Church. He sourced these problems in the ambiguity of the Church documents,

7 Peter M. Doane, Encounter Jesus!: Transforming Catholic Culture in Crisis. Eugene: Wipf and Stock, 2019. 8 Ralph Martin, A Church in Crisis. Pathways Forward. Steubenville: Emmaus Road Publishing, 2020. 9 Dr. Ralph C. Martin, access: August 22, 2022, https://www.shms.edu/content/dr-ralph-martin.

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comments and events, triggering different reactions and causing disagreement between bishops and cardinals on how to interpret them10 . It is itself confusing and troubling that the Pope would not or do not willingly respond to issues concerning him. And even if he does vaguely respond, which is not uncommon, the result is ambiguous and confusing, creating room for various conflicting interpretations. Anyway, the author finds it appealing to venture into the Pope’s role in handling, or not handling, the confusion and division under Pope Francis’ leadership11 . However, the problems ranging during his pontificate, as recalled by the author, are not exclusive to him nor his time. One of the leading problems the Church has historically struggled with is enlightenment, which awakened some controversy in morality. The modernity concept integrates and accommodates the new world culture with the Church tradition. But then the root of enlightenment was never to compliment faith, but instead sought to eliminate the God factor in society. That is why the author described it as a demonic intellectual, a virus that works fervently to destroy the doctrine and tradition of the Church. The advent of universalism threatens the teaching of traditional Christianity. Sadly, there are people who are proudly Universalists even in the Church of Christ, which has led to conflict and divide. As the author puts it, universalism is a deceptive teaching that favors the devil. In assuming that God is too merciful, He will never condemn souls to hell – that is, if there is anything like hell; God is so sweet that He sent His son to die for all to be saved without necessarily hearing, accepting and following the ways of Christ. Those who rather would love to hear such teaching, countless in number, have wholeheartedly embraced the too easy way, one the scripture refers to as the broad way, which seems right but only leads to destruction (hell)12 . With the authority of scripture becoming a cliché since the sixties and the general view of sexual morality being outdated, there is the new culture of a modern approach to the modern lifestyle of modern man who knows so much more about sexual issues than the ancient men who wrote the scripture as a guide to moral acts. More so, the scripture is now seen merely as a single source for general moral laws, therefore making it insufficient and nullifying its absolutes13 .

10 11 12 13

Martin, A Church in Crisis, 1, 16. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 2, 18. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 91. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 120.

A Church in Crisis According to Ralph Martin

How the Crisis is Proceeding While addressing the troubling and conflicting doctrines, morals, and pastoral approach among the Church leadership, including Pope Francis, Martin attempted to stress his respect for the Pope as the true successor of St. Peter. Therefore, it is safe to say that the author believes the Pope has been sound in many of his words and actions, but contradictory in some. The ripple effect of these troubling events, words and actions caused some extravagant reactions, which in turn pulsate fear and suspicion among the lay faithful. It is the author’s view that even if we were to elect a new pope tomorrow the existing disbelief that is embedded in the Church would still lure millions to separate from the Catholic Church14 . One of the crises causing confusion and divide is the open and welcoming attitude to the gay community. According to the author, the defining approach Pope Francis has largely given to homosexuality is rather subtle. The implication of his accepting approach to homosexuality makes him an advocate, as though he encourages it. Also, Pope Francis probably has not condemned the practice of homosexuality as a sin so serious that it could potentially deny anyone involved heaven should thy die without repentance15 . Another problem leading to confusion is the “Amoris Laetitia” document which seem to have passages orchestrated on purpose to justify the act of receiving Holy Communion by those divorced and reunited to another through a civil institution, thereby making the initial judgement of first marriage invalid16 . Adding to it is the confusion in decentralization, the varying regional interpretation in the Church. This concept, once again an ambiguity, allowed for regional interpretation of Church documents. Instead of interpreting in synchronization with the Church’s tradition, some bishops would take the opportunity to fashion their approach to all forms of sexual morality in the name of better understanding17 . The speech of Pope Francis calling for healthy decentralization was not cited by Martin as sound teaching, claiming that a multiple regional interpretation would lead to regional differences especially on pivotal issues that could divide the Church. He gave an example of two towns sharing a border but with an opposite approach to grave sin and invitation to Holy Communion. Allowing such differences to exist under one umbrella is just a recipe for disaster. Martin recalled the words of Jesus that a house divided against itself cannot stand18 .

14 15 16 17 18

Martin, A Church in Crisis, 20. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 23. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 24. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 25. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 26.

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The lack of clarity and lack of firm leadership towards the formal and informal actions and doctrines of the Church, especially in the various interpretation of Church documents, which has brought confusion, conflict and division has forced concerned lovers of the Church like Martin to jump off the fence and publicly identify concerns that are grave – so serious that one can only wonder if it is the book of revelation playing out right before us. The catechism of the Catholic Church contains a lot of teaching that speaks of the last trial the Church must face; a key word therein is ‘religious deception’ which is what we are facing today19 . Contradictory actions may, to some degree, be a strategy to keep people unsure, which is common with Pope Francis. But as Martin reveals, we see clearer where the pope’s favor lies when he appoints whom he appoints20 . It seems there is a conscious change in the basic mission of the Church, which is to evangelize, drifting towards accommodation and acceptance of all sorts of religions, moral standards and changes in doctrine to suit human choices, and Pope Francis keeps eluding clarity on these issues, including if the interpretation of “Amoris Laetitia” is in harmony with “Familiaris Consortio” and “Veritatis Splendor”. Martin is of the opinion that Pope Francis does not consider them in harmony, due to his unwillingness to clearly state so. This is in contrast to how he would have clearly stated so if he actually considered them to be in harmony. Martin further opined that a schism might be provoked should the Pope formally make it clear that he does not consider them to be in harmony21 . Another cause of the crisis is the deliberate insubordination to the scripture where the word of God in the bible is being questioned or reinvented and edited to suit human conscience. The author has observed discomfort from people when preaching the truth that is unwanted and uneasy to the ears of those soliciting for the new culture. Now, some parts in the scripture are being opted out, which often are the most relevant and plainly truthful parts. One would think the aim is to shorten lengthy passages, but then Martin revealed the intention seems to aim at clamping down on what discomforts people in the scripture22 . The Crisis of Universalism which contradicts the clear revelations made by Christ himself concerning salvation is gaining ground and even being widely accepted. Martin takes the stance that some comments made by Pope Francis seem to support this very new thought of universalism23 . The acceptance of universalism is spreading like wildfire and the Church has not addressed it squarely; yet it threatens the basic

19 20 21 22 23

Martin, A Church in Crisis, 28. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 31. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 35. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 49–50. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 77.

A Church in Crisis According to Ralph Martin

essence of the Church, evangelism. Just to be clear, any teaching that changes the explicit revelation of Christ is antichrist. The antics to conform the Church to the wave of sexual revolution is increasingly scaling up and out, leading to what Martin describes as people being intimidated not to stand against it, coupled with the fear of not being supported by the Church that is even divided concerning the same issue24 . In fact there is now too much fear, Martin revealed; fear of the worldly wise men and legality; fear of society’s opinion; fear of public scandal; fear of personal discomfort and losses; fear of being called a hater; fear of the revolution fighting back. Martin writes, it all suppresses the Gospel of Christ. Another tension arising, as revealed by Martin, are the attacks on traditional family and sexual morality that were detected behind the wheels in the Black Lives Matter movement for racial justice. Going beyond racial justice, the movement strongly stands for everything the Church tradition on family, morality and sexuality regards as sinful25 . There is also the troubling state of Global Alliance influencing and using the Church to promote its secularist view. The secularist culture seeks for a worldview and global acceptance of all cultures, in a way that promotes environmental religion, accommodates multi religion, the use of contraception to check population growth, the acceptance of abortion for unwanted pregnancy, and sex education for all forms of sexuality26 . Martin warns of the smuggling of these ideologies into the fabrics of the Church for the sake of progress; they are not a true teaching of Christ, although justified in the new theology. Martin expressed more concern with the Amazon Synod beyond the considerations vigorously pursued therein – although it is important to address talks on officiating married men as priests as well as officiating women as deacons, there was something more disturbing, in what was a clear identification with idolatry27 . This refers to a scene where Amazon indigenes paid a cultural visit to the papacy and bowed to statues of naked women venerated in the presence of Pope Francis who condoned the worship of the statues regarded as mother earth, an earth goddess worshiped in South America28 . It is simply alarming that the Pope seems to be sending the message that Jesus is not the only way to the Father, but there are other valid ways. Prior to the teaching of Pope Francis in what he terms proselytism, which outrightly dissuades the Church from carrying out spoken evangelization in a bid to 24 25 26 27 28

Martin, A Church in Crisis, 100. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 114. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 151. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 170. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 175.

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convert or convince non-Christians to become Christians and adopt the lifestyle of Christ for their salvation. Martin brought to clarity the scandalous implication of such teaching from the Pope; the command of Jesus to go into the world and preach the Good News, as well as the teaching of Vatican II are being equated to and labelled as proselytism by the Pope29 . Pope Francis’ approach to evangelism through silence – preaching nothing until asked to do so – where missionaries and believers are urged to listen to unbelievers instead of preaching to them as witnesses to the truth, is a passive way of evangelizing. If no effort was made to take the Gospel across the world, how did it get to the places it got to so far? It is also important not to forget that evangelism started from the day the Church was born: for tongues of fire fell upon the disciples and they spoke in different languages, bearing witness to the Gospel, hence three thousand people converted that day – the power of preaching and not silence. Citing Martin, the Pope’s attempt to persuade Christians from preaching to all manner of people will make unbelievers happy for aiding in keeping the Church and her Gospel under control30 . The antichrist, the one who hates God and all His creation, has been active and intensify his campaign in the last days, as foretold and warned in the scripture. Yet there are horrendous ideologies denying the works and existence of the devil as a mere symbol. With such apostasy it is evident that the Church and the true children of God do not fight against flesh and blood but against principalities and powers. Martin backed this up with the scripture: stating the nature of the final trial where men are compelled to accept false faith of worldly wisdom that can solve their immediate problems, which places them against the true faith. 31 . Fueling that, the Pope appoints lay men and clergymen who lack spiritual understanding to key management positions in the Church, people who would rather be led by absolute contemporary reasoning than the truth in God’s word. Therefore, we must seek the face of God for ourselves and for the Church as we actively defend the truth revealed by God.

How to End the Crisis Martin proposes that the Church return to the model of Pope St. John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI, where revelation of the truth is not compromised and the light of Jesus is seen in the actions, words and morals of the Church, so that clarity and

29 Martin, A Church in Crisis, 183. 30 Martin, A Church in Crisis, 187. 31 Martin, A Church in Crisis, 254.

A Church in Crisis According to Ralph Martin

unity will prevail once again32 . For it is through clarity that confidence is recovered, and by standing for truth one is set in right standing with God. Quoting Rom. 11:20–22, Martin reminded the Church of the dangers in altering the revelation of God and changing His words in the scripture. We may want to make God look nice or reinvent Him as we want, but the truth about what he wants remains. Not obeying this truth and twisting His will makes one an unbeliever, misleader, a false witness, and such people are cut off – for God is both kind and severe. Therefore, all as revealed by God must be passed on without alteration or omission33 . In the book, Martin discusses the difference between development of doctrine and mutilation or distortion of doctrine. To discern both is basically to identify the approach involved in each. When doctrine is developed it should undergo a process for progression of faith, so that it may be improved. But when doctrine is changed or replaced then it has been distorted and has potentially lost its initial cause. To solve the crisis in the Church, doctrine should not be tossed from one side to another, but developed along the same basic teaching34 . It is important that we heed to the scripture and pay close attention to the word of God, for therein God reveals Himself; His kind nature and His severe nature, His guidance to salvation and the consequences if not obeyed. As clear as God’s word is, one can only wonder how new theology twists even the explicit revelation of God, such like the thought of Universalism35 and true nature of such falsified thought36 . The Church has to effectively counter this erroneous thinking and return to evangelization instead of believing in so-called Universalization, which potentially nullifies the need to evangelize37 . Remember the scripture already warned of a culture that seems right but only leads to doom. Beware of false prophets (wolves) in sheep clothing for by their fruits they shall be known. Jesus is the light and truth; anything beyond that is man-made peril. More importantly, Martin proposes that the approach of self-control and censorship over what we consume by sight, through reading, what we say and do, is a compelling way to be in a good and sustainable relationship with God and be truly firm in His word, such that we can tell the difference between our willand antics of the devil, in contrast to that of the Lord’s. Noting and recognizing the winning state of what is known as sexual revolution, Martin largely blamed the Church for having been silent and responding in a subtle

32 33 34 35 36 37

Martin, A Church in Crisis, 43. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 56. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 63. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 75. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 79. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 80.

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way. He is of the opinion that despite the pressure from the whole antics of all forms of sexual immoralities, including gender confusion, the ungodly culture would not have been charged with the present day power it wields if the Church had not chosen to act in ignorance, or lost her saltiness, or compromised the scripture as well as her tradition38 . As a proposal through which to navigate out of the crisis on sexual morality and universal salvation, Martin urges for a truly plain, direct, unrelenting scripturebound evangelism (preaching) as had always been undertaken, and as radical as how Jesus and His apostles would have done or improved so that the Gospel might reach us today, even if it calls for persecution or martyrdom39 . Furthermore, more voices should be raised against the aggressively growing sexual revolution to avoid Christians giving in to the ultimate loss of their souls40 . Martin raised a question accompanied with a solution: how long shall the Vatican keep its silence on the confusion, the crisis, the contemporary demand, the crackdown and persecution of its members and the innocent at large? He urges against allowing the Church’s quest to be at peaceful relations with secularists, other religions and governments to hinder our ability and function in speaking against their evil deeds, calling out those who perpetrate crimes, as well as putting to action whatever we say. Otherwise, we will be complicit to and further endanger the people we all have the responsibility to protect. Martin despairs of the collapsing number of Catholics in faith and other Christians, while the Church herself worries about the present state of the earth. Yes, it is good to be aware of that but not to the extent of replacing the primary commission of Jesus to preach the Gospel for the salvation of all. When the Church wakes up from her slumber and learns that accommodating secularism is to the detriment of our primary instruction as Christians, she will realize that it has been nothing but a catastrophic collapse over and over again41 . We must go back to preaching clearly without fear or timidity, calling for the salvation of souls through Christ and through the repentance of all sins, including today’s highly debated morality which is rebuked in the scripture. The same energy the Church uses to bring environmental degradation to the attention of the world, should be also used to preach Christ. However, Martin admitted that environmental degradation is indeed real and serious42 . According to Martin, to effectively deal with the crisis distorting the unity and sanctity of the present day Church is to have the ability to wholesomely realize and 38 39 40 41 42

Martin, A Church in Crisis, 122. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 130. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 139. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 197. Martin, A Church in Crisis, 200.

A Church in Crisis According to Ralph Martin

accept that our struggle is not against flesh and blood, but against principalities and powers in very high places. We must take into account this knowledge in our approach to the crisis we face as a Church and as Christians43 .

Bibliography Doane, Peter M. Encounter Jesus!: Transforming Catholic Culture in Crisis. Eugene: Wipf and Stock, 2019. Dr. Ralph C. Martin. Access: August 22, 2022, https://www.shms.edu/content/dr-ralphmartin. Fortune, Marie M. Sexual Abuse by Clergy: A Crisis For the Church. Eugene: Wipf and Stock, 2008. Heschmeyer, Joe. Pope Peter - Defending the Church’s Most Distinctive Doctrine in a Time of Crisis. San Diego: Catholic Answers Press, 2020. Hughes, Philip. The Church in Crisis: A History of the General Councils, 325–1870. Providence: Cluny Media, 2020. Martin, Ralph. A Church in Crisis. Pathways Forward. Steubenville: Emmaus Road Publishing, 2020. Martin, Ralph. A Crisis of Truth: The Attack on Faith, Morality and Mission in the Catholic Church. Ann Arbor: Servant Books, 1982. Rauschenbusch, Walter. Christianity and the Social Crisis in the 21st Century: The Classic that woke up the Church, San Francisco: HarperOne 2008. White, James Emery. The Church in an Age of Crisis: 25 New Realities Facing. Ada: Baker Books, 2021.

43 Martin, A Church in Crisis, 200.

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Reading the Psalms in Times of Crisis Franciscus Titelmans’s Relecture of the Psalms in the Context of Humanism and Reformations

Abstract:

This article analyses Franciscus Titelmans’s commentary on the psalms. It seeks to demonstrate how the Franciscan exegete used some psalms to interpret the crisis of the Church resulting from humanism and evangelical reformations. It outlines his argumentation and shows the crucial elements of pre-modern exegetical method to which Titelmans adhered. Keywords:

Franciscus Titelmans | Erasmus | biblical humanism | psalms | history of exegesis

In times of crisis the Church often turned to the Bible, her fundamental text, to find answers for the present state of matters. This is perhaps truer for the 16th  century than for any other period in history. Not only was the 16th  century crisis of the Church arguably one of the most profound that the Christian Community has ever faced but it was also the most markedly ‘biblical’ period in the Church’s history. Humanists, Erasmus par excellence, sought in the Bible roots and means for the moral reform of the Church; Evangelical reformers, starting with Martin Luther, inspected the Scriptures to correct the doctrinal errors of the ‘Roman harlot’, while their Catholic counterparts sought in sacred texts both arguments to defend the Church’s teachings and tools to confront the abuses. In this short paper we shall briefly present the relecture of the Psalms by Franciscus Titelmans, a pre-Tridentine catholic exegete. Franciscus Titelmans was born in 1502 in Hasselt, nowadays Belgium, and from 1517 studied at Leuven1 . He first lived in the Standonckhuis, an offspring of the Parisian College de Montaigu, which cultivated the ideals of devotio moderna2 .

1 There is only one scholarly biography of Titelmans: Alfons Paquay, Frans Tittelmans van Hasselt (Franciscus Tittelmanus Hasselensis): Opzoekingen over zijn leven, zijne werken en zijne familie (Hasselt: Boek-en Steendrukkerij M. Ceysens, 1906). 2 Paolo Sartori, “Frans Titelmans, the Congregation of Montaigu, and Biblical Scholarship”, in: Biblical Humanism and Scholasticism in the Age of Erasmus, ed. Erika Rummel (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 215–223.

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There he imbibed the spirit of austerity and developed an admiration for the tradition that characterised this institution. His masters included Jacques Masson, a leading conservative theologian from Leuven3 . However, his education was not without humanist elements, for the Leuven house of Montaigu was more open to the ‘new learning’ than its motherhouse. For a time, Latin was taught there by Adrianus Barlandus, a leading Flemish Latinist of the age4 . In 1523 Titelmans joined observant Franciscans in Leuven and continued his education at the Franciscan studium. There he met Amandus of Zierikzee, a biblical scholar well-versed in ancient languages (Greek, Hebrew and even Aramaic) and an admirer of Erasmus5 . After his death, Titelmans succeeded him in as a lecturer in the Holy Scriptures, an office he held until 1536 when he completely abandoned intellectual pursuits, walked barefoot to Rome and joined the Capuchin reform of the order. The new life proved too severe for his delicate health and led to an untimely death only 14 months later6 . The commentary on the Psalms, which is the subject of this paper, was one of the fruits of Titelmans’s lectures. This sizeable work, of over 900 pages, was published in Antwerp in 1531, with an imperial grace and privilege7 . It was re-published 22 times in the 16th century, in Antwerp, Paris, Lyon, Cologne and Venice8 . At the time of the publication, Titelmans was already relatively well known due to his previous polemic concerning new translations of the Bible, directed against Erasmus of Rotterdam and other humanists9 . This, perhaps somewhat unjustly, located him in the camp of opponents of the ‘new learning’10 . Unsurprisingly, his commentary on Psalms was derided by Erasmus as well as by Johannes Campensis, who, in a

3 Gilbert Tournoy, “Jacobus Latomus of Cambron”, in: Contemporaries of Erasmus. A Biographical Register of The Renaissance and Reformation, eds. Peter G. Bietenholz, Thomas B. Deutscher, vol. 2 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986), 304–306. 4 Henry de Vocht, History of the Foundation and the Rise of the Collegium Trilingue Lovaniense, 1517–1550, vol. 1 (Louvain: Bibliothèque de l’Université, Bureaux du Recueil, 1951), 226–227. 5 Benjamin de Troeyer, “Amandus van Zierikzee”, Franciscana 20 (1965): 14–19. 6 Mariano D’Alatri, “Francesco Tittelmans o del lavoro mauale”, in: Santi e Santitá nell’ordine Capucino, ed. Mariano D’Alatri, vol. 1 (Roma: Istituto Storico dei Cappuccini, 1980), 7–19. 7 Franciscus Titelmans, Elucidatio in omnes psalmos. Elucidatio canticorum ferialium. Annotationes ex hebraeo (Antwerpen: Martinus de Keyser, 1531). 8 Benjamin de Troeyer, Bio-bibliographia Franciscana Neerlandica saeculi XVI (Nieuwkoop: B. de Graaf, 1969), 96. 9 Franciscus Titelmans, Collationes quinque super epistolam ad Romanos Beati Pauli Apostoli (Antwerpen: Willem Vorsterman, 1529); On the controversy see: Paolo Sartori, “La Controversia Neotestamentaria Tra Frans Titelmans ed Erasmo da Rotterdam (1527–1530 CA.): Linee di Sviluppo e Contenuti”, Humanistica Lovaniensia 52 (2003): 77–135. 10 Cf. Jerry H. Bentley, “New Testament Scholarship at Louvain in the Early Sixteenth Century”, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 2 (1979): 78; Jerry H. Bentley, Humanists and Holy Writ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 206–207.

Reading the Psalms in Times of Crisis

letter to Jan Dantyszek, claimed that the Franciscan was completely ignorant of the biblical languages that he boasted to have studied11 . Yet this testimony must be read in the light of the heated controversy, all the more given the fact that Campensis blamed Titelmans for the failure to have his own paraphrases of Psalms published. The commentary covered the entire psalter as well as several biblical canticles used in liturgy, such as Benedictus and Magnificat. Each psalm was explained in three sections. First Titelmans offered an argumentum, that is a brief summary of the content of the Psalm in which he also outlined the main line of interpretation. Then followed the elucidatio, that is a paraphrase of the text. The Latin text of the Psalter was given in a column on the left accompanied with Titelmans’s explanations on the right. The paraphrase included an element of interpretation and numerous references to other biblical passages. The most interesting part of the commentary were annotations that followed the paraphrase. These explained some grammatical difficulties, clarified rhetorical figures, responded to theological questions arising from the text and proposed alternative interpretations to those offered in the elucidatio. Although Titelmans did not follow a typically scholastic pattern of quaestio, with a thesis, arguments to the contrary and a response to them, still his annotations have a fairly scholastic air to them. Philological questions were treated rather superficially here, because the Franciscan relegated all such matters to the sizeable appendix, entitled: ‘Annotationes ex Hebraeo atque Chaldeo in omnes Psalmos’. In some editions it is missing, while on the other hand it was also occasionally printed as a separate work. It was the most philological part of the commentary, offering an extensive discussion on all verses, where the Vulgate departed significantly from the Hebrew original. The very description of the nature of the commentary suggests that it contained both scholastic and humanist elements. On the one hand, Titelmans was very conservative and followed in his interpretations the Church Fathers as well as leading medieval authorities. He also used the Liturgy of the Church as an authoritative source for the explanation of some psalms12 . On the other hand, he used some contemporary authors such as Johannes Reuchlin, famous humanist Hebraist, and Felix Pratensis, Jewish convert who published a new Latin translation of the Psalter in 151513 . Despite some philological expertise that he included in his commentary, it differed remarkably from works of contemporary humanists. Titelmans attributed a very limited role to philology in the interpretation of the Bible. According to him, 11 Henry de Vocht, History of the Foundation and the Rise of the Collegium Trilingue Lovaniense, 1517–1550, vol. 3 (Louvain: Bibliothèque de l’Université, Bureaux du Recueil, 1954), 152. 12 Titelmans, Elucidatio in omnes psalmos, fo. 9r ; fo. 17r , fo. 36v , fo. 109v , fo. 113r . 13 Reuchlin’s authority is invoked explicitly in Titelmans, Elucidatio in omnes psalmos, fo. 17r ; Felix is cited multiple times, e. g.: fo. 28r ; fo. 37r ; fo. 72r .

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it was useful to correct scribal errors and gain a fuller understanding of possible meanings of the Bible14 . On its own, however, philology was insufficient to grasp the full sense of the Scriptures. In his polemic against humanists, he claimed: ‘Truly, if the Gospel were in words, on the surface, in the leafage of expressions, a man experienced in both languages could translate by the means of education and plentiful vocabulary alone. Since, however, the Gospel is hidden in the meaning, in the kernel, in the roots, it is evident that – as these things depend on the inspiration of the Spirit – a translation of the Gospel or of Holy Scripture cannot be correctly made without Him’15 . Philology was not sufficient because scripture was more than words: it was The Word. He also broached this theme in his commentary on the psalms. Commenting on Psalm 11:7 (eloquia Domini eloquia casta argentum igne examinatum, probatum terrae purgatum septuplum) he observed that the purity of the divine Word was not derived from human eloquence. On the contrary: human wisdom was always mendacious. Even Vergil, whom Titelmans regarded as the purest of pagan poets, was only able to write ludicrous fables, pleasing to the senses, but devoid of spiritual truth16 . One cannot fail to see here a veiled critique of some humanists, who took ancient writers as the utmost authority. Similarly in Ps 33:12 (Beata gens cuius est dominus Deus eius) he noted that ‘eius’ at the end of the phrase seemed spurious and omitting it would render the Latin translation more elegant. Yet, he remarked that it strengthened the meaning and thus should be kept, even though it offended the ears of some. ‘The Holy Scripture, however, looks towards delights of mind not of ears’, concluded the Franciscan17 . In other words, he argued that one should follow the theological meaning more than the exact wording. In is hardly surprising then that the Franciscan concerned himself more with the spiritual than with the literal sense of the Psalms. In Psalmus Nuncupatorius, woven mostly from scriptural citations, he asserted that the Book of Psalms contained the entire salvation history and all dogmas of faith ‘under the cover of speech and

14 Cf. Franciscus Titelmans, “Prologus Apologeticus”, in: Titelmans, Collationes quinque, fo. c7v : “ad pleniorem intelligentiam capiendam”. 15 Titelmans, “Prologus Apologeticus”, in: Titelmans, Collationes quinque, fo. d2r-v : “At qui Spiritus Sancti negat requiri aflatum, in scriptuarum intepretatione, humanam facit scripturam quam sine illo tentat interpretari; quando et quod docetur Evangelium, non iam divinum est sine illo sed sit humanum. Et profecto si in verbis, in superficie, in sermonum foliis esset Evangelium, posset utriusque lingue peritus sola eruditione et verborum copia per se esse sufficiens. Quia vero in sensu, in medulla, in radice rationis latet Evangelium, constat haec sicuti a Spiritus pendent afflatu, ita Evangelii interpretationem, aut sanctae scripture, sine illo non recte fieri”. 16 Titelmans, Elucidatio in omnes psalmos, fo. 28v . 17 Titelmans, Elucidatio in omnes psalmos, fo. 74v : “Sancta enim scriptura, mentium non aurium delicias spectat”.

Reading the Psalms in Times of Crisis

darkness of words’18 . It became legible in Jesus, who is the Key of David and who made visible what had been hitherto veiled. Consequently, Titelmans proposed a Christological reading of most psalms. Thus, he emphasised above all else the allegorical meaning of the Bible. Psalm 2 was for him a prophetic proclamation of the ultimate victory of Christ, Psalm 8 foretold the Incarnation, Psalm 18 spoke of the Incarnation, Ascension and Pentecost, Psalm 21 described the passion, just as Psalm 40, and so on. Not all psalms, however, were read as prefiguring Christ. Ps 34 could be interpreted in relation to Christ, although Titelmans preferred to read it as pertaining to an individual soul. Emphasis on the spiritual interpretation was ages long. At least since the times of Origen it was the preferred mode of understanding the Psalms, despite some opposition to such an approach19 . It is, however, worth mentioning that in the High Middle Ages there had been a new resurgence of the literal interpretation, starting with the Victorines and culminating in Nicholas of Lyra20 . Return to allegory was, by and large, inspired by humanists. Erasmus himself, before his ‘philological conversion’ resulting from the discovery of Valla’s annotations, advocated allegorical interpretation of the Bible in the spirit of Origen21 . In a way, Titelmans was following the advice of young Erasmus against the judgment of the old one. Reading the psalms, and generally the Bible, in a literal way only was, according to Titelmans, demonic. Commenting on Psalm 90:11 he noted that this verse had been used by the Demon during the temptation of Christ (quia angelis suis mandabit de te ut custodiant te in omnibus viis tuis (cf. Mt 4:6). The Demon did not misquote the Psalm, however – he understood it only literally, ‘secundum verborum superficiem’, while its true sense was mystical22 . All heretics imitated the Devil. Just like him, they took scriptural citations out of context, unaware of their true spiritual meaning, and contorted them to make them fit their erroneous doctrines. ‘Heretics, deceitful sons following their father, founder of all lies, are accustomed to cite Scriptures on Devil’s behalf in such a way: they pick from them some small fragment that according to some appearance seems to confirm their errors, ignoring and not

18 Titelmans, Elucidatio in omnes psalmos, fo. A2r-v : “sub involucro sermonum et obscuritate verborum”. 19 Manlio Simonetti, Biblical interpretation in the early church: an historical introduction to patristic exegesis (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1994), 41, 70–72. Frances M. Young, “Traditions of exegesis”, in: The New Cambridge History of the Bible. Volume 1. From the Beginnings to 600, eds. James C. Paget, Joachim Schaper (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 736. 20 On the Victorines see: Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1952), 83–195. On Lyra: eds. Philip D.W. Krey – Lesley Smith, Nicholas of Lyra. The Senses of the Scripture (Leiden: Brill, 2000) passim. 21 Bentley, Humanists and the Holy Writ, 116. 22 Titelmans, Elucidatio in omnes psalmos, fo. 243r .

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wishing to realise that what precedes and what follows, and so they fail to elicit the right meaning and find the truth’23 . Titelmans did not specify, what heretics he had in mind: ancient or contemporary. In fact, from his writing one can deduce that he considered all heretics to belong to the same lineage. New heresies were merely a repetition of old ones in a new dress. Thus, Titelmans often spoke of new Pelagians, new Arians and so on24 . His criticism was unmistakably a reference to the humanist philological method. Humanists interpreted the Bible according to literal sense and took out single words dissecting their meaning in accordance with the original languages, rather than interpreting their sense in the light of the Church’s doctrine. But critique of humanists applied to Evangelical reformers too. Titelmans was convinced that ‘Erasmus laid the egg and Luther hatched it’25 as a famous 16th century proverb ran. Although it was less true about the great reformer from Wittenberg, it certainly applied to numerous other evangelical leaders, such as Zwingli, Oecolampadius, Bullinger and so on, who all professed great admiration for the Prince of Humanists and were much more rigorous philologians than Luther26 . Titelmans, following the opinion of his mentor, Noël Beda, the syndic of Parisian theological faculty, believed, that as long as the challenge of humanism were not deflected, evangelical reformations would not be halted27 . The challenge was serious, as Titelmans admitted commenting on Psalm 106. He read it as a great allegory of the entire salvation history. He noted that there were some who interpreted it literally, as referring either to King Zedekiah wandering in the desert after the fall of Jerusalem, or some general disasters that might occur to any believer28 . Yet, it was more fit to read it allegorically, as a prophetic vision of Church’s history. Creating such an interpretation, Titelmans elaborated on elements already present in patristic exegesis. Verse 20 had long since been considered as

23 Titelmans, Elucidatio in omnes psalmos, fo. 243r : “Haeretici hac in parte suum patrem, mendacii omnis parentem, mendaces filii insequentes, scritpuras citare sunt soliti: desumentes ex eis particulas aliquas, quae secudum aliquam apparentiam pro illorum erroribus facere videntur, dissimulantes et nolentes attendere quae antecedent et quae consequuntur, ne eliciant rectam sententiam et veritatem inveniant.” 24 Cf. Titelmans, “Prologus Apologeticus”, in: Titelmans, Collationes quinque, fo. C4r-v . Titelmans, Collationes quinque, fo. 127v ; 196r . 25 Erika Rummel, The Confessionalization of Humanism in Reformation Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000),18. 26 Cornelis Augustijn, Erasmus: His Life, Works, and Influence (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), 93–94. 27 This was an opinion he likely derived from Noël Beda, cf: James K. Farge, “Noël Beda and the Defense of the Tradition”, in: Biblical Humanism and Scholasticism in the Age of Erasmus, ed. Erika Rummel (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 157–158. 28 Titelmans, Elucidatio in omnes psalmos, fo. 289v .

Reading the Psalms in Times of Crisis

speaking about the incarnation of Christ (e. g. Eusebius of Cesarea), while verse 33 was interpreted as referring to the substitution of the Synagogue by the Church (e. g. Origen). Yet, Titelmans developed this interpretation to create an all-encompassing view of history. Initial verses, speaking about people wandering aimlessly, were, according to him, a description of the state of humanity after the original sin29 . Verses 13 to 19 told the history of Israel, freed by God from slavery30 . After the Incarnation in verse 20, verse 23 spoke of those who set off into the sea: that is, the apostles, going forth to preach the Gospel31 . Then followed the account of persecution of the Church and her liberation under Constantine and the conversion of pagan peoples32 . Finally, Titelmans arrived at the present time, which according to him was characterised by a diminishing of faithful souls and proliferation of heretics. Thus he red the verse 39: ‘et pauci facti sunt, et vexati sunt a tribulatione malorum et dolore’33 . The simple souls were identified with the cattle from the previous verse because they followed the teaching of the Church just as flocks follow their shepherd. Yet, false teachers who had entered the flock, misled those simple souls and persecuted the Church both physically and morally. Although nowhere in his commentaries did Titelmans name those heretics, it is impossible not to recognise evangelical reformers in this unfavourable portrayal. Despite the damage that they continued to do to the Church, the Franciscan was full of hope. The final verses of the Psalm 106 promised God’s help to the poor of heart and their ultimate triumph, if only they adhere to the rule of faith passed by the Apostles34 . What was significant in Titelmans’s interpretation of Psalm 106 was the conviction that the Biblical account of sacred history did not end with the apostolic times. The history of salvation was for Titelmans a continuum encompassing also the time of the Church. Her history was included on the sacred pages under the disguise of symbols and allegories. Thus, the sense of the Scriptures was dynamic, discoverable not only through philological analysis, but in the life of the Church, her liturgy, her doctrine and her practices. The reference to evangelical reformers was even more evident in Psalm 109. Titelmans offered a Christocentric interpretation, in accordance with Church’s tradition, and the Gospels themselves (cf. Mt 22; Hbr 1). Commenting on verse 4, which promised: ‘tu es sacerdos in aeternum secundum ordinem Melchisedech’, he made an open criticism of some recent heretics: ‘Truly, regarding this place, in our

29 30 31 32 33 34

Titelmans, Elucidatio in omnes psalmos, fo. 286v . Titelmans, Elucidatio in omnes psalmos, fo. 287r . Titelmans, Elucidatio in omnes psalmos, fo. 287v . Titelmans, Elucidatio in omnes psalmos, fo. 288r-v . Titelmans, Elucidatio in omnes psalmos, fo. 289r . Titelmans, Elucidatio in omnes psalmos, fo. 289v .

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times certain new authors of heresies, or their supporters, with excessive bitterness rise up against aforementioned pious opinion of the fathers saying that it cannot be found in Scriptures that Melchisedech made a sacrifice of bread and wine. It can only be found, that when Abraham and his companions were returning from the slaughter of kings and were tired, he brought them bread and wine and blessed them’35 . Here we have an obvious reference to evangelical reformers, who, although by no means unanimous as to the character of the Mass, all denied its sacrificial character. It is interesting to see how Titelmans refuted these claims. Significantly, he admitted that the Bible did not speak openly about the sacrifice of Melchisedech. Such a sacrifice, claimed the Franciscan, was, however, implied by the tradition of interpretation. It was not contrary to the Scriptures to claim that Melchisedech made a sacrifice. According to the ancient rule that nothing explains difficult Biblical verses better than other Biblical passages, he claimed that Melchisedech was a type of Christ. Thus, since Christ made a sacrifice of himself, we are entitled to understand Melchisedech’s offering as a sacrifice too. This opinion had been confirmed by the unanimous consent of all orthodox fathers and found its expression in liturgy, namely, in the Mass cannon. Titelmans often used the argument from ‘consensum patrum’ that was later taken up by the Council of Trent36 . For further argumentation Titelmans directed the reader to his book on the Mass. There he presents two arguments in defence of the sacrificial character of Melchisedech’s actions37 . First, he admitted that the Bible was tacit about Melchisedech’s offering, yet he insisted this truth could be inferred otherwise. The first of the two arguments was based on an analogy with the Eucharist itself. The bread and wine that are offered to the believers to be consumed have been previously offered to God. Given that the story of Genesis is a figure of the Eucharist, by corollary it followed the same pattern. Even though the Bible spoke nothing of it, Melchisedech sacrificed bread and wine to God before handing them out to Abraham’s men. The second argument was based on the fact that Melchisedech was 35 Titelmans, Elucidatio in omnes psalmos, fo. 297v -298r : “Verum hoc loco novelli quidam nostrae tempestatis haeresum authores, sive fautores, admodum acriter insurgunt adversus piam praedictorum patrum sententiam, dicentes nusquam in scriptura inveniri quod Melchisedech Deo obtulerit panem et vinum; sed hoc tantum, quod Abrahae et sociis redeuntibus de caede regum et fatigatis, protulerit panem et vinum, eisque benedixerit”. 36 Cf. Titelmans, Collationes quinque, fo. 114v ; vide: Concilium Tridentinum, Sessio IV, “Recipiuntur vulgata editio bibliae praescribiturque modus interpretandi sacram scripturam”, in: Dokumenty Soborów Powszechnych, eds. Arkadiusz Baron – Henryk Pietras, vol. 4 (Kraków: Wydawnictwo WAM, 2004), 212: “ut nemo … contra unanimem consensum patrum ipsam scripturam sacram interpretari audeat”. 37 Franciscus Titelmans, Tractatus de expositione mysteriorum missae (Paris: Hieronimus Gormontius, 1536), fo. 55r-v .

Reading the Psalms in Times of Crisis

explicitly called a priest in Hebrews, chapter 5. There is no priest without sacrifice (cf. Hbr 8:3) thus also Melchisedech sacrificed his gifts to God. Titelmans’s argumentation regarding Psalm 109 sheds much light on his exegetical method. The correct reading of the Bible did not arise from the text alone, because the Bible was not merely a text. In his polemic with Erasmus he quoted Jerome to emphasise this point: ‘Nor should we suppose that the Gospel is in the words of the Scriptures; rather it is in the meaning, and not the surface meaning, but the innermost’38 . The true meaning was to be discovered in the Church and through her authority, since the Scripture was the living Word of God, whose voice could be heard in the community of believers throughout history. The correct understanding of Psalm 109 proceeded not so much from philological analysis, but from the Eucharistic dogmas and liturgical praxis of the Church. On the one hand, the faith of the Church was based on the Bible, and on the other this very faith was a necessary perquisite for the correct interpretation of the text. This circular relationship was fueled by the activity of the Holy Spirit, whose assistance was as indispensable in writing down the Scriptures as it was in interpreting them. The Franciscan emphasised that ‘what has been written with the help of the Divine Spirit, must be read, understood and translated with the help of the Divine Spirit, in order to be interpreted rightly’39 . Titelmans hermeneutics of faith was nothing new. Since the earliest fathers, such as Justin, Irenaeus, and Tertullian, it constituted the golden rule of interpreting the Bible: within the Church and in a dialogue between spiritual and literal senses. Hans Boersma called this a ‘sacramental understanding of the Scripture’, characteristic for all pre-modern exegesis40 . Titelmans was thus significant not for being innovative, but because he tried to uphold a centuries-old exegetical tradition in the face of a crisis arising from humanism and reformation. He was not opposed per se to the ‘new learning’ and principles of philological exegesis, as long as those were subjected to the authority of the Church and respected the primacy of the spiritual sense over the literal. It was the ‘secularisation’ of the Bible that he feared most in the humanist method.

38 Hieronimus, Commentaria in Epistolam ad Galatas, 1.7: “Nec putemus, in verbis scripturarum esse Evangelium, sed in sensu: non in superficie, sed in medulla: non in sermonum foliis, sed in radice rationis”. English translation: Jerome, “Commentary on Galatians”, in: St. Jerome’s Commentaries on Galatians, Titus, and Philemon, ed. Thomas P. Scheck (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2010), 70. Cf. Titelmans, “Prologus Apologeticus”, in: Titelmans, Collationes quinque, fo. d2r . 39 Titelmans, “Prologus Apologeticus”, in: Titelmans, Collationes quinque, fo. d2v : “que vero Spiritu divino scripta sunt, ut digna sit interpretatio, sicut Spiritu divino legi, sicut Spiritu divino intelligi, ita Spiritu divino videntur debere interpretari”. 40 Hans Boersma, Scripture as Real Presence: Sacramental Exegesis in the Early Church (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2017), 27.

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Treating the Bible like any other text, as Valla, Erasmus and others had done, reduced its meaning to merely literal and its message to merely moralising. This is evident in Erasmus’ non-dogmatic, non-sacramental theology, which effectively equated Christianity with ethics. It was to a degree followed by Swiss and Rhineland reformers, who were much more under Erasmus’ influence. Even Luther feared such an approach, complaining about it as early as 151641 . Indeed, Erasmus’ ‘sola lettera’ was in many ways more extreme than Luther’s sola scriptura. Yet, according to Titelmans, also Luther was mistaken. Although he was more ‘theological’ than Erasmus, just like the Humanist from Rotterdam, he transformed exegesis from a collective pursuit of the community Church into an individual, subjective exercise. Titelmans’s exegesis bears witness to great transformations in the field of biblical exegesis at the beginning of the 16th century. The conflicts that first arose in that time have continued to plague the Church for the following centuries, as testified by conflicts surrounding such figures as Richard Simon and Alfred Loisy. This short paper tried to demonstrate how Franciscus Titelmans sought in the Psalter an adequate response to contemporary challenges. He read the psalter as the living word of God, which spoke not only of past, but also contemporary and future, events. While he did not reject philological methods, he generally adhered to a traditional spiritual reading of the Scripture and regarded an overtly literal approach as outright heretical. He is an important witness of the transition from pre-modern to modern exegesis. It can be hoped that a greater historical awareness of developments in the study of the Bible might also contribute to a step forward in present day biblical theology.

Bibliography Augustijn, Cornelis. Erasmus: His Life, Works, and Influence. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991. Baron, Arkadiusz – Pietras, Henryk, eds. Dokumenty Soborów Powszechnych, vol. 4. Kraków: Wydawnictwo WAM, 2004. Bentley, Jerry H. “New Testament Scholarship at Louvain in the Early Sixteenth Century”. Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 2 (1979): 53–79. Bentley, Jerry H. Humanists and Holy Writ. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983. Boersma, Hans. Scripture as Real Presence: Sacramental Exegesis in the Early Church. Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2017.

41 Martin Luther, “Luther An Spalatin. Wittenberg, 19. Oktober 1516”, in: Martin Luther, Briefwechsel. Erster Band 1501–20 (Weimar: Hermann Böhlaus, 1930), 70: “Ego sane in hoc dissentire ab Erasmo non dubito, quod Augustino in scripturis interpretandis tantum posthabeo Hieronymum, quantum ipse Augustinum in omnibus Hieronymo posthabet”.

Reading the Psalms in Times of Crisis

D’Alatri, Mariano. “Francesco Tittelmans o del lavoro mauale”. In: Santi e Santitá nell’ordine Capucino, ed. Mariano D’Alatri, vol. 1, 7–19. Roma: Istituto Storico dei Cappuccini, 1980. Farge, James K. “Noël Beda and the Defense of the Tradition”. In: Biblical Humanism and Scholasticism in the Age of Erasmus, ed. Erika Rummel, 143–164. Leiden: Brill, 2008. Jerome. “Commentary on Galatians”. In: St. Jerome’s Commentaries on Galatians, Titus, and Philemon, ed. Thomas P. Scheck, 47–275. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2010. Krey, Phillip D.W. – Smith, Lesley, eds. Nicholas of Lyra. Leiden: Brill, 2000. Luther, Martin. “Luther An Spalatin. Wittenberg, 19. Oktober 1516”. In: Martin Luther, Briefwechsel. Erster Band 1501–20, 69–72. Weimar: Hermann Böhlaus, 1930. Paquay, Alfons. Frans Tittelmans van Hasselt (Franciscus Tittelmanus Hasselensis): Opzoekingen over zijn leven, zijne werken an zijne familie. Hasselt: Boek-en Steendrukkerij M. Ceysens, 1906. Rummel, Erika. The Confessionalization of Humanism in Reformation Germany. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Sartori, Paolo. “Frans Titelmans, the Congregation of Montaigu, and Biblical Scholarship”. In: Biblical Humanism and Scholasticism in the Age of Erasmus, ed. Erika Rummel, 215–223. Leiden: Brill, 2008. Sartori, Paolo. “La Controversia Neotestamentaria Tra Frans Titelmans ed Erasmo da Rotterdam (1527–1530 CA.): Linee di Sviluppo e Contenuti”. Humanistica Lovaniensia 52 (2003): 77–135. Simonetti, Manlio. Biblical interpretation in the early church: an historical introduction to patristic exegesis. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1994. Smalley, Beryl. The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages. Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1952. Titelmans, Franciscus. Collationes quinque super epistolam ad Romanos Beati Pauli Apostoli. Antwerpen: Willem Vorsterman, 1529. Titelmans, Franciscus. Elucidatio in omnes psalmos. Elucidatio canticorum ferialium. Annotationes ex hebraeo. Antwerpen: Martinus de Keyser, 1531. Titelmans, Franciscus. Tractatus de expositione mysteriorum missae. Paris: Hieronimus Gormontius, 1536. Titelmans, Franciscus. “Prologus Apologeticus”. In: Franciscus Titelmans, Collationes quinque super epistolam ad Romanos Beati Pauli Apostoli. Fo. a2v -e4r . Antwerpen: Willem Vorsterman, 1529. Tournoy, Gilbert. “Jacobus Latomus of Cambron”. In: Contemporaries of Erasmus. A Biographical Register of The Renaissance and Reformation, eds. Peter G. Bietenholz – Thomas B. Deutscher, vol. 2, 304–306. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986. Troeyer de , Benjamin. “Amandus van Zierikzee”. Franciscana 20 (1965): 14–19. Troeyer de , Benjamin. Bio-bibliographia Franciscana Neerlandica saeculi XVI. Nieuwkoop: B. de Graaf, 1969. Vocht de , Henry. History of the foundation and the rise of the Collegium trilingue lovaniense, 1517–1550, vol 1. Louvain: Bibliothèque de l’Université, Bureaux du Recueil, 1951.

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Vocht de, Henry. History of the foundation and the rise of the Collegium trilingue lovaniense, 1517–1550, vol 3. Louvain: Bibliothèque de l’Université, Bureaux du Recueil, 1954. Young, Frances M. “Traditions of exegesis”. In: The New Cambridge History of the Bible Volume 1. From the Beginnings to 600, eds. James C. Paget – Joachim Schaper, 734–751. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.

Vincenzo Rubino

The Catholic Church Amidst Internationalism Luigi Maglione’s Swiss Mission (1918–1926)

Abstract:

This reflection is part of a strand of historical research that has sought to investigate the position of the Church with respect to the profound transformations brought about by the Great War (1914–1918). These include the triumph of nationalism, which made the Church aware of the crisis caused by the opposite positions of Catholics in the states at war with the ecclesiastical hierarchies also involved. It is no coincidence that many historians speak of that time as the occasion of the birth of a “new religion”: nationalism. Faced with this crisis, the Church was challenged with the dilemma of how to reconcile national affiliations and interests with the universal scope of the Church’s Magisterium and Catholicism itself in the construction of the post-war world. In this connection, alongside the nationalist ferments, two internationalist visions were gaining ground, one socialist-communist (the Communist International) and one liberal-democratic, both in some ways hostile to or at least in competition with the Church. A paradigm of how the papacy reacted to this double internationalist challenge is the mission of the Vatican diplomat, Luigi Maglione, to Switzerland where he was, first, provisional representative and, then, nuncio from 1918 to 1926. Over time, the Swiss Confederation had assumed a central position in diplomatic relations, and Geneva had become the seat of the League of Nations, a new international body, the fruit of liberal democratic internationalism, one which was supposed to settle conflicts between states. In protecting Catholic interests at this point, Maglione’s “supranational” nunciature had to contend with the dynamics and international crises that seeped through from the League, with which it unofficially handled relations on behalf of the Holy See. This unofficial collaboration took shape over time as a first pontifical attempt to collaborate obtorto collo with liberal democracy to preserve peace and to stem the threats of Bolshevism and “exaggerated” nationalism. Keywords:

Internationalism | Maglione | nunciature | Benedict XV | Pius XI | Holy See | League of Nations | peace | universalism | post-war world

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Introduction In this paper, we shall try to give an outline of how, through the figure of Luigi Maglione, the Holy See acted in the face of the new problems that emerged after the First World War. Within the limits of this space, and relying on literature published throughout the last decade, we intend to investigate its attitude towards the new supranational organism of the League of Nations which was born at the Paris Peace Conference out of the liberal-democratic, internationalist conception of the American president, Woodrow Wilson. In fact, the Great War was one of the most dramatic events of the twentieth century. It caused deep divisions among European Catholics and so put the Holy See’s position to the test1 . The First World War triggered a series of transformations and upheavals that did not end with the signing of the armistices in November 1918. The armistices were not immediately followed by a period of peace. The historian Robert Gerwarth has noted that, between 1917 and 1920 alone, there were twenty-seven violent political changes in Europe, in many cases accompanied by latent or full-blown civil wars2 . Gerwarth argues that not since the Thirty Years’ War in the 17th century had Europe witnessed such a tangle of wars and civil wars with such indefinite borders and such a bloody character as in the years 1917 to 1923. There were civil and social upheavals and outright conflicts in many parts of Europe and the Middle East. These were the years that the historian, Eric Hobsbawn, described as the apogee of nationalism3 . On the other hand, the threat of revolutionary waves had become more and more real with the impetus of the Socialist International, led by the Bolsheviks who had seized power in Russia4 . In the reconstruction phase of the post-war world, therefore, the Holy See was confronted with the thrust of nationalist and internationalist upheavals.

1 An in-depth analysis of the travails suffered by Benedict XV during the Great War is contained in this volume: Benedetto XV: Papa Giacomo Della Chiesa nel mondo dell’inutile strage, dir. Alberto Melloni, eds. Giovanni Cavagnini and Giulia Grossi (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2017. On Benedict XV cf. Yves Chiron, Benoît XV: le pape de la paix (Paris: Perrin, 2014); Paul Christophe, Benoît XV et la Grande Guerre (Paris: Cerf, 2016). 2 Cf. Robert Gerwarth, La rabbia dei vinti. La guerra dopo la guerra 1917–1923 (Bari: Laterza, 2016). 3 Cf. Eric Hobsbawn, Nazioni e nazionalismi dal 1780. Programma, mito e realtà (Torino: Einaudi, 2002). 4 Cf. Richard Pipes, The Russian Revolution 1899–1919 (London: Harvill Press, 1990); Serge Wolikow, L’Internazionale comunista. Il sogno infranto del partito della rivoluzione mondiale (1919–1943) (Roma: Carocci, 2016).

The Catholic Church Amidst Internationalism

A New International Order: The Holy See and the Peace Conference The conclusion of the war and the opening of the Peace Conference in Paris in early 1919 did not immediately represent a turning point in the international position of the Holy See. In the course of the conflict, the Holy See had tended to concentrate its action in the narrow channels of humanitarian missions and a policy of impartiality which, although obligatory, gave signs of vitality from the diplomatic point of view5 . At this point, new scenarios were opening up in international relations and the entire world order. The map of Europe was turned upside down; old empires were crumbling and new principles, such as the self-determination of peoples and nationalities, were calling into question the “European concert” of the Vienna of 1815. In the face of all this and the loss of traditional interlocutors, such as the Habsburg Empire, the Holy See was called upon to take stock of itself6 . As far as the peace negotiations were concerned, an important role was played by Article 15 of the London Pact, which effectively excluded the pope from the peace table7 . By means of this article, the Entente powers pandered to the Italian government, and, in particular, to the then Foreign Minister, Sidney Sonnino, who feared that a leading role for the Holy See in a post-war scenario could revive the long-standing Roman Question. However, as historian Americo Miranda argues, despite the unusual circumstance of its exclusion from the Peace Conference, at the beginning of 1919, the Holy See was opening up “diplomatic spaces that the

5 In this regard, there are those who speak of “defeated diplomacy”, such as Andrea Riccardi, La Segreteria di Stato e la diplomazia vaticana tra guerra e dopoguerra, in Cattolici, Chiesa e Resistenza, ed. G. De Rosa (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1997), 61–63; Umberto Castagnino Berlinghieri, Diplomazia senza Stato: Santa Sede e Potenze europee (Milano: Vita e Pensiero, 2013). Cf. Americo Miranda, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni: Benedetto XV, Pio XI e il nuovo internazionalismo cattolico (Roma: Studium, 2013). 6 Cf. Roberto Regoli, La Congregazione per gli affari Ecclesiastici Straordinari e la ricostruzione postbellica, in: Santa Sede e cattolici nel mondo postbellico, ed. Marc Agostino (Città del Vaticano: LEV, 2020), 109–123; Nicholas Doublet, A politics of peace: the Congregation for extraordinary ecclesiastical affairs during the pontificate of Benedict XV (1914–1922) (Roma: Studium, 2019). 7 “France, Great Britain and Russia will support Italy’s opposition to all proposals for the introduction of a representative of the Holy See in all negotiations for peace and for the settlement of questions arising from the present war”. Consisting of 16 articles, the Pact of London was signed on 26 April 1915 by France, Great Britain, Russia and Italy. With reference to the last article, the Pact remained secret until 1917 when the Bolsheviks, who had recently come to power, published its contents in the newspaper Izvestija together with all the secret tsarist diplomatic documentation. In reality, partial knowledge of the Pact and of Article 15 had already been gained in the Vatican since 1916, when rumours began to leak out cf. Antonio Scottà, Benedetto XV, la pace e la Conferenza di Parigi, in: La Conferenza di pace di Parigi fra ieri e oggi (1919–1920), Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi Portogruaro-Bibione 31 maggio-4 giugno 2000, ed. A. Scottà (Soveria Mannelli (CZ): Rubbettino, 2004), 453.

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totalizing logic of the war had precluded”8 . In fact, borders for dialogue with the various governments could be created outside the official channels. Following the work of the Conference on behalf of the Holy See was Monsignor Bonaventura Cerretti who kept the Secretariat of State up to date on the general direction of the negotiations and on the main issues of interest to the Vatican, such as the German missions, the question of Santa Sofia, relations with the Jews, the protectorates over the missions and the opening of a nunciature in Peking. The well-known attempt at conciliation with Italy also took place in this period, discussed in secret talks between Cerretti and Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, the Italian Prime Minister9 . A cause for concern, with reference to the downfall of some historical connections for the Holy See, such as Austria-Hungary, were the problems inherent in future relations with the new states that were forming in Central and Eastern Europe after the disintegration of the Central Empires. The first months of the Paris Conference were conditioned by the American President Wilson for whom the reconstruction of a new European order was to be sought in some of the programmatic points he had set out. These aimed towards the creation of an organism that, by institutionalising international conflicts, would allow an easier peaceful solution within the perspective of a collective response to certain controversies. The historian of international relations, Ennio Di Nolfo, points out that, in the past, this task had been unravelled by the subtleties of secret diplomacy, which, since 1917, had been the subject of an attack from those who defined it as the main cause of the chain of agreements that, from 1914, had further expanded the theatres of war10 . Therefore, with a view to a more democratic formation of international political decisions that could go beyond the perspective of power politics, it was thought necessary to have an open diplomacy coordinated by a “League of Nations”, the central point of the American president’s democratic internationalism echoed in his 14 points. The rebalancing of international relations outside of a policy of power and in a context of cooperation between peoples could not fail to be points of contact with the Holy See. Benedict XV himself had done his utmost for the plight of small 8 Cf. Miranda, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni, 36. 9 Cf. Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, Miei rapporti di governo con la Santa Sede (Milano: Editori vari, 1944). Archivio Storico Segreteria di Stato-Sezione per i rapporti con gli Stati Affari Ecclesiastici Straordinari (S.RR.SS., AA.EE.SS), Stati Ecclesiastici, pos. 1350, fasc. 513, vol. III, anni 1917–1920; Giovanni Battista Varnier, La Santa Sede e le ipotesi di un ritorno del potere temporale durante la Grande Guerra, in Fede e diplomazia: Le relazione internazionali della Santa Sede nell’età contemporanea, ed. Massimo De Leonardis (Milano: EDUCatt, 2014), 86–87. On Cerretti, cf. Francesco Margiotta Broglio, s.v. “Bonaventura Cerretti”, in: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana, Roma, 1980, vol. 24, accessed May 15, 2021 http://www.treccani.it/biografico/. 10 Ennio Di Nolfo, Storia delle relazioni internazionali - dal 1918 ai giorni nostri (Bari: Laterza, 2008), 12.

The Catholic Church Amidst Internationalism

populations and religious minorities, urging in his Apostolic Letter, Maximum illud, the avoidance of the triumphant nationalisms that had torn Europe apart with the war11 . On the other hand, the overcoming of the traditional European equilibrium was considered by the Holy See as a fait accompli, and the aversion to the various nationalisms of the time led a part of the Catholic world to look favourably on the emergence of an internationalist perspective that expressed the need for new forms of international coexistence. On 28 April 1919, with the laborious approval of the Covenant, the founding document of the League of Nations, the phase of implementation of the new body began while the Treaty of Versailles was still in session12 . Consisting of 26 articles, the document outlined the rules that would allow for the peaceful resolution of various disputes, preventing the use of force by any member country and outlining the steps that would regulate violations of the Covenant. As far as the Holy See was concerned, among the issues on the table at the Paris Conference, one of the most favoured was the project of an international organisation owing to the awareness that a new phase was opening up in international relations. However, relations between the Holy See and the League of Nations were characterised by a substantial reciprocal diffidence. Nevertheless, there was still room for points of contact in a sort of parallel convergence that would be determined by concrete situations. The attitude that the Secretariat of State took towards the League of Nations, or Société des Nations as it was known in French, was centred, in its initial phase, on a wait-and-see approach, even if, as Miranda affirms, the League was substantially foreign to its traditional modes of action and orientations. Miranda traces the difficulty in accepting the project of the League of Nations to the reservations towards the figure of President Wilson and the secular13 , cosmopolitan and liberal democratic conception of internationalism that formed the background. It was the first real confrontation between two universalisms, competing over who should represent the highest moral authority in the world14 . Certainly, in the spheres of a certain European culture favourable to the League of Nations, there was no lack of 11 Benedictus XV, Encyclical Letter Maximum illud, AAS 11 (1919): 440–455. 12 Di Nolfo, Storia delle relazioni internazionali, 13. On the process of formation of the League of Nations, cf. Miranda, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni, 19–47; Italo Garzia, “La nascita della Società delle Nazioni”, in: La Conferenza di pace di Parigi fra ieri e oggi (1919–1920), 277–315. 13 Cf. Miranda, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni, 40. 14 On relations between the Holy See and the League of Nations, cf. A. Miranda, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni; Daniele Menozzi, Chiesa, pace e guerra nel Novecento: verso una delegittimazione religiosa dei conflitti (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2008), 47–76; Robert John Arauyo and John Lucal, Papal Diplomacy and the Quest for Peace (Naples (FL): Sapientia Press, 2004), 91–129 and 131–160. On relations of Catholics with American society cf. Manlio Graziano, In Rome we trust. L’ascesa dei cattolici nella vita politica degli Stati Uniti (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2016), 96–97.

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mistrust towards the Holy See, due above all to the certain partiality of the clergy during the war. These were reservations that did not spare even the Pope himself. With reference to the League, Daniele Menozzi speaks of a “pliable” papal attitude at the time of the initial constitution of the international body, specifying how Benedict XV had shown for the American president’s project “an interest that had not waned after the very scant consideration given by the Parisian assembly to his points of view”15 . This would be attested by the encyclical Pacem Dei munus (May 1920) in which, after expressing the wish that the states would gather in an organism capable of protecting the order of civil society, the pope affirmed that “once this league of nations is founded on Christian law, for all that concerns justice and charity, it will certainly not be the church that will refuse its valid contribution”16 . One speaks, therefore, of Benedict XV’s favourable disposition towards the constitution of the League of Nations, a body that could, on the one hand, avoid the recurrence of bloody wars and, on the other, guarantee peaceful relations between nations17 . For Miranda, the most accepted reconstruction is that the Holy See looked with openness and willingness at the project, but only in a first phase, which, in any case, did not go beyond the first steps of the Peace Conference. He refers to the documentation acquired by the Secretariat of State, of which the only record that remains is that of some passages in the Paris Conference and the role of Cardinal Désiré Mercier, delegate at the Conference18 . As the peace negotiations proceeded, the Holy See received no positive response and its plans were divergent from the emerging role of the League of Nations. In the days when it was taking shape, the Holy See appeared unavoidably silent. In addition to the problems of a juridical order that were never entirely overcome19 , its direct participation was opposed by the Italian government. Benedict XV himself chose not to take an official stance against the Treaty of Versailles. Despite the difficulties, however, the internationalist vocation assumed by the pontiff did not diminish. In fact, he was looking for a different role for the Holy See. The internal debate on the new international body remained open within the Catholic world, as did the possibility of confrontation over particular situations that the Holy See did not rule out.

15 Menozzi, Chiesa, pace e guerra nel Novecento, 50. 16 Enchiridion della pace, vol. I: Pio X-Giovanni XXIII (Bologna: EDB, 2004), 204–207, in Menozzi, Chiesa, pace e guerra nel Novecento, 50. 17 Arthur Wynen, Die Päpstliche Diplomatie geschichtlich und rechtlich dargestellt (Freiburg: Herder, 1922), 151. 18 Cf. Miranda, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni, 45; cf. Arauyo - Lucal, Papal Diplomacy and the Quest for Peace, 127–128. 19 Cf. Ernesto Gallina, Le organizzazioni internazionali e la Chiesa cattolica (Roma: Studium, 1967).

The Catholic Church Amidst Internationalism

The Holy See and the League of Nations: The Key Role of Maglione Within this new and intricate international context, Switzerland assumed a particular centrality. Article 7 of the Covenant established that the seat of the newly founded League of Nations should be in Geneva. The choice was a controversial one, reflecting the divisions within the new organisation20 . Apart from its central location on the European continent, Geneva was already the headquarters of the Red Cross and, having been far removed from the battlefields during the conflict, provided a more relaxed environment. Moreover, the Swiss context seemed the most suitable because of the country’s neutral tradition and a certain internationalist vocation. Catholics disapproved of the choice of Geneva because of the city’s identification with the Reformation and the presence of the international Masonic centre – factors which, between prejudice and real objections, turned out to be a red line for the papal acceptance of the Society. Referring to the study of the vast and unpublished documentation of the deposit of the Apostolic Nunciature in Switzerland, now at the Vatican Apostolic Archive, Liliosa Azara points out that, despite the problems that emerged, which were of a strictly diplomatic and also ideological-theological nature, the Holy See interacted in a continuous and systematic way with the Geneva organisation. It was an interaction that developed increasingly in the 1920s through political and institutional figures, such as Giuseppe Motta, and which proved fundamental in re-establishing relations with the Swiss authorities21 . The pivotal point of these relations was the Swiss nunciature, headed by Luigi Maglione22 . Maglione’s background was in law and diplomacy, and he had worked for ten years at the Congregation for Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs where he collaborated with the then secretary Eugenio Pacelli, a fellow student at the Almo Collegio Capranica, where he would become Secretary of State in 1939 when Pacelli became Pope Pius XII. Sent to Switzerland by Benedict XV in February 1918 as a provisional representative, with the task of continuing to coordinate the humanitarian initiatives that the Holy See had under-

20 France supported the Belgian delegate on the Paris Commission in opposing the designation of Geneva, favouring Brussels. The Swiss city, on the other hand, found strong support from Wilson. The decision was not ratified until May 1920 with the approval of the Swiss parliament. Cf. Miranda, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni, 54–55; Antoine Fleury, s.v. “Società delle Nazioni”, 1 October 2013, in: Dizionario Storico della Svizzera, http://www.hls-dhs-dss.ch, accessed May 10, 2021. 21 Liliosa Azara, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni – Il ruolo della Nunziatura in Svizzera, in Le gouvernement pontifical sous Pies XI, ed. Laura Pettinaroli (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 2013), 287–302. 22 Cf. Francesco Malgeri, s.v. “Luigi Maglione”, in: DBI, vol. 67, 2006, https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/luigi-maglione_%28Dizionario-Biografico%29/, accessed May 10, 2021.

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taken together with the Swiss government23 , and acting as a link for diplomatic information with the rest of Europe, Maglione had to disentangle himself from the complex cantonal, multilingual and multi-faith reality of the Swiss Confederation24 . In June 1920, the improvement of relations between the Holy See and the federal institutions led to the re-establishment of the Swiss Apostolic Nunciature, of which Maglione was one of the main architects25 . The Nunciature was a privileged observatory for the Holy See because of Switzerland’s central geographic location, as well as its established neutrality, but, above all, because it was the seat of the League of Nations. After the issues concerning the relations between Switzerland and the Holy See, Maglione’s final report of 1926 devoted one third of its content to the League of Nations26 . For Azara, this is a clear sign of the centrality that relations with the Geneva institute enjoyed, not only in the Swiss nunciature but, above all, in the international policy of the Holy See itself27 . The opening of the International Conference for the League of Nations in Bern on 6 March, 1919 was the starting point for the history of relations between the Holy See and the League of Nations28 . Maglione supported a motion for a vote on the Holy See’s cooperation through Georg Baumberger, Secretary General of the International Catholic Union in Zurich. He was the only Catholic member of the commission charged with preparing and submitting to the General Assembly the motion for the establishment of members within the organisation. As Azara reports, the motion, at first accepted, was put to the vote because of opposition from Auguste Forel, a socialist and professor of psychiatry at the University of Zurich29 .

23 Cf. Giuseppe Quirico, Il Vaticano e la guerra (Roma, Buffetti, 1921); Stefano Picciaredda, La Svizzera neutrale: l’ospedalizzazione dei feriti e l’accredito di Carlo Santucci, in: Benedetto XV: Papa Giacomo Della Chiesa nel mondo dell’inutile strage, 315. 24 Instructions for Monsignor Luigi Maglione-provisional representative of the Holy See, from the Vatican, 1 March, 1918, n. 7004, in Archivio Apostolico Vaticano (AAV), Nunziatura Svizzera, b. 9, fasc. 1, ff. 100–120. 25 Following the Swiss Kulturkampf, the historic Nunciature in Lucerne was abolished in 1873. Cooperation during the war and the commitment of Catholics to safeguard the institutions of the Confederation following the great strike in the autumn of 1918 led to the re-establishment of the Apostolic Nunciature of Switzerland with its seat in Berne. Cf. Rapporto n. 147, Berna 19 June, 1920 from Maglione to Gasparri, minute, in S.RR.SS. AA.EE. SS. Svizzera III, pos. 562, fasc. 298, f. 35. K. Kistler, Die Wiedererrichtung der Nuntiatur in der Schweiz (1920). Ein Beitrag zur schweizerischen Kirchenpolitik 1914–1925, (Bern-Frankfurt: Lang, 1974). 26 Maglione’s final report, 16 July, 1926, in S.RR.SS., AA.EE.SS., Switzerland, pos. 193, fasc. 4–5, Berna 1923–1953. 27 Azara, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni, 287. 28 AAV, Nunziatura Svizzera, b. 40, fasc. 139; cf. Liliosa Azara, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni, in Pius XI: Keywords, ed. Alberto Guasco – Raffaella Perin (Zürich-Berlin: LIT, 2010), 409–418. 29 Auguste Forel (1848–1931), described as an ‘old materialist’ by Maglione, was the author of numerous writings on natural sciences, sociology and sexual matters. An expert in cerebral anatomy, he was

The Catholic Church Amidst Internationalism

However, the motion was approved by the majority of delegates of each country, with 13 votes in favour, 8 against and 3 abstentions. The proposals put forward by the neutral states, the International Conference for the League of Nations presented to the Commission for the League, chaired by Wilson himself, included the idea of establishing an international parliament, elected by the people, to replace the Assembly of Delegates that had arisen from the Paris text. This parliament would have the mandate to regulate not only international questions of a political, economic and moral nature, but also the structure of the membership made up of all autonomous nations, including the Jewish people, and the collaboration of the Holy See with the League of Nations30 .

League of Nations and Switzerland To underline this tendency to seek collaboration, one can note the satisfaction expressed by Maglione to Alfred Silbernagel, President of the Basel Civil Court, for the content of the article that appeared on 25 February, 1920 in the Basler Nachrichten, a liberal-conservative and Protestant newspaper, in which a collaboration between the Vatican and the League of Nations was strongly advocated31 . Silbernagel himself was president of the Baseltown Action Committee in favour of Switzerland’s entry into the League of Nations, which had been set up to promote and consolidate public support for the referendum of 16 May 1920 on Switzerland’s entry into the League of Nations, in which the decision, already approved by the Federal Council in November 1919, was to be ratified. It was precisely Switzerland’s membership of the new international organisation that proved to be somewhat controversial, not

in favour of euthanasia in certain cases of mental illness. In 1905, with his pamphlet The Sexual Question, he fought against prostitution and gender discrimination. He became a socialist in 1916, began to study Esperanto, became involved in the League of Nations and joined the Bahà’ì movement, a universal religion. Cf. Azara, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni, 290–291; Vera Koelbing-Waldis, s.v. “Auguste Forel”, 12 luglio 2005, in Dizionario Storico della Svizzera, http://www.hls-dhs-dss.ch, accessed May 10, 2021. 30 Art. 1 et 2 – “un parlement International élu par les peuples remplacerait l’assemblée des délégués prévue par le texte de Paris. Ce parlement serait appelé à pouvoir au règlement de toutes les questions politiques, économiques et morales de nature internationale. Art. 7 – La Société des Nations devrait embrasser toutes les nations autonomes, y compris le peuple juif. Le Saint Siège collaborerait à la Société”, AAV, Nunziatura Svizzera, b. 40, “Società delle Nazioni – documenti stampati” (1918–1926), fasc. 139, “Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni” (1919–1926), ff. 24–25, in: Azara, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni, 291. 31 N. 3495, 3 March, 1920, in: AAV, Swiss Nunciature, b. 40, “Società delle Nazioni – documenti stampati” (1918–1926), fasc. 139, “Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni” (1919–1926), f. 9, in: Azara, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni, 291.

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only because of the institutional steps taken, but also because the Holy See itself and its representative to the Confederation were involved. Switzerland had not been invited to the peace conference in Paris, but, together with thirteen other neutral countries, it was determined to take a stand on the issues that concerned it. So, on 11 November, 1919, it submitted a memorandum on its neutrality and, on the following 20 March, was summoned to Paris where the League of Nations Covenant was approved on 28 April. At this point, the conundrum arose of understanding the consequences for the neutrality and economy of the Confederation of joining or not joining the League’s founding pact. The Federal Council decided to have membership of the new body approved by the people and the cantons, thus inaugurating, in the Swiss context, an important stage in the use of direct democracy in matters relating to international commitments32 . Faced with continued delays in the parliamentary process, the Supreme Allied Council sent a note questioning the reservations about the neutrality statute. Negotiations between the Supreme Council and the Confederation resulted in the London Declaration of 13 February, 1920 in which Switzerland obtained explicit recognition of its neutrality (referred to as “differentiated” neutrality), the status of founding member of the League of Nations and exemption from participation in any military sanctions. For the federal authorities, the home front remained open with the remaining parliamentary and referendum steps. Maglione was a keen observer of this debate. In the aforementioned Final Report, he reports how the adhesion to the League, supported by the Italian and French blocs, was opposed by the socialists, many German speakers and a substantial number of Catholics, the latter because of the exclusion of the Holy See from the League33 . At this point, the votes of the Catholic party were decisive for the approval of the federal chambers. In the name of the Federal Council, Motta pointed out to Maglione that the “regrettable” exclusion of the Holy See from the League was not dependent on the Confederation and asked him to intercede with Gasparri, the Secretary of State, to authorise him to declare to the leaders of the conservative Catholic party that the Holy See did not oppose their vote in favour of membership. On 3rd September 1919, Gasparri communicated this authority to Maglione who was thus able to reassure those Catholic parliamentarians who had consulted him34 . The then provisional representative also invited them to express in the chambers

32 On 21 November, the federal chambers accepted the government’s proposal but added as a condition the ratification of the Covenant by the five states holding a permanent seat on the Council of the League of Nations, triggering further delays; cf. Fleury, Società delle Nazioni. 33 Maglione’s final report, 16 July 1926, in S.RR.SS., AA.EE.SS., Svizzera, pos. 193, fasc. 5, Berna 1923–1953, n. 9060, f. 28. 34 Maglione’s final report, 16 July 1926, in S.RR.SS., AA.EE.SS., Svizzera, pos. 193, fasc. 5, Berna 1923–1953, n. 9060, f. 28.

The Catholic Church Amidst Internationalism

the regret of Swiss Catholics at the exclusion of the ‘greatest moral power in the world’ from the Councils of the League. In this, the Catholic deputies were followed by various liberal Protestants. Maglione, then, urged those parliamentarians in the Conservative-Catholic party who persisted in their hostility to the League of Nations to declare that their position was not influenced by the Holy See. Faced with the still considerable opposition to Swiss membership of the League, Felix Calonder, head of the Political Department, and Charles Paravini, of the Foreign Affairs Division, indirectly asked Maglione, through MP Georg Baumberger and lawyer René Secholzer, whether it would be possible to ask the Holy See to urge Catholics to vote for Swiss entry. For his part, Maglione pointed out that such a position on the part of the Holy See would be considered a direct intervention by the Supreme Ecclesiastical Authority in matters of domestic policy. It was, therefore, to be regarded as an encroachment that would provoke protests not only from the socialists and the various opponents of accession, but also from the many radicals and Protestants who were in favour of the League but hostile to the Holy See. He, therefore, discouraged the presentation of this request, repeating this view to Monsignor Hubert Savoy, who expounded it to the leaders of the Catholic conservatives35 . According to Maglione, this position of the Holy See, “although one of due reserve”, left Catholics free to vote for or against the Confederation’s accession to the League, as they saw fit. This ensured that the majority of the Catholic party supported the accession in parliament and in the country. It was approved by the Houses of Parliament on 20 February, 1920 and by referendum the following 16 May36 . The Federal Council attributed the favourable outcome of the vote to Maglione’s indirect intervention and was grateful for it: “When Catholics wanted to accuse the Holy See of harbouring hostile feelings towards the League of Nations, they recalled my attitude towards Switzerland’s membership of the League:

35 Maglione renewed these statements to Savoy in a confidential letter dated 9 April, 1920, the draft of which is preserved in AAV, Swiss Nunciature, b.40, ff.65–69. Ordained a priest in 1895, Savoy was a judge at the diocesan bishop’s court from 1910, military chaplain from 1916 and then head chaplain of the war internees in Switzerland. In Fribourg, he was also rector of the Saint-Michel College (1924–38) and, from 1938, provost of St. Nicholas Cathedral. He edited the daily newspaper La Liberté (1938–41), cf. Marie-Thérèse Weber, s.v. “Hubert Savoy”, 25 August 2010, in Dizionario Storico della Svizzera, http://www.hls-dhs-dss.ch, accessed May 10, 2022. 36 With a turnout of 77.5%, the entry was welcomed by 416870 voters and 11½ cantons, compared with 323719 voters and 10½ cantons. Cf. Fleury, Società delle Nazioni. Also in the Report, Maglione refers to the reports sent to Gasparri in which he communicated the parliamentary and referendum results, see nos. 3684 of 12 April and 3851 of 17 May 1920.

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the opponents of the League and the Church never criticised the attitude I took in this regard”37 . Regarding the clarification requested by representatives of the conservative popular party on the position to be held in the face of a divided Swiss Catholic population on the entry into the League of Nations, Maglione replied that Benedict XV was not against the League and that the Church would not have hindered the favourable vote of Catholics: The League of Nations, which all good souls have yearned and sighed for, is about to become a legal entity. I might even add that it already has this legal existence through the will of a large number of states with a population of over a billion people. Naturally, I am far from thinking that the organisation of the League and its statutes are perfect and I believe that it will not be able to fully reach its goal until it truly includes all the nations and has the collaboration, precious above all, of the greatest moral power in the world, that is, the Holy See. But in the meantime it exists and can only be perfected by the consent of its members. Switzerland, which has always defended justice and equity in the association of states, and has recently obtained from the League of Nations the recognition, indispensable for it, of its perpetual neutrality, will undoubtedly lend effective assistance to this end38 .

These words certainly did not express a direct hostility of the Holy See towards the Geneva organisation, but rather hinted at a timid sympathy. If one looks again at the final report of the nuncio to Switzerland, in the part most concerned with relations between the Holy See and the League of Nations, one can observe how the tone is much more prudent, detached, aimed at underlining the climate of confidentiality in which the Vatican wanted to pursue this discourse. Of course, this is a different type of document, written a few years later than the previous reported response. Nonetheless, we can see the characteristic elements of relations between the two institutions, which, in this phase, oscillated between openness and diffidence against a background of strict confidentiality.

37 Maglione’s final report, 16 July 1926, in S.RR.SS., AA.EE.SS., Switzerland, pos. 193, fasc. 5, Berna 1923–1953, n. 9060, f. 28. 38 This was Maglione’s reply to MP Pierre Aeby, one of the Catholics who had requested clarification from the then provisional representative in Switzerland. Cf. Azara, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni, 292.

The Catholic Church Amidst Internationalism

The League of Nations and the Holy See Maglione spoke with absolute secrecy regarding his relations with the League of Nations, not intervening officially in any meeting or reception that took place in Geneva during its work. Officially invited to attend the first Assembly, he declined, and, when he had to deal with the Council and the Secretariat on behalf of the Holy See, he maintained a “confidential stance”. Maglione points out that many Catholics within the League made efforts to impress upon its circles the great opportunity it was to collaborate with “the greatest moral power” in the work of justice and peace undertaken by the League, deploring the exclusion of the Holy See from the Councils. Addressing them, Maglione recommended that they should not be remotely suspected of being manipulated by the Vatican. Otherwise, he would be forced to make public statements to the effect that he was completely uninvolved and discreet. On the other hand, Maglione tended to emphasise that the usefulness of collaboration between the two institutions was not a matter for Catholics alone. In fact, he underlined the fear among the non-Catholic supporters of the League that the absence of the Holy See might dampen a general consensus in favour of the League, which is why they hoped for the establishment of official relations39 . In 1923, Maglione was told that the Hon. Gilbert Murray, the second British delegate to the Assembly, Lord Robert Cecil and Lord Charles Parmoor were in favour of this view Among the English recommendations, Azara recalls the work done by John Eppstein, Catholic representative to the British Committee of the League of Nations and secretary of the Catholic Council for International Relations, which had been created with the aim of forming public opinion in Catholic teachings governing international relations. On August 23, 1923, with Cecil’s consent, Eppstein sent a letter to Mgr Francesco Borgongini Duca, Secretary of the Congregation for Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs, with a memorandum attached, entitled Relations between the Holy See and the League of Nations40 . It was an attempt to build a diplomatic bridge between the Holy See and the League of Nations. In principle, the memorandum stipulated that the Holy See should not be involved in discussions on borders or financial measures, but that it should pronounce on the moral value of

39 Maglione’s final report, 16 July, 1926, in S.RR.SS., AA.EE.SS., Switzerland, pos. 193, fasc. 5, Berna 1923–1953, ff.30–32. 40 In his letter, Eppstein said: “I devote all my time to promoting among my fellow citizens the study of the law of nations and its application, disseminating the Catholic point of view among the representatives of the organs of the SDN when required” (Azara, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni, 296). For Mons. Francesco Borgongini Duca, cfr. Giuseppe Caputo, s.v. “Francesco Borgongini Duca”, in: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, vol. 12, 1971; Alberto Guasco, Tra Segreteria di Stato e Regime fascista, mons. Francesco Borgongini Duca e la nunziatura in Italia (1929–1939), in: Le gouvernement pontifical sous Pies XI, ed. L. Pettinaroli (Roma: École française de Rome, 2013), 303–319.

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the League’s decisions, support its specific interests and cooperate in humanitarian activities. It was envisaged that a nuncio or diplomatic representative accredited to the League of Nations would be appointed to correspond with a representative in the Vatican41 . The memorandum was read with interest by the Secretariat of State. However, it met with papal opposition. In this regard, Azara reports the archival note by Borgongini Duca that reported the Pope’s displeasure: Have received two English letters (which I have had translated and am attaching). It is the first sign of an invitation to the Holy See to participate in some way in the League of Nations. When I put the matter to the Holy Father, he was decidedly against it. “I have the impression” he said, “that, now that the League of Nations is in decline, England wants to lean on us”. He ordered me to make Minute N.1 and N.2 (which I am attaching)42 .

With regard to these speeches, Maglione refrained from making any public statements, replying to his interlocutors that the Holy See would not take any step either then or later, adding that he did not know what reception it would receive if a proposal was obtained from the official circles of the League. Maglione raised the matter verbally with the Secretary of State, Pietro Gasparri43 , and also with the Pope, who argued that he did not see the expediency and convenience of accepting any proposals for official relations with the League of Nations, ordering the nuncio to continue to maintain an “attitude of reserve” on the matter. The pontiff to whom Maglione refers in this passage of his report is Pius XI44 who had been elected at the conclave of 6 February 1922 after the death of Benedict XV the previous January. Menozzi argues that the change of regime entailed the assumption of a stricter position with respect to the institution in Geneva. The new pontiff revealed his

41 Memorandum on Relations between the Holy See and the League of Nations, Submitted to the Secretariat of State of His Holiness Pope Pius XI, 24 August 1923, in AA.EE.SS., IV, Stati ecclesiastici, pos. 336, fasc. 218, 1923–1936, ff. 13–17, in L. Azara, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni, 297. 42 Archive note of Mons. F. Borgongini Duca in AA.EE.SS., IV, Stati Ecclesiastici, pos. 352, fasc. 240, 1924–1939, f. 22, in Azara, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni, 297. 43 C. Fantappiè – R. Astorri, Gasparri Pietro, in: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana, Roma 1999, vol. 52, http://www.treccani.it/biografico/. 44 Cf. Marc Agostino, s.v. “Pio XI”, in Dizionario Storico del Papato, 1165–1175; Francesco Margiotta Broglio, s.v. “Pio XI”, in: Enciclopedia dei papi, 617–632; Ives Chiron, Pie XI (1857–1939) (Paris: Perrin, 2004); Pius XI: Keywords: International Conference Milan 2009, ed. Alberto Guasco and Raffaella Perin (Zürich-Berlin, LIT, 2010); Diplomazia senza eserciti: le relazioni internazionali della Chiesa di Pio XI, ed. Emma Fattorini, (Roma: Carocci, 2013; Pius PP XI, I diari di Achille Ratti, ed. Sergio Pagano and Gianni Venditti (Città del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2013); Le gouvernement pontifical sous Pies XI: pratiques romaines et gestion de l’universel, ed. Pettinaroli; Pio XI e il suo tempo: atti del convegno: Desio, 6 febbraio 2016, ed. Franco Cajani (Besana di Brianza (MB): I quaderni della Brianza, 2017).

The Catholic Church Amidst Internationalism

programme and idea of the role that the Church should assume in the international scenario in the encyclical, Ubi Arcano Dei of 23 December, 192245 . According to Menozzi, this document was an unequivocal expression of the Pope’s distance from the League of Nations with which he contrasted that hierocratic model of medieval Christian society that the uncompromising culture had long adopted as the ideal paradigm “of an ordered and peaceful organisation of international life”46 . Miranda argues that the death of Benedict XV coincided with a particularly complicated moment for the League, blocked by the continuing hostilities between the member states, so that trust in the institution in Geneva seemed to be reduced by comparison with the initial optimism. In the Ubi Arcano, the pontiff was said to have given a profoundly negative reading of the state of application of the Peace Treaties. Miranda himself affirms that the orientation in international politics at the beginning of Pius XI’s pontificate is one of the aspects that should be clarified. He underlines the fact that, for a long time, the new Pope’s position towards the League of Nations and other supranational bodies had been indecipherable47 . He tends to give more emphasis to the elements of continuity with Benedict XV with regard to international issues. Discontinuous points should be sought, rather, in the programmatic-conceptual decisiveness that clashed with the more prudent and diplomatic style of Benedict XV’s pontificate, especially in its last phase. A difference, therefore, more linked to the personality and sensitivity of the two pontiffs that did not produce any change in the strategy of the Holy See, highlighted by the unexpected confirmation of Gasparri as Secretary of State48 . The fact is that Maglione did not change his attitude towards the League of Nations, sticking to the line of absolute reserve taken in Della Chiesa’s pontificate, a line which Pius XI made his own. Nevertheless, with the consent of the Pontiff and Gasparri, he maintained personal relations with some of the leading figures

45 Enchiridion della pace, vol. I, 283. 46 Menozzi, Chiesa, pace e guerra nel Novecento, 48. Menozzi continues his in-depth study, speaking of the attenuation of the rigidity of Pius XI’s position in comparison with the beginning of his rule, to the extent of affirming ‘Vatican support for the League of Nations’ in the following years. Cf. pp. 64–76. 47 Cf. Miranda, Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni, 100. 48 According to some reconstructions of the conclave of 1922, Card. De Lai, leader of the group most closely linked to Pius X, is said to have conditioned the votes of his own group on the commitment of the successful candidate to replace Gasparri in the Secretariat of State. Cf. F. Margiotta Broglio, Pio XI, Roger Aubert, L’insegnamento dottrinale di Pio XI, in: Pio XI nel trentesimo della morte: 1939–1969. Raccolta di studi e di memorie (Milano: Ufficio Studi Arcivescovile, 1969), 59–209; Carlo Falconi, Il pentagono vaticano (Laterza, Bari 1958). For Chiron, the choice of Gasparri, compared with the French government’s preference for Cerretti, demonstrated the new pope’s determination to continue the policy of Benedict XV. cf. Chiron, Pie XI (1857–1939), 146.

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in Geneva who provided him with services and useful information. Among those mentioned in the Report were Sir Eric Drummond49 , the first Secretary General of the League; Bernardo Attolico, from 1921 Deputy Secretary General and future Italian Ambassador to the Vatican; Daniel de Montenach, in charge of the Political Section of the Secretariat, of which he became Secretary General of the German-Polish Conference for Upper Silesia (1921–22) and Secretary General of the International Institute of Intellectual Cooperation (1931–1939); Gonzague de Reynold, from 1922 member of the Intellectual Commission; Vito Catastini, who, first, member of the Italian delegation to the Peace Conference, later became director of the Office for Mandates; Marquis Alberto Theodoli, senator of the Kingdom of Italy, and president of the Permanent Commission for Mandates; and Count Luca Pietromarchi, Attolico’s secretary. Maglione also mentions the socialist, Albert Thomas, director general of the International Labour Office who was very courteous and willing to help the nuncio in Bern, hoping to obtain the collaboration of the Catholic ecclesiastical authorities50 . Maglione concluded his report on general relations with the League in this way: In general, the offices of the Secretariat of the League are full of Protestants, Jews, indifferent Catholics and even sectarians: there are very few good and practising Catholics who can make the influence of the Church felt there. It seems to me, therefore, that those Catholics who wish to enter it and are called to it should be encouraged, as long as saying a good word to them or for them does not involve the slightest responsibility or compromise on the part of the Holy See51 .

What emerges in these conclusions are feelings of mistrust towards the supranational body, which, in practice, fully reflect the elements or rather the topoi of the criticism of the ecclesiastical authorities towards modern-contemporary society.

49 Sir Eric Drummond (1876–1951), Catholic, Earl of Perth, joined the Foreign Office in 1900. He was secretary to Foreign Minister, Edward Grey (1915–1916), and his successor, Arthur Balfour (1916–1919). He was a member of the British delegation to the 1919 Peace Conference and, at the suggestion of US President Wilson, became Secretary-General of the newly formed League of Nations. He held this post until 1933 when he became British Ambassador to Italy until 1939. Cf. Lorna Lloyd, s.v. “Drummond (James) Eric”, Seventh Earl of Perth (1876–1951), in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, (Oxford University Press, 2004), World Digital Library, https:// www.wdl.org, accessed May 12, 2021; James Barros, Office without Power: Secretary-general Sir Eric Drummond, 1919–1933 (Oxford, Clarendon University Press, 1979). 50 Maglione’s final report, n. 9060, 16 July 1926, in S.RR.SS., AA.EE.SS., Switzerland, pos. 193, fasc. 5, Berna 1923–1953, f.30. 51 Maglione’s final report, n. 9060, 16 July 1926, in S.RR.SS., AA.EE.SS., Switzerland, pos. 193, fasc. 5, Berna 1923–1953, f.30.

The Catholic Church Amidst Internationalism

The targets are characteristic: Protestants, Jews, liberals, Freemasons, etc...52 But if this was the conceptual-theoretical background, the unravelling of concrete situations made way for much more complex dynamics. The official reserve, repeatedly stressed by Maglione in the final report sent to Gasparri, did not exhaust the position of the Holy See with respect to international politics; indeed, it left room for a series of interventions that revealed a certain attention-seeking by the Holy See with respect to important international issues. In his Final Report, Maglione again highlighted a number of issues of debate and intervention in the League of Nations in which the Holy See had particular interests and which constitute separate paragraphs in the report: the Holy Places, calendar reform, intellectual cooperation, the International Convention against Slavery and, finally, the Red Cross. As Philippe Chenaux has observed, by the mid-1920s, the Holy See’s judgment of the League of Nations had become progressively more positive53 . In spite of its imperfections, the new body could be seen as an instrument of collaboration against the warlike impulses of nationalism and for the protection of Christian minorities. Like Azara, Chenaux also believes that this change in direction can be found in the position taken by La Civiltà Cattolica, the “unofficial” magazine of the Holy See, which, in August, published the article, ‘Lo Spirito della Chiesa e l’organizzazione internazionale dei popoli’ 54 , probably written, according to Azara, with Maglione’s final report in mind55 . The review acknowledged that the League had rendered a service to all mankind and “it will be able to render much greater services if it is supported by a well enlightened public conscience and above all always inspired by the sound principles of Christian law and morality”. This was Maglione’s invitation to encourage more Catholics to participate in the Geneva organisation.

52 On these issues, cf. Giuseppe Miccoli, Fra mito della cristianità e secolarizzazione (Torino: Marietti, 1985); Daniele Menozzi, La Chiesa Cattolica e la secolarizzazione (Torino: Einaudi, 1993). Renato Moro, “Pregiudizio religioso e ideologia: antiebraismo e antiprotestantesimo nel cattolicesimo italiano fra le due guerre”, Le Carte 3 (1998): 17–66; R. Perin, Pregiudizio antiebraico e antiprotestante: alcuni riflessi sull’atteggiamento della chiesa verso il fascismo, in: Pius XI: Keywords, 147–162. 53 Philippe Chenaux, Univiversalismo e dimensione internazionale nella Chiesa di Pio XI e Pio XII, in: Per una storia dell’Azione Cattolica nel mondo, Problemi e linee di sviluppo dalle origini al Concilio Vaticano II, ed. Paolo Trionfini (Roma: AVE, 2019), 13. 54 “Lo Spirito della Chiesa e l’organizzazione internazionale dei popoli”, La Civiltà Cattolica, 1828, 21 agosto 1926, 305–317. 55 As the Jesuit writers of the journal could have confidential readings of papal documentation. Cf. L. Azara, “La Chiesa di Benedetto XV e Pio XI tra universalismo e cosmopolitismo”, Studium 2 (2010): 207–224.

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Bibliography Sources AAV, Nunziatura, b.40, fasc. 129, Svizzera e Società delle Nazioni, ff.65-69. Archivio Apostolico Vaticano (AAV), Nunziatura Svizzera, b. 9, fasc. 1, n.7004, Istruzioni per mons. Luigi Maglione rappresentante provvisorio in Svizzera, 1 Marzo 1918, ff.100-120. Archivio Storico Segreteria di Stato-Sezione per i rapporti con gli Stati Affari Ecclesiastici Straordinari (S.RR.SS., AA.EE.SS), Stati Ecclesiastici, pos. 1350, fasc. 513, vol. III, anni 1917-1920. Benedictus XV, “Encyclical Letter Maximum illud”. Acta Apostolicae Sedis 11 (1919): 440-455. Enchiridion della pace, vol. I: Pio X-Giovanni XXIII, 204-207. Bologna: EDB, 2004. Orlando, Vittorio Emanuele. Miei rapporti di governo con la Santa Sede. Milano: Editori vari, 1944. Pius PP XI, I diari di Achille Ratti, eds Sergio Pagano, Gianni Venditti. Città del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2013. S.RR.SS. AA.EE. SS. Svizzera III, pos.562, fasc. 298, Rapporto n.147, Berna 19 giugno, 1920 da Maglione a Gasparri, f.35. S.RR.SS., AA.EE.SS., Svizzera, pos. 193, fasc. 4, Berna 1923-1953, n. 9060, Relazione finale di Maglione, 16 luglio 1926, ff.40-54. S.RR.SS., AA.EE.SS., Svizzera, pos. 193, fasc. 5, Berna 1923-1953, n. 9060, Relazione finale di Maglione, 16 luglio 1926, ff. 28-32.

Studies Arauyo, Robert John, Lucal, John. Papal Diplomacy and the Quest for Peace. Naples (FL): Sapientia Press, 2004. Aubert, Roger. “L’insegnamento dottrinale di Pio XI”. In: Pio XI nel trentesimo della morte: 1939–1969. Raccolta di studi e di memorie, 59–209. Milano: Ufficio Studi Arcivescovile, 1969. Azara, Liliosa. “La Chiesa di Benedetto XV e Pio XI tra universalismo e cosmopolitismo”. Studium 2 (2010): 207–224. Azara, Liliosa. “Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni – Il ruolo della Nunziatura in Svizzera”. In: Le gouvernement pontifical sous Pies XI, ed. Laura Pettinaroli, 287–302. Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 2013. Azara, Liliosa. “Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni”. In: Pius XI: Keywords, eds Alberto Guasco, Raffaella Perin, 409–418. Zürich-Berlin: LIT, 2010. Barros, James. Office without Power: Secretary-general Sir Eric Drummond, 1919–1933. Oxford: Clarendon University Press, 1979.

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Pio XI e il suo tempo: atti del convegno: Desio, 6 febbraio 2016, ed. Franco Cajani. Besana di Brianza (MB): GR Edizioni, 2017. Castagnino Berlinghieri, Umberto. Diplomazia senza Stato: Santa Sede e Potenze europee. Milano: Vita e Pensiero, 2013. Chenaux, Philippe. “Universalismo e dimensione internazionale nella Chiesa di Pio XI e Pio XII”. In: Per una storia dell’Azione Cattolica nel mondo, Problemi e linee di sviluppo dalle origini al Concilio Vaticano II, ed. Paolo Trionfini, 9–21. Roma: AVE, 2019. Chiron, Yves. Pie XI (1857–1939). Paris: Perrin, 2004. Chiron, Yves. Benoît XV: le pape de la paix. Paris: Perrin, 2014. Christophe, Paul. Benoît XV et la Grande Guerre. Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 2016. Doublet, Nicholas. A politics of peace: the Congregation for extraordinary ecclesiastical affairs during the pontificate of Benedict XV (1914–1922). Roma: Studium, 2019. Falconi, Carlo. Il pentagono vaticano. Bari: Laterza, 1958. Diplomazia senza eserciti: le relazioni internazionali della Chiesa di Pio XI, ed. Emma Fattorini. Roma: Carocci, 2013. Gallina, Ernesto. Le organizzazioni internazionali e la Chiesa cattolica. Roma: Studium, 1967. Gerwarth, Robert. La rabbia dei vinti. La guerra dopo la guerra 1917–1923. Bari: Laterza, 2016. Graziano, Manlio. In Rome we trust. L’ascesa dei cattolici nella vita politica degli Stati Uniti. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2016. Guasco, Alberto. “Tra Segreteria di Stato e Regime fascista, mons. Francesco Borgongini Duca e la nunziatura in Italia (1929–1939)”. In: Le gouvernement pontifical sous Pies XI, ed. Laura Pettinaroli, 303–319. Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 2013. Hobsbawn, Eric. Nazioni e nazionalismi dal 1780. Programma, mito e realtà. Torino: Einaudi, 2002. Kistler, Karl. Die Wiedererrichtung der Nuntiatur in der Schweiz (1920). Ein Beitrag zur schweizerischen Kirchenpolitik 1914–1925. Bern-Frankfurt: Lang, 1974. Benedetto XV: Papa Giacomo Della Chiesa nel mondo dell’inutile strage. Dir. Alberto Melloni, eds Giovanni Cavagnini, Giulia Grossi. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2017. Menozzi, Daniele. La Chiesa Cattolica e la secolarizzazione. Torino: Einaudi, 1993. Menozzi, Daniele. Chiesa, pace e guerra nel Novecento: verso una delegittimazione religiosa dei conflitti. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2008. Miccoli, Giuseppe. Fra mito della cristianità e secolarizzazione. Torino: Marietti, 1985. Miranda, Americo. Santa Sede e Società delle Nazioni: Benedetto XV, Pio XI e il nuovo internazionalismo cattolico. Roma: Studium, 2013. Moro, Renato. “Pregiudizio religioso e ideologia: antiebraismo e antiprotestantesimo nel cattolicesimo italiano fra le due guerre”. Le Carte 3 (1998): 17–66. Picciaredda, Stefano. “La Svizzera neutrale: l’ospedalizzazione dei feriti e l’accredito di Carlo Santucci”. In: Benedetto XV: Papa Giacomo Della Chiesa nel mondo dell’inutile strage, eds Giovanni Cavagnini, Giulia Grossi, 313–326. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2017.

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Perin, Raffaella. “Pregiudizio antiebraico e antiprotestante: alcuni riflessi sull’atteggiamento della chiesa verso il fascismo”. In: Pius XI: Keywords, eds Alberto Guasco, Raffaella Perin, 147–162. Zürich-Berlin: LIT, 2010. Pipes, Richard. The Russian Revolution 1899–1919. London: Harvill Press, 1990. Quirico, Giuseppe. Il Vaticano e la guerra. Roma: Buffetti, 1921. Regoli, Roberto. “La Congregazione per gli affari Ecclesiastici Straordinari e la ricostruzione postbellica”. In: Santa Sede e cattolici nel mondo postbellico, ed. Marc Agostino, 109–123. Città del Vaticano: LEV, 2020. Riccardi, Andrea. “La Segreteria di Stato e la diplomazia vaticana tra guerra e dopoguerra”. In Cattolici, Chiesa e Resistenza, ed. Gabriele De Rosa, 61–94. Bologna: Il Mulino, 1997. Scottà, Antonio. “Benedetto XV, la pace e la Conferenza di Parigi. In: La Conferenza di pace di Parigi fra ieri e oggi (1919–1920)”. In: Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi Portogruaro-Bibione 31 maggio-4 giugno 2000, ed. Antonio Scottà, 437–459. Soveria Mannelli (CZ): Rubbettino, 2004. Varnier, Giovanni Battista. “La Santa Sede e le ipotesi di un ritorno del potere temporale durante la Grande Guerra”. In: Fede e Diplomazia: Le relazioni internazionali della Santa Sede nell’età contemporanea, ed. Massimo De Leonardis, 69–94. Milano: EDUCatt., 2014. Wolikow, Serge. L’Internazionale comunista. Il sogno infranto del partito della rivoluzione mondiale (1919–1943). Roma: Carocci, 2016. Wynen, Arthur. Die Päpstliche Diplomatie geschichtlich und rechtlich dargestellt. Freiburg: Herder, 1922.

Joanna Pyszna

The Sisters of the Resurrection from the Warsaw District of Żoliborz at the Time of the Warsaw Uprising (1944)

Abstract:

The Warsaw Uprising (1944) is one of the most dramatic events in the history of Poland. The armed bid against the German occupant ended in defeat. Around 200,000 people died and the city was destroyed. These events profoundly afflicted the inhabitants of the capital. This article presents the history of the convent of the Sisters of the Resurrection in the district of Żoliborz and the fate of its residents at the time of the Warsaw Uprising. Field Hospital no. 100 was located there, as was the biggest dressing station. The nuns worked at the hospital as doctors, nurses, administrative and accounting staff. After the evacuation of the hospital, the convent became a defence bastion, i. e. the Żoliborz Redoubt or the so-called Fortress of the Sisters of the Resurrection that remained undefeated by the enemy. After the war the building was partly rebuilt from ruins and the sisters restarted their educational activity, which continues to this day. Keywords:

World War II | the Warsaw Uprising | 1944 | the Congregation of the Sisters of the Resurrection | secret teaching | Żoliborz Redoubt | Hospital of the Sisters of the Resurrection | Fortress of the Sisters of the Resurrection

On the 1st September of 1939 Poland was attacked by the German army and on that very same day a dramatic fight for survival began for the Poles. One of the most tragic events of the war was the Warsaw Uprising of 1944. The insurgents wanted to liberate the capital of Poland from the German occupation before the Red Army entered Warsaw. The Uprising ended in defeat – it was brutally quashed after 63 days of combat. 18,000 soldiers of the Home Army and up to 180,000 civilians died and Warsaw was completely destroyed. Many scientific works and those aimed at the general public on this topic have been published so far. The soldiers who attacked the enemy despite a lack of weaponry, or priests who served people at the risk of their own lives, are often mentioned. Nuns are less frequently mentioned (though fortunately this is changing) even though they played an important role in the Uprising. This article is devoted to the Sisters of the Resurrection, who like many of the nuns at the time of

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the Warsaw Uprising, served the inhabitants of the capital, often risking their own lives and health. The Congregation of the Sisters of the Resurrection1 has earned its place in the history of Warsaw. During the German occupation it had three facilities in the capital of Poland: Saint Anne’s Facility at 55 Mokotowska Street, the Shelter for Young Women at 34 Chłodna Street and the Educational Institute at 31 Krasińskiego Street. As the activity of the Sisters of the Resurrection in Warsaw was very extensive and diverse, only the story of the sisters of the latter facility will be discussed. First, the history of the convent in the district of Żoliborz in the final years of the pre-war period during the German occupation shall be presented. Next, the history of the place and the fate of its inhabitants in the time of the Warsaw Uprising will be depicted. Many facts would have remained unknown if it were not for the stories of the sisters who witnessed those dramatic events: (in particular Sr. Rafaela Gdaniec2 ,

1 The Congregation of the Sisters of Resurrection of Our Lord Jesus Christ was founded on the 6th of January 1891 by two Polish women, a mother and daughter, Celine Borzęcka and Hedwig Borzęcka. In 1905 the Congregation received its decree of approbation and in 1923 the Constitutions were confirmed. In 1891 the first convent was established in Kęty (Poland) and in 1900 the sisters went to the United States. In 1928 the Congregation was divided into the following provinces: the Polish Province, the Western and Eastern Province in the USA. In 1937 the Polish one was transformed into two provinces: the Poznan and Warsaw one. From the very beginning of the existence of the Congregation the sisters have undertaken tireless efforts towards a religious and moral rebirth of the world in the spirit of the Beatitudes. This mission has been fulfilled in particular through educational work, as well as missionary activity, charity work, health and pastoral care. Currently, the Sisters of the Resurrection carry their ministry in Poland, Italy, United States, Canada, Great Britain, Australia, Argentina, Belarus and Tanzania. Aniela Wójcik, “Seeing Red: Zgromadzenie Sióstr Zmartwychwstania Pana Naszego Jezusa Chrystusa”, w: Żeńskie Zgromadzenia Zakonne w Polsce 1939–1947, red. A. Chruszczewski et al., v. 16 (Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2002), 13–15; Antonina Pisarska, Seeing Red: “Powstanie i rozwój Zgromadzenia Sióstr Zmartwychwstania Pańskiego na tle ascetyczno-mistycznego systemu życia wewnętrznego i jego odbicia w Regule Zgromadzenia”, w: Sacrum Poloniae Millennium, v. 7 (Rzym, 1960). 2 Joanna Gdaniec (Sr. Rafaela), born on the 26th March of 1900 in Bydgoszcz. She completed the teaching seminary and musical conservatory. She taught singing and German in the school facilities at the Educational Institute at Krasińskiego. During the Uprising she was responsible for the administration of the hospital. She died on the 27th of January 1979 in Poznań. Nekrologi zmarłych sióstr Zmartwychwstania Pana Naszego Jezusa Chrystusa, date and place of publication unknown; Informator Zgromadzenia Sióstr Zmartwychwstania Pana Naszego Jezusa Chrystusa (Rzym, 2017).

The Sisters of the Resurrection from the Warsaw District of Żoliborz at the Time of the Warsaw Uprising (1944)

Sr. Melania Palm3 , Sr. Amata Pruszko, Sr. Emilia Radziszewska4 and Sr. Maria Henryka Żuchniewska5 ). Extensive studies written by Sr. Maria Lucyna Mistecka6 and Sr. Euzebia Wójcik7 based on source documents, especially those which can be found in the archives of the Congregation and which are not easily available to people from outside, are also of vital importance. The aforementioned publications provided a response to the questions asked by the young people today who read about the war in history textbooks or other books. How did the Uprising look from the perspective of civilians? What was the role of the Church in that time? Did nuns engage in the fight for independence? In what way did nuns join the Uprising if they had lived previously in partial isolation from the rest of society? How did the conditions of the war affect their everyday life and ministry? Were they able to give people help and hope in the face of extermination? Did their relationship with God and prayer help them to survive the moments of horror? This article is an attempt to answer these kinds of questions by examining the story of the nuns from the Congregation of the Sisters of the Resurrection whose community was located in the Warsaw district of Żoliborz.

Historical Outline In 1928 at the intersection of Krasińskiego and Stołeczna streets (the latter is Popiełuszki Street today) the Sisters of the Resurrection started to build a convent and an educational facility. In 1930 the female teaching seminary, a co-educational primary school and kindergarten, which used to be at 5B Sewerynów Street, were 3 Melania Palm (Sr. Melania), born on the 29th of April 1909 in Warsaw. Teacher in a primary school run by nuns. During the Uprising she looked after girls who had stayed in the dormitory for the summer time. She died on the 6th of February 2001 in Mocarzewo. Nekrologi; Informator, 18. 4 Maria Radziszewska (Sr. Emilia), born on the 1st of February 1908 in Łojewo. She secretly taught history and geography in the primary school at Krasińskiego. She was a nurse in the insurgent hospital. She died on the 23rd of September 2003 in Częstochowa. Nekrologi; Informator, 43. 5 Jadwiga Żuchniewska (Sr. Maria Henryka), born on the 10th of July 1918 in Warsaw. She taught history in the educational facilities in Żoliborz. In 1976 she was selected to be the superior of the Warsaw Province, but she did not take the office. She died on the 14th of July 1976 in Warsaw. Nekrologi; Informator, 36. 6 Lucyna Mistecka (Sr. Maria Lucyna), born on the 28th of October 1930 in Natalin in the region of Vilnius. She joined the Congregation in 1955. She authored many publications concerning the history of the Congregation. She died on the 10th of February 2005 in Częstochowa. Nekrologi; Informator, 19. 7 Euzebia Wójcik (Sr. Maria Euzebia), born on the 7th of September 1927 in Brześć on the Bug River. She joined the Congregation in 1949. Teacher and educator of youth in primary school and the secondary school in Żoliborz. Looked after the young people in the dormitory. She died on the 6th February 2012 in Warsaw. Nekrologi; Informator, 18.

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transferred here. Furthermore, the 1st and 2nd grade of the general middle school and a dormitory for almost a hundred girls were opened there. Sister Amata Kossowska8 was appointed as superior of the new community and director of the school. A few years later due to the educational reform, the teaching seminary was closed down and the training centre for teachers was transformed into a co-educational public school. In 1937 a two-year secondary school was opened9 . The breakout of the Second World War impeded the development of the schools. Entry exams in 1939 were interrupted by air raid sirens. Soon the building located on the periphery of the city was hit by numerous bombs and artillery shells. The building was damaged but the classes and all the educational equipment remained, which is why the Sisters of the Resurrection resumed classes at the beginning of October. Unfortunately, in mid-November in accordance with the decree of the German occupation authorities, all schools in Warsaw had to be closed down because of alleged epidemics of typhoid. The nuns were convinced about the importance of educating Polish children and young people, so they organised secret primary school and secondary school classes. They did so under the pretext of a private sewing school and preparatory courses for vocational schools of a second degree, also in the framework of a Caritas centre. Thus, the final secondary school exams were held in secret. Altogether, 67 students passed and were given assistance in enrolling for a secret university10 . Despite the difficult circumstances linked to the occupation, the schools of the Sisters of the Resurrection – those which were run officially as well as the clandestine facilities – fulfilled their educational function well. The nuns looked after the spiritual growth of their protégées, so lessons were presided with prayer and important festivals were celebrated with the Eucharist. The Sodality of Our Lady organization was active on the premises of the school, and there were also regular yearly retreats. The students regularly prepared religious and patriotic plays and concerts as well as instrumental recitals or choir performances. They had the

8 Marta Kossowska (Sr. Amata), born on the 19th of July 1879 in Warsaw. She obtained her doctorate in philosophy at Lvov University. She got married but became a widow after a year. In 1919 she joined the Congregation. She was an educator and teacher of Polish and geography in the teaching seminary in Sewerynów. In 1926 she was selected to be its headmistress. In 1930 she became the leader of the community in Żoliborz and the educational facilities there. She died on the 22nd of March 1934 in Warsaw. Nekrologi zmarłych sióstr Zmartwychwstania Pana Naszego Jezusa Chrystusa, v. 1, place and date of publication unknown, 60–62. 9 Maria Lucyna Mistecka, Zmartwychwstanki. Charyzmat i dzieje 1891–1991, v. 2 (Lublin: Instytut Badań nad Polonią i Duszpasterstwem Polonijnym KUL, 2000), 425–426; Maria Lucyna Mistecka, Zmartwychwstanki w stolicy 1903–1978”, Chrześcijanin w Świecie 72 (1978): 74. 10 Maria Lucyna Mistecka, Zmartwychwstanki w okupowanej Polsce 1939–1945 (Warszawa: Ośrodek Dokumentacji i Studiów Społecznych, 1983), 44–45, 120–128, 144.

The Sisters of the Resurrection from the Warsaw District of Żoliborz at the Time of the Warsaw Uprising (1944)

opportunity to participate in various courses e. g. in first-aid or nursing. Naturally, everything was adapted to the conditions of underground activities11 . The Sisters of Resurrection from Żoliborz did not limit themselves to educational activities but also conducted charity work for the poorest inhabitants of the district. By 1932 they were running a sewing room for girls, offering them food and general education. Boys gained new skills in shoemaking and joined carpentry workshops, while also learning history and religion, organized by Sr. Maria Janina Łabęcka12 . Another nun, Sr. Bogdana Słupska13 provided free dental care for children from poor families. Sister Emanuela Roman14 opened a shelter for homeless girls. During the occupation period the nuns ran a soup kitchen under the auspices of the RGO15 , which distributed around 3,000 meals every day to people in need. Girls of Jewish origin were also sheltered in school classes16 .

The Hospital of the Sisters of the Resurrection The leadership of the Warsaw Uprising decided that the convent of the Sisters of the Resurrection would be the best place for organizing Field Hospital no. 100. 11 Mistecka, Zmartwychwstanki w okupowanej Polsce, 128. 12 Janina Teofila Łabęcka (Sr. Maria Janina), born on the 20th of December 1879 in Warsaw. She gave private lessons in painting and religion in boarding schools and primary schools. In 1907 she got married and 22 years later she became a widow. In 1931 she joined the Congregation and devoted herself to charity work among the poor people. She died on the 21st of May 1948 in Warsaw. Maria Lucyna Mistecka, “Samarytanka Żoliborza. Siostra Maria Janina Łabęcka CR”, Chrześcijanin w Świecie 163 (1987): 94. 13 Jadwiga Słupska (Sr. Bogdana), born on the 9th of September 1898 in Cracow. She completed the Dentist Academy in Warsaw. She joined the Congregation in 1931. She worked as a dentist in the schools of Żoliborz. In Warsaw she initiated an organization called Union of Catholic Dentists. She died on the 9th of June 1950 in Częstochowa. Maria Lucyna Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr Zmartwychwstania Pańskiego w czasie Powstania Warszawskiego (Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 1980), 20–21. 14 Wanda Faustyna Roman (Sr. Emanuela), born on the 14th of March 1886 in Kowal in the region of Kujawy. She studied in the Higher School of Social Sciences in Thidone in Belgium. In 1914 she came back to Poland where she was engaged in pro-independence work for which she was awarded with the cross of Virtuti Militari. In 1919 she joined the Congregation. In 1927 she was confined the mission of building a convent in Żoliborz. She died on the 23rd of July 1941 in Warsaw. Nekrologi zmarłych sióstr Zmartwychwstania Pana Naszego Jezusa Chrystusa, v. 2, date and place of publication unknown, 16–17. 15 RGO – Rada Główna Opiekuńcza (Central Welfare Council) – a welfare institution operating in the General Government in the years 1940–1945 with the permission and with the supervision of the German authorities. 16 Maria Lucyna Mistecka, “Zakonnice w obronie Żydów”, Chrześcijanin w Świecie 81 (1979): 53; Zmartwychwstanki w okupowanej Polsce, 42–43; Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 22.

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A few factors determined the choice: its location near the centre of the capital, the possibility to disguise preparations because of the dormitory run by the sisters and to recruit the nuns as hospital staff. The location of the hospital was kept secret for safety reasons – most of the nuns (except for a few insiders) found out about the location of the hospital in a building belonging to the convent only during the day of the outbreak of the Uprising. An order was issued that should any people be wounded before the so-called “W” hour (code name for the launch of the Uprising), they would be transferred to city hospitals17 . The permission to join the Uprising was already given in mid-1942 by the superior of the Warsaw Province of that time, Mother Małgorzata Dąbrowska18 and Sr. Beata Przybyłowicz19 , the superior of the home. In Spring 1944, Sr. Amata Pruszko20 , a doctor, was sworn in. This was not the first pro-independence operation in which the Congregation was involved. The sisters had been cooperating with the underground since the beginning of the war: they helped save political prisoners and Jews, feeding the soldiers of the Home Army and made their rooms available for clandestine meetings. Just before the Uprising they sewed white-red armbands which were used by the insurgents21 . The part of the building on the ground floor from Krasińskiego Street was chosen for the hospital rooms (it no longer exists). As agreed, the sisters prepared the rooms with beds and bed sheets, an operating theatre, a place to dress wounds,

17 Jadwiga Żuchniewska, Seeing Red: Wspomnienie”, w: Ludność cywilna w Powstaniu Warszawskim, red. Marian M. Drozdowski et al., v. 1, p. 2 (Warszawa: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1974), 2; Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 47–50. 18 Maria Izabella Dąbrowska (Sr. Małgorzata), born on the 12th of September 1880 in Michałowice near Cracow. She joined the Congregation in 1901. In 1920 she was elected the superior of the St Anna’s Facility in Warsaw and six years later she was appointed the general superior. She fulfilled this role in the years 1926–1938. Next she came back to Poland from Rome and was the superior of the Warsaw Province. She died on the 10th of October 1948 in Kęty. Barbara Żulińska, Matka Małgorzata Dąbrowska (Rzym, 1967); Nekrologi, v. 1, 13–15. 19 Maria Przybyłowicz (Sr. Beata), born on the 28th of January 1899 in Płock. She studied at the Pedagogical Academy of Warsaw and then at the Faculty of Humanities of the University of Warsaw. In 1920 she joined the Congregation. Upon taking her vows, she was sent to work in a teaching seminary in Warsaw in Sewerynów where she taught Polish. In 1927 she was appointed superior of the house there as well as juniorate mistress, and in 1938 she became superior of the community in Żoliborz. She died on the 3rd of November 1950 in Poznań. Nekrologi, v. 2, 86–88. 20 Wanda Pruszko (Sr. Amata), born on the 12th of June 1912 in Warsaw. She studied at the Faculty of the Medicine of the University of Warsaw. She specialized in pulmonology and psychiatry. In 1941 she joined the Congregation. She co-organized the field hospital in Żoliborz and worked as a doctor there for which she was awarded with the Cross of the Home Army and the Warsaw Cross of the Uprising. She died on the 2nd of March 1985 in Warsaw. “Nekrolog s. Amaty Pruszko”, Surrexit 2 (2011): 43–44. 21 Mistecka, Zmartwychwstanki w okupowanej Polsce, 148–150.

The Sisters of the Resurrection from the Warsaw District of Żoliborz at the Time of the Warsaw Uprising (1944)

a dining room for doctors and storage rooms. The facility was to be ready to take in least 50 people in the first hours of the fighting and then look after 100 patients. As it later turned out, around 200 wounded were admitted to the Hospital of the Sisters of Resurrection. It was the biggest dressing centre of the 22nd District of the Home Army in Żoliborz22 . The equipment and food were secured by the insurgent organisations. From the 26th of July three tons of food were transported to the convent i. e. flour, groats, pea, dried potatoes, salt, sugar and tinned meat. In addition, the convent was given essential medical supplies: surgical tools, about 150 kg of dressings and about 300 kg of medicine. These were very dangerous operations because in case of a search such big supplies of food, medicine, dressings and surgical tools would have been very difficult to justify, even if the sisters had explained that they were because of the air raid shelter in the basement of the building23 . The Warsaw Uprising in Żoliborz broke out earlier than expected, which caused many problems. Around 2 pm, a Kedyw unit24 transporting weapon encountered a German patrol. An exchange of fire occurred, in the course of which the Germans retreated towards the Chemical Institute and then placed their soldiers at the intersection of the main streets of the district. An hour later the occupants came to the convent searching the potential location from where the shots had been fired. The nuns and their guests were brought into the garden, a search of the building was ordered and the people present were threatened with death should any weapon be found. Sister Rafaela Gdaniec, who was on duty at the gate on that day and who could speak German fluently, negotiated with the commander. Together with him she marched through the rooms, where the preparations for the Uprising had been meticulously hid. She justified the transport of flour (in which weapons for the fighters was hidden) with the existence of the soup kitchen. It was impossible to conduct a detailed search of such a big building with a small number of officers so the commander gave up at one point25 . “They left”, Sr. Emilia Radziszewska recalls this moment of great tension, “And we took a deep breath as we were crawling back from the brink of life and death. We came back to the temporally empty house

22 Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 50, 53; Zmartwychwstanki w okupowanej Polsce, 152. 23 Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 49. 24 KEDYW – Kierownictwo Dywersji Komendy Głównej Armii Krajowej (Directorate of Diversion of the Polish Home Army). 25 Rafaela Gdaniec, “Wspomnienia z lat 1939–1945”, Surrexit 6 (2013): 55–56; Emilia Radziszewska, Dziennik pielęgniarki z Powstania Warszawskiego (Częstochowa: Biblioteka Niedzieli, 1996), 15–28; Melania Palm, Widziane ze schronu (Częstochowa: Biblioteka Niedzieli, 2001), 21–23; Antonetta Tomaszewicz, Relacja z okresu-okupacji niemieckiej 1939–1945, 2–3; Małgorzata Sikorska, Maria Wiśniewska, Szpitale powstańczej Warszawy (Warszawa: Oficyna Wydawnicza Rytm, Oficyna Wydawnicza Polczek, 1991), 206.

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– our house – our convent. Little did we know that in only a dozen days it would change completely after fourteen years of its existence. The first act, or rather intro to the ‘Warsaw and Żoliborz Rhapsody’ was over”26 . The Hospital of the Sisters of the Resurrection started operating on the 1st of August at 8 pm. The tense situation around the convent was the reason why part of the team of 30 doctors did not arrive on time so the sisters helped in the ED and operating theatre. Soon new rooms had to be added as 80 people in total were brought in, including civilians. The next day the number of wounded surpassed 150 people, including German soldiers27 . The safety of the hospital staff and the wounded patients was supposed to be guaranteed by the Geneva Convention, which specified the neutrality of the hospitals. Red flags with a red cross were hung on the roof and no one with arms was allowed into the building28 . Nevertheless, on the 3rd of August the occupants began to bombard the convent regularly. The bombings from air and the gun fire from the area of the Gdański Station were especially arduous. The German attacks destroyed the operating theatre and made it necessary to transfer it to the ground floor and basement from part of Stołeczna Street. In order to transport the wounded to the hospital relatively safely, the nearby inhabitants dug a tunnel during the night. Thorough care of the wounded and adequate hygiene, especially sterilisation of surgical tools and dressings became increasingly difficult. At times the hospital was cut off from electricity and water. Sometimes the surgeons had to operate by candlelight and lamps29 . The sight of suffering and pain that could not be relieved and multiplying deaths evoked a sense of helplessness and distress among the inhabitants of Warsaw. As Sr. Emilia states: “The moments of initial enthusiasm and rapture at the sight of the soldiers […] that kind of solemn ambience quickly turned into the crude realism of suffering for which there was no cure – and the reality of death”30 . On Thursday the 10th of August, the German soldiers kept firing at the convent from the early morning. In just one hour, 142 shells were dropped. “The whole building was trembling from the constant blows”, recalls Sr. Melania Palm, “The shells were falling in different ways: some burst apart in front of the house, others hit the walls. […] We were simply deafened by the rumble and were choking the dense dust. […] You could feel the angry wave of hellish hatred which was trying to

26 Radziszewska, Dziennik, 26–27. 27 Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 50–51. 28 Mistecka, Zmartwychwstanki w okupowanej Polsce, 152; Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 50–51; Sikorska, Wiśniewska, Szpitale, 207–208. 29 Gdaniec, Wspomnienia, 57; Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 51–52; Ciche bohaterstwo. Dziennik Radiowy AK – XXII nr 18 z 17 VIII 1944. 30 Radziszewska, Dziennik, 32.

The Sisters of the Resurrection from the Warsaw District of Żoliborz at the Time of the Warsaw Uprising (1944)

flood and destroy us – at any cost”31 . The situation was so dangerous that the priests present administered absolutions. Next, Communion was given. For the safety of the wounded, the hospital was transferred to the basement. Living conditions were becoming increasingly harsh. Every day new victims of the conflict would come to the hospital for whom there were neither enough beds nor bed sheets and medications. After the evacuation of the nearby dressing centres and the admission of the newly wounded, there were about 200 patients in the Hospital of the Sisters of the Resurrection. The staff were more and more tired and the constant shooting made it impossible to perform their duties freely. Stocks of food and medicine were depleting and there was no access to running water. The insurgent press printed appeals to help the hospital. The nearby inhabitants brought food parcels, bed sheets, clothes, cigarettes and red wine – indispensable to keep those with abdominal injuries alive. Unfortunately, the needs of the hospital could not be fully met by civilians whose own resources were dwindling because of the military campaign32 . The convent was systematically fired at with machine guns from the roof of the Chemical Institute (where there the main supplies of the SS were kept), artillery shells from the Central Institute of Physical Education, armoured trains from the Gdański Station and anti-aircraft guns from Burakowo33 . “The house was hit by fresh bombardments”, recalls Sr. Melania Palm, “which made the large pieces of the wall fall from the third floor to the ground floor. It was like hurting a live body. We did not see our convent from the outside but from what we could see happening above our heads, we imagined the walls were like a sieve. The building stood there, did not crumble, despite the efforts of the Germans who treated it like a fortress that needed to be razed to the ground. It must have been built especially for the time of… the Uprising of 1944. The thick walls, a solid piece of work, were now prolonging the life of at least two hundred people hiding in the basement”34 . Injured German soldiers were also given assistance in the hospital. At first, they were very suspicious and did not want to eat or drink, fearing poison. The kind attitude of the hospital staff as well as equal treatment of all patients, regardless of the national affiliation, commanded their admiration and respect35 . They were surprised to get the same food portions as Poles, even cigarettes which were difficult to obtain. As Sr. Maria Henryka Żuchniewska said, each person in need was seen as

31 Palm, Widziane ze schronu, 43. 32 Gdaniec, Wspomnienia, 57–60; Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 53, 60–61; Zmartwychwstanki w okupowanej Polsce, 153. 33 Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 30, 45; Sikorska, Wiśniewska, Szpitale, 207–208. 34 Palm, Widziane ze schronu, 36–37. 35 Radziszewska, Dziennik, 46–63; Amata Pruszko, Szpital Zmartwychwstanek na Żoliborzu (Warszawa, 1949), 3–4.

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a suffering person, who needed to be helped and spoken to in a kind way36 . “There is a kind of human solidarity which exists in the heart of a person despite all kinds of divisions”, Sr. Emilia tried to explain, “A sort of natural kindness. There is a rule engrained in humans: ‘Thou shalt love’ – unless we eradicates it perversely from ourselves”37 . Unfortunately, at that time, as Sr. Maria Lucyna remarks, the enemy was burning Polish doctors, nurses and patients alive in the hospitals in the district of Wola38 . Soon the convent became the last building blocking the access to Wilson Square from the side of the Powązki Cemetery. Therefore, it found itself on the front line and fighting was literally occurring at the windows which is why it was hit by another 27 artillery shells. Moreover, on the 18th of August, the enemy barged into the convent through holes in the wall and set a part of the building on fire but it was possible to put it out. The neighbours rushed to help. Because of the danger, the leaders of the Home Army ordered an evacuation of the hospital to a different place in the area, i. e. the building of the former school of the Workers’ Association of Friends of the Children at 10 Krasińskiego Street. It was the only building nearby which was not occupied by civilians. What is more, it had beds which had remained there after the evacuation of the German field hospital. The operation lasted two nights as there was a large distance between the two facilities and a large number of wounded. The hospital was evacuated two more times. From the 25th of August it operated on Krechowiecka Street and from there in first days of October it was held in captivity in Tworki as the Hospital of the Sisters of the Resurrection39 .

Serving in New Circumstances Once the Warsaw Uprising had broken out, the Sisters of the Resurrection served people in need in new ways. Instead of teaching, they stood at the beds of injured insurgents. Sister Amata Pruszko worked as a doctor, and the nurses included

36 Jadwiga Żuchniewska, Udział Sióstr Zmartwychwstania Pańskiego w powstaniu warszawskim (Warszawa, 1967); Wiśniewska, Sikorska, Szpitale, 208. 37 Radziszewska, Dziennik, 98. 38 Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 56. 39 Gdaniec, Wspomnienia, 59; Radziszewska, Dziennik, 163–184; Pruszko, Szpital Zmartwychwstanek, 10–11; Mistecka, Zmartwychwstanki w okupowanej Polsce, 153; Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 56, 58, 98; Wiśniewska, Sikorska, Szpitale, 209; Stanisław Podlewski, Wierni Bogu i Ojczyźnie. Duchowieństwo katolickie w walce o niepodległość Polski w II wojnie światowej (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Novum, 1985), 428–429.

The Sisters of the Resurrection from the Warsaw District of Żoliborz at the Time of the Warsaw Uprising (1944)

Sr. Fidelia Bednarska40 , Sr. Maria Bogusława Kowalczyk41 , Sr. Celesta Kroplewska42 , Sr. Emilia Radziszewska and Sr. Olga Zwęgrodzka43 . Sister Rafaela Gdaniec was responsible for the administration, and the hospital kitchen was under the care of Sr. Floriana Wawrzyniak44 . Sister Julia Stanek45 was responsible for the laundry

40 Maria Bednarska (Sr. Fidelia), born on the 4th of August 1887 in Lodz. She completed a course in dressmaking and then a school for nurses. She worked in hospitals in Lodz and Warsaw. She joined the Congregation in 1921. She was a nurse in various houses belonging to the Congregation. She died on the 13th of December 1965 in Mocarzewo. Nekrologi; Informator, 52. 41 Bogusława Michalina Kowalczyk (Sr. Maria Bogusława), born on the 23rd of March 1909 in Katowice. She graduated from the Faculty of Philosophy and History of the Jagiellonian University in Cracow. She joined the Congregation in 1936. She worked in the middle and secondary school in Żoliborz as a teacher of history and German. She died on the 19th of March 2005 in Warsaw. Nekrologi; Informator, 23. 42 Justyna Helena Kroplewska (Sr. Celesta), born on the 19th of May 1912 in Mikołajki in Pomerania. She completed courses of handiwork, sewing, cooking and housework. In 1931 she joined the Congregation. From December 1939 she lived in the convent in Żoliborz where she fulfilled the responsibilities of a sacristan, nurse, prefect and looked after guests. She was there when the Warsaw Uprising broke out. She joined the nursing staff. She died on the 4th of April 1972 in Warsaw. Nekrologi; Informator, 25. 43 Stefania Zwęgrodzka (Sr. Olga), born on the 12th of March 1911 in Szybalin in the region of Podole. She completed courses in shoe making and housework. She joined the Congregation in 1930. Before the war she finished a course in nursing and anti-aircraft and anti-gas defense training. During the occupation she worked in the kitchen of the Central Welfare Council (RGO). She served as a nurse in the insurgent hospital. In 1945 she came back to the ruined Warsaw in order to prepare lodgings for the sisters who were coming back to the capital. She carried on her responsibilities in very difficult conditions. She died on the 1st of August 1996 in Mocarzewo. Nekrologi; Informator, 37. 44 Władysława Wawrzyniak (Sr. Floriana), born on the 28th of May 1902 in Wrotków in the region of Krotoszyn. She joined the Congregation in 1922. She completed a cooking course. She spent the years 1930–1944 in the convent in Żoliborz. During the Uprising she ran the kitchen of the Field Hospital no. 100. She died on the 26th of October 2000 in Warsaw. Nekrologi; Informator, 47. 45 Julia Stanek (Sr. Julia), born on the 12th of February 1905 in Bobeck on the Rein River. She completed a course in dressmaking. In 1927 she joined the Congregation. In the convent in Żoliborz she worked in the laundry room. During the Uprising she took on the sewing work together with the other sisters and was responsible for the laundry room. After the war she was awarded the medal “For Warsaw” and a membership card of the veteran organization the Society of Fighters for Freedom and Democracy (Polish: Związek Bojowników o Wolność i Demokrację). She died on the 9th of May 1999 in Warsaw. Nekrologi; Informator, 29.

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room, and Sr. Wojciecha Bylińska46 managed the food supplies47 . Obviously, other nuns helped them. Despite the danger, malnutrition and lack of adequate rest, the Sisters of the Resurrection tried to fulfil their duties meticulously and be ready to serve others. According to Sr. Rafaela, their sacrifice was not always appreciated because people were convinced that nuns would not be capable of doing otherwise48 . The daily routine was adapted by the superior to the war reality and to the needs of the hospital. The sisters would get up at dawn and after a quick wash would gather in a makeshift chapel. Next, they had a modest breakfast after which they took up their designated duties49 . The schedule of the day was always the same, explains Sr. Radziszewska. “Prayers, Holy Mass, Holy Communion for the wounded and then dressings… Bombing again! Explosions – surgeries – missiles… And so on, but everyday the explosions would get more intense”50 . The sisters responsible for the kitchen and the laundry room worked especially hard. As one can easily imagine, cooking meals for 200–300 people every day was very time-consuming and tiring. At first the food for the sick was of very good quality. The sisters prepared it from food brought by insurgent organisations, and later using stocks belonging to the Congregation and from donations from the local inhabitants. It is worth noting that all the sisters, including those working in the hospital, used their own food supplies. Their food was more modest than the one given to the wounded. There were so many patients that doctors worked endlessly. The superior asked the sisters to prepare food parcels for their families. Unfortunately, over time feeding everybody became impossible. Meals were smaller and of worse quality, which is why people lacked the strength to work. It was harder and harder to maintain proper hygiene. The lack of water and soap, and later of space for a drying room, impeded the normal functioning of the laundry room51 .

46 Józefa Bylińska (Sr. Wojciecha), born on the 18th of January 1885 in Niewieryszki next to Lida (currently in Belarus). She completed a course in dressmaking. In 1903 she was accepted to the Congregation by the Venerable Celine Borzęcka. As a steward, from 1932 she supervised the conservation of the newly built convent in Żoliborz, set up a garden and ran the convent’s farm. During the Uprising she was responsible for the food stocks. Already in 1945 she came back to the capital and worked hard to help rebuild the ruined building. She died on the 18th of May 1969 in Warsaw. Nekrologi; Informator, 30. 47 Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 50. 48 Gdaniec, Wspomnienia, 59–60. 49 Radziszewska, Dziennik, 85–87; Palm, Widziane ze schronu, 28; Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 61–62. 50 Radziszewska, Dziennik, 92. 51 Pruszko, Szpital Zmartwychwstanek, 4; Radziszewska, Dziennik, 173, 196, 291; Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 59, 62; Zmartwychwstanki w okupowanej Polsce, 153–154.

The Sisters of the Resurrection from the Warsaw District of Żoliborz at the Time of the Warsaw Uprising (1944)

A lot of attention was paid to religious practices. There were three priests52 serving the community, who, surprised by the outbreak of the Uprising, could not leave the besieged district. They celebrated mass and listened to confessions. Every day three masses were celebrated and everybody who wanted could take Holy Communion. It should be emphasised that it would have been impossible had it not been for the resourcefulness of the sacristan Sr. Antonetta Tomaszewicz53 who had a supply of thousands of communion hosts. When there were no more hosts, the sisters working in the kitchen baked an equivalent. The Sisters of the Resurrection distributed Holy Communion to the wounded, cared for the safety of the Holy Sacraments, administered the Viaticum, helping the dying to incite perfect contrition. As Sr. Melania and Sr. Emilia recall, lay people were eager to talk with the nuns about the questions of faith which was an opportunity for evangelisation. The time spent in the Hospital of the Sisters of the Resurrection was for many people a breakthrough moment, at times an impulse for conversion54 . The sisters were aware of their unique mission connected to their religious consecration55 . From the very first hours of the Uprising the Sisters of the Resurrection rushed to pray, even at the expense of their own sleep and rest. As Palm recalls, “Just the awareness of the fact that the Uprising had started and was going on, and wasn’t far, and that they were probably fighting throughout the whole city, called our souls to our brothers. We were urged to pray constantly for them and for all who face death”56 . The attitude of the sisters consoled others. Sister Melania recalls that the sisters would lie for some time under the cross and beg God for mercy. This is where they felt the safest during the bombings. Nevertheless, she underlines that the sisters caring for the wounded always stayed with the patients57 . 52 These were: the chaplain of the convent Fr. Edmund Żelazowski, expatriated with the sisters from Kęty, Fr. Antoni Grzymała and the confessor of the sisters Fr. Józef Cechol. 53 Helena Tomaszewicz (Sr. Antonetta), born on the 9th of August 1909 in Bukaty in the region of Vilnius. She joined the Congregation in 1929. From January 1940 she stayed in the convent in Żoliborz where she was the prefect and the sacristan of the convent’s chapel. She died in Mocarzewo on the 10th of December 1996. Nekrologi; Informator, 52; Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 136. 54 Palm, Widziane ze schronu, 32; Radziszewska, Dziennik, 59–60, 104–105, 227, 239–241; Tomaszewicz, Relacja, 4. 55 Sister Emilia noted: “There was a second motive [for working in the hospital], much more important [...] – fulfilling our civic, Christian duty, and for us our monastic duty. We grow from the deepest spirit of this nation, we need to be with it the core of its experiences. You need to help the young ones, who have just left the nest of their childhood! Regardless of all, you need to help them to find some kind of peace, to show the hope, the sense of serving the truth […] It was the most important mission, fulfilled by the everyday through simple tasks and services. Sometimes a conversation could help the young mind to find the right path, to reconnect with God”. Radziszewska, Dziennik, 104–105. 56 Palm, Widziane ze schronu, 24. 57 Palm, Widziane ze schronu, 36–37.

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The intense shellfire of the convent made the sisters leave the enclosure which was on the third floor. A few days later they had to move to the basement. Their life space became very limited and their life conditions were spartan. They could not move freely or lie down comfortably. The sisters slept on the floor, on chairs, on prie-dieus, undressed, unwashed in the feeling of constant danger. The memories of Sr. Melania clearly show the terror of the situation: “Crowded in the dark corridor of the basement we stood one next to another with our rosaries in our hands and we prayed. With each vibration of the soul we felt the movements of the building from the bursting missiles and a painful contraction of the heart when a precisely targeted shot wounded the house again. At the same time this was nothing compared to the awareness that it is Warsaw dying nearby. […] God was tearing us away from earthly things, we were fully trusting His will, preparing for the last moment, for leaving this ruthless purgatory and connecting with Him for eternity”58 . Dead bodies were carried over the heads of the sisters. At first, the bodies of the insurgents and the civilians were buried in the cellar and when it was full, the bodies were buried without coffins in a hole from the side of Stołeczna Street. The convent and the grounds around it turned into a cemetery59 . The special day for the whole community was the 11th of August when Sr. Paula Dąbrowska60 professed her perpetual vows. The ceremony was speeded up a few days, as it was feared the sisters would not live until the 15th of August for which it had been planned. The words of Sr. Emilia illustrate the dramatic circumstances of this solemn moment: “Closed in our home as if on a ship doomed to sink, we experienced the ceremony. [...] With the cannons in the background our Sister devoted herself to Christ for ever. It must have been the only such ceremony in the history of our whole Congregation”61 . A day before Sr. Beata Przybyłowicz sent Sr. Melania Palm and thirteen girls from the dormitory to a villa on Tucholska Street, where the Congregation ran a primary school for boys during the occupation. She announced to the sisters that those who wanted could go with them. She had a conversation with Sr. Melania during which she asked her to give an account to the superior general of the dramatic

58 Palm, Widziane ze schronu, 41. 59 Gdaniec, Wspomnienia, 58; Palm, Widziane ze schronu, 31; Żuchniewska, Udział Sióstr, 5–6; Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 63–64. 60 Józefa Dąbrowska (Sr. Maria Paula), born on the 14th of March 1901 in Warsaw. She completed her studies in math and physics. In 1936 she joined the Congregation and two years later she started working as a teacher of math. She was engaged in saving young people from being sent for forced labour to Germany. She died on the 14th of May 1990 in Częstochowa. Maria Lucyna Mistecka, Zmartwychwstanki. Charyzmat i dzieje 1891–1991, v. 3 (Lublin: Instytut Badań nad Polonią i Duszpasterstwem Polonijnym KUL, 2002), 178–179. 61 Radziszewska, Dziennik, 153–154.

The Sisters of the Resurrection from the Warsaw District of Żoliborz at the Time of the Warsaw Uprising (1944)

events that were taking place in Warsaw. “Tell her”, she insisted, “that I could not do otherwise, that I had to sacrifice the house… It was clearly God’s will… the thing to do… And tell the Mother Superior why I could not leave the house with more sisters, why I had to stay till my last moment, till death”62 . This decision was a cause for misunderstanding. Some people accused the nuns of rebellion and leaving the wounded behind63 . This was a false accusation because the Sr. Beata was driven by different motives. She thought that the sisters who were not taking care of the wounded were occupying the space in the narrow corridors of the basement and making it difficult for the hospital to function. What is more, only a few nuns from about one hundred (it was impossible to determine the exact number of the sisters from this community) left the convent64 . Soon the Sisters of the Resurrection had to separate. The leadership took the decision to evacuate the hospital and ordered civilians to leave the building. The nuns divided into groups and dispersed in different directions. The sisters, who were officially working as the hospital staff, went off with the sick and shared their fate till the end. Six of them – Sr. Katarzyna Iwanicka65 , Sr. Elżbieta Wyzińska66 , Sr. Celestyna Kazimirska67 , Sr. Berchmansa Laska68 , Sr. Kajetana Lewkowicz69 and

62 Palm, Widziane ze schronu, 45. 63 Stanisław Podlewski, Rapsodia Żoliborska (Warszawa: Instytut Wydawniczy PAX, 1979), 155–156. 64 Palm, Widziane ze schronu, 45; Izabela Trzaska-Durska, Wspomnienia 1939–1945, 25–27; Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 62–63, 115–118; Zmartwychwstanki w okupowanej Polsce, 156. 65 Katarzyna Iwanicka (Sr. Katarzyna), born on the 22nd of November 1872 in Rokitnice in the region of Lvov. She joined the Congregation in 1895. She accompanied Celina Borzęcka in her travels. She looked after the foundress during her last illness and was with her at the moment of her death. Her duties in the convent involved shifts at the cloister gate and sewing. She was the prefect of the school in Żoliborz. At the moment of the bombing she was sewing at Mickiewicza 34. Nekrologi, v. 2, 30. 66 Franciszka Wyzińska (Sr. Elżbieta), born on the 4th October of 1875 in Przasnysz. She joined the Congregation in 1895. Superior of the convents in Częstochowa and Rome and of the Good Sheppard Facility in Warsaw. During the Uprising she sewed forage caps and weapon covers. She died fixing clothes and the underwear of the wounded in the house at Mickiewicza 34. Nekrologi, v. 2, 28–29. 67 Joanna Kazimirska (Sr. Celestyna), born on the 6th of May 1917 in Żydowo next to Gniezno. She joined the Congregation in 1939. During the Uprising she worked in the laundry room. She died in the house at Mickiewicza 10. Nekrologi, v. 2, 37. 68 Waleria Laska (Sr. Berchmansa), born on the 20th of February 1915 in Krużew next to Kościerzyna. She joined the Congregation in 1938. In the convent in Warsaw she helped with the housework. During the air raids she did not go down to the underground shelter because she stayed with a sick sister on the ground floor of the building. She died in the laundry room at Mickiewicza 10. Nekrologi, v. 2, 38. 69 Anna Lewkowicz (Sr. Kajetana), born on the 16th of April 1897 in Białystok. In 1924 she joined the Congregation. She worked as a nurse in the dormitory in Żoliborz. She died while working in the laundry room at Mickiewicza 10. She did not run down to the underground shelter. Nekrologi, v. 2, 31.

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Sr. Ambroża Nowak70 died during the bombing of the 31st of August. That day, four other sisters died from the bombs: Sr. Antonia Nowocień71 , Sr. Columba Woźniak72 , Sr. Bernadetta Markiewicz73 and Sr. Maria Bogumiła Jeske74 . The living conditions of the inhabitants of Warsaw were deteriorating rapidly. Sister Melania states that compared with their facilities, the Brother Albert Chmielowski shelters for the homeless were quite luxurious. As she writes, in the bunker where she was staying, it was crowded, people were very sick, and people with a high fever were not free to lie down; children were born into this world and dying. “Here”, she adds, “parasites treat all democratically, there are no chosen ones or untouchable ones”75 . The group of sisters who accompanied the wounded was led by Sr. Rafaela. Once the hospital was taken over by the Germans, thanks to her knowledge of the German language, she prevented many of the dramatic situations that took place when other hospitals were being taken over76 . As mentioned previously, the hospital was transferred to Tworki. It is there that the Sisters of the Resurrection continued to care for the sick. As Sr. Maria Lucyna remarks, it was not an easy job. The defeat of the Uprising broke the people of Warsaw, especially the soldiers. The sisters, even though they themselves were not feeling the best, tried to uplift others and incite their hope. In the first days of November, the nuns left for Częstochowa and found refuge in the house of the Congregation there77 . Due to the situation on the international arena, communication with the general house was impossible. That is why a few months after the fall of the Uprising the

70 Aniela Nowak (Sr. Ambroża), born on the 10th of October 1920 in Nienadówka. In 1938 she joined the Congregation. She worked as a housekeeper in the kitchen. She died at Mickiewicza 10 during her shift in the laundry room. Nekrologi, v. 2, 35. 71 Zofia Nowocień (Sr. Antonia), born on the 24th of August 1913 in Radom. She arrived at the convent in 1936. She taught in the primary school. She died in the villa at Sułkowskiego 6. Nekrologi, v. 2, 33. 72 Maria Woźniak (Sr. Columba), born on the 19th September 1903 in Gródek Jagieloński. She completed studies in history at the Jan Kazimierz University in Lvov. She joined the Congregation in 1936. She was supposed to teach history in the middle and secondary school in Wejherowo, but the outbreak of the war made it impossible for her to go to Pomerania. She died in the villa at Sułkowskiego 6 under a hail of German bombs. Nekrologi, v. 2, 34. 73 Wilhelma Markiewicz (Sr. Bernadetta), born on the 25th May of 1916 in Lvov. She joined the Congregation in 1938. She worked as a teacher in the primary school. During the Uprising she looked after the sick. She died during her stay at Sułkowskiego 6. Nekrologi, v. 2, 36. 74 Bogumiła Jeske (Sr. Maria Bogumiła), born on the 3rd September 1911 in Poznań. She joined the Congregation in 1936. She taught catechism to young people in the secondary school and worked in the dormitory. She died in the villa at Sułkowskiego 6 clutching the Holy Sacrament to her breast. Nekrologi, v. 2, 32. 75 Palm, Widziane ze schronu, 96; Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 67; Wiśniewska, Sikorska, Szpitale, 211. 76 Radziszewska, Dziennik, 245–251. 77 Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 58, 65, 97–98; Zmartwychwstanki w okupowanej Polsce, 154–157.

The Sisters of the Resurrection from the Warsaw District of Żoliborz at the Time of the Warsaw Uprising (1944)

superior general of the time, Mother Teresa Kalkstein78 had no news about the situation of all the sisters in Warsaw. In a general letter from the 1st of March 1945, she called on all her sisters to be ready to support the sisters from the Polish Province79 .

The Convent as the Żoliborz Redoubt and the Fortress of the Sisters of the Resurrection The area of the convent of the Sisters of Resurrection from the beginning of the Uprising was garrisoned by the soldiers from the Żyrafa Group from the Home Army under the leadership of Colonel Mieczysław Niedzielski, nom de guerre “Żywiciel”. After the hospital had been evacuated to the convent, the Walery Wróblewski 1st  Company of the Military Units of the Insurgent Emergency Service of Socialists (Polish: Oddziały Wojskowe Powstańczego Pogotowia Socjalistów), Plutons 218 and 221 as well as the unit of the People’s Army (Polish: Armia Ludowa) also arrived. Around the building, insurgent barricades were put up, creating the most important line of defence of the western part of Żoliborz. Unfortunately, the soldiers had few weapons – only two machine guns, 14 guns, 19 sub-machine guns, 26 pistols, 1 anti-tank grenade launcher, 140 hand grenades and 47 gasoline bombs. They strengthened their defence positions in all possible ways, including by using the fittings of the building80 . The convent was hailed “the Żoliborz Redoubt” and “the Fortress of the Sisters of the Resurrection”. The thick walls and the complex system of shooting stands gave the insurgents a feeling of safety, let them write reports and conduct interviews, and even pose for photographs. The height of the building enabled them to permanently watch the position of the enemy, and from the 20th of September direct their gunfire in the direction of Praga. What is more, even though the missiles of the German artillery hit the building of the convent, at first they caused only small damage

78 Janina Maria Franciszka Kalkstein (Sr. Teresa), born on the 18th of August 1888 in Radzic next to Lublin. She graduated in education and psychology at the University of Sorbonne and Fribourg in Switzerland. She joined the Congregation in 1911, admitted by the foundress, Celine Borzęcka. In the years 1938–1967, she was the superior general of the Congregation. She died on the 25th of December 1980 in Rome. Nekrologi; Maria Lucyna Mistecka, “Seeing Red: Życiorys M. Teresy Kalkstein”, w: W I rocznicę śmierci M. Teresy Kalkstein, place of publication unknown 1981, 7–17. 79 Teresa Kalkstein, Na straży Miłości i Prawdy. Listy Okólne Matki Generalnej do Zgromadzenia 1938–1949, v. 1 (Rzym, 1961), 285. 80 Maria Lucyna Mistecka, “Zmartwychwstanki w powstaniu warszawskim”, Chrześcijanin w Świecie 47 (1976): 67; Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 69.

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and fires. Until mid-September, a special section counted 400 holes after artillery shells81 . The Germans’ advantage was their equipment. Their shells, firebombs and high explosive bombs were slowly turning the fortress into rubble. The insurgents were running out of ammunition. It was impossible to continue the defence. Thus, following the order of Niedzielski on the 29th of September, 59 people withdrew. The next day the leaders of the Uprising at Żoliborz signed an act of capitulation following the orders from the Headquarters of the Home Army. 21 soldiers and nurses died, three who were gravely wounded died and 20 were held in captivity. The Fortress of the Sisters of the Resurrection was the only defence position in the district of Żoliborz that had not been conquered by the enemy but abandoned upon the order of the Home Army. What is more, the German army did not take over the convent even after the end of the Uprising, fearing that the building was mined, as the insurgents who were held in captivity confirmed82 . The Sisters of the Resurrection, just as the whole community of Warsaw, experienced tremendous loses in the Uprising: 10 sisters died and a dozen had their health impaired. In addition, the property of the Congregation was heavily depleted. After the war it was not possible to rebuild the whole building or reactivate some forms of ministry. As the destruction was so extensive and so many human lives were lost, many researchers question the legitimacy of the Warsaw Uprising. It seems that the inhabitants of Warsaw at that time had a very different perspective. “Freedom! After such horrible captivity! No sacrifice seemed too big, no hardship too much to endure”, estimates Sr. Emilia, “Warsaw was drinking in freedom and paying a terrible price! Paying in blood, making a sacrifice out of its biggest loves, without counting other loses”83 . Thanks to the hard work of the sisters and great expenditures of the Congregation, the building was partly rebuilt. At the beginning of 1946 the sisters managed to re-open their kindergarten, a primary school and the first classes of the middle school. In March 1958 while cleaning up the ruins of the convent, skeletons of four dead insurgents were found84 . On the 1st of April a funeral mass was celebrated and then the exhumed bodies were laid to rest in the Military Cemetery of Powązki. At the beginning of May a celebration took place during which the sisters were

81 82 83 84

Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 70–71, 75. Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 87–88. Radziszewska, Dziennik, 67. As relates Sr. Mistecka, based on the documents found next to the bodies, the following people were identified: artilleryman Gustaw Pawłowski (15 years old), soldier Bolesław Pilski nom de guerre Pelikan (16 years old), nurse Alicja Masłowska nom de guerre Inka (19 years old). Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 125.

The Sisters of the Resurrection from the Warsaw District of Żoliborz at the Time of the Warsaw Uprising (1944)

given a piece of the banner from the Uprising which was taken off the convent during the shellfire on the 20th of September 194485 .

Conclusion To sum up, during the time Poland was occupied by the Germans, the Sisters of the Resurrection took part in the resistance movement in every sense. First of all, they taught and educated children and adolescents, which was very important because the Nazis wanted to destroy the Polish intelligentsia and impede its renewal. What is more, they made their rooms accessible for secret teaching, helped to rescue political prisoners, fed soldiers of the Home Army and hid Jewish girls in the school. Before the outbreak of the Uprising, they sewed white and red bands, which enabled the fighters to identify an ally. Next, they gave their own convent for the needs of the insurgent hospital. They worked there as doctors and nurses, as well as in the kitchen, the ED, the office, the morgue, the laundry room, the sewing room, the dining room, the washing room, the pantry and held guard at the gate. When the hospital was evacuated from the building of the convent, 26 of them separated from the community and accompanied the wounded patients. The other ones tried to serve people wherever they found themselves. Most often they helped by caring for the sick and wounded as well as cooking meals. Some of them looked after children, organised playtime, talks and lessons. The sisters were happy to talk with adults about faith in God, faith which had been tested through the dramatic circumstances of the war. Their attitude of trusting Providence and everyday prayers gave them consolation and hope. Naturally, the nuns also shared material goods with other people. The hospital equipment, food for the staff and patients was secured by insurgent organisations but when this was insufficient, they offered their own resources of medicine, medical tools as well as supplies of food and soap. They shared the troubles of the civilians in Warsaw86 . The breakout of the Uprising undoubtedly disrupted the rhythm of life in the convent. Nevertheless, the sisters participated in the Eucharist, took communion, meditated and prayed individually and communally. As much as it was possible under the circumstances of war, they strengthened their mutual relations by eating meals together and spending recreation time together. Even though their convent was completely destroyed, they managed to rebuild it and restart educational activity. After Poland was liberated, they resisted the Communist regime. The Sisters of the 85 Mistecka, Zgromadzenie Sióstr, 129. 86 Joanna Pyszna, “Seeing Red: Żoliborskie zmartwychwstanki w czasie powstania warszawskiego”, w: Kościół na drogach przeszłości, red. Jan Walkusz, Marcin Nabożny (Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2020).

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Resurrection still teach and educate children to this very day – currently they run a primary school, a secondary school and a dormitory in this special place.

Bibliography Archiwum Generalne Sióstr Zmartwychwstanek w Rzymie (General Archive of the Sisters of the Resurrection in Rome) – AGSZ. Ciche bohaterstwo. Dziennik Radiowy AK – XXII nr 18 z 17 VIII 1944. Gdaniec, Rafaela. “Wspomnienia z lat 1939–1945”. Surrexit 6 (2013): 48–69. Informator Zgromadzenia Sióstr Zmartwychwstania Pana Naszego Jezusa Chrystusa, Rzym 2017. Kalkstein, Teresa. Na straży Miłości i Prawdy. Listy Okólne Matki Generalnej do Zgromadzenia 1938–1949. Rzym, 1961. Mistecka, Maria Lucyna. “Samarytanka Żoliborza. Siostra Maria Janina Łabęcka CR”. Chrześcijanin w Świecie 163 (1987): 94–110. Mistecka, Maria Lucyna. “Seeing Red: Życiorys M. Teresy Kalkstein”. In: W I rocznicę śmierci M. Teresy Kalkstein, place of publication unknown 1981, 7–17. Mistecka, Maria Lucyna. “Zakonnice w obronie Żydów”. Chrześcijanin w Świecie 81 (1979): 51–59. Mistecka, Maria Lucyna. “Zmartwychwstanki w powstaniu warszawskim”. Chrześcijanin w Świecie 47 (1976): 54–73. Mistecka, Maria Lucyna. “Zmartwychwstanki w stolicy 1903–1978”. Chrześcijanin w Świecie 72 (1978): 71–79. Mistecka, Maria Lucyna. Zgromadzenie Sióstr Zmartwychwstania Pańskiego w czasie Powstania Warszawskiego. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 1980. Mistecka, Maria Lucyna. Zmartwychwstanki w okupowanej Polsce 1939–1945. Warszawa: Ośrodek Dokumentacji i Studiów Społecznych, 1983. Mistecka, Maria Lucyna. Zmartwychwstanki. Charyzmat i dzieje 1891–1991, v. 2. Lublin: Instytut Badań nad Polonią i Duszpasterstwem Polonijnym KUL, 2000. Mistecka, Maria Lucyna. Zmartwychwstanki. Charyzmat i dzieje 1891–1991, v. 3. Lublin: Instytut Badań nad Polonią i Duszpasterstwem Polonijnym KUL, 2002. “Nekrolog s. Amaty Pruszko”. Surrexit 2 (2011): 43–44. Nekrologi zmarłych sióstr Zmartwychwstania Pana Naszego Jezusa Chrystusa, date and place of publication unknown, AGSZ. Nekrologi zmarłych sióstr Zmartwychwstania Pana Naszego Jezusa Chrystusa, v. 1, date and place of publication unknown. Nekrologi zmarłych sióstr Zmartwychwstania Pana Naszego Jezusa Chrystusa, v. 2, date and place of publication unknown. Palm, Melania. Widziane ze schronu. Częstochowa: Biblioteka Niedzieli, 2001.

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Pisarska, Antonina. “Seeing Red: Powstanie i rozwój Zgromadzenia Sióstr Zmartwychwstania Pańskiego na tle ascetyczno-mistycznego systemu życia wewnętrznego i jego odbicia w Regule Zgromadzenia”. In: Sacrum Poloniae Millennium, v. 7, 145–380. Rzym, 1960. Podlewski, Stanisław. Rapsodia Żoliborska. Warszawa: Instytut Wydawniczy PAX, 1979. Podlewski, Stanisław. Wierni Bogu i Ojczyźnie. Duchowieństwo katolickie w walce o niepodległość Polski w II wojnie światowej. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Novum, 1985. Pruszko, Amata. Szpital Zmartwychwstanek na Żoliborzu. Warszawa, 1949, AGSZ. Pyszna, Joanna. “Seeing Red: Żoliborskie zmartwychwstanki w czasie powstania warszawskiego”. In: Kościół na drogach przeszłości, eds. Jan Walkusz, Marcin Nabożny, 307–328. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2020. Radziszewska, Emilia. Dziennik pielęgniarki z Powstania Warszawskiego. Warszawa: Biblioteka Niedzieli, 1991. Sikorska, Małgorzata, Wiśniewska Maria. Szpitale powstańczej Warszawy. Warszawa: Oficyna Wydawnicza Rytm, Oficyna Wydawnicza Polczek, 1991. Tomaszewicz Antonetta, Relacja z okresu okupacji niemieckiej 1939–1945, date and place of publication unknown, AGSZ. Trzaska-Durska Izabela, Wspomnienia 1939–1945, date and place of publication unknown, AGSZ. Wójcik, Aniela. “Seeing Red: Zgromadzenie Sióstr Zmartwychwstania Pana Naszego Jezusa Chrystusa”. In: Żeńskie Zgromadzenia Zakonne w Polsce 1939–1947, eds.. Adam Chruszczewski, Krystyna Dębowska, Paweł P. Gach, Jerzy Kłoczowski, Anna Siewierska, v. 16, 8–144. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2002. Żuchniewska, Jadwiga. “Seeing Red: Wspomnienie”. In: Ludność cywilna w Powstaniu Warszawskim, eds. Marian M. Drozdowski, Maria Maniakówna, Tomasz Strzembosz, v. 1, p. 2, 181–190. Warszawa: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1974. Żuchniewska, Jadwiga. Udział Sióstr Zmartwychwstania Pańskiego w powstaniu warszawskim. Warszawa, 1967, AGSZ. Żulińska, Barbara. Matka Małgorzata Dąbrowska. Rzym, 1967.

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Bishop Ignacy Tokarczuk in the Face of Attempts to “Reconcile” the Catholic Faith with Communism in the Realities of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL)

Abstract:

In the realities of Poland ruled by the communist party (PPR/PZPR), the attitude of Bp. Ignacy Tokarczuk (1918–2012), ordinary of the Przemyśl diocese, towards the attempts to “reconcile” the Catholic faith with communism is illustrated. For this purpose, the history, organizational changes and ideological foundations of the patriot priest movement as well as the opposing and disapproving attitude of the Polish Episcopate are briefly presented – with particular emphasis on the character and actions of Bp. Tokarczuk. This hierarchy, called the “steadfast bishop”, presented a radically critical attitude towards communism, as well as all attempts to “tame” it in the name of temporal benefits or acceptance of the political and social realities of the time. His stance on this issue was presented on the basis of archival materials produced by the communist apparatus of repression (the Security Service and departments for denominations of local administration), as well as documentation of church provenance. Keywords:

Priests | patriots | faith and communism | atheism | Bp./Abp. Ignacy Tokarczuk | Przemyśl diocese in the People’s Republic of Poland

Introduction The article presents the stance taken by Bp./Abp. Ignacy Tokarczuk (1918–2012)1 , ordinary of the Przemyśl diocese (1965–1993), a long-time member of the Commission/Main Council of the Polish Episcopate, in the face of attempts made by the faithful and some priests to “reconcile” the Catholic faith with communism in the circumstances of the communist dictatorship. This issue should be viewed from a broader perspective, as it is of key importance for understanding the essence 1 Bp./Abp. Ignacy Tokarczuk (1918–2012), born in Łubianki Wyższe near Zbaraż, alumnus of the Lviv Theological Seminary (1937–1942). He was ordained a priest on June 21, 1942 in Lviv. Then he was the vicar of the parish in Złotniki, which he left after the UPA attack and an unsuccessful attempt to

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of People’s Poland/People’s Republic of Poland, in which the relationship between the state and the Church played an extremely important role. Over 90% of society declared that they belonged to the community of the Catholic Church in those years2 . On the other hand, this means that a significant number of Poles for almost half a century faced the dilemma of whether it was possible, and in what area or scope, to build the foundations of the People’s Republic of Poland, to engage in its development and at the same time to remain faithful to the principles of the Catholic religion in a situation where religious issues were treated hostilely or at most instrumentally by the new authorities promoting communist ideology. Of course, in the background of this research question, one should notice a number of circumstances that define the boundary of a compromise between the teaching of the Church, faith and communist ideology and the management practice of state administration bodies. For communists, the desire to reduce the Church’s influence on society was of fundamental importance. After all, the ongoing struggle for the “government of souls” directly influenced the process of legitimizing the power exercised by the PZPR [Polish United Workers’ Party translator’s note]3 . In this process, the attitudes and opinions that provided the premises for the recognition of the ideological foundations and the achievements of People’s Poland/PRL by secular and clergy Catholics were of particular importance. The sources and goals of such attitudes should be analyzed in detail, taking into account the theological, political and social perspectives, while also considering individual social crises in the history of the People’s Republic of Poland.

kill him. Doctor of Philosophy (1951), researcher at the Catholic University of Lublin (1947–1952), lecturer at WSD “Hosianum” in Olsztyn (1952–1962), assistant professor at the Catholic University of Lublin (1962–1965), bishop of the Przemyśl diocese (1965–1993), member of the Commission/ Main Council of the Polish Episcopate (1967–1993), Archbishop ad personam (1991), Metropolitan of Przemyśl (1992–1993), co-chairman of the Joint Commission of the Polish Episcopate and the Government of the Republic of Poland (1990–1991), Knight of the Order of the White Eagle (May 3, 2006). 2 Rafał Łatka, Jan Żaryn, “Czy Kościół katolicki był permanentną opozycją wobec rządów komunistów w Polsce ‘Ludowej’?”, Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość 2 (2020): 31. 3 See more on the importance of political legitimation of power in relations with society: Tadeusz Biernat, Legitymizacja władzy politycznej. Elementy teorii. (Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, 2000). In his book, the author emphasizes that “legitimation determines the stability of power, the stability of the political system”. Tadeusz Biernat, Legitymizacja władzy politycznej. Elementy teorii. (Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, 2000), 175.

Bishop Ignacy Tokarczuk in the Face of Attempts to “Reconcile” the Catholic Faith

The Life and Pastoral Experiences of Fr. Ignacy Tokarczuk before Taking over the Diocese of Przemyśl For a more complete understanding of the stance taken by Bp./Abp. Tokarczuk in the face of all attempts to reconcile faith with communism, it is necessary to present a brief summary of his biography, indicating elements that strengthened his belief that both dialogue with communists and the peaceful coexistence of those two extremely different axiological systems were basically impossible in the circumstances of a totalitarian state. At the outset, it is worth adding that this view was largely a derivative of the extremely critical attitude of Bp. Tokarczuk to the communist ideology that promoted militant atheism and confrontation towards religion4 . These issues have already been discussed many times, so to signal them, I will go to the merits, recalling in only one sentence that for the Przemyśl bishop, communism was an “anti-virtue” and “anti-good”, depriving man of his subjectivity5 . However, one thing is important – the negation of communism in the case of Bp. Tokarczuk was characterized by the fact that, according to some, it took the most “extreme” form of all members of the Polish Episcopate6 . Referring to the biography of Bp. Tokarczuk, it should be mentioned that in 1952, in protest against the introduction of a communist youth organization – the Polish Youth Union – to the Catholic University of Lublin, he quit his job at this university and left for Olsztyn7 . The priest who admitted him to the Warmia diocese was Fr. Prelate Wojciech Zink, the then capitular vicar8 . Fr. Tokarczuk, performing his

4 Ignacy Tokarczuk, Moc i wytrwałość (Kraków: Społeczny Instytut Wydawniczy Znak, 1988), 167–194; Ignacy Tokarczuk, Wytrwać i zwyciężyć (Paris: Editions Spotkania, 1998), 210–229. 5 See Mariusz Krzysztofiński. “Ksiądz arcybiskup Ignacy Tokarczuk – antykomunista w sutannie”, in: Antykomunizm Polaków w XX wieku, ed. Piotr Kardela, Karol Sacewicz (Białystok-Olsztyn-Warszawa: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej Oddział w Białymstoku, 2019), 601. 6 “Relacja Abp. Alfonsa Nossola, Kamień Śląski, 27 V 2013 r.”, in: Non omnis moriar. Abp Ignacy Tokarczuk we wspomnieniach, relacje zebrał i przypisami opatrzył Mariusz Krzysztofiński (Rzeszów-Lwów: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej Oddział w Rzeszowie, Uniwersytet Rzeszowski, Wydawnictwo bł. Jakuba Strzemię Archidiecezji Lwowskiej Obrządku Łacińskiego, 2016), 263; “Relacja Abp. Tadeusza Gocłowskiego, Gdańsk, 14 IV 2014 r.”, in: Non omnis moriar. Abp Ignacy Tokarczuk we wspomnieniach, relacje zebrał i przypisami opatrzył Mariusz Krzysztofiński (Rzeszów-Lwów: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej Oddział w Rzeszowie, Uniwersytet Rzeszowski, Wydawnictwo bł. Jakuba Strzemię Archidiecezji Lwowskiej Obrządku Łacińskiego, 2016), 155–156. 7 Ignacy Tokarczuk. Kochałem tych ludzi całym sercem i oddaniem. Wspomnienia z lat 1918–1976, opracowanie, wprowadzenie, przypisy, indeksy i wybór ilustracji Józef Wołczański (Lwów-Kraków: Wydawnictwo bł. Jakuba Strzemię Archidiecezji Lwowskiej Obrządku Łacińskiego, 2014), 134–135. 8 Andrzej Kopiczko. Katalog duchowieństwa katolickiego diecezji warmińskiej (1945–1992) (Olsztyn: Wydział Duszpasterski Kurii Metropolitalnej Archidiecezji Warmińskiej, 2006) 9; Sabina Bober, “Generalvikar Adalbert (Wojciech) Zink und Dr. Ignacy Tokarczuk”, Zeitschrift für die Geschichte und Altertumskunde Ermlands 56 (2012): 68–77.

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pastoral service in this diocese, painfully experienced the information about the arrest of Fr. Primate Stefan Wyszyński (September 25, 1953), and later also the aforementioned Fr. Zink, refusing to sign the Polish Episcopate’s announcement of September 28, 1953, notifying the faithful of this unlawful fact9 . The priest’s place was taken by Fr. Stefan Biskupski (1895–1973), who was submissive towards the communist authorities and supported the PAX and criticized the conduct of Primate Wyszyński together with the professors of the Olsztyn Seminary. Fr. Tokarczuk, who witnessed this situation, opposed Fr. Biskupski, arguing that his attitude was wrong from the point of view of both the Church and the nation. Years later, he recalled: “[...] the rector and the professors disappeared, only the two of us were there. He could not forget and forgive this conversation”10 . The communist authorities – analyzing the attitude and content proclaimed by Fr. Tokarczuk – refused to take the position of the Parson of the Sacred Heart of Jesus parish in Olsztyn in 195811 , as well as the administrator of the parish in Nidzica in 196012 . The intervention of the so-called religious authorities at the diocesan superiors associated with the organization by Fr. Tokarczuk, a pilgrimage of Olsztyn’s academic youth to Jasna Góra was also an expression of ostracism towards the clergyman13 .

A Short Description of the Patriotic Priests Movement An element of the pacification of potential opposition circles to the communist government after 1944 was the creation of an environment to bring Catholics 9 Andrzej Kopiczko, “Rządca diecezji warmińskiej ks. Wojciech Zink a władze partyjno-państwowe (1951–1953). Zarys problematyki”, Studia Elbląskie 20 (2019): 119–121. 10 Ignacy Tokarczuk. Kochałem tych ludzi całym sercem i oddaniem, 145. As Fr. Andrzej Kopiczko writes, Fr. Stefan Biskupski was loyal towards the authorities of the People’s Republic of Poland. It was expressed in monthly meetings with representatives of communist authorities and agreeing with them all personnel decisions in the diocese. An element of this personnel policy was the removal of several dozen parsons and vicars from their posts, the removal of several seminarians from the seminary, and the removal of two professors from teaching there. Andrzej Kopiczko, “Ks. prof. Stefan Biskupski – objęcie urzędu wikariusza kapitulnego diecezji warmińskiej i charakterystyka jego pracy na tym stanowisku”, Studia Warmińskie 32 (1995): 385–387. 11 Archives of the Archdiocese of Warmia in Olsztyn, Personal files of Fr. Ignacy Tokarczuk, Letter from the Religious Affairs Department of the WRN Presidium in Olsztyn announcing the lack of consent to appoint Fr. Ignacy Tokarczuk as the Parson of the Sacred Heart of Jesus parish in Olsztyn, July 20, 1958. 12 Archive of the Archdiocese of Warmia in Olsztyn, Personal files of Fr. Ignacy Tokarczuk, Letter from the Religious Affairs Department of the WRN Presidium in Olsztyn containing a reservation on the appointment of Fr. Ignacy Tokarczuk, administrator of the parish in Nidzica, 6 July 1960. 13 See Tokarczuk. Wytrwać i zwyciężyć, 213–224.

Bishop Ignacy Tokarczuk in the Face of Attempts to “Reconcile” the Catholic Faith

together and approve the principles of the new system. This was the role of the PAX Association, established on the basis of the “Dziś i Jutro” magazine in 1947, headed by Bolesław Piasecki and used by the communists to break up the unity of the Church. The Committee of Intellectuals and Catholic Activists, chaired by Fr. prof. Jan Czuj, established three years later, was ideologically related to this milieu14 . In 1949, the Committee of Priests at the Union of Fighters for Freedom and Democracy, which gathered the so-called patriotic priests and transformed over time in 1953 into the Committee of Clergy and Secular Activists at the Polish National Unity Front, also started its activity. Those groups agreed to accept the ideological and social conditions of the People’s Republic of Poland and undertook licensed dialogue and cooperation with the new government, even though it meant a conflict with the church authorities15 . It was considered necessary to engage in the “reconstruction of the country”, to support various political and social initiatives of the authorities in accordance with the principle that cooperation between the state administration and the Church is not only possible, but even advisable. Thus, the clergy associated in the movement of patriotic priests (Committee of Priests at ZBoWiD), and then in the Association of Catholics “Caritas” (from 1959) became a tool for breaking the unity and cohesion of the Church. Their attitude is reflected in the words of Fr. Stanisław Owczarek, from November 4, 1971, the president of ZK “Caritas”, from his memoirs entitled Być zaangażowanym – być księdzem, published in 1982, where he proved that his involvement in the activities of this organization was a form of performing the “priestly vocation” in “the reality of the People’s Republic of Poland”16 . In another fragment of his memoirs, the priest emphasized that profound political and social changes had taken place in Poland, and the sense of realism dictated that it was impossible to transform the political system at that time into a different one. Preaching such views, he considered it necessary to enter “the present time of the People’s Republic of Poland”17 . Such attitudes were accompanied by the support of the aforementioned environment in favor of “social progress, for changes in Poland” – while maintaining the usefulness and at the same time “servitude” to both the

14 Zygmunt Zieliński. Kościół w Polsce 1944–2002 (Radom: Polskie Wydawnictwo Encyklopedyczne, 2003), 75–79; Cecylia Kuta. “Działacze” i “pismaki”. Aparat bezpieczeństwa wobec organizacji katolików świeckich w Krakowie w latach 1957–1989 (Kraków: Wydawnictwo “Dante”, 2009), 251–255. 15 Such an attitude was also shown by Bp. Franciszek Barda, the Przemyśl bishop, the predecessor of Bp. Tokarczuk, who officially forbade priests to work in the “Caritas”. See Stanisław Nabywaniec, Sprawa obiektowa nr 1: Kościół. Kościół przemyski w świetle akt rzeszowskiej bezpieki 1944–1989, v. 1 (Rzeszów: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego, 2011), 228. 16 Stanisław Owczarek, Być zaangażowanym – być księdzem (Warszawa: Caritas, 1982), 5. 17 Owczarek, Być zaangażowanym – być księdzem, 270–271.

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Church and the Homeland, which remained a state with a “socialist system”18 . An expression of this was the full involvement of the movement in question in the implementation of the National Unity Front program19 . The primacy of MarxismLeninism was accepted both by PAX and the Christian Social Association, which was separated from PAX in 195720 .

The Attitude of Bp. Ignacy Tokarczuk, Ordinary of the Przemyśl Diocese, Towards the Main Ideological Assumptions of the Patriotic Priest Movement Referring to his own experience, Bp. Tokarczuk, as the new ordinary of the Przemyśl diocese, understood that the communist authorities, in order to achieve their goals, had to limit the development of the Church in Poland and the evangelization conducted by it. According to the information from the Security Service of April 13, 1976, Bishop Tokarczuk considered the main goal of Marxism to be a ruthless struggle against religion, which was a derivative of the intention to create “a new culture, a new lifestyle without God and against God”21 . Thus, he shared the view that communism would ascribe to itself the features of religion and ultimately want to replace it. Importantly, as noted by Andrzej Wielowieyski, Bp. Tokarczuk in the realities of the People’s Republic of Poland strengthened the belief that as “a Polish citizen, he performs his duty towards the nation, and not only towards the Church”22 . As the shepherd of the Przemyśl diocese, Bp. Tokarczuk (like other Polish bishops) prevented the development of the Catholic Association “Caritas”. This way of

18 Radosław Piszczek. Księża “Caritas”. Wspomnienia (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo “Caritas”, 1984), 15. 19 Nasze zaangażowanie. Materiały z Walnego Zjazdu Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” (Warszawa: Caritas, 1967), 14. 20 In the charter of the ChSS of 1981, its main goals were specified as follows: “1. Participation in the public life of the People’s Republic of Poland by acting as part of the National Unity Front for democracy in the socialist system of the People’s Republic of Poland. 2. Activation of Catholic circles and other Christian denominations in the public, social and economic lives of the People’s Republic of Poland for the good of the Fatherland”. AIPN Rz, 62/59, Unia Chrześcijańsko-Społeczna, Statut Chrześcijańskiego Stowarzyszenia Społecznego, Warszawa 1981, p. 2. In Rzeszów, the Provincial Branch of the ChSS was legalized by the administrative authorities on December 16, 1975. AIPN Rz, 61/216, Notatka z rozmowy przeprowadzonej w dniu 27 IX 1977 r. z ob. Edwardem Chrzan – przewodniczącym ChSS w Rzeszowie, 16. 21 AIPN, 0713/12, v. 5, Działalność Bp. przemyskiego Ignacego Tokarczuka, Informacja dotycząca treści społeczno-politycznych w wystąpieniu publicznym Bp. Tokarczuka w Rzeszowie, 30. 22 See Pytania o PAX, pytają: ed. Jerzy Diatłowicki, prof. Andrzej Friszke, senator Andrzej Wielowieyski, in: Archiwum Stowarzyszenia PAX. Publicystyka polityczna, v. 1: Refleksje z pogranicza historii, ideologii i polityki Stowarzyszenia PAX (Warszawa: Stowarzyszenie PAX, 2006), 37.

Bishop Ignacy Tokarczuk in the Face of Attempts to “Reconcile” the Catholic Faith

treating this organization was the norm across the country from the moment the Association was established. A constant element of the outlook on the patriot movement was a loyal attitude towards state authorities, participation in the National Unity Front or ZBOWiD. This environment was treated as a tool in the hands of the authorities and was used to pursue a long-term policy of “stratifying the clergy”23 . In Rzeszów, ZK, “Caritas” circle was founded in November 1959 and consisted of only six priests. Importantly, there were no vicars among them who feared that their involvement in the activities of this organization would destroy the possibility of any promotion. Those fears stemmed from the fact that both the Przemyśl and Tarnów curia issued written warnings to all “positive” priests prohibiting participation in the work of “Caritas”, threatening sanctions under canon law. The state authorities noticed with concern that “the situation [...] is getting even worse at the moment when Bishop Ignacy Tokarczuk takes the office of the ordinary of the Przemyśl diocese, which is evidenced by the fact that the current president of the Provincial Association of Catholics “Caritas” – Fr. Jan Gąsior resigned as president of the Association, proposing retiree Fr. Julian Pudło for this position, [a] and for the position of president of the “Caritas” Circle of Priests – pensioner priest Stanisław Buczek. Bishop Tokarczuk adopted a newer method of work than his predecessor, namely by visiting the parish without prior notification of the Parson or administrator. This kind of method aimed to force the clergy to stay in the parish permanently, thus distracting them from social work, and in particular from involvement in the “Caritas” Association24 . In 1968, the members of this organization emphasized that their activities met with contracts of individual episcopal curia and deans.25 In the case of the Rzeszów branch of ZK “Caritas”, it was directly noted that “tense relationships between the provincial authorities and the Przemyśl Curia did not bode optimistic hopes for the future”. The directives in the form of official letters from the curia received by the priests were clear and forbade them to participate in meetings organized by the secular authorities. The aforementioned report contains information that “the discipline of subordination among priests has been tightened and no priest would risk ignoring the above-mentioned curia guidelines. The games

23 AIPN, 0639/121, Działalność Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” – sprawozdania, meldunki, informacje, wykazy, korespondencja, Notatka dotycząca wniosków odznaczeniowych dla księży rzymskokatolickich, 99. 24 AIPN Rz, 61/219, Urząd Wojewódzki w Rzeszowie – Wydział ds. Wyznań, “Caritas”, Informacja dot. wzrostu działalności i perspektywy rozwoju Koła Księży “Caritas”, 1–2. 25 According to the estimates of ZK “Caritas”, the number of priests remaining in its membership was only 1,137. The recruitment campaign conducted among the priests was not very effective. AIPN, 0639/121, Działalność Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” – sprawozdania, meldunki, informacje, wykazy, korespondencja, Zarząd Główny Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas”, Sprawozdanie z działalności za rok 1968 r., 32.

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between the authorities and the curia that had existed during the previous year regarding the construction of a church in Stalowa Wola, and the failure to issue a permit to build a church in Wołkowyja, Lesko, united all priests with the attitude of Fr. bishop”.262728 In the opinion of the presidium of ZK “Caritas” in Rzeszów, in the case of establishing contacts with the clergy of the Przemyśl diocese, one should exercise caution “for fear of denunciation to the curia, on the other hand, contacts with supporters and priests who still want to talk with the Association at the moment would be maintained and strengthened”29 . Priests affiliated with ZK “Caritas” noted that most of them were directed to “inferior branches”. In 1968, Bp. Tokarczuk “made the issue of belonging to the “Caritas” Association so clear that none of the clergy employed in the pastoral ministry (parson or vicar) would dare to sign the declaration. His attempt to break the Association, dismiss priests from their posts, demand for written declarations of withdrawal and not taking part in meetings of “Caritas” created a specific atmosphere, which could be felt from the conversations with non-associated priests”30 . In 1970, the Rzeszów branch of ZK “Caritas” gathered 45 members, who were largely more advanced in age. Presenting the personnel status of the organization, it was noted that Bishops Ordinaries Ignacy Tokarczuk from the Przemyśl diocese and Jerzy Ablewicz from the Tarnów diocese “brutally treat the members of Caritas, depriving them of their positions, livelihoods and creating an atmosphere

26 Construction of the Our Lady, Queen of Poland temple in Stalowa Wola began in 1958. In 1962, the decision to build the church was canceled. Another consent to continue construction was issued in 1970. The church was consecrated by the Archbishop of Krakow, Karol Wojtyła on December 2, 1973. Roman Niwierski. Kryptonim “Kościół”. Dzieje budowy kościoła pw. Matki Bożej Królowej Polski w Stalowej Woli w dokumentach Służby Bezpieczeństwa (Stalowa Wola: Piotr Jackowski Wydawnictwo “Nasz Czas”) 2011. 27 The church in Wołkowyja was destroyed by the communists between October 3 and 4, 1967. The new temple was built after many years of struggling with the communist authorities that did not allow its creation. It was consecrated on November 9, 1975 by Bp. Tokarczuk. See Henryk Borcz, “Nieudana próba likwidacji przez władze komunistyczne parafii rzymskokatolickiej w Wołkowyi w Bieszczadach (na kanwie dramatycznych wydarzeń z 3–4 października 1967 r.)”, in: Bieszczady w Polsce Ludowej 1944–1989, ed. Jakub Izdebski, Krzysztof Kaczmarski, Mariusz Krzysztofiński (Rzeszów: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej Oddział w Rzeszowie, 2009), 279–319. 28 AIPN, 0639/121, Działalność Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” – sprawozdania, meldunki, informacje, wykazy, korespondencja, Zarząd Główny Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas”, Sprawozdanie z działalności za rok 1968 r., 68. 29 AIPN, 0639/121, Działalność Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” – sprawozdania, meldunki, informacje, wykazy, korespondencja, Zarząd Główny Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas”, Sprawozdanie z działalności za rok 1968 r., 70. 30 AIPN Rz, 61/219, Urząd Wojewódzki w Rzeszowie – Wydział ds. Wyznań, “Caritas”, Sprawozdanie z realizacji planu pracy Zarządu Oddziału Wojewódzkiego za rok 1968 r., 5–6.

Bishop Ignacy Tokarczuk in the Face of Attempts to “Reconcile” the Catholic Faith

of condemnation around them as traitors to the Church and collaborators”31 . Of the aforementioned number, only 15 were actively involved, while the rest were “more like extras, recently got scared church reprimands imposed by Bp. Tokarczuk and Bp. Ablewicz, and therefore they participate in the activities of Caritas only sporadically”32 . The clergy who cooperated with the political authorities also approved the alliance of the People’s Republic of Poland with the Soviet Union, and undertook to proclaim and propagate the view that “social and economic principles of socialism are consistent with the Christian idea of justice and love of neighbor.” They also agreed to accept the “idea of peace and brotherhood between nations”, recognizing that the USSR was the vanguard in this respect. Another task was to “spread and popularize the idea of democratization of intra-church relations in accordance with the provisions of the Second Vatican Council and the interests of the Catholic clergy”33 . In 1973, according to the memo prepared for the meeting with Stanisław Kania, secretary of KC PZPR [Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party translator’s note] , it was postulated in relation to ZK “Caritas” to discuss the possibility of using this organization for the so called “loyalization (i. e. subordination) of the clergy. The discussion on this topic was to include, among others the concept 31 AIPN Rz, 61/219, Urząd Wojewódzki w Rzeszowie – Wydział ds. Wyznań, “Caritas”, Informacja o działalności Oddziału Wojewódzkiego Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” w Rzeszowie, 16 IX 1970 r., 41. 32 AIPN Rz, 61/219, Urząd Wojewódzki w Rzeszowie – Wydział ds. Wyznań, “Caritas”, Informacja o działalności Oddziału Wojewódzkiego Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” w Rzeszowie, 16 IX 1970 r., 43. A few years later, the Religious Affairs Department in Krosno, in a letter addressed to its superiors, announced that the “Caritas” circle did not exist in the Krosno province, and that the Association had only eight retired priests who did not undertake any activity. Worse still, one of them even left Caritas. The reason for such a state of affairs was the “definitely negative position on this matter of Bp. Tokarczuk combined with repressions towards priests being the Association’s members”. The report also emphasized that the clergy did not use the pension fund organized under the auspices of the Association due to the ban issued in this matter under the threat of canonical sanctions by the Przemyśl ordinary. AIPN Rz, 63/54, “Caritas”. Akta osobowe, Pismo do Urzędu ds. Wyznań w Warszawie, Krosno, 30 XI 1976 r., 34. In September 1978, Bishop Tokarczuk, announcing at regional congregations the establishment of the Provincial Branch of the “Caritas” Association of Catholics in Krosno, forbade the clergy to maintain contacts with this organization. However, before Easter, he demanded from them “statements in writing that they were not members of the Association and would not belong to the Association. A significant number of professionally active priests did not make such statements. Bp. Tokarczuk later held a grudge against this, but he did not apply any sanctions to those priests.” AIPN Rz, 63/54, “Caritas”. Akta osobowe, Pismo do Urzędu ds. Wyznań w Warszawie, Krosno, 14 IX 1978 r. 33 AIPN, 0639/121, Działalność Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” – sprawozdania, meldunki, informacje, wykazy, korespondencja, Notatka w sprawie programu działania Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas”, 136.

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of attitude ZK “Caritas” towards the hierarchy34 . This picture was supplemented by the issue of the agent cooperation of patriotic priests – omitted in this paper due to the necessity to present it in a separate paper – with the repression apparatus in the People’s Republic of Poland. The role of ZK “Caritas” was aptly captured by Fr. Józef Pałęga in his memos from the meeting of the presidents of provincial branches on February 11, 1971. After a “casual chat” it was said that “priests should be brought closer to government”35 . This point is extremely important because it contrasts the pastoral attitude of Bp. Ignacy Tokarczuk, who throughout his priestly life expressed the conviction that “a priest should always be with people”, and the clergy’s duty was to “bring the altar closer to the faithful”36 . In April 1972, during an away meeting of provincial boards of “Caritas”, Fr. Capt. Józef Pałęga announced that 48 priests were members of the circle in Rzeszów, and only 30 of them participated in the meetings37 . He also noticed then that: “Young priests, are properly brought up by the seminary, with a militant attitude. None of them even want to sympathize with us. Those who have gone through the army are discouraged with the government, they hold grudges that their studies have been interrupted. Even PAX has no supporters, but uses priests belonging to the Association.” In his argument, he noted that despite the fact that the Rzeszów region included parishes belonging to three dioceses – Lubaczów, Tarnów and Przemyśl – most members of the Association came from the latter. He also stated that “the relations between diocesan and state authorities are characterized by either trouble spots or classic martial law”38 . Saying this, he pointed to the fact that Bp. Tokarczuk was in conflict with the authorities because of religious architecture (“unauthorized 34 AIPN, 0639/121, Działalność Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” – sprawozdania, meldunki, informacje, wykazy, korespondencja, 336. 35 AIPN, 0639/121, Działalność Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” – sprawozdania, meldunki, informacje, wykazy, korespondencja, Notatki ks. Pałęgi sporządzone dnia 1 II 1971 r. na spotkaniu prezesów OW “Caritas” w Zarządzie Głównym, 125. 36 “Homilia Bp. Kazimierza Ryczana wygłoszona podczas mszy św. pogrzebowej Abp. Ignacego Tokarczuka w przemyskiej katedrze 2 stycznia 2013 r.”, in: “Nie można zdradzić Ewangelii”. Rozmowy z Abp. Ignacym Tokarczukiem, rozmawiał, wstępem i przypisami opatrzył Mariusz Krzysztofiński (Rzeszów-Kraków: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej Oddział w Rzeszowie, Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie, 2013), 141. 37 AIPN, 0639/121, Działalność Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” – sprawozdania, meldunki, informacje, wykazy, korespondencja, Doniesienie, 29 IV 1972 r. [dot. wyjazdowego posiedzenia Prezydium Zarządu Głównego “Caritas” z udziałem zarządów wojewódzkich “Caritas” z Białegostoku, Lublina i Rzeszowa odbytego 26 kwietnia 1972 r.], 269. 38 AIPN, 0639/121, Działalność Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” – sprawozdania, meldunki, informacje, wykazy, korespondencja, Doniesienie, 29 IV 1972 r. [dot. wyjazdowego posiedzenia Prezydium Zarządu Głównego “Caritas” z udziałem zarządów wojewódzkich “Caritas” z Białegostoku, Lublina i Rzeszowa odbytego 26 kwietnia 1972 r.], 270.

Bishop Ignacy Tokarczuk in the Face of Attempts to “Reconcile” the Catholic Faith

constructions”), and his attitude towards the Association was “known” [i. e. negative – additional note of M.K.]”. He also recorded the words spoken by him during his first meeting with Fr. Pałęga: “Please just don’t comment”. The aforementioned priest considered decorations, grants and daily facilitations to be the main force that attracted him to join ZK “Caritas”39 . Another document of ZK “Caritas” mentions that priests associated with this organization maintained “confidential contacts with state authorities”.40 Hence, this milieu remained under the “tutelage” of the repressive apparatus. Already in March 1966, the Security Service recorded that Bishop Tokarczuk “is intolerant of progressive priests, members of ‘Caritas’, and is generally involved in socio-economic work in parishes”41 . That is why the secret political police officers tried to check one of the deans, as to “how he plans, in accordance with the recommendations of Bp. Tokarczuk, to deal with the priest[s] member[s] of ‘Caritas’.”42 An expression of the negative attitude of the Przemyśl shepherd towards patriotic priests was the punishment in 1968 of Fr. Józef Drybała from Rymanów. This priest published an article in “Za i Przeciw” magazine, which was committed to breaking up the unity of the Church43 .

39 AIPN, 0639/121, Działalność Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” – sprawozdania, meldunki, informacje, wykazy, korespondencja, Doniesienie, 29 IV 1972 r. [dot. wyjazdowego posiedzenia Prezydium Zarządu Głównego “Caritas” z udziałem zarządów wojewódzkich “Caritas” z Białegostoku, Lublina i Rzeszowa odbytego 26 kwietnia 1972 r.], 270. 40 AIPN, 0639/121, Działalność Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” – sprawozdania, meldunki, informacje, wykazy, korespondencja, Notatka w sprawie programu działania Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas”, 356. 41 AIPN Rz, 053/196/4, Sprawa obiektowa krypt. “Arka”, Materiały dot. kurii biskupiej i duchowieństwa diecezji przemyskiej, Informacja spisana ze słów TW o ps. “Arka” na spotkaniu w dn. 26 III 1966 r., 77. 42 AIPN Rz, 053/196/4, Sprawa obiektowa krypt. “Arka”, Materiały dot. kurii biskupiej i duchowieństwa diecezji przemyskiej, Informacja spisana ze słów TW o ps. “Arka” na spotkaniu w dn. 26 III 1966 r., 80. 43 AIPN Rz, 053/196/5, Sprawa obiektowa kryp. “Arka”. Materiały dot. kurii biskupiej i duchowieństwa diecezji przemyskiej, Notatka służbowa, 165. Fr. Drybała on January 28, 1968 published a text in the Za i Przeciw entitled “How it was and how it is”, in which he ”shared his pastoral experiences” in the face of changes introduced by the Second Vatican Council. J. Drybała, “Jak było i jak jest”, Za i Przeciw 4 (566) (1968), In response, the bishop’s curia in Przemyśl sent Fr. Drybała a letter in which it was stated that he had published that article without the permission of the diocese ordinary, violating the statute of the Przemyśl diocese. In the correspondence it was emphasized that this was not the first time the priest had done so, which resulted in him being given appropriate warnings and admonitions (January 31, 1957, October 3, 1960 and May 26, 1961). Their disregard by Fr. Drybała was one of the reasons for depriving him of jurisdiction for confession on January 24, 1958, and to confession and proclamation of the Word of God on January 30, 1968. Archdiocese Archives in Przemyśl (AAPrz), Personal files of Fr. Józef Drybała, To the Reverend Canon Fr. Józef Drybała, retired in Rymanów-Zdrój, January 30, 1968. In 1961, this priest asked the bishop’s curia for consent

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Another example of Bp. Tokarczuk’s activity in the field of disciplining clergymen related to the authorities is the case of Fr. Jan Gąsior, who was the administrator of the parish in Połomia (from 1952), who belonged to both the Committee of Priests at ZBoWiD, and the Committee of Priests at the “Caritas” Catholic Association established in 1959. The priest also published in the pages of “Kuźnica Kapłańska” and “Myśl Społeczna” magazines, and 44 he supported the formation of agricultural circles, which45 were in fact one of the forms of collectivization in the countryside. In August 1966, Fr. Gąsior already made a statement to the Przemyśl bishop, in which he argued that he had joined the Catholic Association “Caritas” and the Committee of Priests at ZBoWiD at the same time, with the intention of helping priests and the poorest living in care institutions46 . In this document, Fr. Gąsior assured that he had done nothing “that could harm the Church or the clergy”, asking the bishop at the same time “for a little trust in my person and a little patience, because removing me from pastoral work in the present circumstances would be a tragedy for me”47 . In 1968, Bishop Tokarczuk called Father Gąsior for an interview. During it, he demanded that a priest under his control resign from a pro-government organization and take up pastoral work, threatening him that if he ignored his expectations, he would be removed from the rectory. Fr. Gąsior, defending his choice, arguing that he had not neglected pastoral matters, and that ZK “Caritas” was a charity organization not banned by the Church. In riposte, Bp. Tokarczuk replied that he

44

45 46

47

for his participation in the meetings of the “Caritas” Circle of Priests as an observer. A few months later, asking the episcopal curia for jurisdiction to confess, he wrote: “When I asked the Reverend Curia for permission to participate in the meetings of the so-called ‘Caritas’ Circle of Priests, I did not know that I could harm myself with this. I do not want to belong to the ‘Caritas’ Circle of Priestsand I do not want to participate in the meetings. I apologize to the Most Reverend Curia that perhaps I have not yet been able to understand all the good intentions and goals of the Most High Curia towards the Church, Fatherland and you, brother priests. Please forgive me everything. AAPrz, Akta personalne ks. Józefa Drybały, Przewielebna Kuria Biskupia ob. łac. w Przemyślu, 30 XII 1961 r. Lucyna Podolska. Parafia Połomia. Przeszłość i teraźniejszość (Połomia: Gmina Niebylec, 2012), 58–59. See e. g. an article about Fr. Janie Gąsior by Stanisław Piekarski “Wśród swoich parafian”, Myśl Społeczna 25 (234) (1969), 8–11. Duchowieństwo katolickie wobec aktualnych problemów wsi (Warszawa: Konferencja Księży “Caritas”, 1960), 49–50. In one of the Friday editions of Rzeszów’s “Nowiny” magazine, of KW PZPR [Provincial Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party translator’s note] body, a short memo was published about the departure of the Rzeszów delegation to the 4th Congress of the ZBoWiD with a photograph of its members. The main figure in the photo was Fr. Jan Gąsior. See “Pożegnanie delegatów Rzeszowszczyzny”, Nowiny Rzeszowskie (1969): 246, 1–2. AAPrz, Akta personalne ks. Jana Gąsiora, Oświadczenie, Połomia, 6 VIII 1966 r.

Bishop Ignacy Tokarczuk in the Face of Attempts to “Reconcile” the Catholic Faith

would provide Fr. Gąsior with a letter prohibiting taking part in this organization48 . A few months later, on February 28, 1969, the Przemyśl shepherd asked Fr. Gąsior, to withdraw from any non-pastoral activity that caused “neglect of parish duties and loss of faithful trust”49 . The admonished priest, responding, at the request of Bp. Tokarczuk, who “presented [...] an ultimatum: either work in the ‘Caritas’ Catholic Association, or just do pastoral work, because according to the belief of Fr bishop, those two branches or poles of work cannot be reconciled with each other, because the Catholic Association ‘Caritas’ as an organization harms the Church”, he tried to argue that the consent to the functioning of the above-mentioned agencies was included in an agreement concluded between the Polish Episcopate and the government on April 14, 1950. In addition, he considered the material support received by priests associated with ZK “Caritas” as a success, and he considered the justification given in the letter to be detrimental to him50 . The Przemyśl Ordinary replied by letter on August 26, 1969: “Your letter of May 15 this year, doesn’t explain anything. You know well what’s going on. The previous decision – if there is no improvement on your part – will be implemented”51 . In January 1971, Fr. Gąsior was called to appear at the Przemyśl curia to speak with Bp. Stanisław Jakiel, who gave him the final decision to admit an adjutor to the parish. Those events coincided with the pilgrimage ceremonies in the Church of the Bernardine Fathers in Rzeszów. Preaching a sermon on January 24, 1971, Bishop Tokarczuk linked the policy of the local authorities and the “Caritas” Association, noting that priests, in order to obtain permission to build a church, were forced to join the ranks of the so-called patriotic priests. Commenting on such treatments, he stated: “And we know well who these priests are – these are those who want to break the Church from within”52 . It is worth adding that he spoke these words near the WRN headquarters in Rzeszów. Ultimately, it was not until the beginning of 1971 that Fr. Gąsior was dismissed from the rectory in Połomia – after being threatened with suspension53 . According 48 AIPN Rz, 053/196/5, Sprawa obiektowa krypt. “Arka”, Materiały dot. kurii biskupiej i duchowieństwa diecezji przemyskiej, Doniesienie ze spotkania z TW ps. “Jan II” z dnia 27 VIII 1968 r., 208. 49 AAPrz, Akta personalne ks. Jana Gąsiora, Biskup Przemyski do Wielebnego Księdza Administratora Jana Gąsiora, 28 II 1969 r. 50 AAPrz, Akta personalne ks. Jana Gąsiora, Najprzewielebniejszy Księże Biskupie, Połomia, 15 V 1969 r. 51 AAPrz, Akta personalne ks. Jana Gąsiora, Do Księdza Jana Gąsiora, 26 VIII 1969 r. 52 AIPN Rz, 61/219, Urząd Wojewódzki w Rzeszowie – Wydział ds. Wyznań, “Caritas”, Fakty negatywnego stosunku kurii do Zrzeszenia i do członków “Caritas” Oddziału Wojewódzkiego w Rzeszowie za okres roku 1971 i 1. półrocza 1972 r., 70–71. 53 AIPN Rz, 053/196/10, Sprawa obiektowa krypt. “Arka”. Materiały dot. kurii biskupiej i duchowieństwa diecezji przemyskiej, Notatka z odbytego spotkania z TW ps. “Barbara” w dniu 1 III 1971 r., 59.

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to the administrative authorities, relying on canon law, he was accused of “lack of subordination” and “conspiracy towards church authorities”54 . However, this decision did not dissuade him from continuing his activities in the structures of the Catholic Association “Caritas”, in which he held important positions – the president of the Provincial Board of “Caritas” in Rzeszów (1975–1980) and a member of its Main Board (from 1971)55 . In 1972 it was estimated that Fr. Gąsior was a key figure for the patriot priest movement, the most experienced in its ranks and distinguished by his involvement not only in regional but also national issues. For this reason, “he became the main person attacked for several years by the Przemyśl ordinary, which eventually ended with the removal of the administrator of the Połomia parish56 .” As a result of the aforementioned attacks, as well as declining health (heart attacks in 1967 and 1970), Fr. Gąsior withdrew from an active role. However, he did not completely disappear, as evidenced by a letter sent to him on February 18, 1975 in the form of a warning: “For a long time now, the clerical authorities have been watching your activities that are harmful to the Church. The episcopal curia recently received a notification from Rome about your signature on publications spreading sabotage in the Church. At the same time, it is known that you maintain contacts and provide materials to centers hostile to the Church in the country. Therefore, under legal rigors, I am asking you to come to the curia and personally submit explanations in these matters”57 . Responding to the above-mentioned allegations, Fr. Gąsior stated that he did not sign any memorial sent to Rome, and if one existed, it was forged. He also categorically denied that he had participated in any other undertakings that discredited the Church, and denied preparing leaflets on the pension fund operated under the banner of ZK “Caritas”. He only admitted to intervening in the Religious Affairs Department in Rzeszów on behalf of priests who asked him to do so, and to sending a letter to Bp. Władysław Rubin in Rome58 . The attitude of Fr. Gąsior was discussed with the Episcopal Secretariat, which resulted in the opinion that the explanations presented by him were not entirely satisfactory, and any further steps taken by the

54 Commenting on this method of action, Bp. Tokarczuk said: “Just hit its leaders [Caritas – M.K.] and the rest will fall apart.” AIPN Rz, 61/219, Urząd Wojewódzki w Rzeszowie – Wydział ds. Wyznań, “Caritas”, Fakty negatywnego stosunku kurii do Zrzeszenia i do członków “Caritas” Oddziału Wojewódzkiego w Rzeszowie za okres roku 1971 i 1. półrocza 1972 r., 72. 55 Piszczek, Księża “Caritas”. Wspomnienia, 237–249. 56 AIPN Rz, 61/219, Urząd Wojewódzki w Rzeszowie – Wydział ds. Wyznań. “Caritas”, Aktywność Zarządu OW, Prezydium Zarządu Oddziału Wojewódzkiego, Zarządu Koła, jak również poszczególnych członków aktywu w kontaktach z duchownymi spoza Zrzeszenia “Caritas”, 78. 57 AAPrz, Akta personalne ks. Jana Gąsior, Do Księdza Jana Gąsiora w Połomi, Przemyśl, dnia 18 II 1975 r. 58 AAPrz, Akta personalne ks. Jana Gąsiora, Najprzewielebniejsza Kuria Biskupia, 26 II 1975 r.

Bishop Ignacy Tokarczuk in the Face of Attempts to “Reconcile” the Catholic Faith

priest “in these directions” would deepen his conflict with the Church and would have legal consequences59 . In a report from 1973, the number of members of the Provincial Branch of the “Caritas” Association in Rzeszów was estimated at 52 (15 parsons-administrators, 3 vicars, 2 chaplains of the Polish Army, 15 retired pensioners, 8 without church posts and 9 religious brothers). “However, the group of the most active members consisted of only 15 people, among whom the following stood out: Fr. Jan Gąsior, Fr. Stanisław Buczek, Fr. Major Józef Pałęga – Polish Army chaplain, Fr. Józef Duda and Fr. Władysław Czyżewski. As it was recorded, many priests – especially those from the Przemyśl diocese – avoided involvement in the movement of patriotic priests for fear of “repressions” by the ordinary60 . A year later, when assessing the activities of priests associated in “Caritas”, it was emphasized that their loyal attitude towards the authorities also resulted in the fact that “they do not show commitment to the implementation of the ordinances in matters that are not positively assessed by the state authorities”61 . An unequivocal – negative – assessment of the membership of priests in ZK “Caritas” was contained in the Letter of the Polish Episcopate to the diocesan and religious clergy regarding the membership of the “Caritas” Catholic Association and the pension fund for clergy of June 15, 1978. It emphasized the harmful activity of this institution that threatened the unity of the Church in Poland and was contrary to the provisions of the agreement with the government initialed on April 14, 1950. The letter also contained recommendations that the priests who had been active in ZK “Caritas” so far should leave its ranks62 . The announcement of this letter was the basis for the next disciplinary steps. The Przemyśl ordinary ordered his auxiliary bishops to hold “paternal talks” with all priests members of “Caritas” from the Przemyśl diocese. During the meetings, priests were asked to leave the ranks of the organization, indicating that this was required by the ordinary. Formally, Bp. Tokarczuk was not personally involved in this operation. The interlocutors of Fr. Pałęga, Fr. Gąsior and Fr. Antoni Ziobro were suffragan bishops: Stanisław Jakiel, Bolesław Taborski and Tadeusz Błaszkiewicz.

59 AAPrz, Akta personalne ks. Jana Gąsiora, Do Księdza Jana Gąsiora, Przemyśl, 15 IV 1975 r. 60 AIPN Rz, 61/219, Urząd Wojewódzki w Rzeszowie – Wydział ds. Wyznań, “Caritas”, Do Urzędu ds. Wyznań w Warszawie, 27 XII 1973 r., 128–129. 61 AIPN Rz, 61/219, Urząd Wojewódzki w Rzeszowie – Wydział ds. Wyznań, “Caritas”, Informacja o działalności Oddziału Wojewódzkiego Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” w Rzeszowie według stanu na dzień 6 XI 1974 r., 189. 62 AIPN Rz, 61/219, Urząd Wojewódzki w Rzeszowie – Wydział ds. Wyznań, “Caritas”, List Episkopatu Polski do duchowieństwa diecezjalnego i zakonnego w sprawie przynależności do Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” i funduszu emerytalnego dla duchownych, 15 VI 1978 r., 301–303.

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A most arrogant attitude was adopted by Fr. Pałęga, who stated that as a military chaplain he was subordinate to the General Dean of the Polish Army and that only he was empowered to give him any orders in this matter. Fr. Ziobro said that after receiving the order he would leave “Caritas”, stressing at the same time the fact that he had been left without the care and help of the episcopal curia during his illness. In turn, Fr. Kazimierz Szepieniec admitted that he had not complied with the previously issued order to abandon “Caritas”. The priest also added that with the deprivation of his ecclesiastical position by the curia, he was left without the livelihood that he eventually received from “Caritas”. Bp. Błaszkiewicz replied that in the event of failure to comply with the ordinance of the church authorities, “appropriate consequences” would be imposed on him. Fr. Gąsior, defending his attitude, referred to the “silent consent” issued by his predecessors, Bp. TokarczukBp. Franciszek Barda and Bp. Wojciech Tomaka on his belonging to “Caritas”. The priest, listing examples of sanctions imposed on him by Bishop Tokarczuk, stated that he would inform the Main Board about the demands made towards him. Przemyśl Ordinary had one conversation with Fr. Władysław Borowiak, who denied belonging to “Caritas” and maintained contacts with the Religious Affairs Department. The priest also pointed out that he had not received any help from the curia when he had been ill. In the opinion of the religious administration, the described action did not contribute to the abandonment of the ranks of “Caritas” by the priests active in this organization, but had a negative impact on the recruitment of new members63 . A few years later, in 1980, the Rzeszów branch of “Caritas” had only 18 members (12 from the Przemyśl diocese, 6 from the Tarnów diocese). Most of those people were advanced in age, and often their only form of activity was paying contributions. The weakening of the movement was caused by the death of Fr. Jan Gąsior, the “leader” and mentor of the described environment, as well as policy of “absolute” treatment of the members of the Association, i. e. threats of deprivation of the church position or suspension consistently implemented by Bp. Tokarczuk64 . In the opinion of officials of the denominational administration, “as a result of the atmosphere

63 AIPN Rz, 61/219, Urząd Wojewódzki w Rzeszowie – Wydział ds. Wyznań, “Caritas”, Informacja na temat aktualnej sytuacji w Zrzeszeniu Katolików “Caritas” na terenie województwa rzeszowskiego, 319–322. 64 AIPN Rz, 61/219, Urząd Wojewódzki w Rzeszowie – Wydział ds. Wyznań, “Caritas”, Informacja dot. działalności Oddziału Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” na terenie województwa rzeszowskiego w 1980 r., 345.

Bishop Ignacy Tokarczuk in the Face of Attempts to “Reconcile” the Catholic Faith

created by Bp. Tokarczuk – of threats and consequences – it was virtually impossible to gain new members”65 . Years later, Abp. Tokarczuk recalled that the then Governor of Rzeszów Province defended Fr. Gąsior, accusing the Przemyśl shepherd of persecuting “patriotic priests”. In reply to him, the ordinary quoted the words of Prime Minister Edward Osóbka-Morawski, spoken in the auditorium of the Catholic University of Lublin in 1956. “The party wanted to break up and destroy the Church and that’s why it created this kind of movement.” Confirming his position, Bp. Tokarczuk added: “I, as a bishop, am to have a better opinion of patriot priests than your former prime minister?”66 . During the celebration of the 500th anniversary of the church in Sonin, on June 22, 1968, Bishop Tokarczuk said to the faithful: “[...] the existing situation cannot be reconciled, a good Catholic cannot be a communist [...]. Catholics should as oaks, stand firm with their convictions, never yield to anything that is inconsistent with Catholic ethics, condemn people of weak will in public, fight at every step for the purity of the Catholic faith, be a good Catholic and not allow the faith to be slandered and – ended his homily ordinary of Przemyśl diocese – heaven will make it up everyone”67 . Another form of disapproval of the participation in the movement of patriotic priests by the clergy of the Przemyśl diocese was the social boycott. In August 1970 it was applied towards Fr. Józef Duda, administrator of the parish in Nowosielce, where the visitation was celebrated. This attitude of priests was said to be the result of the implementation of the recommendations of the bishop’s curia, which negatively assessed the participation of Fr. Duda in the patriotic priest movement and his acceptance of the Silver Cross of Merit. Therefore, despite the invitations issued, only a few priests remained for the dinner, and the suffragan of the Przemyśl diocese, Bolesław Taborski “left to Przemyśl without saying goodbye”68 . The hierarch, along with other priests, acted likewise in Połomia, ignoring the invitation to dinner

65 AIPN Rz, 61/219, Urząd Wojewódzki w Rzeszowie – Wydział ds. Wyznań, “Caritas”, Informacja dot. działalności Oddziału Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” na terenie województwa rzeszowskiego w 1980 r., p. 346. 66 Ignacy Tokarczuk. W przemyskiej “twierdzy”, cz. 1, wstęp, opracowanie, wywiady L. Żbikowska, (Marki: Michalineum, 1999), 102. 67 AIPN Rz, 053/196/7, Sprawa obiektowa krypt. “Arka”, Materiały dot. kurii biskupiej i duchowieństwa diecezji przemyskiej, Doniesienie w sprawie obchodu uroczystości w związku z 500-leciem kościoła w Soninie, pow. Łańcut, 226–227. 68 AIPN Rz, 053/196/8, Sprawa obiektowa krypt. “Arka”, Materiały dot. kurii biskupiej i duchowieństwa diecezji przemyskiej, Meldunek informacyjny, Sanok, 4 VIII 1970 r., 104.

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after the visitation. Bishop Taborski in the rectory only drank tea “standing”69 . An expression of integrity in this matter was the ban on the priests of the Przemyśl diocese from participating not only in the work of the PAX Association, but also in trips organized by this community70 . A derivative of the title issue is the question of the legitimacy of the Church’s dialogue with the communist authorities under the conditions of the People’s Republic of Poland. In this matter, Bp./Abp. Ignacy Tokarczuk, noticing the duplicity of the communist side, radicalized his attitude, and after the murder of Fr. Jerzy Popiełuszko (October, 18 1984), he became convinced that this was actually a negotiation with the devil, which would not bring pride and could not be rationalized in any way. Moreover, as Fr. Feliks Folejewski SAC reported years later, the Przemyśl shepherd believed that [...] proclaiming it [the Gospel – M.K.] without referring to man is a mistake, and there is a risk of blurring the difference between good and evil, which leads to the disappearance of the meaning of life and manifests itself in nihilism. He gave the example of a farmer who would throw grain on soil, and recognize that soil. That is why he believed that all human problems should be illuminated with the light of the Gospel. He strongly emphasized the danger of spiritual prostitution, consisting in selling the truth for material goods, benefits, arrangements, so-called peace of mind. He emphasized that one cannot speak of the Gospel without discerning the world and man. First, according to Bp. Tokarczuk, you need to recognize the situation, see it, then evaluate and finally act. During the conference, Bp. Tokarczuk also presented a panorama of the philosophy of history. He reminded that fighting a man is a form of totalitarianism71 . At the end of his life, the Przemyśl shepherd, when asked about his attitude towards patriotic priests, replied: “Patriotic priests? I have spoken to everyone I have seen. There were those who confessed and generally kept their word, because it is dependence, terror. Only one of them resisted and did not listen. If you go south from Rzeszów, you will find Połomia. The local parson was one of these patriots. And he refused to obey the demand, to stop being part of it. I fired him. He built a house for himself and lived there. On the other hand, everyone else, even the

69 AIPN Rz, 61/219, Urząd Wojewódzki w Rzeszowie – Wydział ds. Wyznań, “Caritas”, Fakty negatywnego stosunku kurii do Zrzeszenia i do członków “Caritas” Oddziału Wojewódzkiego w Rzeszowie za okres roku 1971 i 1. półrocza 1972 r., 70. 70 AIPN Rz, 053/196/10, Sprawa obiektowa krypt. “Arka”, Materiały dot. kurii biskupiej i duchowieństwa diecezji przemyskiej, Doniesienie spisane z treści rozmowy z TW przeprowadzonej na spotkaniu w dniu 14 X 1971 r., 269. 71 “Relacja ks. Feliksa Folejewskiego, Warszawa, 10 IV 2015 r.”, in: Non omnis moriar. Abp Ignacy Tokarczuk we wspomnieniach, 128.

Bishop Ignacy Tokarczuk in the Face of Attempts to “Reconcile” the Catholic Faith

intimidated, Fr. Pudło, near Stalowa Wola, understood. Those who did not refuse were banned from attending the funeral”72 . Taking such a radical stance, the Przemyśl bishop, as Archbishop Alfons Nossol stated years later, “did not care too much about the teachings of Paul VI about dialogue in relation to the current regime.”73 In this matter, Bp. Tokarczuk also essentially denied the sense of the dialogue between Catholics and Marxists, taking a position similar to that of Fr. Józef Bocheński OP, who argued in his papers that Marxism was contrary to religion and Christianity, claiming to put its ideology in their place74 . In the case of Bp. Tokarczuk, this view took on a practical dimension, because the hierarch, noticing the promotion of militant atheism by the communist state, warned, both in word and in deed, against the delusion and consequences of the belief that it was possible for Catholics and communists to work together in building the People’s Republic of Poland. He considered the “dialogue” undertaken on this basis to be false and – what is worse – that it weakened the Church. He believed that both in the institutional form (PAX Association, Christian Social Association, the priests’ circles at the “Caritas” Catholic Association) and in personal form, he makes the policy of “dialogue” a policy of loyalty towards the authorities in the spirit of approval of the ideological principles and the political system of the People’s Republic of Poland. Thus – according to Bp. Tokarczuk – the Church was slowly ceasing to be an oasis of freedom and a defender of truth and, gradually losing its subjectivity and authenticity, it could not freely proclaim the Gospel. Guided by this conviction, he also successfully destroyed the development of structures associating patriotic priests and their activities.

72 “Nie można zdradzić Ewangelii”. Rozmowy z Abp. Ignacym Tokarczukiem, 78. In the report of the Rzeszów branch of the Caritas Catholic Association, it was recorded that even after the death of a priest working in “Caritas”, diocesan priests who were obliged by the bishop’s ban could not attend his funeral. AIPN Rz, 61/219, Urząd Wojewódzki w Rzeszowie – Wydział ds. Wyznań, “Caritas”, Informacja o działalności Oddziału Wojewódzkiego Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas” w Rzeszowie, 16 IX 1970 r., 47. 73 “Relacja Abp. Alfonsa Nossola, Kamień Śląski, 27 V 2913 r.”, in: Non omnis moriar. Abp Ignacy Tokarczuk we wspomnieniach, 263. Pope Paul VI – as Zygmunt Zieliński writes – in reference to communism “did not give up his ideological dispute, but wanted to avoid any accents of political struggle”. Therefore, he did not decide to publicly condemn communism. Zygmunt Zieliński, Papieże epoki soborowej (Warszawa: Instytut Wydawniczy “PAX”, 2006), 69. 74 Józef Maria Bocheński, Lewica, religia, sowietologia, oprac. Jan Parys (Warszawa: Agencja Wydawnicza Morex, 1996); Arkady Rzegocki, “Antytotalitaryzm zintegrowany Józefa Marii Bocheńskiego”, Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi 33 (2021): 493–503.

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Bibliography Sources AIPN Rz, 053/196, t. 4, 5, 7, 8, 10, Sprawa obiektowa krypt. „Arka”. Materiały dot. kurii biskupiej i duchowieństwa diecezji przemyskiej. AIPN Rz, 61/216, Notatka z rozmowy przeprowadzonej w dniu 27 IX 1977 r. z ob. Edwardem Chrzanem – przewodniczącym ChSS w Rzeszowie. AIPN Rz, 61/219, Urząd Wojewódzki w Rzeszowie – Wydział ds. Wyznań, „Caritas”. AIPN Rz, 62/59, Unia Chrześcijańsko-Społeczna, Statut Chrześcijańskiego Stowarzyszenia Społecznego, Warszawa 1981. AIPN Rz, 63/54, „Caritas”. Personal files. AIPN, 0639/121, Działalność Zrzeszenia Katolików „Caritas” – sprawozdania, meldunki, informacje, wykazy, korespondencja. AIPN, 0713/12, t. 5, Działalność Bp. przemyskiego Ignacego Tokarczuka. Archdiocese Archives in Przemyśl. Archives of the Archdiocese of Warmia in Olsztyn. Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance – Rzeszów Branch. Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance in Warsaw. Personal files of Fr. Ignacy Tokarczuk. Personal files of Fr. Jan Gąsior. Personal files of Fr. Józef Drybała.

Studies Biernat, Tadeusz. Legitymizacja władzy politycznej. Elementy teorii. Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, 2000. Bober, Sabina. “Generalvikar Adalbert (Wojciech) Zink und Dr. Ignacy Tokarczuk”, Zeitschrift für die Geschichte und Altertumskunde Ermlands 56 (2012): 68–77. Bocheński Józef, Maria. Lewica, religia, sowietologia, ed. Jan Parys. Warszawa: Agencja Wydawnicza Morex, 1996. Borcz, Henryk. Nieudana próba likwidacji przez władze komunistyczne parafii rzymskokatolickiej w Wołkowyi w Bieszczadach (na kanwie dramatycznych wydarzeń z 3–4 października 1967 r.). In: Bieszczady w Polsce Ludowej 1944–1989, ed. J. Izdebski, K. Kaczmarski, M. Krzysztofiński, 279–319. Rzeszów: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej Oddział w Rzeszowie, 2009). Drybała, Józef. “Jak było i jak jest”. Za i Przeciw (1968) 4 (566). Duchowieństwo katolickie wobec aktualnych problemów wsi. Warszawa: Konferencja Księży “Caritas”, 1960. “Homilia Bp. Kazimierza Ryczana wygłoszona podczas mszy św. pogrzebowej Abp. Ignacego Tokarczuka w przemyskiej katedrze 2 stycznia 2013 r.” In: “Nie można zdradzić Ewan-

Bishop Ignacy Tokarczuk in the Face of Attempts to “Reconcile” the Catholic Faith

gelii”. Rozmowy z Abp. Ignacym Tokarczukiem, rozmawiał, wstępem i przypisami opatrzył M. Krzysztofiński, Rzeszów-Kraków: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej Oddział w Rzeszowie, Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie, 2013. Kopiczko, Andrzej. “Ks. prof. Stefan Biskupski – objęcie urzędu wikariusza kapitulnego diecezji warmińskiej i charakterystyka jego pracy na tym stanowisku”. Studia Warmińskie 32 (1995): 385–387. Kopiczko, Andrzej. “Rządca diecezji warmińskiej ks. Wojciech Zink a władze partyjnopaństwowe (1951–1953). Zarys problematyki”. Studia Elbląskie 20 (2019): 119–121. Kopiczko, Andrzej. Katalog duchowieństwa katolickiego diecezji warmińskiej (1945–1992). Olsztyn: Wydział Duszpasterski Kurii Metropolitalnej Archidicezji Warmińskiej, 2006. Krzysztofiński, Mariusz. “Ksiądz arcybiskup Ignacy Tokarczuk – antykomunista w sutannie”. In: Antykomunizm Polaków w XX wieku, ed. P. Kardela, K. Sacewicz, Białystok-OlsztynWarszawa: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej Oddział w Białymstoku, 2019. Kuta, Cecylia. “Działacze” i “pismaki”. Aparat bezpieczeństwa wobec organizacji katolików świeckich w Krakowie w latach 1957–1989. Kraków: Wydawnictwo “Dante”, 2009. Łatka, Rafał, Żaryn Jan. “Czy Kościół katolicki był permanentną opozycją wobec rządów komunistów w Polsce “Ludowej”?”. Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość 2 (2020): 31–69. Nabywaniec, Stanisław. Sprawa obiektowa nr 1: Kościół. Kościół przemyski w świetle akt rzeszowskiej bezpieki 1944–1989, vol. 1. Rzeszów: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego, 2011. Nasze zaangażowanie. Materiały z Walnego Zjazdu Zrzeszenia Katolików “Caritas”. Warszawa: “Caritas”, 1967. “Nie można zdradzić Ewangelii”. Rozmowy z Abp. Ignacym Tokarczukiem, rozmawiał, wstępem i przypisami opatrzył M. Krzysztofiński. Rzeszów-Kraków: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej Oddział w Rzeszowie, Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie, 2013. Niwierski, Roman. Kryptonim “Kościół”. Dzieje budowy kościoła pw. Matki Bożej Królowej Polski w Stalowej Woli w dokumentach Służby Bezpieczeństwa. Stalowa Wola: Piotr Jackowski Wydawnictwo “Nasz Czas”, 2011. Owczarek, Stanisław. Być zaangażowanym – być księdzem. Warszawa: “Caritas”, 1982. Piekarski, Stanisław. “Wśród swoich parafian”. Myśl Społeczna 25 (1969): 8–11. Piszczek, Radosław. Księża “Caritas”. Wspomnienia. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Caritas, 1984. Podolska, Lucyna. Parafia Połomia. Przeszłość i teraźniejszość. Połomia: Gmina Niebylec, 2012. “Pożegnanie delegatów Rzeszowszczyzny”. Nowiny Rzeszowskie 246 (1969): 1–2. Pytania o PAX, pytają: red. J. Diatłowicki, prof. A. Friszke, senator A. Wielowieyski. In: Archiwum Stowarzyszenia PAX. Publicystyka polityczna, v. 1: Refleksje z pogranicza historii, ideologii i polityki Stowarzyszenia PAX, Warszawa: Stowarzyszenie PAX, 2006. “Relacja Abp. Alfonsa Nossola, Kamień Śląski, 27 V 2913 r.” In: Non omnis moriar. Abp Ignacy Tokarczuk we wspomnieniach, relacje zebrał i przypisami opatrzył M. Krzysztofiński, 261–264. Rzeszów-Lwów: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej Oddział w Rzeszowie, Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie, 2016.

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“Relacja Abp. Tadeusza Gocłowskiego, Gdańsk, 14 IV 2014 r.”. In: Non omnis moriar. Abp Ignacy Tokarczuk we wspomnieniach, relacje zebrał i przypisami opatrzył M. Krzysztofiński, 155–156. Rzeszów-Lwów: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej Oddział w Rzeszowie, 2016. “Relacja ks. Feliksa Folejewskiego, Warszawa, 10 IV 2015 r.”. In: Non omnis moriar. Abp Ignacy Tokarczuk we wspomnieniach, relacje zebrał i przypisami opatrzył M. Krzysztofiński, 128. Rzeszów-Lwów 2016. Rzegocki, Arkady. “Antytotalitaryzm zintegrowany Józefa Marii Bocheńskiego”. Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi 33 (2021): 493–503. Tokarczuk, Ignacy. Kochałem tych ludzi całym sercem i oddaniem. Wspomnienia z lat 1918–1976, opracowanie, wprowadzenie, przypisy, indeksy i wybór ilustracji J. Wołczański. Lwów-Kraków: Wydawnictwo bł. Jakuba Strzemię Archidiecezji Lwowskiej Obrządku Łacińskiego Oddział w Krakowie, 2014. Tokarczuk, Ignacy. W przemyskiej “twierdzy”, vol. 1, wstęp, opracowanie, wywiady L. Żbikowska. Marki: Michalineum, 1999. Tokarczuk, Ignacy. Moc i wytrwałość. Kraków: Społeczny Instytut Wydawniczy Znak,1988. Tokarczuk, Ignacy. Wytrwać i zwyciężyć. Paris: Editions Spotkania, 1998. Zieliński, Zygmunt. Kościół w Polsce 1944–2002. Radom: Polskie Wydawnictwo Encyklopedyczne, 2003. Zieliński, Zygmunt. Papieże epoki soborowej. Warszawa: Instytut Wydawniczy “PAX”, 2006.

Ryszard Ficek

Looking the Devil in the Eyes Totalitarianism and Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński’s Humanitarian-Personalist Concept of Socio-Political Life

Abstract:

The key aim of this article is to expose the specificity of the theory of totalitarianism in the context of Cardinal Wyszyński’s humanitarian-personalist concept of sociopolitical life. Hence, it provides a unique insight into the nature of totalitarian systems, both German Nazi Hitlerism and Communism. Analyses were performed to reinterpret the above systems from the perspective of Christian personalist praxeology, taking into account the fundamental assumptions of the absolutely antihuman and anti-Christian paradigm that not only defined but also legitimized and even authenticated the most terrible and degenerated forms of totalitarian systems of the 20th century. Therefore, it is crucial, especially today, when emerging tendencies often trivialize the criminal nature of that systems and even treat the “totalitarian model” – particularly in the context of Communism – as a “specific historical phenomenon” aimed at resolving many complicated socio-political, cultural, and economic issues Keywords:

Totalitarianism | Stefan Wyszyński | fascism | Nazism | communism | personalism

Introduction Along with the systemic transformation of post-war People’s Poland and the shift in the paradigm of power, the ideological offensive aimed at changing the standards and principles of social and political life and “remodeling” the worldview and mentality of Poles based on the concept of a “new socialist morality” rooted in the ideals of Marxist-Leninist materialist ideology began to gain traction. Moreover, official propaganda emphasized the importance of pluralism and democracy but understood only in terms specific to communist ideology, typical of the so-called “People’s democracy”, entirely subordinated to a totalitarian system of power. Therefore, the interdependence of the “people’s democracy” and socialism was a central dimension of efforts to implement the political assumptions of the People’s Republic of Poland.

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Thus, the analyzes presented here show that the personalistic and community concept of the state offered by Stefan Wyszyński was against both the absolutization of the state and its depreciation. According to Wyszyński, a properly functioning state should not be a welfare state nor neutral in terms of world views. Therefore, the state’s primary task is to care for the fate of its citizens, especially those in difficult life situations. In other words, personalism adopts the concept of a subsidiary state that respects citizens’ subjectivity and supports their multi-faceted commitment to the “common good”. Nevertheless, severe threats to social life, resulting from geopolitical conditions and numerous systemic shortcomings of the communist totalitarian state and dangerous addictions and moral defects, required strong resistance from all social structures. As Cardinal Wyszyński emphasized, it was not only about overcoming some “Polish national defects” but about a comprehensive and multidimensional moral change. This kind of process may become a religious and social program of the rebirth of the Polish Nation in a broader context. “The life of a nation or state is so complex and demanding that it requires the joining of hands, hearts, and brains of all children of the Nation, all citizens of the state, without distinguishing between their social and professional backgrounds. Then, it is possible to steer the boat of our common homeland, for which we all have to take care of ”1 . The pastoral service and the spiritual leadership of Primate Wyszyński fell during the post-war period of Polish history, a country whose existence had been seriously threatened by the most immoral totalitarian systems of the 20th century: Nazi National Socialism and the Marxist-Leninist system of real socialism. Thus, the complicated socio-political context, as well as the conditions of the international situation, required the Catholic Church to be very prudent but also to act decisively2 . Therefore, Primate Wyszyński, as the leader of the Catholic Church in Poland, realized the need to change the structures of public life in the country, but he did not consider it the primary and most urgent task of the Church. He also did not feel that he had been called to change the entire political system. His criticism primarily concerned the anthropological and moral dimensions of social life. Wyszyński, however, was aware that the critical elements of the state’s political system would have to change if a proper moral order were to exist. In this context, he repeatedly spoke of a “social disposition” that would just favor social change. However, the social disposition – in his opinion – should be based on the canvas of the Christian

1 Stefan Wyszyński, “Przywódca ludu rolniczego. Poświęcenie tablicy ku czci Wincentego Witosa. Warszawa 28.12.1975”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, “Nie rzucim ziemi...” Z przemówień do rolników (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo ATK, 1984), 23–24. 2 Cf. Stefan Wyszyński, “Przywódca ludu rolniczego. Poświęcenie tablicy ku czci Wincentego Witosa. Warszawa 28.12.1975”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, “Nie rzucim ziemi...” Z przemówień do rolników (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo ATK, 1984).

Looking the Devil in the Eyes

religion, the aim of which is to change the human heart (metanoia). In this way, transformed people (homo Dei) will become the right subjects and a foundation for the proper shaping of the common good3 .

Totalitarianism: Origins, Agenda, and Practicalities Nowadays, totalitarianism is understood primarily as a government or political system concept that prohibits opposition parties, limits individual disapproval to the state and its claims, and exercises an extremely high degree of control over public and private life. In this sense, totalitarianism is considered the most extreme and wide-ranging form of authoritarianism. In totalitarian states, however, political power is often exercised by autocrats. They conduct multi-level and autocratic political campaigns in which propaganda is broadcast through state-controlled media4 . Moreover, totalitarian regimes are often characterized by extensive political repression, dictatorship, and highly undemocratic government structures, widespread individual worship, absolute control of the economy, censorship, mass surveillance, restricted freedom of movement, widespread intimidation, and – not infrequently – state terrorism. Other aspects of a totalitarian regime may include internment camps, secret police, religious persecution, theocracy or state atheism, the widespread practice of execution (death penalty), rigged elections, possible possession of weapons of mass destruction, the possibility of state-sponsored mass murder or genocide, and the possibility of engaging in war, annexation or colonial occupation against other countries. In this context, Robert Conquest defines a totalitarian state as one that recognizes no restrictions on its power in any sphere of public or private life and extends it to every possible area of human life5 . As a political ideology, totalitarianism’s genesis was shaped in the context of historical circumstances. The historian and philosopher Karl Popper sought the roots of totalitarianism in the ancient philosophy of Plato, the concept of the state of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, and the political philosophy of Karl Marx6 . The above statement remains controversial to this day, meeting with severe criti-

3 Cf. Stefan Wyszyński, “Czas to miłość. Podczas uroczystości Wniebowzięcia Matki Bożej (Jasna Góra, 15.08.1979)”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 889–891. 4 Cf. Enzo Traverso, Le Totalitarisme: Le XXe siècle en débat (Paris: Poche, 2001), 173–186. 5 Cf. Robert Conquest, Reflections on a Ravaged Century (New York-London: W. W. Norton Company, 2001), 74. 6 Cf. Karl R. Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013).

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cism of the academic community7 . Other experts on the subject, such as Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer, see the beginnings of totalitarian doctrines in the Age of Enlightenment, especially in the idea of human empowerment as an autonomous and ontically independent being8 . From the very beginning of its existence, the term “totalitarianism” had negative connotations. The above term was first used by Giovanni Amendola in May 1923 to denounce fascist efforts to monopolize state power and impose on Italian society a new political mentality with the hallmarks of a secular religion9 . Nevertheless, a positive sense was given to the above idea by Benito Mussolini. He expressed the essence of totalitarianism, among other things, in the words: “For a fascist, everything is a state, and there is nothing – human or spiritual – nothing of value except the State. In this sense, fascism is totalitarian”10 . On the other hand, the first “philosopher of totalitarianism” was Giovanni Gentile. Using terminology borrowed from Hegelianism, Gentile not only justified the political concepts of Italian fascists but also constructed an image of a totalitarian state that resembled the demonic visions of Hannah Arendt and George Orwell

7 As John Wild put it: “Popper is committing a serious historical error in attributing the organic theory of the state to Plato and accusing him of all the fallacies of post-Hegelian and Marxist historicism—the theory that history is controlled by the inexorable laws governing the behavior of super-individual social entities of which human beings and their free choices are merely subordinate manifestations (John Daniel Wild, Plato’s Modern Enemies and the Theory of Natural Law (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964), 23). 8 Cf. Max Horkheimer, Theodor W. Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2002). 9 In this context, the term fascism (il fascismo) is of Italian origin. It was taken from the word il fascio, which means union. At the end of the 19th century, the socialist peasant group in Sicily was defined as fasci. In 1915, the “Fasci di azione rivoluzionaria” was founded, demanding Italy’s participation in the war. The first Veterans’ Associations (Fasci di Combattimento), founded in Milan on March 23, 1919, by Benito Mussolini, referred to the tradition of ancient Rome, using the gesture of greeting by raising the right hand and the symbol of judiciary power – lictors’ rods (fascio littorio). They later became the state emblem (il Fascio Littorio). The “Veterans’ Unions” was the nucleus of a mass fascist political movement (il movimento fascista), which then transformed (in 1921) into the National Fascist Party (Il Partito Nazionale Fascista, PNF). The “black shirts” (camicie nere) worn by fascists symbolized the movement and the party. Psychologically common attitudes dominated the heterogeneous social composition of the fascist movement, resulting, above all, from the frustration caused by the profound post-war political, social and economic crisis. Cf. Wiesław Kozub-Ciembroniewicz, Doktryna i system władzy Włoch faszystowskich na tle porównawczym (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, 2016), 15–17; Emilio Gentile, Fascismo: Storia e interpretazione (Roma–Bari: Laterza, 2008), 9–11. 10 Mussolini’s best-known sentence characterizing totalitarianism was pronounced on October 28, 1925, in Milan: “La nostra formuła e questa: tutto nello stato, niente al di fuori delio stato, nulla contro lo stato” (Norberto Bobbio, Dal fascismo alla democrazia, Mediolan: Dalai, 2008, 51).

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in the late 1940s11 . As early as in the 1920s, Carl Schmitt developed a framework of a theoretical doctrine enabling the transition of Germany from the formula of a republican to a totalitarian state. As a National Socialist state theorist, Schmitt rejected the liberal and individualist tradition of the 19th century in favor of a state dominated by a new “Allgemeiner Wille” (General Will), reflecting the unified uniformity of a modern industrial society12 . The communist version of totalitarianism, referring to the idea of Russian social democracy, presented a slightly different specificity. In this context, the beliefs of the “Bolsheviks” were characterized by extreme radicalism, unlike their opponents, the Mensheviks. They sought to make the Russian workers’ movement similar to the Western European, liberalized model of the socialist movement. At the root of the ideological sources of Bolshevism is, above all, radical Marxism in its Leninist version, which emphasizes the fundamental role of the party. According to Lenin, the Bolshevik party (anti-democratic, highly disciplined, hierarchical, and centralized) brings together determined revolutionists, leads the workingclass masses, and makes them politically aware. It constitutes the political elite to which the working class owes its achievement of “proletarian and revolutionary consciousness” since the labor movement, without the creative role of the elite, reaches only the organizational level of the trade unions. Thus, without the inspiring part of the Bolshevik Party, the working class, the potential leader of the socialist revolution, cannot carry it out victoriously. However, it is evidently an anti-Marxist view13 . Therefore, taking into account the specificity of totalitarian systems that influenced the Polish reality, it should be noted that the above ideological concepts – rooted in the horror of the events of the 20th century, the nightmare of two modern world wars, the Bolshevik revolution, terror, genocide, and from 1945 also the threat of total nuclear annihilation – are a conglomerate of very ambiguous and controversial issues in the entire field of political science, sociology, and political theology. Simply put, the above ideas suggest that despite fascist/Nazi “particularism” (the central place of a nation or “master race”) and Bolshevik “universalism” (the pursuit 11 Cf. Giovanni Gentile, Źródła i doktryna faszyzmu, transl. Halina Mirecka (Warszawa: Księgarnia F. Hoesicka, 1933). 12 In his major early works that explored the nature of guilt, the foundations of jurisprudence, and the relationship between the individual and the state, Carl Schmitt laid the foundations for his subsequent work and the law of a totalitarian state. Cf. Paul Bookbinder, “Roots of Totalitarian Law: The Early Works of Carl Schmitt”, Social Science 56/3 (1981): 133–145. 13 Cf. Wiesław Kozub-Ciembroniewicz, Doktryna i system władzy Włoch faszystowskich na tle porównawczym (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, 2016), 20; Александр Архипович Ивина, Марксизм-ленинизм, Философия: Энциклопедический словарь, Москва: Гардарики, 2004; Michael Albert, Robin Hahnel, Socialism Today and Tomorrow (Boston: South End Press, 1981), 24–25.

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of classless, international communal “comradeship”), both regimes shared common characteristics. It does not mean, however, that they were completely alike. Nevertheless, totalitarianism – regardless of its regional and ideological specificity – can be characterized as a specific form of the state, based on the domination of one political formation, concentrating power not only over public institutions or politics – in the broadest, traditional sense of the word – but also economics, social and cultural institutions and the personal life of individuals. The aim of such a state was not only the traditional control of society but also to undertake wideranging, gigantic reform projects, following the ideological idea of a totalitarian center, whose aim was to create a “new man”. In a totalitarian state, there were no institutions independent of the state. Putting his idea into practice required an undertaking of gigantic social engineering. However, because of the active or passive resistance of the society, carrying out such a task made it necessary to develop the apparatus of terror, coupled with the structures of political control, with the simultaneous façade of the officially existing systemic institutions, the corruption of public language and omnipresent lies14 . To mobilize enormous masses of people to implement their projects, the totalitarian state usually created ideological images of a mythical “enemy”, which had to be exterminated or permanently neutralized. Hence, these countries made genocide a part of their policy. In Germany, Jews became the enemy, and also people who were “superfluous”, in the meaning of the Nazis: the mentally ill and incurable. Therefore, polemicizing with that concept, Wyszyński states: “The greatest disgrace to man – would be any relationship with God, especially in the Christian sense. Man, God’s creation? This wording is enough to draw all the hatred that is exercised towards God. There is widespread contempt for the image of God in man, even easier to perpetuate because people do everything not to remind God of anything. A man stripped of the remnants of a relationship with God is considered directly as a fertilizer for future generations. He lives purely animal life; he feeds himself to live and have the strength to work, work for the masses, wastes its strength, and when he becomes less and less useful – he should go away, not to stand in the way of the young. His highest value is race and pureblood, which he should pass to the coming generations. The entire value of a man is confirmed by belonging to a chosen race. If there is no specific blood group in it, he is not a human being; he has no right to life. He is a parasite! It is a merit to remove the parasite so that the people could live and develop without hindrance”15 .

14 Cf. Lothar Fritze, Anatomie des totalitären Denkens. Kommunistische und nationalsozialistische Weltanschauung im Vergleich (München: Olzog, 2012). 15 Stefan Wyszyński, Miłość i sprawiedliwość społeczna. Rozważania społeczne (Poznań: Pallotinum, 1993), 47.

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On the other hand, in the Soviet Union, the public enemy was “elements alien to the class” or “hostile elements” that hindered the building of a communist society, arbitrarily defined and destroyed by the administrative will of the communist apparatus. In both totalitarianisms of the 20th century, the category of the enemy was defined a priori and independent of the individual’s choice. Breaking free from the stigma of race or class was not possible. Both systems ruled out the emergence of an ethnic or class civic community. The inclusion criterion would be not stigmatization of racial origin or “flaw”, but personal merit. Therefore, Cardinal Wyszyński’s reflection on the criticism of Marxism-Leninism and, especially, the communist vision of socio-political life is, of course, based on Christian anthropology and the experience of the Church. Referring to the teaching of the popes, he states that the fundamental error of socialism is an anthropological one16 . In their political praxis, totalitarian ideologies repeatedly referred to the so-called “culture war” that required the total dedication of advocates for shaping the new world. The myth of rebirth was significant here. It meant the creation of a new nation or world without classes and the formation of a fair-minded “New Man”, untainted by decadent cultural habits referring to traditional philosophical and theological systems of the old world. The strategy of the coup d’état, the constant struggle to defeat the “enemies of the people”, and the constant emphasis on the

16 Analyzing the concepts of supporters of collectivism in Marxist-Leninist understanding, Wyszyński points out: “Man does not have any personal value in their eyes. Not only is it not the center of the world, it is simply nothing. It takes its entire value from giving the state through social co-existence. Therefore, firstly, people are denied the rights of a person: freedom, thinking and acting. Man is subject to unconditional obedience to the supreme power: people must be listened to rather than God. The human person is subjected to complete contempt, the inexorable hardness of the system of government, the inhumanity of boundless lawlessness, despotism, and terror. In practice, citizens are enslaved to the community. Secondly, people are denied the freedom to believe in and worship God. For in man the eternal principle is not recognized, nor any other destiny other than temporal. Hence the organized, official struggle against religion – as a new task of the contemporary state. Hatred organized! Communism wants to build a world without God. Man wants to be brought up without the commandments of God and religious morality, only based on the morality of the mass. So you have to destroy all religion. Man is a new god of man. The highest happiness – proletarian equality. In this way man, created in the image and likeness of God, detached from his Creator, is thrown into the depths of godlessness and mortality. Thirdly, one’s own destiny and human goals are rejected. He has no soul and no destiny. And no one can measure man’s goal of pursuing happiness in God. Man is obliged to pursue these goals which the state will show him. He must be socialized – all over his body and soul. He has a duty to sacrifice all, fulfill all community orders. Finally, fourthly, a new goal is imposed on man, indicated by collective life. Because spiritual values have no meaning, hence the goal of the highest human life will be the good of the state, society, nation, class, party or economic good, organized atheistically, temporal, material happiness, earthly or capitalist paradise – through self-profit or also through communist profit. In a word – deification of matter, profit, production, technology” (Wyszyński, Miłość i sprawiedliwość, 46–47).

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need to intensify the class struggle favored the formation of a similar mentality among the political leaders of totalitarian regimes17 . Contrary to democratic states, the sacralization of politics implemented by totalitarian regimes, along with its liturgies, holidays, and cults, is marked by the leader’s deification. Moreover, it is characterized by the idolatrous cult of the state, which gives itself the exclusive right to determine good and evil; the marginalization or destruction of traditional religion; orgiastic mass rallies and demonstrations, emphasizing the leading role of a political party assigned the role of a “political demiurge”; a call to sacrifice and a death cult. In this sense, a modern interpretation of totalitarianism that emphasizes political religion has one important implication. It suggests that totalitarianism should be understood not as a specific political system but as a historical “eventuality” that also carries particular threats to the modern world18 . No wonder Cardinal Wyszyński was opposed to the totalitarian concept of German Nazism and the Marxist-Leninist materialist ideology as well. In this sense, he considered both systemic forms of the state as political deviations and the greatest threat to Christianity. Especially Communism, as an ideology proclaiming an atheistic and materialistic vision of the human person and social life, was considered particularly hostile to Christian aspirations, promoting respect for human dignity and shaping the Christian social order in the dimension of peaceful coexistence, justice, and mutual respect. Moreover, dialectical materialism, as an idea deeply rooted in totalitarian systems, denied the existence of Christian spirituality. So it is another progressive deviation degenerating the supernatural, spiritual, and religious sphere of human life. Moreover, atheistic materialism only recognizes and approves material reality, which can only be understood through sensual experience. However, this is for blind people and thus kills the metaphysical sphere and spiritual aspirations aimed at the supernatural dimension.

17 Such experts on the subject as Raymond Aron, Albert Camus, Ernst Cassirer, Norman Cohn, Waldemar Gurian, Jacob Talmon, and Eric Voegelin emphasize the mythological component of totalitarianism. Thus, they mention “substitute religions”, “political religions”, “myth of the state”, “sacralization of politics”. In their opinion, political religion is an essential element of totalitarianism as well as a dangerous and lethal weapon in the ideological arsenal of totalitarian systems. Cf. Ryszard Ficek, Christians in Socio-Political Life: An Applied Analysis of the Theological Anthropology of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński (Toruń: Marszałek, 2020), 44–51. 18 Cf. Ryszard Ficek, Christians in Socio-Political Life: An Applied Analysis of the Theological Anthropology of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński (Toruń: Marszałek, 2020), 147–150.

Looking the Devil in the Eyes

Totalitarian Ideology versus Christian Perceptiveness The teaching and pastoral activity of Stefan Wyszyński fell during an undoubtedly thorny period in the history of the Polish Nation, which was threatened both by unfavorable geopolitical conditions and exposed to various forms of moral deprivation and poverty. Nevertheless, Cardinal Wyszyński’s opposition to totalitarian ideology, especially atheistic Communism, was based mainly on Christian tradition and personalism. In this context, as Wyszyński states: “Man does not have any personal value in their eyes. He is merely nothing. [...] Therefore, firstly, people are denied the rights of a person: freedom, thinking, and acting. Man is subject to unconditional obedience to the supreme power. [...] The human person is subjected to complete contempt, the government system’s inexorable hardness, and the inhumanity of great lawlessness, despotism, and terror. In practice, citizens are enslaved to the community. Secondly, people are denied the freedom to believe in and worship God. For in man, the eternal principle is not recognized, nor any other destiny other than temporal. Hence the organized, official struggle against religion is a new task of the current state. Hatred organized!”19 . Additionally, reducing man to his material and naturalistic needs only undermines the legitimacy of all religions. In other words, totalitarian ideology abolishes eternal truths; it abolishes all religion and is directly opposed to the practice of authentic faith20 . “Man wants to be brought up without God’s commandments and religious morality, only based on the mass’s morality. So you have to destroy all religion. Man is the new God of a man. The highest happiness: proletarian equality. In this way, man, created in God’s image and likeness, detached from his Creator, is thrown into the depths of godlessness and mortality. Thirdly, one’s destiny and individual goals are rejected. He has no soul and no destiny”21 . Moreover, “no one can measure man’s goal of pursuing happiness in God. Man is obliged to pursue these goals, which the state will show him. He must be socialized, all over his body and soul. He must sacrifice all, fulfill all community orders. Finally, fourthly, a new goal is imposed on man, indicated by collective life. Because spiritual values have no meaning, the purpose of the highest human life will be the good of the state, society, Nation, class, party, or economic goal, organized atheistically, temporal, material happiness, an earthly paradise: self-profit or also through communist profit. In other words, the deification of matter, profit,

19 Wyszyński, Miłość i sprawiedliwość społeczna, 46–47. 20 Cf. Emilio Gentile, “The Sacralization of Politics: Definitions, Interpretations, and Reflections on the Question of Secular Religion and Totalitarianism”, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 1 (2000): 48–50. 21 Wyszyński, Miłość i sprawiedliwość społeczna, 47.

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production, technology22 . Beyond the human being – emphasizes the Cardinal – there is no personality, no rationality, and freedom”23 . Totalitarianism as a political system representing an extreme rejection of freedom expressed a radical ambition to subordinate the entire reality of public life to a single center of power. In other words, the overriding goal of the totalitarian political elite was power without legal and moral restrictions, without civic pluralism and party rivalry. The main point was to transform human nature itself “into the image and likeness” of false anthropology based on the ideological premises of erroneous axiology. Therefore, the main priority was to utterly subordinate man to the then political concept of the state. However, speaking of the so-called “erroneous” systemic concepts, Cardinal Wyszyński, first of all, pointed towards totalitarian systems. According to him, totalitarian systems – both socialism in the Nazi version and political and economic collectivism – turned out to be a catastrophe in various dimensions. In other words, neither one nor the different socio-political and economical conceptions have met society’s hopes and expectations. “This is their original sin. For both systems stem from the same materialistic philosophy, both practically proclaim the priority of things over the person – and both do not effectively defend man against the demon of technocratism who has put himself at the service of economics against the rights of the human person”24 . So, totalitarianism is a form of a socio-political system, whose main feature is the quest for strict subordination and complete control of all areas of social and individual life in all its dimensions. Therefore, it can be concluded that totalitarian systems seem to be a specific type of political gnosis consisting in dividing reality into two dimensions: good and evil. This first dimension – understood as “positive” – consists of the supporters of a given system. The second is “negative” and involves enemies of the regime. Moreover, totalitarianism is often associated with dictatorship, a significant restriction of civil and personal freedoms, the abolition of the freedom of speech and religion, the rule of the inviolability of private property, and the persecution of individuals opposing the totalitarian profile of the government25 . In other words, totalitarian ideologies always tend to turn into a kind of universal creed (a kind of “Communist Manifesto”). As a result, it is a tendency completely

22 Wyszyński, Miłość i sprawiedliwość społeczna, 47–48. 23 Wyszyński, “Społeczność przyrodzona i nadprzyrodzona. II Konferencja Akademicka. Warszawa – kościół św. Anny 16.02.1957”, in: Kazania i przemówienia autoryzowane 1956–1981, vol. II (Warszawa: Archiwum Instytutu Prymasowskiego w Warszawie), 61. 24 Cf. Stefan Wyszyński, “Nasze dezyderaty. Do profesorów katolickiej nauki społecznej, Jasna Góra 22 I 1963”, in: S. Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 196 25 Cf. Joseph M. Bocheński, Gerhart Niemeyer, Handbuch des Weltkommunismus (Fribourg-Munchen: Alber, 1958), 633.

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lacking in liberal political systems, where the rational dimension of human nature is a unifying force, assuming that humanity is the sum of individual rational beings. Thus, liberal political systems distance themselves from the totalitarian understanding of “unity” and the universality of human values, thus representing a specific form of pragmatism. Unfortunately, in the post-war history of Poland, the revolutionary, exclusive, and totalitarian ideology of real socialism advocated the destruction of the entire old order – according to communist ideologues – corrupt and discredited by social injustice. At the same time, the birth of a radically new – cleansed by MarxistLeninist dialecticism, and therefore full of fresh hope – communist reality was proclaimed. In this context, the anti-liberal, anti-conservative, and anti-pluralist totalitarian ideology created various myths, catechisms, cults, ceremonies, and rituals to commemorate the fate of the elect. The cellular, fluid, network-like political party structure handed the political power to “local fighters” for a new world order. As recruits and fellow believers were won over, the Communist Party increasingly became a mass populist. It was headed by a charismatic leader who demanded recognition of his omniscience and infallibility as well as unconditional personal devotion to the people (the cult of the charismatic leader)26 . The primary dimension of the false vision of man presented by totalitarian ideologies is the negation of the idea that man is created in the image and likeness of God. So, he is responsible for his actions and, therefore, can direct his life in such a way as to discover his destiny and dignity as a child of God. Yes, economics and technologies would both seem to be not only very useful but also necessary. The most important question, however, is whether they serve the higher spiritual needs of man. Otherwise, even the most significant achievements of science and technology can be dangerous and even harmful. Especially when they are used without moderation and, as such, appear to be an end in themselves27 . According to the Primate, such an attitude is often expressed in the cult of corporeality, exaggerated lust for prosperity, and lack of simplicity. Moreover, “false ideologies” emphasize the uncontrolled quest for the immediate gratification of all kinds of pleasure, selfishness, and social lack of justice. In other words, it is expressed in a dangerous concept of life that is universally accepted and views human fulfillment only in terms of material well-being and down-to-earth complacency. “Although man in his actions and hardships of controlling the land is limited, (...) nevertheless he should remember that he has a primacy before the created world. In the end, he was shaped in all his being by God Himself, the Creator who made 26 Cf. Ficek, Christians in Socio-Political Life, 159–162. 27 Stefan Wyszyński, “Najważniejszą wartością na świecie jest człowiek. Warszawa – Miodowa 19.10.1980”, in: S. Wyszyński, Stefan Kardynał Wyszyński prymas Polski, Kościół w służbie Narodu (Rome: Corda Cordi, 1981), 90–91.

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in His nature the mark of His greatness. This greatness does not come from human giving, but it is established by the creative act of God’s love. Therefore, every human person is related to others in God alone”28 . Therefore, in a situation where very influential and at the same time hostile forces of totalitarian systems sought to degenerate and corrupt the moral tissue of the Nation, Wyszyński saw it as an absolute obligation to awaken the nation’s conscience in order to prepare it to fight the harmful effects of social demoralization. “Today, the world is transforming into a sort of stable, where the alchemy of life is limited to the process of eating, and people are left without perspectives, without imaginings and ideals, without emotional tensions, with some strange distrust to the human mind, as if it was not worthy to touch God. Man is deprived of trust in the power of human will, which overcomes itself. It raises distrust of the human heart, which is so important not only in sociology and pedagogy but even in politics”29 . Therefore, the large-scale struggle against religion and the Church resulted also from the specificity of the “cultural war” – an essential factor in the political strategy of totalitarian power – which was aimed at depriving man of dignity, independent thinking, and, consequently, of freedom itself. Analyzing the harmful effects of totalitarian propaganda, Cardinal Wyszyński emphasized: “This spiritual deflation, moral and cultural minimalism led to impudence, which implies determined crackdown on the religious aspirations, needs, feelings, and ambitions of the human person”30 . Thus, Christian humanism, which proclaims the dignity and authentic freedom of man in terms of “imago Dei”, by its very nature contradicts the spirit of totalitarianism. Therefore, a personalistic vision of social life as understood by Stefan Wyszyński requires a firm opposition to concepts referring to dialectical materialism and breaking with the false idea of man and the world, dehumanizing and degenerating social life in all its dimensions. Otherwise, the atheistic-materialistic vision of life, entailing various forms of desacralization and dehumanization of human activity, will become not only an expression of a false ideology but also a real threat to both man and the whole world. By rejecting his relation to God concerning the world,

28 Stefan Wyszyński, “O katolickiej woli życia. List pasterski na Wielkanoc 1947”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 34–36. 29 Stefan Wyszyński, “Zwycięstwo wiary naszej. Do duchowieństwa Warszawy 24 XII 1973”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 570. 30 Stefan Wyszyński, “Nowoczesny program ślubowań akademickich. Jasna Góra 4 V 1974”, in: Kazania i przemówienia autoryzowane 1956–1981, (Warszawa: Archiwum Instytutu Prymasowskiego), vol. XLVI, 7.

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not fully recognizing the laws governing this world, man radically turns against the world, leading to the destruction of the human person31 . Therefore, the modern world requires the rehabilitation of man, which means giving him his rightful place in the whole socio-political life. The need to heal social life and restore its proper hierarchy of values means that our socio-political thinking may permanently preserve man’s primacy32 . “This is possible only when the entire complex structure of social life has its roots in God who created man in His likeness and called him to the dignity of God’s child”33 . It is crucial in the face of the threats posed by totalitarian systems that fight God in the name of man. Only an integral vision of man and society, rooted in God who is Love, can save man and give meaning to his life and actions. When a man loses his relationship with God when he is no longer the son of God, he ceases to be a human being34 .

Arranged Atheization and Secularization as Organized Exertions Threatening the Moral Existence of the Nation Although a significant part of the modern world has been secularized, nevertheless the Catholic Church, both during World War II and in the post-war reality of People’s Poland, underwent a harrowing experience of atheization and a quest to remove manifestations of religiosity from the social consciousness of Poles led by the communist regime. Historical changes – especially in post-war Poland – were marked by a desire to weaken as well as marginalize religion and the Church. The above idea was fueled by the systemically imposed and conducted process of transformation of the identity of the Polish nation, where atheistic education and upbringing played a significant role, as well as attempts to subordinate the broadly understood cultural life of the godless ideology of communist totalitarianism. Virtually all structures of public life were to serve the atheistic concept of a state without God.

31 Such experts on the subject as Raymond Aron, Albert Camus, Ernst Cassirer, Norman Cohn, Waldemar Gurian, Jacob Talmon, and Eric Voegelin emphasize the mythological component of totalitarianism. Thus, they mention “substitute religions”, “political religions”, “myth of the state”, “sacralization of politics”. In their opinion, political religion is an essential element of totalitarianism as well as a dangerous and lethal weapon in the ideological arsenal of totalitarian systems. Cf. Ficek, Christians in Socio-Political Life, 44–51. 32 Cf. Stefan Wyszyński, “Matka-Syn-rodzina. Warszawa - kościół św. Krzyża 11.01.1976”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 679–680. 33 Stefan Wyszyński, “Matka-Syn-rodzina. Warszawa - kościół św. Krzyża 11.01.1976”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 681. 34 Cf. Wyszyński, Miłość i sprawiedliwość społeczna, 48.

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In such a socio-political climate, religion was suppressed and treated as a form of human alienation. This kind of ideological orientation represented the desire of the official socialist establishment to create, in line with its views on religion, a social environment that embodied the Marxist understanding of religion as “opium for the people”. In line with the regime’s official attitude to religion, cooperation between various religious communities was deliberately impeded, and the cultivation of inter-religious culture and dialogue was almost absent. Some liberalization of the regime’s relationship to religion did not begin until the early 1980s, with the gradual bankruptcy of the ideology of real socialism. No wonder that Wyszyński and the Polish Episcopate strongly emphasized that “[...] imposed laicization aims to form a man who would be convinced of the validity of the materialistic philosophy and everything that it proclaims. Ultimately, then, it is about spreading a specific type of atheism”35 . In this sense, the programmed process of secularization and atheization, carried out by various means and methods, posed a huge threat both to native cultures and to the religious and moral life of the Nation. Aware of the seriousness of the situation, Primate Wyszyński warned: “The Church warns the Nation against the consequences of forced atheization, against the collapse of the religious and moral unity of society, against the inevitable nihilism that creates ideological emptiness and the negation of all spiritual values”36 . The adverse effects of secularization and atheization of moral life exerted a particularly destructive influence on the Christian model of marriage and family, causing their demoralization and, consequently, their decay. At the root of this phenomenon lies a distortion of the very understanding of marriage and family, which leads them to “institutions of use, liberation from ethical norms, from responsibility, and burdens”37 . It is expressed not only in a false vision of love – reduced only to shallow affection or only to the satisfaction of the sex drive – but is also a severe and stern distortion of the truth about man and his fundamental call to responsible love. A very significant danger, posing a direct threat to the biological survival of the Nation’s structures, was related to the anti-population policy of the state. Thanks to the law permitting the termination of pregnancy and large-scale anti-natalist propaganda, a terrible manipulation of Polish society was carried out. Among its

35 “List Episkopatu Polski o laicyzacji. Warszawa 22 III 1968”, in: Listy Pasterskie Episkopatu Polski 1945–1974 (Paris: Editions du Dialogue, 1975), 522. 36 “List Episkopatu Polski do duchowieństwa o moralnym zagrożeniu narodu. Warszawa 25 I 1968”, in: Listy Pasterskie Episkopatu Polski 1945–1974 (Paris: Editions du Dialogue, 1975), 619–626; S. Wyszyński, “Problemy życia społecznego w Polsce. Do duszpasterzy młodzieży męskiej 29 XII 1975”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 669–672. 37 “Orędzie Episkopatu Polski w sprawie małżeńskiej. Jasna Góra, 7.12.1945”, in: Listy Pasterskie Episkopatu Polski 1945–1974 (Paris: Editions du Dialogue, 1975), 25.

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significant parts, as Prymas Wyszyński emphasized: “There is a mistaken belief that a child in the womb is not yet a human being and, as such, is deprived of all rights”38 . Moreover, the anti-population policy of the state also made negative changes in the social mentality. Society has been infected with an unprecedented fear of reproduction. Childhood was considered almost anti-social. The spouses began to renounce more offspring not only because of difficult living conditions but more often for fear of condemning the public. Therefore, in the common crimes of infanticide committed in Poland “in the majesty of the law”, Wyszyński saw the causes of biological and moral degradation that threatened the Polish Nation39 . Questioning all traditional authorities and undermining basic moral principles posed a severe and austere risk of demoralizing society, especially the young generation. The tangible manifestation of this process is the popularization of such attitudes as agreeableness towards evil, mockery of fundamental values and authorities, selfishness and comfort, consumerist attitude to life, sexual debauchery, fornication, drunkenness, and drug addiction40 . In this sense, the above aberrations cause a deep and widespread moral crisis related to the weakening of faith, contributing directly to the progressive degeneration of the system of fundamental moral values and thus undermining the biological and cultural foundations of the nation’s existence41 .

38 “Głos biskupów polskich w obronie zagrożonego bytu Narodu. 4. IX 1970”, in: Listy Pasterskie Episkopatu Polski 1945–1974 (Paris: Editions du Dialogue, 1975), 625. 39 For this reason, he consistently demanded the introduction of a total ban on the murder of unborn children who have the same right to life and development as those born. Therefore, they should enjoy absolute legal protection from the moment of their conception. In a memorial addressed to the Polish People’s Republic government in 1970, together with the entire Episcopate, he sharply stigmatized existing legislation and practices in the field of protecting unborn children. Referring to international law, he denotes to the Declaration of the Rights of the Child adopted unanimously on November 20, 1959, by the UN General Assembly and to the “International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights” adopted by the UN General Assembly on December 16, 1966, which clearly state that every human being has the inherent right to life. This right should be protected by law, and no one can be arbitrarily deprived of life. Cf Stefan Wyszyński, “Apel Synodu w obronie praw człowieka. Po powrocie z Synodu Biskupów, Warszawa 26 I 1975”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 619–626; Stefan Wyszyński, “Problemy życia społecznego w Polsce. Do duszpasterzy młodzieży męskiej 29 XII 1975”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 669–672. 40 Cf. Stefan Wyszyński, “To jest nasz program prymasowski. Do wiernych w bazylice prymasowskiej w Gnieźnie 2 II 1957”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 75–76; Stefan Wyszyński, “Nasze dezyderaty. Do profesorów katolickiej nauki społecznej, Jasna Góra 22 I 1963”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 198–200; Stefan Wyszyński, “O zagrożeniu moralności narodu. List pasterski na Wielki Post 1968”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 343–348. 41 Cf. Ficek, Christians in Socio-Political Life, 309–312.

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The above facts are particularly evident in the social scourge of alcoholism and the preference for a hedonistic lifestyle. They affect specific people – degenerating them both biologically and spiritually – and destructively disturb the family, nation, and other social life structures. Disturbing so many people, alcohol abuse damages both the economic and socio-political spheres and also degrades the mental and spiritual dimensions of Polish social life. The disappearance of the attitude of responsibility, the degeneration of family, professional and national consciousness is the basis for the development of various types of social pathologies: sexual promiscuity, related diseases, increased crime, acts of vandalism and hooliganism, road accidents under the influence of alcohol and other pathologies of social life. In this context, dishonesty, jealousy, and alcoholism appear as a severe threat to the moral and spiritual life of a society that requires a special kind of stigmatization and constructive defense response42 . Describing the moral situation of Polish society, Stefan Wyszyński stated: “Our moral weakness and instability, despite our strong faith, our moral relativism, willing to succumb to bad examples and currents, paying attention to various errors, sometimes absurd, the collapse of marital morality, infidelity, promiscuity, and drunkenness. All of these make the social division so shaky. We can last for hours in temples, stand on Jasna Gora square, like old oak wood, but we easily succumb to even the weakest excitement to all sins and vices. We are spiritually split, mentally broken, and, therefore, deprived of a lifestyle and national character”43 . Additionally, many destructive threats to social life were stimulated by a programmed process of inciting and fueling selfishness and social hatred44 . “It is significant – expresses Wyszyński – that in the aspirations for the proletariat’s liberation, a lot of room is occupied by religious and moral matters or the fight against the Christian religious worldview”45 . As a false assumption of a totalitarian ideology, hatred is recognized as the driving force of communist “progress”, applying the principle of “divide and rule”. The Christian spirit of forgiveness and peace declares war in the name of supposed justice and, above all, in the name of pagan hatred46 . In this context, the spread of egoism and social hatred appears as an austere distortion

42 Cf. Stefan Wyszyński, “Jakiej chcecie Polski? Do młodzieży akademickiej w Warszawie 22 III 1972”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 491–492; Stefan Wyszyński, “Ratujmy życie w rodzinie. List pasterski na XXXIV Tydzień Miłosierdzia 26 VII 1978”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 843–844. 43 List Episkopatu Polski do duchowieństwa o moralnym zagrożeniu narodu, 508; cf. Ryszard Ficek, “Collectivism, Individualism, and Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński’s Personalist Concept of Man”, Roczniki Nauk Społecznych 12 (2020): 5–32. 44 Cf. Ravi Zacharias, The Real Face of Atheism (Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 2004), 48–59. 45 Wyszyński, Miłość i sprawiedliwość społeczna, 103. 46 List Episkopatu Polski do duchowieństwa o moralnym zagrożeniu narodu, 507.

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of the spiritual and moral culture, harming both the dignity of the human person and the unity of the Nation. Programmatic hatred, destroying manifestations of justice, loyalty, or merciful love – i. e., fundamental values understood as the basis for shaping unity and social integration – has become a dangerous threat to both the human person and the family, and the Nation, internally divided and whose future prospects are broken. “The illusion that raises many misfortunes for peoples and nations is the belief that one can build on unbelief, atheism, and class struggle, while – in reality – our world can be created only through brotherly mutual love. If today’s world needs something, it is faith that we come from God who is Love and does everything in love: from God who first loved each of us”47 . As a result, emphasizing the fundamental threats to social life and promoting basic religious and moral values becomes an essential dimension of the teaching of the Primate of Poland. Its goal, however, was not the theoretical analysis of attitudes and problems but shaping the moral awareness of Polish society. Therefore, the pastoral teaching of Stefan Wyszyński becomes a unique and still relevant expression of the prophetic mission of the Church and – also in our modern times – is a call to conversion and moral renewal of both an individual and the entire nation.

A New Man in Christ: Toward the Socio-Moral Renewal Primate Wyszyński implements the broad-based idea of healing the entire reality of social life in his concept of moral and spiritual renewal, which is expressed primarily in the program of the “Vows of Jasna Góra Shrine” preceding the “Great Novena”. This program was to prepare the Nation for the “Millennium Jubilee of the Baptism of Poland”. The very fact of taking the vows at Jasna Góra was a massive event in the life of the Church and the Nation. Based on faith in God’s Providence and commitment to work on the moral and spiritual transformations of individuals, families, and society – despite their religious nature – they defended man and the entire Nation48 . Nevertheless, the essence of this program was to show the anthropological truth about man as a person created in the image and likeness of God, receiving an explicit command from the Creator authorizing him to change the hitherto reality of the temporal world. By this fact, the human person becomes God’s partner-collaborator

47 Wyszyński, Dobrzy bracia, 748. 48 Cf. Ryszard Ficek, “Mariological Dimension of the Theological and Pastoral Concepts of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, Primate of Poland”, Studia Sandomierskie 27 (2020): 239–242; Monika Wójcik, “Religijna odnowa Narodu w Jasnogórskich Ślubach Ks. Prymasa Stefana Kardynała Wyszyńskiego”, Studia nad Rodziną 10 (2006): 259–278.

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in His creation. In turn, the mystery of the Incarnation and Redemption of the Son of God emphasizes this aspect of human life even more, making it an essential dimension of the relationship with God, bearing the mark of immortality (homo Dei). Participation in God’s creative work leads to discovering man occupying a high position in the entire created world. As a person who is the subject, purpose, and meaning of all social life, he has an absolute priority in the whole reality of the temporal world, through which he carries out the work of creation. Therefore, the personalistic nature of his activities requires responsibility not only for his individual and social development but also for the proper shape of man’s relationship to the world and the world to man. The above aspect had a significant impact on the polemic with the “false vision of man” presented by the so-called “real socialism”. In other words, the anthropological and theological analysis of human life conducted by Cardinal Wyszyński, placing the human person at the center of his considerations, emphasized that it is precisely man who is the most critical and vital link in the entire economic process: its subject, creator and goal. It is a man, the center and purpose of the temporal world, that must always be associated with the moral criteria that go beyond economic pragmatism. Thus, presenting the anthropological and theological foundations of socio-economic life becomes one of the most important ways of humanizing this area of human activity and overcoming its perception only through the prism of pragmatic economic rationality49 . Therefore, the creative commitment to socioeconomic life “(...) is an instrument of salvation for every human being, and the worker’s labor is connected with the joy of victory over matter and himself ”50 . Nonetheless, creative involvement in socio-political and economic life is not only about the self-realization of the human person. Still, it is aimed at creating a kind of social energy, serving all humankind. In addition, this type of activity activates all gifts rooted in human nature. Moreover, it develops appropriate dispositions: reason, will, feelings, and acquires the necessary moral skills, such as patience, perseverance, solidarity, conscientiousness, etc. Therefore, human creative activity requires effort and a sense of responsibility. However, it gives the freedom to mold

49 The undisputed primacy of the human person in the entire socio-economic life means that every “(...) man, both an entrepreneur and organizer of the work workshop, as well as a worker – become God’s collaborators in the work of governing the earth. God equips man with appropriate abilities, makes him a collaborator, and what’s more – he makes him the superior of creation. Man is, as it were, “the priest of creation” and hence his whole worthiness in economic life stems from it. Through his work, a man cooperating with God raises and offers everything to God” (Wyszyński, Miłość i sprawiedliwość, 319). 50 Wyszyński, Miłość i sprawiedliwość, 366.

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“oneself ” as well as enables spiritual growth, ennoblement, and sanctification of one’s personality51 . Thus, according to the Cardinal, the economy and concern for its development prospects require immediate and constructive solutions, the primary expression of which is the moral order conditioned by the universal conversion process52 . In this sense, the homocentric vision of the Primate’s socio-political and economic life requires the appreciation and maintenance of the order of the material world, which – devoted to man – becomes an essential element of socio-economic life, subject to the dynamics of development and progress53 . However, personal dignity, natural predispositions, and the calling that God gives to man in the act of creation and redemption oblige the human person not only to be responsible for his own individual and social development but also to express concern for the complex reality of the world that is to be subordinated to him. In the name of his own development, by participating in “the work of creation”, man is obliged to act comprehensively to improve “social mechanisms” and create living conditions worthy of man. It is expressed primarily in the responsibility for the socio-economic shape of human life and functioning54 . In this respect, man – both individually and socially – is a path both for the renewal of the Church and for a personal process of moral metanoia. The religious and moral order rooted in the human person is a condition for the individual renewal of man. In this context, however, the reform of all structures of social life is also being implemented55 . Therefore, the concept of moral renewal in the teaching

51 Cf., Wyszyński, Duch pracy, 107–109; Czesław Bartnik, Teologia pracy ludzkiej, 125–126; Józef Mariański, “Postęp społeczny a postęp moralny”, Życie Katolickie 6 (1987): 81–97. 52 “One must confront God and acknowledge his rule. (...) Every healthy reform of the world should start with this refreshing confession. First and foremost, with faith in the “Creator of heaven and earth”. Out of it only do the order and harmony flow, between heaven and earth and on the earth itself“ (Wyszyński, Miłość i sprawiedliwość, 401). 53 In this sense, “(...) not only man is to be changed, but the entire created material world. It is distorted by the misfortune of man’s sin, but it awaits renewal, change, sanctification and some form of salvation proper to itself (Stefan Wyszyński, “Uświęcenie doczesności. Do duchowieństwa Warszawy 3.08.1962”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 189). For this reason, it is necessary to renew the world, (...) so that the social relations of life and coexistence should be closer to the program which the heavenly Father has appointed for Christ. By sending His Son to the circle of the earth, God wanted Him to renew the face of the earth, in the spirit of evangelical peace, love and social justice” (Stefan Wyszyński, “Niech miłość idzie przez Polskę. Na zakończenie jubileuszu świętego Franciszka w Warszawie 6.12.1976”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 753). 54 Stefan Wyszyński, “Obowiązek i prawo ludzkiej pracy, Warszawa 1.05.1971”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, “Idzie nowych ludzi plemię...” (Poznań: Pallotinum, 2001), 138. 55 Cf. Stefan Wyszyński, “Nie dać sobie wydrzeć ziemi! Do Solidarności wiejskiej rolników indywidualnych. Warszawa-Miodowa 2.04.1981”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Kościół w służbie narodu (Rzym:

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of Primate Wyszyński is not individualistic but takes place in the space of family and national life. Thus, the family order must be related to the order of the heart of every inhabitant of Poland because social order is built in the family. A whole national organism is formed there because the Nation consists of families56 . Also, “[...] state life must be conditioned by the order and calmness of national life, which depends on the peace and order of family life, which in turn depends on the order of the heart”57 . Nevertheless, the question of Christian morality extends to all areas of human life. In the context of the mutual conditions of the complex structures of human life, one can also speak of the social dimension of moral renewal, which becomes the opposite of the social dimension of sin. On the other hand, moral renewal takes place “[...] in the community of the Church, in which the responsibility for the accepted faith and the experience of love is born. It is where the responsibility for faith and love for others is also assumed. Through faith and love, we become able to confess Christ and social love to people”58 . Thus, the basis for the moral renewal of social life is the awakening in Christ, realized through metanoia and reconciliation with God. However, this requires a radical turn towards God, which results in a change of conscience and a deepening of the awareness and moral sensitivity of the human person, family, and nation. Changing the way of thinking and appreciating Christian values results in a change of attitudes that leads to holiness and Christian perfection in Christ59 . In this sense, “the Church is an ally of the nation and proclaims the principles of the Gospel and healthy Christian morality, when it awakens love for God and social love, when it constantly maintains moral sensitivity, awakens a sense of social, professional and cultural responsibility, and constantly reminds us all of that the life and development of a nation are not possible without a spirit of sacrifice and fraternal service”60 . However, the condition for the moral transformation of the whole social reality is the integral renewal of man, not a single act. Still, a permanent attitude focused on breaking with evil and sin, practicing Christian virtues, and cultivating supernatural

56 57 58 59 60

Corda Cordi, 1981), 269–230; Cf. Ryszard Ficek, “Moral Renewal as a Socio-Religious Imperative and the Destructive Actions of an Oppressive Totalitarian State: In the Context of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński’s Personalistic Concept of Social Life”, Roczniki Teologiczne 67/5 (2020): 44–52. Stefan Wyszyński, “Patron Polski i mąż stanu. Podczas uroczystości świętego Stanisława w Krakowie 14 V 1978”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 830. Stefan Wyszyński, “Patron Polski i mąż stanu. Podczas uroczystości świętego Stanisława w Krakowie 14 V 1978”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990). Wyszyński, Jakiej chcecie Polski?, 490. Cf. Ficek, Christians in Socio-Political Life, 315–317. Stefan Wyszyński, “Kościoł nie walczy z władzą, tylko z jej nadużyciami. Podczas uroczystości Świętego Stanisława w Krakowie 11 V 1975”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 646.

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life. Referring to the moral renewal of the Nation, Primate Wyszyński states: “The most important thing is to restore man”61 . Therefore, it is impossible to shape moral virtues and values, both individually and as a community, without a fundamental change in the way of thinking and values – that is, the proper shaping of the conscience of the human person and, consequently, all social reality in the spirit of the authentically biblical truth of Christ. Hence, tragic past experiences require a vigilant attitude. Especially since “[…] nobody in the world is sure of the future. No nation can be guaranteed a “golden age”. And we also have no guarantee that Poland will not have to make severe sacrifices!”62 . The seriousness of the threats is added by the fact that the post-war situation in Poland was not conducive to the moral renewal of either the family or the nation63 . In this context, it can be said that the ideological and socio-political conditions that arose after the war contributed to an increase in moral threats to the nation’s life. That is why Primate Wyszyński, emphasizing this problem, considers it necessary and even decisive for the proper shaping of the Christian society. “It is easy to pour all the wealth of a nation into the depths, but the great challenge is to lead the boat during a storm to save everything in it”64 . According to Stefan Wyszyński, the processes of uprooting the nation from its cultural heritage are dangerous threats that undermine the essence of social life. They are expressed in strenuous attempts to break with the historical past and create their own false and deceitful vision of history, culture, and morality, in line with the Marxist-materialist model. Conscious and deliberate falsification of the historical past of the nation, reducing its value for the current generation, resulted in the inevitable cultural uprooting of the country. The loss of identity on a cultural level has, of course, very destructive consequences that could lead to a complete disintegration of the nation65 . Man redeemed in the Paschal Mystery by Jesus Christ requires in his actual existence further acts of liberation from the present state of sin and slavery. Work, from the perspective of freedom, takes place at the level of conscience. That is why a free person decides for himself the value of his commitment, freeing it from destructive systems of depersonalization and enslavement. Responsibility for evil 61 Stefan Wyszyński, “O moralną odnowę Narodu. Do wiernych w bazylice gnieźnieńskiej 2 II 1981”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981 (Warszawa: ODISS, 1990), 1007. 62 Wyszyński, Bez ofiar i wyrzeczeń nie ma zwycięstwa, 102. 63 Ryszard Ficek, “Patriotism as Love of the Homeland or another Form of Nationalism? Devotedness, Allegiance, and Loyalty to the Native Country in the Thought of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński”, Collectanea Theologica 91 (2021): 77–117. 64 Stefan Wyszyński, “Sursum corda. Z kazania do górali tatrzańskich. Zakopane 1957”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Wszystko postawiłem na Maryję (Paris: Editions du Dialogue, 1980), 145. 65 Cf. Ficek, Moral Renewal as a Socio-Religious Imperative, 54–56; Johann Baptist Metz, A Passion for God: The Mystical-Political Dimension of Christianity (New York: Paulist Press, Mahwah, 2008), 36–49.

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and sin, having a personal character, also expresses the social aspect. In this sense, it becomes collective complicity in the misappropriation of moral values and principles that flow from God’s law. However, Primate Wyszyński warns against shifting the burden of responsibility beyond the conscience of individual people. Although human moral awareness has been severely deformed due to the relativization of concepts and values and by blunting the moral sensitivity of society, any form of degradation, deformation of feelings, or social demoralization requires active cooperation and involvement of specific people66 . Therefore, the necessary condition for moral renewal is “awakening of conscience”, which – for a Christian – is the most sacred center and sanctuary in which he can be alone with God. “In every person, in every family, in every word of truth, in the life of the Nation and State, personal, social and professional conscience, as well as economic and political conscience, must awaken”67 . Only a man of an “awakened conscience” – that is, one in whom the most profound and most complete work of spiritual liberation was accomplished, is the foundation for building the renewed reality of the temporal world. The realization of this desire is possible only through conversion to God in a spirit of faith, realizing one’s own sinfulness, and making efforts to fulfill the call to holiness68 . The fruit of the integral moral renewal of the entire reality of social life is, therefore, a mature approach to threats to moral life. However, it requires a firm opposition not only to the dangers that resulted from geopolitical conditions and the systematic degeneration of the socio-political system of post-war Poland. The challenge addressed to the entire nation is all the more important in the fight against moral defects destabilizing social life, destroying its basic structures, leading to general anarchy and, consequently, to the destruction of the state. “Therefore, in defense of moral freedom against the slavery of addictions, we want to use all religious, social, and cultural forces that can serve our vigor and spiritual freedom, which in turn depends on any other freedom – political or economic. There will be no change for the better in our hearts, social and state life if we do not open the door to Christ” 69 .

66 Cf. Stefan Wyszyński, “Apel Prymasa Polski ze stolicy do wszystkich Dzieci wspólnej Ojczyzny. Warszawa, 25 XII 1970”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Prymat człowieka w ładzie społecznym (Londyn: Odnowa, 1976), 17–18; Stefan Wyszyński, “Sumienie w pełnieniu obowiązków społecznych. Nadarzyn, 21 IX 1980”, in: Stefan Wyszyński, Praca a godność człowieka (Częstochowa: Prymasowski Instytut Ślubow Narodu na Jasnej Górze, 1983), 67–73. 67 Stefan Wyszyński, “W godzinie wielkiego rachunku sumienia. Ołtarzew 2 X 1980”, in: Wyszyński, Kościół w służbie narodu, 73. 68 Cf. Ficek, Moral Renewal as a Socio-Religious Imperative, 44–48. 69 Wyszyński, “Nawóćcie się do Pana”, in: Nauczanie społeczne, 488.

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Therefore, return to Christ becomes the basis for the moral renewal of the entire reality of social life. It occurs through constant transformation, conversion of hearts and attitudes of individuals and the community as a whole, and through sacramental reconciliation with God in the Church. No less critical dimension of moral renewal, as understood by Primate Wyszyński, is an apparent Marian trait. Emphasizing the role of Mary in the work of moral renewal has some theological, psychological and sociological justification70 . “It is true that ‘I have put everything on Mary,’ and I am faithful to it. It is born of a deep conviction that in our homeland, the creation and maintenance of a religious community must be done in a dimension to which people are most sensitive. With us, this is done through the mediation of the Holy Mother of God”71 .

Conclusions One of the typical features of totalitarian ideology was the fascination with the “pagan” quasi-ritual, often referring to Christianity. Much of it involved an inversion of meanings, mimicking and distorting authentic Christian meaning. In other words, totalitarian systems (i. e., fascist dictatorships, National Socialism, or MarxismLeninism in the Bolshevik version) displayed – at least officially – aspects of a highly amalgamated and coherent religion that sought to resolve the vital dilemmas of human life. The above totalitarianism even wished to influence those spheres of life that were beyond their “prophetic interest”. Both Marxist-Leninist ideology and Hitler’s “Nazism” often used peculiar quasi-religious rhetoric, repeatedly expressed in various political, economic, scientific, and philosophical statements, seemingly distant from the religious dimension. By denying humanism, individualism, and democracy in the name of universal liberation, either the “Aryan Übermensch” or the “New Communist Man”, the totalitarian ideologies of the twentieth century became the orientation of the new spirit shaping the “New World Order”. Nevertheless, it was a revelation of caricature “spirit” completely distorting his Christian understanding. Similarly, it was a harmful attempt to apply the “new Middle Ages” to establish a new ontical order of unity between “spirit and matter”. However, this kind of totalitarian ideology seems to be exceedingly dangerous. Therefore, the need to defend the foundations of Christian civilization required an unprecedented and effective response. A significant response to the considerable

70 Cf. Ryszard Ficek, “Mariological Dimension of the Theological and Pastoral Concepts of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, Primate of Poland”, Studia Sandomierskie 27 (2020): 229–249. 71 Stefan Wyszyński, “Z przemówienia do duchowieństwa diecezjalnego i zakonnego zgromadzonego, aby złożyć życzenia imieninowe ks. kard. Stefanowi Wyszyńskiemu. Warszawa 2 VIII 1980”, in: Wyszyński, Florian Kniotek (ed.). Prymas Tysiąclecia. (Paris: Edition du Dialogue, 1982), 105.

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threats resulting from the emergence of totalitarian ideologies was the personalistic concept of man presented by Stefan Wyszyński. Its main feature was a concern for the good of man in his whole personal dimension. The teaching of Cardinal Wyszyński was also expressed in a clear emphasis on the need for the active involvement of Christians in worldly reality in all its dimensions. It was necessary because the challenging period of domination of totalitarian ideologies posed a particular challenge for Christians, the implementation of which became a patriotic duty, an expression of the attitude of love for the homeland and add-on to the essential values constituting national identity. Various kinds of threats, caused both by geopolitical conditions, the destructive influence of regimes based on totalitarian ideology, as well as the progressive moral degradation of society, called for constructive actions to heal those threats that degenerate the socio-moral life of Poles. An expression of opposition to pathological manifestations of social life is found in the numerous initiatives aimed primarily at the moral renewal of the nation, conditioning the positive character of all changes in Poland. Being aware of the complex socio-political situation, Cardinal Wyszyński stated: “The minimum that we can make as a postulate in this reality is included in the fact that the state should act ‘ad bonum commune totius universi.’ […] That is why we expect the state community to serve the universal good of the entire diverse population of citizens of our homeland”72 .

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Wyszyński, Stefan. “W godzinie wielkiego rachunku sumienia. Ołtarzew 2 X 1980.” In: Wyszyński, Stefan. Kościół w służbie narodu, 73. Rzym: Corda Cordi, 1981. Wyszyński, Stefan. “Z przemówienia do duchowieństwa diecezjalnego i zakonnego zgromadzonego, aby złożyć życzenia imieninowe ks. kard. Stefanowi Wyszyńskiemu. Warszawa 2 VIII 1980”. In: Florian Kniotek (ed.). Prymas Tysiąclecia. Paris: Edition du Dialogue, 1982: 103–107. Wyszyński, Stefan. “Zwycięstwo wiary naszej. Do duchowieństwa Warszawy 24 XII 1973”. In: Wyszyński, Stefan. Nauczanie społeczne 1946–1981, 570–573. Warszawa: ODISS, 1990. Zacharias, Ravi. The Real Face of Atheism. Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 2004. Ивина, Александр Архипович, Марксизм-ленинизм, Философия: Энциклопедический словарь. Москва: Гардарики, 2004.

Grzegorz Kamil Szczecina

Actions of the Repressive Apparatus of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) Against the Chaplain of “Solidarity” – Bl. Fr. Jerzy Popiełuszko

Abstract:

Blessed Fr. Jerzy Popiełuszko is not only one of the victims of the post-war communist system in Poland, but thanks to his activities, teaching left behind, and brutal death, he became a spiritual guide and a symbol of the repression apparatus of the Polish People’s Republic against the Catholic Church in Poland. In his life, from an early age, he experienced the effects of communist ideology – from the curriculum during school education, through the official, state transmission of content, clerical military service in Bartoszyce, to direct persecution during his priestly service. It is in the army of Bl. Fr. Jerzy Popiełuszko was the first person to experience the intrusive atheistic communist ideology. He personally experienced the communists’ hatred of the Church through the harassment and repression they suffered. The next stage of his life, in which he directly experienced the activities of the communist apparatus, was primarily the time from 1980, when Fr. Popiełuszko entered the world of working people and became popular by celebrating the monthly Holy Masses. for the Homeland in the Żoliborz church. st. Stanisław Kostka. Despite the persecution presented in the article, he remained faithful to his values until his martyrdom. Keywords:

Jerzy Popiełuszko | history of Poland | communism | martyrdom | “Solidarność” (Solidarity) movement

The denominational policy of the communist authorities, from 1947 until 1989, had various stages and manifestations. To a varying degree, directly and indirectly, he influenced the clergy. Among the priests, symbols and dramatic examples of the implementation of this policy, there is the chaplain of “Solidarity” – Bl. Fr. Jerzy Popiełuszko1 . This “Martyr of Communism” experienced the oppressive actions of 1 Alfons (Fr. Jerzy) Popiełuszko was born on September 14, 1947 in Okopy near Suchowola. After graduating from high school in 1965, he entered the Metropolitan Higher Theological Seminary in Warsaw. During his studies, he was called to the compulsory military service for two years, during

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the communist authorities and the intrusiveness of Marxist ideology almost from the very beginning of his life. At the very beginning, it is necessary to point out the ideological message of the curriculum, especially in high school (Rev. Jerzy – as Alfons – because that was his original name – who attended High School in 1961–1965) – it was the first element of the influence of communist ideology. However, the first overt manifestation of the actions of the repressive apparatus against Fr Jerzy was his compulsory, military service in the clerical unit in Bartoszyce (1966–1968), to which Fr. Popiełuszko was enlisted at the beginning of the second year of seminar studies (second company, third platoon, third team)2 . This typically anti-church action in the years 1955–1980 was inspired by political motives aimed at, inter alia, inducing the students to resign from the seminary, putting pressure on the bishops, breaking the unity of the episcopate3 . In accordance with the guidelines which, despite harassment, he was distinguished by his attachment to God and the Church. He was ordained a priest in 1972. From 1980 he was a resident at the parish of St. Stanisław Kostka in Warsaw in Żoliborz. He organised help for the families of interned workers, whom he took care of. After many harassments and persecutions, he was abducted and murdered by representatives of the Security Services on 19 October 1984. Beatified on 6 June 2010. The canonization process began on 20 September 2014 in the Crételi diocese in France. Ewa Czaczkowska, Tomasz Wiścicki, Ksiądz Jerzy Popiełuszko. Wiara, nadzieja, miłość. Biografia błogosławionego (Cracow: Edipresse, 2017); Ewa Czaczkowska, Tomasz Wiścicki, Ksiądz Jerzy Popiełuszko (Warsaw: Świat Książki, 2009); Milena Kindziuk, Jerzy Popiełuszko. Biografia (Cracow: Znak, 2018); Milena Kindziuk, Świadek prawdy. Życie i śmierć księdza Jerzego Popiełuszki (Czestochowa: Święty Paweł, 2010²). 2 Office for the Postulation of the Beatification of the Servant of God Jerzy Popiełuszko in Warsaw (further: UPBSBJP), sign. 1, Akta osobowe ks. Jerzego Popiełuszki. Kserokopie dokumentów…, 54. Batalion Ratownictwa…, No. 8; Beatificationis seu Declarationis Martyrii Servi Dei Georgii Popiełuszko sacerdotis dioecesani in odium fidei, utifertur, interfecti. Trnasumpt. Versio Polonia (Warsaw, 2001), W. Wasiński, 279. Each company (commander in senior captain) consisted of three platoons (commander in senior second lieutenant), each of which consisted of three teams [(approx. 9 seminarians and approx. 2 so-called activists), in private capital]. Each company was located on a separate floor of the military building: 1st company – on the ground floor; 2 – on the 1st floor; 3 – on the 2nd floor. Report Wiesław Wasiński, own collections; Report Wacław Szcześniak, own collections; Report Jan Zając, own collections. Cf. Milena Kindziuk, Jerzy Popiełuszko. Biografia, 93–131. 3 The organisation of clerical military service had three stages, in which the evolution of methods for forced atheisation and Marxist indoctrination is noticeable: 1955, 1958–1964 – clerics were individually conscripted into various military units in the country; 1965–1972 – students were directed to military units specially created for them in: Bartoszyce (Military Unit 4413), Brzeg (Military Unit 4446) and Szczecin-Podjuchy (Military Unit 4422). These battalions were not combat-oriented, but were field rescue units. They were characterised by exceptional pressure, political indoctrination, and religious discrimination; 1973–1980 – the declining phase of the military experiment, during which the manpower of units gradually decreased. Wiarus (pseud.), “Wojskowe jednostki kleryckie”, Spotkania 10 (1980): 58–61; Andrzej Lesiński, Służba wojskowa kleryków w PRL 1959–1980 (Olsztyn: Ośrodek Badań Nauk. im. Wojciecha Kętrzyńskiego, 1995), 36–40; Adolf Setlak, Służba wojskowa alumnów WSD w PRL, i jej ocena w wypowiedziach alumnów i kapłanów rezerwistów z 1970 r.

Actions of the Repressive Apparatus of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) Against the Chaplain of “Solidarity”

of the GZP MON, political and educational work in clerical units was considered the most important in relation to other training, and therefore it manifested itself in every situation4 . So, several times a week, so-called political training of alumnisoldiers, which lasted about eight hours, was followed by heavy physical work. It is a paradox that only a few times in two years they had typically military activities, e. g. with the use of weapons. As part of the training, the alumni platoons went to the cinema on Sundays and holidays, where propaganda or anti-church films were shown especially for them5 . On the other hand, the repressions against seminarians were direct and often personal, and concerned, inter alia, religion and prayer, which was to lead to secularisation and atheisation6 . Here Bl. Fr. Jerzy Popiełuszko was repeatedly harassed and humiliated for courageously wearing a rosary-ring on his finger, a medal around his neck and brave practice of prayer (kneeling and aloud), as well as his courageous attitude, to the detriment of his health, which had repercussions for the rest of his life. As one of Father Jerzy’s colleagues, Father Wiesław Wasiński, recalled, Father Jerzy’s attitude led to this: ‘that the platoon commander, second lieutenant Puczko, named “Popiełuszko” fell into a rage’7 . During the two years of service, Alfons Popiełuszko’s team was one of the most repressed for community prayer. The actions towards Father Jerzy had signs of abuse: for his attitude, the so-called “swimming lessons” were often used against him: with a rope tied around his waist, he was thrown into the icy water of a large swimming pool, and when it melted, he was given a bar which, when Fr. Jerzy caught it, was vigorously withdrawn. On the agenda were, Fr. Jerzy was ordered to crawl in full uniform (a few kilos) on the ground in bitter frost, sometimes at the feet of commanders, sometimes also in a gas mask and ‘fall’ or ‘rise’ when commanded to do so; at night, he had to stand to attention barefoot in the cold or on cold concrete (including with a 15 kilo RKM around his neck) for a few hours, after which he was released to sleep. Then, after a while, a special night alarm was sounded for his platoon; another penalty involved cleaning the corridors or toilets in a gas mask for many hours. Fr. Jerzy often received ZOK (ban on leaving military barracks) or no passes. All this was part and parcel of the PRL regime’s campaign against the Catholic Church in Poland and the hierarchs.

4 5 6

7

Studium historyczno-socjologiczne na przykładzie Bartoszyc (Olsztyn: Wyższe Seminarium Duchowne Metropolii Warmińskiej “Hosianum”, 2002), 31–35. In: Lesiński, Służba wojskowa kleryków w PRL 1959–1980, 51. Archives of the Secretariat of the Primate of Poland, sign. II 4.339, Episkopat Polski. Polityka wyznaniowa PRL, List A. Popiełuszki do rektora seminarium, 43–44. Lesiński, Służba wojskowa kleryków w PRL 1959–1980, 56–60; Jan Zając, “Ludowe Wojsko Polskie”, w: Ksiądz Jerzy Popiełuszko. Spotkania po latach. Wywiady, ed. Artur Olędzki (Cracow: Espe, 2010), 47–71. Beatificationis seu Declarationis Martyrii, W. Wasiński, 279–281.

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From the moment he entered the seminary, the chaplain of “Solidarity” aroused the interest of the state services, as part of the routine activities of the security apparatus, through the TEOK (file of operational records of a priest) established in autumn 1965, where all changes in place of service were carefully recorded8 . Increased surveillance of the clergy began after his entry into the world of working people in 1980. From 1980, Fr. Popiełuszko became known in the community of Warsaw workers, students and, over time, many people in Poland, mainly thanks to the famous Mass for the Homeland, which he celebrated in the Warsaw church of St. Stanisław Kostka in Żoliborz and the sermons preached during them. It was then that the authorities of the People’s Republic of Poland began to consider him a threat to the ruling system9 . It should also be noted that Fr. Jerzy was investigated not only within the TEOK, but also as a candidate for the TW (collaborator). The recruitment of the blessed turned out to be unsuccessful for the SB10 . In the context of action taken by the repressive apparatus of the People’s Republic of Poland against Fr. Jerzy Popiełuszko, one should emphasize the double-edged operation of the state authorities, which included direct repression, as well as pressure on bishops to limit their involvement, calling it political activity, as well as sermons along with Masses for the Homeland rally or agitation, which threatens public order.. They made such demands especially at the meetings of the Joint Commission of the Government and the Episcopate and in talks with hierarchs or in pro memoria regularly sent11 . The services drew much of the information on the life and activities of Fr. Jerzy from, inter alia, people from the Blessed’s close circle who collaborated with the SB as informants. That is why the element of entrapment of Father Popiełuszko by TW. The most active in his milieu was TW “Tarcza”, “Miecz”, that is Tadeusz 8 UPBSBJP, sygn. 1, Akta osobowe ks. Jerzego Popiełuszki. Kserokopie dokumentów…, Wypis z ewidencji kartotecznych, 9–14. 9 Jakub Gołębiewski, “Osaczony”, Biuletyn IPN. Pamięć.pl 10 (2014): 43–47. 10 Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance in Warsaw (further: IPN BU), sign. 2362/43, Załącznik do akt w sprawie karnej…, Kwestionariusz osoby rozpracowywanej – sprawdzanej, 12. According to biographers, Fr. J. Popiełuszko, the unsuccessful recruitment of the blessed to cooperate with the SB started in 1974, when the vicar in Ząbki was martyred. The materials were destroyed in 1988. Czaczkowska, Wiścicki, Ksiądz Jerzy Popiełuszko. Wiara, nadzieja, miłość, 162. 11 Rafał Łatka, Episkopat Polski wobec stosunków państwo–Kościół i rzeczywistości społeczno-politycznej PRL 1970–1989, (Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, 2019), 655. “Since the Episcopate does not react, we also did not react after the matter was handed over to the Episcopate; clergy, such as Fr. Jankowski and Fr. Popieluszko, they have a sense of freedom and impunity, and it continues to the detriment of inner peace”. “Sprawozdanie z rozmowy, którą Sekretarz Episkopatu abp Bronisław Dąbrowski przeprowadził w siedzibie USW z sekretarzem KC PZPR p. Kazimierzem Barcikowskim, któremu towarzyszył min. A. Łopatka, kierownik USW, Warszawa, 7 grudnia 1983, g. 15 – 17”, in: Peter Raina, Rozmowy z władzami PRL. Arcybiskup Dąbrowski w służbie Kościoła i narodu, vol. 2 (Warsaw: Książka Polska, 1995), 61.

Actions of the Repressive Apparatus of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) Against the Chaplain of “Solidarity”

Stachnik12 – his reports in the IPN Archive number hundreds of pages. In this context, secret collaborators under the code names of TW “Kustosz”, TW “Poeta” or TW “Jankowski” or Fr. Michał Czajkowski, who was appropriately assigned by the commanding officer, Colonel Adam Pietruszka. On September 30, 1983, he was ordered to continue the operation: “to continue to convey opinions to the primate that will discredit Fr. Popiełuszko”13 . The religious and patriotic endeavours of Fr. Jerzy, the sermons he preached, as well as information from the SB collaborators meant that on July 26, 1982, an application was made to initiate the SOR (operational investigation cases) for a crypt. “Popiel”, which officially ended with the death of the blessed. The Ministry of the Interior in conjunction with the Office of the Interior – and therefore with the knowledge of the highest communist authorities of the state – carried out harassment and repression against Fr. Jerzy. In this context, on the night of December 13/14, 1982, a brick was thrown through a closed window belonging to the apartment of Fr. Jerzy with an explosive, which was supposed to detonate upon hitting the ground14 . Among the methods of persecuting and experiencing the blessed one, one should point out, among others, an attempt to send a criminal to the apartment under the pretext of searching for accommodation, painting the car with white oil paint, drawing the car body with a sharp tool, perforating the tires, cutting the brake cables, intentional theft in the apartment, attempts to bring about a traffic accident15 . Fr. Jerzy was constantly watched during various trips and his car stopped. All the above was meant to contribute to the achievement of the goal: “To stop the activities of Fr Jerzy Popiełuszko in organizations and environments hostile

12 T. Stachnik (born in 1927) economist, activist of KPN and NSZZ “Solidarność” in the Mazowsze Region. Interned in December 1981. Registered as TW on March 1, 1978. He used pseudonyms: “Tarnowski”, “Radwański”, “Tarcza”, “Miecz”. Jan Żaryn, “Wstęp”, in: Aparat represji wobec księdza Jerzego Popiełuszki 1982–1984, ed. Jolanta Mysiakowska, vol. 1 (Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, 2009), 28. 13 IPN BU, sign. 00169/83, Teczka pracy tajnego współpracownika pseudonim “Jankowski”…, vol. 4, Doniesienie (ze słów), (Warszawa, 30.09.1983 r.) 153; Żaryn, “Wstęp”, 54. 14 Report Karol Szadurski, own collections; Report Jan Marczak, own collections; Report Adam Nowosad, own collection. 15 IPN BU, sign. 00334/289, Teczka pracy tajnego współpracownika pseudonim “Tarcza”, vol. 13, Informacja operacyjna (17.12.1982 r.), 87; IPN BU, sign. 00169/83, Teczka pracy tajnego współpracownika pseudonim “Jankowski”…, vol. 4, Doniesienie (ze słów), (Warszawa, 30.11.1982 r.), 137; Jerzy Popiełuszko, “Zeszyt niebieski”, in: Błogosławiony Jerzy Popiełuszko. Zapiski, listy i wywiady Ks. Jerzego Popiełuszki 1967–1984, ed. Gabriel Bartoszewski (Warsaw: Oficyna Wydawniczo-Poligraficzna “Adam”, 2010), 55–56, 61; Stefan Bratkowski, “Jurek”, in: Ks. Jerzy Popiełuszko. Życie i śmierć. Dokumenty i wspomnienia (Paris: Polemika, 1985), 137.

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to the communist regime. Neutralization of the hostile activities of Fr. Popiełuszko in the environment of the clergy and people from his closest circle”16 . Thanks to the materials collected by the SB in the SOR for a crypt. “Popiel”, Deputy Prosecutor of the Provincial Prosecutor’s Office in Warsaw, Anna Jackowska On September 22, 1983, initiated “an investigation into the abuse of freedom of conscience and religion to the detriment of the interests of the People’s Republic of Poland by priest Jerzy Popiełuszko while performing religious ceremonies in Warsaw and other places in the country”17 . The SB documentation, appropriately processed by the prosecutor’s office, was also used in the further operational game of the Office for Foreigners Uds.W (Office of Religious Affairs). So it was natural to interrogate the blessed, who was delayed for over two months. The interrogation took place on December 12, 1983. On the basis of the evidence gathered, the prosecutor charged Father Jerzy with the crime of indicated18 . After the interrogation, the private apartment of Fr. Jerzy was searched, where explosives and illegal letters that had previously been planted by the SB were found19 . After this event, Fr. Jerzy – contrary to the agreements between the PRL authorities and the secretary of the Polish Episcopate – was detained traumatically for forty-eight hours, while the prosecutor’s office extended the number of alleged acts. In July 1984, prosecutor A. Jackowska filed a bill of indictment with the District Court in Warsaw against Father Jerzy. In justification, she stressed that he had continued to abuse freedom of speech and religion. The accusation also included storing the items planted in his apartment without permission. However, the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic announced an amnesty on the occasion of the fortieth anniversary of the establishment of the Polish Committee of National Liberation. Yet, the information about the application of this act to the chaplain of “Solidarity” did not reach him until August 28, 1984, so even while waiting for a decision, pressure was exerted on the chaplain of “Solidarity”20 . One of the forms of repression was the regular summoning of the preacher from Żoliborz for questioning at the prosecutor’s office. In the first half of 1984,

16 IPN BU, sign. 2362/43, Załącznik do akt w sprawie karnej…, Wniosek o wszczęcie sprawy operacyjnego rozpracowania kryptonim “POPIEL”, (Warszawa, 26.07.1982 r.), 2. 17 IPN BU, sign. 1815/1, Jerzy Popiełuszko – akta śledztwa w sprawie…, vol. 1, Postanowienie o wszczęciu śledztwa, p p. 5–5v; Czaczkowska, Wiścicki, Ksiądz Jerzy Popiełuszko. Wiara, nadzieja, miłość, 205. 18 IPN BU, sign. 0678/278, Akta śledztwa przeciwko ks. Jerzemu Popiełuszce, vol. 1, Postanowienie o przedstawieniu zarzutów, 41. 19 As part of the search, over 16,000 copies of illegal publications, leaflets were found; 30 pcs of protein matrices for text printing; 36 pcs of ammunition for a P-64 pistol; 3 RGŁ tear gas grenades; 2 mining explosives with detonators. IPN BU, sign. 0678/278, Akta śledztwa przeciwko ks. Jerzemu Popiełuszce, vol. 1, Załącznik do Informacji Sytuacyjnej No. 1130 z dnia 12 grudnia 1983 r., 48–50. 20 The decision to take over Fr. J. Popiełuszko amnesty was taken on August 24, 1984. Grażyna Sikorska, Prawda warta życia. Ks. Jerzy Popiełuszko (London: Polska Fundacja Kulturalna, 1985), 74–75.

Actions of the Repressive Apparatus of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) Against the Chaplain of “Solidarity”

Fr. Jerzy was summoned thirteen times 21 . Communist propaganda against the Blessed was also carried out publicly through a media campaign. Texts defaming the blessed were published, among others in: “Ekspres Wieczorny” (art. Garsonier, currently Popiełuszko), “Trybuna Ludu”, weekly “Tu i Teraz” (the famous text by J. Urban “Seanse nienawiści”). The external impulse strengthening the pressure on the government of the People’s Republic of Poland and the Episcopate was a text from September 12, 1984 entitled Urok nie wprok22 published in the pages of the Soviet “Izvestia”. The campaign waged by the communist apparatus against Fr. Jerzy did not end with the withdrawal of law enforcement agencies from further pursuing his case. In August 1984, General Wojciech Jaruzelski ordered Minister Adam Łopatka to intensify his action against the clergyman23 . On September 25, 1984, at the request of General Zenon Płatek, director of the Fourth Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, a secret meeting of officers of this division was held. As agreed, the management was to prepare an action plan: “to stop the hostile activities of priests: Popiełuszko, Bogucki, Sikorski, Małkowski, Kantorski”24 . The immediate time before the blessed’s death was an experience of unusually increased aggression; threats that he received were the order of the day. Some of them were publicly presented in words at the end of the Holy Mass for the Fatherland on June 24, 1984: “And one more request to all those who have threatened me in their letters especially recently, I quote: they are capable of such threats, they also had the courage to sign their letters, and not cowardly hide under anonymous addresses or give false addresses”25 . As a direct act preceding the murder of Fr. Popiełuszko, and the final result of the actions taken by the repression apparatus of the PRL against Fr Jerzy, there was an attempt to cause a fatal accident when he was returning with a driver from Gdańsk on October 13, 1984.

21 Lucja Marek, “Msze święte w intencji Ojczyzny z udziałem ks. Jerzego Popiełuszki”, in: “Tyś jest kapłanem na wzór…”. Ks. Jerzy Popiełuszko w Bytomiu 8 X 1984 r., ed. Andrzej Sznajder (Katowice: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, 2010), 32. During the beatification process, E. Wende indicated the total amount of hearings: 16–18. Beatificationis seu Declarationis Martyrii, E. Wende, 597. 22 Peter Raina, Rozmowy z władzami PRL. Arcybiskup Dąbrowski w służbie Kościoła i narodu, vol. 1 (Warsaw: Książka Polska, 1990), 207–209. 23 Zbigniew Branach, Piętno księżobójcy. Operacja Popiełuszko. Rzecz o “zbrodni czterdziestolecia” (Toruń: Agencja Reporterska Cetera, 2005), 16. 24 IPN BU, sign. 0968/222, Akta personalne funkcjonariusza SB dot. Leszek Wolski, imię ojca: Adam, data urodzenia: 02–02–1934 r., vol. 2, Szyfrogram dyrektora Departamentu IV MSW (18.09.1984 r.), 10. 25 Jerzy Popiełuszko, “Przed błogosławieństwem. Msza św. za Ojczyznę 24 czerwca 1984 r.” , in: Kazania 1982–1984 wygłoszone w kościele św. Stanisława Kostki w Warszawie. Bł. ksiądz Jerzy Popiełuszko, ed. Gabriel Bartoszewski (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Sióstr Loretanek, 2010), 206–207.

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The final element, the effect of the PRL’s repressive apparatus against Fr. Popiełuszko, was his detention when he was returning from a Holy Mass celebrated for workers in the Bydgoszcz church of Holy Polish Brothers Martyrs. He was arrested – according to the account of the driver, Waldemar Chrostowski – by three SB officers dressed in militia uniforms: Capt. Grzegorz Piotrowski from the SB and his subordinates, Lieutenant Waldemar Chrostowski and Lieutenant Leszek Pękala26 . The further fate of the chaplain of “Solidarity”, if they are to be believed, is known from the testimonies of the above-mentioned perpetrators. Summing up the deliberations on the actions of the repressive apparatus of the People’s Republic of Poland against the chaplain of “Solidarity” – Bl. Fr. Jerzy Popiełuszko, it should be stated that from an early age he experienced (to a greater or lesser extent) the influence of communist ideology and the further specific actions of the repressive apparatus aimed at neutralizing the actions of Fr. Popiełuszko led to his martyrdom. So, looking at his life in terms of the topic of the paper, we can see the dimension of his experience in martyrdom, and above all, his steadfast attitude and faithfulness to the idea and value encapsulated in the slogan God and Fatherland, which Fr. Jerzy clearly realized and manifested in his life.

Bibliography Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance in Warsaw, sign. 2362/43, Załącznik do akt w sprawie karnej. Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance in Warsaw, sign. 00169/83, Teczka pracy tajnego współpracownika pseudonim “Jankowski”…, vol. 4. Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance in Warsaw, sign. 00334/289, Teczka pracy tajnego współpracownika pseudonim “Tarcza”…, vol. 13. Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance in Warsaw, sign. 0678/278, Akta śledztwa przeciwko ks. Jerzemu Popiełuszce, vol. 1. Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance in Warsaw, sign. 0968/222, Akta personalne funkcjonariusza SB dot. Leszek Wolski, imię ojca: Adam, data urodzenia: 02–02–1934 r., vol. 2.

26 About the so-called Toruń trial (December 27, 1984 – February 7, 1985) and judgments: In. Ewa Czaczkowska, Tomasz Wiścicki, Ksiądz Jerzy Popiełuszko. Wiara, nadzieja, miłość, 370–410, 427–470; Jakub Gołębiewski, “Wstęp”, in: Aparat represji wobec księdza J. Popiełuszki 1984, ed. Jakub Gołębiewski, vol. 2 (Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, 2014), 15–36; Protocols of testimony in: Aparat represji wobec księdza J. Popiełuszki 1984, vol. 2; Peter Raina, Ks. Jerzy Popiełuszko. Męczennik za wiarę i Ojczyznę, vol. 2 (Olsztyn: Warmińskie Wydawnictwo Diecezjalne, 1990); Wojciech Sumliński, Teresa, Tratwa, Robot. Największa operacja komunistycznych służb specjalnych (Warsaw: Wojciech Sumliński Reporter, 2015).

Actions of the Repressive Apparatus of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) Against the Chaplain of “Solidarity”

Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance in Warsaw, sign. 1815/1, Jerzy Popiełuszko – akta śledztwa w sprawie…, vol. 1. Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance in Warsaw, sign. 2362/43, Załącznik do akt w sprawie karnej…. Archives of the Secretariat of the Primate of Poland, sign. II 4.339, Episkopat Polski. Polityka wyznaniowa PRL. Beatificationis seu Declarationis Martyrii Servi Dei Georgii Popiełuszko sacerdotis dioecesani in odium fidei, utifertur, interfecti. Trnasumpt. Versio Polonia, Warsaw 2001. Branach, Zbigniew. Piętno księżobójcy. Operacja Popiełuszko. Rzecz o “zbrodni czterdziestolecia”. Toruń: Agencja Reporterska Cetera, 2005. Czaczkowska, Ewa. Wiścicki, Tomasz. Ksiądz Jerzy Popiełuszko, Warsaw: Świat Książki, 2009. Czaczkowska, Ewa. Wiścicki, Tomasz. Ksiądz Jerzy Popiełuszko. Wiara, nadzieja, miłość. Biografia błogosławionego. Cracov: Edipresse, 2017. Gołębiewski, Jakub. “Osaczony”. Biuletyn IPN. Pamięć.pl 10(2014): 43–47. Gołębiewski, Jakub. Aparat represji wobec księdza J. Popiełuszki 1984, vol. 2. Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, 2014. Kindziuk, Milena. Jerzy Popiełuszko. Biografia. Cracov: Znak, 2018. Kindziuk, Milena. Świadek prawdy. Życie i śmierć księdza Jerzego Popiełuszki. Częstochowa: Święty Paweł, 2010². Ks. Jerzy Popiełuszko. Życie i śmierć. Dokumenty i wspomnienia. Paris: Polemika, 1985. Łatka, Rafał. Episkopat Polski wobec stosunków państwo–Kościół i rzeczywistości społecznopolitycznej PRL 1970–1989. Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, 2019. Lesiński, Andrzej. Służba wojskowa kleryków w PRL 1959–1980. Olsztyn: Ośrodek Badań Nauk. im. Wojciecha Kętrzyńskiego, 1995. Marek, Łucja. “Msze święte w intencji Ojczyzny z udziałem ks. Jerzego Popiełuszki”. In: “Tyś jest kapłanem na wzór…”. Ks. Jerzy Popiełuszko w Bytomiu 8 X 1984 r., ed. Andrzej Sznajder, 22–45. Katowice: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, 2010. Mysiakowska, Jolanta. Aparat represji wobec księdza Jerzego Popiełuszki 1982–1984, vol. 1. Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodwej, 2009. Office for the Postulation of the Beatification of the Servant of God Jerzy Popiełuszko in Warsaw, sign. 1, Akta osobowe ks. Jerzego Popiełuszki. Kserokopie dokumentów. Popiełuszko, Jerzy. “Przed błogosławieństwem. Msza św. za Ojczyznę 24czerwca 1984 r.” In: Kazania 1982–1984 wygłoszone w kościele św. Stanisława Kostki w Warszawie. Bł. ksiądz Jerzy Popiełuszko, ed. Gabriel Bartoszewski, 206–207. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Sióstr Loretanek, 2010. Popiełuszko, Jerzy. “Zeszyt niebieski”. In: Błogosławiony Jerzy Popiełuszko. Zapiski, listy i wywiady Ks. Jerzego Popiełuszki 1967–1984, ed. Gabriel Bartoszewski, 55–73. Warsaw: Oficyna Wydawniczo-Poligraficzna “Adam”, 2010. Raina, Peter. Rozmowy z władzami PRL. Arcybiskup Dąbrowski w służbie Kościoła i narodu, vol. 1. Warsaw: Książka Polska, 1990; vol. 2. Warsaw: Książka Polska, 1995.

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Raina, Peter. Ks. Jerzy Popiełuszko. Męczennik za wiarę i Ojczyznę, vol. II. Olsztyn: Warmińskie Wydawnictwo Diecezjalne, 1990. Report Marczak, Jan. Own collections. Report Nowosad, Adam. Own collection. Report Szadurski, Karol. Own collections. Report Szcześniak, Wacław. Own collections. Report Wasiński, Wiesław. Own collections. Report Zając, Jan. Own collections. Setlak, Adolf. Służba wojskowa alumnów WSD w PRL, i jej ocena w wypowiedziach alumnów i kapłanów rezerwistów z 1970 r. Studium historyczno-socjologiczne na przykładzie Bartoszyc. Olsztyn: Wyższe Seminarium Duchowne Metropolii Warmińskiej “Hosianum”, 2002. Sikorska, Grażyna. Prawda warta życia. Ks. Jerzy Popiełuszko. London: Polska Fundacja Kulturalna, 1985. Sumliński, Wojciech. Teresa, Tratwa, Robot. Największa operacja komunistycznych służb specjalnych. Warsaw: Wojciech Sumliński Reporter, 2015. Wiarus (pseud.), “Wojskowe jednostki kleryckie”. Spotkania 10 (1980): 58–61. Zając, Jan. “Ludowe Wojsko Polskie”. In: Ksiądz Jerzy Popiełuszko. Spotkania po latach. Wywiady, ed. Artur Olędzki. 47–71. Cracow: Espe, 2010.

Robert Zapart

The Catholic Church and the Threats and Challenges to Poland’s Security in the 20th and 21st Centuries Selected Methodological Issues

Abstract:

The article deals with the problem of methodology for studying the relationship between the state and the Catholic Church from the perspective of threats occurring in the 20th and 21st centuries as well as the forms of their elimination by both the state and the Church within the national security system of the Republic of Poland. The author argues that, due to its complexity and the multifaceted nature of the above-mentioned cooperation, its reliable and comprehensive assessment requires the adoption of a sectoral approach to the research problem. This entails the need to refer to a wider spectrum of social sciences, as well as, but to a lesser extent, to the humanities and theology. The author also stresses that the limit of the activity of the Catholic Church and the state within the system of national security is determined by the former’s maintenance of its religious identity and the latter’s possibility of obtaining from the Church resources needed by the national security system. Keywords:

Security | defence system | politics | state | Catholic Church | religion | research methodology

Introduction State security is associated directly with the possibility of functioning independently of other actors in international relations. It is also one of the most important values related to the preservation of territorial integrity, the rights of the state’s citizens to biological survival, the freedom of action of representative bodies, protection of property, etc. The evolution of various threats to its subjectivity and the progressive increase in international interdependence do not allow the state to protect itself against a range of destabilising factors. Consequently, this leads to a verification of the dogma of its autarky and a more careful look at the possible resources of nongovernmental entities present in this part of the public sphere, of which the Catholic Church is one of the largest from the perspective of its potential and willingness to cooperate with the state. The unstable boundary between the Church and the

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state is delineated by the need to preserve the former’s religious identity, while on the part of the latter there is the benefit of the state’s functional contribution to the system of national security1 . Helpful in correctly assessing this involvement are the sectoral policies present in the system, as they make it possible to clarify the need to remove various military and non-military threats. Due to the level of deficits in this area, which are complemented by the Catholic Church, the degree of complexity of individual sectoral policies and the existing mutual interdependencies, it is hardly possible to offer a credible and comprehensive assessment of the relations between the Polish state and the Catholic Church without reference to verifiable scientific procedures. The following considerations will therefore focus on indicating the optimal methodology for this area of research. They will be accompanied by a research question about the fields and scientific disciplines that can be used in this area, as well as by the premise that, due to the nature of the occurring threats, it seems optimal to use the potential of procedures accompanying social sciences, and mainly security sciences, supported by the humanities, as well as theological sciences related to the presence of religion in public life. The suggested interdisciplinarity may prove the most comprehensive way of solving a research problem that eludes a single discipline, which could not always be tackled by other dogmatic scientific linkages. The source base will have as its pillar the subject literature describing the public activity of the Catholic Church in Poland and the functioning of the country’s national security system2 .

Security as a Desirable State in the State: Research Methodology Derived from the ancient Latin sine cura, the concept of security is most often defined as freedom from threats that pose a risk to the survival of the individual or the state3 . For the security sciences, it is a targeted action to create conditions that ensure the undisturbed realisation of an entity’s own interests in specific conditions of the environment by exploiting opportunities, tackling challenges, reducing risks

1 Robert Zapart, Potencjał Kościoła katolickiego dla systemu bezpieczeństwa państwa – zarys problematyki, typescript, post-conference materials in press. 2 Joanna Pietrzak, “Polski system obronny wobec wyzwań współczesności”, in: Wybrane problemy i wyzwania bezpieczeństwa. Bezpieczeństwo jednostkowe – bezpieczeństwo zbiorowe. Ujęcie interdyscyplinarne, ed. Karina Zawieja-Żurowska (Konin: Wyższa Szkoła Zawodowa w Koninie, 2015), 81–91. 3 Jan Czaja, Kulturowy wymiar bezpieczeństwa. Aspekty teoretyczne i praktyczne (Kraków: Krakowskie Towarzystwo Edukacyjne sp. z o.o., 2013), 35.

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and countering all kinds of threats to its interests4 . To be safe, or to have a sense of security, does not mean to exist without danger, but only indicates the need to protect life’s priorities from danger and the ability to progressively develop an individual or a community by minimising various types of risks. It is a state that is constantly evolving in terms of perceived needs and insufficiencies resulting from their hierarchical distribution in the public’s consciousness. From the perspective of the state, this is accompanied by a number of additional elements, among which one can distinguish: biological viability of citizens, territorial integrity, political independence, freedom of international action, protection of property, etc. For this reason, it is a broader process of building a community’s state of security aimed at achieving an appropriate level of its organisation, using available forces and means, against all military and non-military, internal and external threats. In the process of historical experience, it undergoes many adjustments related to scientific and technological revolution, growing international interdependence, political and social disputes, ups and downs of political systems, growing importance of nongovernmental actors, etc. The above multidimensionality of the phenomenon makes the state truly safe when security guarantees linked to the elimination of the above threats are maintained in the following dimensions: political, economic, military, social, etc., with which the following factors are correlated: demographic (number and structure of population), geographical (size, location, characteristics of terrain, climate), economic (volume of resources, level of economic development), historical (national tradition, experience of internal and external relations), psychological (state of citizens’ awareness and their assessment of the environment), sociological (social cohesion and divisions), systemic (form of government, efficiency and scope of legitimacy of power)5 . The analysis of the state security system will therefore be a comprehensive process related to the identification and assessment of the functioning of individual sectoral policies in terms of the existing threats and the methodology of their elimination. It will be accompanied by selected means and methods by which the community tries to protect the values fundamental to its subjective existence. Several criteria can be used to distinguish them: time (shortterm, medium-term, long-term), the way security is strengthened (unilateral action, multilateralism), and subject matter (political, legal, economic, military, cultural measures). Each time it boils down to a comprehensive assessment of a coherent picture of reality from the point of view of satisfying the need for security sought

4 Andrzej Żebrowski, Radosław Żmigrodzki, Informacja jednym z elementów bezpieczeństwa państwa – wybrane aspekty (Kraków, Warszawa, Stalowa Wola: Sztafeta, 2017), 29. 5 Konstanty A. Wojtaszczyk, “Bezpieczeństwo państwa – konceptualizcja pojęć”, in: Bezpieczeństwo państwa – wybrane problemy, eds. Konstanty A. Wojtaszczyk, Anna Materska-Sosnowska (Warszawa: Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA-JR, 2009), 13.

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by security sciences6 . They have been developing since the 20th century primarily on the basis of the knowledge areas of social sciences (and are classified as such). Their subject of research is primarily security systems, as well as the people, institutions and ideas involved. This position is followed by theoretical generalisations (security theory) and practical directives (sectoral policies). Another methodological assumption is the existence of the complexity and interdependence of factors threatening the state that determines the need for a broad look at the research problem from many points of view: praxeological, legal, social, economic, etc. Let us note that the first approach, allowing for studies of conditions, costs and forms of effective action constitutes a serious form of support for scientific considerations as it offers useful hints limiting human errors. Yet it is not the only one and others also make a constructive contribution to the cognitive process7 . From such a standpoint, a complex picture of the subject of research emerges, requiring in-depth analyses, not only using the procedures of security sciences, as they are insufficient for a reliable and comprehensive assessment of the state of national security. In order to obtain this, one should support oneself with other related scientific disciplines from the field of social sciences (law, political and administrative sciences, sociology) and humanities, just to mention history. Therefore, the cognitive process cannot remain hostage to the methodology of only one of the sciences if one intends to effectively eliminate or reduce the real threats to the state. A non-dogmatic approach allows for more effective management of sectoral policies in various areas of state security, which are related to various fields of science.

Poland in the Face of National Security Challenges In order to develop systemic solutions for maintaining an adequate level of state security, it is necessary to constantly analyse various types of changing threats. These may arise internationally, as well as internally. A number of factors are of concern in this regard, to name but a few: growing aspirations of certain states, poorly functioning economic and social mechanisms resulting in unresolved conflicts, human rights violations, natural disasters, environmental degradation, illegal migration, or organised crime and terrorism. Today’s security environment is more complex and uncertain, and growing political, military, economic and social interactions, both on a global, regional and national scale, are having a significant impact on the directions of transformation of national defence systems. They are accompanied 6 Piotr Sienkiewicz, “Metodologia badań nad bezpieczeństwem”, in: Metody badań nad bezpieczeństwem i obronnością, ed. Piotr Sienkiewicz (Warszawa: Akademia Obrony Narodowej, 2010), 29–34; Bolesław Kuc, Zbigniew Ścibiorek, Zarys metodologii nauk o bezpieczeństwie (Toruń: Marszałek, 2018), 107–126. 7 Kuc, Ścibiorek, Zarys, 120–124.

The Catholic Church and the Threats and Challenges to Poland’s Security in the 20th and 21st Centuries

by measures and methods appropriate to these fields, for example the modernisation of one’s own armed forces (unilateral), changes in law with regard to civilian aspects, or the conclusion of defence alliances or pro-environmental agreements (multilateral). When choosing them, internal factors should be taken into account, including: the law in force, the state’s economic potential, its citizens’ attitudes, as well as non-governmental actors. The latter increasingly bear co-responsibility for stabilisation in international relations and within individual communities, due to increasing globalisation and resources useful to security systems. Theories are being put forward about the progressive privatisation of this sphere, so far inaccessible to them8 . Most states in the world individualise their approach to national security, which is a derivative of the sense of the existence of threats and the ability to eliminate them, and define the principles of taking appropriate steps in this regard in periodically published documents. They take into account the subjective (the internal dimension of national security and the international environment – bilateral relations, regional and global cooperation, and cooperation on the forums of international organisations) as well as the objective aspect (all dimensions of the functioning of the national security system). In the case of Poland, they have been specified in the National Security Strategy (‘NSS’)9 in accordance with the national values set out in the country’s Constitution, as well as the commitments to the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union. It assigns priority importance to political security related to guarantees of the integrity of the Republic of Poland and the stability of the constitutional order, social peace and the unhindered functioning of state power. Similar conclusions can be drawn from other sectors of the security system: military, economic, social, cultural, environmental and information-related10 . In the NSS, Poland has indicated the scale of threats that are most important for its subjective existence and the challenges the country faces in eliminating or limiting them. Non-public economic entities, citizens and non-governmental actors have also been included in the construction of the universal national defence system, and have been assigned a number of responsibilities. In the case of the last-mentioned, this concerns their building, mainly in the non-military subsystem, knowledge and abilities to shape national security, a network of formal and informal social connections and a community of values, as well as promoting ‘patriotic attitudes,

8 Ladislav Hofreiter, Wstęp do studiów bezpieczeństwa (Kraków: Krakowskie Towarzystwo Edukacyjne, 2012), 50–59. 9 BBN. Accessed on 12.04.2021. www.bbn.gov.pl. “National Security Strategy of the Republic of Poland, National Security Bureau, Warszawa 2020”, 5. 10 BBN. Accessed on 12.04.2021. www.bbn.gov.pl. “National Security Strategy of the Republic of Poland, National Security Bureau, Warszawa 2020”, 6–10.

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civic duties and pro-public behaviour’11 . Their importance is underlined by the directives ordering the creation of ‘optimal organisational and legal conditions for flexible action in conditions of external threats to state security in times of peace, crisis and war’12 . The Strategy also includes a number of forms of support expected by the state, which are indirectly connected with the military subsystem, whose details may be found in relevant laws and regulations as well as practice.

Grounds for the Presence of the Catholic Church in the Sphere of State Security The contemporary image of the state’s security reflects the multidimensionality of its defence system, including interdependence on non-governmental bodies resulting from dynamic changes in the world. Particular attention in this regard is due to those who, bringing their capital of competence into the system, combine the culture of action with openness to cooperation, build trust, and sustain the bonds of collective effort13 . This is the basis for relations between the state and churches and religious associations seeking access to the body and soul of the individual, which by reaching out to the increasingly secular society with a meta-message promoting the common good and politics’ subordination to the interests superior to it, arouse its interest in public affairs, mediate between parties to disputes and mobilise them for joint action, while also being a voice of ‘critical conscience’ for political elites14 . Their status allows them to carry out a wide range of activities which do not exclude anyone on the grounds of their views or religion, and which, with appropriate normative and financial support from the state, perfectly supplements its deficits in many areas of activity, including in the sphere of security. The presence of churches and religious associations is differentiated by their mission and possibilities of

11 BBN. Accessed on 12.04.2021. www.bbn.gov.pl. “National Security Strategy of the Republic of Poland, National Security Bureau, Warszawa 2020”, 15–16. 12 BBN. Accessed on 12.04.2021. www.bbn.gov.pl. “National Security Strategy of the Republic of Poland, National Security Bureau, Warszawa 2020”. 13 Karina Górska-Rożej, “Kapitał społeczny a budowanie odporności na zagrożenia w społecznościach lokalnych”, in: Globalne i lokalne perspektywy bezpieczeństwa państwa, eds. Jan Maciejewski, Monika Zawartka, Sławomir Fiodorów (Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 2018), 102–103. 14 Sławomir Sowiński, “Kościół w przestrzeni publicznej. Aktor czy rola?”, in: Politologia religii, eds. Maria Marczewska-Rytko, Dorota Maj (Lublin: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Mari CurieSkłodowskiej, 2018), 43; Robert Zapart, “Polityka, wojsko i religia w II Rzeczypospolitej. Kościół katolicki wobec zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa państwa w latach 30. XX wieku”, in: W trosce o bezpieczne jutro. Reminiscencje i zamierzenia, eds. Anna Kurkiewicz, Joanna Farysej (Poznań: Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa w Poznaniu, 2017), 394–395.

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cooperation, as well as by the systemic needs related to the security articulated by the state, with the limit of their activity being set by the need to preserve their doctrinal subjectivity. What matters, therefore, is the potential and willingness of these actors to cooperate in eliminating threats existing in the state. One of the entities that meets the above requirements to the fullest extent is the Catholic Church, which for centuries has been faced with a variety of opinions on its involvement in the public sphere. It is perceived positively when it engages for the common good and social justice, and negatively when it does not deviate from the principles of its own teaching and refuses, even against a large part of public opinion, its support. It is also often used instrumentally by political elites, and sometimes falls prey to ill-considered actions of its own base, which altogether leads to undermining public confidence in the institution15 . Its desirable presence in the public sphere, and thus also in the system of national security (similarly to other churches and religious associations) is reflected in the provisions of the Polish Constitution, which assume their ‘cooperation [with the State] for the individual and the common good16 . The NSS clarifies these requirements17 . In principle, this applies to a number of non-governmental actors performing the functions of what is referred to as social defence links, which are commissioned to perform certain activities for the benefit of the non-military subsystem, and in the absence of relevant regulations support activities serving the security of the state18 . From the perspective of the undertaken scientific considerations, attention should be paid to the purpose of involving the Catholic Church in this system. Certainly a huge role in this respect should be attributed to the centuries-old common history of the state and the Church marked by various forms of cooperation, both in times of peace and war. On more than one occasion, the Church in Poland took co-responsibility for a number of actions aimed at strengthening the state defence system, and thus became part of the national security doctrine. As a result, it made it possible to acquire utilitarian material and mental resources which would make it possible to eliminate or limit the level of various threats19 . Security is the most important need, the preservation of which reduces the impact of other negative factors if they are not directly linked to it. In the long run, this conviction should not be significantly changed by the Church’s problems with the accountability of paedophiles among the clergy, although a

15 Zapart, Potencjał, typescript. 16 Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 2 April 1997, Journal of Laws [Dz.U.] of 1997, No. 78, item 483, as amended, Article 25(3). 17 National, 15. 18 Małgorzata Bujek, “Organizacja systemu obronnego RP w obliczu współczesnych zagrożeń bezpieczeństwa militarnego”, in: W trosce o bezpieczne jutro. Reminiscencje i zamierzenia, eds. Andrzej Bolewski, Joanna Farysej, (Poznań: Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa w Poznaniu, 2018), 21–22. 19 Zapart, Potencjał, typescript.

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decrease in public trust can be observed indeed20 . It is difficult to expect that the cooperation of the state and the Church will be significantly limited, given Poland’s geographic location, historical experience and willingness to belong to the Christian civilisation, as well as the legacy of common relations between the two, and above all the needs in terms of national security, with the degree of external threat not changing much. Depending on changing elites and political views, one can rather expect some revision of mutual relations, which should not nonetheless touch the security of national imponderables.

Methodology of Research on the Relationship between the State and the Church from the Perspective of Selected Aspects of Security The starting point for further considerations will be the already mentioned sectoral policies in various areas of state security articulated in the NSS. These include political, military, economic, social, cultural, environmental and information security. This does not exhaust other policies that may be included in the above-mentioned ones, just to mention ideological security, which is also assigned to the political and/or cultural security sector, or health or social protection, which may exist separately or be included in the public security sector. This approach follows a broader view of the interactions taking place in this area. From the perspective of the sectoral research on the relationship between the state and the Catholic Church, it is important to distinguish between the reference subject and the securitisation actor (‘security builder’). The former is defined as an entity whose interests are or may be threatened and for this reason the use of special measures is legally justified. In the present discussion, it is the Polish state. The securitisation actor, on the other hand, is the one who recognises a given reference entity as existentially threatened and becomes part of the process of building its security without taking steps to ensure a similar state of its own. It can be a person, a social group, an organisation, a government, and in this situation – the Catholic Church21 . A particular issue becomes a matter of security when it is proven that it is important in comparison with other problems, and so it has the status of an existential problem and for that reason receives priority in the actions taken (e. g. environmental protection related to ecological security). The analytical area is completed by the concept of securitisation, understood as a security problem resulting from an existing or possible threat that requires the application of specific measures and justifies actions

20 CBOS, accessed on 12.04.2021, https://cbos.pl. “Ocena Kościoła katolickiego w Polsce. Komunikat z badań Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej nr 101/2019”,. 21 Hofreiter, Wstęp, 67.

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that are not in line with standard behaviour22 . Due to the limitations on the size of the article, three of the already mentioned security sectors will be selected for methodological considerations: political, social and ecological. The whole issue is going to be discussed in a dedicated monograph. The leading problem for each state is political security understood as independence from other participants in international relations, the organisational stability of the system of government and ideology, which ensure the implementation of its particular interests. This state may be threatened by a number of phenomena, to name but a few: pressure on those in power to behave in a certain way, stirring up of sentiments undermining the state’s territorial integrity, systematic attacks on its ideas and government ideology, weakness of administrative and legal opposition circles eliminated from political discussion, or infiltration of organised crime into state structures23 . From the perspective of social sciences, mainly security sciences, the object of research in this aspect will be the position of the Church in relation to emerging external and internal conflicts deepening the scale of threats to political security. Incidentally, its promotion of the idea of global peace supports the territorial stabilisation of states, and thus the basis of their sovereignty, not to mention its view of a just war, even if the presence of religious motives is weak24 . In this research context, it is worth mentioning the humanities, which complement the area of contemporary research with comparative data from the past, and recalling, in relation to Poland, the history of common experiences of the state and the Church during the process of the country’s regaining independence, the Second World War, the systemic transformation of the late 1980s and early 1990s, and accession to the European Union in the 21st century. Pragmatism in these relations made it possible to overcome some of the less important problems for political security. Public security is defined in various ways: broadly, as the problem of maintaining, in satisfactory conditions, traditional forms, language, culture, customs, religion, and national identity; narrowly, in combination with social protection, as freedom from such threats in which people do not have sufficient means of subsistence25 . The author is in favour of separating cultural aspects from the notion of public

22 Hofreiter, Wstęp. 23 Hofreiter, Wstęp, 90. More: Sławomir Zalewski, Bezpieczeństwo polityczne. Zarys problematyki (Siedlce, Uniwersytet Przyrodniczo-Historyczny, 2003). 24 Ryszard Rosa, Filozofia i edukacja do bezpieczeństwa (Siedlce: Uniwersytet Przyrodniczo-Historyczny w Siedlcach, 2005), 115–143. 25 Hofreiter, Wstęp, 92; Piotr W. Zawadzki, “Bezpieczeństwo społeczne”, in: Bezpieczeństwo państwa – wybrane problemy, eds. Konstanty. A. Wojtaszczyk, Anna Materska-Sosnowska (Warszawa: Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA-JR, 2009), 119; Weronika Bednarczyk, Marian Kopczewski, Igor Pogonowski, Bezpieczeństwo społeczne – wybrane problemy (Koszalin: Fundacja Oświatowa Europejskie Centrum Edukacyjne, 2017), 9–13.

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security (just like in the NSS), due to the conceptual vastness of the latter term making focused research difficult26 . Such an approach indicates the need to look at public security from the perspective of the individual and the collective, and the exclusion accompanying them for various reasons, primarily economic. In Poland, the greatest threats include: emigration of young people, ageing of the population, progressive homelessness and deepening poverty among the elderly and lonely, pathologies (mainly alcoholism, family violence27 ), corruption and nepotism, as well as social exclusion caused by various variable factors (for example, access to specific resources or institutions). Despite many aid schemes implemented in Poland, according to the research carried out by Eurostat and Poland’s Central Statistical Office, almost 15% of citizens are at risk of poverty and social exclusion (living below the social minimum threshold), and 5.2%, i. e. 1.9 million people28 , live below it. The Church’s involvement in opining and implementing state programmes as well as its own subsidiary activities in this field should be analysed. Apart from security sciences, it will be helpful to refer to theological sciences, which indicate the basis of the Church’s interest in social issues, as well as sociological sciences, political and administrative sciences and legal sciences, which make it possible to examine the processes taking place in society and the organisational and legal solutions being implemented. Similarly, ecological security can be considered as a ‘permanent process of eliminating or reducing threats to human health and life, as part of a process agreed with public and non-public actors (individuals and institutions) aimed at consolidating the desired goal, i. e. the state of the ecosystem which guarantees the survival of all its members’29 . The NSS lists the following threats to the state of nature: uncontrolled exploitation of natural resources, air, water and soil pollution, inadequate 26 From the perspective of another church similar issues of the societal security are discussed by Tomasz R. Dębowski, “Aktywność Kościoła Ewangelicko-Augsburgskiego w RP a sferze bezpieczeństwa społecznego w świetle Strategii Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 2014 r.”, in: Globalne problemy, lokalne perspektywy. Studia nad bezpieczeństwem, eds. Krzysztof Kociubiński, Elżbieta Szyszlak (Warszawa: Difin 2020), 139–153. 27 Kornelia Stępień, “Wybrane zjawiska patologii społecznej w aspekcie zagrożeń bezpieczeństwa jednostki i społeczeństwa”, in: Współczesne bezpieczeństwo wewnętrzne RP w świetle nowych zagrożeń – wybrane problemy, eds. Waldemar Zubrzycki, Andrzej Warmiński, Tomasz Safjański (Szczytno: Wyższa Szkoła Policji w Szczytnie, 2019), 117–126. 28 GUS, accessed on 12.04.2021, stat.gov.pl. “Incomes and living conditions of the population in Poland” – report from the EU-SILC survey of 2019; Eurostat, accessed on 12.04.2021, https://ec.europa.eu. “Reconciliation between work and family life 1 in 3 people in the EU reported care responsibilities”; Eurostat, accessed on 12.04.2021, https://ec.europa.eu, “In-work poverty in the EU”. 29 Robert Zapart, “Grzech ekologiczny jako wyzwanie dla polityki bezpieczeństwa państwa i Kościoła katolickiego w Polsce”, in: Relacje państwo-wspólnoty religijne we współczesnym świecie. Wybrane zagadnienia, eds. Maria Marczewska-Rytko, Dorota Maj (Warszawa: Dom Wydawniczy ELIPSA, 2022), 73–89.

The Catholic Church and the Threats and Challenges to Poland’s Security in the 20th and 21st Centuries

waste management, use of environmentally hazardous technologies, natural and industrial disasters, animal and plant diseases resulting from human activities, violation of water relations, and tests involving weapons of mass destruction30 . The policy of ecological security related to the above-mentioned definition will therefore constitute an attempt to create solutions minimising the negative consequences of human activity31 . In the case of Poland and the challenges it faces, the 2018 WHO ranking should be mentioned, in which as many as 36 of its cities ranked among the top 50 most polluted in Europe32 . This was reflected in the mortality statistics of Polish citizens, which indicate premature deaths from 40,000 to even more than 60,000 that year (the subsequent ones for 2019 and 2020 are heavily influenced by the Covid-19 pandemic)33 . The methodology of the research in this regard will be similar to that of public security, noting the opposition to the progressive degradation of the environment expressed by recent popes much more clearly than members of the Polish clergy. Redefining the notion of ecological sin by, inter alia, adding Christians’ negligence to it, Holy Father Francis may influence the political rift in the relationship between the state and the Catholic Church in Poland, as posited by the author in one of his articles34 .

Conclusion Summing up the relations between the state and the Catholic Church in the context of threats and challenges for the Polish system of national security, it should be

30 Marek Pietraś, Bezpieczeństwo ekologiczne w Europie. Studium Politologiczne (Lublin: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Mari Curie-Skłodowskiej, 2000), 17; Andrzej Furman, “Ekologiczne, naturalne i techniczne zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa publicznego”, in: Niemilitarne zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa publicznego, ed. Stanisław Kowalkowski, (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Akademii Obrony Narodowej, 2011), 80–81; Patrycja Jank, “Bezpieczeństwo państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w kontekście zagrożeń ekologicznych”, in: Bezpieczeństwo państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w kontekście zagrożeń ekologicznych, ed. Adam Szulczewski, (Słupsk: Fundacja Pro Pomerania, 2017), 68–69; Hofreiter, Wstęp, 74; Paweł Tyrała, “Zarządzanie bezpieczeństwem w warunkach gospodarki rynkowej”, in: Zarządzanie bezpieczeństwem, ed. Paweł Tyrała (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Profesjonalnej Szkoły Biznesu, 2000), 23. 31 Oktawia Jurgilewicz, “Wymiar bezpieczeństwa ekologicznego kraju a polityka ekologiczna Polski”, in: W trosce o bezpieczne jutro, Reminiscencje i zamierzenia, eds. Mirosław Michalski, Andrzej Bolewski (Poznań: Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa w Poznaniu, 2017), 234; Strategia Bezpieczeństwa, 9. 32 Airly, accessed on 12.04.2021, https://airly.org, “Najbardziej zanieczyszczone miasta świata – smogowi liderzy”; Polityka, accessed on 12.04.2021, www.rp.pl, Prezes NIK: Polska jest najbardziej zanieczyszczonym państwem Europy. 33 NFZ, accessed on 12.04.2021, www.nfz.gov.pl. “Analiza przyczyn wzrostu liczby zgonów w Polsce w 2017 roku”. 34 Zapart, Grzech, 73–89.

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noted that their comprehensive and objective analysis should take into account, for the reasons indicated earlier, the sectoral approach to the subject of research, which makes it possible to divide this extensive problem into parts creating individual security policies. Therefore, it is necessary to refer to a broader spectrum of social sciences, and also, to a lesser extent, to the humanities and theology. In the context of the former, the conduct of research related to threats and their systemic elimination with the support of non-governmental bodies such as the Catholic Church should be primarily attributed to security sciences, and to a lesser extent to the sciences of politics and administration, law and canon law and sociology. In the case of the humanities, history and the sciences of culture and religion cannot be overlooked, and nor can an independent field – theological sciences. Due to the vastness of the subject of research, one should not limit oneself to those mentioned, because it is interdisciplinarity that will most fully solve the research problem and answer the questions posed therein. With regard to the position, and in particular the current problems of the Catholic Church, which could potentially impinge on forms of cooperation with the state in the context of the national security system, it should be noted that they are definitely no more serious than those of the distant and more recent past. Thus, it should not be assumed that they have significantly contributed to a shift in public trust from the perspective of eliminating the most important threats to humanity. Therefore, the conclusion may be drawn that Polish society, noticing these positive effects of the public activity of the Catholic Church, will not reject the possibility of cooperation in this area. This would mean maintaining autonomous relations between the state and the Church, within whose framework goals and actions would converge in some areas, while being contradictory in others. The possibility of the above scenario materialising is conditional upon problems related to the existing deficits of the national security system. This will be accompanied by temporary states of intensified or weakened cooperation, depending on the degree of a given threat and the resulting sense of security among Poles. Given the shortage of alternative actors possessing the desired potential, the pragmatic policy of the Polish state authorities should not lead to the elimination of an important component of the nation’s spiritual heritage and reliable partner for cooperation that the Catholic Church is.

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Bednarczyk Weronika, Kopczewski Marian, Pogonowski Igor, Bezpieczeństwo społeczne – wybrane problemy, Koszalin: Fundacja Oświatowa Europejskie Centrum Edukacyjne, 2017. Bujek Małgorzata, “Organizacja systemu obronnego RP w obliczu współczesnych zagrożeń bezpieczeństwa militarnego”. In: W trosce o bezpieczne jutro. Reminiscencje i zamierzenia, eds. Andrzej Bolewski, Joanna Farysej, 15–22. Poznań: Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa w Poznaniu, 2018. CBOS. Accessed on 12.04.2021. https://cbos.pl. “Ocena Kościoła katolickiego w Polsce. Komunikat z badań Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej nr 101/2019”. Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 2 April 1997, Journal of Laws [Dz.U.] of 1997, No. 78, item 483, as amended. Czaja Jan, Kulturowy wymiar bezpieczeństwa. Aspekty teoretyczne i praktyczne, Kraków: Krakowskie Towarzystwo Edukacyjne sp. z o.o., 2013. Dębowski Tomasz R., “Aktywność Kościoła Ewangelicko-Augsburgskiego w RP w sferze bezpieczeństwa społecznego w świetle Strategii Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 2014 r.”. In: Globalne problemy, lokalne perspektywy. Studia nad bezpieczeństwem, eds. Krzysztof Kociubiński, Elżbieta Szyszlak, 139–153. Warszawa: Difin, 2020. Eurostat. Accessed on 12.04.2021. https://ec.europa.eu. “In-work poverty in the EU”. Furman Andrzej, “Ekologiczne, naturalne i techniczne zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa publicznego”. In: Niemilitarne zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa publicznego, ed. Stanisław Kowalkowski, 80–99. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Akademii Obrony Narodowej, 2011. Górska-Rożej Karina, “Kapitał społeczny a budowanie odporności na zagrożenia w społecznościach lokalnych”. In: Globalne i lokalne perspektywy bezpieczeństwa państwa, eds. Jan Maciejewski, Monika Zawartka, Sławomir Fiodorów, 99–112. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 2018. GUS. Accessed on 12.04.2021. stat.gov.pl. “Incomes and living conditions of the population in Poland“ – report from the EU-SILC survey of 2019. Hofreiter Ladislav, Wstęp do studiów bezpieczeństwa, Kraków: Krakowskie Towarzystwo Edukacyjne, 2012. Jank Patrycja., “Bezpieczeństwo państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w kontekście zagrożeń ekologicznych”. In: Bezpieczeństwo państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w kontekście zagrożeń ekologicznych, ed. Adam Szulczewski, 63–72. Słupsk: Fundacja Pro Pomerania, 2017. Jurgilewicz Oktawia, “Wymiar bezpieczeństwa ekologicznego kraju a polityka ekologiczna Polski”. In: W trosce o bezpieczne jutro. Reminiscencje i zamierzenia, eds. Mirosław Michalski, Andrzej Bolewski, 231–238. Poznań: Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa w Poznaniu, 2017. Kuc Bolesław, Ścibiorek Zbigniew, Zarys metodologii nauk o bezpieczeństwie, Toruń: Marszałek, 2018.

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NFZ. Accessed on 12.04.2021. www.nfz.gov.pl. “Analiza przyczyn wzrostu liczby zgonów w Polsce w 2017 roku”. Pietraś Marek, Bezpieczeństwo ekologiczne w Europie. Studium Politologiczne, Lublin: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Mari Curie-Skłodowskiej, 2000. Pietrzak Joanna, “Polski system obronny wobec wyzwań współczesności”. In: Wybrane problemy i wyzwania bezpieczeństwa. Bezpieczeństwo jednostkowe – bezpieczeństwo zbiorowe. Ujęcie interdyscyplinarne, ed. Karina Zawieja-Żurowska, 81–92. Konin: Wyższa Szkoła Zawodowa w Koninie, 2015. Polityka. Accessed on 12.04.2021. www.rp.pl. Prezes NIK: Polska jest najbardziej zanieczyszczonym państwem Europy. Rosa Ryszard, Filozofia i edukacja do bezpieczeństwa, Siedlce: Uniwersytet PrzyrodniczoHistoryczny w Siedlcach, 2005. Sienkiewicz Piotr, “Metodologia badań nad bezpieczeństwem”. In: Metody badań nad bezpieczeństwem i obronnością, ed. Piotr Sienkiewicz, 29–36. Warszawa: Akademia Obrony Narodowej, 2010. Sowiński Sławomir, “Kościół w przestrzeni publicznej. Aktor czy rola?”. In: Politologia religii, eds. Maria Marczewska-Rytko, Dorota Maj, 35–52. Lublin: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Mari Curie-Skłodowskiej, 2018. Stępień Kornelia, “Wybrane zjawiska patologii społecznej w aspekcie zagrożeń bezpieczeństwa jednostki i społeczeństwa”. In: Współczesne bezpieczeństwo wewnętrzne RP w świetle nowych zagrożeń – wybrane problemy, eds. Waldemar Zubrzycki, Andrzej Warmiński, Tomasz Safjański, 115–138, Szczytno: Wyższa Szkoła Policji w Szczytnie, 2019. Tyrała Paweł, “Zarządzanie bezpieczeństwem w warunkach gospodarki rynkowej”. In: Zarządzanie bezpieczeństwem, ed. Paweł Tyrała, 21–43. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Profesjonalnej Szkoły Biznesu, 2000. Wojtaszczyk Konstanty Adam, “Bezpieczeństwo państwa – konceptualizcja pojęć”. In: Bezpieczeństwo państwa – wybrane problemy, eds. Konstanty Adam Wojtaszczyk, Anna Materska-Sosnowska, 11–16. Warszawa: Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA-JR, 2009. Zalewski Sławomir, Bezpieczeństwo polityczne. Zarys problematyki, Siedlce, Uniwersytet Przyrodniczo-Historyczny, 2003. Zapart Robert, “Polityka, wojsko i religia w II Rzeczypospolitej. Kościół katolicki wobec zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa państwa w latach 30. XX wieku”. In: W trosce o bezpieczne jutro. Reminiscencje i zamierzenia, eds. Anna Kurkiewicz, Joanna Farysej, 393–406. Poznań: Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa w Poznaniu 2017. Zapart Robert., “Grzech ekologiczny jako wyzwanie dla polityki bezpieczeństwa państwa i Kościoła katolickiego w Polsce”. In: Relacje państwo-wspólnoty religijne we współczesnym świecie. Wybrane zagadnienia, eds. Maria Marczewska-Rytko, Dorota Maj, 73–89. Warszawa: Dom Wydawniczy ELIPSA, 2022. Zapart Robert, Potencjał Kościoła katolickiego dla systemu bezpieczeństwa państwa – zarys problematyki, Post-conference materials in press.

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Zawadzki Piotr W., “Bezpieczeństwo społeczne”. In: Bezpieczeństwo państwa – wybrane problemy, eds. Konstanty Adam Wojtaszczyk, Anna Materska-Sosnowska, 119–141. Warszawa: Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA-JR, 2009. Żebrowski Andrzej, Żmigrodzki Radosław, Informacja jednym z elementów bezpieczeństwa państwa – wybrane aspekty, Kraków, Warszawa, Stalowa Wola: Sztafeta, 2017.

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The Diocesan Synod and Its Greatest Crisis in the History of the Church

Abstract:

The doctrinal foundations or the diocesan synod were already developed in the first centuries of Christianity. At present, it is an integral part of a particular Church. The road to this point has involved the early heretical movements in the Church, the greatness and splendor of the Middle Ages as well as minor and major crises. The author examines the causes of the greatest crisis in the history of diocesan synods, namely the centuries-long struggle with doctrinal and institutional problems when it was necessary to act under time pressure. The article describes how the crisis was overcome and how, as a result, the diocesan synod became an instrument of pastoral renewal in many dioceses all over the world. Keywords:

diocesan synod | crisis | doctrinal revision | bishop | Holy See

The diocesan synod, known for centuries, with its rich history, theology, and canonistic tradition, exists to assist the bishop in governing the diocese, and more specifically in exercising legislative power. The extent to which a bishop cares about the pastoral renewal of his own particular Church, and thus about the revival of the religious and moral life of the community entrusted to his protection, is expressed in the solemn exercise of this power at the synod. The Church’s current doctrine on the diocesan synod is a consequence of the Second Vatican Council recognizing this centuries-old tradition. The legal status of this doctrine was regulated in the Code of Canon Law of 19831 and the Instruction on diocesan synods of 19972 . All this, however, is a legacy of the image of many dioceses, and thus of the entire Church, developing throughout many centuries with the support of this institution. Besides the epochs of splendor and glory, when the institution developed and was often used by bishops, as well as smaller and more local dilemmas, can the moment of its greatest crisis in the history of the Church

1 Codex Iuris Canonici auctoritate Ioannis Pauli PP. II promulgatus, 25.01.1983, AAS 75 (1983) pars. II. 2 Congregatio pro Episcopis, Congregatio pro Gentium Evangelizatione, Instructio de synodis dioecesanis agendas, 19.03.1997, AAS 89 (1997): 706–721.

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be identified? The phrase “the greatest crisis” is understood here as a difficult and long-lasting struggle with problems of a doctrinal and institutional nature, and which requires action under the pressure of time. How was the crisis overcome, considering that the synod institution has a place in the canon law and the praxis of the Church?

The Doctrinal Crisis at the Beginning of the Institution In the past, it was commonly believed that the origins of the diocesan synod should be traced back to apostolic times. The basis for this belief was the assembly of elders in Jerusalem, presided over by the apostle James, with the participation of St. Paul (Acts 21: 17–25)3 . Pope Benedict XIV commented on this interpretation in his work De synodo dioecesana, explaining that the event described in the Acts of the Apostles cannot be considered a diocesan synod in the institutional sense because the participants took part in it spontaneously4 . At this stage, one can speak about a precursor or predictor of the synod. Benedict XIV’s comment confirms that the Church, aware of its mission at the beginning of Christianity, had to create hierarchical institutions and specific organizational structures. In the 4th century, with the recognition of the Church and the establishment of its dominant position in the Christian empire, the phenomenon of institutionalization intensified. Thus, one can observe a process of transition from the informal modes of action used by bishops and presbyters in creating particular Churches to the relatively consistent forms of activity regulated in the law. A. Longhitano states that the diocesan synod institution was unknown in the West until the 5th century5 . Other scholars postpone the recognition of a particular congregation as a diocesan synod by another century, marking as the first diocesan synod in the history of the Church a gathering of clergymen which was led by a bishop, and which took place in the year 578 in the south of France in Auxerre6 .

3 Giorgio Corbellini, Il sinodo diocesano nel nuovo Codex iuris canonici (Roma: Pontificia Università Lateranense, 1986), 14. 4 Benedictus XIV, De Synodo Dioecesana, in: Benedicti XIV Pont. Opt. Max., olim Prosperi Cardinalis de Lambertinis, opera omnia. Ed. novissima ad postremam Remondinianam omnino exacta, vol. XI (Prati: Typographia Aldina, 1844), 1, 1, 5, 3–4. 5 Adolfo Longhitano, “La normativa sul sinodo diocesano. Dal concilio di Trento al Codice di Diritto Canonico”, La Scuola Cattolica 115 (1987): 5. 6 Odette Pontal, Clercs et laïcs au moyen âge d’après les status synodaux (Paris: Desclée, Proost-France, 1990), 25; Corbellini, Il sínodo diocesano, 17; Antonio Viana, “Sínodo diocesano”, in: Diccionario general de derecho canónico, eds. Antonio Viana, Javier Otaduy, Joaquín Sedano, vol. VII (Pamplona: Instituto Martín de Azpilcueta, 2012), 350.

The Diocesan Synod and Its Greatest Crisis in the History of the Church

Its decisions were signed by 34 priests, 3 deacons, and 7 abbots7 . The acceptance of the Auxerre synod as the first diocesan synod is not universally approved among researchers. Two types of assemblies were established on the ruins of the Roman Empire, both having a great impact on the Church and state life: national councils (numerous in Gaul and Spain in the 6th century) and synods at which bishops legislated after hearing the opinion of their clergymen8 . The clear temporal difference in the institutionalization of the synod between the East and the West is noteworthy. In the East, one can find the beginnings of this type of assembly as early as the 3rd and 4th centuries9 . What was this caused by? The beginning of the Middle Ages is associated with the flourishing of Christianity and the division of the Roman Empire into Eastern and Western. It was Constantinople that served as the capital of these empires, and this had many significant consequences. However, the explanation that the East was more advanced civilization-wise than the West is not exhaustive. Another fact should be noted when it comes to the process of institutionalizing Church structures. The faster development of the diocesan synod institution in the East was related to the painful doctrinal problems that arose as a result of Arius’ activities. This issue was first dealt with in 325 by the Council of Nicaea, at which bishops tried to deal with the heresy devastating religious life. The Council condemned the erroneous doctrine, but this did not completely stop its adherents. On various occasions, they questioned the conciliar decisions. The bishops also felt the need to convene assemblies that would confirm the orthodoxy and the purity of doctrine10 . The development of the synod institution should be associated with the legislative and pastoral activity of bishops, consisting of the elimination of factors that ruin religious life. The synodic struggle against heresies was an expression of concern for the unity of the community of believers, as well as of activities aiming for peace in the ecclesial and political sense. The overcoming of heretical movements had to involve the particular Churches, united around their bishops, as a visible sign of unity. Synodal assemblies became a tool for bishops to shape attitudes among the faithful. H. Pietras states that in antiquity and the early Middle Ages, various spheres of life intertwined much more than today when the methodological purism of individual sciences forbids blending ethical issues with political ones. That is

7 “Synodus Dioecesana Autissiodorensis”, in: Concilia Galliae a. 511 – a. 695. Corpus Christianorum Series Latina CXLVIII A, ed. Charles de Clercq (Turnhout: Brepols, 1963), 264. 8 Gabriel Le Bras, Histoire du droit et des Institutions en Occident, vol. I (Paris: Sirey, 1955), 52. 9 Silvio Ferrari, “Il sinodo diocesano”, in: La sinodalitá nell’ordinamento canonico, eds. Marco Ghisalberti, Giancarlo Mori (Padova: CEDAM, 1991), 233. 10 “Concilium Nicaenum I”, in: Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, eds. Giuseppe Alberigo, Hubert Jedin (Basileae: Herder, 1962), 4–5.

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why emperors legislated in terms of ethics and morals, and the synods did likewise, shaping moral attitudes among the faithful. In the early medieval synodal statutes, such interpenetration of various aspects is clearly visible11 . Although the legal norm obliges the faithful to know what behavior is expected of them, thus shaping attitudes, bishops and outstanding figures of the Church achieved moral renewal primarily through personal testimony and broadly understood pastoral ministry. Over time, two currents of synodal activity developed: law-making and pastoral activity. An important part of the latter is in the shaping of the attitudes adopted and accepted by the faithful, as well as moral renewal. Varied goals were emphasized in different epochs, but it is difficult to imagine a modern synod convened according to the canonistic tradition which would omit any of the two essential elements.

Dynamic Development In the Middle Ages, synods became a key element of management and decisionmaking. It is also when their dynamic development can be observed. To understand the greatest crisis in the history of synods, it is first necessary to examine the days of their glory. In the Middle Ages, diocesan synods were not affected by great crises, and the attention of popes, church councils, bishops, and canonists of that era was focused on refining doctrinal and structural elements. What was the dynamic development of diocesan synods, and their versatility, based on? In the Carolingian era, the administrative system was centralized around the office of the bishop. The bishop or his delegate visited churches within the diocese. After an initial examination of the situations within individual parishes, a synod was convened in a larger urban centre. Priests from all over the diocese and lay people participated in the assembly. An important role was played by synodal witnesses, clergymen who spoke right before the bishop made a decision. Despite the multitude of such meetings, not all of them were of the same importance. Synods convened in the episcopal see were of greater weight than others and were held once a year. Carolingian diocesan synods did not resemble assemblies that modern canonical law calls would call by the same name. However, there was already an institution that was fairly well established in the practice of Church life. The meetings were attended by bishops, abbots, clergymen, and laypeople of high social standing. Many statutes from that period have been preserved12 .

11 Henryk Pietras, “Herezja jako grzech przeciwko świętości Kościoła. Uwagi na temat przepisów synodalnych późnego antyku”, Studia Nauk Teologicznych 6–7 (2011–2012): 39. 12 Jean Gaudemet, “Aspetto sinodale dell’organizzazione della diocesi, excurso storico”, in: La sinodalitá nell’ordinamento canonico, 202.

The Diocesan Synod and Its Greatest Crisis in the History of the Church

The impetus for greater synodal activity was the monastic reform carried out by St. Bernard (†1153). The Cistercian statutes of 1134 and 1154 had a great influence on the way diocesan statutes were drafted13 . From the 4th to the 12th century, the diocesan synod was recognized as a determining authority making decisions on many areas of Church life. For example, they prepared sanction tables for clergymen committing crimes and approved some state decisions affecting Church life. The synod was also an assembly where these decisions were made public. For bishops, synodal meetings became an instrument of control and management, as well as an opportunity to exchange information on important current issues. In the 12th century, there was a pastoral revival, largely due to diocesan statutes. Each statute was usually named after a bishop or an actual editor. Passed in one diocese, they could be accepted in full or in part in other dioceses too, most frequently within the same ecclesiastical province. At times, statutes from a different diocese were amended in such a way that they could be universally accepted and adopted. Removed from the influence of the secular authority, they became a useful and popular instrument of Church management14 . In the Middle Ages, diocesan synods already had their own inalienable place in the legal doctrine of the Church. It was necessary, however, to deepen their meaning, function, and the way they were conducted, and adapt them to the changing times. In 1225, St. Raymond of Penyafort (†1275), an outstanding canonist, wrote Summa de iure canonico, where he stressed the importance of the diocesan synod for the creation of particular law. He emphasized that synodal statutes should be consistent with universal law. He also pointed out that convoking synods is the canonical duty of a bishop15 . What had played an important role in the history of the described institution was the Holy See. Pope Innocent III (†1216) urged diocesan bishops and metropolitans to convoke diocesan synods or provincial councils. The Pope reiterated that the bishop was made for the Church, not the other way around. He also sought to increase the pastoral and canonical significance of the office of bishop. The prerequisite for the success of this endeavor was, according to Innocent III, the proper observance of Church laws16 . No less significance must be given to ecumenical councils. The Fourth Council of the Lateran (1215) made it compulsory to convoke provincial councils each year and to make their decisions public at diocesan synods. The Council Fathers envisioned the diocesan synod as an instrument facilitating

13 Odette Pontal, Les statuts synodaux (Turnhout: Brepols, 1975), 40. 14 Pontal, Clercs et laics, 17–19. 15 Raimundus de Pennaforte, Summa de iure canonico, eds. Javier Ochoa Sanz, Luis A. Díez, vol. I (Roma: Universa Bibliotheca Iuris I-A, 1975), V, 3, 7. 16 Hubert Jedin, Manual de historia de la Iglesia, vol. IV (Barcelona: Herder, 1973), 276.

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the execution of the provincial councils’ decisions17 . The Council of the Lateran defined the competencies of provincial councils and diocesan synods, ensuring that they were to be convoked regularly and periodically18 . Canon 47 contained the formula “sacro approbante concilio”, which was used to approve the decisions of ecumenical councils. This formula was restated in many synodal statutes19 , e. g., in the statutes of Angers (1314) by Guillaume le Maire, which obliged bishops to use it20 . The Council of Trent (1545–1563) defined the doctrine of the diocesan synod, insisting on its close connection with the provincial council. The statutes became a useful and effective tool for specifying the norms of the universal law in specific dioceses21 . The Council recalled the duty to convoke diocesan synods every year. The synods should be also attended by the religious who performed pastoral work in a diocese22 . Thanks to the synods, the decrees of the Council of Trent were successfully announced in dioceses all over Europe. Historically, this council is considered to be the turning point that started the great and much-needed reform lasting until the beginning of the 20th century. The reform and renewal of the Church, which had had its beginning at the Council, was a complex and long-lasting process. It required great effort and struggle for it to be implemented into the life of local Churches23 .

17 Concilium Laterannese IV (1215), “De conciliis provincialibus, const. 6”, in: Sacrorum conciliorum, nova et amplissima collectio, ed. Gian Domenico Mansi, vol. 22 (Graz: Ph. Labbe, 1960–1961), col. 991–992. 18 Pontal, Clercs et laics, 19. 19 According to H. Jedin, the term “synodal statutes” was already in use in the 13th century. Jedin, Manual de historia, 276. Numerous synodal statutes date back to that century, primarily those in southern France, where the Church had to take action against the Albigensian heresy. The statutes were designed to defend sound doctrine, emphasizing the issues of faith and morals (e. g., Narbonne 1227, Toulouse 1229, Arles 1234, Béziers 1246). Pontal, Les statuts synodaux, 49. 20 Gaudemet, Aspetto sinodale, 220–221. 21 Longhitano, La normativa sul sinodo, 9. 22 Concilium Tridentinum, “Sessio XXIV, Decretum de reformatione”, in: Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, can. 2, 737. 23 The author believes that the situation of the Church after the Council of Trent, despite the obvious differences, resembles the situation of the Church after the Second Vatican Council, especially in terms of introducing pastoral renewal. In both cases, diocesan synods proved to be a useful and effective tool, and the renewal process was spread over the next decades. For example, the crucial event for the renewal of the Church in Poland after the Second Vatican Council seems to be the Pastoral Synod of the Archdiocese of Kraków (1972–1979). As a result, more synods were convoked in most Polish dioceses in the following years, emphasizing their pastoral character. Not without significance is the fact that the bishop who convened the synod in Kraków was the future

The Diocesan Synod and Its Greatest Crisis in the History of the Church

The ease with which bishops chose synods from the range of other instruments reflects the importance and effectiveness of this institution. St. Charles Borromeo (†1584), considered to be the ideal “post-Tridentine bishop”, introduced necessary and long-awaited reforms quickly and efficiently. In the years 1564–1584, he convoked 11 diocesans synods and 6 provincial councils in Milan, giving them the doctrinal and disciplinary character of the Council of Trent24 . This was the case with the first diocesan synod prepared by Charles Borromeo in 1564. Its statutes are in the archives of the Archdiocese of Milan25 , but most of them were published in Acta Ecclesiae mediolanensis26 . They emphasized pastoral ministry and preaching the word of God, and they required diocesan bishops to visit their parishes. They included some of the doctrinal statements of the Council: the teaching on purgatory, the cult of saints, penance, and the cult of relics. Moreover, they repeated the Tridentine decree on the appointment of a delegate responsible for the theological seminary. In the Middle Ages, the diocesan synod was indeed a versatile institution. The synod remained an effective management instrument, which allowed to combat both doctrinal and disciplinary cases of abuse. It was used as a means of communicating important information, as well as a space for dialogue and the exchange of views, which became one of its most valuable functions. Synods contributed to a pastoral revival.

The Greatest Crisis in the History of Synods The Tridentine reform provided an incentive for many valuable initiatives that changed the Church life for the better. It strengthened the proven institutions, to which the diocesan synod had belonged for centuries. One might think that

Pope John Paul II. It was agreed that this phenomenon needed to become a part of the universal Church, especially given the abuses associated with convoking synods in German-speaking countries. During the Extraordinary Synod of Bishops in 1985, Cardinal F. Macharski, Archbishop of Krakow and Wojtyła’s successor in this diocese, handed all the Synodal Fathers an extensive set of documents from the Pastoral Synod of the Archdiocese of Krakow. The documents were published and translated into Italian. Walter Kasper, Il futuro dalla forza del Concilio. Sinodo straordinario dei vescovi 1985. Documenti e commento (Brescia: Queriniana, 1986), 65. 24 Acta Ecclesiae Mediolanensis ab eius initiis usque ad nostram aetatem. Opera et Studio presb. Achillis Ratti, sacrae theologiae, iuris canonici et philosophiae doctoris e Collegio Doctorum Bibliothecae Ambrosianae cum approbatione Aloysii Nazari Comitis a Calabiana Archiepiscopi Mediolanensis, vol. 2, Mediolani MDCCCVC, vol. 3, Mediolani MDCCCXCII, vol. 4, Mediolani MDCCCXVII. 25 Synodus dioecesana anni 1564, vol. 12, 1–9. The statutes are available in the Historical Archives of the Archdiocese of Milan. 26 Acta Ecclesiae Mediolanensis, t. 2, col. 797–804.

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under such conditions, synods operated without interruption, and the institution consolidated its position in the canon law. The 17th century, however, witnessed a great crisis, which lasted three centuries and resulted in a long struggle with problems of doctrinal, institutional, and administrative nature, forcing people to act under time pressure. The greatest crisis in the history of diocesan synods is undoubtedly the one connected with a change in the circumstances that stimulated the rapid development of this institution in the Middle Ages. The decadence was fostered by decentralization and the fact that particular Churches sought autonomy at the expense of the increasingly concerned Holy See. Synodal activity in Europe was significantly limited. Many dioceses, not infrequently clergymen and cathedral chapters, questioned the authority of the bishops27 . The bishop’s authority was also undermined at diocesan synods. An example of such destabilizing incidents is the synod of Pistoia in 1786, where attempts were made to extend the privileges of the clergy at the expense of the bishop and without his consent. The Holy See condemned some of the decisions made during this assembly. Pope Pius VI stood firmly in defense of the bishop’s office and its legislative power28 . This was not the first time that a lack of unity in the hierarchical Church exacerbated problems. Due to the conflicts between the representatives of various Church groups convened for synods, the participants treated the assemblies as the instruments in the pursuit of their own interests, forgetting about the good of the Church. There were noticeable tensions among bishops, priests, and religious, which influenced the laypeople. In the situation of internal conflict, there were instances of external interference and attempts to influence the Church institutions. Although the representatives of the princes tried to strengthen the institution of the synod, they desired stronger interference by the secular authorities. They proposed limiting the bishop’s jurisdiction in the sphere of ecclesiastical discipline by making his decisions subject to the monarch’s consent. The ruler would therefore have the power to approve or reject synodal decisions29 . No less of a problem was the activity of the Jansenists, who sought to weaken the bishops’ power through synodal assemblies and by manipulating other institutions

27 Odette Pontal, “Évolution historique du synode diocésain”, in: La synodalité. La participation au gouvernement dans l’Église, Actes du VII congrès International de Droit canonique (21–28 septembre 1990), vol. II (Paris: Société Internationale de Droit Canonique & de Législations Religieuses Comparées, 1992), 524–525. 28 Pius VI, “Auctorem Fidei (28. aug. 1794)”, in: Codicis Iuris Canonici Fontes, ed. Pietro Gasparri, vol. V (Roma: Typis Polyglottis Vaticanis, 1926), No. 475, 682–714. 29 Gaudemet, Aspetto sinodale, 210–211.

The Diocesan Synod and Its Greatest Crisis in the History of the Church

of Church law30 . The crisis was not only the result of an attack on the bishop’s office but also the consequence of the strengthening European trends of Churches seeking independence from the pope. This was one of the doctrinal postulates of the Jansenists, whose views spread all over Europe in the 17th and 18th centuries. The Holy See was aware of the threats that could arise in particular Churches; therefore, it had already started to seek more influence and control in these Churches in the 16th century. The constitution of Pope Sixtus V Inmensa aeterni Dei of January 22, 1588, introduced the first rules concerning the institutions known today as the Roman Curia. Fifteen congregations were created and their jurisdiction was established. The Pope entrusted these offices with the tasks of entities that had already existed, while centralization consisted of the direct inclusion of these organs into the organizational body of the curia. Concerning diocesan synods, the constitution established the obligation to subject all synodal statutes to the Holy See’s revision. This legal act consisted not only of approving texts but also of introducing amendments when necessary. This was the responsibility of the cardinals in charge of interpreting the Council of Trent31 . All these actions, although they were necessary and did improve the situation, turned out to be insufficient to stop the crisis. Another cause of the crisis was political and related to the outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789 and the conflicts between the Catholic Church and liberal governments. The profound political and social changes initiated by the demolition of the Bastille were a heavy blow to the Church in France as they made it dependent on the state. In 1790, the privileges of clergymen were abolished and their material possessions were confiscated. Under the new laws, priests became state officials. It was a time of severe repression across the country, both against clergymen and Church institutions32 . The Church has such a significant presence in the world, in a cultural, religious, and social sense, that it is impossible for it to remain an oasis of peace when nations are shaken by crises. The French Revolution manifested itself in two forms: in a destructive aspect demonstrated by the devastation of the Church, its institutions, and symbols of Christianity in the public sphere, and a much more dangerous creative aspect, – the revolutionaries wanted to build a new order on the ruins of Christian France, often allowing pre-existing Church institutions, such as the

30 Hermann Tüchle, Cornelius Adrianus Bouman, Nueva historia de la Iglesia. Reforma y Contrarreforma, vol. III (Madrid: Ediciones Cristiandad, 1966), 261–269. 31 Sixtus V PP., “Immensa aeterni Dei”, in: Bullarum Diplomatum et Privilegiorum Sanctorum Romanorum Pontificum. Taurinensis Editio, ed. Aloysio Bilio, vol. VIII, Neapoli MDCCCLXXXIII, 991–992; for more, see: Juan Ignacio Arrieta, Curia Romana, in: Diccionario general, vol. II, 862–870. 32 Jedin, Manual de historia, vol. VII, 43–165.

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diocesan synod, to remain, but filling them with their secular content which had nothing to do with the supernatural mission of the Church. The decline in synodal activity can also be explained by the decrease in the number of ecumenical councils, which have always favored the convening of diocesan synods33 . Councils were declared ineffective, and for the same reasons, bishops and kings were not interested in convening diocesan synods.

Doctrinal Revision and Its Practical Significance The Church’s response to the synodal crisis was immediate and parallel to the phenomena observed, and this saved the institution from destruction. The doctrinal revision began as early as the 17th century. This was possible thanks to outstanding popes who recognized the importance of synods. Pope Benedict XIII, while he was still Bishop Benevento, convened thirty-eight synods in the years 1686–1723. He defended the institution of the synod, considering it a very useful tool in the reform of the Church34 . However, he encountered a lot of resistance from the Roman Curia, which was not convinced of the validity of his actions35 .

33 A few centuries earlier, the Council of Constance (1414–1418), recalling the old canonical tradition in the decree Frequens, called on the plenary councils to “cultivate the land of the Lord”. This statement stressed the importance of smaller assemblies: provincial council and diocesan synod. The Council of Constance reaffirmed the centuries-old tradition of diocesan synods, believing they held particular promise for the future. Concilium Constantiense, “Sessio XXXIX, De conciliis generalibus”, in: Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, 414. The Council of Florence in 1433 established very detailed guidelines for conducting diocesan synods. According to the Council Fathers, the synods should be convoked at least once a year. If in a diocese synods were traditionally held twice a year, this should remain so. They should last two or three days. Concilium Basileense-Ferrariense-FlorentinumRomanum, “Sessio XV, De conciliis provincialibus et synodalibus”, in: Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, 449. The instruction on the preparation and the conduct of the assemblies was issued in Basel. The Council restated the order of the opening liturgy. They also recalled the recognized authorities: Gratian (Sinodale iuramentum canon) and Pope Boniface VIII. Diocesan synods were included in the institutional structure of the Church, along with general and provincial councils. The Council of Florence stated that diocesan synods should primarily be concerned with doctrinal purity as well as the life and morals of the clergy. The institution itself was called “the Synod of Bishops”. Tomasz Rozkrut, La natura teologico-giuridica del sinodo diocesano (Roma: Pontificium Athenaeum Sanctae Crucis, 1996), 30. 34 “Publicatur Concilium Romanum XCVII”, in: Bullarum diplomatum et privilegiorum sanctorum romanorum pontificium taurinensis editio: locupletior facta collectione novissima plurium brevium, epistolarium, decretorum actorumque S. Sedis a s. Leone Magno usque ad praesens, ed. Luigi Tomassetti, vol. 22: Benedictus XIII (ab an 1724 ad an. 1730) (Augustae Taurinorum 1871), 284–285. 35 Gaudemet, Aspetto sinodale, 211.

The Diocesan Synod and Its Greatest Crisis in the History of the Church

The doctrinal response from the Church, recalling the theological, historical, and canonistic traditions in the matter of diocesan synods, came in the 18th century. Pope Benedict XIV36 , refusing to diminish the importance of diocesan synods in the life of the Church, published a comprehensive treatise in 1748 devoted exclusively to this institution. His work entitled De Synodo Dioecesana37 contains thirteen books divided into chapters. The first chapters are introductory and explain terminology as well as jurisdictional issues and the place and time to convene synods. Next, the legal status of the participants is determined and norms are established regarding synodal constitutions and decrees, and the manner of their revision and approval. Pope Benedict XIV thoroughly studied the described legal institution. Among the “pre-synodal” events in the early Middle Ages, he distinguished the Tournai assembly of 520, presided over by Bishop Eleutherius, and the Barcelona assembly of 59938 . Benedict XIV referred to the thoughts and activities of the great advocate of diocesan synods St. Charles Borromeo39 . The Pope defined a diocesan synod, describing it as a legal assembly, convened by the bishop, in which priests and other clergymen from his diocese participate, as well as all those obliged to participate, to debate on pastoral topics40 . In De Synodo Dioecesana, the cathedral was indicated as the appropriate place for the congregation. It was to consist of three sessions, one for each day of the synod41 . The sessions were preceded by a special liturgy according to the ceremonial42 in force at that time: a procession, a Holy Mass on the Holy Spirit, and a homily on Jesus, the Good Shepherd43 . The book Caeremoniale Episcoporum, located in Liber Primus, laid down the order of the procession according to rank

36 For the pontificate of Benedict XIV, see: Tarcisio Bertone, Il governo della Chiesa nel pensiero di Benedetto XIV (1740–1758) (Roma: Editrice LAS, 1977). 37 The work is included in the ninth volume: Benedicti XIV Pont. Opt. Max., olim Prosperi Cardinalis de Lambertinis, opera omnia. Ed. novissima ad postremam Remondinianam omnino exacta, Prati 1844. The Treatise of Benedict XIV played an important role in formulating the legal and pastoral doctrine regarding diocesan synods in the early modern period and the following centuries. Prospero Lambertini, future Benedict XIV (31 March 1675 – 3 May 1758), Archbishop of Bologna and an excellent canonist, convoked annual synods and later wrote his textbook-treatise based on these experiences. De Synodo Dioecesana is a complete account of convoking and conducting diocesan synods in the 18th century. Despite Lambertini’s election as pope, the treatise did not become a source of law as it had not been written for that purpose. The real purpose was to pave the way towards the unification of Church law with the essential scientific basis, useful for later codification. Lambertini’s great works had a major impact on later textbooks on canon law. Jorge Miras, Lambertini, Prospero, in: Diccionario general, vol. IV, 968–969. 38 Benedictus XIV, De Synodo Dioecesana, I, III, I, 8. 39 Benedictus XIV, De Synodo Dioecesana, I, II, IV p. 6; VI, X, IV, p. 179; XI, X, X, 428. 40 Benedictus XIV, De Synodo Dioecesana, I, I, 1–5. 41 Benedictus XIV, De Synodo Dioecesana, I, V, 12–15. 42 Caeremoniale episcoporum Clementis VIII Pont. Max. Iussu editum, Romae 1600. 43 Caeremoniale episcoporum Clementis VIII Pont. Max. Iussu editum, Romae 1600, V, I, 110–114.

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and dignity. Vespers were obligatorily held every day until the synod was closed44 . Special offices were established: judges, witnesses, and experts45 whose candidacies were presented to the synodal assembly by the bishop46 . The work of the outstanding canonist who was soon elected pope was a turning point, especially in the context of the institution’s crisis and decadence. The treatise presented the diocesan synod as a relevant and useful tool in the work of reforming the Church. This assertion struggled to penetrate the consciousness of bishops, among whom the predominant mentality was, as S. Ferrari calls it, “monarchical”47 . In practice, this meant that they did not properly observe the applicable norms regarding the convening and holding of synods, and implemented their model of caring for the Church48 . The centralization of Church offices and institutions was supposed to be the answer to the issues of bishops becoming more independent from Rome. This required great caution in the case of synods because they were diocesan, and therefore the bishops of individual particular Churches ought to play a leading role in such assemblies. The Holy See clearly defined the jurisdiction of the synod, which was supposed to strengthen its importance to the bishop’s office. On one hand, this institution was “entrusted to the bishop”, but on the other, Rome reserved the right to control any decisions taken. The crisis subsides in the 19th century, and this is related to the distribution and study of the Benedict XIV treatise. Any problems that did appear were caused by the slow and reluctant implementation of the doctrine recalled by the Pope. Although synods were convened in numbers higher than a hundred years before, they resembled national parliaments, where debates, and often conflicts between opposing factions, take place. Bishops, clergymen, and secular authorities started taking different sides. The attempt to quickly eliminate the tendency to oppose ecclesiastical authority was unsuccessful. Each side defended its rights and privileges, and therefore religious and pastoral issues were pushed to the background49 .

44 Caeremoniale episcoporum. Editio princeps (1600), eds. Achille Maria Triacca et al. (Città del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2000), 123–126. 45 Benedictus XIV, De Synodo Dioecesana, IV, II; IV, III; IV V; IV, VII, 89–92, 94–97, 100–105. 46 Benedictus XIV, De Synodo Dioecesana, II–VII, 89–105. 47 Ferrari, Il sinodo diocesano, 234. 48 The analogous problem of “the monarchist mentality” might be observed in some Church superiors who disregarded the Holy See’s requirement to report clerical child sexual abuse to a competent dicastery. The Holy See’s response to the contemporary crisis is motu proprio Vos estis lux mundi by Pope Francis, which establishes new procedural norms in the event of suspected omissions or actions taken by the Church superiors to avoid investigations against their accused subordinates. 49 Adam Jaszcz, Synody diecezjalne w Kościele łacińskim (Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2019), 48–49. Lately, the synods have been often used as an instrument of resistance to Church authorities, especially the Holy See. This has caused many problems and crises. In the 20th century, in the post-conciliar years, the rules of convoking and conducting synods were abused in some countries. The meaning of

The Diocesan Synod and Its Greatest Crisis in the History of the Church

The Holy See became the greatest advocate for the convening of synods, naturally by the guidelines of the Tridentine reform. Pope Pius IX promoted this institution, seeing that, understood per the doctrine of the council, it could become an instrument for the reform of particular Churches50 . The Pope expressed such an opinion in two documents: the encyclical Singulari quidem of 1856, addressed to Austrian bishops, and the encyclical Cum nuper of 1858, addressed to Sicilian bishops. The tenacity and consistency of the Holy See in promoting diocesan synods during the First Vatican Synod, and in the promulgation of the first Code of Canon Law in history, made it possible to overcome the crisis and restore diocesan synods to their rightful place in the Church.

Conclusions The Church is sent into the world as a community, on one hand, faithful to the inviolable deposit of faith, and the other, constantly seeking sources of renewal and revival of its own life. Because individual bishops exercise their authority, particular Churches share this mission. For centuries, one of the institutions that allowed this mission to be effectively fulfilled was the diocesan synod. Synods were born out of the Church’s necessity to respond to the crisis caused by the actions of heretics, which were destroying the unity of the community of believers. These people found respite in institutions that operated efficiently. After the synod days of glory, built on treating papal and episcopal offices as visible foundations of unity, came the time to undermine such pillars, and this resulted in a crisis that lasted almost three centuries. These threats were noticed at least a century

this institution was distorted and the participants disregarded its legal status or the goals set for such assemblies by the general legislator. Sometimes “synod-like” assemblies were organized, frequently called pastoral synods. They most often dealt with issues connected with the life of the Church in the whole country, without the consent of the Holy See. They did not comply with the general laws, grossly exceeding their powers. In the 1917 Code of Canon Law — and the post-conciliar synods fell under its jurisdiction — there was no legal formula for inter diocesan assemblies that consisted of bishops, priests, religious and even laypeople, not having obtained the permission of the relevant Vatican dicastery. However, such meetings were convened with the consent of some bishops and clergymen. For more on this topic, see: Winfried Schulz, “Die Diözesan-und Regionalsynoden in den deutschsprachigen Ländern. Erfahrungen und Perspektiven”, in: La synodalité, vol. II, 629–649. 50 Reform synods promoted by Pius IX: Bagnoregio (1860), Segni (1860), Aosta (1860), Feltre (1861), Belluno (1861), Verdi (1863), Vicenza (1863), Adria (1863), Chioggia (1863), Venecia (1865), Alife (1866), Turín (1873), Alba (1873), Recanati e Loreto (1874), Conversano (1874), Turín (1874), Aosta (1874), Troia (1874), Aosta (1875), Lucera (1875), Vigevano (1876), Aosta (1876), Acqui (1876), S. Severina (1876), Sassari (1877), Aosta (1877). For more, see: I sinodi diocesani di Pio IX, eds. Andrea Gianni, Giovanna Senin Artina, vol. I: 1860–1865, vol. II: 1866–1878 (Roma: Herder, 1987).

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earlier, but the actions taken to establish the institution of the Roman Curia did not prevent the crisis. In parallel with the destructive processes taking place in the 17th century and the lack of internal unity, came a doctrinal response, De Synodo Dioecesana by Pope Benedict XIV, which recalled the truth about the synods being the legacy of a centuries-old tradition. It took three centuries to implement the doctrinal revision, which met with resistance but ended with success thanks to the determination of the Holy See. In difficult times, the Church needs remarkable and holy people since when there is no time for in-depth analyses and a crisis requires an immediate response, popes and bishops have to rely on intuition, heuristics, experience, prudence, and, above all, their deep relationship with God. In the face of the contemporary crisis of the Church, it is worth recalling the answer given by St. John Paul II to a question posed by the French writer Andre Frossard: which sentence from the Bible is the most important? The answer should precede each doctrinal revision and each process of overcoming crises: “and you will know the truth, and the truth will make you free” (John 8:32).

Bibliography Acta Ecclesiae Mediolanensis ab eius initiis usque ad nostram aetatem. Opera et Studio presb. Achillis Ratti, sacrae theologiae, iuris canonici et philosophiae doctoris e Collegio Doctorum Bibliothecae Ambrosianae cum approbatione Aloysii Nazari Comitis a Calabiana Archiepiscopi Mediolanensis, vol. 2, Mediolani MDCCCVC, vol. 3, Mediolani MDCCCXCII, vol. 4, Mediolani MDCCCXVII. Arrieta, Juan Ignacio. Curia Romana. In: Diccionario general de derecho canónico, eds. Antonio Viana, Javier Otaduy, Joaquín Sedano, vol. II, 862–870. Pamplona: Instituto Martín de Azpilcueta, 2012. Benedictus XIV, De Synodo Dioecesana. In: Benedicti XIV Pont. Opt. Max., olim Prosperi Cardinalis de Lambertinis, opera omnia. Ed. novissima ad postremam Remondinianam omnino exacta, vol. XI. Prati: Typographia Aldina, 1844. Bertone, Tarcisio. Il governo della Chiesa nel pensiero di Benedetto XIV (1740–1758). Roma: Editrice LAS, 1977. Caeremoniale episcoporum Clementis VIII Pont. Max. Iussu editum, Romae 1600. Caeremoniale episcoporum. Editio princeps (1600), eds. Achille Maria Triacca, Manlio Sodi, Armando Cuva, Vincenzo Raffa. Città del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2000. Codex Iuris Canonici auctoritate Ioannis Pauli PP. II promulgatus, 25.01.1983, AAS 75 (1983), pars. II. Concilium Basileense-Ferrariense-Florentinum-Romanum. “Sessio XV, De conciliis provincialibus et synodalibus”. In: Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, eds. Giuseppe Alberigo, Hubert Jedin, 449–452. Basileae: Herder, 1962.

The Diocesan Synod and Its Greatest Crisis in the History of the Church

Concilium Constantiense. “Sessio XXXIX, De conciliis generalibus”. In: Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, eds. Giuseppe Alberigo, Hubert Jedin, 414–415. Basileae: Herder, 1962. Concilium Laterannese IV (1215). “De conciliis provincialibus, const. 6”. In: Sacrorum conciliorum, nova et amplissima collectio, ed. Gian Domenico Mansi, vol. 22, col. 953–1086. Graz: Ph. Labbe, 1960–1961. “Concilium Nicaenum I”. In: Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, eds. Giuseppe Alberigo, Hubert Jedin, 1–15. Basileae: Herder, 1962. Concilium Tridentinum. “Sessio XXIV, Decretum de reformatione”. In: Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, eds. Giuseppe Alberigo, Hubert Jedin, 735–749. Basileae: Herder, 1962. Congregatio pro Episcopis, Congregatio pro Gentium Evangelizatione, Instructio de synodis dioecesanis agendas, 19.03.1997, AAS 89 (1997), 706–721. Corbellini, Giorgio. Il sinodo diocesano nel nuovo Codex iuris canonici. Roma: Pontificia Università Lateranense, Roma, 1986. Ferrari, Silvio. “Il sinodo diocesano”. In: La sinodalitá nell’ordinamento canonico, eds. Marco Ghisalberti, Giancarlo Mori, 231–243. Padova: CEDAM, 1991. Gaudemet, Jean. “Aspetto sinodale dell’organizzazione della diocesi, excurso storico”. In: La sinodalitá nell’ordinamento canonico, eds. Marco Ghisalberti, Giancarlo Mori, 195–230. Padova: CEDAM, 1991. I sinodi diocesani di Pio IX, eds. Andrea Gianni, Giovanna Senin Artina, vol. I: 1860–1865, vol. II: 1866–1878. Roma: Herder, 1987. Jaszcz, Adam. Synody diecezjalne w Kościele łacińskim. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2019. Jedin, Hubert. Manual de historia de la Iglesia, vol. IV. Barcelona: Herder, 1973. Kasper, Walter. Il futuro dalla forza del Concilio. Sinodo straordinario dei vescovi 1985. Documenti e commento. Brescia: Queriniana, 1986. Le Bras, Gabriel. Histoire du droit et des Institutions en Occident, vol. I. Paris: Sirey, 1955. Longhitano, Adolfo. “La normativa sul sinodo diocesano. Dal concilio di Trento al Codice di Diritto Canonico”, La Scuola Cattolica 115 (1987): 3–31. Miras, Jorge. Lambertini, Prospero. In: Diccionario general de derecho canónico, eds. Antonio Viana, Javier Otaduy, Joaquín Sedano, vol. IV, 968–969. Pamplona: Instituto Martín de Azpilcueta, 2012. Pietras, Henryk. “Herezja jako grzech przeciwko świętości Kościoła. Uwagi na temat przepisów synodalnych późnego antyku”. Studia Nauk Teologicznych 6–7 (2011–2012): 39–50. Pius VI. “Auctorem Fidei (28. aug. 1794)”. In: Codicis Iuris Canonici Fontes, ed. Pietro Gasparri, vol. V, 682–714. Roma: Typis Polyglottis Vaticanis, 1926. Pontal, Odette. “Évolution historique du synode diocésain”. In: La synodalité. La participation au gouvernement dans l’Église, Actes du VII congrès International de Droit canonique (21–28 septembre 1990), vol. II, 521–526. Paris: Société Internationale de Droit Canonique & de Législations Religieuses Comparées, 1992.

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Pontal, Odette. Clercs et laïcs au moyen âge d’après les status synodaux. Paris: Desclée, ProostFrance, 1990. Pontal, Odette. Les statuts synodaux. Turnhout: Brepols, 1975. “Publicatur Concilium Romanum XCVII”. In: Bullarum diplomatum et privilegiorum sanctorum romanorum pontificium taurinensis editio: locupletior facta collectione novissima plurium brevium, epistolarium, decretorum actorumque S. Sedis a s. Leone Magno usque ad praesens, ed. Luigi Tomassetti, vol. 22: Benedictus XIII (ab an 1724 ad an. 1730). Augustae Taurinorum 1871. Raimundus de Pennaforte. Summa de iure canonico. Eds. Javier Ochoa Sanz, Luis A. Díez, vol. I. Roma: Universa Bibliotheca Iuris I-A, 1975. Rozkrut, Tomasz. La natura teologico-giuridica del sinodo diocesano. Roma: Pontificium Athenaeum Sanctae Crucis, 1996. Schulz, Winfried. “Die Diözesan-und Regionalsynoden in den deutschsprachigen Ländern. Erfahrungen und Perspektiven”. In: La synodalité. La participation au gouvernement dans l’Église, Actes du VII congrès International de Droit canonique (21–28 septembre 1990), vol. II, 629–649. Paris: Société Internationale de Droit Canonique & de Législations Religieuses Comparées, 1992. Sixtus V PP.. “Immensa aeterni Dei”. In: Bullarum Diplomatum et Privilegiorum Sanctorum Romanorum Pontificum. Taurinensis Editio, ed. Aloysio Bilio, vol. VIII, 985–999. Neapoli MDCCCLXXXIII. Synodus dioecesana anni 1564, vol. 12, 1–9. The statutes are available in the Historical Archives of the Archdiocese of Milan. “Synodus Dioecesana Autissiodorensis”. In: Concilia Galliae a. 511 – a. 695. Corpus Christianorum Series Latina CXLVIII A, ed. Charles de Clercq, 264–272. Turnhout: Brepols, 1963. Tüchle, Hermann; Cornelius Adrianus Bouman. Nueva historia de la Iglesia. Reforma y Contrarreforma, vol. III. Madrid: Ediciones Cristiandad, 1966. Viana, Antonio. “Sínodo diocesano”. In: Diccionario general de derecho canónico, eds. Antonio Viana, Javier Otaduy, Joaquín Sedano, vol. VII, 350–353. Pamplona: Instituto Martín de Azpilcueta, 2012.

Jacenty Mastej

Cardinal Stanisław Nagy’s Apology of the Catholic Church

Abstract:

The subject of this presentation is to show the apology of the Catholic Church in the scientific work of Cardinal Stanisław Nagy (1921–2013). The most important areas of the apology of the Catholic Church were discussed, namely: Christ’s genesis of the Church, the divine origin of its structure as well as the mystery and hallmarks of the true Church. The anthropological dimension of the Church’s apology is also presented, resulting from the deep relationship of the Ecclesia with man, who is the Church’s path. The conducted reflection allows for the formulation of a few general conclusions. The apology of the Church, implemented by Nagy on the basis of scientific reflection, is characterised by an integral approach to the Christological and ecological thesis, which contributes to exposing the unity of Christ and the Church. In the apology of the Catholic Church, the Cardinal refers both to the historical and theological reality, showing the Church’s genesis as Christ, the divine origin of its structures and the mystery character. In the apology of the Catholic Church, its features play a special role, which determine the truthfulness of the Church of Christ – they are a gift of Christ and a task to be carried out by the Church. The original area of the Church’s apology should be considered to be the connection of anthropology with Christology and ecclesiology, which is emphasised by Nagy’s proclamation of the papal conviction that man is the way of the Church. Keywords:

Cardinal Stanisław Nagy | Church | Jesus Christ | Holy Spirit | apology of the Church | anthropology | ecclesiology | signs of the Church

The Church of Christ, from the beginning of its existence, met with opposition, both on the part of Judaism and the pagan world. Therefore, from the first centuries of the Ecclesia, a significant place has been taken to defend it, in which early Christian apologists, i. e. writers of the patristic era1 , were at the fore. An essential element of

1 Mariusz Szram, “Apologeci wczesnochrześcijańscy”, in: Leksykon Teologii Fundamentalnej, ed. Marian Rusecki et al. (Lublin–Kraków: Wydawnictwo M, 2002), 71–78; Leszek Misiarczyk, “O co nas pytają starożytni apologeci? Czego nas uczą wczesnochrześcijańscy apologeci?”, in: Nowa apologia. Czego, wobec kogo i jak bronimy?, ed. Przemysław Artemiuk (Płock: Płocki Instytut Wydawniczy, 2020),

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the apology is defense, which essentially consists in refuting false accusations against Christianity and the Church. The apology of the Ecclesia also includes an element of positively demonstrating its supernatural origins and mission of salvation. Thus, the apology of the Church is not only about refuting false accusations that serve to discredit it, but also a substantive criticism of the adversaries’ claims and a positive presentation of the credibility of the Ecclesia, its absolute uniqueness, supernatural beauty and salvific effectiveness. It should be added that apology in the Church is conducted both by invoking arguments from outside (apology ad extra) and building arguments for the certainty of faith, resulting from concern for the unity and credibility of the Church (apology ad intra). As it is easy to see, apology still remains a necessary element in the life and saving mission of the Church2 . The subject of this presentation is to show the apology of the Catholic Church in the scientific work of Cardinal Stanisław Nagy (1921–2013)3 . On the 100th anniversary of his birth, we want to return to the apologetic thought of the Nestor of Polish

27–43; Marek Skierkowski, “Narodziny apologii chrześcijańskiej”, in: Powracanie apologii, ed. Marek Skierkowski (Płock: Płocki Instytut Wydawniczy, 2013), 9–38; Marcin Wysocki, “Apologists”, in: Encyclopedia of Christian Education, eds. George Thomas Kurian, Mark A. Lamport, vol. 1 (LanhamBoulder-New York-London: Rowman and Littlefield, 2015), 57–58; Marcin Wysocki, “Argumenty wczesnochrześcijańskich apologetów za wyższością chrześcijaństwa nad innymi religiami (Arystydes, Atenagoras, Justyn, Teofil z Antiochii, List do Diogneta), in: Wczesne chrześcijaństwo a religie, eds. Sławomir Ireneusza Ledwoń, Mariusz Szram (Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2012), 133–150. 2 Stanisław Nagy, “Apologetyka czy teologia fundamentalna”, Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne 19/2 (1972): 110–130; Stanisław Nagy, “Problematyka eklezjologiczna we współczesnej teologii fundamentalnej”, Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne 24/2 (1977): 5–28; Przemysław Artemiuk, Renesans apologii (Płock: Płocki Instytut Wydawniczy, 2016); Przemysław Artemiuk, W obronie spraw najważniejszych. Szkice o apologii (Poznań: Wydawnictwo W drodze, 2019); Przemysław Artemiuk, “Apologia praktyczna po polsku”, in: Powracanie apologii, ed. Marek Skierkowski (Płock: Płocki Instytut Wydawniczy, 2013), 155–218; Przemysław Artemiuk, “Nowa apologia. Perspektywa historyczno-metodologiczna”, in: Nowa apologia. Czego, wobec kogo i jak bronimy?, ed. Przemysław Artemiuk (Płock: Płocki Instytut Wydawniczy, 2020), 244–282; Dariusz Kowalczyk, “Apologia ad extra z perspektywy Rzymu”, in: Nowa apologia. Czego, wobec kogo i jak bronimy?, ed. Przemysław Artemiuk (Płock: Płocki Instytut Wydawniczy 2020), 44–69; Henryk Seweryniak, “Teologia fundamentalna i renesans apologii”, in: Nowa apologia. Czego, wobec kogo i jak bronimy?, ed. Przemysław Artemiuk (Płock: Płocki Instytut Wydawniczy 2020), 9–26. 3 Zbigniew Krzyszowski, “Nagy Stanisław SCJ”, in: Leksykon Teologii Fundamentalnej, ed. Marian Rusecki et al. (Lublin–Kraków: Wydawnictwo M, 2002), 826–827; Zbigniew Krzyszowski, “Nagy Stanisław”, in: Encyklopedia 100-lecia KUL, ed. Edward Gigilewicz et al., vol. 2 (Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018), 94–95; Tomasz Błaszczyk, Zbigniew Krzyszowski, “Nagy Stanisław”, in: Słownik Polskich Teologów Katolickich (2004–2013), ed. Tomasz Błaszczyk, Waldemar Gliński, Józef Mandziuk, vol. 10 (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UKSW, 2019), 741–751; Andrzej Nowicki, “Droga życia”, in: Kardynał Profesor Stanisław Nagy SCJ doktor honoris causa Papieskiego Wydziału Teologicznego we Wrocławiu, ed. Andrzej Nowicki, Grzegorz Sokołowski (Wrocław–Kraków: Papieski Wydział Teologiczny we Wrocławiu, 2009), 11–22.

Cardinal Stanisław Nagy’s Apology of the Catholic Church

fundamental ecclesiology and the pioneer of the Lublin school of fundamental theology4 to show its originality and topicality. The most important areas of the apology of the Catholic Church will be discussed, namely: Christ’s genesis of the Church, the divine origin of its structure as well as the mystery and hallmarks of the true Church. Finally, the anthropological dimension of the Church’s apology is presented, which results from the deep connection of the Ecclesia with man, who is the Church’s path.

Christ’s Genesis of the Church The starting point for Nagy’s ecclesiological research is to show Christ’s genesis of the Church5 . As M. Rusecki notes, Nagy “in this respect has undergone a certain evolution of views, which seems to be conditioned by the historical context. Initially, in the genesis of the Church, he highlighted those initiatives and actions of Christ that aimed mainly at establishing an institutional Church. Undoubtedly, this was related to two factors: the so-called Marxist religious studies during the People’s Republic of Poland either denied the historical existence of Jesus of Nazareth, and therefore Christianity (the Church) could not originate from him, or interpreted its origin without the Person of Jesus. Protestantism held that not only did Christ not establish a visible Church, but he did not intend to do so at all. The Cardinal, on the basis of thorough biblical research, demonstrated the Christlike genesis of the visible Church”6 . The context recalled by Rusecki highlights the apologetic nature of the reflection of the Cardinal from Kraków on the genesis of the Ecclesia. Nagy, under the influence of the teaching of Vaticanum II, broadens the understanding of the genesis of the Church7 and links its origin with the entire history of salvation: “As a result of a deeper study of the idea of salvation history, he sees

4 Krzysztof Kaucha, “Lubelska szkoła teologii fundamentalnej”, in: Encyklopedia 100-lecia KUL, ed. Edward Gigilewicz et al. (Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018), vol. 1, 634–635; Krzysztof Kaucha, “Wiarygodność i wiara w ujęciu lubelskiej szkoły teologii fundamentalnej”, in: Wiara – wiarygodność, ed. Damian Wąsek (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UPJPII, 2014), 634–635; Krzysztof Kaucha, “Dorobek lubelskiej szkoły teologii fundamentalnej w zakresie eklezjologii”, Roczniki Teologiczne 65/9 (2018): 75–90; Jacenty Mastej, Krzysztof Kaucha, “100 lat teologii fundamentalnej na KUL”, Przegląd Uniwersytecki 30/1 (2018): 22–25. 5 Stanisław Nagy, “Próba nowego spojrzenia na zagadnienie ustanowienia Kościoła”, Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne 12/2 (1965): 19–34. 6 Marian Rusecki, “Rozwój refleksji eklezjologicznej Księdza Kardynała Stanisława Nagy’ego”, Roczniki Teologiczne 51/2 (2004): 9. 7 At this point, it is necessary to recall Nagy’s important postulate: “Apologetics must therefore broaden its horizon of view of the reality of the Church, not confining itself only to its visible and organisational side; nor can it be limited to a one-sided and, therefore, at least doubtful approach to the problem

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the genesis of the Church in the economy of God and its implementation in the history of salvation, concentrated in the Person of Jesus Christ and His work. In this perspective, the Church already existed in God’s salvation plan. Jesus Christ began to implement it from the Incarnation of the Son of God, through the whole earthly life (teaching, mainly about the Kingdom of God, miracles, especially healings and exorcisms, heralding the messianic era and its duration in the Church), and most of all paschal events, including Pentecost”8 . Thus, the apologetic research on the genesis of the Church is enriched with theological reflection, which includes the promises, images, figures and events of the Old Testament9 as well as the whole earthly life, teaching and public activity of Jesus, which highlights the process of the formation of the Ecclesia in connection with God’s saving action and its personal relationship. with Christ. In this area of ecclesiology, the problem of the relationship between the Church and the Kingdom of God has an apologetic dimension. Nagy, knowing various extreme and mutually exclusive concepts, supports a solution that highlights the symbiosis between the Church and the Kingdom of God10 . Detailed research by the Catholic University of Lublin professor on the beginning of the Church resulted in paying special attention to the event of the Last Supper and the institution of the Eucharist, the conclusion of the New Covenant and the institution of the sacramental priesthood11 . It must be clearly stated that in Nagy’s apologetic ecclesiology there is a conviction that the building of the Church was

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of the establishment of the Church, but it must also look at it in the second indispensable aspect of sharing in the mystery of Jesus” (Nagy, “Próba nowego spojrzenia”, 28–29). Rusecki, “Rozwój refleksji eklezjologicznej”, 9–10; Marian Rusecki, “Recenzja dorobku naukowego i prakseologiczno-eklezjalnego Kardynała prof. dra hab. Stanisława Nagyego w sprawie nadania tytułu honoris causa Papieskiego Wydziału Teologicznego we Wrocławiu”, in: Kardynał Profesor Stanisław Nagy SCJ doktor honoris causa Papieskiego Wydziału Teologicznego we Wrocławiu, ed. Andrzej Nowicki, Grzegorz Sokołowski (Wrocław–Kraków: Papieski Wydział Teologiczny we Wrocławiu, 2009), 28; Henryk Seweryniak, “Recenzja dorobku naukowego i prakseologiczno-eklezjalnego Kardynała prof. dra hab. Stanisława Nagyego w sprawie nadania tytułu honoris causa Papieskiego Wydziału Teologicznego we Wrocławiu”, in: Kardynał Profesor Stanisław Nagy SCJ doktor honoris causa Papieskiego Wydziału Teologicznego we Wrocławiu, ed. Andrzej Nowicki, Grzegorz Sokołowski, (Wrocław–Kraków: Papieski Wydział Teologiczny we Wrocławiu, 2009), 42; Marek Żmudziński, “Teologia prymatu w myśli eklezjologiczno-ekumenicznej kardynała Stanisława Nagyego”, Roczniki Teologiczne 65/9 (2018): 95. Stanisław Nagy, “Kościół Starego Testamentu – Boży projekt pisany dziejami Narodu Wybranego”, in: Kardynał Profesor Stanisław Nagy SCJ doktor honoris causa Papieskiego Wydziału Teologicznego we Wrocławiu, ed. Andrzej Nowicki, Grzegorz Sokołowski (Wrocław–Kraków: Papieski Wydział Teologiczny we Wrocławiu, 2009), 69–77. Stanisław Nagy, Chrystus w Kościele. Zarys eklezjologii fundamentalnej (Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Wrocławskiej Księgarni Archidiecezjalnej, 1982), 44; cf. Żmudziński, “Teologia prymatu”, 96. Nagy, Chrystus w Kościele, 83–89; Stanisław Nagy, “Próba nowego spojrzenia na zagadnienie ustanowienia Kościoła”, Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne 12/2 (1965): 31–32.

Cardinal Stanisław Nagy’s Apology of the Catholic Church

a complex and long-lasting process; therefore, the apology of its divine genesis requires invoking both historical reasons and in-depth theological reflection12 .

The divine origin of the structure of the Church The Cardinal associates the truth about the genesis of the Church with the divine origin of its structure, and the reflection he presents is conducted on an apologetic level13 . It is both an ad extra and ad intra apology. It concerns the question of the apostolate and apostolic succession as well as the primacy and continuation of the primary ministry. M. Rusecki emphasizes the evolution of the interpretation of the doctrine of the Church system: “the views of Rev. Prof. S. Nagy initially emphasised the establishment of the apostolate and primacy and their succession, richly documented biblically and historically, mainly in terms of jurisdictional authority. Later, he enriched the doctrine of primacy and the apostolate with indepth theological reflection. This means that he exposed the element of authority to a lesser extent, and perceived them more as a salvific function, as the main subjects of the transmission of God’s Revelation in the service of the realisation of salvation”14 . The above-mentioned issues are precisely discussed by the Catholic University of Lublin professor in the textbook on fundamental ecclesiology Christ in the Church, in which, referring to biblical texts, he shows the divine origin of the socio-religious structure of the Church, which consists of the mission and prerogatives of the Twelve and the primacy of Peter15 . Later on, he discusses the eternity of the Church and its system16 . A professor of fundamental theology, devoting significant space to demonstrating the biblical and historical foundations of the apostolate and apostolic succession as well as the primacy and continuation of the primacy of the bishop of Rome, he does so with an awareness of the importance of these issues, which is shown, among others, by ongoing ecumenical dialogue. It is worth noting that “while at the beginning of his scientific activity Nagy advocated a juridical understanding of primacy, he ultimately supports its theological understanding in terms of service, diaconia, testimony of love and truth”17 . The professor’s apology of the primacy ministry acquired a new dimension with the election of Cardinal Karol Wojtyła.

12 Nagy, “Próba nowego spojrzenia na zagadnienie ustanowienia Kościoła”, 19–34. 13 Adam Kumorek, Wiarygodność chrześcijaństwa w pismach kard. Stanisława Nagyego SCJ, (Tarnów: Biblos, 2017), 125–212. 14 Rusecki, “Rozwój refleksji eklezjologicznej”, 10. 15 Nagy, Chrystus w Kościele, 91–151. 16 Nagy, Chrystus w Kościele, 153–247. 17 Rusecki, “Recenzja dorobku naukowego”, 29.

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The cordial ties of friendship between the professors from the Catholic University of Lublin were an additional inspiration to tackle the issue of primacy18 . As M. Żmudziński states, “The Cardinal was not afraid to talk about a new way of carrying out the mission of the Successor of St. Peter, showing him on three levels: valorisation of the principle of collegiality, papal pilgrimage and the servant nature of the service”19 . Nagy’s research on the issue of collegiality is innovative, and at the same time results from apologetic needs. “If he previously approached this problem from the point of view of primacy, then he considered primacy in the context of the apostolate; he argued that the College of the Twelve, with its head, Peter at the front, and then the College of Bishops headed by the Pope, constituted the proper structure of the visible Church. In his opinion, collegiality should be presented in two dimensions: vertical and horizontal; in the first, it is about establishing the vertical relationship, i. e. the relation between pope and bishops, and in the second meaning, it is about establishing the relationship between bishops in communication with the pope. Professor Nagy, in line with the teaching of Vaticanum II, emphasises the fact that the college of bishops, including its head, is sent and responsible for the entire Church in the world, and individual bishops within the college fulfil a mission in local churches, and not the other way around”20 .

Mystery of the Ecclesia In Nagy’s teaching we find a broader understanding of the Church and ecclesiology, especially in comparison with the ecclesiology before the Second Vatican Council, which identified the Church with its visible, institutional and hierarchical structure. Thus, the pre-conciliar ecclesiology took into account only one dimension of the Church. The cardinal, inspired by conciliar teaching, understood the Church holistically. He saw all its dimensions: mystery and eventual, divine and human, visible and invisible, supernatural and historical, charismatic and institutional, unchanging – as the basis of his identity and dynamic, determining his development. Nagy,

18 Stanisław Nagy, “Ty jesteś Piotr, czyli Skała, i na tej Skale zbuduję Kościół mój” (Mt 16, 18). Studium o widzialnym Kościele (Częstochowa: Wydawnictwo Niedzieli, 2009); Stanisław Nagy, “Piotr naszych czasów. Piętnaście lat pontyfikatu Jana Pawła II”, Ethos 6/2–3 (1993): 47–52; Stanisław Nagy, Papież z Krakowa. Szkice do pontyfikatu Jana Pawła II (Częstochowa: Wydawnictwo Niedzieli, 1997); Stanisław Nagy, “Piętnaście lat Jana Pawła II. Próba syntezy”, in: Sympozjum naukowe z okazji 15lecia pontyfikatu Jana Pawła II, Kraków, 11–12.10.1993 r., ed. Jan D. Szczurek, Roman Zawadzki (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Papieskiej Akademii Teologicznej w Krakowie, 1994), 225–245. 19 Żmudziński, “Teologia prymatu”, 103. 20 Rusecki, “Recenzja dorobku naukowego”, 29.

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presenting a new vision of the Church after revealing its mystery, discusses its understanding in terms of the Mystical Body, the People of God and the Community of salvation21 . For the Cardinal, the Church is a mystery, a mystery that man can explore, know and experience personally22 . However, he cannot do so competently without the help of God, the Creator of the Church. Even when a person has the grace to get to know the Church, he is not able to define it and exhaustively describe all its dimensions. However, man is given the possibility of experiencing the Church, entering it – through faith – with his whole person. Anticipating further reflection on the Church and the ecclesiology of Nagy, it should be noted that he had, above all, a deep experience of the Church, which resulted from the awareness of being a Church and living in an ecclesial community and a sense of responsibility for the Church23 The key issue concerning the mystery of the Church is its personal relationship with Christ. This is made clear by the title of Nagy’s flagship work, Christ in the Church. The ecclesia is a personal reality, a divine-human community that received life from Christ and a specific structure that determines its identity. The Church lives, develops, is perfected and sanctified, suffers, loves, believes and proclaims hope. In the historical dimension, the ecclesia is constantly recreated, reborn, grows and matures. In the life of the Church, its Christlike character is permanently visible, because Christ is present in the Church – He lives and acts. The mystery of the Church is constantly imbued with the personal and living presence of Christ24 .

21 Stanisław Nagy, “Elementy nowej wizji Kościoła”, Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne 22/2 (1975): 44–57; Stanisław Nagy, “Problem Kościoła w encyklice Redemptor hominis”, in: Jan Paweł II, “Redemtor hominis”. Tekst i komentarze, ed. Zofia J. Zdybicka (Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 1982), 197–210. 22 Stanisław Nagy, Z myślą o moim Kościele. Z kard. Stanisławem Nagym SCI rozmawia ks. inf. Ireneusz Skubiś (Częstochowa: Wydawnictwo Niedzieli 2011); Stanisław Nagy, “Ty jesteś Piotr, czyli Skała, i na tej Skale zbuduję Kościół mój” (Mt 16, 18). Studium o widzialnym Kościele (Częstochowa: Wydawnictwo Niedzieli, 2009), 13–14. 23 M. Rusecki wrote in his letter on the 80th birthday of Professor Stanisław Nagy: “You were often interested in what was especially dear to you, the life and activity of the Church in Poland, both in the communist, post-communist and neoliberal times. You saw the threats to the Church earlier and you saw them later. Together with other intellectuals, you defended the rights of the Church to freedom of action, including the rights of the believer to freedom of speech, conscience and public confession of his faith. […] You were not only a theoretician of the Ecclesia, but also an ecclesial man and a praxeologist of the Church, examining reality through the prism of Christ living in the Church” (“List Dyrektora Instytutu Teologii Fundamentalnej KUL z okazji osiemdziesiątych urodzin Księdza Profesora Stanisława Nagy’ego”, Roczniki Teologiczne 48–49/2 (2001–2002): 8). 24 Stanisław Nagy, “Chrystus żyjący w Kościele”, in: Czytając “Przekroczyć próg nadziei”, ed. Tadeusz Styczeń, Zofia J. Zdybicka (Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 1995), 71–82; Stanisław Nagy, “Problem człowieka problemem Boga”, in: Stanisław Nagy, Problem człowieka problemem Boga (Lublin: TN

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Christ’s permanent and personal presence in the Church and his action through the Church is an important reason for demonstrating his truthfulness and saving effectiveness throughout history. The second important issue related to the mystery of the Church is the relationship with the Holy Spirit. It is easy to see that Nagy’s ecclesiology is thoroughly pneumatological. The main issues he deals with involving the problem of the relationship between the Holy Spirit and the Church are the presence and action of the Holy Spirit in the genesis of the Church, in its structure, life and action25 . The Holy Spirit is thus the Co-Founder of the Church and actively participates in permanent ecclesiogenesis, which is of paramount importance in showing the credibility of the Ecclesia26 . The doyen of Polish ecclesiology introduces the mystery of the Church to the conviction that a better understanding of who the Church is helps in a proper reading of her supernatural and saving mission. This is an important contribution to the Church’s apology.

Signs of the True Church An important element of the apology of the Church of Christ is evidence of its truthfulness by referring to its features27 . In classical apologetics, the truth of Christ’s Church is demonstrated on the basis of its four features. Referring to the Nicene-Constantinople confession of faith (AD 381), it was shown that the Church is one, holy, catholic and apostolic. After the divisions that affected the Ecclesia, efforts were made to prove that the Church of Christ exists only in the Catholic

KUL, 2006), 15–21; Stanisław Nagy, “Kościół Ojca, Syna i Ducha Świętego”, in: Katechizm Kościoła Katolickiego. Wprowadzenie, ed. Marian Rusecki, Edward Pudełko (Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL 1995), 120–121; Rusecki, “Rozwój refleksji eklezjologicznej”, 10; Marian Rusecki, “Chrystyczna ikoniczność Kościoła w świetle nauczania Jana Pawła. Szkic zagadnienia”, in: Jana Pawła II inspiracje chrystologiczne, ed. Krzysztof Kaucha, Jacenty Mastej (Lublin–Kielce–Kraków: Wydawnictwo DEHON, 2006), 145. 25 Stanisław Nagy, “Duch Święty w strukturze i życiu Kościoła”, in: Chrześcijanin w Kościele, ed. Józef Majka (Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Wrocławskiej Księgarni Archidiecezjalnej, 1979), 25–56; Stanisław Nagy, “Duch Święty a tajemnica Kościoła”, in: Jan Paweł II, “Dominum et Vivificantem”. Tekst i komentarze, ed. Adam L. Szafrański (Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 1994), 119–135; Stanisław Nagy, “Duch Święty a tajemnica Kościoła”, in: Stanisław Nagy, Problem człowieka problemem Boga (Lublin: TN KUL, 2006), 49–70; Nagy, “Kościół Ojca, Syna i Ducha Świętego”, 120–123. 26 Jacenty Mastej, “Pneumatologiczna wiarygodność Kościoła”, Verbum Vitae 37/1 (2020): 227–240. 27 Stanisław Nagy, “Katolicki traktat apologetyczny o Kościele”, in: Pod tchnieniem Ducha Świętego. Współczesna myśl teologiczna, ed. Marian Finke (Poznań–Warszawa–Lublin: Księgarnia św. Wojciecha, 1964), 340–342.

Cardinal Stanisław Nagy’s Apology of the Catholic Church

Church28 , because only Church has the above-mentioned features from Christ. Nagy unequivocally states that “the main purpose of the argumentation from the birthmarks is to justify the thesis about the divine origin of the Catholic Church. […] The fact that Christ gave the Church founded by him certain attributes ultimately constitutes the deepest basis for apologetic reasoning for argumentation from the marks”29 . The argumentation of the marks in favour of the truth of the Church requires that it be shown that they were instituted and given as distinctive marks by Christ, which is possible “either by inferring from the structure of the Church or by referring positively to the evangelical statements of Christ”30 . As M. Rusecki notes, Nagy “initially understood the mark of the Church in a matter-of-fact and static way, as a characteristic of the Church given to her by Christ. By presenting each of the marks, he showed its three-stage structure, so: Christ wanted the Church to be one, holy, catholic and apostolic, that by Christ’s will they would be realised in the primitive Church and last for centuries and will have their meaning until the end of the world”31 . With time, he proposed a new, fuller understanding of them, emphasising their dynamic, sign and even personalistic understanding32 . In the professor’s publications, we find a detailed description of individual signs, both in terms of their understanding throughout history, as well as a presentation of their contemporary understanding33 . The Cardinal from Kraków emphasises that “the use of via notarum is still justified, as long as the marks are treated as structural attributes of the authentic Church and recognises that they can also characterise other Christian Churches. In quite an original way, he links this argumentative path with a new understanding of the truth of the Church and with the issue of belonging to the community of Christ. In his opinion, the teaching of Vaticanum II demands the replacement of the category of truth with one of integrity that expresses the essential identity of the Catholic Church, and at the same time does not undermine the relationship of other

28 Sobór Watykański II, Konstytucja dogmatyczna o Kościele Lumen gentium, Watykan 1964, 8. 29 Stanisław Nagy, “Via notarum we współczesnej eklezjologii apologetycznej”, Roczniki TeologicznoKanoniczne 15/2 (1968): 99–103. 30 Nagy, “Via notarum”, 105. 31 Rusecki, “Recenzja dorobku naukowego”, 31. 32 Żmudziński, “Teologia prymatu”, 97. 33 Nagy, “Via notarum”, 93–116; Stanisław Nagy, “Jedność jako znamię Kościoła”, Roczniki TeologicznoKanoniczne 12/2 (1970): 110–130; Stanisław Nagy, “Dwa bieguny jedności Kościoła – Jedność dana, Jedność zadana”, Communio 8/2 (1988): 15–26; Stanisław Nagy, “Katolickość jako znamię Kościoła”, Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne 18/2 (1971): 5–20; Stanisław Nagy, “Znamię apostolskości Kościoła”, Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne 20/2 (1973): 5–30; Kumorek, Wiarygodność chrześcijaństwa, 239–266.

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Christian communities with the Church of Christ”34 . Nagy, following a consistent apology of the Catholic Church and respecting all ecumenical principles, emphatically states: “The Catholic Church is an authentic and adequate continuation of the Church founded by Christ. It has all the components that Christ endowed with the New Testament community of the people of God he has called”35 . The above statement does not exclude that also “other Christian communities, being Churches, are therefore true Churches, and therefore, although belonging in a way that is not fully part of the Church, they are in the true Church of Christ”36 .

Man is the Way of the Church The ecclesiology was long convinced that the Church is the way of man. In the words of St. John Paul II, contained in his first encyclical Redemptor hominis (1979), “Man is the way of the Church”37 . This new emphasis means that the Church is to serve people, to be with them in everyday life, not to leave them, but to accompany them every day, especially in situations of fear, danger and anxiety38 . In this respect, the Cardinal’s presentation is relevant: “The problem of man is a problem of God”, which delegates a significant part to the mystery of the Church39 . “What is the content of this great mission of the Church, as expressed in the statement that ‘man is the way of the Church’? Its dominant element is service, devotion to the cause of man [...]. Therefore, the obligatory task of the Church is tirelessly to ensure that man could come into contact with Christ by getting to know the programme of human salvation brought by him in his life and science, and by being in the orbit of the

34 Seweryniak, “Recenzja dorobku naukowego”, 43; cf. Henryk Seweryniak, “Profesor dr hab. Stanisław Nagy SCJ – Teolog na służbie Kościoła”, Roczniki Teologiczne 43/2 (1996): 12. 35 Stanisław Nagy, “Problem prawdziwego Kościoła”, Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne 32/2 (1985); 255–269. 36 Nagy, “Problem prawdziwego Kościoła”, 264. 37 Jan Paweł II, Encyklika Redemptor hominis, Watykan 1979, 14. See: Andrzej Szostek, “Człowiek drogą Kościoła. Główne linie pontyfikatu Jana Pawła II”, Ethos (2005 – Numer specjalny): 45–53; Zbigniew Krzyszowski, “Człowiek drogą Kościoła – Kościół drogą człowieka w nauczaniu Jana Pawła II”, Roczniki Teologiczne 43/2 (1996): 129–143. 38 Janusz Nagórny, “Współczesny człowiek – drogą Kościoła. Refleksja nad nauczaniem Jana Pawła II”, Roczniki Teologiczne 40/3 (1993): 95–118; Jerzy Gocko, Kościół obecny w świecie – posłany do świata. Teologiczno-społeczne aspekty posłannictwa Kościoła w świecie po Soborze Watykańskim II (Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2003); Krzysztof Guzowski, “Prorockie powołanie Kościoła wobec Europy i świata”, Roczniki Teologiczne 53/2(2006): 97–109; Andrzej A. Napiórkowski, “Kościół wobec wyzwań współczesności”, in: Kościół w czasach Jana Pawła II, ed. Marian Rusecki, Krzysztof Kaucha, Jacenty Mastej (Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, Wydawnictwo Gaudium, 2005), 145–158. 39 Nagy, “Problem człowieka problemem Boga”, 7–27.

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saving powers inherent in Christ’s work of salvation. [...] The proclamation of this program on behalf of Christ is one of the essential elements of the meaning of the Church along the path of man. Thus, the Church would cancel this sense if it did not proclaim this programme, but it would also cancel it if it tried to retouch it, adjust it to the tastes of modern man, and present the conformist reformed programme as Christ’s programme. […] So if the Church departed from the difficult but unique programme of Christ saving man, she would lose her way and let herself be drawn into the tragic whirlwind of losing her identity, a whirlwind that will inexorably direct her towards destruction”40 . The Church will retain her identity only when she remains faithful to the cause of man and provides him with the means of salvation he needs41 . Nagy emphasises that at the present time the Church is facing new challenges in the field of anthropology. Based on the exhortation of John Paul II Ecclesia in Europa, he emphasises the dangers of anthropology without God and without Christ42 . The promoted new concept of man “forces him to take the place of God, forgetting that it is not man who makes God, but God who makes man43 . The task of the Church is to counteract contemporary atheisation and apostasy by proclaiming “the message of hope entrusted to her by God”44 . However, the anthropology proclaimed by the Church is Christocentric, because in Christ, the Incarnate Son of God, man finds the full truth about himself – who he is, the meaning and purpose of his life. Thus, the proclamation of the revealed truth about man is at the same time an apology for the Church, which is concerned about every human being, both on the temporal and spiritual level. The Church’s deep concern for salvation is justified by God’s work of creation and human redemption. Ecclesial concern for man is visible in various areas of his life, which can be observed throughout the twentieth centuries of the history of the Church45 .

40 Nagy, “Problem człowieka problemem Boga”, 25–27. 41 Stanisław Nagy, “Zadania Kościoła w świecie współczesnym”, Częstochowskie Studia Teologiczne 8 (1980): 47–50. 42 Stanisław Nagy, “Europa na rozdrożu. Jana Pawła II wizja Europy”, in: Kościół w czasach Jana Pawła II, ed. M. Rusecki, K. Kaucha, J. Mastej (Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, Wydawnictwo Gaudium 2005), 393–399. 43 Jan Paweł II, Adhortacja Ecclesia in Europa, Watykan 2003, 9. 44 Jan Paweł II, Adhortacja Ecclesia in Europa, 120; Nagy, “Europa na rozdrożu”, 393–397. 45 Stanisław Nagy, “Kościół a sprawa zbawienia”, Znak 46/5 (1994): 42–46; Stanisław Nagy, “Świadectwo Kościoła doświadczonego przemocą systemu komunistycznego”, in: Świadectwo Kościoła katolickiego w systemie totalitarnym Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, ed. Janusz Nagórny et al. (Lublin: Redakcja Wydawnictw KUL, 1994), 29–37.

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Conclusions The subject of this presentation is the apology of the Church by Cardinal Stanisław Nagy. On the basis of the above presentation, several general conclusions can be drawn. The apology of the Church, implemented by Nagy in his scientific reflection, is characterised by an integral approach to the Christological and ecological thesis, which contributes to exposing the unity of Christ and the Church. In the apology of the Catholic Church, the Cardinal refers both to the historical and theological reality, showing the Church’s genesis as Christ, the divine origin of its structures and its mysterious nature. In the apology of the Catholic Church, its features play a special role, which determine the truthfulness of the Church of Christ – they are a gift of Christ and a task to be carried out by the Church. The original area of the Church’s apology should be considered to be the connection between anthropology and Christology and ecclesiology, which is emphasised by Nagy’s proclamation of the papal conviction that man is the way of the Church. Finally, it is worth emphasising that we can see the apology of the Church not only in the teaching of Cardinal Nagy – as presented above – but also in the attitude to life, that is, the testimony of life, and above all in the unlimited love for the Church. The apology of the Church is also visible in the fact that he spoke about the Church with delight, reverence and love, and at the same time taught in the truth; he did not avoid difficult and painful topics – because the Church loved and was aware of the great responsibility for the entire ecclesial community.

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Nagy, Stanisław. “Duch Święty a tajemnica Kościoła”. In: Stanisław Nagy, Problem człowieka problemem Boga, 49–70. Lublin: TN KUL, 2006. Nagy, Stanisław. “Duch Święty w strukturze i życiu Kościoła”. In: Chrześcijanin w Kościele, ed. Józef Majka, 25–56. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Wrocławskiej Księgarni Archidiecezjalnej, 1979. Nagy, Stanisław. “Dwa bieguny jedności Kościoła – Jedność dana, Jedność zadana”. Communio 8/2 (1988): 15–26. Nagy, Stanisław. “Elementy nowej wizji Kościoła”. Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne 22/2 (1975): 37–58. Nagy, Stanisław. “Europa na rozdrożu. Jana Pawła II wizja Europy”. In: Kościół w czasach Jana Pawła II, ed. M. Rusecki, K. Kaucha, J. Mastej, 393–399. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, Wydawnictwo Gaudium, 2005. Nagy, Stanisław. “Jedność jako znamię Kościoła”. Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne 12/2 (1970): 110–130. Nagy, Stanisław. “Katolicki traktat apologetyczny o Kościele”. In: Pod tchnieniem Ducha Świętego. Współczesna myśl teologiczna, ed. Marian Finke, 331–350, Poznań–Warszawa–Lublin: Księgarnia św. Wojciecha, 1964. Nagy, Stanisław. “Katolickość jako znamię Kościoła”. Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne 18/2 (1971): 5–20. Nagy, Stanisław. “Kościół a sprawa zbawienia”. Znak 46/5 (1994): 42–46. Nagy, Stanisław. “Kościół Ojca, Syna i Ducha Świętego”. In: Katechizm Kościoła Katolickiego. Wprowadzenie, ed. Marian Rusecki, Edward Pudełko, 115–123. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL 1995. Nagy, Stanisław. “Kościół Starego Testamentu – Boży projekt pisany dziejami Narodu Wybranego”. In: Kardynał Profesor Stanisław Nagy SCJ doktor honoris causa Papieskiego Wydziału Teologicznego we Wrocławiu, ed. Andrzej Nowicki, Grzegorz Sokołowski, 69–77. Wrocław–Kraków: Papieski Wydział Teologiczny we Wrocławiu, 2009. Nagy, Stanisław. Papież z Krakowa. Szkice do pontyfikatu Jana Pawła II, Częstochowa: Wydawnictwo Niedzieli, 1997. Nagy, Stanisław. “Piętnaście lat Jana Pawła II. Próba syntezy”. In: Sympozjum naukowe z okazji 15-lecia pontyfikatu Jana Pawła II, Kraków, 11–12.10.1993 r., ed. Jan D. Szczurek, Roman Zawadzki, 225–245. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Papieskiej Akademii Teologicznej w Krakowie, 1994. Nagy, Stanisław. “Piotr naszych czasów. Piętnaście lat pontyfikatu Jana Pawła II”. Ethos 6/2–3 (1993): 47–52. Nagy, Stanisław. “Problem człowieka problemem Boga”. In: Stanisław Nagy, Problem człowieka problemem Boga, 7–27. Lublin: TN KUL, 2006. Nagy, Stanisław. “Problem Kościoła w encyklice Redemptor hominis”. In: Jan Paweł II, “Redemtor hominis”. Tekst i komentarze, ed. Zofia J. Zdybicka, 197–210. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 1982.

Cardinal Stanisław Nagy’s Apology of the Catholic Church

Nagy, Stanisław. “Problem prawdziwego Kościoła”. Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne 32/2 (1985): 255–269. Nagy, Stanisław. “Problematyka eklezjologiczna we współczesnej teologii fundamentalnej”. Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne 24/2 (1977): 5–28. Nagy, Stanisław. “Próba nowego spojrzenia na zagadnienie ustanowienia Kościoła”. Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne 12/2 (1965): 19–34. Nagy, Stanisław. “Świadectwo Kościoła doświadczonego przemocą systemu komunistycznego”. In: Świadectwo Kościoła katolickiego w systemie totalitarnym Europy ŚrodkowoWschodniej, ed. Janusz Nagórny et al., 29–37. Lublin: Redakcja Wydawnictw KUL, 1994. Nagy, Stanisław. “Ty jesteś Piotr, czyli Skała, i na tej Skale zbuduję Kościół mój” (Mt 16, 18). Studium o widzialnym Kościele. Częstochowa: Wydawnictwo Niedzieli, 2009. Nagy, Stanisław. Ty jesteś Piotr. Srebrny Jubileusz Pontyfikatu Jana Pawła II. Kraków: Wydawnictwo DEHON, 2003. Nagy, Stanisław. “Via notarum we współczesnej eklezjologii apologetycznej”. Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne 15/2 (1968): 93–116. Nagy, Stanisław. Z myślą o moim Kościele. Z kard. Stanisławem Nagym SCI rozmawia ks. inf. Ireneusz Skubiś. Częstochowa: Wydawnictwo Niedzieli, 2011. Nagy, Stanisław. “Zadania Kościoła w świecie współczesnym”. Częstochowskie Studia Teologiczne 8 (1980): 43–54. Nagy, Stanisław. “Znamię apostolskości Kościoła”. Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne” 20/2 (1973): 5–30. Napiórkowski, Andrzej A. “Kościół wobec wyzwań współczesności”. In: Kościół w czasach Jana Pawła II, ed. Marian Rusecki, Krzysztof Kaucha, Jacenty Mastej, 145–158. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, Wydawnictwo Gaudium, 2005. Nowicki, Andrzej. “Droga życia”. In: Kardynał Profesor Stanisław Nagy SCJ doktor honoris causa Papieskiego Wydziału Teologicznego we Wrocławiu, ed. Andrzej Nowicki, Grzegorz Sokołowski, 11–22. Wrocław–Kraków: Papieski Wydział Teologiczny we Wrocławiu, 2009. Rusecki, Marian. “Chrystyczna ikoniczność Kościoła w świetle nauczania Jana Pawła. Szkic zagadnienia”. In: Jana Pawła II inspiracje chrystologiczne, ed. Krzysztof Kaucha, Jacenty Mastej, 133–151. Lublin–Kielce–Kraków: Wydawnictwo DEHON, 2006. Rusecki, Marian. “List Dyrektora Instytutu Teologii Fundamentalnej KUL z okazji osiemdziesiątych urodzin Księdza Profesora Stanisława Nagy’ego”. Roczniki Teologiczne 48–49/2 (2001–2002): 7–9. Rusecki, Marian. “Recenzja dorobku naukowego i prakseologiczno-eklezjalnego Kardynała prof. dra hab. Stanisława Nagyego w sprawie nadania tytułu honoris causa Papieskiego Wydziału Teologicznego we Wrocławiu”. In: Kardynał Profesor Stanisław Nagy SCJ doktor honoris causa Papieskiego Wydziału Teologicznego we Wrocławiu, ed. Andrzej Nowicki, Grzegorz Sokołowski, 23–34. Wrocław–Kraków: Papieski Wydział Teologiczny we Wrocławiu, 2009. Rusecki, Marian. “Rozwój refleksji eklezjologicznej Księdza Kardynała Stanisława Nagy’ego”. Roczniki Teologiczne 51/2 (2004): 5–14.

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Jacenty Mastej

Seweryniak, Henryk. “Profesor dr hab. Stanisław Nagy SCJ – Teolog na służbie Kościoła”. Roczniki Teologiczne 43/2 (1996): 7–16. Seweryniak, Henryk. “Recenzja dorobku naukowego i prakseologiczno-eklezjalnego Kardynała prof. dra hab. Stanisława Nagyego w sprawie nadania tytułu honoris causa Papieskiego Wydziału Teologicznego we Wrocławiu”. In: Kardynał Profesor Stanisław Nagy SCJ doktor honoris causa Papieskiego Wydziału Teologicznego we Wrocławiu, ed. Andrzej Nowicki, Grzegorz Sokołowski, 35–58. Wrocław–Kraków: Papieski Wydział Teologiczny we Wrocławiu, 2009. Seweryniak, Henryk. “Teologia fundamentalna i renesans apologii”. In: Nowa apologia. Czego, wobec kogo i jak bronimy?, ed. Przemysław Artemiuk, 9–26. Płock: Płocki Instytut Wydawniczy, 2020. Skierkowski, Marek. “Narodziny apologii chrześcijańskiej”. In: Powracanie apologii, ed. Marek Skierkowski, 9–38. Płock: Płocki Instytut Wydawniczy, 2013. Sobór Watykański II. Konstytucja dogmatyczna o Kościele Lumen gentium, Watykan 1964. Szostek, Andrzej. “Człowiek drogą Kościoła. Główne linie pontyfikatu Jana Pawła II”, Ethos (2005 – Numer specjalny): 45–53. Szram, Mariusz. “Apologeci wczesnochrześcijańscy”. In: Leksykon Teologii Fundamentalnej, ed. Marian Rusecki et al., 71–78. Lublin–Kraków: Wydawnictwo M, 2002. Wysocki, Marcin. “Apologists”. In: Encyclopedia of Christian Education, eds. George Thomas Kurian, Mark A. Lamport, vol. 1, 57–58. Lanham-Boulder-New York-London: Rowman and Littlefield, 2015. Wysocki, Marcin. “Argumenty wczesnochrześcijańskich apologetów za wyższością chrześcijaństwa nad innymi religiami (Arystydes, Atenagoras, Justyn, Teofil z Antiochii, List do Diogneta). In: Wczesne chrześcijaństwo a religie, eds. Sławomir Ireneusz Ledwoń, Mariusz Szram, 133–150. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2012. Żmudziński, Marek. “Teologia prymatu w myśli eklezjologiczno-ekumenicznej kardynała Stanisława Nagyego”. Roczniki Teologiczne 65/9 (2018): 91–106.

Author Index

A Ablewicz, Jerzy 84, 85 Adorno, Theodor W. 102, 123 Aeby, Pierre 46 Agostino, Marc 37, 48, 54 Alberigo, Giuseppe 155, 166, 167 Albert, Michael 103, 122 Amendola, Giovanni 102 Arauyo, Robert John 39, 40, 52 Arendt, Hannah 102 Aron, Raymond 106, 111 Arrieta, Juan Ignacio 161, 166 Artemiuk, Przemysław 169, 170, 180, 181, 184 Artina, Giovanna Senin 165, 167 Attolico, Bernardo 50 Aubert, Roger 52 Augustijn, Cornelis 28, 32 Azara, Liliosa 41–43, 46–48, 51, 52 B Balfour, Arthur 50 Barda, Franciszek 81, 92 Barlandus, Adrianus 24 Baron, Arkadiusz 30, 32 Barros, James 50, 52 Bartnik, Czesław Stanisław 117, 122 Bartoszewski, Gabriel 131, 133, 135 Baumberger, Georg 42, 45 Beda, Noël 28, 33 Bednarczyk, Weronika 145, 149 Bednarska, Fidelia 65 Benedict XIII 162 Benedict XIV 154, 163, 164, 166 Benedict XV 35, 36, 38–41, 46, 48, 49 Benedict XVI 13, 18

Bentley, Jerry H. 24, 27, 32 Berlinghieri, Castagnino 37, 53 Bertone, Tarcisio 163, 166 Biernat, Tadeusz 78, 96 Bietenholz, Peter G. 24, 33 Bilio, Aloysio 161, 168 Biskupski, Stefan 80, 97 Błaszczyk, Tomasz 170, 180 Błaszkiewicz, Tadeusz 91, 92 Bobbio, Norberto 102, 122 Bober, Sabina 79, 96 Bocheński, Józef 95, 96, 108, 122 Boersma, Hans 31, 32 Böhlaus, Hermann 33 Bolewski, Andrzej 143, 147, 149 Boniface VIII 162 Bookbinder, Paul 103, 122 Borcz, Henryk 84, 96 Borowiak, Władysław 92 Borromeo, Charles 159, 163 Borzęcka, Celine 56, 71 Borzęcka, Hedwig 56 Bouman, Cornelius Adrianus 161, 168 Branach, Zbigniew 133, 135 Bratkowski, Stefan 131 Brianza, Besana di 53 Broglio, Francesco Margiotta 38, 49 Buczek, Stanisław 83, 91 Bujek, Małgorzata 143, 149 Bullinger, Heinrich 28 Bylińska, Wojciecha 66 C Cajani, Franco 53 Calonder, Felix 45 Campensis, Johannes

24, 25

186

Author Index

Camus, Albert 106, 111 Caputo, Giuseppe 47 Cassirer, Ernst 106, 111 Catastini, Vito 50 Cavagnini, Giovanni 36, 53 Cechol, Józef 67 Cecil, Robert 47 Cerretti, Bonaventura 38, 49 Chenaux, Philippe 51, 53 Chiron, Yves 36, 49, 53 Chmielowski, Albert 70 Christophe, Paul 36, 53 Chrostowski, Waldemar 134 Chruszczewski, Adam 56, 75 Chrzan, Edward 82 Clercq, Charles de 155, 168 Cohn, Norman 106, 111 Conquest, Robert 101, 122 Corbellini, Giorgio 154, 167 Cuva, Armando 166 Czaczkowska, Ewa 128, 130, 132, 135 Czaja, Jan 138, 149 Czajkowski, Michał 131 Czuj, Jan 81 Czyżewski, Władysław 91 D Dąbrowska, Małgorzata 60 Dąbrowska, Maria Paula 68 Dąbrowski, Bronisław 130 Dantyszek, Jan 25 De Leonardis, Massimo 38, 54 Dębowska, Krystyna 75 Dębowski, Tomasz R. 146, 149 Deutscher, Thomas B. 24, 33 Di Nolfo, Ennio 38, 39 Diatłowicki, Jerzy 82, 97 Díez, Luis A. 157, 168 Doane, Peter M. 12, 13, 21 Doublet, Nicholas 37, 53 Drozdowski, Marian M. 60

Drummond, Eric 50 Drybała, Józef 87, 96 Duca, Francesco Borgongini Duda, Józef 91, 93 D’Alatri, Mariano 24, 33

47, 48

E Eppstein, John 47 Erasmus 23, 24, 27, 28, 31–33 Eusebius of Cesarea 29 F Falconi, Carlo 49, 53 Farge, James K. 28, 33 Farysej, Joanna 142, 143, 150 Fattorini, Emma 48, 53 Ferrari, Silvio 155, 164, 167 Ficek, Ryszard 9, 99, 106, 109, 111, 113–115, 118–123 Finke, Marian 176, 182 Fiodorów, Sławomir 142, 149 Fleury, Antoine 41, 44, 45 Folejewski, Feliks 94 Forel, Auguste 42 Fortune, Marie M. 12, 21 Francis 14–18, 164 Friszke, Andrzej 82, 97 Fritze, Lothar 104, 123 Furman, Andrzej 147, 149 G Gach, Paweł P. 75 Gallina, Ernesto 40, 53 Garzia, Italo 39 Gąsior, Jan 83, 88–93 Gasparri, Pietro 44, 45, 48, 49, 51, 160, 167 Gaudemet, Jean 156, 158, 160, 162, 167 Gdaniec, Rafaela 56, 61–66, 68, 70, 74 Gentile, Emilio 102, 107, 123 Gentile, Giovanni 102, 103, 123

Author Index

Gerwarth, Robert 36, 53 Ghisalberti, Marco 155, 167 Gianni, Andrea 165, 167 Gigilewicz, Edward 170, 171, 181 Gliński, Waldemar 170, 180 Gocko, Jerzy 178, 180 Gołębiewski, Jakub 130, 134, 135 Górska-Rożej, Karina 142, 149 Graziano, Manlio 39, 53 Grey, Edward 50 Grossi, Giulia 36, 53 Grzymała, Antoni 67 Guasco, Alberto 42, 47, 48, 52–54 Gurian, Waldemar 106, 111 Guzowski, Krzysztof 178, 181 H Hahnel, Robin 103, 122 Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich 101 Heschmeyer, Joe 12, 21 Hieronimus 31 Hobsbawn, Eric 36, 53 Hofreiter, Ladislav 141, 144, 145, 147, 149 Horkheimer, Max 102, 123 Hughes, Philip 11, 21 I Innocent III 157 Irenaeus 31 Iwanicka, Katarzyna 69 Ивина, Александр Архипович Izdebski, Jakub 84, 96

103, 126

J Jackowska, Anna 132 Jakiel, Stanisław 89, 91 Jank, Patrycja 147, 149 Jaszcz, Adam 9, 153, 164, 167 Jedin, Hubert 155, 157, 161, 166, 167 Jerome 31, 33 Jeske, Maria Bogumiła 70

John Paul II 18, 166, 178, 179, 181 Jurgilewicz, Oktawia 147, 149 Justin 31 K Kaczmarski, Krzysztof 84, 96 Kalkstein, Teresa 8, 71, 74 Kania, Stanisław 85 Kardela, Piotr 79, 97 Kasper, Walter 159, 167 Kaucha, Krzysztof 171, 176, 178, 179, 181–183 Kazimirska, Celestyna 69 Kindziuk, Milena 128, 135 Kistler, Karl 42, 53 Kłoczowski, Jerzy 75 Kniotek, Florian 121, 126 Kociubiński, Krzysztof 146, 149 Koelbing-Waldis, Vera 43 Kopczewski, Marian 145, 149 Kopiczko, Andrzej 79, 80, 97 Kossowska, Amata 58 Kowalczyk, Dariusz 170, 181 Kowalczyk, Maria Bogusława 65 Kowalkowski, Stanisław 147, 149 Kozub-Ciembroniewicz, Wiesław 102, 103, 123 Krey, Philip D.W. 27, 33 Kroplewska, Celesta 65 Krzyszowski, Zbigniew 170, 178, 180, 181 Krzysztofiński, Mariusz 8, 77, 79, 84, 86, 96–98 Kuc, Bolesław 140, 149 Kumorek, Adam 173, 181 Kurian, George Thomas 170, 184 Kurkiewicz, Anna 142, 150 Kuta, Cecylia 81, 97 L Łabęcka, Maria Janina 59 Lamport, Mark A. 170, 184

187

188

Author Index

Laska, Berchmansa 69 Łatka, Rafał 78, 97, 130, 135 Le Bras, Gabriel 155, 167 Ledwoń, Sławomir Ireneusz 170, 184 Lesiński, Andrzej 128, 129, 135 Lewkowicz, Kajetana 69 Lloyd, Lorna 50 Loisy, Alfred 32 Longhitano, Adolfo 154, 158, 167 Łopatka, Adam 133 Lucal, John 39, 40, 52 Luther, Martin 23, 28, 32, 33 M Macharski, Franciszek 159 Maciejewski, Jan 142, 149 Maglione, Luigi 8, 35, 36, 41–51 Maj, Dorota 142, 146, 150 Majka, Józef 176, 182 Malgeri, Francesco 41 Mandziuk, Józef 170, 180 Mansi, Gian Domenico 158 Mantyk, Tomasz Karol 8, 23 Marczak, Jan 131, 136 Marczewska-Rytko, Maria 142, 146, 150 Marek, Łucja 133, 135 Mariański, Józef 117, 123 Markiewicz, Bernadetta 70 Martin, Ralph 8, 11–21 Marx, Karl 101 Masłowska, Alicja 72 Masson, Jacques 24 Mastej, Jacenty 9, 169, 171, 176, 178, 179, 181–183 Materska-Sosnowska, Anna 139, 145, 150, 151 Melloni, Alberto 36, 53 Menozzi, Daniele 39, 40, 48, 49, 51, 53 Mercier, Désiré 40 Metz, Johann Baptist 119, 123 Miccoli, Giuseppe 51, 53

Michalski, Mirosław 147, 149 Miranda, Americo 37–41, 49, 53 Miras, Jorge 163, 167 Mirecka, Halina 103, 123 Misiarczyk, Leszek 169, 181 Mistecka, Maria Lucyna 57–64, 66–74 Montenach, Daniel de 50 Mori, Giancarlo 155, 167 Moro, Renato 51, 53 Motta, Giuseppe 41, 44 Murray, Gilbert 47 Mussolini, Benito 102 Mysiakowska, Jolanta 131, 135 N Nabożny, Marcin 7, 8, 11, 73 Nabywaniec, Stanisław 81, 97 Nagórny, Janusz 178, 179, 181, 183 Nagy, Stanisław 9, 169–183 Napiórkowski, Andrzej A. 178, 183 Niedzielski, Mieczysław 71 Niemeyer, Gerhart 108, 122 Niwierski, Roman 84, 97 Nossol, Alfons 95 Nowak, Ambroża 70 Nowicki, Andrzej 170, 172, 182–184 Nowocień, Antonia 70 Nowosad, Adam 131, 136 O Oecolampadius, Johannes 28 Olędzki, Artur 129, 136 Orlando, Vittorio Emanuele 38 Orwell, George 102 Osóbka-Morawski, Edward 93 Otaduy, Javier 154, 167, 168 Owczarek, Stanisław 81, 97 P Pacelli, Eugenio 41 Pagano, Sergio 48

Author Index

Paget, James C. 27, 34 Pałęga, Józef 86, 87, 91, 92 Palm, Melania 57, 61–63, 66–70, 74 Paquay, Alfons 23, 33 Paravini, Charles 45 Parmoor, Charles 47 Parys, Jan 95 Pawłowski, Gustaw 72 Pękala, Leszek 134 Perin, Raffaella 42, 48, 51, 52, 54 Pettinaroli, Laura 41, 47, 53 Piasecki, Bolesław 81 Picciaredda, Stefano 42, 53 Piekarski, Stanisław 88, 97 Pietras, Henryk 30, 32, 155, 156, 167 Pietraś, Marek 147, 150 Pietromarchi, Luca 50 Pietruszka, Adam 131 Pietrzak, Joanna 138, 150 Pilski, Bolesław 72 Piotrowski, Grzegorz 134 Pipes, Richard 36, 54 Pisarska, Antonina 56, 75 Piszczek, Radosław 82, 97 Pius IX 165 Pius VI 160, 167 Pius XI 35, 48, 49 Płatek, Zenon 133 Plato 101 Podlewski, Stanisław 64, 69, 75 Podolska, Lucyna 88, 97 Pogonowski, Igor 145, 149 Pontal, Odette 154, 157, 158, 160, 167, 168 Popiełuszko, Jerzy 9, 94, 127–135 Popper, Karl 101, 123 Pratensis, Felix 25 Pruszko, Amata 57, 60, 63, 64, 66, 75 Przybyłowicz, Beata 60, 68, 69 Pudełko, Edward 176, 182 Pudło, Julian 83, 95 Pyszna, Joanna 8, 55, 73, 75

Q Quirico, Giuseppe

42, 54

R Radziszewska, Emilia 57, 61–68, 70, 72, 75 Raffa, Vincenzo 166 Raina, Peter 130, 133–136 Rauschenbusch, Walter 12, 21 Regoli, Roberto 37, 54 Reuchlin, Johannes 25 Reynold, Gonzague de 50 Riccardi, Andrea 37, 54 Roman, Emanuela 59 Rosa, Ryszard 145, 150 Rozkrut, Tomasz 162, 168 Rubin, Władysław 90 Rubino, Vincenzo 8, 35 Rummel, Erika 28, 33 Rusecki, Marian 169–179, 181–183 Rzegocki, Arkady 95, 98 S Sacewicz, Karol 79, 97 Safjański, Tomasz 146, 150 Sanz, Javier Ochoa 157, 168 Sartori, Paolo 23, 24, 33 Savoy, Hubert 45 Schaper, Joachim 27, 34 Scheck, Thomas P. 31, 33 Schmitt, Carl 103 Schulz, Winfried 165, 168 Ścibiorek, Zbigniew 140, 149 Scottà, Antonio 37, 54 Secholzer, René 45 Sedano, Joaquín 154, 167, 168 Setlak, Adolf 128, 136 Seweryniak, Henryk 170, 172, 178, 184 Sienkiewicz, Piotr 140, 150 Siewierska, Anna 75 Sikorska, Grażyna 136 Sikorska, Małgorzata 61, 64, 70, 75

189

190

Author Index

Silbernagel, Alfred 43 Simon, Richard 32 Simonetti, Manlio 27, 33 Sixtus V 161, 168 Skierkowski, Marek 170, 180, 184 Słupska, Bogdana 59 Smalley, Beryl 27, 33 Smith, Lesley 27, 33 Sodi, Manlio 166 Sokołowski, Grzegorz 170, 172, 182–184 Sonnino, Sidney 37 Sowiński, Sławomir 142, 150 Stachnik, Tadeusz 131 Stanek, Julia 65 Stępień, Kornelia 146, 150 Styczeń, Tadeusz 175, 181 Sumliński, Wojciech 134, 136 Szadurski, Karol 131, 136 Szafrański, Adam L. 176, 181 Szczecina, Grzegorz Kamil 9, 127 Szcześniak, Wacław 128, 136 Szczurek, Jan D. 174, 182 Szepieniec, Kazimierz 92 Sznajder, Andrzej 133, 135 Szostek, Andrzej 178, 184 Szram, Mariusz 169, 170, 184 Szulczewski, Adam 147, 149 Szyszlak, Elżbieta 146, 149 T Taborski, Bolesław 91, 93, 94 Talmon, Jacob 106, 111 Tertullian 31 Theodoli, Marquis Alberto 50 Thomas, Albert 50 Titelmans, Franciscus 8, 23–33 Tokarczuk, Ignacy 8, 77, 79, 80, 82–89, 91–95, 98 Tomaka, Wojciech 92 Tomassetti, Luigi 162, 168 Tomaszewicz, Antonetta 61, 67, 75

Tournoy, Gilbert 24, 33 Traverso, Enzo 123 Triacca, Achille Maria 164, 166 Trionfini, Paolo 51, 53 Troeyer, Benjamin de 24, 33 Trzaska-Durska, Izabela 69, 75 Tüchle, Hermann 161, 168 Tyrała, Paweł 147, 150 V Varnier, Giovanni Battista 38, 54 Venditti, Gianni 48 Vergil 26 Viana, Antonio 154, 167, 168 Vocht, Henry de 24, 25, 33, 34 Voegelin, Eric 106, 111 W Walkusz, Jan 73 Warmiński, Andrzej 146, 150 Wąsek, Damian 171, 181 Wasiński, Wiesław 128, 129, 136 Wawrzyniak, Floriana 65 Weber, Marie-Thérèse 45 White, James Emery 12, 21 Wielowieyski, Andrzej 82, 97 Wild, John Daniel 102, 123 Wilson, Woodrow 36, 38, 39, 41, 43 Wiścicki, Tomasz 128, 130, 132, 134, 135 Wiśniewska, Maria 61, 64, 70, 75 Wójcik, Aniela 56, 75 Wójcik, Maria Euzebia 57 Wójcik, Monika 115, 123 Wojtaszczyk, Konstanty A. 139, 145, 150, 151 Wojtyła, Karol 173 Wołczański, Józef 79, 98 Wolikow, Serge 36, 54 Wolski, Leszek 133, 134 Woźniak, Columba 70 Wynen, Arthur 40, 54

Author Index

Wysocki, Marcin 7, 170, 184 Wyszyński, Stefan 9, 80, 99–101, 104–122, 124–126 Wyzińska, Elżbieta 69 Y Young, Frances M.

27, 34

Z Zacharias, Ravi 114, 126 Zając, Jan 128, 129, 136 Zalewski, Sławomir 145, 150 Zapart, Robert 9, 137, 138, 142, 143, 146, 147, 150 Żaryn, Jan 78, 97, 131 Zawadzki, Piotr 145, 151 Zawadzki, Roman 174, 182 Zawartka, Monika 142, 149

Zawieja-Żurowska, Karina 138, 150 Żbikowska, Lucyna 93 Zdybicka, Zofia J. 175, 181, 182 Żebrowski, Andrzej 139, 151 Żelazowski, Edmund 67 Zieliński, Zygmunt 81, 95, 98 Zierikzee, Amandus 24 Zink, Wojciech 79, 80, 97 Ziobro, Antoni 91, 92 Żmigrodzki, Radosław 139, 151 Żmudziński, Marek 172, 174, 177, 184 Zubrzycki, Waldemar 146, 150 Żuchniewska, Jadwiga 60, 64, 75 Żuchniewska, Maria Henryka 57, 63, 68 Żulińska, Barbara 60, 75 Zwęgrodzka, Olga 65 Zwingli 28

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Notes on Contributors

Ryszard Ficek is a moral theologian, political scientist and independent researcher living and working in the USA. Email: [email protected] Adam Jaszcz holds the position of assistant professor in the Institute of Canon Law, Faculty of Law, Canon Law and Administration, The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Poland. Email: [email protected] Mariusz Krzysztofiński serves as principal specialist in the branch office of historical research at the Institute of National Remembrance in Rzeszów, Poland. Email: [email protected] Tomasz Karol Mantyk OFMCap is a doctoral student in the Department of the Church History and Patrology, Faculty of Theology, The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Poland. Email: [email protected] Jacenty Mastej holds the position of associate professor in the Department of the Fundamental Theology, Faculty of Theology, The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Poland. Email: [email protected] Marcin Nabożny serves as a research assistant in the Department of Church History and Patrology, Faculty of Theology, The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Poland. Email: [email protected] Joanna Pyszna is a doctoral student in the Department of Church History and Patrology, Faculty of Theology, The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Poland. Email: [email protected] Vincenzo Rubino is a doctoral student in the Faculty of History and Cultural Heritage of the Church, The Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome, Italy. Email: [email protected] Grzegorz Kamil Szczecina is a Church historian and independent researcher based in Poland. Email: [email protected] Robert Zapart serves as assistant professor in the Department of National and Internal Security, Institute of Political Sciences, University of Rzeszów, Poland. Email: [email protected]