The Chinese Story in Global Order 9811990190, 9789811990199

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The Chinese Story in Global Order

Chen Liu

The Chinese Story in Global Order

Chen Liu Beijing Foreign Studies University Beijing, China

Supported by Chinese Fund for the Humanities and Social Sciences ISBN 978-981-19-9019-9 ISBN 978-981-19-9020-5 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9020-5 Jointly published with Peking University Press The print edition is not for sale in China (Mainland). Customers from China (Mainland) please order the print book from: Peking University Press. © Peking University Press 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publishers, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publishers, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publishers nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publishers remain neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Foreword by Joseph Nye

I am happy to write this foreword for Prof. Liu Chen with congratulations and best wishes for her work on China and globalization. I have contributed my suggestions to Prof. Liu Chen’s research which is focused on “Nation Branding” via public-relations efforts when she was studying at Harvard as a postdoctoral fellow. Her research can try to answer the questions about the transformation of China’s image since 1978 Reform and Opening up by historical review, qualitative–quantitative analysis and fieldwork. Also, the synthetic model, which she constructs to record and test for country image, can explore and develop discussions about Soft Power more fully. Cambridge, USA

Joseph Nye Harvard Professor and Founding Dean of the Present-Day Harvard Kennedy School

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Foreword by Donald Johnston

I am pleased to write this foreword for Prof. Liu Chen’s study on the Chinese story and globalization. I understand Prof. Liu Chen’s exploration of the importance of international cooperation and development, and the necessary harmonization of approaches to international challenges is of fundamental importance in this world of rapid globalization. I introduced her project which analyzes and evaluates the transformation of China’s image since Deng Xiaoping’s Reform at my OECD meetings because it shows China’s endeavor to participate correctly in co-existence. Montreal, Canada

Honorable Donald Johnston Former Secretary-General of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (1996–2006) as well as Former Senior Cabinet Minister of the Canadian Government (1980–1984)

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Preface

It is a book that took me ten years to complete. It got its start in Australia in 2008 when I was working with the Center for China Studies, Latrobe University for an academic collaboration on understanding of China and Australia to shape the future for the better—be it through cultural exchange. In doing so, I managed a research project, “Multiculturalism in Australia’s Communitybuilding” which was funded by the Latrobe Research Enhancement Fund. I was aware on the grounds of the research of the rigorous demands in Australia. Both so-called opinion leaders whose personal and professional travels had brought them to China many times and the Australians who had not got a chance to come to China were equally eager to learn more about China, a country which had sustained double-digit economic growth of the last decade and had been gradual political changes. At the same time, that the successful Beijing Olympics in the summer of 2008 triggered a variety of curiosities on China from young Australian. More important, however, the quality and quantity of coverage on China had been fixed, inflexible and limited on the Western media, in particular that of the local media in Australia. It means that it is virtually impossible for Australian citizens to develop an understanding of the lives of the Chinese who do not live in the “First World.” For this reason, how we choose to nurture human and intellectual capital outside China is extraordinarily consequential. At the moment, the call-for-proposals of the 2009 National Social Science Fund of China was announced. I did not hesitate a moment to choose the topic on the list, that is “The Chinese Television Media and the International Image of China (1958– 2008),” and that initiated my ten-year study of China’s going global. The year of 2009 is special in my life and meaningful to this book for many reasons. The publication of the second book that I authored, The Television Media in Asia’s Going Global: Development and Culture through Beijing Jiaotong University Press, an influential publisher in the field of academia, among others, is extremely unforgettable to me. It is the first book in and out China that assesses, compares and argues the important changes in Asia’s global outlook, cultural values and governance in tune with Asia’s going global since the 1980s. The book was organized through an area study approach, and 42 states in Asia (there are a total of 48 countries in ix

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Asia) were included. Like piecing a jigsaw, I put my analysis in the context of the foregoing and continuing debate between the Western schools of thoughts and that of Asia in theories of culture studies, public policy and governance to look at Asia in a globalized world from a more complete perspective. With the progress in this book, of that I am certain is the international circumstances confronting Chin’s going global have experienced important changes. Many of them are quite new in history. The increasing ties between China and Asia, and the world, on the other hand, call for China’s efforts to develop understanding and bridge the large divides we face. Without closer connections with the world through efficient and effective international communication, I fear people outside China do not know what makes China a nation of Chinese. I fear people outside China do not comprehend the full weight of the burden China carries or the price China pays behind its going global. Drawing upon all of my previous studies, I believe that given that the project is above all about China’s going global and the world’s perception, area study is by all means necessary. Thus, I have worked with a handful of world’s class universities and institutes in USA, Canada, UK, Australia, Netherland, France, Japan, South Korea, Turkey and Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of China and so on. I offer my deepest gratitude to the eminent scholars who will continue to serve and who have served our world with their invaluable thought and practice. I acknowledge their assistance that has made this book possible. Special thanks goes to Harvard Professor Joseph Nye who pioneered the Soft Power theory, a globally accepted thought; Prof. Richard Cooper at Harvard Department of Economics, who proposed the classic Interdependence Theory; Prof. Lawrence Summers, a former president of Harvard, a well-recognized economist; Prof. Anthony Saich, a director of Harvard Kennedy School ASH Center, a representative economist in international political economics and in particular, a well-known expert on China studies; Prof. Odd Arne Westad at Harvard Kennedy School whose books on power shifts from a historical perspective will be eternal to time; Prof. Robert Lawrence at Harvard Kennedy School, an authoritative political economist; Prof. Anthony Giddens, an esteemed sociologist, Honorable Donald Johnston, the first non-European Secretary-General of Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD); and Mr. Thierry de Montbrial, Founding President of the World Policy Conference. These eminent scholars deepen and strengthen my understanding of the change and continuity in culture, history, anthropology, sociology, law, education, public policy and business around the world but from a global outlook. The open-minded and creative collective work is the true way to understand China’s going global and that would be the very best way for us to do better in meeting the needs of national good and our world at large. Working with the wider world helps me understand better, much better what have shaped how the Westerners think about the engagement with China. Likewise, I am enabled to introduce China’s native studies on globalization, developing countries in the twenty-first century, and China’s past, present and future. The farsighted and courageous exchange is of the utmost importance for putting mutual understanding, commitments, discovery and innovation above all other considerations.

Preface

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My deep debt is owed to all those in China who support and amplify this book through a variety of universities and institutes. Their heartfelt supports remind me of Isaac Newton’s famous statement, “If I have seen further, it is by standing upon the shoulders of the giants.” My very special thanks goes to Harvard Lamont Library. Jorge Luis Borges, in his Stranger in a Strange Land, compared library to Paradise, saying “Siempre imaginé que el Paraíso sería algún tipo de biblioteca” (I have always imagined that Paradise will be a kind of library). If an example is required to verify how true Borges’s comment is, Lamont is my lifelong answer. Lamont serves us who have chosen to make a commitment to this world with a wonderful “knowledge corner.” At Lamont, I rushed in the books in pursuit of knowledge and inspiration. The search for truth gives me such joy and such freedom. I spent countless days and nights in Lamont. Mainly as a result of my loyalty to Lamont, I finally make friends with almost all of the librarians and securities. Lamont can witness how could I finally complete this book, word by word, chapter by chapter. Growth is never achieved easily. I thank you, my dear Lamount! China’s Going Global since the 1978 Reform and Opening up: Review and Assessment aims to analyze China’s going global from a historical perspective. Nobody can understand China’s present without a keen understanding of its past. The review and assessment of the changes in the world’s perception of China helps me be more conscious of the perpetual power of the true, the good and the beautiful in a very special dimension. China’s forty years of Reform and Opening up reveals a matter of fact that no Chinese stories get anywhere of consequence in the world unless they present the search for the positive spirit, the search for the true, the good and the beautiful. As St. Paul says, “We look not at the things which are seen but at the things which are not seen; for the things which are seen are temporal; but the things which are not seen are eternal.” In the autumn of 2022, which is the season to reap, the great news arrived that this book was selected by the National Social Science Fund of China to be published with international presses in a handful of foreign languages. It is a great honor if this book can transcend the boundaries to connect China with the world and to help a greater number of people prepare better for taking charge of our future. Reflecting the ten years dedicated to this book, only in silence, tears and smiles in the end. It reminds me of Cai Yuanpei, President of Peking University where I received my Ph.D. He spoke to us, “Universities are places for grand learning. They are grand because they follow the general principle of free thought.” As creation often take root on university campus, as creation is never complete, I shall beat on, boats against the current… … Beijing, China 2022

Chen Liu

Acknowledgements

Thanks to everyone who contributed to the preparation of this book. Many scholars at home and abroad sent useful unsolicited comments, and I am very grateful to them. I would like to thank Prof. Richard Cooper at Harvard Department of Economics, the father of “International Cooperation”; Harvard Professor Joseph Nye, a world’s leading scholar of international relations; and Prof. Anthony Saich, Director of ASH Center, Harvard Kennedy School for their heartfelt research support. I am greatly indebted to Honorable Donald Johnston, the first non-European and globally respected Secretary-General of Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Prof. Anthony Giddens, one of the most influential sociologists in studies of globalization, the former president of London School of Economics and Political Science. The book would have been impossible without their active participation. I would like to thank Mingzhou Wang, Xie Na, Lijin Zhou, Zhao Xin and Liguo Hu. They played an absolutely fundamental role in the whole project. I would like to thank Harvard Lamont Library which witnessed the preparation of this book. Miss the marvelous days and nights at Lamont. A nice coincidence—this book is done after the five years from my graduation from Harvard Kennedy School as a member of class of 2018—and now a five-year reunion at Harvard is on the way—Assuredly, it gives me great pleasure to dedicate this work to the upcoming reunion and to the international cooperation for making the world as a community truly for everyone… … Finally, For My Parents, Ruolin and My Supervisors, and Springer. Beijing, China 2022

Chen Liu

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Contents

1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 About This Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 Research Objects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 Literature Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.1 The Studies on China’s National Image in China (2000–2021) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.2 The Studies on China’s National Image Out China (1990–2020) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4 Research Significance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.1 The Research Significance of This Book in Theory . . . . . . . 1.4.2 The Research Significance of This Book in Practice . . . . . . . 1.5 Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.6 The Major Originalities of This Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 The Transformation of China’s Concept of the International Communication of National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 The International Communication of China’s Image to Serve the Economic-Centered Construction (1978–1992) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.1 The Historical Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.2 The International Communication Concept of China’s Image to Serve the Economic-Centered Construction (1978–1992) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 The International Communication of China’s Image to Involve in the Global Economic Integration (1992–2001) . . . . . . 2.2.1 The Historical Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.2 The International Communication Concept of China’s Image to Involve in the Global Economic Integration (1992–2001) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 1 6 7 7 11 14 14 15 18 21 22

25 28 28

33 38 38

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2.3 The International Communication of China’s Image to Propel China Goes Global (2001–2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.1 The Historical Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.2 The International Communication Concept of China’s Image to Propel China Goes Global (2001–2012) . . . . . . . . . 2.4 The International Communication of China’s Image to Support Global Growth (2012–Now) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.1 The Historical Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.2 The International Communication Concept of China’s Image to Support Global Growth (2012–Now) . . . . . . . . . . . 2.5 Summary Points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 A Critical Analysis of the International Communication Theory of National Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 The Start of International Communication Theory of National Image (1917–1947) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 The Construction of International Communication Theory of National Image (1947–1991) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 The Convergence of International Communication Theory of National Image (1991–Now) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4 Summary Points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 The National Image Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 The National Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 National Political Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 National Economic Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4 National Cultural Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.1 The Outward Cultural Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.2 The Inward Cultural Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.3 The Adaptive Cultural Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5 The Assessment of National Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.1 Define the Assessment Elements Set . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.2 Weight the Assessment Elements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.3 Define the Assessment Set . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.4 Analyze the Third-Level Fuzzy Assessment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.5 Analyze the Second-Level Fuzzy Assessment . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.6 Analyze the First-Level Fuzzy Assessment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.7 Assess the Overall International Communication of China’s National Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.6 Summary Points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

44 44 47 49 49 51 53 55 57 59 62 66 67 68 71 71 74 79 82 82 84 85 87 88 89 90 90 91 91 91 92 94

Contents

5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 The Major Dimensions of National Political Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . 5.2.1 The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.2 The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up by Regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.3 The Focus on the International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.4 The Acceptance Rate of the International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s National Political Image in the New Context . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.1 The Theoretical Basics of the International Communication of China’s National Political Image: Four Confidences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.2 The Core Pillars of the International Communication of China’s National Political Image: Chinese Proposition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.3 The Efficacy Achievement of the International Communication of China’s National Political Image: On-Demand Ideas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4 Summary Points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 The Major Dimensions of National Economic Image . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . 6.2.1 The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.2 The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up by Regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.3 The Focus on the International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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6.2.4 The Acceptance Rate of the International Communication of China’s National Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s National Economic Image in the New Context . . . . . . . . 6.3.1 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s National Economic Image in the New Context: Opinion Leaders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.2 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s National Economic Image in the New Context: Opinion Leader: The Public . . . . . . . . . 6.4 Summary Points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening Up . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 The Major Dimensions of National Cultural Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . 7.2.1 The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.2 The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up by Regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.3 The Focus on the International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.4 The Acceptance Rate of the International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image in the New Context . . . . . . . . . . 7.3.1 The Chinese Cultural Belief: Soul-Sapping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3.2 The Chinese Cultural Values: By Principle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3.3 The Chinese Cultural Norms: Warmth at Heart . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4 Summary Points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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8 The International Communication of China’s National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245 8.1 The International Communication of China’s National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245 8.1.1 The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246

Contents

8.1.2 The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up by Regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.3 The Focus on the International Communication of China’s National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.4 The Acceptance Rate of the International Communication of China’s National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s National Image in the New Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.1 The Crucial Front: Consolidate the Cultural Foundation for the International Communication of China’s National Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.2 The Priority Guarantee: Innovate the Evaluation System of the International Communication of China’s National Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.3 Content Construction: Empower the International Communication of China’s National Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3 Summary Points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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List of Figures

Fig. 1.1

Fig. 1.2 Fig. 1.3 Fig. 1.4 Fig. 1.5 Fig. 1.6 Fig. 1.7 Fig. 3.1 Fig. 3.2 Fig. 4.1 Fig. 4.2 Fig. 4.3 Fig. 4.4 Fig. 4.5 Fig. 4.6 Fig. 4.7 Fig. 4.8 Fig. 5.1 Fig. 5.2 Fig. 5.3

Willy Brandt, Prime Minister of Germany, knelt down in front of the Warsaw Jewish Ghetto Memorial in 1970 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Narendra Modi, Prime Minister of India, was in clean-up campaign in 2014 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Premiere Zhou Enlai, China on Time . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The cover of Professor Deborah Brautigam’s The Dragon’s Gift . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The referred journal papers on China’s national image (2000–2021) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The projects in international studies granted by the national social sciences foundation of China (2012–2021) . . . . . . . . . . . . Grounded theory method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The three-layer effectiveness model of international communication of national image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The theoretical model of structural imperialism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Soft power sources, referees, and receivers. Source Nye (2008) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The three-dimension model of national image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The three-dimension model of national image composition . . . . The two-dimension model of national political image . . . . . . . . . The impact of China’s national image on the purchase needs of made-in-China in the overseas market . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The three-dimension model of national economic image . . . . . . . The key dimensions of national image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Word frequency of “soft power” on People’s Daily . . . . . . . . . . . The model of national political image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Chinese political leaders on Time . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

2 3 4 6 9 10 20 58 65 72 75 75 76 80 80 87 93 99 102

105 xxi

xxii

Fig. 5.4

Fig. 5.5

Fig. 5.6

Fig. 5.7

Fig. 5.8

Fig. 5.9

Fig. 5.10

Fig. 5.11 Fig. 5.12 Fig. 5.13 Fig. 5.14 Fig. 6.1 Fig. 6.2

Fig. 6.3

List of Figures

The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up by regions (Unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the focus on the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) (Unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the percentage of the focus on the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) (Unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the changes in the focus on the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) (Unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the percentage of the focus on the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) (Unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The changes in the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The image of uncle Sam in the U.S. Source Flagg (1917) . . . . . . The image of John Bull in the U.K. Source Andrew Reid & Co., Ltd. (1915) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The image of Samuel de Champlain in Canada. Source Detroit Publishing Co. (1919, 1920) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Deng Xiaoping in the U.S. in 1979. Source Frerck (1979) . . . . . The model of national economic image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (Unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up by regions (Unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

107

109

111

112

113

135

136 138 139 140 145 152

157

159

List of Figures

Fig. 6.4

Fig. 6.5

Fig. 6.6

Fig. 6.7

Fig. 6.8

Fig. 6.9

Fig. 6.10 Fig. 6.11

Fig. 7.1 Fig. 7.2

Fig. 7.3

Fig. 7.4

Fig. 7.5

The case year analysis of the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) (Unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the percentage of the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the changes in the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) (Unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the percentage of the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The changes in the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . CCTV: what does it mean that china’s energy consumption is “overestimated”? (22/07/2010) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . China-EU trade boosts China’s economy. Source http://www.360doc.com/content/13/1112/16/778 5337_328662355.shtml, retrieved on 2018.10.05 . . . . . . . . . . . . . The model of national cultural image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up by regions (unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the changes in the focus on the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the percentage of the focus on the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . .

xxiii

161

163

166

166

188

189 196

203 212

218

219

221

222

xxiv

Fig. 7.6

Fig. 7.7

Fig. 7.8 Fig. 7.9 Fig. 7.10 Fig. 7.11 Fig. 7.12 Fig. 7.13

Fig. 8.1 Fig. 8.2

Fig. 8.3

Fig. 8.4

Fig. 8.5

Fig. 8.6

Fig. 8.7 Fig. 8.8

Fig. 8.9 Fig. 8.10

Fig. 8.11

List of Figures

The changes in the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the international communication of china’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The model of strategy for the international communication of China’s national cultural image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The international perceptions of Chinese cultural beliefs . . . . . . The topics on gender issue on CCTV-News’ Asia Today . . . . . . . The occupations covered by Asia Today’s reports on gender issue on CCTV-News . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The international perceptions of Chinese cultural norms . . . . . . . Poster of Dr. Fu Manchu. Source The Blood of Fu Manchu. 1968. Retrieved from IMDb, https://www.imdb.com/title/ tt0062741/mediaviewer/rm3538983936?ref_=ext_shr_ lnk, retrieved on July 20, 2022 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The model of national image (the elements at the first level) . . . . The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (Unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up by region (Unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the changes in the focus on the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (Unit: 10,000) . . . . The case year analysis of the percentage of the focus on the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The changes in the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . . The animated display of the transformation of the Chinese character “ma” from oracle bone script to simplified Chinese character . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The “Chinese Enterprise/Chinese Company” and “Made-in-China” on the international mainstream media . . . The comparative analysis of the “Chinese Enterprise/Chinese Company” and “Made-in-China” on the international mainstream media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of journal referred papers on image of Chinese enterprise on CNKI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

233

233 234 235 238 238 239

240 246

247

248

250

250

260 261

266 269

270 277

List of Figures

Fig. 8.12

Canada’s multicultural image: Maitland Steinkopf. Source Ethnicity at the Centennial Celebrations.1967. Retrieved from National Archives of Canada (neg. no. PA 185504) . . . . . .

xxv

278

List of Tables

Table 1.1 Table 1.2

Table 1.3 Table 2.1 Table 2.2 Table 2.3 Table 2.4 Table 2.5 Table 5.1

Table 5.2

Table 5.3

The books on China’s national image in the world (2000–2021) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The projects on China’s national image granted by the national social sciences foundation of China (2012–2021) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The major studies on china’s national image out China . . . . . . . Four-phase transformation of china’s concept of the international communication of national image . . . . . . . . China’s utilization of foreign investment (1979–1992) (USD 100,000,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . China’s foreign investment through signed contracts and agreements (1986) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The content analysis of the international news on Xinwen Lianbo (1978–1986) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The news directions of the news on Xinwen Lianbo (1978–1986) (percent of total volume by categories) . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the attention rate of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (Unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up by regions (Unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the focus on the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) (Unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

8

9 13 29 30 31 37 38

104

106

108

xxvii

xxviii

Table 5.4

Table 5.5

Table 5.6

Table 5.7

Table 5.8

Table 5.9

Table 5.10

Table 5.11

Table 5.12

Table 5.13

Table 5.14

Table 5.15

Table 5.16

List of Tables

The case year analysis of the frequency of the focus on the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) (Unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) (Unit: 10,000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The weight of the case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . The weight of the case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . The weight of the case year analysis of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 1978 (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 1992 (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2001 (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2008 (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2010 (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2013 (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2015 (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

110

111

114

114

115

116

117

118

120

121

123

125

126

List of Tables

Table 5.17

Table 5.18

Table 5.19

Table 5.20

Table 5.21

Table 5.22

Table 5.23

Table 5.24

Table 5.25

Table 5.26 Table 6.1

Table 6.2

Table 6.3

Table 6.4

xxix

The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 1978 (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 1992 (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2001 (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2008 (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2010 (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2013 (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2015 (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . China’s national political image in CNN political advertisements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the attention rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up by regions . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the frequency of the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . .

128

129

129

130

131

132

133

134

135 137

156

158

160

162

xxx

Table 6.5

Table 6.6

Table 6.7

Table 6.8

Table 6.9

Table 6.10

Table 6.11

Table 6.12

Table 6.13

Table 6.14

Table 6.15

Table 6.16

Table 6.17

List of Tables

The case year analysis of the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the frequency of the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . The weight of the case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . The weight of the case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . The weight of the case year analysis of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 1978 (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 1992 (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2001 (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2008 (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2010 (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2013 (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2015 (the sub-elements at the second level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

165

165

167

168

168

170

171

172

173

175

177

178

180

List of Tables

Table 6.18

Table 6.19

Table 6.20

Table 6.21

Table 6.22

Table 6.23

Table 6.24

Table 6.25

Table 6.26

Table 6.27

Table 6.28 Table 7.1

Table 7.2

Table 7.3

xxxi

The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 1978 (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 1992 (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2001 (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2008 (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2010 (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2013 (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2015 (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . The analysis of top 10 media topics of international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Statistical analysis of CNN’s public speeches on China’s economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the attention rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up by regions . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the focus on the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

181

182

183

183

184

185

185

187

188

192 200

217

218

220

xxxii

Table 7.4

Table 7.5

Table 7.6

Table 7.7 Table 7.8 Table 7.9 Table 7.10 Table 7.11 Table 7.12 Table 7.13

Table 7.14

Table 8.1

Table 8.2

Table 8.3

Table 8.4

Table 8.5

List of Tables

The weight of the case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The weight of the case year analysis of the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image in 1978 . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image in 1992 . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image in 2001 . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image in 2008 . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image in 2010 . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image in 2013 . . . The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image in 2015 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the attention rate of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up by region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the focus on the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The weight of the case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . The weight of the case year analysis of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

223

223

224 226 227 228 229 229 230

231

232

247

248

249

251

251

List of Tables

Table 8.6

Table 8.7 Table 8.8 Table 8.9 Table 8.10 Table 8.11 Table 8.12 Table 8.13 Table 8.14

Table 8.15 Table 8.16 Table 8.17 Table 8.18 Table 8.19 Table 8.20 Table 8.21

xxxiii

The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image in 1978 . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image in 1992 . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image in 2001 . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international Communication of China’s national image in 2008 . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image in 2010 . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image in 2013 . . . . . . . . . . The Analysis of the Acceptance Rate of the International Communication of China’s National Image in 2015 . . . . . . . . . The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The top leaders of major international economic organizations (2016) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of key global rankings of the international influence of enterprises . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of the NSSF Projects on image of Chinese enterprise (2009–2013) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of academic books on image of Chinese enterprise . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Gallup global survey of the approval of China’s leadership (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The analysis of top 5 report topics on the Chinese Dream on the mainstream international media (2014) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The guiding principles of international communication of China’s national image at the third plenary session of the CPCCC (1978–2013) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

253 254 254 255 256 257 258 259

260 268 271 274 276 278 279

281

Chapter 1

Introduction

1.1

About This Book

This book was written in the belief that national image has a key role to play either in light of the past, at the present, or for the purposes of the future. In keeping with globalization awash with radical change, marked by deep ties yet full of conflicts, tensions, and divisions, the studies on national image of a country in its international development have been taken to a new historic level. The significance of national image—Looking, in other words, at the pragmatic view—means restoring the identity and dignity of a country. A prime example to this: Germany looked forward to reconnecting with the international community, in particular, the Europe. Shaping and delivering a new image of Germany stands at the center of all. Thus, Willy Brandt, on December 7, 1970, knelt down in front of Warsaw Jewish Ghetto Memorial in Poland, and that left a deep impression on the whole world. Germany represented an image in pursuit of “a Germany which has been back on track, a Germany in support of freedom, democracy, and peace, and a Germany seeking to reconciliation with its neighbors”.1 History made it clear that as a result of the dramatic advances in reshaping the national image, Germany and the world started remodeling the relationships. Thus, the moment on December 7, 1970 has been elaborated as, “Brandt knelt down so that the Deutschland might rise up” (See Fig. 1.1). Conversely, without viable renovation, an unfavorable national image would finally reveal itself as a devastating loss for the country and even reconstruction. No single country of course, can provide an exact referencing at the point. The experience of India, however, may shed a spotlight on the necessity on this issue. India has taken stock of efforts being made to play a part in the global economy since P.V. Narasimha Rao’s reform in 1991. The particular prominence, however, has usually been given to the negative dimensions of India, above all, the issues 1

Chinanews (2021).

© Peking University Press 2023 C. Liu, The Chinese Story in Global Order, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9020-5_1

1

2

1

Introduction

Fig. 1.1 Willy Brandt, Prime Minister of Germany, knelt down in front of the Warsaw Jewish Ghetto Memorial in 1970

concerning hygiene, public security, (for example, the massacre in Mumbai in 20082), violations of women’s rights, caste problems, and religious controversaries so on and so forth. When people have got time to visit India in person, they have to judge by the national image. Thus, the negative facets of India’s image which have always been under spotlight on the international media substantially constrain the country’s anticipation for global investors.3 To better India’s national image on the world’s stage, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced, on the ceremony of the 145th anniversary of the birth of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi on the October 2, 2014, the Clean-up Campaign. He in person did the cleaning on the streets so as to deliver the core message that India is determined to present a new national image so as to enhance the investor confidence, business confidence, and manufacturing confidence (See Fig. 1.2). With regard to China’s experiences, its national image has usually been portrayed from the dualistic lens since 1949 when the People’s Republic of China, the New China, was established. On the one hand, China is a great friend of the Third

2

From the evening of November 26 to the early morning of November 27, 2008, a series of terrorist attacks occurred in Mumbai, India’s largest city. More than 100 people were killed, and over 300 people got injured in the attacks. It was reported that foreigners were the target groups by terrorists, especially those with American and British passport. 3 Interview with the former Secretary of Power and Special Secretary Anil Razdan, December 9, 2014.

1.1

About This Book

3

Fig. 1.2 Narendra Modi, Prime Minister of India, was in clean-up campaign in 2014

World because of its principle that “any country which bullies, or controls any other country contrasts fundamentally Marxism. According to the spirit of the Internationalism identified and advocated by Marxism, every country holds the responsibility to help each other rather than control, interfere with, and even exploit the others”.4 China, by contrast, is sometimes a “threat” to the world. Time, for example, its portrayal of China’s Premier Zhou Enlai was distorted—In 1971, when China was back to the UN, Premier Zhou’s image was crafted horrible and risky to represent the signal on the cover warning that “the Chinese are coming!”5(See Fig. 1.3). China set forth the integration into global economy in 1978 when the Reform and Opening up was launched. Over the past forty years, the deepening ties between China and the world ranged across the fields of economy, politics, and 4

Xiaoping (2011:176). The two pictures are from the TIME. One was published on October 3, 1953, and the other on December 8, 1971. 5

4

1

Introduction

Fig. 1.3 Premiere Zhou Enlai, China on Time

culture provide people in different countries with the varied platforms of lively exchange. As a result, China’s national image has increasingly come away from the fixed and inflexible. Unfortunately, the stereotypes inherent to the long-overdue ideological competition, and cultural shocks have always pummeled the cooperation and coordination between China and the World. The “noise” escalated by lacking this knowledge, in particular, boosted by some forces in the name of the global financial crisis in 2007, and then that of the “Rebalancing Asia Strategy” of the U.S., is a key component of the large divides that China and the world face. Admittedly, the opinions in international studies in the disguises of “China threat”, “Solitary China”, “China Breakdown”, “Beautify China”,6 and “Responsible China” and so on also intensify the sense of vigilance against China among the peoples in some countries. British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), for example, released the opinion poll on global perception of “Beautiful China” is an attempt to push China to bear more responsibilities in international affairs. 6

1.1

About This Book

5

China’s national image on May 22, 2013 indicating that “42% of the interviewees approve of the job China is doing as an emerging economy. However, compared to that of 2012, the satisfaction decreased by 8 and 39% of the interviewees hold unfavorable attitude towards China increased by 8%. What is more, the satisfaction hits record low since 2005 when BBC launched the annual survey.7 The perception of China’s national image among neighboring countries also created urgency. The survey conducted by Wharton School at the University of Pennsylvania in 2016 indicated that “64% of the Japanese feel not in favor of China, increasing by 14%. The data in South Korea reaches 61%”.8 These statistics point to the difficult reality of the international cooperation between China and the world. A prime example, China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) in 2005 had to withdraw Unocal Corporation bid largely because of—“the unprecedented political opposition that followed the announcement of our proposed transaction. It was regrettable and unjustified. The political pressure was one of the major reasons for the company to withdraw the offer”.9 In tune with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) launched in 2013, discussion concerning the role of China to play in developing countries has become home to global concern. China’s president Xi Jinping’s state visit to South Africa during December 2 to 5 in 2015 which hosted the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC).10 In his keynote speech, Xi rectified China’s policies to Africa in the new era which was commented as “the new milestone of all of FOCACs with the richest connotations, most powerful measures, and widest coverage”.11 Yet, the international opinions are not entirely supportive of and optimistic about the outcomes of China-Africa cooperation (see Fig. 1.4). Given the above, China now is the world’s second largest economy driven by its going global. It means that China whatever is under the spotlight of global attention. Will China’s national image turn from one of bright hope to one of pessimism and despair China, within the new historic context—the answer is closest to global consensus and in turns the future of the relationships between China and the world. Throughout the book, the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up will be reviewed and analyzed carefully, critically, and dispassionately. To that end, four main tasks are taken into account: First of all, the perceptions of China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up will be reviewed by regions qualitatively and quantitatively. Second, the principles specific and common which lead the international perceptions of China’s national image will be concluded and compared. Third, 7

Xinhuanet (2013). US News, Major Findings from 2016, https://www.usnews.com/news/best-countries available at March 12, 2016. 9 Xinhua News Agency (2005). 10 FOCAC was initiated in the October of 2000 with a mission to uphold the spirit of solidarity and cooperation, jointly cope with various risks and challenges, and let the forum shine as an example of multilateralism and mutual benefits. 11 Ministry of Commerce of the People’s Republic of China (2022). 8

6

1

Introduction

Fig. 1.4 The cover of Professor Deborah Brautigam’s The Dragon’s Gift

drawn upon the empirical analysis, the leading theoretical approaches in foreign relations, international politics, international political economics, sociology, and international communication will receive a critical analysis in order to create the synthetic analysis model which fits in China’s tradition, situation and vision of development. The multi-layered model will help clarify the key dimensions of China’s national image. Finally, based on all of the outcomes, this book, from a global outlook, will suggest constructive and actionable ways forward.

1.2

Research Objects

This book places a particular focus on the transformation of China’s national image in the world since the 1978 Reform and Opening up. The studies of “National image” were pioneered in 2007 by Simon Anholt, an advisor to Presidents, Prime Ministers, monarchs and governments of nearly sixty

1.3

Literature Review

7

countries, cities and regions.12 These studies were associated with the Soft Power Theory founded by Joseph Nye, one of America’s foremost scholars of international politics, and the former dean of Harvard Kennedy School. Nye coined the term “Soft Power” in the 1980s to compare and differentiate how nations take and cede power. In his accounts of soft power, hard power (military force and economic payments) may not truly deal with the challenges of a globalized world, as “while it is important not to ignore the continuing importance of military force for some purposes, the hegemonists’ focus on military strength can blind us to the limits of our power. As we have seen, American power is not equally great in the economic and transnational dimensions”.13 Taking the tide in the world politics, studies on building on soft power, inter alia, on that of national image have increasingly been attached emphasis. Understanding China’s national image in the world through the approaches of international studies is commonly employed in China to turn research and advocacy into action. In closing, this book is meant to review and assess analytically, critically, and dispassionately the transformations of China’s national image in the world by closely following the more than forty years of China’s reform and opening up launched in 1978 for the purposes of suggesting the ways forward so as to enhance the cooperation between China and the world through BRI and other foreign policies deployed by China.

1.3

Literature Review

This book conducted the literature review from two major dimensions, namely, the studies in and out China to ensure an even-handed perspective.

1.3.1

The Studies on China’s National Image in China (2000–2021)

Historically, China’s Going Global Strategy taken into effect in 2000 provides a catalyst for the studies on China’s national image inside China. Clearly, China’s exploration into the implication of national image for China lag behind that of the Western academia. International Communication and National Image: A New Outlook of International Relations (2002) was the first book authored by the Chinese scholars on this issue. With regard to the books authored by the Chinese scholars on national image, there are 40 books totally published from 2000 through 2021, according to the 12 13

Anholt (2007). Nye (2002 (2):238).

8

1

Introduction

Table 1.1 The books on China’s national image in the world (2000–2021) Year

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

Total Year

0 2011

0 2012

1 2013

1 2014

0 2015

1 2016

4 2017

2 2018

2 2019

2 2020

1 2021

Total

4

5

4

2

1

1

1

1

3

3

1

surveys which covered nine firs t-class libraries in academic research in China including National Library of China, Library of Peking University, Library of Tsinghua University, Library of Renmin University, Library of Fudan University, Library of Beijing Normal University, Library of Communication University of China, Library of China Foreign Affairs University, and Library of Beijing Foreign Studies University (see Table 1.1). According to the literature review, the books on China’s national image in the domestic, compared to the great deals of research reports, and proceedings, remain limited. 14 proceedings out of the 40 books, up to 35%. The Western countries such as the U.S., and UK and the major neighboring countries such as Japan and South Korea (6 books) are placed on the top of the list of research priorities. Understanding China’s national image through tourism, literature, and other areas of culture has been a new trend (11 books). Also, the observable increase in the numbers of dissertations for PhD by approximately 34% over the past two decades points to the rise of the studies in this field among the emerging Chinese scholars. In light of the referred journal papers published inside China, there are a total of 198 between the January of 2000 to December of 2021. One hundred and forty-eight were published on the journals of media studies. Fifty were published on the journals of political science (see Fig. 1.5). Twenty-five, among them, addressed China’s national image in the world amounting to 13%. In terms of research projects granted by the National Social Sciences Foundation of China (NSSFC) which is used as “a prime indicator to assess the academic influence of an institute, and even a region in the field of philosophy and social sciences in China”,14 the projects approved from 2000 through 2021 have been on the rise, in particular, in the aftermath of 2010 when China surpassed Japan, and became the world’s second largest economy (see Table 1.2). With regard to the first-class projects (Zhongda in Chinese Pinyin) granted by the National Social Sciences Foundation of China,15 “Designing China’s National Image in International Communication” (Project Organizer Zhou Weiming, China International Communications Group, CICG 2008) was the first awardee largely because of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games. In addition, the most recent completion of the first-class project granted by the NSSFC is “The Chinese Cultural 14

Cai Shangwei (2008(2):43). It is a three-tier research grants offered by the NSSFC, namely, first-class project (zhongda in Chinese Pinyin), second-class project (zhongdian in Chinese Pinyin), and third-class project (yiban in Chinese Pinyin). 15

1.3

Literature Review

9

25

23

20

18 15

15

16

15 13

12 9

10

10

11

8

7

6 5 0

0

0

1

1

11

10 10

2 0

Fig. 1.5 The referred journal papers on China’s national image (2000–2021)

Table 1.2 The projects on China’s national image granted by the national social sciences foundation of China (2012–2021) Year

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

Total Year

0 2011

1 2012

0 2013

0 2014

0 2015

1 2016

0 2017

0 2018

3 2019

2 2020

4 2021

Total

7

20

5

2

6

6

5

9

12

12

19

Image on the International Think Tanks: Review, Assessment, and Recommendation” (Project Organizer Liu Chen, the author of this book, Beijing Foreign Studies University 2021). The projects in international studies granted by the NSSFC were approved totally 846 from 2017 to 2021. On the basis of the literature review through the titles of the approved projects, the published outcomes of the projects (for example, the referred journal papers which acknowledged the grant of the NSSFC), and the news coverage of these projects as well, it is concluded that fifty-one projects addressed China’s nation image in the world, up to 6% of the total (see Fig. 1.6). The research objectives that these projects aim to address emphasize the four major issues: (1) Enhancing China’s communication with the world from strategic studies: commonly, the projects in the field are awarded to the first-class, or second-class grants of the NSSFC, as they seek to address the hot-button issues at home and abroad. With these goals come the strategic studies from various angels. For examples, the second-class NSSFC’s projects “The Role of China in the Construction of New-type of International Relations” (Fang Changping 2019), “Building on the International Trust in China’s Growth: A Strategic Study” (Chen Yao 2017), “The Construction of the Discourse of Contemporary China’s World Outlook” (Zhai Shilei 2018), and “China’s National Image in

10

1

Introduction

250 200 12 150

10 11

10

8

100 140

168

183

164

140

50 0 2017

2018 the others

2019

2020

2021

projects about “China image”

Fig. 1.6 The projects in international studies granted by the national social sciences foundation of China (2012–2021)

the World since the 1978 Reform and Opening up” (Liu Chen, the author of this book 2021) and so on. (2) Profiling the case studies of China’s national image in the world: Initiated from a particular case, the projects of this type look to analyze the current situation of China’s international communication of its national image, crystalize the most pressing challenges, and suggest ways forward. For instances, “The International Cultural Communication of China’s Transnational Corporations: Mechanism and Recommendation” (Zhao Ping 2017), “Enhancing the International Image of the Grand Canal under Cultural Competition” (Tian Dexin 2018) and many others. (3) Projecting China’s national image along BRI: Within the context of BRI, the projects are crafted from the perspectives of international cooperation, cultural communication, and so on. Prime examples include the second-class NSSFC’s projects “Enhancing China’s International Discourse Power in the Era of New Media under BRI” (Huang Rihan 2021), “US’ Online Discourse on BRI and China’s Strategy” (Jiang Keqin 2017), “BRI and China’s Role in Northeast Asian Competition under BRI” (Li Yongqiang 2018), “The Convergence of China’s Tourism Culture and Construction and Communication of China’s National Image under BRI” (Zhang Haiyun 2019), “The Construction and Communication of China’s National Image under BRI” (Chen Nan 2019) and so on. (4) Assessing China’s national image through area studies: A specific country or region is selected to shed a light on the international communication of China’s national image. The primary goals of these projects are to advise how to

1.3 Literature Review

11

improve China’s national image in a country or region so as to facilitate the bilateral relationships, such as “The Construction of ‘China Outlook’ in the Central and Eastern Europe” (Ju Weiwei 2018), “The New Trends in India’s Perception of China and the Impacts on China’s Security Environment” (Jia Haitao 2020), “ The Changes in South Korea’s Perception of China and the Impacts on China-South Korea Relations” (Zhang Chi 2020) and the others. (5) Grappling with the bottleneck challenges confronting the international communication of China’s national image through history. By studying change at key points in history, the projects expect to prepare China better for taking charge of the future, and for promoting or steering change when needed. The representatives in the field include “China’s National Image on the Chinese TV Media (1958–2008): A Global Outlook” (Liu Chen, the author of this book 2009), “The Principle of History: China and the World in the Next Decade” (Jiang Chunjie 2017) and so on. Finally, the studies on China’s national image inside China center on the demands of China in pursuit of an admirable image in international affairs. Many of them are responsive to the hot-button issues either in theory or in practice. The interdisciplinary approaches have increasingly been experimented. The policy recommendations are actionable as a whole. Yet, the walls required to bash into are focused on three common problems. Frist and foremost, the historical periods, and spaces covered remain limited, as the objects resort always to a certain country, or a specific event. The research findings fail to catch up with the complexity of the challenge confronting China’s going global. Second, the scope have usually been confined with one subject despite the call on more explorations into interdisciplinary studies, and that the recommendations are not the excellent match for the multi-dimensional connotations of China’s national image in the world to date. Third, few of them are conducted by international comparative studies, in particular, guided by the frontier theoretical approaches.

1.3.2

The Studies on China’s National Image Out China (1990–2020)

IN 1990, Joseph Nye in his landmark book, Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power,16 invented the term “soft power” to distinguish his own views from other intellectuals. Thus, the studies on China’s national image on the basis of Ney’s soft power theoretical approaches since the year of 1990 to 2020 are examined through the archives of Harvard Lamont Library, The British Library, National Library of Australia, University of Toronto Libraries, University of London Library, and University of Melbourne Library, and the world-famous

16

Nye (1991)

12

1

Introduction

academic data banks including Hollis Classic, Books in Hollis+ , Sage, LexisNexis Academic etc. as well. To ensure that the literature review of this book reach the whole world as much as possible, the books and reports written in EU’s twenty-four official and working languages17 as well as Japanese, Korean, and Arabic are covered, and discussed. The Studies on China’s National Image conducted by the international scholars center in general on Five issues: (1) The comprehensive studies of China’s national image; (2) The sociological studies of China’s national image; (3) The political studies of China’s national image; (4) The international political economics of China’s national image; (5) The case studies of China’s national image (See Table 1.3).18 Since BRI launched in 2013, the global discussion concerning that “Can China Do Soft Power” have made extraordinary strides in approaches and scopes of the survey. The attentions on the reports on this issue, for example, CRS Report: China’s Foreign Policy and “Soft Power”in South America, Asia, and Africa,19 are going up substantially. The main tasks, by far, center on the assessment of China’s soft power around the world, the key approaches used by China to project its influence, the implication of China’s soft power for the West, especially, that of the U.S., and whether China’s soft power for future that it is towards win–win development or competition. The major studies on China’s national image outside China emphasize the importance of political science, international relations, and economics in illustration of China. Most of them are normally conducted jointly by international scholars and Chinese or overseas Chinese researchers. The foregoing studies provide sharp insights, in particular, the concrete first-hand materials, into China’s efforts for building and presenting a favorable national image for the world. Accordingly, it is a privilege to help the international community develop an understanding of China’s going global from alternative perspectives which are essential to the construction of mutually beneficial relations between China and the world. In view of the questions which still go unanswered, the primary concerns include: (1) More studies from a global outlook instead of the narrow perspective of national interest are more important than ever especially at the current difficult time. The studies of China’s national image outside China are expected to provide constructive and workable recommendations which fits in China, and the developing countries so as to surpass the level of response to China’s growth. (2) A broader spectrum of theories is required to integrate into the studies of China’s national image in order to shake off the constraints of Western centralism. 17

The EU has 24 official languages: English, French, German, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch, Danish, Swedish, Finnish, Greek, Polish, Slovak, Maltese, Hungarian, Lithuanian, Latvian, Slovenian, Czech, Estonian, Irish, Bulgarian, Romanian, Croatian. 18 The outcomes listed are selected by the relevance to the focuses of this book. 19 Congressional Research Service (2008)

1.3

Literature Review

13

Table 1.3 The major studies on china’s national image out China Focus

Representatives

Theme

The comprehensive studies of China’s national image

2012) ‫ ;)ﻃﺎﺭﻕ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬Cyrille J-D Javary (2012); 엄영욱 (2011); 강진아 (2009); A.I. Johnston (1998); D. Arif (1996); L.Kenneth Scott (1964) 山﨑保寿 (2020); Stephen, Billett (2020); 宮崎正弘, 石平 (2015); 酒井正人 (2015); 윤창 준 (2014); ‫(ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‬2014)‫ﻳﻮ ﺗﺸﻦ‬ 2012)‫ ;)ﺭﺍﻓﻊ‬C. Rarick. (2007); E. Perry, M. Selden(2003) J. Lull (1991) André Chieng(2015); 三橋貴明 (2015); 2015)‫ ;)ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‬丹羽 宇一郎(2014); 山田順(2014); 高畑常信(2014); 문홍화 (2014); Barthélémy Courmont, Sophie Sénard(2014); 丸川哲史 (2013); 毛里和子,園田茂人 (2012); 김영수(2011); 김동하 (2011); F. Hartig (2012); M. D. Michael (2011); D. A. Bell (2008); J. Kurlantzick (2007, 2006,); S. Huntington (1996, 1993) Vinader-Segura, R. (2021); 김 은비 (2022); G.Arrighi (2007); D. Brautigam (2015, 2009)

The inter-sector studies of China’s national image

The sociological studies of China’s national image

The political studies of China’s national image

The international political economics of China’s national image The case studies of China’s national image

‫(; ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ‬2013) ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﺒﻲ‬ 2013)); 島尾新 (2013); Hans Jürgen Heringer(2010); S. Kammhuber & S. Schroll-Machl (2007, 2005); Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink(2005); M. Bale & T. Dale (1998); A. Thomas, Kooiman (1993)

The impacts of China’s national image on China’s society; The relations between China’s national image and China’s society

China’s national image and China’s soft power; China’s national image and the world

The cultural values in China’s economic policy making; The culture of China’s foreign economic aid The specific case studies on China’s national image in intercultural communication

(3) The major findings of the studies of China’s national image call for more even-handed inspirations, although not indiscriminate way. No doubt the so-called partisan treatments are largely a result of the fixed and inflexible sources of information when it comes to China. In addition, the long-standing factors such as stereotype, cultural shocks, and geopolitical competition and so on have led to misunderstandings as well. With the rise of conservatism which has triggered global concerns on the trend towards anti-globalization, some of the studies on China’s national image start exaggerating the role of ideology.

14

1.4

1

Introduction

Research Significance

The book is constructed around the basic themes, each of which helps give the book a distinctive significance. By focusing on China’s national image in the world since the 1978 Reform and Opening up, the main themes of this book are: to examine the changes in China’s national image in the world, to crystalize the important factors that go into the construction of a country’s national image, and to build an assessment system suitable more for the backgrounds and situations of the developing countries including China. In doing so, the research significances in theory and in practice involve

1.4.1

The Research Significance of This Book in Theory

(1) One of the basic themes of this book is the theoretical model of national image with an attempt to break new ground in discussing the national image(s) of the Third World, and to provide a theoretical referencing for assessing China’s national image. The debates around the concept of “national image” have been a primary object of concern of soft-power analysis since Simon Anhalt’s studies of nation branding in 2007. According to the literature review, the definitions of national image of a country mostly were contributed by the scholars from the West. As a result, the examinations of which were carried vastly out in the institution of the Western society. However, it is less likely for the developing countries including China to integrate directly the outcomes of the Western-minded research into action due to the obvious differences in history, culture and status of national development that the First World and Third World face. As an answer for the common problems confronting the studies of China’s national image in the world, this book takes a strongly comparative stance through highlighting the BRICS,20 ASEAN,21 and the Central Asia which are currently witnessing an intensify trade connections with China. The book also examines and integrates the major methods in international relations, international politics, international political economics, international communication and political sociology etc. on the basis of solid and comprehensive first-hand materials, and thus creates a three dimension-four layers-32 variables model of national image through the combination of qualitative analysis and quantitative analysis in hope of inspiring the relevant studies in and out China. (2) A second theme is the experiment into assessing the national image, which lays the foundation for review and comparative studies of the national image of a country in the world. The assessment has been usual hitherto provided and 20

BRICS is an acronym of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. ASEAN includes Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, Singapore, Brunei, Vietnam, Laos, Myanmar and Cambodia.

21

1.4 Research Significance

15

enacted by the Western countries which in turn tend to be affected by the Western centralism, and therefore, some of the determinants have encountered doubts in particular when they are applied to the developing countries. What is more, the instruments and tools to which the assessments of national image live up need change and improvement. Developing countries often call into question the world’s rankings promoted by the First World. For examples, when it comes to the assessment of openness, most of the models deployed by the Western institutions seem to place particular focuses on the indicators such as “income”, “infrastructure”, and “international accessibility” (above all, the international events or activities hosted, international travel, international financial transactions, international phone call, and the access to the Internet etc.). Rather, the indicators which the Third World has invested in great efforts have been rarely weighted equally such as “historical heritage”, “social development”, and “elimination of poverty” and so on.22 To troubleshoot the problems in relation to assessing national image, particular attention is given to developing countries including China. This book seeks to create an assessment system respectively from the dimension of national political image, national economic image, and national cultural image with an aim to open a new perspective on understanding and comparing the changes in the national image (s) of developing countries.

1.4.2

The Research Significance of This Book in Practice

(1) A third theme is suggesting the constructive and practical ways forward. The world is currently undergoing substantial changes—which means every country, every region, and even every city must take care to ensure that its image can be accumulated and represented as authentic and well-recognized as possible. China is not an exception. The Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs was held in Beijing on 28–29 November, 2014 where President Xi Jinping called further efforts for enhancing China’s soft power, and telling well of Chinese stories worldwide. The top leaders of the central government of China visit across the world. Wang Yi, Foreign Minister of China, on the last day of 2014 concluded that “Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China convened in 2021 when Xi Jinping was elected as the Chinese president, President Xi Jinping, and Premiere Li Keqiang, within two years, paid 17 visits covering more than fifty countries around the world. Also, they held meetings with more than 500 presidents, and other top leaders

22

This conclusion is based on the ranking reports about global major countries’ national image, such as Global Retail Development Index, World Happiness Index, Corruption Perceptions Index, A Summary of the Livability Ranking and Overview, OECD Territorial Reviews Competitive Cities in the Global Economy and et al.

16

1

Introduction

of foreign governments”.23 There are not many arguments over the challenges confronting China’s going global, and that the objects which this book takes into account meet the urgent demands of China’s international development in the new era by highlighting historical analysis and global outlook. To that end, this book collected extensive materials throughout more than forty years of China’s reform and opening up. Drawing upon the wealth of materials, this book is meant to provide substantial cross-referencing to the studies of China’s national image in the world at relevant points. (2) Fourth, the book is written to provide an international survey so as to help China understand better the international concerns, and in turn help the world be more conscious of the efforts that China should like to make in connecting with the world. In view of the miracles that China made throughout the forty years of reform and opening up, there were, are and will a variety of arguments around the globe. Such controversies upon China, along with China’s high anticipation on the implementation of BRI have resulted in a growing demand of presenting a more acceptable China’s national image in order to discern a more complete, authentic and adaptive China, especially to connect the influential opinion leaders who endeavor to see things not from a partisan stance. Such efforts are required to stand upon deep and thorough historical studies. Thus, similar to piecing a jigsaw, the book is constructed by closely following the path of China’s reform and opening up since 1978, and in the meantime, by bringing together insights and connections to the many ways that different regions around the world engage with China’s going global. The ideas, findings and above all, the concerns as well as projections for adjustment linked to the presentation of China’s national image in the new era drawn from the concrete first-hand materials and data analysis are emphasized throughout. The plan of this book comes as the sense of urgency grows. When China tends to be presented at the center of the world’s stage, estimates from research both domestically and internationally suggest that China should be more aware of the growing public wants from across the world which are inherent to the series of new visions, strategies, and initiatives proposed and propelled by China since BRI launched in 2013, and the new perspectives and findings that accompanies them. (3) A final theme is the recommendations of the policy priorities to assist China’s adaptation in telling of the Chinese stories and delivering a more authentic and more dynamic national image for more productive outcomes but at the lower costs of stereotype, bias, and misunderstandings effectively women workers facilitate the ongoing adjustment and reduce the social costs. To maintain and strengthen the ties between China and world, especially when the world is at a crossroads, a particular emphasis should be put on the attitudes towards and answers to the most pressing challenges facing the world. For illustrative purposes, China should be more conscious of the differences in the accumulation of knowledge about China, and in the public concerns on China’s growth

23

Yi (2005 (1): 45)

1.4

Research Significance

17

in different countries and regions—these are important for understanding China. As a result, this book is meant to help China and the international community to find out solutions to handicaps along with China’s going global that we still have the vague and biased notions when understanding each other. This book, thus, is designed to review China’s strategies and practices in international delivery of its national image over the four decades of years since the 1978 Reform and Opening up. As well, the lessons that worth concern are discussed through a historical outlook and area study lens in order to advise the policy makers, and aid further research into the themes explored by the book. Given that much of the book explores that the ways of enhancing mutual understanding and shaking off the chains of stereotypes, some of the research findings were released from the sources such as newspapers, journals, and international conferences and so on. Some of the key points proposed by this book have received positive responses from the State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television of China,24 the State Council Information Office of China,25 and China Foreign Language Publishing Administration26 etc., and applied to the international coverage of some of the key events in China but with important implications for the world by Chinese mainstream media such as Xinhua News Agency,27 and China Central Television (CCTV)28 and so on. Also, many of the referred journal papers based on the research received attentions from the academia, and were introduced by Xinhua Digest, and China Social Science Excellence which are seen as the most authoritative journals in China.

24

The State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television of China, is a ministerial unit directly under the State Council. It is responsible for promoting the prosperity and development of China’s press, publication, radio, film and television industry. 25 The State Council Information Office of China (SCIO) established in 1991, is an administrative office under China’s State Council. It is the chief information office of the Chinese government responsible for propelling domestic media further along the path of introducing China to the international community. 26 China Foreign Language Publishing Administration, founded in October 1949, is an institution directly under the CPC Central Committee. It undertakes the task directed by the Communist Party of China (CPC) to introduce China to the world. 27 The Xinhua News Agency founded in 1931, is a state institution with headquarters in Beijing. It collects and posts domestic and international news on politics, the economy, culture and other areas of life. 28 China Central Television (CCTV) founded in 1958, is the national TV station of the People’s Republic of China and it is one of China’s most important news broadcast companies. In addition to its TV programs, CCTV has also built up a multi-media broadcasting platform and business operation, including movies, newspapers and the internet.

18

1.5

1

Introduction

Methodology

This book reviews the transformation of China’s national image in the world since the 1978 Reform and Opening up, examines the factors which are most importantly seen in perception of China’s national image, and discuss the ways for the years ahead, in particular when the world is facing the increase in uncertainty. Apparently, the themes that the book is designed to address are technically complex and culturally sensitive—It means the methods across sections and subjects must be applied and integrated. The major methods deployed in the book: (1) Survey: Fieldwork can provide richer and more in-depth information than theories, models, and mathematical techniques. The surveys that the book conducts cover five key sectors. (1) Policy makers from Ministry of Culture and Tourism, All China Federation of Returned Overseas Chinese and China Foreign Language Publishing Administration. (2) Media. The mainstream media in China, for examples, Xinhua News Agency, The People’s Daily,29 China Global Television Network (CGTN), China Radio International (CRI), and China Daily30and so on. MYAs for the international mainstream media, the Cable News Network (CNN),31 The New York Times in the U. S.,32 The Globe and Mail in Canada,33 BBC34 and The Guardian35 in the UK, Australian British Broadcasting Corporation (ABC),36 and The Australian,37 Maeil Business Newspaper in

29

The People’s Daily, established in June 1948, is an important outlet of China’s international cultural exchange. It is responsible for publicizing the CPC and national policies, and recording the changes of Chinese society. 30 China Daily, founded in 1981, is an important outlet for China and the world to know about each other. It is a Chinese newspaper in English language preferred by the elite group both in China and throughout the world. 31 The Cable News Network, commonly known as CNN, is one of the most famous cable television news network globally that first aired in June 1980. 32 The New York Times founded on September 18, 1851, is the representative of American high-quality newspaper in a restrained and objective fashion. 33 The Globe and Mail, was founded in 1844 with headquarters in Toronto. It is the most influential newspaper and the only national news journal in Canada. 34 The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) founded in 1922 and headquartered in London is the largest broadcaster both in the UK and in the world. 35 The Guardian founded in 1821, is a comprehensive and daily newspaper in the UK. It is one of Britain’s “big three” quality newspaper with The Times and The Guardian. 36 Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) founded in 1932 and headquartered in Sydney is a national public broadcaster in Australia. 37 The Australian founded in 1964 and headquartered in Sydney is the most influential national newspaper in Australia. It belongs to Rupert Murdoch's news group.

1.5 Methodology

19

South Korea,38 Hindustan Times39 and Zee TV40 in India. (3) Universities in China. The universities that this book visits all are well-recognized in and out China, and continue to strengthen the collaborations with the universities, institutions, and think tanks around the globe. The prime examples include Peking University, Tsinghua University, Renmin University of China, Fudan University, Beijing Normal University, Communication University of China, Jinan University which is a hub to the overseas Chinese students, and Beijing Sport University which constantly make the headlines due to the Olympic Games. (4) Non-profit social organizations. For examples, the associations and networks which are committed to international exchange and cooperation such as China Overseas Exchange Association (COEA), China International Cultural Association (CICA), Association for International Understanding of China (AIUC), and China NGO Network for International Exchanges (CNIE) etc. (5) The international institutes. (1) The foreign ambassy in Beijing, China: The Ambassy of the U.S. to China, the Ambassy of Canada to China, the Ambassy of Germany to China, the Ambassy of the U.K. to China, the Ambassy of the France to China, the Ambassy of the India to China, the Ambassy of South Korea to China, and the Ambassy of Malaysia to China. Eight ambassies in Beijing received the interviews. (2) Think tanks: In the U.S., Heritage Foundation, and Peterson Institute for International Economics, (PIIE),41 Institute francais des relations internationals (ifri)42 in France, International Institute of Strategic Studies (IISS)43 in the UK, The World Knowledge Forum (WKF) in the South Korea, ASEAN Leadership Forum.44 A total of six esteemed think tanks or international institutes are visited. (3) The international public relations companies. A.T. Kearney45 headquartered in the U.S. is interviewed, as it has become an important advisor the local governments in China, such as the government of Beijing Municipality. (4) The renowned universities in the world. Harvard University, Yale University, Cornell University, 38 The Maeil Business Newspaper founded in 1966, is the largest economic newspaper in South Korea, with a circulation of about 1 million. Every businessman in South Korea must read it. 39 Hindustan Times founded in 1924 and headquartered in New Delhi is one of the Indian newspapers with the largest circulation. Its readers are mainly from the northern part of India. 40 Zee TV founded in October 1922, is the first satellite TV channel in India and currently the largest TV network in Asia. It has 26 channels in India and 15 channels abroad. 41 The Peterson Institute for International Economics (PIIE) proposed “Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement, TPP”. 42 French Institute of International Relations (Ifri) is currently chaired by Thierry de Montbrial, the former French Foreign Minister. Its main project is the annual World Policy Conference (WPC). 43 International Institute of Strategic Studies, IISS established the Shangri-La Dialogue. 44 ASEAN Leadership Forum located in Malaysia is ASEAN’s only think tank focusing on regional governance and people to people cultural exchanges. 45 Kearney is a globally famous consulting firm. It has three ranking indexes enjoying international influence, Global Retail Development Index, (GRDI), Global Cities Index and Global Trade’s 500 Ranking. It is hired by The people’s Government of Beijing Municipality and the People’s Government of Shanghai Municipality.

20

1

Introduction

New York University, University of Toronto, University of London, Latrobe University of Australia, Waseda University, Leiden University of Netherland. Totally, nine world-famous universities were connected as research partners. (2) Desk research: The ideas, concepts, and theories taken from a varied resources contributed by the scholars in different sectors from different countries all are included. This book has tried to collect together the most important research findings around the world on China’s national image. (3) Grounded Theory Method: It is in general a five-path procedure. (1) orientate the research focuses based on literature review. (2) select the target objects, and start data collection. (3) create model to process the materials and data collected. (4) code the data, conduct the relevant analysis, and define the concepts, and construct the new theoretical approaches. (5) construct a systematic theoretical framework to push the research foreword. At the critical time, if the theory is not saturated, back to the third step (see Fig. 1.7). (4) Case-year Study Method: The goal of the book is to probe into the principles special or universal which play critical roles in the world’s perception of China’s national image from a historical perspective which is often essential in the studies of social sciences. China’s reform and opening up however, stretches more than forty years. The first and foremost task that the book takes into consideration is how to break up the forty years of process of China’s reform and opening up into certain periods of history. Finally, the book invented a method of case-year study—It takes three steps. At Step one, the historical events which left an epoch-breaking mark on China’s reform and opening up since 1978 are selected and assessed according to the synthetic model that the book constructs. Step two is the division of the major periods of history throughout China’s reform and opening up drawn on a diversity of documentary resources (such as official publications, notes and records kept informally, and personal accounts etc.). Final step sets the direction for the book to organize the research agenda. According to the historical events carefully selected, the four decades of China’s reform and opening up have been divided into four major periods of history: The year of 1978 when the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) officially launched the Reform and Opening up; The year of 1992 when

Fig. 1.7 Grounded theory method

1.6

(5)

(6)

(7)

(8)

1.6

The Major Originalities of This Book

21

Deng Xiaoping, the navigator of China’s reform and opening up made series of public speeches in Wuhan, Hubei Province, Shenzhen and Zhuhai, Guangdong Province, and finally Shanghai which are regarded as the most important drive for the consensus that China can create a socialist market economy; the year of 2001 that China joined World Trade Organization (WTO), the year of 2008 when China for the first time hosted a truly global sport event, the year of 2010 when China became the world’s second largest economy, the year of 2013 when BRI was promoted, and the year of 2015 when the book is complete for now. The other historical events with significant implication for China’s going global are also included as referencing. The case year study endeavors to illustrate the transformation of China’s national image from a multidimensional system which enables the readers to look into China from the macro level to micro lens. Content analysis: The method commonly employed by international communication studies is incorporated in the book in order to compare and analyze the outlooks and insights into China’s national image from across the world. Fuzzy Comprehensive Assessment Method: The method has been increasingly adopted in assessment of the images of enterprises since the 1960s. Given that the image of every enterprise contains uncertain factors, fuzzy comprehensive assessment method was invented to tackle the problems. China’s national image is composed of uncertain interdependent factors similar to the images of enterprises, and thus fuzzy comprehensive assessment method fits in the nature. Fuzzy comprehensive assessment, in general, consists of two major approaches, that is, single factor fuzzy assessment and fuzzy synthetic assessment. The latter is employed in the book because of the multi-dimensional nature of China’s national image. Focus-group Interviews: The opinion leaders inside and outside China who hail from all different sectors are contacted and interviewed. The semi-structural interview plays a key role in the discussion to ensure the freedom of the interviewees on the one hand, and the relevance to the goals of this research. Questionnaires: The respondents are the public from the U.S., Canada, the UK, Australia, India, ASEAN, Brazil, and South Korea. The goal of the questionnaires is primarily to listen to the voice from the world from the ground up.

The Major Originalities of This Book

This book tries to make its own marks on the following three prominent aspects: (1) According to the literature review that the book conducted, this is the first systematic historical analysis of the transformation of China’s national image in the world since the 1978 Reform and Opening up. The book, in this sense, can contribute a wealth of original findings to benefit both those studying and those researching in this field.

22

1

Introduction

(2) The studies of national image were originated from the West. A globalizing world, however, calls for understanding the Third World relatively standing outside the world’s stage. The resources that nation branding rests on are more suitable for the values of the West. Thus, the book tries to create a new model which is more relevant to the common situations of developing countries while preserving the best experiences accumulated by the previous studies. The three dimension-four layers-32 variables model of national image is arisen from the convergence of the classic theories and mature paradigms in the studies of international relations, sociology, political science, international economics, and international communication to point to the complexity of China’s national image. (3) A series of constructive and forward-looking recommendations are made at the relevant points. To enhance China’s adaptiveness in touch with the world, Chinese President Xi Jinping made it clear that the strategy shall focus on “standing upon the reality of China, learning from the world, seeking for inspiration in history, catching up with the modernity, caring for the whole human society, and being future-oriented”.46 In the situation, the most pressing challenge is if China and the world both fail to ignite change towards a better future, soon the effects of cynicism, disappointments, and even cold-war mentality could overwhelm efforts to adapt—that identifies why this book is written.

References Anholt, Simon. 2007. Competitive Identity: The New Brand Management for Nations, Cities and Regions, New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Chinanews. 2010. The Chancellor of Germany Acknowledged the Kneeling of Willy Brandt Had Great Significance (Dezongtong Chenzan Bolante zai Youtairen Jinianbei qian Xiagui “Weida”). http://www.chinanews.com/gj/2010/12-08/2708000.shtml CNOOC 2005. Withdraws Unocal Bid, Xinhua News Agency, August 3. Congressional Research Service, CRS Report: China’s Foreign Policy and “Soft Power” In South America, Asia, and Africa, U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, 2008. Jinping, Xi. 2016. Speech at the Symposium on Philosophy and Social Science (Zai zhexueshehuikexue gongzuozuotanhui shang de jianghua), Xinhua News Agency, May 17. Ministry of Commerce of the People’s Republic of China, MOFCOM: the new measures proposed in The Johannesburg Summit on Sustainable Development were the most outstanding than ever before (Yuehanneisibaofenghui xincuo kancheng lijie luntan jucuo zhizui), http://news.cntv.cn/ 2015/11/26/ARTI1448509832309757.shtml. Accessed 3 Jan 2022. Nye, Joseph. 1991. Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power. New York: Basic Books. Nye, Joseph. 2002. The American National Interest and Global Public Goods. International Affairs 78 (2): 233–244.

46

Jinping (2016)

References

23

Shangwei, Cai, and Liu Rui. 2008. An Analysis and Calculation on the Projects Sponsored by NSSFC in the Fields of Journalism and Communication Science (Xinwenxue yu Chuanboxue Guojiashekejijin Xiangmu Tongji yu Fenxi). Modern Communication 2: 43–46. Talks of Deng Xiaoping with the Foreign State Leaders and Journalists on the Record (Deng Xiaoping yu Waiguo Shounao ji Jizhe Huitanlu), Beijing: Taihai Publishing House, 2011:176. Xinhuanet. 2013. BBC Acclaimed that China was Perceived Unfavourable by More People Globally (BBC Chen Quanqiumindiao dui Zhongguo Yinxiang Zhuancha), Xinhua News Agency, May 24. Yi, Wang. 2005. Writing New Chapters, Navigating New Era (Shuxie Xinpianzhang, Kaiqi Xinhangcheng), Qiushi 2005 (1): 45–47.

Chapter 2

The Transformation of China’s Concept of the International Communication of National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up

Feng Youlan,1 an outstanding Chinese philosopher of the twentieth century in his account of history of Chinese philosophy pointed out “philosophical work depends on history of philosophy”.2 From the perspective, understanding the international communication of China’s image requires us, above all, to think through the context of history. It means it is unlikely to understand the conceptual issues, in particular, the principles directing the transformation of the international communication of China’s image without a keen understanding of the transformation of China’s concept of international communication of national image. In the 1960s, in the words of Bernard Cohen, the American scholar of international political science, concluded his study of the new directions on the strategies of foreign policies in the aftermath of World War II, “the ideals, and the roles that you want to move them in your direction provide important reference points for deciding policies”. In terms of building up an attractive national image, and achieving a favorable public opinion environment, international communication holds the key because, “the press may not be successful much of the time in telling people what to think, but it is stunningly successful in telling its readers what to think about”.3 From a historical perspective, it was the Western countries that were conscious of the significance of the international communication of national image to success in global affairs in the first place. Accordingly, they are more conscious of the importance of communication in decision making. Consider, for example, Edwin Diamond whose research primarily focuses on American presidents, and the methods they commonly deployed in international communication, argued President James Carter was in turn relatively over cautious in many of foreign 1

Feng Youlan (1895–1990) was educated at Peking (1918) and Columbia (1923) universities. His two-volume History of Chinese Philosophy (1934; revised, 1952–53) established his reputation and was the standard general history of Chinese philosophy until the late twentieth century. 2 Youlan (2009: 1). 3 Cohen (1963: 13). © Peking University Press 2023 C. Liu, The Chinese Story in Global Order, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9020-5_2

25

26

2

The Transformation of China’s Concept of the International …

policies as to him, “international communication may not provide information. Rather, it instead may screen out them”. By contrast, President Reagan, and President George Bush Sr. have the ability “to get consensus for America’s foreign policies through attractive international policy delivery”.4 Also, a more recent example, during the Kosovo War in 1999, the United Sates involved in the war in Europe. Some critics argue that one of the major causes which led to America’s involvement was to balance, and even contain the influence of Euro, which then was in its infancy on the world economy so as to prevent the new possible freely usable international currency from being a future challenge of the U.S. dollar. However, as the international communication of America’s involvement in the Kosovo War wended its way toward a protection of peace and human rights, a relatively favorable public opinion environment in and out the United States was shaped, and the relevant polies, and plans could build on the ideas or rationales as a war for humanity. Compared to the West, in particular, that of the United States, China and most of developing countries relatively lagged behind in recognition of the importance of international communication of national image in international affairs. As a result, antagonism was clearly the main basis of the international communication for the developing world during the long Cold War. Developing countries which just took off the hat of colony or semi-colony looked at the struggle with the Western hegemony as the rise of New Emerging Forces. A prime example, in 1963, the first Games of the New Emerging Forces was held in Djakarta, the capital city of Indonesia. Developing countries organized the sporting event with an attempt to commemorate restoring the national independence via competing with the international games originated, and organized by the West, such as the Olympic Games. In the situation, Israel and Taiwan Region of China were refused visa by Indonesia. Globalization changed the way the world looks, and the way the developing world looks at the world. More and more developing countries have launched the economic institutional reforms since in general the 1980s. Within the historical context, the relationship between developing countries and developed countries in the West has begun to transform from confrontation to dialogue, and exchange. Following the path similar to many developing countries, the transformation of China’s concept and conception of the international communication of national image also went through the changes from confrontation to exchange and cooperation. The Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of Communist Party of China (CCCPC) which officially put forward “Reform and Opening-up” was a historic momentum in times of tectonic change, and that the international communication of China’s image proceeded into its new age. Given the above historical review, in this chapter, the transformation of China’s concept of the international communication of national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up has been divided into four major historical stages.

4

Concluded via E. Diamond’s Sign Off: The Last Day of Television (1982), Hefferman’s (1993).

27

First (1978–1992), the general goals of China’s Reform and Opening-up at the stage was to propel at large the reform in rural China, but also to initiate the experimentation of the reform in urban China. The then-prevalent focus of China’s Opening-up was on attracting foreign investment and promoting international trade, especially the export-oriented economy. China, therefore, formed the economicconstruction-centered concept of the international communication of national image in order to serve the attraction of foreign investment through introducing China’s economic reform to the outside world. Second (1992–2001), Deng Xiaoping, the chief representative of China’s Reform and Opening-up made his well-known South China Tour5 in 1992, which helped to “sweep away the hurdles in China toward understanding market economy”.6 Looking through history, Deng Xiaoping’s South China Tour in 1992 led to the first official announcement of Market Economy in the Communique of the 14th National Congress of Communist Party of China (CPC) in the October of this year. It was a clear signal that the debates on the essence of Reform and Opening-up— socialist or capitalist—reached to an end. At the same time, therefore, the focus of Reform and Opening-up was shifted from the reform-dependent stage to the opening-up-oriented stage. It means the reform began to be driven by the opening-up. China’s concept of the international communication of national image adjusted itself to the new direction. The outside world had increasingly got an impression of the changes of China’s image from centering around policy delivery to introducing China to the world. In doing so, the sense of publicity had been softened, and replaced by a stronger consciousness of communication. In face of the uncertainty of international situation, China’s international communication of national image related its main tasks to breaking the obstruction and bridging the large divides between China and the world. Also, Deng Xiaoping’s Three-FavorsPrinciple7—and others—are an influential application of China’s concept of international communication and the practices in communicating globally China’s image has built on the ideas. Third (2001–2012), China’s accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001 played a critical role in China’s Reform and Opening-up. Innumerable achievements have been made in many different areas of national development in which China works. From economic perspective, China transformed from an economy simply utilizing foreign investment to an economy both utilizing foreign investment and investing globally. Compared to that of the previous two stages from 1978 through 2001, the relationship between China and the world has reached a new historical level at which China has grown from dependence more on the world’s support to reciprocal development with every country no

5

From January 8 to February 21, 1992, Deng Xiaoping made his famous South China Tour including Wuchang, Shenzhen, Zhuhai and Shanghai. During his trip, the former Chinese leader made a series of speeches that later developed to become the backbone of Deng Xiaoping Theory. 6 Wei (2012: 7). 7 The translation is contributed by Foreign Languages Press.

28

2

The Transformation of China’s Concept of the International …

matter big or small, and developed or underdeveloped. In face of the new situation, China’s concept of the international communication of national image, therefore, has evolved from a window on China to a window on China and the world. That is, the primary global of China’s international communication was to strengthen and deepen the ties between China and world from a higher perspective. China’s image directed more attention to the dimension of win–win cooperation. People in different countries could get a greater number of chances through Chinese stories to know what China’s growth can contribute to the Chinese, and the world. Fourth (2012–Now), the term, “Chinese Dream” was coined in 2012. China under President Xi Jinping’s Administration continues to take China’s Reform and Opening-up to a new historical level. As a result of the dramatic advances in governance, above all, reviewing China’s positive and negative experiences in nation building since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, and assessing the trend of development domestic and international, China has proposed a series of recommendations reflecting Chinese perspective, Chinese wisdom, and Chinese contribution. According to the available international comments, the ideas proposed by China, for examples, Human Community with shared Future, and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), have received a great deal of compliments. To the world, China’s image has reached a new historical level appealing to the idea that stands collectively the responsibility of our time, and serves collectively the growth of our world. In conclusion, the transformation of China’s concept of the international communication of national image has undergone four major stages (1978–Now). In tune with the specific historical context, different character identified the change and continuity of China’s Reform and Opening-up has been shaped, and applied (See Table 2.1).

2.1

2.1.1

The International Communication of China’s Image to Serve the Economic-Centered Construction (1978–1992) The Historical Context

The 3rd Plenary Session of the 11th CCCPC in 1978 made it clear that Opening-up plays a vital role because international cooperation is essential to China’s development—in other words, “what motivates China’s development rests on self-reliance, and international cooperation adherent to the principle of equality and mutual benefit and utilization of advanced science and technology, and equipment from around the world”.8 Economic construction has been persevered as a central task since then, and that a great deal of efforts have been made in order to attract 8

Literature Research Office of the CPC Central Committee (1982: 6).

2.1

The International Communication of China’s Image …

29

Table 2.1 Four-phase transformation of china’s concept of the international communication of national image Phase

1978–1992

1992–2001

2001–2012

2012–Now

The policy focuses of China’s reform and opening-up

Reform as driving force, opening-up as supportive; opening-up to attract foreign investment, and promote experimentally international trade, esp. export-oriented economy

Launch going global strategy; integrate in globalization

The conceptual focuses of China’s international communication of national image

Publicize the principles, policies, and planning of reform and opening-up to serve attraction of foreign investment

Acknowledge officially market economy of socialism, propel Reform through Opening-up; Opening-up to integrate in global economy, and drive domestic reform Open a window on China for the world; transform from international publicity to international communication

Based on China, following the trend of time, propose China’s scenario in the new age to contribute China’s wisdom to global sustainable development Stand collectively the responsibility of our time, serve collectively the growth of our world

One world, one dream; a window on china and the world

foreign investment. In September, 1978, for example, Deng Xiaoping repeatedly emphasized, “we should persevere in attracting foreign investment, utilizing foreign equipment in pursuit of economic construction, and China’s modernization”9 when he visited Hei Longjiang, Jilin, and Liaoning—three provinces in the northeast of China, and City of Tangshan in Hebei Province, and Tianjin, a municipality directly under the Central Government. Also, in April, 1979, Xi Zhongxun, Governor of Guangdong Province, made a proposal on behalf of Guangdong at the Central Working Conference in Beijing, that the Central Government should create Guangdong Export Processing Zone (GDEPZ) so as to make the best use of its competitive local advantage—situated near Hong Kong and Macau, China and entitle GDEPZ with incentive policy and flexibility at a greater level. In doing so, Guangdong took a lead as a pilot in China’s Reform and Opening-up. In 1980, the first group of Special Economic Zone (SEZ) was established in China which consisted of four cities—all of them are in Guangdong—Shenzhen, Shantou, Zhuhai, and Xiamen. In the historical context, throughout the 1980s, Chin’s opening-up had been propelled rapidly, and great achievements had been reaped in a variety of areas. A prime example, from 1979 through 1992, a remarkable progress in utilization of foreign investment had been made (See Table 2.2).

9

Talks of Deng Xiaoping with the Foreign State Leaders and Journalists on the Record (Deng Xiaoping yu Waiguo Shounao ji Jizhe Huitanlu) (2011: 86).

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Table 2.2 China’s utilization of foreign investment (1979–1992) (USD 100,000,000) Year

Total Number of contract

Foreign Loan Value

Number of contract

Value

Direct foreign investment Number of Value contract

Other foreign investment Investment

Total value of foreign capital through signed contract agreements 1979– 1471 239.78 79 150.62 1392 77.42 11.74 1983 1984 1894 47.91 38 19.16 1856 26.51 2.24 1985 3145 98.67 72 35.34 3073 59.32 4.01 1986 1551 117.37 53 84.07 1498 28.34 4.96 1987 2289 121.36 56 78.17 2233 37.09 6.10 1988 6063 160.04 118 98.13 5945 52.97 8.94 1989 5909 114.79 130 51.85 5779 56.00 6.94 1990 7371 120.86 98 50.99 7273 65.96 3.91 1991 13,086 195.83 108 71.61 12,978 119.77 4.45 1992 48,858 694.39 94 107.03 48,764 581.24 6.12 Total value of foreign capital used 1979– 144.38 117.55 18.02 8.81 1983 1984 27.05 12.86 12.58 1.61 1985 46.47 26.88 16.61 2.98 1986 72.58 50.14 18.74 3.70 1987 84.52 58.05 23.14 3.33 1988 102.26 64.87 31.94 5.45 1989 100.59 62.86 33.92 3.81 1990 102.89 65.34 34.87 2.68 1991 115.54 68.88 43.66 3.00 1992 192.02 79.11 110.07 2.84 Source National Bureau of Statistics of China, http://www.stats.gov.cn/ndsj/information/zh1/ p131a, Accessed at 4/23/2018

In making the argument that is Opening-up suitable for China’s situation, in 1984, the 2nd Session of the 6th National People’s Congress (NPC) articulated clearly that the answer is “YES”. In the same year, the Third Plenary Session of the 12th CCCPC added to the official statement that Opening-up is good to resolve China’s vulnerability to the shortage of capitals and resources which is essential to China’s economic construction, so that it is suitable for China’s situation, and should be persevered. The guideline, principles and policies clarified basic issues concerning the consolidation and development of China’s Reform and Opening-up. In accordance with the historical context, Opening-up was further strengthened. In 1984, SEZs were established in a total of 14 coastal cities—They are Tianjin, Shanghai, Dalian in Liaoning Province, Qin Huangdao in Hebei Province, Yantai and Qingdao in Shandong Province, Lian Yungang and Nantong in Jiangsu

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31

Table 2.3 China’s foreign investment through signed contracts and agreements (1986) Item

Joint venture

Chinese-foreign cooperative enterprise

Foreign-funded enterprise

Total numbers of the 1551 892 582 projects utilizing foreign investment through signed contracts and agreements Source National Bureau of Statistics of China (1987: 603)

Chinese-foreign cooperative development 6

Province, Ningbo and Wenzhou in Zhejiang Province, Fuzhou in Fujian Province, Guangzhou and Zhanjiang in Guangdong Province, and Beihai in Guangxi Province. In 1985, CPCCC and the State Council announced that the Yangtze River Delta,10 the Pearl River Delta,11 and Xiamen-Zhangzhou-Quanzhou Delta in the Southern part of Fujian Province were established as costal economic zone. The SEZs are established with a common goal to give priority to export-oriented economy, and to provide more preferential treatments for foreign investors in taxation, land use, and their entry and exit by taking the advantage of the economic activity autonomy entitled by the central government. In September, 1986, the Sixth Plenary Session of the 12th CCCPC was held which articulated explicitly, “Opening-up as a basic national strategy is sure-footed, and should be applied in both construction of the socialist material civilization and of the socialist spiritual civilization”.12 Under the impetus of the guidance, China’s export-oriented economy came into scale. In 1986, for example, the total numbers of the projects utilizing foreign investment through signed contracts and agreements indicated the remarkable outcomes that China achieved through reinforcing Opening-up (See Table 2.3). September 29 of 1987, Deng Xiaoping identified, “we should persevere in the Reform and Opening-up, and we should be bolder” when he introduced the incoming 13th CPC National Congress in his meeting with American President Carter in Beijing.13 Why Deng Xiaoping emphasized to the international community that China is sure to continue Reform and Opening-up? Because it was truly indeed that the Reform and Opening-up was confronting a series of challenges while making progress. For example, the emergence of the weak-central government10

The Yangtze River Delta is an economic powerhouse of modern China. The delta, roughly the size of Germany, encompasses Shanghai and the provinces of Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Anhui. 11 The Pearl River Delta is home to 14 Chinese cities including Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Dongguan etc., and to Hong Kong SAR, and Macau SAR. In 2017, the World Bank declared the PRD is the world’s largest megacity, surpassing Tokyo. With more than 108.5 million residents in the 2015 census, and its population is about a third the size of the US. 12 Literature Research Office of the CPC Central Committee (1986: 2). 13 Talks of Deng Xiaoping with the Foreign State Leaders and Journalists on the Record (Deng Xiaoping Yu Waiguoshounao Ji Jizhe Huitanlu) (2011: 28).

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strengthen-local governments-structure in national economy which led to the fragmentation of resources had become home to debates that can socialist country conduct market economy. Just as importantly, by the end of the 1980s, and in the early of the 1990s, the drastic changes in East Europe, and the demolishment of the former Soviet Union shifted fundamentally the bi-pole power structure. The profound changes of international situation together with the domestic challenges caused by Reform and Opening-up triggered sharply the arguments on what should be China’s road. At the critical time, China, in face of the extremely complicated circumstances at home and abroad made a historic decision—That is to say that China has the courage and determination to conduct Reform and Opening-up. March of 1990, the communiqué issued by the Sixth Plenary Session of the 13th CCCPC rectified, “it is since the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CCCPC in 1978 that CPC has correctly constituted the guideline, principles and policies, so that China’s construction of modernization, and Reform and Opening-up have achieved globally remarkable accomplishments…… The 1990s is the decade key to China’s national development which will be a decade with greater achievements by standing upon the shoulders of the ground-breaking growth made throughout the 1980s, and by moving on along the road of building socialism with Chinese characteristics”. September of 1990, Jiang Zemin at the Economic Working Conference pointed out the principle that continues to deepen reform, and be vigilant against the influence of conservatism. February 18 of 1991, Deng Xiaoping visited Shanghai where he made comments on the reports of Pudong Development Planning, emphasizing “we should speed up the development of Pudong. Be bold in constructing Pudong Economic Development Zone. It demands trustworthiness, and compliance with international rules. In doing so, the foreign investment is sure to be attracted to Shanghai. It is building up competitiveness”. “It is regrettable that Shanghai should have been reformed and developed much earlier. So, we must work harder! …… Shanghai used to be a financial center where different currencies were freely exchanged, and it should become so again……” “Hope that people in Shanghai would free further their minds, be bolder, and speed up”.14 By 1991, China completed its three-year rectification which enabled the Reform and Opening-up to move on more rapidly and steadily. With regard to international circumstances, in the early of the 1990s, the relocation of capacity worldwide provided China’s economic growth a historic momentum. Drawn upon the accurate and thorough analysis of the situation domestic and international, Deng Xiaoping delivered his well-known South China Tour speech series in 1992, and thereby ushered in a new era of China’s Reform and Opening-up.

14

Xiaoping (1993: 366–367).

2.1 The International Communication of China’s Image …

2.1.2

33

The International Communication Concept of China’s Image to Serve the Economic-Centered Construction (1978–1992)

China’s economic reform had been disputed since the Opening-up was launched at the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CCCPC in 1978. A prime example, Deng Xiaoping proposed the concept of market economy up to twelve times in total from 1979 to 1992, nearly thirteen years. Only one time, however, got somehow positive response. At the time, when “Reform”, the concept entered the public discourse, only the terms such as “commodity production”, and “exchange of commodity” were permitted. With regard to market economy, rather than using the term directly, only the discourse such as “planning allocation as center, and market allocation as supportive” instead was available—That is to say that the concept, allocation by market economy, was a somehow taboo.15 In the historical context, at the outset of China’s Reform and Opening-up, what China wants through an appropriate national image remained arguable. At the same time, the relationship between China and world was fraught with exploration and discussion. As a result, China’s concept of the international communication of national image was set with the focus on publicity with an attempt to restore the exchange with the world, reestablish the partnership with the world, and serve national economic construction. March of 1979, the Working Conference on International Publicity of News, Broadcasting, and Magazine was held by the Publicity Department of the CCCPC, which explained the mission of China’s international publicity—To deepen understanding and friendship between China and people in different countries, to create an international environment in favor of China’s construction of four modernizations,16 and to support the international struggles against hegemonism. March of 1980, the Central Committee of CPC made a decision that the Central International Publicity Working Group (CIPWG) should be established to facilitate the central government with the work. The purpose of CIPWG was to provide recommendations on the publicity of the guidelines, policies, and major issues of general concern based on analysis of and prediction on the situations in and outside China, and organize, propel, coordinate, and assess the work related to publicity. In 1983, The No. 15 Central Document issued by the CCCPC identified that “international publicity proved to be the work with critically strategic implication as it is the work of people-to-people connection”.17 The role of international publicity in China’s development was clarified from this perspective. In 1984, the urban-centered economic reform had been

15

Wei (2012: 7). Four modernizations refer to the modernization of agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology. 17 Sida (1989: 68). 16

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radically launched in China in the aftermath of the Third Plenary Session of the 12th CCCPC. In the historical context, the CCCPC sought to reinforce the reforms in the fields of politics and culture. The leaders at the Central Committee such as Deng Xiaoping directly took lead in the adjustment of international publicity, in particular, in the aspects of cardinal principles, missions, and approaches. January of 1988, CIPWG was reestablished and became an independent entity which had been demolished due to the adjustment of central departments during the 1980s. In 1990, The Working Notification on Reinforcing and Improving International Publicity issued by the CCCPC put that—“International publicity as a key part of our overall foreign policy is of critical significance of practice and strategy. Its role in expanding our international influence, and propelling our socialist construction is unique and irreplaceable. The mission of China’s international publicity is to serve our construction of socialist modernization, and reunification of our country, to serve our guidelines, planning, and policies, and to serve protection of the world peace, friendship of people in different countries, and the development of human society”. January of 1991, Information Office of the State Council (IOSC) was established by the Central Committee in accordance with the practical demands. The mission of IOSC was to organize, promote, and coordinate with central departments and local governments the work relating to introducing China to the world, and to facilitate the exchange between China and the world in the fields of economy, science and technology, and culture.18 Emancipating thought demands belief and courage, in particular, in struggle with the traditional, conservative thinking. Chinese reformers have the courage and determination to take action. Consider the first foreign-funded hotel in Beijing— Zhaolong Hotel as a typical example, in 1981, Bao Yugang at age sixty-three, a successful Hong Kong entrepreneur who was ranked at the top of the list of “the World’s Kings of Vessels.” Bao returned to his hometown, Ningbo in Zhejiang Province, for the first time in thirty years. At the time, his fleet of vessels totaled more than of that of the United States and the former Soviet Union. Morning of July 6 of 1981, Deng Xiaoping met Bao Yugang, and his father Bao Zhaolong in the Fujian Hall of the People’s Hall in Beijing. Looking through history, the meeting is significant to China’s Reform and Opening-up because it was the first meeting between the driver of China’s Reform and Opening-up and influential overseas Chinese entrepreneur. In Beijing, Bao told the officials of the Beijing Municipality that he would donate $10 million to build a hotel with a single condition: The hotel must be named after his father, Bao Zhaolong. Some officials worried about the risk of Beijing agreeing to build monuments for capitalists. Deng Xiaoping stated that not only would he like to accept Bao’s donation if no one else in China felt motivated to take it, and agreed to make the inscription for Beijing Zhaolong Hotel. This important act was symbolic and calculated, because Deng Xiaoping hoped to

18

Shen et al. (2008: 6).

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The International Communication of China’s Image …

35

convey to the world that China’s leadership has capabilities and willingness to accept investment from beyond the Mainland.19 On the one hand, entrepreneurs were very excited about the potential to collaborate with China, because of its large market. On the other hand, they failed to achieve a better understanding of the vast and complicated country. More and more, they felt the difficulty was caused by the conservative way of thinking. For example, in 1984, Werner Gerich, a retired German engineer was invited by Wuhan Diesel Engine Factory to be the company’s manager. He was the first foreign (Laowai) factory manager recruited by a state-owned enterprise of China. The event was described as a breakthrough and triggered a series of intense discussion both in and outside China. Nevertheless, Gerich was not ready for the challenges—some of them were inevitable during China’s economic reform, others were the results of the complex cultural shock, and still others were caused by China’s understanding of international communication which had already lagged behind the trend of the Reform and Opening-up—to the point that he almost could not execute the business well. By November 1986, Gerich had fulfilled his contract. Unsurprisingly, at the meeting with an official from the State Council, the first Laowai factory manager in China reflected that the experience is productive while more challenging than what he had expected.20 Looking closely back at what China experienced in the first phase of the Reform and Opening-up, it is clear that China’s determination to open to the outside world is decisive that there are no big adjustments, or big changes, or reversion whatever the difficulties are confronting. In fact, the determination identifies what is China’s wisdom and ability. China conformed to the demands of the Reform and Opening-up at the stage, and that was conscious of the necessity to communicate China’s image globally, to expand China’s international influence, and to reinforce a friendly relationship with all of countries including the developed countries in the West. Consider the Chinese television media as a typical example, in the early 1980s, China Central Television (CCTV) began to produce English news programs. October 18 of 1983, the first news office of Xinwen Lianbo21 was established outside Mainland in Hong Kong, China. As well, June 1984, the first piece of news about Taiwan Region was released by Xinwen Lianbo. December 30 of 1986, the Chinese audience watched the premiere of CCTV English News on CCTV-2 which

19 Suiyi, Why would Deng Xiaoping make the inscription for Beijing Zhaolong Hotel (Deng Xiaoping Weishenme Yaowei Zhaolong Fandian Tici). http://forum.book.sina.com.cn/thread4152579-1-1.html, Accessed at 12/01/2011. 20 Cundou (2008: 36). 21 January 1978, Xinwen Lianbo was launched in China. It was the first news program covering domestic and international news in China. The 30-min program was outlined as the most authoritative source of official news representing China. There are an estimated 500 million viewers watching Xinwen Lianbo in China; roughly one-third of all Chinese people are its audience.

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is the first television program in foreign language in China. July, 1989, CCTV English News started to broadcast on a daily basis. In 1990, thanks to the National International Publicity Working Conference, the role of television media received higher level of emphasis. July 16 of 1991, CCTV Overseas Center came into being. More significantly, during the period, China’s international communication made a historic leap forward. March 18, 1986, Xinwen Lianbo which had evolved from a news program to an exclusive source of important official news began broadcasting the news provided by European Broadcast Union. March 1, 1987, Xinwen Lianbo started broadcasting CNN news. This was remarkable enough, however the breaking point, was in May 1988, when China started sending news to CNN World Report, an American international news program launched on October 26, 1987. The program was considered as monumental in the history of television media in America, because for the first time the viewers in the United States were able to see news provided by non-American journalists.22 In the same year, China began to provide the Chinese television news to more American television media. Through the efforts, the outside world got more platforms of lively exchange so as to develop understanding of China, and of China’s Reform and Opening-up. In terms of China’s concept of the international communication of national image, on the basis of recognition of the achievements accomplished in the phase, it is important to analyze from an objective perspective the limits shown. The driving force behind the international communication of China’s image was mainly related to attraction to foreign investment, foreign technology, and foreign experience in management in spite of the acknowledgement that China’s development and the world are inseparable. Rather, the thinking in the other aspects of international communication was relatively falling behind. To elaborate the major characteristics of China’s concept of the international communication of national image, Xinwen Lianbo on CCTV was selected as a case. The results of this study were done on the program composition of Xinwen Lianbo between December 24, 1978 when the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CCCPC was held and the Reform and Opening-up was formally launched in China, and January 5, 1986, the first National Special Economic Zones Conference was complete. The start of political reform was revealing.23 In addition, the eight-year study examined the first headline of the domestic news, and international news on each edition of Xinwen Lianbo during the analysis period. The selection of the editions was based on the book entitled Collections of Headline News of the 20th Anniversary of Xinwen Lianbo issued by CCTV, and archives offered by CCTV as well. In total, 3350 pieces of news screened on Xinwen Lianbo were collected on 22

Dilawari et al. (1991: 121–137). In January 1986, the National Special Economic Zones Conference was concluded in Shenzhen. In this conference, a special economic zone was defined as a medium for introducing technology, management and knowledge. It was also a window for foreign policy. This conference decided that China would strive to develop an export-oriented economy during the Seventh Five Year. Also, this conference was regarded as the first key meeting for sticking to the principle of opening to the outside world after the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CCCPC. 23

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The International Communication of China’s Image …

37

Table 2.4 The content analysis of the international news on Xinwen Lianbo (1978–1986) No. of stories

Premiere date

News title

1

Sep. 1, 1983

2 3

Oct. 20, 1983 Oct. 24, 1983

4

May 9, 1984

5 6

Sep. 21, 1984 Nov. 1, 1984

7 8

Dec. 4, 1984 Mar. 11,1985

9

Jun. 1, 1985

10

Jun. 18, 1985

11 12

Aug. 13, 1985 Aug. 16, 1985

13

Oct. 2,1985

14

Nov. 15,1985

South Korean Airliner Crashed by the Soviet Union Fighter Jets The Coup D’etat in Grenada Bombings against Multi-national Armies in Beirut, Lebanon The Soviet Union Announced to Boycott LA Olympics The US Embassy to Lebanon was Bombed Again Indira Gandhi, Indian Premier was Assassinated in New Delhi The Severe Toxic Gas Leak in Bhopa, India Chernenko, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Soviet Union Passed away The Hijacking Incident in Beirut Resolved and the American Hostages Released 17 European Countries Initiated Eureka Organization A Japanese Boeing 747 Crashed Japanese Prime Minister Nakasone Visits the Yasukuni Shrine Israel Bombed the Headquarter of Palestine Liberation Organization Halley’s Comet Appeared Again

videotape, analyzed and documented with story descriptions. The news collected was divided into three major types, that is, domestic news,24 news concerning international cooperation and exchange,25 and international news.26 From December 24, 1978 to January 5, 1986, the stories addressing what was happening worldwide were very limited in Xinwen Lianbo. There were merely fourteen pieces of external news in the first eight years of China’s opening up to the world (See Table 2.4). The content analysis indicates the international news was essentially limited both in terms of quantity, and of the countries and regions covered.

Domestic news refers to stories about the events in the fields of politics, economics, science and technology, culture, justice, sports and other social activities inside China. 25 News concerning international cooperation and exchange deals with the practices China initiated with the build-up of international ties such as the relevant policies, diplomatic activities, incentive measures and achievements. 26 International news includes the stories only involved in the events that happened in a foreign country. 24

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Table 2.5 The news directions of the news on Xinwen Lianbo (1978–1986) (percent of total volume by categories) Category

Supportive

Critical

Neutral

Total

Domestic news

183 (94.3%) 114 (98.3%) 0 (0%)

0 (0%)

11 (5.7%) 0 (0%)

194 (100%) 116 (100%) 14 (100%)

China’s international cooperation & exchange International news

2 (2.0%) 1 (7.7%)

13 (92.3%)

Pearson chi2 (4) = 175.4992 Pr = 0.000 p value of Fisher’s exact test < 0.0001

Moreover, the three categories of content analysis—supportive, critical and neutral—as applied to sentence and story levels, were used in this study. Table 2.5 summarizes the results. Compared to the other two types of news, the international news on Xinwen Lianbo during the eight years was relatively more negative. Within the domestic news, 94.3% of the stories were supportive, overtly disseminating achievements accomplished nationwide. 98.3% of the headlines telling of China’s diplomatic activities, or other similar efforts, were addressed in an upbeat manner to conform with the Reform and Opening-up’s guidelines of economic collaboration with the rest of the world. The overall difference between the three categories was statistically significant (p < 0.0001), according to Fisher’s indices (See Table 2.5). The prominence of domestic news as a whole, and the supportive tone screened on CCTV’s Xinwen Lianbo, demonstrated a fact that on the one hand, the Reform and Opening-up at the first stage had been driven forward, and China’s concept of international communication at the start tended to stay inside an economic-focused paradigm. In the historical context, Deng Xiaoping’s South China Tour, in particular, his series of speeches drove China’s Reform and Opening-up forward into its second phase. China’s concept of the international communication of national image reacted to the social change, and opened its new chapter.

2.2

2.2.1

The International Communication of China’s Image to Involve in the Global Economic Integration (1992–2001) The Historical Context

From a historical perspective, the Reform and Opening-up from 1978 through 1992 of Deng Xiaoping’s South China Tour was mainly concerned about the reform of rural China, and establishment of multi-forms of ownerships in China. The reform of urban China dwelled on the top-down level, and were mainly experimented

2.2

The International Communication of China’s Image …

39

within institution. Since there is no previous experience to fall back on, China had to “wade across the stream by feeling the way”. It is truly certain that some failures have come to be inevitable. A prime example, the failure of the price reform in 1988: The concept of price reform is one that the traditional pricing system controlled by government should be replaced with market pricing system. In doing so, a two-track pricing system combining the two types of pricing systems was taken as an alternative. From a long-term perspective, however, the key limit of the policy was the risk to cause chaos of economic order, and rise of corruption. Indeed, during the period of two-track pricing system, the wide spread of speculators, and the unauthorize, unjustifiable price hikes stimulated a variety of social conflicts. It is difficult to promote the Opening-up when China’s economic reform was confronting a great deal of deep-rooted conflicts and challenges. Many constraints, thus, were imposed upon opening-up. For example, the reform in foreign trade had to be conducted in a top-down way, and open only to the SEZs, coastal cities opened, Open Economic Areas, and EPZs. The relationship between “Reform” and “Opening-up” was portrayed Reform as the driving force of Opening-up. Rather, the Opening-up instead pushed the Reform forward. Consequently, “not only could the Reform radically develop, but the Opening-up was constrained”.27 China’s Reform and Opening-up in its initiative phase throbbed with great concerns domestically and globally. At the same time, a variety of doubts, and even misunderstandings were aroused. When the Reform and Opening-up was at the critical time, Deng Xiaoping revisited the Pearl River Delta, Shenzhen, and Zhuhai in Guangdong Province between January 18 and February 21, 1992. The investigation made Deng Xiaoping confident of the future of the Reform and Opening-up. He delivered a series of important speeches contributing to the Reform and Opening-up. He made it clear that “implementing the Opening-up should behold a cardinal principle—that is to say Opening to the world rather than Enclosing from the world”.28 February 28, 1992, the Central Government compiled the speeches which Deng Xiaoping delivered in the four cities, and called for the party committees at all levels to circulate to every party member. The South China Tour speech series identified the direction in China’s Reform and Opening-up, and elucidated many of key critics, or doubts constraining people’s thoughts by examining them in a theoretical manner. In the historical context, October, 1992, the 14th CPC National Congress upheld the construction of socialist market economy as the goal of the Reform and Opening-up. It is a great achievement made by the CPC that combines socialism and market economy. The Communiqué of the 14th CPC National Congress articulated the historical significance of the South China Tour speech series that fundamentally break off the constraints that regards planned economy and market economy as basic social system. By this principle, the relationship between planned economy and market

27 28

Luoli (2012: 8). Chunhua (2014: 1).

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economy has been enabled to redefine. It is ground-breaking in terms of emancipation of thoughts”.29 According to the planning of China’s development set up by the CCCPC, the implication of emancipation of thoughts, and promotion of opening-up was illustrated from two dimensions as a whole, that is, the economic reform and the political reform. Many leaders of the CPC and central government such as Deng Xiaoping, addressed on a series of important occasions, that “in light of politics and economy, both of them, the 13th CPC National Congress shall put the political reform on the agenda in addition to the emphasis on the Reform and Opening-up, and the flexibility of policy. With the progress in the economic reform, the political reform shall live up to it. Otherwise, the economic reform is indeed about to meet obstructions which will in turn obstruct many other aspects”.30 In support of the Opening-up, Deng Xiaoping particularly concerned with the issue concerning investment environment unfavorable for the Opening-up, “I knew the complaints from foreign investors……We shall take them seriously. Be bold to make the best use of foreign investment, and offer sound and reciprocal conditions to the foreign investors. It is our principle……Without reform, the problems cannot be tackled. That also plays a critical role in the Reform and Opening-up”.31 May, 1993, the 11th Meeting of Inter Action Council32 was held in Shanghai, and prominent politicians from above thirty countries attended. Zhu Rongji, then the Vice Premiere of China, in his opening remark reaffirmed the possibility to combine socialism and market economy. In response to the international concern that does the combination of both socialism and market economy mean that China feels reluctant to conduct the Opening-up, Zhu Rongji in his speech stated, “the following five years are key to China’s Reform and Opening-up. Thus, all of the aspects to this are being propelled ahead at a greater pace so as to initially establish the new socialist market economy at the start of the 1990s……Planned economy and market economy are in essence the economic tools rather than symbols of social system. In other words, it is wrong if the socialist economy is seen simply the same as the planned economy……Now, we have been more conscious of the negative impacts caused by the problems of the reform in microeconomic management institution on the stability of national economy, and parity of regional development. Thus, the main task in the following periods will focus on speeding up reform in investment management institution while go on deepening the enterprise reform”.33 29

Zemin (1996: 1–9). Talks of Deng Xiaoping with the Foreign State Leaders and Journalists on the Record (Deng Xiaoping Yu Waiguoshounao Ji Jizhe Huitanlu) (2011: 118). 31 Deng Xiaoping (1986: 11). 32 Founded in 1983, the Inter Action Council is an independent non-profit international organization composed of a group of more than thirty former heads of state or government. The council brings members together annually to develop recommendations and practical solutions for the political, economic and social problems confronting humanity. The first meeting was held in Vienna on March, 1983. 33 Zhu Rongji (2011: 286–288). 30

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41

In all, Deng Xiaoping’s series of speeches during his South China Tour in 1992 boosted China’s confidence to continue the Reform and Opening-up when the cause is at the critical time. A new round of experiment was incentivized. Just as importantly, the significance of the Opening-up began more and more to be recognized—It is a historic turning point.

2.2.2

The International Communication Concept of China’s Image to Involve in the Global Economic Integration (1992–2001)

Integration in the international occurs through China’s Reform and Opening-up. That is of much relevance to the profound changes in China in thoughts, law construction, economic management, governance, labor force quality and enterprise development and so on. It is the opening-up that breaks the constraints of traditional thoughts and conservative behavior in pursuit of the Reform and Opening-up, so that the self-awareness enabled the process to move on in above all economic field, and that of the others. The change had a profound impact on China’s concept of the international communication of national image during the 1990s. A primary embodiment is the one that the spirit of Deng Xiaoping’s South China Tour speech series provides an account of China’s concept of international communication in pursuit of the new goals of China’s Reform and Opening-up in the new era. First, pinpointing that the cardinal principle of China’s international communication of national image is to adhere to Marxism, and socialism with Chinese characteristics. In his South China Tour speech, Deng Xiaoping stated that “Marxism can withstand the tests of practice not because of the amounts of the books, but of the truth that Marxism presents. The spirit of Marxism is seeking truth from facts. The principle must be beheld, rather than the dogmas. The success of China’s Reform and Opening-up relies on practical work, and on seeking truth from facts rather than empty theory”.34 This cardinal principle that the goal of China’s Reform and Opening-up is to uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics endows China’s reform-and-opening-up image with an explicit guiding thought. Second, formulating three major determinants as the guidance of China’s international communication of national image. Deng Xiaoping in his South China Tour speech series put the criterion for the assessment, that is, “whether the policy can facilitate the development of socialist productivity, whether it can help to increase the strength of socialist country, and whether it can better livelihood”.35 The three key standards for judgment provide the guidance for the Chinese cadres at different levels in their practical work. In addition, the criterion help China’s 34 35

Xiaoping (1993: 382). Xiaoping (1993: 372).

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international communication of national image figure out what are the principles that should be held in decision-making. Third, calling for that the concept of China’s international communication of national image should be committed to freedom of thought, and participation in the global trend. Deng Xiaoping in his South China Tour speech series articulated that “we should be bolder to promote the Reform and Opening-up, be bolder to experiment, and don’t be afeard like a bound-feet woman. If the goal is assured, have the courage to experiment, to explore. Without the courage, without the power, and without the strength, the road toward a successful Reform and Opening-up cannot be found. In short, no new road, no new cause”.36 “Low-speed development actually means stagnation, and even recession……We must take chances. Now, we have high hand! What I am worried about is the loss of the momentums. If you would not take the chances, you will lose them. Worse, the valuable time will miss out”.37 In the historical context, the spirit encouraging bold experiment, and bold exploration also becomes the style of work of China’s international communication of national image. The historical implication of Deng Xiaoping’s South China Tour speech series lies in the clarification of the key issues concerning China’s Reform and Opening-up, in particular, that of the Opening-up. In the historical context, China’s concept of the international communication of national image began to shift from simply serving the international publicity of policy to introducing China to the world. China has more and more been aware of the role of international communication in international relations. Consequently, the goal of the international communication of China’s image was rectified as analyzing the public opinion environment in and outside China and constructing an environment favorable for China’s Reform and Opening-up. This shift from international publicity to international communication has two significant dimensions—that enriches the connotation of China’s international communication, and extends its reach. In terms of the practical embodiment of China’s concept of the international communication of national image at the historical stage, resolving doubts on China’s growth and developing mutual-understanding had come to be the main tasks. In earlier periods of the second stage of the Reform and Opening-up (1992– 1997), the international situation had undergone a series of deep and profound changes. In face of the difficult, and uncertain surroundings, Deng Xiaoping put a principle with twenty-eight Chinese characters in total, that is, “observe in patience, stay in steadiness, response in calmness, act in low profile, and don’t seek for world domination”.38 In comply with the principle, China’s international communication of national image looked to the steady progress as its guideline. Consider CCTV as a typical example, May 1992, English News was launched on CCTV-4 and CCTV-2, and received a great deal of attention. Thus, the launch of English News is

36

Ibid. Xiaoping (1993: 375). 38 The translation is contributed by Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China. 37

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seen as a milestone in the history of Chinese television media. October 1, 1992, CCTV-4, CCTV’s first international channel broadcasted in Chinese was officially launched. Sharing the Moon (Tianya Gong Cishi) became the first program on the new channel. In 1995, CCTV-4 reached Asia, North America, Europe, Oceania, and East Africa. Soon after its launch, CCTV-4 evolved to a 24-h channel. May of 1995, CCTV-4 got its new name, CCTV-International offering a longer period of broadcasting time, and covering a greater number of countries. In the second half of the second stage, a financial crisis broke out in 1997 in Asia expanding from Thailand to many other Asian countries triggered again though in a different historical context the argument that whether the Opening-up is good for China’s stability and prosperity. China’s Reform and Opening-up was at a cross roads again since Deng Xiaoping’s South China Tour in 1992. Similarly, China’s international communication is facing the heated discussion concerning that to continue, or to change. In 1998, Xiang Zemin addressed at the Second Plenary Session of the 15th CCCPC as an official answer to the public debates that the Reform and Opening-up is, and always China’s basic national policy. China has the confidence in and ability to explore the road suitable for China. Although “there is a lot of uncertainty. What is more, various risks either predictable or unpredictable will happen. Yet, it is our ability to withstand and resolve the threats and risks that holds the key. The success of Chin’s Reform and Opening-up requires persistence in the cause, exploration to move forward, and constant improvement of our ability to meet the various challenges”.39 February of 1992, from the stance that persevere in the Opening-up, Xiao Zemin put the five-image guideline for China’s international communication of national image, that “keep introducing the great achievements of China’s reform and construction to the world, illustrate the righteousness of socialism with Chinese characteristics set up by Deng Xiaoping, and present amply the image of Chinese people adherent to China’s road, and realization of socialist modernization; keep explaining China’s stance against hegemony, and for world peace and international just cause, and to present amply the image of Chinese people devoted to peace; keep demonstrating China’s situation politically stable, economically developmental, socially progressive, and nationally solidary and harmonious, and present amply the image of Chinese people dedicated to national solidarity and prosperity; keep exemplifying the achievements of our construction of socialist democracy and legal system, present amply the image of Chinese people perseverant in governing country by law, and constructing a socialist democratic legal country”.40 The five-image guideline during this period clarifies the five dimensions significant to China’s international communication of national image. The spirit covered includes on the one hand, the confidence in China’s road, China’s social system, and China’s theory, and shows China’s inclusiveness that China is willing to learn from around the world to drive China’s development forward on the other. This sparks a fresh

39 40

Jiang Zemin (1993: 382). Jiang Zemin (1999).

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wave of exploration in theory, and experiment in practice in China’s international communication. In conclusion, the Reform and Opening-up from the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CCCPC to the new millennium have made a wide range of remarkable achievements. The ground-breaking changes help the whole society to reach a consensus that no longer can the rigid traditional concept be applied to the global trend. Without emancipation of thought, it is unlikely for China to take the momentum to involve in the global economic integration, and to eradicate poverty and backwardness. Moreover, China is much less able to compete with the emerging Asian economies grown in the 1980s. It is all about the future of the nation of Chinese. In this sense, the new era ushered by Deng Xiaoping’s South China Tour speech series is vital such that is regarded as “the greatest event in the world in terms of the role in China, and particularly, in China’s Reform and Opening-up” concluded by Zhang Jingan, member of Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) who once participated in drafting the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China.41 The South China Tour speech series lays a theoretical foundation for China’s conception of the international communication of national image, and directs the further development. Consequently, the international communication of China’s image began to take on a new historical level. In the meantime, globalization has increasingly affected almost every social aspect such as politics, economy and culture. The closing ties between China and the world, it means China’s Reform and Opening-up again stood at the crossroads. Unlike the two stages in the past, China’s Reform and Opening-up got a desirable domestic environment featuring a much stronger national consensus that China should actively apply to joining the World Trade Organization (WTO) in order to keep on the achievements of the Reform and Opening-up through deepening the Opening-up, and broadening international cooperation. China at the outset of the new millennium looked forward to new developmental concept to direct China’s international communication of national image.

2.3 2.3.1

The International Communication of China’s Image to Propel China Goes Global (2001–2012) The Historical Context

The ultimate objective of the Reform and Opening-up at the first two stages from 1978 to 2001 was the economic construction, which fitted into China’s actual situation during the 1980s and 1990s. “How can the advantages of socialism be 41

Luoli (2012: 9).

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self-evident if our people still have to live in poverty?”, said Deng Xiaoping.42 In the explanation of the overall goal of China’s Reform and Opening-up in its early stage to the world, Deng Xiaoping proclaimed, “we aim to build up China as a moderately well-off society by the end of the century. The gross national products (GNP) will reach $800 to $1000 per capita……We will quadruple our GNP up to $1 trillion……If the objective is accomplished, China’s further development shall have a solid foundation. Then, it will take three or five decades of years to get close to the level of developed countries”.43 At the start of the twenty-first century, economic globalization began a very strong expansion, and that the economic cooperation between countries became much easier to access. In the historical context, the coordination mechanisms in world economy became more powerful. In accordance with the global trend, China’s Reform and Opening-up in the aftermath of the first two stages has integrated more and more in global economy. The increasing ties between China and the world—It means it is not possible for China in the new century to stand aloof from this globalized world. China’s construction requires supportive environment at home and abroad. In doing so, China’s Reform and Opening-up entered the new historical era, and prepared for taking charge of a new situation. December 11 of 2001, China became a member of WTO after overcoming a series of difficulties, and making a lot of efforts. To China’s Reform and Opening-up, from a historical perspective, China’s accession to WTO is a historic event because it maintains and strengthens the opening to the outside world which came to be accepted in the 1990s. “After twenty years of the Reform and Opening-up since 1978, several major areas relating China’s socio-economic development had gradually been incorporated into China’s opening-up strategy. The accession to WTO has a direct impact on China’s Reform and Opening-up. The Opening-up has been accelerated. What is more, the Opening-up as a driving force to propel the Reform forward has become a vital feature of China’s Reform and Opening-up since then”.44 The participation in WTO, in general, is positively significant to China’s Reform and Opening-up, which indicates “the world’s recognition of China and support in China’s development toward the rules-based system. It works out through a set of rules and regulations equal to every member country. It is unprecedented over the past a hundred of years. It is meaningful”.45 In short, China’s growth since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up was commented by others as plausible and invaluable. From the perspectives of economy, politics, and culture, it can be concluded as a whole that:

42

Xiaoping (1993: 10). Talks of Deng Xiaoping with the Foreign State Leaders and Journalists on the Record (Deng Xiaoping Yu Waiguoshounao Ji Jizhe Huitanlu) (2011): 89. 44 Hengshan (2012: 3–4). 45 Xiaoxi (2011: 28). 43

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First, as to the economic growth, China became the world’s second largest economy in 2010. Moreover, China’s economy has kept on stable growth. According to the National Bureau of Statistics of China, in 2007, the gross value of imports and exports of China’s international trade for the first time reached above $ 2 trillion, and amounted to $2, 1738 trillion. In 2008, the gross value of imports and exports was $2, 5616.3 trillion, ranking in the world from No. 5 in 2002 to No. 3. In 2010, the gross value of export was 6.3 times of that of 2000. In addition, the gross value of the foreign direct investment (FDI) increased to approximately 2.6 times of that of 2000. The annual growth rate of China’s export was 21.3 per cent, which was well above 9.5 per cent, the global average level during the same period. Between 2001 and 2010, the gross value of import that China imported from around the world amounted to $7.45 trillion, and created a global record that the annual growth rate of import reached 20 per cent. During the same period, the gross value of export from the United States to China increased by 400%. No doubt that China, as an economic system increasingly open to the outside world, with its large domestic market, provides the developed economies with a necessary export destination, and contributes to the less developed countries (LDCs) with a great number of valuable business opportunities. Especially, from 2008 to 2011, for successive three years, China was the largest export market for the LDCs.46 When the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was proposed in 2013, a series of new programs have been formulated to bring vigor to the economic links between China and developing countries. Second, as to the political influence, Chin is a force in progress in world politics. Consider the relationship between China and international organizations as an example, China’s role in the UN, and WTO etc. is getting more and more influential compared to that prior to the participation in WTO in 2001. Additionally, China tries its best to make positive contributions to international organizations. The efforts made by China serve the development and prosperity of Asia, and of world. For example, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) promoted by China, as the first permanent intergovernmental international organization created in China upholds protection of peace and stability regionally and globally. The establishment of SCO comes to nurture the practice in regional cooperation, and enrich foreign policy in the context of globalization, and thus projects a positive image in the international community. Third, as to the cultural contribution, China campaigns around issues concerning cultural diversity through active participation in various international or regional events in order to provide more platforms of lively exchange between country to country, and region to region. For example, China successfully hosted a plenty of cultural and sporting events for Asia, and for the world. There are multiple examples including the Beijing Olympics in 2008, Shanghai Expo in 2010, 46

Director-General of WTO: China has Greatly Contributed to the Development of World Trade and will Keep its Door Open Forever” (Shimaozuzhi Zongganshi: Zhongguo Wei Tuidong Shijiemaoyi Fazhan Zuochule Juda Gongxian, Kaifanghezuo De Damen Jiang Yongyuan Changkai), Economic Daily, December 7, 2011.

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Guangzhou Asian Games in 2010, and Nanjing Youth Olympic Games (YOG) in 2014 so on and so forth. The international cultural and sporting events consistently makes up the list of China’s international exchange and cooperation. In addition, the events present beautiful chapters of globalization to the whole world.

2.3.2

The International Communication Concept of China’s Image to Propel China Goes Global (2001–2012)

In 2000, the Third Session of the 9th National People’s Congress (NPC) announced the well-known Going Global Strategy which is one part of the four National Development Strategies of China together with the Western Area Development Strategy, Urbanization Strategy, and Talent Strategy. The Going Global Strategy integrates to a remarkable extent China’s international communication of national image in the overall national development strategy. This is an historic moment in China’s Reform and Opening-up. In 2009, the National Conference of Provincial Minsters of Publicity laid out that Chinese Culture Going Global should be fortified. In 2010, Li Changchun, then the minister of Central Publicity pinpointed the overriding implication to improve the intercultural communication, and to build upon China’s cultural soft power.47 In 2011, the central government set the agenda that China’s international communication should comply with the new directions in international situation, and the new changes in China’s role in the world so as to expand our discourse power in international public opinion, and the influence of the Chinese culture. In 2012, the National International Publicity Working Conference summarized four focuses. In other words, China’s international communication shall focus on—“First, creating a sound environment for China’s socio-economic development; Second, publicizing China’s basic situation, core values, developmental route, and domestic and foreign policy; Third, presenting a righteous image of China featuring civilization, democracy, openness, and development; Fourth, innovating the ways of international publicity in pursuit of a more desirable environment for the new progress in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects, and for the new situation in constructing socialism with Chinese characteristics.48 Looking through the transformation of China’s concept of the international communication of national image, at the third stage, the idea was defined but, rather from a higher perspective, that is, the transition from the Chinese outlook at the first two stages to the aggregation of Chinese viewpoint, global outlook, and universal humanity. In this sense, the definition of China’s international communication is uplifted to a higher layer. The advances in building up the soft power of

47

The National Conference on International Publicity Held in Beijing (Quanguo Duiwaixuanchuan Gongzuohuiyi Zaijing Juxing), The People’s Daily, January 4, 2010. 48 Xiuli (2008: 52).

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international communication such as the enhancement of content, method, service, and effectiveness, and the attention on explanation of the values, and ideas of the Chinese culture so as to account for China through cultural attractiveness is at the heart of China’s construction of international communication in response to modern international political system. The basic idea of “development” that the effectiveness of international communication is derived from the hard power, above all, the infrastructure construction was redefined. In short, China’s concept of the international communication of national image at the stage has increasingly become comprehensive, multi-dimensional, and inclusive. Consider the Chinese television media as an example, in 2004, the Changcheng Platform was put into play, which is seen as a landmark in the international communication history of the Chinese television media. October 1, 2004, Changcheng Platform (the U.S.) was launched as a commercial entity offering direct-to-home (DTH) service. On the same day, CCTV-Español & Français was broadcasted as well offering programs in French and Spanish. October 1, 2007, CCTV-Français and CCTV-Español were broadcasted as two independent channels. September, 2009, CCTV-Pyccкий was released offering programs in Russian. By the end of 2009, China Network Television (CNTV) debuted. By using the new media technology, the Chinese television was able to reached above 190 countries, and regions. January, 2010, CCTV-‫ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬was launched offering programs in Arabic. In 2011, CCTV-Português was available offering programs in Portuguese. December 23, 2011, CCTV-Daifu was launched in Japan as CCTV’s first channel broadcasted and translated the programs produced by CCTV outside China. In 2012, CCTV Africa was launched as CCTV’s first overseas news production center which is a major actor in bridging the African people with China and the world. At the premiere, CCTV Africa announced that it aims to “facilitate the exchange and cooperation between China and Africa to introduce a real China to Africa, and a real Africa to the world”.49 Prior to 2012, CCTV was already able to offer programs and services in seven kinds of languages including Chinese (available in Asia, Europe, and North America), English (CCTV-1, CCTV News), Spanish, French, Russian, Arabic, and Portuguese, and broadcast ten international channels. It was estimated that approximately, 130 or 140 countries worldwide could watch CCTV at home up to four-fifths of the global population. In addition, the international reports released from China have increasingly obtained recognition from around the world. A number of examples to this: the reports on 2008 Olympic Games, on the launch of Shenzhou-5 in 2003 and so on— CCTV produced—were broadcasted or used by many international TV stations. International organizations such as the International Olympic Committee (IOC) spoke highly of the contributions made by the Chinese television media. According to the relevant statistics, “by the end of 2011, the overseas television media via international broadcasting platforms used a diverse of the news materials

49

CGTN Africa, https://baike.baidu.com/item/%E4%B8%AD%E5%9B%BD%E5%9B%BD%E9% 99%85%E7%94%B5%E8%A7%86%E5%8F%B0/20351311?fr=aladdin, Accessed August 3, 2017.

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offered by CCTV amounting to 27,1285 times, and 800 times on a daily basis. There are approximately more than seventy television channels (or TV stations) used the reports offered by CCTV. The topics covered include politics, economy, society, livelihood in China, and international spotlights”.50 In terms of the contribution to Asia, a series of collective projects organized by CCTV have been enacted in support of the cultural exchange between and among Asian countries. A prime example, it took three years to complete the twenty-sequence television documentary entitled “Living out with the Same River (Tong Yin Yi Jiang Shui)”. This a collective work between CCTV and the television media in the six countries in the Greater Mekong area. From a historical view, the practice as we saw above verifies the fact that China’s Reform and Opening-up at its third stage is willing to and committed to integration in the wave of globalization. It is seeking truth from facts. It is forward-looking. The Going Global strategy broadens greatly the space for China’s development. Through going global, China has greater accesses than ever to international experiences. These are instrumental in evolving China’s Reform and Opening-up from the experimental phase to the new level featuring system, rule of law, and sustainablity.

2.4 2.4.1

The International Communication of China’s Image to Support Global Growth (2012–Now) The Historical Context

In 2012, the administration led by President Xi Jinping took office. In the meantime, the environment domestic and international was experiencing a series of profound changes. In the historical context, China’s Reform and Opening-up is confronting new tasks, new situations, and new issues. Consequently, China’s Reform and Opening-up should prepare better for taking charge of its future, and for promoting change when needed. In light of the domestic environment, China’s construction of modernization has reaped numerous accomplishments. Guangdong, the province pioneered the 1978 Reform and Opening-up is a case in point, “its local gross domestic product (GDP) rose observably from￥18.585 billion in 1978 to￥6.22 trillion in 2013, accounting for one-nineth of the total GDP of China. Guangdong’s revenue rose from￥4.182 billion in 1978 to￥1.6964,40 trillion in 2013 amounting to one-eighth of the national revenue in total. The total volume of import and export trade in Guangdong rose from $1.592 billion in 1978 to $1.09 trillion in 2013 up to one-fourth of the total in China. The great economic growth contributes to the

50

The interview with Pang Jingjun, the director of the Research and Development Center of the National Radio and Television Administration, March 10, 2012.

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historic improvement of the people’s livelihood. In 2013, the disposable income per capita of the urban residents in Guangdong was ￥3,3100 rising by above seventy times compared to that of 1978. The net income per capita of the rural residents in Guangdong was￥1,1200 rising by 50 times plus compared to that of 1978”.51 History and reality both tell, whereas, the problems associated with development are usually more radical. Currently, the accumulated controversy and new problems —that make it difficult for China’s socio-economic construction right to be conducted. The problems old and new are interwoven in an extremely complex way and continuously piled up with the implementation of the Reform and Opening-up. Nearly all of the aspects key to China’s growth are affected such as politics, economy, culture, sociology, and ecology and so on. With regard to international environment, China’s international influence prevails to a remarkable extent. China is a major actor in resolving the critical risks and sensitive conflicts over the world. Countries worldwide look to work with China in search of solutions to the common challenges. In 2015, President Xi Jinping, and Premiere Li Keqiang travelled around the world—They paid visits to countries in Asia, Europe, North America, South America, and Africa. Additionally, they had meetings on multiple occasions with the leaders of the countries in Oceania such as Australia and New Zealand. In a word, China’s connections with the world cover every of continents. In comparison with the leaders of North America and the major members of the European Union (EU), China’s foreign activities seem relatively more frequent, and more hard-working. As a coin has two sides, however, some forces who feel uncertain, and hostile to China’s growth, and want to contain that have appeared. Consider economic growth as an example, the further development with a wider space from a higher perspective requires China’s integration in global economy at a deeper level. In the meanwhile, China has to find out the solutions effective to prevent itself from plunder of resources, coercion of market, and exploitation of interest and so on. Similarly, in opening to China, other countries are also in dilemma. In recent years, the world economy has been staggering. Some critics interpret the phenomena to their advantage even via blasphemy against China saying “China’s growth is too fast, China’s growth in import and export is too fast, China’s Going Global is too fast, the rise of China’s competitiveness is too fast, the increase in carbon emissions is too fast. In doing so, the slogans like China Threat which were relatively unknown seem to be reappearing. Also, some new contents are added. Some countries set out new and yet unfair rules and regulations specifically related to the investment and trade from China. Some countries stipulate so-called for-China criterion targeting Chinese enterprises with so-called high standards, and rigid requirements. These actions lead to the bottlenecks confronting Chinese enterprises in international economic cooperation.52 In order to meet the challenges, Chinese government led by Xi Jinping sets the new concept from a

51 52

Chunhua (2014: 2). Bin and Maochun (2011: 13).

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higher perspective of China’s development for realization of high-quality Opening-up, and for integration of domestic agenda and global outlook. In the new historical context, Chinese government creates a set of pivotal strategies for the new-round Reform and Opening-up through thoroughly analyzing the situation at home and abroad from a broader perspective and learning from the world by standing upon China’s actual situation. November, 2012, the concept of Chinese Dream was coined to clarify the goal of the Reform and Opening-up in the new era is for the revitalization of the nation of Chinese. At the same time, a couple of projects are proposed such as BRI, and have taken some effects. BRI, for example, “Over the three years since 2013 when it was launched, more than 100 countries and international organizations have actively responded to the initiative. What is more, more than forty countries and international organizations have signed agreements with China. BRI’s circle of friends is expanding. [By the end of 2016,] the investments made by Chinese enterprises in the countries along BRI was $50 plus, and a series of key projects have been productively implemented—These incentivize the economic growth of the countries involved, and create a large amount of job opportunities”.53 The new concepts pioneered by China, and beneficiary for the world mirror the confidence that China holds “in the road, in the theory, in the institution, and in the culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics”. These in turn direct the international communication of China’s image in the new historical context.

2.4.2

The International Communication Concept of China’s Image to Support Global Growth (2012–Now)

In 2013, Xi Jinping at the National Publicity Thought Working Conference addressed the significance “to formulate new concept, new area, new narration encompassing China and the world so as to tell well of the Chinese stories, and communicate loudly the voice of China”.54 The statements define the main tasks that the international communication of China’s image shall fulfill at the current stage. In other words, summarize and find out deliberately the good Chinese story which can really impress people, and improve comprehensively the ability to explain and interpret them. The new mission of China’s Reform and Opening-up in the new era makes China’s international communication of national image feel motivated to innovate its concept. There are three aspects in general to this:

53

President Xi Jinping Delivered a Keynote Speech at the Opening Ceremony of the 2017 Annual Meeting of the World Economic Forum (Xi Jinping Chuxi Shijiejingjiluntan 2017 Nianhui Kaimushi Bing Fabiao Zhuzhiyanjiang), The People’s Daily, January 18, 2017. 54 JinPing (2018: 156).

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First, wider reach of the countries over the world with a greater attention to the connections with the developing countries. There is a growing trend that China’s international communication of national image has become increasingly active, and related to a more diversified dimensions of international relations. In addition, China concerns more about the connections with the developing world, especially the solidarity and common development with Asian countries. For example, according to the numbers of the countries that China’s major leaders visited in 2014, 2015, and 2016, it is evident that the developing countries in Asia, Latin America, and Africa are a staple of China’s foreign policy. The visits to Africa are the activities “ranking highest, covering widest, and weighing most in recent years”.55 The difference between China and most of other countries, in particular, that of developed countries is one of degree, in international communication strategy. It means that China’s advice toward international cooperation, future-oriented perspective, and common development and China’s international communication are related. Second, new directions in contribution and innovation as home to China’s international communication of national image. Over the past years, China continues to actively participate in almost all of the prominent dimensions of international relations including economy, politics, and culture. The activities provide platforms for introducing China to the world. There is a difference from the previous concept that the focus is shifted to whether can China contribute to the solutions. On this issue, Honorable Donald Johnston, the former OECD secretarygeneral pointed out that “China actively takes part in a good deal of events regionally or internationally such as the UN, Asia–Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), G20, and East Asia Summit (EAS) so on and so forth. What is impressive lies in the phenomena that China has attached more and more attention to policy recommendations. It is of positive implication”.56 Drawing upon the initiatives such as BRI, the innovation of the international communication of China’s image focuses on the programmes proposed by China. They are the combination of the idealism with a global outlook and the pragmatism efficient to solve practical problems—It is the peculiar spirit of the Chinese culture, and that endows China’s image with fascinating character. Third, the greater consideration on the channels of cultural and people-to-people exchange. In addition to the official mechanism of communication and connection, the international communication of China’s image gives rise to cultural links. It can be suggested that China recognizes the soft power of culture, and wants to enhance its cultural confidence. According to the statistics of this study, the enterprises, schools, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the local take direct interest in meeting with the Chinese leaders. Consequently, the talks with the local

55

The Relationship between China and Africa: Sincere, Fair, Friendly and Honest (“Zhen, Shi, Qin, Cheng” Sizizhenyan Quanshi Zhongfeiguanxi Zhendi), http://fj.people.com.cn/n/2015/1202/ c181466-27231833.html, Accessed 8 May 2017. 56 Interview with Honorable Donald Johnson, December 5, 2015.

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residents, and overseas Chinese, particularly the teens are an import part of the agenda. In September, 2015, President Xi Jinping paid his first state visit to the United States. In his speech, he described the connection between the people-to-people exchange and China-U.S. relations that “the frequency of the exchange between Chinese and Americans is consistent with the coalition between the two countries, and with the outcomes of the cooperation between the two countries”.57 In conclusion, China’s concept of the international communication of national image featuring “shoulder collectively the responsibility of our time, and serve collectively the growth of our world” is an inspiration to the international communication of Chinese stories. By standing upon the new idea of development, China’s international communication of national image is at work by holding together the consensus, and communicating globally the spirit of Chinese culture. For example, Gallup Poll’s global survey concerning Approval of China’s Leadership in 2014 and 2015 indicated that in terms of international attention, the Chinese leaders rank top; In terms of attraction, China’s leadership obtains a widespread support. In Africa, the approval of China’s leadership was well above that of the Western power states, such as the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and Germany; In view of the relationship between China and power states, “Russians love their Chinese neighbors”, the Russian interviewees said.58

2.5

Summary Points

January 1, 1978, Xinwen Lianbo was launched in China. It was the first news program covering domestic and international news in China. The top story on the first day of the first news program in China since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up was entitled, “Deputy Chairman Deng Xiaoping attended State Council Meeting and Celebrated the New Year with Foreign Experts”. On that day the Chinese people, skilled at sensing subtle changes of situation through changes in the tone of the official media, became conscious that the trend of reform and opening-up seemed determined and inevitable. In the past forty years, China’s understanding of the Reform and Opening-up has been continuously developed to a deeper level. As a consequence, China has become more and more conscious of what a China’s image is supportive of China’s Reform and Opening-up. China’s concept of the international communication of national image admittedly has transformed from the rigid traditional conception to positive activeness. More recently, the global outlook, international humanism, and

57 President Xi Jinping Delivered Speech on the China-U.S. Governors Forum (Xi Jinping Zai Zhongmei Shengzhouzhang Luntan Shang De Jianghua), http://www.Xinhuanet.com/world/201509/23c.1116653149.htm, Accessed July 5, 2017. 58 Chen (2015: 12).

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cultural confidence—they all are strongly affect the international communication of China’s image. In the eyes of the world, China’s image has transformed from vague to clear as the contexts change. Looking closely back at the forty years of China’s Reform and Opening-up, it can be concluded that: In the first phase (1978–1992), it was the Reform that was seen as the center. In the experimental phase, China’s concept of the international communication of national image was relatively conservative solely to publicize the policies attracting foreign investment and serve the construction of export-oriented economy in pilot areas. In the second phase (1992–2001), China’s Reform and Opening-up shifted over from the reform-driven to the opening-up-driven. The transformation took lead in the prominent breakthrough in China’s understanding of international communication. Accordingly, China’s concept of the international communication was shaped in favor of freeing thought, and respecting the principles of international communication. In the third phase (2001–2012), China continued to uphold the principle that drives the Reform forward with Opening-up. In the period, China began to strongly act as a responsible power state in international institutions (working with others). Similarly, China’s concept of the international communication was transformed further from publicizing China to the world but from a Chinese perspective to not alone communicating from an international view. In doing that, the perspective of China’s international communication was evolved from Chinese to Global. The mission of China’s international communication was redefined from solely aiming to construct a sound international environment in service of China’s growth to building up an international institution workable for the win–win development, and shared prosperity for both China and the world. In the fourth and current phase (2012–Now), the core values of China’s concept of the international communication of national image rests on four major factors, that is, outlook, humanity, confidence, and responsibility. The innovations in ideas and practice at the stage are extremely robust. As a result, China’s image continues to transform from that conservative and restrained to the one afffectionate and dynamic. Absolutely, the transformation of China’s concept of the international communication of national image will never stop. Yet, the overall direction is certain. In conclusion, China’s Reform and Opening-up in the new historical context meets the variety of opportunities while bears multiple pressures. The interwovenness of opportunity and challenge requires the international communication of China’s image can keep up with the tide of the Reform and Opening-up, serve the overall mission of the country, and contribute to the revitalization of the nation of Chinese. As President Xi Jinping identified, “it is important to present and represent China’s image, and to energize the confidence of and pride in being a Chinese”.59 However, presenting and representing well China’s image, and telling well of the 59

Xi Jinping on Soft Power of Chinese Culture: Strengthen the People’s Confidence in Being a Chinese (Xi Jinping Tan Guojiawenhua Ruanshili: Zengqiang Zuozhongguoren De Guqi He Diqi), http://www.Xinhuanet.com/PD/ities/2015-06/25/c.127949618.htm net.com/PD/ities/2015-06/25/c. 127949618. htm, Accessed April 13, 2017.

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Chinese stories in essence is a system. To that end, the construction of the theoretical system of international communication with Chinese characteristics in response to the demands of the new age holds the key.

References Bin, Tian, and He. Maochun. 2011. Review and Comment on the Ten-Year Development of China since Accession to WTO (Fengyu Shinian De Xiyou Yu Sikao: Zhongguo Jiaru Shimaozuzhi Shizhounian Huigu He Pinglun). International Economic Cooperation 12: 12–15. Chen, Liu. 2015. The Chinese Story in the World in 2015 (2015nian zhongguoxingxiang de guojichuanbo). International Communications 12: 10–12. Chunhua, Hu. 2014. Proceed Forward along the Socialist Path with Chinese Characteristics Opened by Deng Xiaoping for the 110th Anniversary of Deng Xiaoping’s Birth ((Yanzhe Deng Xiaoping Tongzhi Kaipi De Zhongguotese Shehuizhuyi Daolu Qianjin: Jinian Deng Xiaoping Tongzhi Danchen 110 Zhounian). The QS Theory 20: 1. Cohen, Bernard. 1963. The Press and Foreign Policy, Princeton, 13. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Deng Xiaoping on Reform. 1986. Opening-up and Peaceful Development (Deng Xiaoping Tan Gaige, Kaifang, Yu Hepingfazhan Wenti). Outlook Weekly 44: 11. Dilawari, Sudesh Rani, Stewart, Robert, Flournoy, Don. 1991. Development News on CNN World Report, Gazette (47): 123–137. Hefferman’s, P.O’. 1993. In Mass Media and U.S. Foreign Policy: A Mutual Exploitation Model of Media Influence in U.S. Foreign Policy, ed. Spitzer, J. Media and Public Policy. Hengshan, Fan. 2012. The Entrance into WTO and China’s Economic System Reform (Jiaru Shijiemaoyizuzhi Yu Zhongguo Jingjitizhi Gaige). Review of Economic Research 7: 3–4. Jia Cundou, The Long and Arduous Journey of the SOE Reforms (Guoqigaige Manchang De Boyi). http://news.sina.com.cn/c/2008-13.17/100316668697.shtml Jiang Zemin. 1993. The Selected Works of Jiang Zemin (Jiang Zemin Wenxuan), vol. 2, 382. Beijing: People’s Publishing House. Jiang Zemin. 1996. Accelerate the Reform and Opening-up, and Modernization to Achieve Greater Success in Building Socialism with Chinese Characteristics in The Selected Documents since the 14th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (Jiakuai Gaigekaifang He Xiandaihuajianshe Bufa, Duoqu You Zhongguotese Shehuizhuyi Shiye De Gengda Shengli; Shisida Yilai Zhongyaowenxian Xuanbian), vol. I, 1–9. Beijing: People’s Publishing House. Jiang Zemin. 1999. Stressed a Better International Publicity from Higher Perspective on the National Conference on Publicizing China Globally (Jiang Zemin Zai Quanguo Duiwaixuanchuan Gonzuohuiyi Shang Qiangdiao Zhanzai Genggao Qidian Shang Ba Waixuangongzuo Zuode Genghao), The People’s Daily. Xi JinPing. 2018. The Governance of China (Xi Jinping Zhiguolizheng), vol. 1, 156. Foreign Language Press. Literature Research Office of the CPC Central Committee. 1982. The Selected Documents Since the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (Vol II), (Sanzhongquanhui Yilai Zhonyao Wenxian Xuanbian), 6. Beijing: People’s Publishing House. Literature Research Office of the CPC Central Committee. 1986. Decisions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Guidelines of the Construction of Socialist Spiritual Civilization (Zhonggongzhongyang Guanyu Shehuizhuiyi Jingshenwenmin Jianshe Zhidaofangzhen Jueyi), 2. Beijing: People’s Publishing House.

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Luoli, Li. 2012. A Lighthouse Guiding China Forward: Commemorating the 20 Anniversary of Deng Xiaoping’s South China Tour Speech (Zhiyin Zhongguo Jixuqianxing De Mingdeng: Jinian Deng Xiaoping Nanxunjianghua Fabiao 20 Zhounian), China Opening Journal (1): 8. National Bureau of Statistics of China ed. 1987. China Statistical Yearbook, Beijing, China: China Statistics Press. Shen, Honglei, Yu, Miao, Cui, Binzhen, and Shen, Xiaolei. 2008. External Publicity since the Reform and Opening-up: Talks with Zhu Muzhi, China’s External Publicity Works Pioneer in the New Era (Duiwaixuanchuan Gongzuo Ying Gaigekaifang Ersheng: Zhuanfang Xinshiqi Waixuanshiye De Kaituozhe Zhu Muzhi). International Communications (11): 6. Sida, Deng. 1989. Functions and Significance of External Publicity for Opening to the Outside World (Duiwaixuanchuan Zai Gaigekaifang Zhong De Diwei He Zuoyong). Theory Study 6&7: 68. Talks of Deng Xiaoping with the Foreign State Leaders and Journalists on the Record (Deng Xiaoping Yu Waiguoshounao Ji Jizhe Huitanlu). Beijing: Taihai Publishing House, 2011:86. Wei, He. 2012. Further promote reform of the socialist market economic system for the 20th anniversary of deng xiaoping’s talks on his inspection tour to the south (Shenru Tuijin Shehuizhuyi Shichangjingji Tizhigaige—Jinian Deng Xiaoping Nanxun Jianghua 20 Zhounian). China Business and Market 4: 7–10. Xiaoping, Deng. 1993. The Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping (Vol III) (Deng Xiaoping Wenxuan), 366–367. Beijing: People’s Publishing House. Xiaoxi, Li. 2011. A Decade Years After China’s Entry into WTO: The Evolution of China’s Marketization (Jiaru shimaozuzhi shinian: Zhongguoshichanghua jincheng yanjinguiji). Reform 12: 17–28. Xiuli, Yuan. 2008. The New Obligations and Missions for the Press in the New Era (Xinshidai XinwenYulun Gongzuo De Xinzhize Xinshiming). Qian Xian 9: 52. Youlan, Feng. 2009. A History of Chinese Philosophy (Zhongguo Zhexueshi), 1. Chongqing, China: The Chongqing Press. Zhu Rongji On the Record: The Road to Reform 1991–1997 (Zhu Rongji Jianghua Shilu), vol. 1, 286–288. Beijing: People’s Publishing House.

Chapter 3

A Critical Analysis of the International Communication Theory of National Image

The British sociologist Anthony Giddens pointed out that the most profound implication of globalization for the modern world is in so many ways, “Globalization is changing the way the world looks, and the way we look at the world. By adopting a global outlook, we become more aware of our connections to people in other societies. We also become more conscious of that many problems the world faces at the start of the twenty-first century”.1 It means isolationism is difficult to enforce, because of the increasing ties between the local and the global. Consequently, every country, every region, and every city—all are required to play a role in the globalizing world through accumulation of attention and recognition which can be earned by active presentation of national image. In this sense, the need for international presentation of China’s national image can be compared and assessed through three major layers which are tightly linked from the group up. The effectiveness of exchange at the ground level serves the needs of message delivery which is the foundation and heart of mutual understanding. At the second level, the effectiveness of definition in light of the effectiveness of exchange continues to make positive contributions to the international delivery of native culture, interpretation of the best traditions it beholds, and construction of soft power. The ultimate goal is to achieve the effectiveness of change, that is, the comprehensive and effective presence of the national image on the world’s stage can help ensure an orderly and objective public opinion environment which may benefit the country’s involvement in the process of globalization (see Fig. 3.1). The three-Layer effectiveness model of international communication of national image indicates that we must embrace the truth that national image can fundamentally affect the public opinion environment confronting a country’s going global even when it makes us uncomfortable or causes us pain. It is in that spirit that studies of national image in the world can be compared to a mirror or more exactly a hammer—the national image in favor of the country’s collaboration with the world encourages the

1

Giddens (2001: 52).

© Peking University Press 2023 C. Liu, The Chinese Story in Global Order, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9020-5_3

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Fig. 3.1 The three-layer effectiveness model of international communication of national image

country to move on while that not supportive of the country’s presence on the world can urge the country to take efforts to change, and to improve. In the case of China’s reform and opening up, the key points of Chapter One, “The Transformation of China’s Views of the International Communication of National Image” are China, first of all, have been taken the international delivery of China’s national image into account. The reform and opening up since 1978 has held China active in international cooperation to a greater depth. It brings the profound changes in China’s attitude toward the international communication of China’s national image. Thus, the process over the past four decades of years went through the stage centering on economic construction to the stage of “a window on China”, and then to the stage of “a window on China and the World”, and the stage of sharing the global responsibility and promoting the global development for now. A series of hot-button questions, however, need answers from the historical outlook: • Can China’s national image be improved naturally in tune with the deepening of a global society? How has the world interpreted China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up? • In tandem with the extent of the changes in China brought about by the reforms in the economy over the past three decades, what about the change in and continuity of the perception of China’s national image? • What are the factors critical to the assessment on China’s national image throughout the years in review, and what are the principles to which China need

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to pay attention to present a more desirable long-run national image in the years ahead towards a better future globally? As for exploring the answers to the questions of general concern, guidance of theories can help uncover truth. The international communication theories of national image, among that of the others, play a significant part in the book. By adopting the effectiveness of change as guidepost, Chapter Two conducts a critical review of the leading theories in this aspect. The progress in the development of international communication theories of national image is divided into three major phases by two important determinants—the key theoretical approaches at the time, and the breakthroughs since 1917 when the October Revolution broke out in Russian which then inspired the pioneered study of public opinion led by Walt Lippmann.

3.1 The Start of International Communication Theory of National Image (1917–1947) The discussion concerning the effects of international communication of national image on war, conflict, and other special situations under tension dominated the initial phase. Walt Lippmann, and his edge-cutting studies of Pseudo-environment which went through the October Revolution in 1917 in Russia through the World War II (1939–1945) were “not based facts but were dominated by the hopes of the men who composed the news organization”.2 The experiences of propaganda work during the World War I drove Lippmann put his insights and connections to the many ways that the press engage with forming and shaping public opinion. He realized that publicity of values over weights the other factors to form consensus. The press was, in this sense, literally the “bible of democracy, the book out of which a people determines its conduct”. This observation differs from that of the traditional paradigms of political science. It beheld that institutions are in a sense superior to people in the politics.3 Lippmann’s study, however, came out that “looking back we can see how indirectly we know the environment in which nevertheless we live. We can see that the news of it comes to us now fast, now slowly; but that whatever we believe to be a true picture, we treat as if it were the environment itself”.4 To test his theory that the public was being denied access to the facts, Lippmann conducted an experiment. He examined the press coverage of the Bolshevik revolution, for a three-year period since February 1917 because it is a crucial and controversial event.5 He used the New York Times as the source due to its reputation for accurate reporting. In 1920, his study in association with his friend, the vice editor-in-chief 2

Hardt (2002: 25). Steel (1980: 172). 4 Lippmann (1922: 4). 5 Hardt (2002: 25). 3

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of The New York World, Charles Merz came out as a forty-two-page paper entitled “A Test of News”. Their study, in so many ways, initiated the exploration into the relations between the press and public opinion. The methods employed are of fundamental significance for the follow-up studies. Yet, the groundbreaking research had long been failed to receive the recognitions that it deserves.6 Lippmann concluded that the press is more likely to manipulate the public opinion through distorting the values shown by the events rather than through directly providing fake news. In Liberty and the News, and What Modern Liberty Means which were published originally in the Atlantic Monthly, Lippmann tested how the press fulfills the supreme duty in a democracy of supplying the information on which public opinion feeds.7 He argued, “Everywhere to-day men are conscious that somehow they must deal with questions more intricate than any that church or school had prepared them to understand. Increasingly they know that they cannot understand them if the facts are not quickly and steadily available. Increasingly they are baffled because the facts are not available; and they are wondering whether government by consent can survive in a time when the manufacture of consent is an unregulated private enterprise”.8 In 1922 and 1925, The Public Opinion and The Phantom Public, authored by Lippmann which continued to examine how to shape and manipulate public opinion were published. Lippmann proposed his classic theory of Pseudo-environment. He insisted, because of the insufficient chances of knowing the world as we need to know it, medium comes into existence as a bridge to connect. However, the “environment” that the international communication presents is actually the “environment” in which nevertheless we truly live because of the preconceptions, or even prejudices that the medium has. Lippmann’s theory of Pseudo-environment is responsive to his age. At the time, the Vienna System (1815–1914)9 was on the verge of collapse due to the Bolshevik Revolution, and the Versailles-Washington System (1918–1939)10 had grown to take the place. World War I weakened dramatically the power of Germany, and even the UK, and France despite the seemingly enormous influence on the world. Conversely, the rapid rise of the U.S. allowed it to be a more active participant in the international affairs. The increasing anticipation of global leadership naturally stimulated the need of international communication of national image of America.

6

The research of Lippmann should be the earliest critical discourse analysis. However, in the field of linguistics, linguists (such as: Kress 1990, Blommaert 2000, Bulcaenm 2000, Wodak 2010) regard Language of Power by British linguist Norman Fairclough as the beginning of critical discourse analysis. In China, researchers on Lippmann view Liberty and the News as Lippmann’s first study on news after his publication of A Test of the News (Ye Qingqing, 2013). 7 Lippmann (1920: 2). 8 Lippmann (1920: 1). 9 Vienna system came into existence after the collapse of the First French Empire in the early nineteenth century. It was an equilibrium system co-established by the victorious nations in the First World War, the United Kingdom, Russia, Austria and Prussia in The Congress of Vienna. 10 Versailles-Washington System was a new international relation system co-constructed by the victorious nations in the WWI, the United Kingdom, France, the United States and Japan.

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Looking back, it is clear that Lippmann’s theory of Pseudo-environment adopted the approaches and instruments observably different from that of the international politics, sociology and other subjects of social sciences in his age. Identifying the implications of the Bolshevik Revolution and other crucial and controversial historic events for the changes in the world involves varied perspectives. Some of them are conflicting. This book divides the leading schools in studies of the Bolshevik Revolution based on the fundamental principle that they live up to into two major factions, that is, Bolshevik and liberal. To Bolsheviks represented primarily by the scholars from the former Soviet Union and China, the October Revolution of 1917 broke up the international situation solely governed by the ideology of capitalism, enriched the experiences in liberalizing the working class from the exploitation of capitalism, and turned the advocacies of Marxism-Leninism into action. The liberals very much are diverse which consist the left-wing scholars in the West, anarchists in Russia, and the scholars in the West who were exiled from Russia and so on. Evidently, they all are sharply critical of the spirit of the Bolshevik Revolution, and doubtful against socialism. Unlike the above two major schools, Lippmann tried to see the crucial and controversial historic events from a different angel, in other words, how the “facts” provided by the press feed the formation of public opinion. Lippmann’s groundbreaking research in this sense verifies the fact of life that press does have the power to forge the public opinion, even the national image of a country by the means of the construction of a system of information increasingly independent of reality. The beneficiary of the studies of public opinion led by Lippmann was in the first place the U.S. By adopting propaganda work useful for influencing public opinion, the U.S. took the advantage of international negotiations. A prime example to this, at the Washington Naval Conference (1921–1922),11 the Japanese delegation was aware of the influence of public opinion that the U.S. wished to see. “The U.S. Secretary of State, Charles Evans Hughes held meetings with the press at daily basis in order to demonstrate the hopes of the U.S. It is a war like no others. The U.S.’ strategy is to win victory without a war. The Conference opened our eyes to the fact that lacking the support of public opinion has become the basic problem of international negotiation or exchange”.12 In closing, Lippmann’s test of news coverage of the Bolshevik Revolution kicks off the studies of international communication of national image. The principles he concluded also have been employed in practice. Yet, it should be pointed out that the deep-rooted Western Centralism had already been incorporated in these studies from the outset. Lippmann is a typical example—While he pointed to the urgency of protection of the sources of the public opinion, one of the ultimate goals of his

11

The Washington Naval Conference was an international conference proposed by the United States after the end of the WWI. It was for the US and other imperialist countries, the United Kingdom and Japan to redistribute the colonies and the sphere of influence in the Far East and the Pacific. 12 Yamada (2007: 109).

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studies is to better the strategies to facilitate the West led by the U.S. to battle the Soviet’s ideological propaganda.13

3.2 The Construction of International Communication Theory of National Image (1947–1991) Throughout the nearly half-century Cold War, the ideological competition between the so-called capitalist camp and communist camp ramped up the competition for international communication. In Shawn Parry-Giles’ accounts of the cultural propaganda during the period of Cold War,14 taking the U.S. as a prime example, the international propaganda program throughout the period of Cold War is in general composed of three main stages: At the naivete period (1947–1950), Truman administration attempted to extend the propaganda activities in aid for the ideological competition after the World War II. In justifying the peacetime propaganda programs, the U.S. characterized democracy in very powerful terms. They felt assured that once foreign peoples understood the principles of democracy, its tenets would naturally spread, and thwart any communist advancement. In the situation, Voice of America (VOA) was launched in 1942. Rather, The Smith-Mundt Act of 1948 claimed, “VOA as an international propaganda medium is forbidden to broadcasted in America”.15 Unlike the first years of the Cold War when the U.S. propaganda program was centered on the beliefs in democracy’s natural supremacy, the hysteria period (1950– 1953) was characterized by the endeavors taken by the U.S. to portrayal the communist governments led by the Soviet Union as the violent, horrible and evil destruction of democracy. All Soviet information was interpreted as controlled and slanted, and that people in so-called “red countries” would denounce their own governments’ propaganda because of the need of discerning “truth” from “lies”. Progressing from the pure “you-win-I-lose” formular, the psychological strategy period since the 1950s, called upon the program to direct its propaganda to become stronger and smarter to organize the varied resources including the international allies of the U.S. to resist and repel communism. President Dwight David Eisenhower established Operations Coordinating Board (OCB) in 1954. President Harry S. Truman’s Point IV grounded in the “guns-for-butter” rationale typified the peacetime strategies such as the economic aid for the Third World to propagate the conception of democracy. It was during the psychological strategy period that the international communication of national image received unprecedented emphasis as an integral part of U.S. foreign policies. At the time, the U.S. has been imaged as the tangible form of the dream of democracy everywhere. Also, the studies in relation to international communication started entering the era of full-fledged development. 13

McPherson (2022). Parry-Giles (1994: 448–467). 15 Bah (2008): 185. 14

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Despite the numerous outcomes in the study of international communication theories, little attention has been paid to the transformation of the major theoretical approaches of national image. Daya Kishan Thussu, a well-known name in the field of international communication in his International Communication: Change and Continuity16 tried to define and study theorizing the international communication. However, the review of the international communication theories was somehow restricted within the historical periods when the approaches came into existence so that it is not well able enough to grapple with the internal and coherent logic connecting the theories in different eras. Thus, this book compares instead the transformation of these theories by taking the effectiveness of change as a thread. As a result, the key theoretical approaches during the psychological strategy have been concluded into three major factions, that is, Development Communication, New Imperialism, and Critical Studies of International Communication. Daniel Lerner, professor of political science, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) was one of the most influential scholars in the school of Development Communication. From 1950 to 1951, he carried out a survey in Turkey, Lebanon, Egypt, Syrian, Jordan, and Iran covering 1600 local residents. His questionnaire includes a total of 117 questions, which left a remarkable mark on the studies of attitude change through international communication. In the outcome of this survey, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing in the Middle East,17 Lerner proposed his well-known Modernization Theory which is very much confident of the magic power of international communication with which the Western models of economic growth and political institution will definitely bring the ideologically cultural change into the Third World. With sufficient accumulation of the pervasive changes in all walks of life, the passing of the traditional society is doomed to happen. To him, “Modernization theory arose from the notion that international mass communication could be used to spread the message of modernity and transfer the economic and political models of the West to the newly independent countries of the South. Communications research on what came to be known as “modernization” or “development theory” was based on the belief that the mass media would help transform traditional societies”.18 Modernization Theory places a particular focus on the role of culture in the programs of international communication. Such studies that examine the function and science of international communication empower the “guns-forbutter” rationale with two cardinal recommendations, that is, enhancing the media participation, and political participation. Lerner’s study, in this sense, helps the U.S. clarify further the main tasks that building upon America’s national image around the world shall fulfill—First of all, strengthening the international communication of American culture. In addition, gaining the political awareness in favor of Western modernity. Apart from Lerner, Wilbur Schramm also pioneered the studies of Development Communication. In the 1960s, Schramm conducted a study concerning the relations 16

Thussu (2018). Lerner (2000). 18 Lerner (2000: 120). 17

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between the development of the Third World and international communication for United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). In 1964, Mass Media and National Development authored by Schramm was released. Similar to that of Lerner’s studies, Schramm takes into account the behavioral change as the result of international communication. He, for instance, probes into the cognitive change of the people in the Third World towards their own cultural values. In short, Lerner and Schramm, both of the prominent founders of Development Theory, hold a firm belief in the effectiveness of change that the U.S. should achieve through powerful, accurate, and long-run international communication. They have a bold agenda that the international communication of America’s national image will create the result of empathy, and it will ultimately lead to “the passing of traditional society”. The studies of New Imperialism contribute productive outcomes to our understanding of international communication, especially, the effectiveness of change brought about by the successful international communication of national image. The Cultural Imperialism (from the perspective of sociology), Knowledge Gap Theory, and Development Economics, among the others are worth special attention. Johan Galtung’s studies of the Structural Imperialism, and the Theory of Hegemony proposed by Louis Althusser and Antonio Gramsci and so on are the typical cases in the field. New Imperialism takes care to how the traditional imperialist tools such as colonization or military occupation have been replaced by the soften strategies such as the art of propaganda. From the lens of effectiveness of change, the Structural Imperialism is much closer to extension of the studies of Development Communication. Galtung provides new insights into the question that “how could—for example—a small foggy island in the North Sea [the UK] rule over one quarter of the world? By isolating the Periphery parts from each other, by having them geo-graphically at sufficient distance from each other to impede any real alliance formation, by having separate deals with them so as to tie them to the Center in particularistic ways, by reducing multilateralism to a minimum with all kinds of graded membership, and by having the Mother country assume the role of window to the world”.19 By crystalizing Galtung’s Center State and Periphery State into a model (see Fig. 3.2), this book concludes the sophisticated type of dominance relation between the Center and the Periphery. If the structure remains unchanged, he Center nations are allowed to enjoy harmony of interests while the Periphery nations cannot achieve the joint benefits of both types of nations. The result is obvious: the beneficiary of the structure is the Center. The school of Critical Studies is stemmed from the Frankfurt School whose focus is on the impacts of international communication of national image on educating citizenship. The Cultural Industry represented by Theodor Adorno, Max Horkheimer, and Herbert Marcuse etc. uncover the intervention of capitals in the independence and diversity of culture. Culture, more and more, have become the unified products on assembly lines under the impetus of monetary profits.

19

Galtung (1971: 90).

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Fig. 3.2 The theoretical model of structural imperialism

German sociologist, Jurgen Habermas in his renowned public sphere studies argued the increasing pressures imposed by the capitals on the creativity of culture, which leads to withdrawal of the public sphere. Habermas’ findings can be explained with the sufficient examples in practice in international communication. A prime example to this: the landmark report released by the UN in 1980 which is entitled as Many voices, one world: Communication and society today and tomorrow towards a new more just and more efficient world information and communication order urged to set up a new international information order to bridge the obvious gap between the Center and the Periphery. Yet, many of the proposals go unanswered largely because of the ignorance of the First World.20 Actually, Habermas and his studies of public sphere indicate more vividly the off-balance of the flow of information under the Structural Imperialism. Habermas did not attract public attention at the start when he wrote in Germany until his works were translated into English after twenty-seven years. His experience verifies the risk that capitals tend to get the world civilization back to refeudalization. Given the above, the nature of Cold War provides opportunities critical to innovation of foreign policies. Objectively, it in the essence energizes the development of the exploration into international communication. At the time, a grid of new methods including systematic analysis, international comparative analysis, empirical analysis, evidence-based analysis, case study, historical analysis and psychological analysis are creatively incorporated into international communication studies. In view of the rooted limitations confronting the Western studies, it is the regional loyalty that have 20

Many Voices, One World also known as the MacBride report is a famous report written by Macbride Commission of the United Nations. The conclusion of the report is based on hundreds of global surveys, presenting the situation of the global information flow after the Second World War. It warned against the trend that there was a unidirectional information flow from the developed countries to the developing countries. It also proposed to establish a new world information and communication order.

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occupied the paramount position which underestimates the possibility of cultural inclusiveness and common development. Obviously, it can be understood partly by the external factors. For instances, the Center for International Studies, MIT at which Daniel Lerner worked were established by the U.S. government in 1952. Also, Wilbur Schramm once worked for Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the Office of Strategic Services (OSS),21 and Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).22

3.3 The Convergence of International Communication Theory of National Image (1991–Now) The year of 1991 witnessed the end of Cold War. Globalization instead has become an increased international trend. The exploration into international communication of national image proceeds to a new era featuring intersectional convergence in keeping with the process of a deepening global society. Political Economics of Communications brought breakthroughs into studies of international communication during the 1990s. This school drives for the specific issues concerning the implication of cross-medium convergence, transnational corporations, and international organizations, such as WTO and International Telecommunication Union (ITU) for the ecosystem of international communication. For example, how does the US-managed global electronic economy miscue the culturally-grounded theories of international communication. With regard to the convergence between international communication theories and those of the other relevant subjects, the studies concerning soft power and national image account for the important fruition in this field. Harvard Professor Joseph Nye put forward the concept of soft power in the 1990s., By definition, “soft power means getting others to want the same outcomes you want, and that requires an understanding of how they are hearing your messages and adapting them accordingly”.23 Thus, soft power is the best way to preach at foreigners, and even convert them. “The Soft Power of a country rests primarily on three resources: its culture (in places where it is attractive to others), its political values (when it lives up to them at home and abroad), and its foreign policies (when they are seen as legitimate and having moral authority)” Nye stated.24 Evidently, Nye’s soft power theory provides a new direction toward mutual understanding which holds the key in a globalizing world. By contrast, some of studies tend to define Soft Power from the zero-sum principle. They have an attempt to exaggerate the differences in cultures across countries and regions. The important tasks for them are simply to 21

The Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the predecessor of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) was responsible for planning guerrillas and other acts of sabotage to attack the enemy nations during the WWII. 22 Bah (2008: 186–187). 23 Nye Jr (2004: 5). 24 Nye Jr (2008: 96).

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inform the world of Western ideology. The recommendations they provide very often are too radical to show the reasonable respect for the cultures outside the West.25 In 2007, the model of nation branding proposed by Simon Anholt is significant to the studies of international communication of national image by propel greatly the studies of national image, city image, and enterprise image and so on. Nevertheless, Anhalt’s definition of national branding is grounded on competition arguing “Today, the world is one market. The rapid advance of globalization means that every country, every city and every region must compete with every other for its share of the world’s consumers, tourists, investors, students, entrepreneurs, international sporting and cultural events, and for the attention and respect of the international media, of other governments and the people of other countries”.26 No doubt that strategies provided from a competition outlook that appear as narrowly self-serving or arrogantly presented are likely to prohibit rather than produce soft power. In the meantime, a greater number of developing countries including China started participating more actively in international communication and promoting the cultural exchange and dialogue with other countries. More joint efforts are made to bash into the walls of zero-sum. Some explorations have received attentions worldwide, such as China’s BRI in pursuit of peaceful growth, cultural inclusiveness, and more prosperity. There are anticipations for the emerging theoretical approaches under the impetus of globalization that the studies of international communication derived from the West may be entitled to overcome the long-standing Western centralism and ignite the world toward opening-up, cooperation and win-win development. In conclusion, the process of globalization takes the studies of international communication of national image to a higher level by incentivizing the intersectional studies. Looking into future, the urgent task up which we should continue to take is pushing the international communication theories toward more justice if we want to illuminate the world.

3.4 Summary Points From a historical outlook, the studies of international communication of national image have long been influenced by the Western centralism. The cultural attitude can be examined through Western philosophies. The cultural pluralism in the 17th century is a good example: Giambattista Vico and Baron Montesquieu, the important founders of cultural pluralism both beheld a belief in the hierarchy of culture. “Europe was superior to all other societies. It possessed the only true religion, had long developed the capacity for rationality, cherished the values of universal brotherhood

25

The representative scholars are (Wally Olins 2002; Simon Anholt 2003, 2007; Keith Dinnie 2008). 26 Anholt (2007: 1).

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and independent inquiry”, Vico demonstrated.27 The 时至今日, 这类理念仍未完 全改变。The U.S. is a typical example, in 2011, James Baker, the Secretary of State claimed when addressing U.S. policy on Egypt that “our foreign policies are firmly bound up with American values and beliefs. What is more, we have to discern whether our partners understand the principles of democracy”.28 In short, the studies of international communication of national image over the past more than one century enlighten people around the world to be more conscious of the principles, orders, and ends, and particularly, the complexity concerning national image delivery in spite of the obvious limitations rooting in Western centralism. Looking ahead, the common concerns about what kind of international communication of national image are meaningful to a future-oriented world are waiting for great answers.

References Anholt, Simon. 2003. Brand New Justice: The Upside of Global Branding. Amsterdam: ButterworthHeinemann. Anholt, Simon. 2007. Competitive Identity: The New Brand Management for Nations, Cities and Regions, New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Bah, Umaru and Lerner, Daniel. 2008. Cold War Propaganda and U.S. Development Communication Research: A Historical Critique. Journal of Third World Studies 25 (1): 183. Dinnie, Keith. 2008. Nation Branding: Concepts, Issues, Practice, London: Routledge. Galtung, Johan. 1971. A Structural Theory of Imperialism. Journal of Peace Research (8, 2): 81–117. Giddens, Anthony. 2001. Sociology, 4th ed. London: Polity Press. Hardt, Hanno. 2002. Reading the Russian Revolution: International Communication Research and the Journalism of Lippmann and Merz. Mass Communication and Society 5 (1): 25–39. Lerner, Daniel. 2000. The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing in the Middle East, MA. U.S.: Blackwell. Lippmann, Walter. 1920. Liberty and the News, 2. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Howe. Lippmann, Walter. 1922. Public Opinion, 4. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Howe. McPherson, Jr., Harry C. 2022. Walter Lippmann and the American Century. https://www.foreignaf fairs.com/reviews/review-essay/2015-03.11/walter-lippmann-and-american-century. Accessed January 20, 2022. Nye Jr., Joseph S. 2004. Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, 5. New York: Public Affairs. Nye, Joseph S. Public Diplomacy and Soft Power. 2008. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 616, 94–109. Olins, Wally. 2002. Branding the Nation—The Historical Context. The Journal of Brand Management 9 (4): 241–248. Parekh, Bhikhu. 2006. Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory, 2nd ed. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

27

Parekh (2006: 55). The Charhar Institute, The Eleven Changes of 2011 Standing Out Concluded by American Think Tanks (Meiguozhiku Pandian 2011 nian zui ying guanzhu de 11 da bianju), Charhar Newsletter, 2011(12): 6.

28

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Parry-Giles, Shawn. 1994. Rhetorical Experimentation and the Cold War, 1947–1953: The Development of an Internationalist Approach to Propaganda. Quarterly Journal of Speech 80: 448–467. Steel, Ronald. 1980. Walter Lippmann and the American Century, 172. New York: Basic Books. Thussu, Daya Kishan . 2018. International Communication: Change and Continuity, London: Bloomsbury Publishing. Yamada, Fumio. 2007. The History of Japanese Mass Media, translated by Zhuge Wei, 109. Nanning: Guangxi Normal University Press.

Chapter 4

The National Image Theory

Looking back through history, we can see how directly the reception of national image in the world affects the country’s cultural confidence, cultural security, and the scope for international cooperation and coordination—all of them are critically significant to the country’s core interest. In this sense, it is important for very country and every region, particularly, the developing countries to set the agenda to develop the understanding of national image, such as the transformation of national image theories, the principles particular or universal of building up national image, and the increased global trend toward an attractive national image, and find out ways to produce the attraction. Given that national image, in essence, is composed of multiple dimensions, this book is designed to review and assess the transformation of national image theories by primarily focusing on international politics, developmental economics, and sociology, and from the angel of the effectiveness of change (see the Three-Layer Effectiveness Model of International Communication of National Image in Chap. 2).

4.1 The National Image According to the literature review of this book, “national image” was literally proposed at the start of the millennium. But the dramatic changes in the world which have been clearly addressed by many organizations international or regional on a variety of occasions, such as the United Nations, Group of Twenty (G20), the European Union, (EU), ASEAN, and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and so forth have imposed urgency on the further, even cutting-edge innovation in the national image theories. National image was at first conceptualized by the West based on the particular situations of the West (see Chap. 2). As a result, countries outside the West often find it difficult to employ and manage directly the principles provided by the West.

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Fig. 4.1 Soft power sources, referees, and receivers. Source Nye (2008)

They started appealing for more attention to and stronger respect for the history and development of the Third World in the assessment of national image. This book is meant to enrich and adapt the conception of national image to the new conditions imposed on the globalizing world by placing particular focuses on the developing countries, above all, China, India, Mongolia, ASEAN, Egypt, and South Africa, and so forth. National image, in large part, demonstrates the identity of a country, and that provides an observable way for other countries to make judgement. Sociologists defines identity as “the distinctive characteristics of a person’s character or the character of a group which relate to who they are and what is meaningful to them”.1 Arising from the definitions, Simon Anholt in his Competitive Identity: The New Brand Management for Nations, Cities and Regions (2007) concludes that “[National image] is a product or service or organization, considered in combination with its name, its identity and its reputation”.2 National image includes a range of associations, memories, expectations and other feelings that are bound up with a country’s identity which is a multi-dimensional concept in sociology. These feelings are important drivers of other’s perceptions of a country’s national image so that the critical concept must be defined through multiple dimensions when we are talking about national image. In view of the major dimensions of national image, this book focuses on the three dimensions, namely, national political image, national economic image, and national cultural image. According to Harvard Professor Joesph Nye’s definition, soft power primarily rests upon the foreign policies, domestic values and policies, and the high culture and pop culture (see Fig. 4.1). National image as the core element of a country’s soft power, two dimensions of politics and culture are at the heart. 1 2

Giddens (2006:1020). Anholt (2007:4).

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The economic dimension has not been included in the manifestation of soft power largely because of Nye’s definition of hard power which relies on the economic power and military assets. To Nye, hard power is the ability to affect others to obtain the outcomes you want. One can affect others’ behavior through threats of coercion (“sticks”), inducements and payments (“carrots”)”.3 By contrast, soft power is the attraction that makes others want what you want. By the means of soft power, “country may obtain the outcomes it wants in world politics because other countries want to follow it, admiring its values, emulating its example, and/or aspiring to its level of prosperity and openness”.4 Nevertheless, national image as an important element of soft power has a close connection with economy. The economists already revealed the logic with ample evidence dating back to the 1960s. For instance, Robert D. Schooler in his wellrecognized theory of Country of Origin (COO) pioneered in 1965 points to the significance of national image of country of origin where the products are made in consumers’ purchase decision. In his survey, Schooler selected the students in Guatemala, and analyzed their response to the products respectively made in Guatemala, Mexico, El Salvador, and Costa Rica. The findings indicate that the projection of the national image abroad thus becomes a significant component of consumers’ choice. The following surveys in this field saw a rapid acceleration of efforts to establish a more favorable COO. In the 1980s, for instance, the surveys conducted in the Netherland, Italy, and the U.S. all reflected the close connections between national image and purchase decision. For now, COO has gradually taken root in four important subjects: COO’s economic effect, COO’s application in international economy, the relations between COO and the overseas target consumers, and intersectional studies of COO. Globalization seeks to incorporate national image into international political economy to a greater level. Thus, Anholt in his Brand New Justice: The Upside of Global Branding (2003) explains that globalization makes the world a single market. It means every country has to find out ways to build up the soft power of attraction by presenting an attractive national image. Evidently, national image is not merely three dimensions as a whole though the national political image, national economic image, and national cultural image are relatively the most pivotal resources of national image. Chapter 2 illustrates Johan Galtung’s studies of the Structural Imperialism in the 1970s. Galtung concludes the five key dimensions of the Structural Imperialism as economy, politics, military force, communication and culture.5 Over again, as Chap. 2 observes that the dimensions of national image occurred with the international situation after the World War II and the period of Cold War (1947–1991) rather than the national image featuring globalization since the 1990s. In a globalizing world, “connection”, “development” and “integration” are the key words of age. In tune of the tide, China and many of developing countries launched a 3

Nye (2008 616: 94). Nye (2008: 95). 5 Galtung (1971: 933). 4

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series of reforms focusing on economic development. Deng Xiaoping in his meeting with Kim Il-sung, president of Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in 1982 made it clear the core causes of China’s Reform and Opening up, “As a poor and yet big country, China must get around to economic construction. Otherwise, how can our people live on their life”?6 Every initiative and action should first and foremost be done for a real purpose in the real world, above all, for enhancing political mutual trust, expanding economic cooperation and espousing cultural consensus rather than sheer competition in projecting influence, not to mention that of military power. The revitalization of China cannot be achieved easily unless through institutional improvement, economic development, and cultural prosperity. “There are two most urgent tasks all over the world up which we need to take—establish a new international political institution, and establish a new international economic institution” Deng Xiaoping notified.7 In face of the new international situation, Chinese president Xi Jinping concerns the exploration into new-type international relations so as to “imbed the idea of win–win development with all aspects of international affairs including politics, economy, security, culture and so on”.8 The certainty confronting the trend toward globalization calls for a peaceful international environment to drive the sustainable economic growth. The goals of sustainable development cannot be achieved with competition and confrontation. Given the above, this book on the basis of the national development ideas of developing countries in the era of globalization finally crystalizes the connotation of national image into three dimensions—the national political image, national economic image, and national cultural image (see Fig. 4.2). In light of the relations among the three factors, the national cultural image plays a role of the soul of national image as it symbolizes the spirit of the national traits. The national economic image is the material foundation of national image for embodying the ideas of the national economic development. The national political image relates to the overall planning of national image as the central portrayal of a country’s ideology and development mode (see Fig. 4.3).

4.2 National Political Image The studies of national image which encompass sociology, international politics, public policy, and public administration are conducted from five aspects as a whole— the National Political Ideology, Foreign Policies, Governance, Socio-political Life, and Government Image. Accordingly, this book creates a Two-Dimension Model 6

Edit group of Talks of Deng Xiaoping with the Foreign State Leaders and Journalists on the Record (2011: 89). 7 Edit group of Talks of Deng Xiaoping with the Foreign State Leaders and Journalists on the Record (2011:183). 8 The Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs Held in Beijing (Zhongyang Waishigongzuo huiyi zai jing juxing) (2014).

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Fig. 4.2 The three-dimension model of national image

Fig. 4.3 The three-dimension model of national image composition

of National Political Image to probe into a country’s image in politics. In terms of the internal logic between the two dimensions, the four specific factors, namely, “Foreign Policies”, “Governance”, “Socio-political Life” and “Government Image” are interwined and finally shape the National Political Ideology of a country which is at the second level in this model. The two dimensions distinctively expresses the national political image what other countries see in front of them (see Fig. 4.4). Relatively, “the National Political Ideology” is the foundation of national political image. It provides a clear and direct standpoint for illustrating the broad spectrum

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Foreign Policies

Governance The National Political Ideology

Socio-political Life

Government Image

Fig. 4.4 The two-dimension model of national political image

of national political image in a large part as it surrounds the ideology of a country. The need to portray the ideology in a positive light determines the international communication agenda of national image. Ideology, the term was invented by Destutt de Tracy, French philosopher as science of ideas. The conception of ideology is fed with critical analysis. Perry Anderson, for instance, in the 1970s in his Arguments within English Marxism argues that it was the focus on studies of cultural ideology that distinguished the Western Marxism and the Classic Marxism.9 John B. Thompson arising from the previous studies of ideology groups the conception of ideology into two major factions. Destutt’s definition refers to the neutral concept of ideology which aims to establish an ideal political and economic system for pushing forward the social development. By contrast, Marxists deploy the critical concept of ideology which inspires the following scholars to explore the hegemony of a society.10 For instance, Antonio Gramsci proclaims, “undoubtedly the fact of hegemony presupposes that account be taken of the interests and the tendencies of the groups over which hegemony is to be exercised, and that a certain compromise equilibrium should be formed-in other words, that the leading group should make sacrifices of an economic-corporate kind. But there is also no doubt that such sacrifices and such a compromise cannot touch the essential; for though hegemony is ethical–political, it must also be economic, must necessarily be based on the decisive function exercised by the leading group in the decisive nucleus of economic activity”.11 In addition, the New Institutionalism in studies of politics argues that institution is deliberately crafted so as to control the interactions between or among the individuals. According to R.C.O. Matthews’ studies, “the economics of institution has become one of the liveliest areas in our discipline. It has, moreover, brought us more closely in touch with a number of other disciplines within the social sciences. A body of thinking has evolved based on two pro-positions: (i) institutions do matter, (ii) the determinants of institutions are susceptible to analysis by the tools of economic theory. I propose in this address first to say what seem to me to be the 9

Anderson (1980). Thompson (1994: 134.141). 11 Gramsci (1971: 161). 10

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central concepts in this body of thinking and then to consider its application to one particular topic”.12 In short, the National Political Ideology is identified by the institutions examined useful and effective and employed as theoretical guide. In other words, the National Political Ideology is the foundation of national political image by providing cardinal principles for the country’s domestic policy and foreign policy. “Foreign policies” occupy a dominant position in the second level of national political image which present the political independence of a country’s national image and make the national image tangible to the people in different countries. Nye enumerates, “the soft power of a country rests primarily on three resources”.13 Political values and foreign policies are two of the three primary resources of soft power. Normally, political institutions deployed by different countries are difficult to explain in the same terms. Therefore, it is not appropriate to define foreign polices made by different countries through a universal standard. The U.S.’ foreign policies are prime points to this, from the angle of international politics, it presents a strong awareness to draw attention of the publics of other countries, rather than merely their governments. Daniel Lerner, professor of political science, MIT and an early founder of theory of modernization in the 1950s and 1960s simplifies modernization to the process of Westernization, and Westernization is above all the process toward Americanization (see Chap. 2).14 Generally speaking, the core message of China’s foreign policies is in support of international cooperation and coordination as much as possible. For instance, Zhou Enlai, premier of China, in 1953, together with Asian countries including Myanmar, India, and Indonesia etc. proposed the prestigious Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence which is regarded as one of the most edge-cutting contributions to international relations after the end of World War II. China’s foreign policies featuring peaceful coexistence opened a widow for people outside China to start to pay attention, and prepare themselves to change their stereotypes of “Red China”. In face of the new international situation, China tries to combine national development with global trend by enacting a series of new foreign policies such as BRI and human community with a shared future and so forth. China’s innovative efforts in general have received the supports from around the world in practice. In the March of 2017, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) approved No.2344 Resolution which includes the ideas of human community with a shared future. The examples of this sort show that China’s foreign polices to a certain extent fit the tide of globalization in the new context and thus can gain the consensus worldwide. Taken as a whole, foreign policies discern the diversity of national political image in many sectors, and these may even be that the works are driven by a common and widely shared national strategy. If this is the case, thinking coming from developing countries such as China in different historic phases is worth concern, in large part because it adds a unique standpoint to understanding of international affairs from a more complete context. 12

Matthews (1986: 27). Nye (2008: 96). 14 Lerner (2000: 120). 13

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“Governance” is an important element of political science. Behaviorism and Post-Behaviorism, both of the two schools, define governance as a political product produced by a specific political institution. The studies of governance have more and more clarified the targets since the 1990s onward. The focuses covered mainly include governance and sociological philosophy, governance and political moral reasoning, and governance and social morality and so forth.15 Due to the close connection between governance and political institution and policy, it becomes dedicated to understanding and assessing the national political image of a country. “Socio-political Life” is one of the most important objects to which the New Institutionalism pay attention. It probes into “Socio-political Life” from three key dimensions.16 First of all, the political entities construct the institution by legislation in favor of the interests of the dominant stakeholders. Socio-political Life affects, or even determines the values of the members of the society. The relationships are formed when the individuals and organizations seek for interests. In other words, the actions and behavior in search for interests need political institution to guide. Admittedly, the analysis of socio-political life should be based on the mode of national development, the mode of political institution, and the mode of national interests. What is more, the mode of interest groups should be considered as well from the perspective of political science. “Government image” is a frontier in the recent studies of political science. The New Institutionalism argues that the enforcement of institution or system can be conducted through agents in the form of political leaders, governments or organizations.17 In practice, the more powerful the government is, the more efficient the construction of institution becomes. When social upheavals take place, the institutional improvement shall suffer suspension, or even recession. This finding indicates sufficiently that government image visualizes the national political image of a country with symbolic significance. It is perfectly true, studies of government image stemmed from certain theoretical approaches to public policy analysis are dedicated to the research of the morality, idea, structure, form function and policy-making process of a government.18 Relatively, the Western countries have the tradition of highlighting the government image so that there are a variety of rankings carried out by a great deal of organizations including the World Bank, Bertelsmann of Germany, The Economist of the U.K., and the Freedom House of the U.S., and so forth. The advent of globalization since the 1980s has changed profoundly the international situation, and that on longer can the traditional ways of hard power competition depending primarily on threats of “sticks” been deployed as the single agenda in global affairs. Competition of influence has increasingly been a staple of daily international communication of national image. In international affairs, politics, in particular, the choice of political mode, is a basis for ideological competition. As a

15

NingSheng (2000: 2–3). Bortis (1990). 17 North (1981). 18 Ningsheng (2000: 252). 16

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result, the international communication of national political image is linked particularly to the reinforcement of a country’s political confidence and attainment of a favorable world opinion. The economic downturn since 2008 onward, especially the uneven economic recovery far beyond the schedule in the developed countries has made the international situation increasingly complicated. To troubleshoot the rising challenges, almost all of the countries, either developed countries or developing countries are urged to work out a workable and effective strategy for the international communication of national political image. What the international community can do is come up with the strategies suitable for the Third World to on the one hand facilitate a greater deal of countries’ international communication of national political image, and battle the so-called cold-war mentality.

4.3 National Economic Image COO in international economics studies (see “3.1 The National Image”) has uncovered the critical role of national image in a country’s international economic activities. In the context of global economy, the recent studies find out that the implication of national image for a country’s economy has remarkably been strengthened. In 2010, I associated with Lightspeed organized a project which was focused on the impact of COO on Made-in China’s Going Global. The survey aims to assess the influence of Made-in China’s Going Global. To that end, a total of 2566 cases from six countries including the U.S., the U.K., and Australia on behalf of developed countries in America, Europe and Oceania, and India, Malaysia, and South Africa on behalf of developing countries in Asia and Africa. It is an online survey covering the respondents age 18 to 55. By the means of representative sampling, the respondents shall be selected from around the country as much as possible. Lightspeed, as a company offering professional market survey ensures that the whole process of this online survey was conducted under the control of international standards. The survey finds out the observable relevance of perception of China’s national image to the foreign consumers’ purchase willingness (see Fig. 4.5). Clearly, the national economic image directly affects the perception, assessment, and acceptance of the economic activities of a country in global economy. With regard to the key dimensions of national economic image, the studies from the perspectives of national image, international economics, and global economy provide useful and relevant referencing at the certain points. In conclusion, the national economic image can be assessed through three dimensions, that is, Policy, National Economic Activity (an important manifestation of foreign policies), and National Economic Image Delivery (see Fig. 4.6). The coherent and internal logic among the three dimensions is “Policy” as the core values of national economic image; “National Economic Activity” as the path of construction of national economic image which manifests the ideas of a country’s

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Fig. 4.5 The impact of China’s national image on the purchase needs of made-in-China in the overseas market

Fig. 4.6 The three-dimension model of national economic image

economic policies; and “National Economic Image Delivery” as the ultimate manifestation of national economic image, for examples, human resources, enterprise image, and brand image and so on. “Policy” guides all forms of economic activities by principles and rules. Douglass North enumerates in his study of America’s economic development that the norms of power and responsibility can be made either written or unwritten. Policy is made to allow people to have a stable and clear anticipation for actions and behavior in pursuit of interests so as to mobilize the interactions and communications among different groups of stakeholders.19 Oliver Williamson further explains, the economic policies are of the foremost significance in all forms of agreements.20 In economic activities,

19 20

North (1981). Oliver Williamson, Economic Organization, Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1986:15.

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policy provides guide for behavior either in public or private sector, values, and norms in a society in ways of laws, rules, regulations, campaigns, and initiatives.21 “National Economic Activity” refers to all forms of activities in the field of economy. In the aftermath of the Industrial Civilization in the middle of nineteenth century, economic activity covers the whole system of production, distribution, exchange and consumption. In terms of relations of production, socio-economic activity is the system and process by which production, exchange, distribution, and consumption become institutionalized in society.22 “National Economic Image Delivery” is based on “policy” which identifies the core ideas of a country’s national economic image and is delivered through a critical mass of “national economic activities”. According to Anhalt’s studies, the national economic image can be compared and differentiated by four major determinants, that is, by the things that are done in the country, and the way they’re done, by the things that are made in the country, and the way they’re made, by the way other people talk about the country, and by the way the country talks about itself.23 Accordingly, the national economic image is aligned with the economic policies and institutions, that inherently is used to assess the national economic activities of the country. Every country should be willing to little by little drive the country from the economic image it has acquired by default towards the one it needs and deserves. In closing, the great thing about economic globalization is that the transborder economic ties can benefit every country quite independently of their effect on its traditional hard-power influence. Accordingly, implementing the strategies to attract others and move opinion is an element of economic power. These actions are of especial significance to the large number of developing countries at the momentum of economic reform or economic transition. China as a representative example of rapid economic growth under economic globalization has projected a very much stronger influence over the world economy. In the majority of cases, however, “what happens inside China is either examined as a global issue, or else it adds up to any coherent narrative in world opinion”.24 Of course, it is more important than ever before for China to take the international communication of national economic image into consideration in pursuit of a more accountable and objective recognition of the complexity of China’s economic reform, the contributions that China makes, and the responsibilities that China holds.

21

Gu Jianguang, Public Policy Analysis (Gonggongzhengce fenxixue), Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2004:8. 22 Baidu baike, Economic Activities (Jingji huodong), http://baike.baidu.com/view/1458211.htm? fr=aladdin, Accessed Jul 1st 2021. 23 Simon Anholt, Competitive Identity: The New Brand Management for Nations, Cities and Regions, Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007:25. 24 Qizheng (2010: 145).

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4.4 National Cultural Image The nature of culture is the heart of the core spirit of national image and the foundation of the construction of national image. Sociologists define culture that “a society’s culture comprises both intangible aspects—the beliefs, ideas and values which form the content of culture—and tangible aspects—the objects, symbols or technology which represent that content”.25 The cultural pluralism finds culture dynamic which is “A society’s culture is closely tied up with its economic, political and other institutions. No society first develops culture and then these institutions, or vice versa. They are all equally vital to its survival, emerge and develop together, and are influenced by each other”.26 In this sense, every act of promotion and representation of national image in the world is in essence the promotion and representation of culture. In Anholt’s words, “These stereotypes that are the reputations of countries, whether good or bad, seldom really reflect the current reality of the place. A common reason for this disconnection between image and reality is simply time: a place may be changing quite quickly, but its image can lag behind by years or decades. National image is like starlight which, by the time it reaches us on Earth, is only the distant echo of an event that started and finished long before”.27 Likewise, Nye gives “culture” a priority in the three major resources of soft power which he identifies. Culture represents the whole social practice. A nation’s systems of ideas and knowledge live up to its culture. Culture affects inherently peoples’ attitude to life, world and political values. In a globalizing world where different cultures of different countries have to work together, meet together, and align their norms to shared future, every country needs to take into account the role of culture in the international communication of national image and its specific principle. Given the above, this book on a cultural communication motivation basis divides the national cultural image into three major genres, that is, the outward cultural image, the inward cultural image, and the adaptive cultural image. However, it is important to stress that whatever the national cultural image looks, no culture is ever free of contestation and change.

4.4.1 The Outward Cultural Image The outward cultural image always indicates the high anticipation for its ability to promote its national culture and to win the support of people in other countries. By the means of actively promoting its national culture to other countries, the national cultural image that it presents shall become global in scope. Historically, the Western countries are intended to build and maintain an outward cultural image, in large part, 25

(The UK) Anthony Giddens (2003: 21). Parekh (2006: 151). 27 Anholt (2007: 27). 26

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as “for Europe, and latterly the US, it meant projecting their power around the world, most spectacularly during the heyday of colonialism in the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth Century when a large part of the world found itself under European rule. We governed from afar exported our ways of doing things, imposed our languages, our education, our religion and much else besides)”.28 From a historical outlook, Eurocentrism was deeply rooted in the Western philosophy at the very outset. Giambattista Vico and Baron Montesquieu, the important founders of cultural pluralism in the seventeenth century stressed the influence of climate and geography, Hegel that of ideas, and Weber that of religion (see Chap. 2). However, each again went wrong in neglecting the influence of other factors. All, alike, made the further mistake of ignoring the differences between societies and historical contexts, and cultures. Globalization, however, imposes new conditions on the adaptation of the outward cultural image. From a global outlook, the sheer output of national culture is facing the risk to be seen as cultural invasion by the other countries, in particular, that of the developing countries. They worry about the loss of the integrity of native culture in face of the aggressively one-way flow of culture. Take Bhutan as a prime example, as the last nation in the world to turn on television),29 the country had been plugged into TV until 1999. The involvement in the process of globalization has been greatly accelerated in Bhutan. Within one year, the Internet became accessible in 2000. It seems that all of a sudden that the traditionally tranquil country was surrounded by the West—by American Idol, CNN, BBC, and dozens of soup operas produced by the U.S. and Europe. Bhutan “had suddenly crash-landed in the twentyfirst century”.30 All too soon, the public concern quickly mounted over the waves of social chaos. The 700,000 inhabitants of a kingdom that calls itself the Land of the Thunder Dragon had never experienced serious law-breaking before. Yet now there were reports from many towns and villages of fraud, violence and even murder. The newspapers received letters from the worrying readers around the country every week, that “TV is very bad for our country… It controls our minds… and makes [us] crazy. The enemy is right here with us in our own living room. People behave like the actors, and are now anxious, greedy and discontent”.31 No longer are the threats caused by the outward flow of culture confined to the First World. China’s great leap forward in economic growth has also triggered the concerns that will China move toward an outward cultural image? This book, for instance, analyzes the news reports by the international media in the West on that China became the world’s second largest economy in 2010. With regard to the frequency of key words, the verbs like “surpass” or “overtake” obviously overwhelmed the verbs normally used in the similar situations such as “become”. In addition, the subjects

28

Jacques (2012). Scott-Clark and Levy (2003). 30 Inglehart (2009: 3). 31 See Footnote 29. 29

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barely escaped the trap of “competition” such as “watch out”, “Closes in on the USA for world’s largest economy”, or “China far from being a leader”, and so forth.32 In a broader sense, the conflicts driven by the outward flow of culture are endemic in all societies. Even the Western countries have begun to seek suitable cultural expressions which fit the demands of globalization. The U.S. argues that the international communication of culture is actually under the control of the several transnational media tycoons. The large firms although are headquartered in the U.S. are selling the cultures and values of the U.K. or France. Moreover, the inclination, for example, Hollywood studios, to appeal to the needs of the overseas markets for the purpose of profits has also triggered criticisms as well. The debate about the extent to which America’s music, newspapers and TV should be a captive purveyor of America’s culture or a tool to produce revenues continue to expand. The views critical of global outlook insists on the importance of protecting America’s cultural independence from economic concerns.

4.4.2 The Inward Cultural Image The inward cultural image, in general, deals with deals with a society’s relatively low tolerance for uncertainty and ambiguity largely because of the factors of religion, traditions, and public awareness. Edward Said rightly states, “the authority of the observer, and of European geographical centrality, is buttressed by a cultural discourse relegating and confining the non-European to a secondary racial, cultura ~ ontological status. Yet this secondariness is, paradoxically, essential to the primariness of the European; this of course is the paradox explored by Cesaire, Fanon, and Memmi, and it is hut one among many of the ironies of modern critical theory that it has rarely been explored by investigators of the aporias and impossibilities of reading”.33 It is certainly true that the inward cultural image always shows the endeavors to protect the native culture from uncertainty and ambiguity by laws, by budgets and by actions. Unlike the countries who watch out the purity of native culture such as France, the countries presenting an inward cultural image rarely do their best to project their native culture to other countries. In doing so, the national cultural image of these countries sometimes looks “conservative” instead of “inward” in world opinion. To the countries with the inward cultural image, it is no exaggeration to say that the advent of international communication of culture through the Internet, TV and movie accelerates the export of the Western culture, and imposes pressures on the

32

This conclusion is based on the government program hosted by Professor Liu Chen, The Image of China on American Mainstream TV Media in 2010, which was supported by The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China. 33 Edward (1993: 59).

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integrity and independence of the cultures outside the West. In response to the socalled cultural invasion inherently brough about by globalization, the strategies in favor of retaliation and resistance are commonly employed. For instance, Iran has been struggling against the “cultural pollution” from the West through international communication.34 Hamid Mowlana, an esteemed expert on the Middle East compares the Islamic state to nation state. He concludes that choice of God-fearing or choices of Sunna and Sharia based on The Koran may affect the attitudes to culture, in opposite directions. That can also be illustrated by the understanding of what is perhaps the most important of a society in the West and in the Islamic world.35 In conclusion, the inward cultural image possesses a high avoidance of cultural uncertainty. In intercultural dialogue, the countries of this type are concerned primarily about the cultural security on their own. Importantly, when we have to make a comparative analysis of the outward cultural image and the inward cultural image, “they both believe they are universal, a model for all others. But the way they have interpreted this in practice has been entirely different. For Europe, and latterly the US, it meant projecting their power around the world, most spectacularly during the heyday of colonialism in the Nineteenth and first half of the Twentieth Century, when a large part of the world found itself under European rule”.36

4.4.3 The Adaptive Cultural Image The adaptive cultural image can be defined through the comparative analysis of the outward cultural image represented by the Western countries. The “adaptive” means that the countries of this sort—“they both believe they are… a model for all others. But the way they have interpreted this in practice has been entirely different”.37 From a historical outlook, China in many ways can be seen as a typical representative of the adaptive cultural image. In light of Chinese cultural values, the early philosophers compared the soft power of culture as water moistening everything slowly and silently. In the eyes of the Chinese philosophy, even the best of policies may fail if it neglects the task of cultural adaptation in confrontation with other cultures. China had argued the impacts on that China meets the West during the middle of the nineteenth century. Dr. Cai Yuanpei (1868–1940),38 president of Peking University (1916–1927) which is the first university in China, emphasizes the positive implication of the networks 34

Moskowitz (2002: 5). Mowlana (1996). 36 Interview with the Deputy Minister of Development of Turkey Mehmet Ceylan, December 10, 2014. 37 Jacques (2012). 38 Cai Yuanpei received PhD degrees from France and the U.S., and took the lead in China’s New Culture Movement (1915–1919). 35

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for China’s modernization as “Worldview Education”.39 The cultural attitude of this kind has come back into vogue as a pillar to rethink processes of intercultural communication between China and the world for the purpose of China’s going global. It demonstrates China’s commitment to mutual respect, mutual understanding and mutual inclusiveness in cultural dialogue with the world in the globalization era. The cultural attitude has an internal logic with Chinese cultural philosophy, for example, Dr. Cai Yuanpei’s well-known statement that “Looking closely back at history, the bedrock of new culture is the collision of different cultures”.40 The cultural philosophy in favor of diversity and inclusiveness contributes to China’s foreign policies. There is a thread which connects the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence proposed in 1953 to the concept of Chinese Dream produced in 2012 and Five New Development Concepts (concept of innovative, coordinated, green, open and shared development) rectified at the Fifth Plenum of the 18th CPCPC in 2016 focusing on peace, development, and cooperation. As for the answers to the common concerns about the impact of China’s growth on the world, the Chinese leaders stressed that China was, is and will be subject to peaceful growth. “A strong nation is bound to seek hegemony” is by no means an option for China. “China must pay greater attention to the pursuit of common prosperity, as required for the full, accurate and comprehensive implementation of the new development philosophy” addressed Xi Jinping, president of China in his speech in Dushanbe, the capital city of Tajikistan, in 2014.41 As a result, China’s exploration into the construction of national cultural image is likely to bring some new ideas into the intercultural communication around the world. Feng Youlan, an esteemed Chinese philosopher and educator, already articulated in his article “Why No ‘Science’ in China” (1922), “when we humanbeings are more closely aligned with our hearts in pursuit of peace and happiness, Chinese wisdom may be an inspiration, and that it definitely deserves”.42 In all, when the national cultural image is linked with national development, national identity, and world opinion, no longer does it remain at the level of selfdescription of a country’s national culture from the perspective of critical ideological analysis. It instead has expanded to a wider spectrum of international order, international relations, and even more sensitive issues concerning sovereignty and so on. Of course, which type(s) national cultural image can benefit globalization toward international cooperation against the cultural hegemony, and even the cultural imperialism is particularly important every country not only for now but also for the world’s future.

39

Yuanpei (1984: 479). Yuanpei (1984: 50). 41 Sheng (2014). 42 Youlan (2021). 40

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4.5 The Assessment of National Image According to the definitions of the national political image, national economic image, and national cultural image in this book, the three dimension-four layers-32 variables model of national image is created. Every of the elements in this model is basically determined but with fuzziness (see Fig. 4.7). In more detail, national image is a hierarchical linear, cross-sectional model. The elements at the first level are respectively composed of certain sub-elements which make the second level. Moreover, the sub-elements consist of certain grandson elements which make the third level. According to the nature of this model, Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP), and fuzzy assessment method are deployed to analyze China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up in the world. AHP is a dominant method in operations research led by Professor Thomas L.Saaty, University of Pittsburgh, U.S. In the 1970s, as project organizer for United States Department of Defense, L.Saaty was required to assess the contributions made by different departments to American welfares. To achieve the research

Fig. 4.7 The key dimensions of national image

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goal, he created AHP by converging the network system theory, and multigoal assessment method. AHP is particularly suitable for complicated, multigoal, multi-criteria, or nonstructural assessments. Its remarkable advantage rests on the feasibility that with limited quantitative information, assesses the influence of every element and determines the relationships across the elements through a mathematizing process. According to AHP, the assessment of national image is crystalized into a threelayer model. At the first level, there are three elements including the national political image, national economic image, and national cultural image in total. The subelements at the second level are used to analyze the three elements at the first level in detail. As a result, a total of 11 elements are acquired. Then, at the third level, totally 18 grandson elements which are respectively related to the national political image, and national economic image are acquired. In sum, the three dimension-four layers-32 variables model of national image is created. The definitions of each of the assessment elements respectively for assessing the national political image, national economic image, and national cultural image will be illustrated in Chap. 5 “The International Communication of China’s National Political Image since the !978 Reform and Opening up”, Chap. 6 “The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image since the !978 Reform and Opening up”, and Chap. 7 “The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up”. In conclusion, the national image is defined by three layers as a whole in this book. Thus, a three-layer AHP and fuzzy assessment is deployed to assess the change and continuity of China’s national image in the world since the 1978 Reform and Opening up. It is a seven-step path: Step One: define the assessment elements set Step Two: weight the assessment elements Step Three: define the assessment set Step Four: analyze the third-level fuzzy assessment Step Five: analyze the second-level fuzzy assessment Step Six: analyze the first-level fuzzy assessment Step Seven: assess the overall international communication of China’s national image.

4.5.1 Define the Assessment Elements Set The assessment elements at the first level include the national political image, national economic image, and national cultural image (see Fig. 4.7). Define the assessment elements at the first level, M: M = {the national political image, national economic image, and national cultural image} = {M1 , M2 , M3 }: The three elements are determined by the sub-elements at the second level as follows:

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M1 (the national political image) = {the national political ideology, foreign policies, governance, socio-political life, government image} = {m11 , m12 , m13, m14, m15 }; M2 (the national economic image) = {policy, national economic activity, national economic image delivery} = {m21, m22, m23}; M3 (the national cultural image) = {cultural belief, cultural values, cultural norm} = {m31 , m32, m33 }; The grandson elements at the third level: M11 (the national political ideology) = {policy (political-centered), strategy} = {m111 , m112 }; M12 (foreign policies) = {foreign policy advocacy, international contribution} = {m121 , m122 }; M13 (governance) = {idea, reform} = {m131 , m132 }; M14 (socio-political life) = {democracy, human rights, humanitarian contribution} = {m141 , m142, m143 }; M15 (government image) = {leadership image} = {m151 }; M21 (policy (economic-centered)) = {public policy, institutional construction, livelihood} = {m211 , m212, m213 }; M22 (national economic activity) = {domestic economic activity, international economic activity} = {m221 , m222 }; M23 (national economic image delivery) = {innovation, human resources, enterprise/ brand} = {m231 , m232, m233 }

4.5.2 Weight the Assessment Elements Different elements differently affect the assessment of the international communication of China’s national image. In other words, the contributions made by the grandson elements and sub-elements to their higher level are weighted differently. As a result, the weight value must be determined. To tackle the problem, this book employs the commonly used AHP. Suppose: The weight value of M at the first level is A, then A = (a1 , a2 , a3 ); The weight value of Mi (i = 1, 2, 3) at the second level is Ai (i = 1, 2, 3), then A1 = (a11 , a12 , a13 , a14, a15 ); A2 = (a21 , a22, a23 ); A3 = (a31 , a32, a33 ); The weight value of Mij (i = 1, 2, 3) at the third level is Aij (i = 1, 2, 3), then A11 A12 A13 A14 A15

= (a111 , a112 ); = (a121 , a122 ); = (a131 , a132 ); = (a141 , a142 , a143 ); = (a15 );

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A21 = (a211 , a212 , a213 ); A22 = (a221 , a222 ); A23 = (a231 , a232 , a233 ); The above assessment elements are weighted by normalization principle.

4.5.3 Define the Assessment Set With regard to the assessment set, three types of attitudes are defined. The assessment set V: V = {Supportive, Neutral, Critical}.

4.5.4 Analyze the Third-Level Fuzzy Assessment According to the assessment set defined by the book, the grandson elements at the third level are assessed. Thus, the fuzzy membership to the second level is (bkij1 , bkij2 , bkij3 ). “k” is the serial number of the assessment elements at the first level, “i” is the serial number of the assessment elements at the second level under “k” at the first level, and “j” is the serial number of the assessment elements at the third level under “i” at the second level. Accordingly, the array of the third-level fuzzy membership is:   B11 = b11jh 2×3   B12 = b12jh 2×3   B13 = b13jh 2×3   B14 = b14jh 3×3   B15 = b15jh 1×3   B21 = b21jh 3×3   B22 = b22jh 2×3   B23 = b23jh 3×3 The value of element bkijh is achieved from nearly 1600 media from more than 150 countries all over the world, official archives, the chronicle global surveys, the reports released by think tanks from different countries, academic papers, and online questionnaires. Given the influences cross each of the elements in the model, the formular is created:

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Ri = Aij · Bij Then, the third-level fuzzy membership to the international communication of China’s national image is achieved.

4.5.5 Analyze the Second-Level Fuzzy Assessment Based on the third-level fuzzy assessment, that of the second-level is analyzed as: Rk = Ak · Ri

4.5.6 Analyze the First-Level Fuzzy Assessment According to the second-level fuzzy assessment, that of the first-level is analyzed as: ⎡

⎤ r11 r12 r13 R = (R1, R2, R3)T = ⎣ r21 r22 r23 ⎦ r31 r32 r33 The fuzzy assessment of the international communication of China’s national image is E: E=A·R Namely, E = (E1 , E2 , E3 ) which identifies the membership of the international communication of China’s national image in the world.

4.5.7 Assess the Overall International Communication of China’s National Image During the processing, to compare more easily, the fuzzy assessment of the international communication of China’s national image across the three levels are transfer as 100 points. In other words, each of the elements: Supportive = 100 points, Neutral = 50 points, Critical = 30 points. As a result, every element in the model can be assessed and scored. In the end, the overall China’s national image in the world will be assessed:

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Influence Force = E · V = 100E1 + 50E2 + 30E3 The mean margin of error of the proportional values with a total probability of 90 percent amounts to ± 3.2 percentage points (based on a sample size of n = 1,000).

4.6 Summary Points For now, it has been confirmed that a country’s national image is stable and palpable. The impression and corresponding interpretation of one country actually affects the reactions of other countries and regions. Compared with the First World, the developing countries need to build up a benign national image. In this regard, the Western studies describe the national image as a new panacea for emerging economies.43 In this sense, the national image is not an abstract and vague concept but a significant impact on a country’s political influence, economic competitiveness, and cultural attraction. As Simon Anhalt said, these stereotypes “whether they are positive or negative, true or untrue fundamentally affect our behavior towards other places and their people and products. It may seem unfair, but there is nothing anybody can do to change this. It is very hard for a country to persuade people in other parts of the world to go beyond these simple images and start to understand the rich complexity that lies behind them”.44 There has always been disputation regarding the national image. The United States, for example, have a long-standing bloc confrontation, arguing the primary strategy between “Soft Power” and “Hard Power”. The supporters of “Hard Power” often plays an important role in the government. However, the U.S. took a severe lesson from September 11 Attacks of that it is hard to live out only on strong hard power without a favorable national image. At the time, a global survey was conducted in 2002 with a question on why the world has an unfavorable opinion of the U.S.. The subsequent Afghanistan War and Iraq War not only urge the U.S., but for the whole world to take into account the significance of soft power in international affairs. Compared to Iraq and Afghanistan, the U.S. by all means is a superpower. But the wars are opposed to the so-called fact of life. A handful of global surveys carried out by the U.S. reveal that to the world, the U.S. looks horrible. For example, in 2006, the Pew Research Center conducted a poll covering approximately 17,000 people from 15 countries from around world and found that the U.S.’ national image had been declining since the Iraq War. In Turkey, only 12% of the respondents were supportive of the U.S., and those in Spain who had a favorable opinion of the U.S. dropped from 41% in 2005 to 23% in 2006. Unexpectedly, 76% of Turkey and Spain, who had suffered terrorist attacks, still felt reluctant to the U.S.-led war on terror.45

43

Scholars supporting the view are W. Olins (1999), Anholt (2003, 2007) and Dinnie (2008) et al. Anholt (2007: 9). 45 Kauffmann (2006). 44

4.6 Summary Points

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Fig. 4.8 Word frequency of “soft power” on People’s Daily

The experience of the U.S. reflects the cognitive process of the national image and the gradually univocal stance. That is, more and more countries have begun to prefer to present on the world stage and build up their national image acceptable for more countries. Taking the national image promo which is hailed as “the name card of a country” as a typical example. “The Incredible India” launched by India, “Truly Asia” produced by Malaysia, and “Alive with Possibility” promoted by South Africa all successfully help the countries to win popularity worldwide. In addition, Romania, Bulgaria, and many other developing countries have actively engaged in producing national image promos to the world. As far as China is concerned, the international communication of national image has been taken up to the strategic level. On November 15, 2001, Guangming Daily which is one of the most respected national newspapers in China introduced the term “Soft Power” for the first time. Thereafter, Soft Power has gradually become a buzzword in China. According to the analysis of word frequency, “soft power”, the term that appeared on the People’s Daily in the decade from 2001 to 2011, it is clear that “soft power” received continuously and significantly increased attention in China (see Fig. 4.8). Richard Cooper, professor of economics at Harvard University and former Deputy Secretary of State for Economic Affairs, claimed that “this reflects the fact that China is truly concerned about how to involve in the global economy but softly”.46 To sum up, the studies of national image identify that soft power is composed of either tangible aspect or intangible aspect. With regard to the current backdrop, intangible aspect will become more prevailing in nation branding. Therefore, when studying the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 46

Interview with Harvard Professor Richard Cooper, December 10, 2014.

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Reform and Opening-up, no existing theories can be directly applied without adaptation. In this sense, it is an urgent task to take up to illuminating the international exchange and cooperation under the context of globalization. As a result, some critics argue that the understanding of national image has been restricted with “one-mile width, and one-foot depth, looking like wallpaper”.47 However, people start paying attention only when the studies are deep and thorough. For now, the studies of national image in international affairs should place a particular focus on defining the major dimensions of national image and the logics woven in every element at different layers. Therefore, this book creates the threedimension model of national image by employing and converging the relevant theoretical approaches to international relations, international political science, international economics, sociology, and international communication so as to analyze the transformation of China’s national image in the world particularly since the 1978 Reform and Opening up from three dimensions, namely the national political image, national economic image, and national cultural image. In doing so, Chapter 4, Chaps. 5, and 6 are deliberately crafted to give a detailed analysis of the international communication of China’s national image from respectively each of the three dimensions. Again, this book wishes to grabble with a complex China, and its changes over more than forty years of reform and opening up.

References Anderson, Perry. 1980. Arguments within English Marxism, 2nd ed. London: Verso. Anholt, Simon. 2003. Brand New Justice: The Upside of Global Branding. Amsterdam: ButterworthHeinemann. Anholt, Simon. 2007. Competitive Identity: The New Brand Management for Nations, Cities and Regions, Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan 4. Baike, Baidu. 2021. Economic Activities (Jingji huodong), http://baike.baidu.com/view/1458211. htm?fr=aladdin. Accessed 1 Jul 2021 Bortis, Heinrich. 1990. Economic Behaviour and Institutions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cai Yuanpei Research Institute of China, The Complete Collection of Cai Yuanpei, vol 4, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1984:479 Dinnie, Keith, and Nation Branding. 2008. Concepts, Issues, Practice. London: Routledge. Douglass, C. 1981. North, Structure and Change in Economic History. New York: Norton. Galtung, Johan. 1971. A Structural Theory of Imperialism. Journal of Peace Research (8, 2):81–117. Giddens, Anthony. 2006. Sociology, 5th ed. London: Polity Press. Gramsci, Anthonio. 1971. Selections from the Prison Notebooks, New York: International Publishers, 161. Inglehart, Ronald. 2009. Cosmopolitan Communications: Cultural Diversity in a Globalized World, New York: Cambridge University Press 3 Jacques, Martin. 2012. A Point of View: What Kind of Superpower Could China Be? BBC News Magazine, October 19. Jianguang, Gu. 2004. Public Policy Analysis (Gonggongzhengce fenxixue), 8. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House. 47

(The UK) Küng-Shankleman (2004).

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Kauffmann, Sylvie. 2006. America Loses Image War, Le Monde, June 21. Küng-Shankleman, Lucy, Trans. Peng Taiquan, Inside the BBC and CNN: Managing Media Organisations, Beijing: Tsinghua University Publishing House, 2004. Lerner, Daniel. 2000. The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing in the Middle East, MA. U.S.: Blackwell. Matthews, Robert Charles Oliver. 1986. The Economics of Institutions and the Sources of Growth. Economic Journal 96 (384): 903–918. Moskowitz, Robert. 2002. Television under the Globalization. United Airline Special Features Service 133: 133–136. Mowlana, Hamid. 1996. Global Communication in Transition: The end of Diversity? Thousand Oaks. CA: Sage. NingSheng, Hu. 2000. Modern Public Policy (Xiandai gonggongzhengce yanjiu), 2–3. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press. Nye, Joseph S. 2008. Public Diplomacy and Soft Power. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 616:94–109. Parekh, Bhikhu. 2006. Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory, 2nd ed., 151. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Qizheng, Zhao. 2010. (The US) John Naisbitt, (Australia) Doris Naisbitt, 145. Dialogue the China Model (Duihua Zhongguo Moshi), Beijing: New World Press. Said, Edward. 1993. Culture and Imperialism, 59. London: Chatto and Windus. Scott-Clark, Cathy, and Levy, Adrian. 2003. Fast Forward Into Trouble. The Guardian, June 14. Sheng, Z. 2014. Satisfactory Great Diplomatic Events Held, “Asian Century” Was Around the Corner (Waijiao Shengshi xiren, “yazhoushiji” kedai), People’s Daily, September 20. Talks of Deng Xiaoping with the Foreign State Leaders and Journalists on the Record, Talks of Deng Xiaoping with the Foreign State Leaders and Journalists on the Record (Deng Xiaoping yu Waiguo Shounao ji Jizhe Huitanlu). Beijing: Taihai Publishing House, 2011:89. The Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs Held in Beijing (Zhongyang Waishigongzuo huiyi zai jing juxing). People’s Daily, November 30, 2014. (The UK) Anthony Giddens, Trans. Zhao Xudong, Liu Chen et al. Sociology (Fourth Edition), Beijing: Peking University Press, 2003:21. Thompson, John B. 1994. Ideology and Modern Culture. In The Polity Reader in Social Theory, Cambridge: Polity Press. 134.141. Williamson, Oliver. 1986. Economic Organization, Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf 15 Youlan, Feng. 2021. Why Is There NO Science in China? (Weishenme zhongguo meiyou kexue?), https://wenku.baidu.com/view/34ab85cf0508763231121218.html. Accessed 4 Jan 2021.

Chapter 5

The International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening Up

Looking back, China’s national political image has been given greater attention compared to China’s national economic image and China’s national cultural image since October, 1949 when the People’s Republic of China was established. Internationally, “ideology” has been woven into the fabric of China’s national political image in certain situations. For instance, Time’s report on President Obama’s 10-day tour of Asia in November, 2010 drew an analogy between China and “the dragon in the room” while considered India “the world’s largest democracy”, Indonesia “ the world’s biggest Muslim-majority democracy”, South Korea “a dictatorship turned democracy that was saved from communism by U.S. intervention”, and Japan “Asia’s oldest democracy”.1 According to Time’s definition of democratic politics, China’s national political image has displayed little of the maturity expected of a rising power. It’s a timeworn tactic for certain factions around the world. When economy is mired in recession at home, “China Threat” helps. The narrative of China’s national political image has been swamped by “ideological battle” such as “estrange”, “dictatorship”, “shrill”, “arrogant”, and uncertain”, and so forth. The adherents of “China Threat” hold that the international community, in particular, the democratic bastions had not given enough attention to the risks of China’s growth. The vague and biased portrayal of China’s national political image does undermine the world opinion on China, and hamper the cooperation between China and the world. Take China’s neighboring countries as an example, Japan’s Cabinet Office organized a survey in December 2008 on the diplomatic relationships with China, and found “nearly two thirds of Japanese respondents unfavorable of China, increasing by 3.1% within one year; and 70% discontent with the current situation increasing by 3.9% within one year as well”.2 The West in the anxious mood as well. Canada, for example, in November, 2015, Justin Trudeau became Prime Minister of Canada. After the longest official campaign in Canada over a century, Trudeau led Liberal 1 2

Beech (2010). Di (2008).

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Party of Canada to a decisive victory in the 42nd federal election. In Opposition in Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s conservative governments, Justin Trudeau supports multilateralism. China, therefore, demonstrated the intention to take the relationships between the two countries to a new level. In 2016, Li Keqiang, Premiere of China visited Canada—last time, the top-level Chinese political leader visited Canada was in 2003. At the time, China-Canada Free Trade Agreement (CCFTA) was hailed both in China and in Canada. The Globe and Mail, Canada’s foremost news media wrote extensively from a very positive angel highlighting that the agreement is worth $7.8 billion, and shall create 25,000 jobs for Canada within fifteen years. However, the public opinion seemed worrying about the closer cooperation with China. NanosIRPP, an influential polling company in Canada, conducted an online survey covering 1000 Canadians with a question that “In your opinion, which of the following countries is the greatest threat to the security of Canada”, 20.9% of the respondents chose China, more than Iran (17.9%), Afghan (10.9%), the U.S. (4.4%), and Russia (3.1%).3 Given the above, China’s national political image has been a focal point for understanding China’s national image as a whole. The attention brings tension, complexity, and sometimes even geopolitical concerns into international communication of China’s national political image. However, in the long run, the world hopes there are more chances that can strengthen communication and coordination, and join hands in coping with global challenges with China. In this sense, enhancing the international communication of China’s national political image is more critical than ever before. Without guide of theory, practice must be narrow vision. Accordingly, the discussions concerning the international communication of China’s national political image begins with defining national political image.

5.1 The Major Dimensions of National Political Image Chapter 4 “The National Image Theory” explains in detail the three-dimension model of national image—the national political image of a country, in general, consists of five major aspects, namely the National Political Ideology, Foreign Policies, Governance, Governance, Socio-political Life, and Government Image. Progressing from the five major aspects, the key dimensions of national political image at the second level are examined, and defined in this chapter. The National Political Ideology is focused on two dimensions, namely Policy and Strategy. Foreign Policies are probed into from two aspects, that is, theory and practice. Therefore, Foreign Policy Advocacy and International Contribution fit with Foreign Policies’ connotation in the context. Governance based on the definitions provided by studies of public policy shines spotlight on Idea. In the meantime, Reform is included in the analysis of Governance 3

Nanos/IRPP Survey, January 3, 2017.

5.1 The Major Dimensions of National Political Image

99

Fig. 5.1 The model of national political image

so as to match with the developing countries including China’s practice in going global. Socio-political Life centers around Democracy, Human Rights, and Humanitarian Contribution. The three factors are derived from the world-famous national image ranking such as the UN’s World Happiness Report, OECD’s National Development Outlook, and so on. In addition, many of classic studies worldwide on developing countries on the international media verify the fact that Democracy, Human Rights, and Humanitarian Contribution usually are at the top of agenda in relation to political issues.4 Government Image is assessed primarily through Leadership Image. In all, the connotation of national political image is rich, and yet systematic, logical, and adaptive. The dimensions at the three levels possess an internal and coherent logic which put together a national political image (see Fig. 5.1). In the light of the model of national political image, this chapter defines further the major dimensions at the second level. Policy and Strategy outline the account of a country’s political model, political institution and political theory—In so many ways, they are the heart of national political image. Communications research on national image in China in large part holds that it is government who is the most important component of a country’s 4

The opinions are from Varis (1974) and Stone (2000).

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5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

national image. In two ways as a whole, Government exerts its influences—“On the one hand, through the activities in the fields of politics, economy, military, and foreign relations on which government act on behalf of the country, and the official information such as laws, rules, regulations, policies, and so forth, as well as the official response to international affairs, and especially, the issues relating the country and the other countries released by the press on the other” etc..5 In this sense, national political image is fundamentally affected by the models, principles, masterplans, and policies to which the country adheres, as well as the governmental behavior in the sectors important to the national political ecosystem. In other words, the stronger acceptance of a country’s political ideas and political institutions gain around the globe, the more favorable the country’s national political image looks all over the world. Foreign policies occupy a dominant position in the second level of national political image which present the political independence of a country’s national image and make the national image tangible to the people in different countries, Chap. 4 addresses. As a result, Foreign Policy Advocacy and International Contribution account for a major component of a country’s national political image in view of theory, and in terms of practice. September of 2014, for example, Xi Jinping, president of China in his visits to Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Sri Lanka, and India proposed the principle of amity, sincerity, mutual benefit and inclusiveness in China’s neighborhood diplomacy in pursuit of Asia’s national rejuvenation, more prosperity, and a world toward more justice.6 China’s foreign policy advocacy focusing on the spirit of soft power together with its international contribution such as BRI etc. constitute as a system the self-representation of China’s national political image featuring innovation, humanism, and responsibility. Governance is a determinant set from the point of view of public policy. The definitions of governance idea and governance reform that follow are centered around that how a country demonstrates the missions of national development. The development economics studies, for instances, shrine the spotlights on China’s action on eliminating poverty and battling social inequality, as well as China’s suggestions for dealing with the challenges that the current international system faces.7 The conclusions in general are in support of China’s reform and opening up, in particular, its positive implications for the world economy. Democracy forms a pivotal part of a larger body of Socio-political Life as an essential determinant to assess a country’s national political image by international community, particularly, that of the West. The progress in and level of democracy in a country is a matter of particular importance in assessing the quality of the country’s political ecosystem. The German philosopher Jurgen Habermas in his account of public sphere discusses, “it is an arena of public debate in which issues of general concern can be discussed and opinions formed”.8 In this sense, public sphere is 5

Manli (2008, p. 16). Song et al. (2014). 7 De Haan (2011). 8 Hong and Cuthbert (1989: 74). 6

5.1 The Major Dimensions of National Political Image

101

the promise offered by the government to allow the public opinion to be formed through open, rational public discussion. Maria Heller, American sociologist, in her investigation into Hungarian public communication, concludes, “public actors differ in the courses of their lives and in their experiences, and the visible groups also differ in their value choices, their interests, preferences and objectives. So, their modes of discourse, areas of competence and methods of argument will differ as well”.9 As a result, according to the theories of public sphere, if a country is more enlightened and more liberal, its national political image is more admirable. It means when multiple public spheres are achieved which is not stifled by the social elites or so-called social mainstream class, the participation of all social classes should ensure a more transparent and fair democracy. Like Democracy, Human Rights has also been widely adopted by international community to assess a country’s national political image. Three key points to this: First, every issue concerning human rights stands high profile in public sphere. According to tracing the reports on developing countries on American Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) who is one of the big three TV media in the U.S., in the year of 2010, “human rights”, as a topic ranked the third after “economy” and “foreign policies”. Second, “human rights” is one of the most influential determinants in the world’s ranking of a country’s national political image. Freedom House, for example, has issued annually the national image ranking since 1972. Civil liberty is key to the global survey. Third, the agenda-setting on and agenda-editing of human rights have been one of the hottest topics in comments on China’s national political image. Xinhua News Agency of China argued Fox News’ anchor Bill O’Reilly has a bias notion of China’s national political image, so that the O’Reilly Factor is good at criticizing everything in relation to China’s human rights arrogantly.10 Humanitarian Contribution is a cardinal determinant to assess a country’s national political image as well. However, it is the Western standpoint that triumph over those of other views in the coverage of humanitarian situation in the Third World. International communication studies argues that no more than 36% of the countries all over the world can become the source of most of their news in the West. Just as importantly, the off-balance can be easily seen not only in terms of quantity, but in terms of quality—developing countries normally remain invisible unless the humanitarian crises take place.11 Government image can be defined through a multiple of aspects. Looking into the trend of studies of government, leadership image has come to a focal point. There is ample evidence provided by the studies in public policy and public administration that the connection between leadership image and the rather favorable view taken in the news of the country’s government image. In other words, the leadership image is a most relevant reference to the country’s government image. It means the news reports on a country’s major leaders, whether supportive or critical, are of special importance to the world’s perception of the country’s national political image. The matter of fact 9

Heller and Nemedi Renyi (1994: 159). Xinhua News Agency (2021) 11 Hester (1978). 10

102

5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

9 8

frequency

7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Ch W ia u P ng e K ifu Ch Fe ais ia n h g ng Y ek K u ai Ya xia -sh n ek Chi n X g an ang ish d an K So on ai-s h g e W an Me k i g Ch -lin in g Ch g-w e e So n C i on he n g Ts g e Ch -ven e M nL ao if Ze u W u don G uo g Zh zhe ou n Lu En l o Ru a i Li iqin u Sh g a Li oqi Fu ch Ch un en Y De Lin i ng B X iao ia o Jia pin ng g Q Hu ing Jin t X So i J ao on inp in g M g ei -li ng

0

Fig. 5.2 The Chinese political leaders on Time

has also been tested and verified by studies of international relations, international politics, and especially, international communication. For instance, Chap. 3 examines Walt Lippmann and Charles Merze’s research on the reports in the New York Times on aspects of the Russian Revolution (March 1917-March 1920) which concludes that “At times the Red Peril momentarily overshadows the conception of Soviet power as an institution verging on collapse”.12 The images of China’s political leaders on Time provide an examplar. From the year of 1924 when Wu Peifu, a warlord in North China during the 1920s to 1930s presented on the cover of Time,13 as the first Chinese on Time, to the year of 2016, there were a total of 128 cover photos of Chinese on Time. Forty-four photos of them shot the political leaders of China, accounting for 31%. Furthermore, the toplevel Chinese political leaders in different phases of China’s development since 1949 when the People’s Republic of China was established all are included in Time’s cover figures (see Fig. 5.2). Given the above analysis, a three layers-15 variables model of China’s national political image is created. Guided by the model, the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up are reviewed, and examined through documentary analysis which covers the reports on the international media, official archives, global polling, and academic studies.14 12

Lippmann and Merz (1920). Wu Peifu (April 22, 1874—December 4, 1939) Zhi Li Warlord. 14 The research reports selected are those with China as the theme. The works selected are from academic monographs, compiles, papers, and poll reports (relating China) with China as the theme or the comparative studies between China and other countries. Media reports selected are the feature and commentary articles about China’s political image, with more than 800 words; Each relevant paper selected is over 10,000 words. 13

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

103

It should be pointed out that in analysis of diachronic changes in the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up, this book crafts a method and names it by the nature of this method as—the case year analysis. With regard to the selective process of the “case year”, Chap. 2, “The Transformation of China’s Concept of the International Communication of National Image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up” crystalizes the most important milestones throughout forty years of China’s reform and opening up. • The Year of 1978: the starting point of China’s reform and opening up. • The Year of 1992: Deng Xiaoping, the chief representative of China’s Reform and Opening-up made his well-known South China Tour which helped to sweep away the hurdles in China toward understanding market economy. • The Year of 2001: China joined in WTO leading up to involvement in global economy. • The Year of 2008: China wowed the world with a successful Beijng Olympic Games. The slogan of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, One World, One Dream utters China’s willingness to globalization. • The Year of 2010: China became the world’s second largest economy. • The Year of 2013: BRI was officially proposed by China. • The Year of 2015: the closing for the research for now. The seven case years are finally selected to quantify the analysis of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up. The determinants used to detect the diachronic changes in forty years of the international communication of China’s national political image are focused on Attention, Attention by Regions, Focus, and Acceptance Rate. Attention represents the degree that China’s national political image is visible to the general public around the world. Attention by Regions is deployed to compare the extent that China’s political image is visible to different regions. Focus assesses the themes of discussion and argument in relation to China’s national political image. Acceptance Rate is to measure the views of and standpoints of China’s national political image worldwide. Furthermore, the determinants are interconnected as a system.

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up Deriving from 4.1 “The Major Dimensions of National Political Image”, the following components are meant to probe into the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up.

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5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

5.2.1 The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up Based on the statistical analysis of Attention, China’s national political image has been more visible in the world, rising remarkably from no more than fifty sources including press, think tanks, and academic institutes, in less than ten countries such as the U.S., the U.K., Canada, Singapore, and Japan etc. in 1978 to 9.371 pieces in 2015 (see Table 5.1). Two important changes can be concluded through assessing the attention to the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up. First of all, the obvious increase in the attention to China’s national political image for the seven consecutive case years shows the substantial growth of China’s influence in international politics. What is more, the rise of the attention to China’s national political image since 2001 when China participated in WTO onwards should be deeply indebted to the accomplishments that China achieves. It is of positive significant to the world, as developing countries are hard to be visible to the general public especially the First World unless the bad news such as natural disasters, or upheavals happen (for example, the principle uncovered by McBride’s Many voices, one world: Communication and society today and tomorrow towards a new more just and more efficient world information and communication order, see Chap. 3). Second, the increase in the attention to China’s national political image indeed follows certain factors with statistical significance. The factors covered mainly include China’s participation in global economy, international politics, and cultural exchange. A prime point to this: in 2001, due to China’s access to WTO, the attention to China’s national political image accounted for 2.321 million pieces hitting the first record high since the 1978—It far surpassed the attention to Deng Xiaoping’s South China Tour. The reports on China’s joining in WTO were not only released by the developed countries in the West such as the U.S., the U.K., Canada, France and Germany who already contributed attention to China’s reform and opening up dating back to the year of 1978, Asian countries including Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Malaysia, and India, and so on, and some European countries such as Finland, Denmark, the Netherland etc. also started paying attention to China’s reform and opening up as well. Beijing Olympics of 2008 allows China to attract greater attention to the international communication of its national political image. It hit another record high since 1978 onward. What’s Chinese government doing right became a topic for global debates on the mainstream international media of the whole year. The Table 5.1 The case year analysis of the attention rate of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (Unit: 10,000) Year

1978

1992

2001

2008

2010

2013

2015

Total

Attention

0.4

49.8

232.1

531.3

321.1

819.2

937.1

2891

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

105

Fig. 5.3 The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up

series of new policies and strategies enacted in 2013 takes the attention to China’s national political image to a new historic level. The regions where used to ignore discussions concerning China’s political model, such as Latin America, Northern Europe, and Central and Eastern Europe start paying attention. Tracing the changes in the attention to the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up (see Fig. 5.3), there is an empirical principle which is worth China’s concern that understanding China’s political ideology, model and practice from a more complete perspective and to a greater depth not only depends on introducing China’s efforts to empower China’s development in China, but on China’s participation in global affairs. In other words, the world seems to be more open to China when the roles, views and standpoints are relevant to the global issues, and that China is entitled to more platforms to introduce its political system, and political model. In addition, the changes in 2013 and 2015 in the global attention to China’s political image signals a new trend in the most recent years that China is intended to take up the combination of the domestic demand and international situation on which its policy making is based. In doing so, the global political discussion or debate on China—at least in principle—should be more conscious of the importance of understanding China’s national political image from a complete perspective. In the meantime, it provides a convincing footnote for the feasibility of the current political idea in enhancing the international communication of China’s national political image.

106

5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

Table 5.2 The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up by regions (Unit: 10,000) Region

1978

1992

2001

2008

2010

2013

2015

Total

North America

0.1

15

70

129

86

186.1

207

693.2

Europe

0.09

2

8

37

27.2

95.6

100.3

270.19

Asia

0.14

30.4

149

318

168.7

430

508.4

1604.64

Oceania

0.04

1.8

3

24

15

60

80.7

184.54

Africa

0

0

0

0.5

4

8.1

3.7

16.3

South America

0.02

0.4

1.1

19

13

30.4

28

91.92

Central America

0.01

0.2

1

3.8

7.2

9

9

30.21

Total

0.4

49.8

232.1

531.3

321.1

819.2

937.1

2891

5.2.2 The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up by Regions China has been present on the world’s stage to a greater extent, the chronicle analysis of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up by regions notifies (see Table 5.2). Statistically, North America, in particular, the U.S. and Canada has given more attention to China than that of other regions. The highest increase took place in Asia—in order of the increase rate from 2012 to 2016 from high to low, they are West Asia (71.2%), Central Asia (37.8%), Southeast Asia (32.1%), South Asia (18.9%), and East Asia (17.7%). Also, China in general received the fewest attention from Central America.15 As a referencing, the most current reports on China rest upon the visits paid by the Chinese leaders, especially the Chinese president Xi Jinping in the region—It indicates to some degree that the other topics set by China seems unable to attach pervasive attention in Central America. The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national political image over the forty years of reform and opening-up by regions is marked by both certain similarities and some differences (see Figs. 5.3 and 5.4). The U.S. and Canada in North America has shown a continual concern about the issues concerning China’s political life since 1978. Relatively, Asia has begun to pay more attention to this topic especially accompanied by BRI launched in 2013, and China’s neighborhood diplomacy featuring the principle of amity, sincerity, mutual benefit and inclusiveness. The Chinese leaders, and their activities in Asia have become spotlights in public communication. According to the Asian media’s reports 15

The central American countries selected are Guatemala, Belize, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama; South American countries selected are Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela, Peru, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, Argentina, Bolivia, Guyana and Suriname.

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

107

Fig. 5.4 The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up by regions (Unit: 10,000)

on the leaders at G20 in 2013, and 201516 available in Factiva,17 the attention to the Chinese leaders ranks just next to that of the U.S. Moreover, it appears to have increased. For instance, the numbers of news reports on Chinese president, Xi Jinping surpassed Obama, former president of America in 2015. It identifies from a point of view the recognition of influence of the Chinese leaders in Asia and the world. Compared to Asia and North America, Europe’s attention to China’s political issues remains stable. Yet, it as a whole seems increasingly interested in so-called China’s political model since 2013, so that most of the countries in Northern Europe, Central and Eastern Europe, and Western Europe, such as the Netherland, Belgium, and Luxembourg etc. have begun to take more care of China’s practice in comprehensively advancing rule of law, anti-corruption, socialist democracy, and targeted poverty alleviation, and so forth. Looking ahead, it is important for China to find out more ways to communicate its national political image more actively with Africa, South America, and Latin America.

16

The G20 was formally established at the G7 Finance Ministers’ meeting in 1999. Its members include China, Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, South Korea, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Turkey, the United Kingdom, the United States and the European Union. 17 Factiva is a global news and business database collecting over 10, 000 types of information resources published in 26 languages from 118 countries and regions.

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5.2.3 The Focus on the International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up IN light of the second layer of national political image, obviously, Policy (6.24 million), and Strategy (7.882 million) which constitute the national political ideology attached highest attention. However, the fewest attention was given to Humanitarian contribution that China made (24.7000) (see Table 5.3). Furthermore, the case year analysis of the focus on the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up at the second layer notes that Policy, and Strategy, over again, rank top among the ten sub-elements. The pieces of reports on Policy amounted to 2.44 million in 2013, and 2.56 million in 2015, and on Strategy hit 3.01million twice in the two years. The change enables China’s voices of its new policies and strategies in the field of politics to be heard in the world. According to the case year analysis of the sub-elements at the second level (see Fig. 5.5), China’s national political image in the global discussions from the 1970s onwards has been more complete and less constrained by focusing mainly on policy, and strategy, to covering each of the ten determinants. The frequency of the focus on the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up (see Table 5.4) proves the willingness that the world does manage to raise the discussion concerning China’s political model to the level of intellect, responsibility, expertise and maturity that the dramatic growth of China deserves. Accordingly, the information on what is socalled China’s political road, and why it is genuinely useful to China’s economic, Table 5.3 The case year analysis of the focus on the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) (Unit: 10,000) The sub-elements

1978

1992

2001

2008

2010

2013

2015

Total

Policy

0

18

26

49

31

244

256

624

Strategy

0.2

31

42

51

62

301

301

788.2

Foreign policy advocacy

0

0

34

63

57

99

103

356

International contribution

0

0

99

235

35

32

34

435

Governance idea

0

0.1

1.2

1.4

23

31

76

132.7

Governance reform

0.2

0.4

0.6

0.6

3.0

24

29

57.8

Democracy

0

0

27

62

38

15

16

158

Human rights

0

0

0

55

45

40

42

182

Humanitarian contribution

0

0

0

2.3

6.1

7.2

9.1

24.7

Leadership image

0

0.3

2.3

12

21

26

71

132.6

Total

0.4

49.8

232.1

531.3

321.1

819.2

937.1

2891

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

109

Fig. 5.5 The case year analysis of the focus on the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) (Unit: 10,000)

political and social aims is needed by the general public around the world to form the background of their opinions. According to the case year analysis of the percentage of the focus on the international communication of China’s national political image over the forty years of reform and opening-up (see Fig. 5.6), it is a key part of the Chinese stories to introduce China’s political model. However, they seldom are illustrated through the contributions that China’s reform and opening up made to the world’s development. The themes, rather, have always been spotlighted alone. Clearly, China’s international contributions and humanitarian contributions fail to attract much attention which they deserve compared with the other determinants. The agenda setting of this type honestly reflects the bottlenecks confronting international communication. Avoidance is used as a strategy to ignore the positive meaning of China’s growth. As a result, China has been portrayed as sort of “ambitious selfseeker”, even “hegemonist” without global outlook and consciousness of humanism. In the situation, some quite progressive proposals propelled by China such as BRI don’t get nearly as much attention as they need because China’s political image is weak or negative. The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national political Image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up (see Table 5.5) reflects that overall, the reports on China’s political issues exceeded over 50 million of pieces over the past four decades of years. The resources are invaluable for other parts of the world to start to understand China’s rich complexity that lies behind them. The national political ideology (14.122 million), among the five determinants at the first level, seems most attractive to the world. Comparatively, the three factors,

Policy

624

Strategy

788.2

The sub-elements

Total

435

International contribution 356

Foreign policy advocacy 182

Human rights

158

Democracy

132.7

Governance idea

132.6

Leadership image

57.8

Governance reform

24.7

Humanitarian contribution

Table 5.4 The case year analysis of the frequency of the focus on the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) (Unit: 10,000)

110 5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

111

Fig. 5.6 The case year analysis of the percentage of the focus on the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) (Unit: 10,000)

Table 5.5 The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) (Unit: 10,000) 2008

2010

2013

2015

Total

The national political ideology 0.2

49

68

100

93

545

557

1412.2

Foreign policies

0

133

298

92

131

137

791

26

The elements

1978 1992 2001 0

Governance

0.2

0.5

1.8

2

55

105

190.5

Socio-political life

0

0

27

119.3 89.1

62.2

67.1

364.7

12

26

71

132.6

Government image

0

0.3

2.3

Total

0.4

49.8

232.1 531.3 321.1 819.2 937.1 2891

21

namely, government image (1.326 million), governance (1.905million), and China’s socio-political life (3.647 million) are required to be improved both in quantity and in quality to help about six billion other people around the world to form informed views on China’s national political image (see Table 5.5). The case year analysis of the changes in the focus on the international communication of China’s national political mage since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up (see Fig. 5.7) identifies the year of 2013 as a milestone. The presence of every major

112

5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

dimension constituting China’s national political image has begun to reach a new level. The three topics—China’s national political ideology, foreign policies, and governance received the greatest attention around the globe. The findings proves two important facts in a specific way—First, the series of active innovations in China’s policies domestic and foreign since 2013 onward have enabled China to be more visible to nearly 200 other countries largely because of the opportunities accompanied by China’s reform and opening up for the world to test the foregoing theories and examine the new viewpoints. Second, Not only do the new polices fit with China’s situations, but is relevant to the most pressing problems that the world confronts, so that people outside China feel encouraged to know more about China. Based on the above findings, the case year analysis of the percentage of the focus on the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up (see Fig. 5.8) shows the most prominent progress achieved by China lies in the comprehensive presence that all of the main dimensions constituting China’s political image are seen by the world, especially the focus on China’s foreign policies. This becomes an asset of enormous value for the connection and cooperation between China and the world. As for the problems which China needs to tackle, how to a form complete, and balanced presence of national political image holds the key. As discussed in 4.1 The Major Dimensions of National Political Image, the five dimensions including the national political ideology, Foreign policies, Governance, Socio-political life, and Government image possess an inherent and coherent logic. In this sense, without necessary background information to the other three dimensions of China’s national

Fig. 5.7 The case year analysis of the changes in the focus on the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) (Unit: 10,000)

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

113

Fig. 5.8 The case year analysis of the percentage of the focus on the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) (Unit: 10,000)

political image, it is more likely to misinterpret China’s national political ideology, and foreign policies. As a result, a big-picture, dynamic strategy is central to the international communication of China’s national image in the new situation.

5.2.4 The Acceptance Rate of the International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up 5.2.4.1

The Conformation of the Weighting Coefficient

The types of attitudes toward the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up are assessed from three major directions, that is, the supportive, neutral, and critical (see Sect. 4.5.3 Define the Assessment Set). The model of national political image is composed of two layers as a whole (see 3.2 National Political Image), so that in the assessment of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up (100% in total), the element, the national political ideology accounts for 20%; foreign policies accounts for 10%; governance accounts for 20%; socio-political life accounts for 30%; and government image accounts for 20% (see Table 5.6). With regard to the sub-elements at the second level (see Table 5.7): When assessing the national political ideology (100% in total), the determinant, strategy is observably overweighted than that of policy in the global discussion

114

5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

Table 5.6 The weight of the case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) The elements

The national political ideology

Foreign policies

Governance

Socio-political life

Government image

Weight

0.2

0.1

0.2

0.3

0.2

Table 5.7 The weight of the case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level)

The elements

Policy

Strategy

The national political ideology 0.3

Weight The elements

0.7

Foreign policy advocacy

International contribution

Foreign policies Weight

0.4

The elements

0.6

Governance idea

Governance reform

0.8

0.2

Governance Weight The elements

Democracy

Human rights

Humanitarian contribution

0.4

0.2

Socio-political life Weight

0.4

on China’s political thoughts. Accordingly, strategy accounts for 70% while policy accounts for 30%. When assessing China’s foreign policies (100% in total), looking back, the two determinants, foreign policy advocacy, and international contribution are not fixed, and rather dynamic. Their roles in understanding China’s foreign policies are relatively equal to each other. As a result, foreign policy advocacy accounts for 40%, and international contribution accounts for 60%. When assessing the changes in China’s governance (100% in total), between the two determinants, the attention to China’s governance idea overwhelmingly surpassed that of China’s governance reform around the world. Accordingly, governance idea accounts for 80%, and governance reform accounts for 20%. When assessing the transformation of China’s socio-political life (100% in total), among the three determinants, democracy and human rights are usually much more visible than humanitarian contribution to the world discussion. Accordingly, democracy (40%) and human rights (40%) account for 80% in total. Humanitarian contribution accounts for the rest 20%.

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

115

Table 5.8 The weight of the case year analysis of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up Acceptance

Supportive

Neutral

Critical

Weight

100

60

20

In the assessment of China’s national image, the supportive direction is weighted with 100 points, the neutral direction with 60 points, and the critical direction with 20 points (see Table 5.8). The neutral direction weighting 60 points in the assessment of China’s national image, in large part, because the content analysis reflects with a statistical significance that the mainstream perception of China’s political image, economic image and cultural image is directed to supportive by neutral. The neutral direction weighting 60 points in the assessment of China’s national image is mainly derived from Simon Anhalt’s nation branding theory (see Chap. 4 The National Image Theory) which includes attention in the assessment. According to Anhalt, in a busy and competitive globalizing world, the ability to get attention clearly plays a part in enhancing a country’s international influence.18 As a result, the critical comments on China’s national image around the globe deserve certain scores. According to the weighting coefficient conformed in this book, the archives, documents, literature, research reports, and media articles are processed, analyzed and the acceptance rates of the international communication of China’s national political image since the1978 Reform and Opening-up in the seven case years are concluded.

5.2.4.2

The Case Year Analysis of the Acceptance Rate of the International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up: The Sub-Elements at the Second Level

AT the second level (see Table 5.9), all of the determinants reflect a neutral attitude to China’s national political image. It means to a certain extent that China’s political model looks acceptable as a whole around the world. Among the ten determinants at the second level of China’s national political image, the Chinese leadership image received most supportive perceptions. However, the world opinion casted the critical views on issues concerning democracy and human rights. According to the statistical analysis, the perceptions of China’s democracy (P = 0.151) and human rights (P = 0.141) that existed in the mind of the general public outside China—they included a range of associations, memories, expectations and other feelings that are bound up with the fixed and inflexible image of China. This is

18

Anholt (2007: 1).

38

3

57

53

71

81

61

65

47

48

83

48

11

12

23

8

29

27

14

14

14

32

20

39

8

10

11

6

35

32

Neutral

Supportive

Critical

97

90

0

10

Humanitarian contribution

Leadership image

2010

8

7

1

94

96

1

2

Governance idea

Governance reform

2

95

98

0

0

Foreign policy advocacy

International contribution

Democracy

97

0

Strategy

Human rights

98

2

0

3

91

91

2

5

2

5

3

0

74

71

16

21

33

31

72

74

36

39

Supportive

2013

3

18

1

1

11

17

10

2

14

11

1992 Critical

Supportive

Neutral

1978

Supportive

Policy

The sub-elements

13

21

52

51

66

64

19

23

58

57

Neutral

21

49

21

31

78

72

48

53

73

83

Neutral

76

33

78

68

11

11

42

45

13

6

Critical

13

8

32

28

1

5

9

3

6

4

Critical

2

11

9

11

21

27

17

11

13

16

Supportive

2001

77

70

31

22

41

37

86

76

41

48

Supportive

2015

22

66

44

43

54

61

34

62

82

71

Neutral

76

23

47

46

25

12

49

27

5

13

Critical

20

24

61

71

58

58

12

21

49

47

Neutral

34

78

13

14

22

27

88

73

31

29

Supportive

2008

37

11

46

46

55

64

10

24

52

67

3

6

8

7

1

5

2

3

10

5

Critical

Neutral

29

11

41

40

23

9

2

3

17

4

Critical

Table 5.9 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level)

116 5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image … Table 5.10 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 1978 (the sub-elements at the second level)

The sub-elements

117

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Policy

2

98

0

Strategy

0

97

3

Foreign policy advocacy

0

95

5

International contribution

0

98

2

Governance idea

1

94

5

Governance reform

2

96

2

Democracy

1

8

91

Human rights

2

7

91

Humanitarian contribution

0

97

3

10

90

0

Leadership image

the reason why China should install more platforms for the outside world to bridge the gap. The Year of 1978 Neutral was the general attitude to China’s national political image in the year of 1978 when reform and opening up was just launched in China (see Table 5.10). The leadership image represented by Deng Xiaoping who navigated the groundbreaking reform received supportive comments. China’s policies in favor of economic construction, international exchange and cooperation, and reform of economic institution also were echoed with good, powerful and positive responses in world opinion. Compared with the other six case years, the criticism centered on China’s democracy and human rights as a whole. For the vast majority of people and places, it is the result of historical factors, and the conservatism that some of governments, scholars, and media beheld. In addition, China’s international contribution, and humanitarian contribution failed to build a positive image. At the moment, China’s productivity was hard to meet even the domestic needs. So, the poor and backward China was interpreted as the big burden falling on the world. What is more, the stereotype of Red China added extra complexity to the world’s perception of China’s political image. The Year of 1992 As a result of the publicity of market economy and the opening-up-driven reform nationwide, the policies and strategies in the context gained greater acceptance compared to that of year of 1978. The developing countries were more supportive of China’s experience reflected by both the official statements and media reports.

118

5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

In 1992, compared to the acceptance rate of the year of 1978, the supportive perception of China’s policies grew 9%, the neutral perception reduced 15%, and the critical perception grew 6%; the supportive perception of China’s strategies grew 14%, the neutral perception reduced 24%, and the critical perception grew 10%; the supportive perception of China’s foreign policy advocacy grew 2%, the neutral perception reduced 42%, and the critical perception grew 40%; the supportive perception of China’s international contribution grew 10%, the neutral perception reduced 50%, and the critical perception grew 40%; the supportive perception of China’s governance idea grew 16%, the neutral perception reduced 22%, and the critical perception grew 6%; the supportive perception of China’s governance reform grew 9%, the neutral perception reduced 18%, and the critical perception grew 9%; the supportive perception of China’s democracy remained the same as that of 1978, the neutral perception grew 23%, and the critical perception reduced 23%; the supportive perception of China’s human rights reduced 1%, the neutral perception grew 14%, and the critical perception reduced 13%; the supportive perception of China’s humanitarian contribution grew 18%, the neutral perception reduced 48%, and the critical perception grew 30%; the supportive perception of China’s leadership image reduced 7%, the neutral perception reduced 69%, and the critical perception grew 76% (see Table 5.11). However, the perceptions of China’s democracy, human rights, and leadership image in many countries around the world were swamped by criticisms, and even distortion, misinterpretation in the context of the Dissolution of the Soviet Union, and Revolutions of 1989 in Eastern Europe. Table 5.11 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 1992 (the sub-elements at the second level)

The sub-elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Policy

11

83

6

Strategy

14

73

13

2

53

45

International contribution

10

48

42

Governance idea

17

72

11

Governance reform

11

78

11

Democracy

1

31

68

Human rights

1

21

78

Humanitarian contribution

18

49

33

3

21

76

Foreign policy advocacy

Leadership image

Critical (%)

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

119

What does the analysis of acceptance rate of China’s national political image in the year of 1992 imply for the international communication of China’s national image? It provides a piece of modest evidence that achieving a favorable national political image relies in the first place on the developments achieved by China on its own. That is, even if the external factors somehow have influence on perception of China’s national political image, the abilities to find out path for better mutual understanding and particularly a better understanding of how and why China should like take the political model are extremely helpful. The Year of 2001 The year 2001, China participated in WTO. It is significant to China, and the whole world. To China, joining WTO indicates that no longer would China remain outside of the mainstream of international rules. To the world, the respect for China’s involvement in global economy encourages greatly China’s reform and opening up to a greater depth. The reciprocal efforts bring positive and constructive color into China’s going global. The acceptance of rage of China’s national political image saw an enormous surge in every key dimension. An increasing number of studies and papers had started to articulate the China’s development path for the international development. China’s reform and opening up, as an important object for understanding Socialism with Chinese characteristics, thus, began to receive more and more attention from around the world. Compared to the year of 1992, the year 2001 indicated that the supportive perception of China’s policies increased 5%, the neutral perception fell 12%, and the critical perception increased 7%; the supportive perception of China’s strategies fell 1%, the neutral perception increased 9%, and the critical perception fell 8%; the supportive perception of China’s foreign policy advocacy increased 9%, the neutral perception increased 9%, and the critical perception fell 18%; the supportive perception of China’s international contribution increased 7%, the neutral perception reduced 14%, and the critical perception increased 7%; the supportive perception of China’s governance idea increased 10%, the neutral perception fell 11%, and the critical perception increased 1%; the supportive perception of China’s governance reform increased 10%, the neutral perception fell 24%, and the critical perception increased 14%; the supportive perception of China’s democracy increased 10%, the neutral perception increased 12%, and the critical perception fell 22%; the supportive perception of China’s human rights increased 8%, the neutral perception increased 23%, and the critical perception fell 31%; the supportive perception of China’s humanitarian contribution fell 7%, the neutral perception increased 17%, and the critical perception reduced 10%; the supportive perception of China’s leadership image fell 1%, the neutral perception increased 1%, and the critical perception was the same as that of 1992 (see Table 5.12). In this period, China’s governance idea and governance reform projected a relatively stronger international influence among the ten determinants. The studies in the field of political science, political economics, and sociology outside China further discuss China’s new global economic and political role in the new global structures.

120

5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

Table 5.12 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2001 (the sub-elements at the second level)

The sub-elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Policy

16

71

13

Strategy

13

82

5

Foreign policy 11 advocacy

62

27

International contribution

17

34

49

Governance idea

27

61

12

Governance reform

21

54

25

Democracy

11

43

46

Human rights

9

44

47

Humanitarian contribution

11

66

23

2

22

76

Leadership image

The research outcomes allow people in different countries to get to know China’s political ideas and practices from a global outlook. Yet, the fixed and bias interpretation of China’s political model still affected negatively China’s national political image in the world. In their debates on China’s achievements, every issue concerning China’s politics were connected to negative points of view, above all, China’s democracy, human rights, and leadership image. The Year of 2008 The year 2008 was of course the year of the Olympics, which dazzled the world. A total of 11,526 athletes from 204 countries around the globe submitted 9484 pieces of application forms.19 The 2008 Beijing Olympic Games set the record in the numbers of athletes. Furthermore, the spectators on the spot exceeded 7.5 million, and the TV viewers worldwide surpassed 5 billion20 —smashed one record after another since the 1896 modern Olympic Games. The 2008 Olympic Games marked the acceptance of the global community of China’s role, and hugely increased Chinese confidence within the global community. In the context, compared to the year of 2001, in the year 2008, the supportive perception of China’s policies increased 13%, the neutral perception reduced 4%,

19 20

Operators (2007). Baidu (2021).

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

121

and the critical perception reduced 9%; the supportive perception of China’s strategies increased 18%, the neutral perception reduced 30%, and the critical perception increased 12%; the supportive perception of China’s foreign policy advocacy increased 62%, the neutral perception reduced 38%, and the critical perception increased 24%; the supportive perception of China’s international contribution increased 71%, the neutral perception reduced 24%, and the critical perception reduced 47%; the supportive perception of China’s governance idea remained the same as that of 2001, the neutral perception increased 3%, and the critical perception reduced 3%; the supportive perception of China’s governance reform increased 1%, the neutral perception increased 1%, and the critical perception reduced 2%; the supportive perception of China’s democracy increased 3%, the neutral perception increased 3%, and the critical perception fell 6%; the supportive perception of China’s human rights increased 4%, the neutral perception increased 2%, and the critical perception reduced 6%; the supportive perception of China’s humanitarian contribution increased 67%, the neutral perception reduced 55%, and the critical perception reduced 12%; the supportive perception of China’s leadership image increased 32%, the neutral perception increased 15%, and the critical perception reduced 47% (see Table 5.13). The Year of 2010 In the year of 2010, China became the world’s second largest economy. It is a milestone in the forty years of China’s reform and opening up. In addition, the year 2010, in so many ways, was an eventful year. The relationships between China and the U.S., for instance, underwent a series of severe challenges in this year. At the outset of 2010, Table 5.13 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2008 (the sub-elements at the second level)

The sub-elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Policy

29

67

4

Strategy

31

52

17

Foreign policy 73 advocacy

24

3

International contribution

88

10

2

Governance idea

27

64

9

Governance reform

22

55

23

Democracy

14

46

40

Human rights

13

46

41

Humanitarian contribution

78

11

11

Leadership image

34

37

29

Critical (%)

122

5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

Obama administration approved $640 million military deal with Taiwan. As retaliation, China postponed the U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates’ visit to China. In the March of 2010, the sinking of the Cheonan21 escalated the confrontations between China and the U.S. in East Asia. In the July of 2010, the U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced at the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF)22 in Hanoi in Vietnam that the U.S. will play a part in South China Sea. Beijing resolutely opposed the interference, calling the move “a complete mistake”.23 In the August of 2010, the U.S. and South Korea conducted a ten-day joint military exercise in the Sea of Japan, and the Huanghai Sea. Plus, the U.S. announced the joint military exercise with Vietnam in the South Sea. In the complicated context, compared to the year of 2008, the year 2010 underwent some new changes that the supportive perception of China’s policies fell 18%, the neutral perception fell 10%, and the critical perception increased 28%; the supportive perception of China’s strategies reduced 19%, the neutral perception increased 1%, and the critical perception grew 18%; the supportive perception of China’s foreign policy advocacy reduced 50%, the neutral perception increased 47%, and the critical perception grew 3%; the supportive perception of China’s international contribution reduced 80%, the neutral perception increased 71%, and the critical perception increased 9%; the supportive perception of China’s governance idea increased 2%, the neutral perception fell 3%, and the critical perception increased 1%; the supportive perception of China’s governance reform increased 5%, the neutral perception increased 10%, and the critical perception reduced 15%; the supportive perception of China’s democracy was the same as that of 2008, the neutral perception increased 1%, and the critical perception fell 1%; the supportive perception of China’s human rights increased 1%, the neutral perception increased 2%, and the critical perception fell 3%; the supportive perception of China’s humanitarian contribution fell 64%, the neutral perception increased 72%, and the critical perception reduced 8%; the supportive perception of China’s leadership image fell 2%, the neutral perception increased 11%, and the critical perception reduced 9% (see Table 5.14). With regard to what the experiences and lessons from the international communication of China’s national political image is this eventful year, there are three main points: First, the supportive views of China’s political image experienced a decline at the second layer as a whole. For instances, the supportive views of China’s policy reduced 21

The ROKS Cheonan sinking occurred on 26 March 2010, when Cheonan, a Pohang-class corvette of the Republic of Korea Navy, carrying 104 personnel, sank off the country’s west coast near Baengnyeong Island in the Yellow Sea, killing 46 seamen. A South Korean-led official investigation carried out by a team of international experts from several countries presented a summary of its investigation on 20 May 2010, concluding that the warship had been sunk by a North Korean torpedo fired by a midget submarine. The later reports suspected that Kim Jong-un may be the man behind the event. 22 ASEAN Regional Forum founded in 1994 with 27 members, is the largest and most influential official multilateral political and security dialogue channel of ASEAN. 23 Richburg (2010).

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image … Table 5.14 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2010 (the sub-elements at the second level)

123

The sub-elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Policy

11

57

32

Strategy

12

53

35

Foreign policy 23 advocacy

71

6

International contribution

8

81

11

Governance idea

29

61

10

Governance reform

27

65

8

Democracy

14

47

39

Human rights

14

48

38

Humanitarian contribution

14

83

3

Leadership image

32

48

20

18%, of China’s strategy fell 19%, of China’s foreign policy advocacy down 50%, of China’s international contribution decreased 80%, and of China’s humanitarian contribution dropped 64%. Actually, the phenomena proves over again the criteria deployed to judge China’s political image are still in the hands of the First World who relatively feel more anxious about China’s position in the global economic architecture. Second, the positive message delivered in the year of 2010 is marked by the rise of acceptance of China’s governance reform. The supportive view of China’s governance reform grew 5% in spite of the extremely sensitive and complicated international circumstance. The content analysis further verifies the motivation driving the world to be more conscious of the questions about China and international development is particularly relevant. The Third World is eager to know what do China’s dramatic transformations over reform and opening up imply for their development practice. Third, China should deal with the setbacks with confidence The case year analysis of the transformations of China’s political image in the world in 1978, 1992, 2001, 2008, and 2010 identifies the fact that most of the ten determinants at the second level have been defined by the Western standards, such as international contribution, humanitarian contribution, democracy, and human rights. Without reformations, the current structure of international public sphere is unable to ensure that all of the countries, particularly the developing countries have the space equal to the First World to voice their voices. When the relationships between China and the West meet tension, the criticisms on China’s political image are always projected to escalated.

124

5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

The Year of 2013 In the year 2012, the 18th National Congress of CPC was held and several innovations on domestic policies and foreign policies which are critically important to China’s reform and opening up in the new era was formulated. In the context, the ten determinants at the second layer of China’s national political image began to receive stronger acceptance from around the world. Compared to that of 2010, the top three determinants improving best are China’s humanitarian contribution (+57%), foreign policy advocacy (+51%), and leadership image (+42%). There are three pillars in support of international presence of China’s political image. First, China has made it clear that China’s governance idea and reform—all of the efforts are driven toward shared goals. The message receives very much positive responses from developing countries, especially from Asian countries. Second, the national campaigns focusing on anticorruption, exercising full and strict governance over the Party, and governing the military in accordance with the law etc. illustrate vividly China’s duty of loyalty to the people, and to the world. With these efforts come a more favorable perception of China’s political image. Third, the international communication of China’s national political image is based on the overall power of China. In this sense, China’s growth makes China’s political image. If China is able to sustain its development, the improvement of its political image is actionable. In the year of 2013, BRI, “a Community of Shared Future for Mankind”, BRI, and Decision of the CCCPC on Some Major Issues Concerning Comprehensively Deepening the Reform were enacted. The acceptance of China’s national political image, under the impetus of the new ideas, started overcoming the doubts and criticisms. For instances, the supportive views of China’s international contribution accounted for 86%, of China’s foreign policy advocacy accounted for 76%, of China’s humanitarian contribution accounted for 70%, and of China’s leadership image accounted for 64% (see Table 5.15). Compared to the year of 2010, in 2013, the supportive perception of China’s policies grew 28%, the neutral perception remained unchanged, and the critical perception fell 28%; the supportive perception of China’s strategies grew 24%, the neutral perception increased 5%, and the critical perception fell 29%; the supportive perception of China’s foreign policy advocacy grew 51%, the neutral perception fell 48%, and the critical perception fell 3%; the supportive perception of China’s international contribution grew 64%, the neutral perception fell 62%, and the critical perception fell 2%; the supportive perception of China’s governance idea increased 2%, the neutral perception grew 3%, and the critical perception fell 5%; the supportive perception of China’s governance reform increased 6%, the neutral perception increased 1%, and the critical perception reduced 7%; the supportive perception of China’s democracy grew 7%, the neutral perception increased 4%, and the critical perception fell 11%; the supportive perception of China’s human rights increased 2%, the neutral perception increased 4%, and the critical perception fell 6%; the supportive perception of China’s humanitarian contribution grew 57%, the neutral perception fell 62%, and the critical perception grew 5%; the supportive perception of China’s leadership

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image … Table 5.15 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2013 (the sub-elements at the second level)

125

The sub-elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Policy

39

57

4

Strategy

Critical (%)

36

58

6

Foreign policy 74 advocacy

23

3

International contribution

72

19

9

Governance idea

31

64

5

Governance reform

33

66

1

Democracy

21

51

28

Human rights

16

52

32

Humanitarian contribution

71

21

8

Leadership image

74

13

13

image grew 42%, the neutral perception fell 35%, and the critical perception reduced 7% (see Table 5.15). In sum, the acceptance rate of China’s political image in the world increased, in particular, when it came to China’s policy, strategy, governance idea, and governance reform. Also, the discussion became more open and less restrictive. Ruling China by law that what is China doing in China should help the outside world be more aware of the progress in China’s democracy, and human rights. In light of the history, it is a fact of life that the difficulties and challenges usually become more complicated than before. In this sense, the international communication of China’s national political image in the year of 2013 had to deal with the more complicated tasks brought about by the extraordinary strides made by China, especially in the year of 2010. Review of the experiences and lessons in this year concludes two prime points: First, if China’s national political image has the power to change hearts all around the world, it is the result to a large part of China’s courage and determination to continue its reform and opening up. It is reform that has the power to transform lives, to empower innovation, and shape country’s future, stated Chinese president Xi Jinping. So together, China’s political model, political idea, and political institution shall be truly called shared experience. Second, if China’s national political image is committed to hearing and responding to the voices of the forgotten, it is the result of China’s courage and determination to continue to cooperate toward shared dreams. The greatness of China’s political image is the sum of the goal of shared prosperity, the human-first principle, and the commitment to international cooperation.

126

5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

The Year of 2015 In 2015, the perception of China’s national political image around the world made further improvement as a whole in comparison with the year of 2013. The supportive perception of China’s policies increased 9%, the neutral perception fell 10%, and the critical perception increased 1%; the supportive perception of China’s strategies increased 5%, the neutral perception fell 9%, and the critical perception increased 4%; the supportive perception of China’s foreign policy advocacy grew 2%, the neutral perception fell 2%, and the critical perception remained the same as that of the year of 2013; the supportive perception of China’s international contribution grew 14%, the neutral perception fell 7%, and the critical perception fell 7%; the supportive perception of China’s governance idea increased 6%, the neutral perception reduced 6%, and the critical perception remained unchanged compared with that of the year of 2013; the supportive perception of China’s governance reform increased 8%, the neutral perception reduced 8%, and the critical perception remained the same as that of the year of 2013; the supportive perception of China’s democracy grew 1%, the neutral perception increased 20%, and the critical perception fell 21%; the supportive perception of China’s human rights increased 15%, the neutral perception increased 9%, and the critical perception fell 24%; the supportive perception of China’s humanitarian contribution reduced 1%, the neutral perception increased 3%, and the critical perception reduced 2%; the supportive perception of China’s leadership image grew 3%, the neutral perception increased 7%, and the critical perception reduced 10% (see Table 5.16). Table 5.16 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2015 (the sub-elements at the second level)

The sub-elements

Acceptance Supportive

Neutral

Critical

Policy

48

47

5

Strategy

41

49

10

Foreign policy advocacy

76

21

3

International contribution

86

12

2

Governance idea

37

58

5

Governance reform

41

58

1

Democracy

22

71

7

Human rights

31

61

8

Humanitarian contribution

70

24

6

Leadership image

77

20

3

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

5.2.4.3

127

The Case Year Analysis of the Acceptance Rate of the International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up: The Elements at the First Level

Based on the data analysis of the sub-elements at the second level, the case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up was volatile with increases as well (see Table 5.17). Thus far, the five key dimensions at the first layer of China’s national political image in the world have had a roughly supportive by neutral perception. Just as importantly, the world’s positive comments on China’s national political image throughout the seven case years have increased, so that it can lay a stable basis for generating appropriate discussion on China’s role in international development. While the case year analysis has largely remained focusing on the assessment on the effect of international communication of China’s national political image on specific historic events at the specific stage, the findings like piecing a jigsaw have started to articulate the principles universal for general situations, and special which fit with China’s contexts. The Year of 1978 In the first year of China’s reform and opening up, the overall national political image in the world was roughly supportive by neutral perception. The criticisms were focused on China’s socio-political life which received 73.4% negative points in total during this period (see Table 5.18). As measured by the analysis of acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in the year of 1978 (the sub-elements at the second level) in this chapter, The historical factors, along with cold-war mentality and so-called ideological competition make it essential to reflect on how the world understand China’s politics, and China. No doubt that the China’s reform and opening up launched by the Chinese leaders, above all, Deng Xiaoping which so far has been strongly supported by the whole world as a whole explains the reasons why China’s national political ideology accepted the deepest supports around the world in the year of 1978. The content analyses indicate the compliments refer in large part to the global outlook which the Reform and Opening possesses. It is a typical example of the possibility of integrating national development into globalization through policy innovation. The Year of 1992 Chapter 2, “The Transformation of China’s Concept of the International Communication of National Image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up” divides the forty years of China’s reform and opening up into four major stages. The focus of China’s reform and opening up from 1992, the year through the year of 2001 had been placed on integration into global economy. In the historical context, the five key dimensions at the first layer of China’s national political image had been entirely propelled

15.6

62.2

39

37

82

26.4

34

56.5

30.4

26

Neutral

Supportive

2008

29

34.6

11.8

2.4

13.7

Critical

2010

25.4

1.2

10

Socio-political life

Government image

32

14

28.6

14

11.7

Supportive

90

96.8 94.4

0

1.2

Foreign policies

Governance

3.2

48

54.6

61.8

77

54.2

Neutral

0

73.4

4.4

6.8

20

31.4

9.6

9

34.1

Critical

3

25.8

15.8

74

29

31.4

72.8

36.9

Supportive

2013

97.3

0.6

National political ideology

13.1

Supportive

2.1

1992

Supportive

Critical

Neutral

1978

The elements

21

59.6

73.2

50

76

13

47

64.4

20.6

57.7

Neutral

Neutral

76

14.6

11

43.2

10.9

13

24

4.2

6.6

5.4

Critical

Critical

2

77

35.2

37.8

82

43.1

Supportive

2015

10.2

25.8

14.6

13.9

Supportive

2001

22

48

20

57.6

58

15.6

48.4

Neutral

59.6

45.2

78.4

Neutral

3

7.2

4.2

2.4

8.5

Critical

76

41.8

14.6

40.2

7.4

Critical

Table 5.17 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level)

128 5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image … Table 5.18 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 1978 (the elements at the first level)

The elements

129

Acceptance Supportive (%) Neutral (%) Critical (%)

National political 0.6 ideology

97.3

2.1

Foreign policies

0

96.8

3.2

Governance

1.2

94.4

4.4

Socio-political life

1.2

25.4

73.4

Government image

10

90

0

toward openness, involvement, and coordination. The efforts of this kind brought more supportive feedbacks into China’s national political ideology, foreign policies, governance, and socio-political life. However, the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, and dissolution of the Soviet Union, in the meantime, triggered some instinctively doubts over the so-called “insidiousness” of China’s national political image. In comparison with the year of 1978, in 1992 the year, the supportive perception of China’s national political ideology increased 12.5%, the neutral perception fell 21.3%, and the critical perception increased 8.8%; the supportive perception of China’s foreign policies increased 6.8%, the neutral perception fell 46.8%, and the critical perception increased 40%; the supportive perception of China’s governance increased 14.6%, the neutral perception fell 21.2%, and the critical perception increased 6.6%; the supportive perception of China’s socio-political life increased 24.6%, the neutral perception grew 34.2%, and the critical perception reduced 58.8%; the supportive perception of China’s government image reduced 7%, the neutral perception fell 69%, and the critical perception increased 76% (see Table 5.19). Table 5.19 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 1992 (the elements at the first level)

The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%) Neutral (%) Critical (%)

National political 13.1 ideology

76

10.9

Foreign policies

6.8

50

43.2

Governance

15.8

73.2

11

Socio-political life

25.8

59.6

14.6

Government image

3

21

76

130

5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

The Year of 2001 In the year of 2001, China joined WTO which makes a historic mark in China’s reform and opening up. In the same year, China was dedicated to take up the cooperation with the world by initiating the Going Global Strategy. In comparison with the year of 1992, in 2001 the year, the supportive perception of China’s national political ideology increased 0.8%, the neutral perception increased 2.4%, and the critical perception reduced 3.5%; the supportive perception of China’s foreign policies increased 7.8%, the neutral perception fell 4.8%, and the critical perception reduced 3%; the supportive perception of China’s governance increased 10%, the neutral perception fell 13.6%, and the critical perception increased 3.6%; the supportive perception of China’s socio-political life reduced 15.6%, the neutral perception reduced 11.6%, and the critical perception increased 27.2%; the supportive perception of China’s government image reduced 1%, the neutral perception grew 1%, and the critical perception remained unchanged (see Table 5.20). Comparatively, the recognition of China’s government image around the world was projected to settle into a steady state. The content analyses indicate that the comments on China’s participation in WTO focused on topics such as the negative impacts of China’s political system on free trade, especially on the rules of international trade, fairness of competition, and values of world trade that WTO lives up to. The Year of 2008 The year 2008 marked the confirmation of China’s new global role, and this paper is an exploration of the implications of this for the field of development studies. The year 2008 While China’s leaders and indeed many citizens have been keen to deny a link between sports and politics, the fact of the Games being held successfully. Chapter 2, “The Transformation of China’s Concept of the International Communication of National Image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up” marks the year of 2008 as a milestone in China’s reform and opening up with a new mission of going global. Given China’s fundamental achievements in many fields at home and abroad, the acceptance of China’s national political image received a remarkable improvement. Table 5.20 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2001 (the elements at the first level)

The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%) Neutral (%) Critical (%)

National political 13.9 ideology

78.4

7.4

Foreign policies

14.6

45.2

40.2

Governance

25.8

59.6

14.6

Socio-political life

10.2

48

41.8

Government image

2

22

76

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

131

The theme of 2008 Beijing Olympic Games,—that is, One World, One Dream— vividly expresses China’s willingness to welcome everyone all over the world. The supportive feedbacks to China’s government image up to 80.5% surpassed the critical feedbacks. The progress resides mainly in the attractiveness of China’s openness to the rest of the world (see Table 5.21). Compared to the year of 2001, in 2008, the supportive perception of China’s national political ideology increased 16.5%, the neutral perception reduced 21.9%, and the critical perception grew 6.3%; the supportive perception of China’s foreign policies increased 67.4% which is a very much remarkable progress, the neutral perception fell 29.6%, and the critical perception reduced 37.8%; the supportive perception of China’s governance increased 0.2%, the neutral perception increased 2.6%, and the critical perception reduced 2.8%; the supportive perception of China’s socio-political life increased 16.2%, the neutral perception reduced 9%, and the critical perception reduced 7.2%; the supportive perception of China’s government image grew 32%, the neutral perception grew 15%, and the critical perception reduced 47% (see Table 5.21). From a historical outlook, the improvement of international communication of China’s political image in 2008 should inspire China and the world to explore how pro-globalization policies such as active involvement in international affairs can enhance a country’s national image on the world’s stage. The Year of 2010 In the year of 2010, China became the world’s second largest economy—This great leap forward through China’s reform and opening up actually put China in a sensitive and complicated position in the international system. As a result, the acceptance of China’s national political image in general secured supportive by the supportiveneutral. Yet, the supportive rate was lower than that of 2008 (see Table 5.22). Compared to the year of 2008, in the year of 2010, the supportive perception of China’s national political ideology fell 18.7%, the neutral perception reduced 2.3%, and the critical perception grew 20.4%; the supportive perception of China’s foreign policies fell 68%, the neutral perception increased 61.4%, and the critical perception increased 6.6%; the supportive perception of China’s governance increased 2.6%, Table 5.21 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2008 (the elements at the first level)

The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%) Neutral (%) Critical (%)

National political 30.4 ideology

56.5

13.7

Foreign policies

82

15.6

2.4

Governance

26

62.2

11.8

Socio-political life

26.4

39

34.6

Government image

34

37

29

132

5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

Table 5.22 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2010 (the elements at the first level)

The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%) Neutral (%) Critical (%)

National political 11.7 ideology

54.2

34.1

Foreign policies

14

77

9

Governance

28.6

61.8

9.6

Socio-political life

14

54.6

31.4

Government image

32

48

20

the neutral perception increased 2.6%, and the critical perception reduced 0.8%; the supportive perception of China’s socio-political life fell 12.4%, the neutral perception increased 15.6%, and the critical perception reduced 3.2%; the supportive perception of China’s government image reduced 2%, the neutral perception grew 11%, and the critical perception reduced 9% (see Table 5.22). The drop of global acceptance of China’s national political image actually provides an important example of principal reason for redefining “international cooperation” from two aspects: For China, critically, China needs to reconsider how well to play a role of world’s second largest economy in international cooperation, and participate more actively in international development; For the world, in particular, the West, it has become an urgent task than ever before to formulate new concept, framework and mechanism in perception and assessment of national image toward more just and fairness. Research on national image is originated in the West, so that developing countries, especially the countries adopting disparate development strategies cannot put the scholarship directly into practice. The Year of 2013 Under Chinese president Xi Jinping’s administration since the year of 2012, the trend of “Jointly Shoulder Responsibility of Our Times, Promote Global Growth” identified in his keynote speech for DAVOS forum in 2017 has stood out. In line with the innovation in theory and practice, China’s reform and opening up is entering a new era. In the context, the international communication of China’s national political image comes out with new enhancement. In the year of 2013, the world’s supportive recognition of China’s national political image hit the new record over the past four decades. China’s government image is most highly prized by the world (supportive acceptance 74%), and China’s foreign policies ranked the second (supportive acceptance 72.8%). According to the content analysis, the criticisms in an overall assessment were focused on the disputes over Diaoyu Island between China and Japan, as well as the South China Sea issues. The world opinions were almost certainly influenced by the disputes, and that China’s foreign policies confronted doubts, and misinterpretations. However, China’s efforts to clarify misunderstanding and explain its relevant policies over the years have clearly impressed some in Asia,

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

133

Africa, and Latin America where it enjoys a high evaluation, such as the assessment of China’s foreign policies in 2015 (see Table 5.23). Compared to the year of 2010, in 2013, the supportive perception of China’s national political ideology increased 25.2%, the neutral perception grew 3.5%, and the critical perception reduced 28.7%; the supportive perception of China’s foreign policies increased 58.8%, the neutral perception fell 56.4%, and the critical perception reduced 2.4%; the supportive perception of China’s governance increased 2.8%, the neutral perception increased 2.6%, and the critical perception reduced 5.4%; the supportive perception of China’s socio-political life increased 15%, the neutral perception reduced 7.6%, and the critical perception reduced 7.4%; the supportive perception of China’s government image grew 42%, the neutral perception reduced 35%, and the critical perception reduced 7% (see Table 5.23). China’s government image is thought positively largely because of the anticorruption campaign and deepening reform. This perception is shared by other countries when they look at the same goals of national rejuvenation and win–win development that China beholds. The Year of 2015 October 26–29, 2015, the Fifth Plenary Session of the Eighteenth CPC was hosted in Beijing announcing the concept of innovative, coordinated, green, open and shared development which are the cardinal principles of China’s reform and opening up on the path ahead. The new development philosophy aims to adopt the right approach to development, and endeavor to transform the growth model. The result shall be a constant improvement in the quality and effect of development. Thus, the world seems to feel interested in the topics such as what are the key experiences in and lessons of China’s governance reforms, China’s development model in the new era, the value of China’s growth to the world, and so on. The changes in discussion concerning China make a significant difference in two respects. First, understanding China’s political image tends to transform from ideological attacks to discussions more objective and rational. Second, with the increase in the reports on China’s political issues, the awareness of China’s political image also rises. Table 5.23 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2013 (the elements at the first level)

The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%) Neutral (%) Critical (%)

National political 36.9 ideology

57.7

5.4

Foreign policies

72.8

20.6

6.6

Governance

31.4

64.4

4.2

Socio-political life

29

47

24

Government image

74

13

13

134

5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

Overall, in 2015, the year, compared to the year of 2013, the supportive perception of China’s national political ideology increased 6.2%, the neutral perception reduced 9.3%, and the critical perception grew 3.1%; the supportive perception of China’s foreign policies increased 9.2%, the neutral perception fell 5%, and the critical perception reduced 4.2%; the supportive perception of China’s governance increased 6.4%, the neutral perception reduced 6.4%, and the critical perception was the same as that of 2013; the supportive perception of China’s socio-political life increased 6.2%, the neutral perception grew 10.6%, and the critical perception reduced 16.8%; the supportive perception of China’s government image grew 3%, the neutral perception grew 7%, and the critical perception reduced 10% (see Table 5.24). The trend worth concern is the increase in criticisms on China’s government image. Two principal causes: First, many of the major countries in the West starts the general election such as the U.S., Canada, France, and Germany and so forth. To attract more attention, some of conservative forces tend to choose China as a target. Perhaps less surprisingly, their opinions on China shall affect to a certain extent the world opinion on China. Second, with the further implementation of BRI, and other important development strategies proposed by China, some parties began to watch out China’s growth from a conservative, isolationist standpoint. They felt afraid of the possibility that China will be a leader, and tried to interfere with the direction of global opinion on China through media, think tanks, surveys, and even international conferences. Finally, the recognition on the international communication of China’s national political image at the first layer (see Table 5.25) reflects the fact that over the past decades, China’s political image has gradually been thought of positively around the world. Again, the positive perception raised by 45%. In terms of China’s political model in the new era, more and more people in different countries wish to know more about China’s experience, and help the world find out solutions to the challenges accompanied the changes of the world through more comprehensive collective work with China. The changes in the directions of recognition of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up (supportive, neutral, critical) (see Fig. 5.9) finds a continual, steady rise of approval rates. Definitely, the critical views of China’s national political image seem to not only increase in parallel with the increase in Table 5.24 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image in 2015 (the elements at the first level)

The elements

Acceptance Supportive

Neutral

Critical

National political ideology

43.1

48.4

8.5

Foreign policies

82

15.6

2.4

Governance

37.8

58

4.2

Socio-political life

35.2

57.6

7.2

Government image

77

20

3

5.2 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

135

Table 5.25 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening-up Year

Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Total

1978

2.72

73.64

23.64

51.632

1992

8.38

48.22

43.4

45.992

2001

12.86

50.98

36.16

50.68

2008

34.2

44.4

21.4

65.12

2010

20.06

56.88

23.06

58.8

2013

44.44

43.18

12.38

72.824

2015

50.34

29.808

1.468

81.616

positive perception, but also become more and more ideological-driven. It identifies a much more challenging complexity that China needs to tackle for now and in the long run. In short, the awareness of China’s national political image has enjoyed a stable, gradual increase all over the world—it is the foundation of China’s reform and opening up. The overall assessment indicates the continual transformation from ideological-driven doubts, and criticisms to more objective, rational arguments when the topics are related to China’s policies on development (see Fig. 5.10). Clearly, the world opinion on China was, is and will always dynamic. In addition, the anti-globalization concepts such as conservatism, isolationism, and even racism tend to continue to interfere with international cooperation and coordination. In the context, China’s national political image is hard to receive an overwhelming positive perception all over the world within four decades. Currently, whither globalization is still unanswered. Perhaps not surprisingly that China’s national political image is going to confront more misunderstanding and misinterpretation in the world.

Fig. 5.9 The changes in the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening up

136

5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

Fig. 5.10 The case year analysis of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 reform and opening up

5.3 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s National Political Image in the New Context The historical review of the international communication of China’s national political image over the forty years of reform and opening up reflects the genuine efforts made by China to bridge the divides confronting the international cooperation between China and world, and the confidence that China beholds of its model, theory, institution, and culture. It is the sincere intention and self-confidence that play a significant role in connecting China with the whole world. But forty years of the international communication of China’s national political image has made it clear that agenda-cutting, agenda-editing, and agenda-setting stemmed from stereotypes cannot be overcome easily. In addition, when the world is at the cross-roads, when globalization is at the critical time, China’s going global may have to encounter more organizational challenges where the real China’s national political image and perception of China’s national political image collide. To strive for and achieve new synthesis and understanding in the new historical context, the international communication of China’s national political image should be structured into three broad parts to facilitate the world’s access to information and trigger thoughtful reflection about the meaning of understanding China from a more complete, objective standpoint: first, the theoretical basics of the international communication of China’s national political image (who); second, the core pillars of the international communication of China’s national political image (what); and third, the efficacy achievement of the international communication of China’s national political image (how). Along the way significance, by all means, is critical to defining the theoretical basics of the international communication of China’s national political image; Clarity elevates key voices in the international communication of China’s national political

5.3 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s … Table 5.26 China’s national political image in CNN political advertisements

Time

Topic

137

Direction

09/2010

Made in China

China threat

09/2010

Good for India and China

China threat

09/2010

Game day

China threat

10/2010

A better choice for Southern Nevada

China threat

10/2010

Pat Toomey fighting for jobs

China seizes the U.S.’ jobs

10/2010

Chinese professor

China threat

image; and grace can demystify China’s national political image, and connect people all over the world so as to ensure a positive, constructive efficacy for both sides.

5.3.1 The Theoretical Basics of the International Communication of China’s National Political Image: Four Confidences More specifically, China’s political image entails more complicated dimensions than economic image, and cultural image. The forty years of the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up has clearly proved a fact that the stereotypes of China shall remain fixed and inflexible in certain areas around the globe no matter what reforms will be conducted, and improvements achieved in China’s national political ideology, foreign policies, governance, socio-political life, and government image. They very often steer clear of what is China doing right in exploring the political model which fits in China’s conditions and the benefit of the majority of Chinese people. For example, the warnings of China’s political model always apply with stronger force with the rise of China’s political influence. Sometimes, the pseudo-image is presented as the global perception of China—that is, China is surrounded by criticisms worldwide. In the year of 2010 when China became the world’s second largest economy, almost all of the political advertisements relevant to China on CNN held a negative attitude to China, and were adherent to China Threat (see Table 5.26). The advertisement which was entitled “A Chinese Professor” ranking top One on viewing rate explains how American deficit spending led to China’s conquest of the West by 2030. The Chinese professor in this advertisement is a “cue creepy, villainous laughter”.24 The rise of China’s influence shall always be accompanied with the criticisms on China’s political image—this is a general principle which follows the international 24

Yang (2010).

138

5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

communication of China’s national political image over the past four decades. The phenomenon actually casts doubts over the viewpoints saying that “China should stay low profile”, “China should find out the answers to the rise of global hostility”, and so forth. According to the historical review of the international communication of China’s national political image, the recognition of China’s political image cannot be achieved solely through work avoidance or at the cost of confidence. There is nothing in either. From an international perspective, confidence empowers a country’s political image on the world’s stage. The developed countries have a consensus that the self-confidence of political model makes good the country’s political image in any international exchange and dissemination. American Dream, the term is of course, always the first word which occurs to people’s mind when speaking of America. Uncle Sam, thus, is world-famous symbol representing the spirit of America. The image came out in the year of 1812 during the War of Independence—featuring a typical American style—stars and stripes top hat, an aquiline nose, extremely proud spirit, and so on (see Fig. 5.11). In 1961, the United States Congress issued a resolution acknowledging Uncle Sam as a symbol of America. Likewise, the U.K. is very much aware of the significance of the country’s political image to the national development. As experienced as the U.S. in national

Fig. 5.11 The image of uncle Sam in the U.S. Source Flagg (1917)

5.3 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s …

139

Fig. 5.12 The image of John Bull in the U.K. Source Andrew Reid & Co., Ltd. (1915)

imaging, the U.K. disseminates John Bull, the hero of British writer John Arbuthnot’s masterpiece, The History of John Bull.25 In this novel, John Bull is presented as a diligent, decisive, and highly confident leader with a distinctive competence to uncover valuable ideas on margins (see Fig. 5.12). Confidence is also the core message of the political image of the Middle Power State. Canada as the first country that put forward the concept of multiculturalism and 25

John Arbuthnot, The History of John Bull.

140

5 The International Communication of China’s National Political Image …

constitutionalized it in the 1970s honored Samuel de Champlain, French explorer, “father of Quebec” by erecting his statue—Champlain stands tall full of pride and confidence while an Indian kneels down and plays a role of local guide (see Fig. 5.13). In short, history repeats the universal principle that for every country, it is the confidence that gives power to the international communication of the country’s political image. The 18th National Congress of CPC in the year of 2012 defines the confidence in the Chinese socialist path, theory and system. In the year of 2016, Chinese president Xi Jinping in his speech for the Ceremony of the 95th Anniversary of the Founding of the CPC addressed the cultural confidence as the more fundamental, more comprehensive, and more profound confidence. The four confidences provide cardinal principles for the international communication of China’s national political image.

Fig. 5.13 The image of Samuel de Champlain in Canada. Source Detroit Publishing Co. (1919, 1920)

5.3 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s …

141

Does confidence matter in presentation of a country’s political image in the world? The practice in Asian countries may provide a footnote in closer detail. In Mongolia, acceptance was overwhelmingly underscored in the 1980s, and that almost all of the TV stations chose to directly broadcast the programs imported from the U.S., the U.K., France, and Japan etc. These developed countries looked so attractive on the screen that many of the Mongolians, especially the youth began to admire the Western style of life. In Bangladesh, an increasingly globalized television culture has led to a transformation of middle-class Bengali cultural identities. The Indian TV channels prevails in this country. The Bengali feel “we are becoming Hindusthani. Everything is in Hindi. There is too much of it. All the time Hindi programmes are shown. We see it all the time. I mean it is as if our mother tongue is not part of the universe”.26 In sum, the progress in the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up proves that Chinese political model, political institution and political idea are useful for building on the attractiveness of China’s image as a whole. The explanatory accounts of China’s political model in the past, at the present, and for the future with coherence, consistency, and most importantly, confidence endorse China’s national political image with core values—which helps the world outline the arguments and positions of key protagonists on China’s political issues, and offer evaluations of critical assessments of China’s development.

5.3.2 The Core Pillars of the International Communication of China’s National Political Image: Chinese Proposition The connotation of China’s national political image demands further reflection and intellectual development in the new situation. First and foremost, China is required to introduce more effectively the domestic policies on the one hand, and present an image relevant to a responsible power state on the other, in particular, the contributions that China wish to make to global good—peace, equality, and prosperity. In 1974, UNESCO’s reports on the equity of international communication indicated the one-way flow of information from developed countries to developing countries.27 In Chap. 3 “A Critical Analysis of the International Communication Theory of National Image”, according to Galtung’s comparison between Center State and Periphery State, the former has indeed come to dominant the flow of information while the latter have to suffer the loss of own voice in world opinion. The studies of the Information Gap, and the Cultural Imperialism verify repeatedly but from various 26 27

Scrase (2002). Varis (1974).

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perspectives the dangers if all of the countries have to involve in getting too close to a source or become overly reliant on a single source. On the whole, the western countries play a powerful role in international communication. Currently, the media in the U.S., the U.K., France and Germany provides more than two thirds of the sources of information. In other words, the First World controls the flow of information in some way through their experiences, resources, and platforms hardly earned. Within the imbalanced ecology, the developed countries pervade the developing countries on the international media. The subjects of the news covered are also highly selective. For instance, the reports on the First World are overly diverse than the Third World. Furthermore, the developing countries are often labelled with poverty, backwardness, ignorance, and danger. It is assumed that TV news programs help viewers create stereotypes and form opinions about foreign nations. Public opinion eventually is a factor in determining national foreign policy. Much of the information upon which public opinion is based comes to the individual via the mass media.28 According to the regional comparison, the developing countries including China have to face the unequal international communication system in the long run. The escalation of anti-globalization hence is likely to trigger more deterrence of China’s going global. There are two major concerns on this issue: First, the world cannot have the sources of information sufficient to understand the political issues concerning developing countries if the center states decrease the “news hole” of newscasts devoted to periphery states. For instance, the survey conducted in the year of 2000 which is focused on the coverage of developing countries on the British TV media throughout the 1990s found out that “television coverage of the developing world: the quality and quantity of TV coverage on the developing world has declined dramatically over the past decade: the total number of hours of factual programming on developing countries was down by 50%. Some channels have drifted towards programs on wildlife and travel, while others have simply cut program hours by more than 70%. Much of the programming which addresses serious issues such as human rights, poverty and the environment is aired late at night or early in the morning when audiences are typically small. Critics argue that it is virtually impossible for Western citizens to develop an understanding of the lives of the 80% of the human population who do not live in the “First World”.29 Second, the anti-globalization has been on the rise, in particular in the West driven by the rampant terrorism, as well as the wide spread of economic stagnation. Fox News, for example, reported on September 11 Attack, war in Iraq and Afghanistan evidently from the lens of American patriotism. Fox clearly announced that we are journalists, but we are also Americans. In this sense, taking the side of the White House is the presentation of patriotism, and thus it is more important than the principle of objectivity. Thus, its report on the massive demonstration against the U.S. in Iraq in 2007, appeared just a blur. In addition, The State of the News Media 2005 issued by Project for Excellence in Journalism of Columbia University pointed out, “in Fox’s 28 29

Hester (1978). Stone (2000).

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reports on the war in Iraq, the positive coverage of the U.S. is twice as much as the critical assessments”.30 As noted, when the voice of the developing countries is hard to be heard in international discussion, the likelihood of losing perspective is increased. Finally, the media, poll, and survey run in the West seem to outstrip the developing countries in portrayal of the political image of the Third World. In the context, China as one of the few developing countries with the competence of international communication, should highlight the connections between China’s development and the world’s prosperity, and thus China’s development can provide a valuable fund of benefits for the whole world. In doing so, the Chinese proposition is meaningful for the world. Given the above, the international communication of China’s national political image should strive for a more just world which is meaningful for China, and for the world. China provides an extremely valuable perspective in international discussion for people around the world to evaluate, compare and reflect on the information and ideas delivered by multiple sources so as to bridge the gap between the 20% of people living in the First World, and the 80% of people living in the Third World. To that end, China’s political image is international—and will impress the world and enjoy a high evaluation.

5.3.3 The Efficacy Achievement of the International Communication of China’s National Political Image: On-Demand Ideas The process of international communication of China’s national political image over the past decades of years identifies a China with “double face”. In other words, a dynamic, adaptive China vis-à-vis an “arrogant”, “estrange”, and “mysterious” China portrayed by China Threat. Significantly, an adorable political image should take into account the uses and gratifications of the audience. Actually, the core message of Chinese Dream proposed in 2012, the year is humanism which highlights the warmth of China’s image. This idea should inhabit the international communication of China’s national political image in the new context. From a historical outlook, China’s international communication lives up to the tradition. For instance, Premiere Zhou Enlai addressed, “the Chinese press should find out ways to meet the various demands of different audiences. We should have an open mind and genuine desire to know them. We should do our best to help them to get the best from our press. Remember always to avoid talking to the world yet in words that only make sense to us”.31 At this level, there are two main tasks. 30 31

Wang and Wanli (2008). Epstein (1998).

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First, warmth is crucial to communication efficacy of China’s national political image in the world as perception of political image is typically subtle. For instance, SARS in 2003, at the start, China was criticized as “irresponsible”, “inefficient” and so on due to the lack of experience. Rather, when the Chinese government took measures to enhance the publicity of information on SARS, the feedbacks soon became positive. Singapore’s The Strait Times in its article entitled “Good news: China TV reports the bad news” pointed to the important step towards media openness because the Chinese media’s coverage of this event is based on balance, objectivity, and comprehensiveness.32 What is more, China’s reports on natural disasters or public crises such as the snow disaster and Wenchuan earthquake in 2008, and the earthquakes in Yunan Province in 2014 on the whole received positive comments from the global media. BBC said the disaster relief successfully strengthens people’s trust in government, which is helpful for China’s image. As well, the case year analysis of China’s leadership image identifies over again the significance of humanistic warmth to perception of China’s national political image. A prime example to this: In 1979, Deng Xiaoping visited the U.S., and impressed the country with his wisdom and demeanor as an outstanding political leader. However, to the American people, the moments minor and unimportant actually broke the stereotype of China. Deng Xiaoping attended the gala held at the John F. Kennedy Arts Center. At last, a chorus of 100 American children contributed a well-known Chinese song, “I Love Beijing Tiananmen”. Deng Xiaoping shook hands with all of the little singers on the stage, and then kissed foreheads of five children. The moment brought loud applause. Forty years later, Mrs. Sharon L. Woodcock recalled the enduring moment saying “at the moment, we are conscious of that no reasons for Americans and Chinese to become enemies”. In Houston, Deng Xiaoping was invited to watch dressage. When the organizer gave him a white cowboy hat, he did not hesitate a moment to put it on. The moment becomes a classic part of China-U.S. relationship (see Fig. 5.14). In 2000, the former Chinese president Jiang Zemin accepted the Mike Wallace’s interview,33 and explained the China in the new millennium. In 2003, the former Chinese president Hu Jintao and former president of America George Bush Jr. both visited Australia and delivered speech. The Australian media used “Bush came, Hu conquered” to describe their different styles. The Chinese leader is gregarious while the American president looks aloof.34 In December of 2014, Harvard Kennedy School ASH Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation released the findings of its survey on ten global leaders which covered thirty countries worldwide. In terms of domestic confidence of its leader on handling domestic/international affairs among respondents in each of the 10 key countries, the Chinese president Xi Jinping ranks top 32

Leow (2003). Mike. Wallace is a famous host of Columbia Broadcasting System, a famous American television station. He enjoys the reputation of “the godfather” on American TV. The television news magazine broadcast, “60 min” is one of the top 10 TV programs in the US. Its success is partly due to Wallace, the A-level TV news host in the US. His name is known by every American people. 34 Perlez (2003). 33

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Fig. 5.14 Deng Xiaoping in the U.S. in 1979. Source Frerck (1979)

one.35 Professor Tony Saich, director of ASH Center related President Xi Jinping’s leadership to the warmth he presented. Second, the style inappropriate is inimical to China’s national political image. Some foreign journalists mentioned, “China needs to be more careful of the art of communication such as adding some sense of humor to argument. Good skills facilitate telling well of the Chinese stories”.36 Some international media argued, “China looks too straightforward to explain its motivations. China hosts international exchange in order to introduce China to other countries, and the price is secondary”.37 Moreover, the foreigners in China, in particular, the international students made suggestions that China would look more welcoming if more attention paid to body language such as looking comfortable, in control, forceful, and credible and so on. In closing, forming a style appropriate to the humanistic spirit of China’s national political image is an urgent task. Competition for favorable, supportive world opinion is fierce, and thus presentation of the soft power of China’s national political image softly impacts significantly on all aspects of China’s national image. A reliable and believable political image is based on principle for sure. Yet, it is brought to life with the spirit of humanism. They work together to make the effect of change which is the supreme goal of international communication of national image (see Chap. 3). 35

Saich (2014). Guoxiong (2008). 37 McCartney and Gostich (2011). 36

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5.4 Summary Points The work puts forward three layers with a total of fifteen dimensions of national political image, aiming to systematically and dialectically understand the characteristics of a country’s political image and make as comprehensive evaluations as possible. By applying this theory, this chapter analyzes the international communication of China’s political image in the past forty years of reform and opening-up. Historical research and hands-on practice have proved that the national political image is related to the choices in the model, theory, system, and culture of a country. In this sense, it is necessary to be recognized that if China’s political image does not build consensus to the greatest extent both nationally and internationally, China’s faith will be fundamentally undermined, and afterwards, the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation will be deprived of its foundation and support. According to Chap. 4 “The National Image Theory”, a country’s national political image has a big role to play in national image. The US and other western developed countries have profound experiences on this matter. Dating back to the 1970s, Wilbur Schram pointed out that international communication forces traditional countries to proceed to a wider modernization.38 Political ideas have to compete with each other in international communication. Therefore, new media can lead to social transformation faster and more easily than the economic tools. What is more, international communication can speed and smooth the task of modernizing human resources behind the national effort.39 By the analysis above, the chapter comes up with a conclusion that China consistently attaches great importance to the international communication of China’s political image, and is pleased to see the development of China’s road and model in international discussion and competition, with the possession of a more powerful vitality. This chapter reflects and analyzes the international communication of China’s national political image from the angels of attention, acceptance rate, frequency of focus etc. The statistical analysis of big data indicates that over the past forty years of China’s reform and opening-up, the overall trend of the international communication of China’s political image is promising. The international communication of China’s political image is fruitful which leads the world to dig into the understanding of China’s political issues. There is no doubt that the criticism, contradiction, and disputes regarding China’s political image never cease. It is noteworthy that, in recent years, the new cold war mentality is in the rise. Moreover, there have been policies and strategies implemented to halt the cooperation between China and the world. The factors contributing to the above situation are arisen from either worry of China’s growth or the need to distract the public attention.

38 39

Schram called traditional countries to point to developing countries. Schramm (1964).

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Confronting new situations, the international communication of China’s political image needs to further seize three major principles in the future. First, the international communication of China’s political image should continue to present China’s confidence. The international experience of the U.S., the U.K., Canada, and other developed countries has proved this common experience. It demonstrates that the prerequisite is determined to the theoretical basis for China’s political image. Second, China’s political image needs to adequately reflect the spirit of righteousness and responsibility. As the world’s second-largest economy, China needs to make more contributions to constructing a more just world in order to show China’s responsibility as a power state, to manifest the spirit of humanism in the Chinese dream, to promote mutual understanding between China and the world. Third, China’s political image requires understanding of the art of communication. China’s political image can be impressive only when humanism becomes the strongest asset. In all, the four confidences ensure that the international communication of China’s political image is significant; Chinese proposition ensures that the international communication of China’s political image is clear and coherent; and the on-demand style ensures that the international communication of China’s political image is carried out gracefully. Through these systematic efforts, the world would have sensed a principled, righteous, and amiable China.

References Andrew Reid & Co., Ltd. 1915. 50, Grey Street, Newcastle-on-Tyne. Who’s Absent? Is It You?. Retrieved from the Library of Congress. www.loc.gov/item/2003675386/. Anholt, Simon. 2007. Competitive Identity: The New Brand Management for Nations, Cities and Regions. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Baidu. 2021. The Number of Beijing Olympic Games Audience. Accessed July 5, 2021. Beech, Hannah. 2010. China: The Dragon in the Room on Obama’s Asian Tour. Time. November 10, 2010. De Haan, Arjan. 2011. Review Article: Will China Change International Development as We Know It? Journal of International Development 23: 881–908. Detroit Publishing Co. Publisher. 1919, 1920. Champlain’s Statue, Quebec. Retrieved from the Library of Congress. www.loc.gov/item/2016812356/ Di, Liu. 2008. The Profound Meaning Conveyed by Japanese Public Opinion on China (Riben duihua mindiao chuanda de shenyi). Xinmin Weekly, December 8, 2008. Epstein. 1998. Premier Chou En-lai and the Publication of Foreign Books and Journals (Part II) (Chou En-laizongli he duiwaishukanchuban, xia). International Communications, 1998 (3): 14– 16. Flagg, James Montgomery. 1917. I Want You for U.S. Army: Nearest Recruiting Station. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, www.loc.gov/item/96507165/. Frerck, Brent. 1979. Chinese Communist Leader Deng Xiaoping Wearing Cowboy Hat. Retrieved from the Bettmann Archive. https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/simonton-texaswith-the-help-of-an-aide-teng-hsiao-ping-news-photo/515581898?adppopup=true. Guoxiong, Liang. 2008. A Reporter of World Journal, Quoted from the Paper of Guo Mochi, An Analysis of the Strategies to Expand the Influence of China’s Foreign Television Media with the Example of CCTV4 (qianlun kuoda woguo duiwaidianshimeiti yingxiangli de duice, yi CCTV4 weili). News Research 12: 18.

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Heller, M.D., and R. Nemedi Renyi. 1994. Structural Changes in the Hungarian Public Sphere Under State Socialism. In Comparative Social Research 159, ed. Seligman, A.B. London: JAI Press. Hester, Al. 1978. Five Years of Foreign News on U.S. Television Evening Newscasts. Gazette 1978 (24): 86–94. Hong, Junhao, and Marlene Cuthbert. 1989. Media Reform in China Since 1978: Background Jürgen Habermas. In The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. Cambridge: Polity Press. Jufang, Wang, and Yu Wanli. 2008. The Rise of Fox News and American Conservatism (Fukesi xinwenpindao de jueqi yu meiguobaoshouzhuyi), The Chinese Journal of American Studies 2008 (4): 105–117+5. Leow, Jason. 2003. Good News: China TV Reports the Bad News; Live Telecast Nationwide and Around the World of Beijing’s Soaring Virus Toll is an Important Step Towards Media Openness. The Strait Times, May 17, 2003. Lippmann, Walter, and Charles Merz. 1920. The Test of News. The New Republic 23: 11–19. McCartney, Neil, and Lali Gostich. 2011. The Media (Foreign File): Sweet and Sour Taste of Success/Trade in TV Programmes with China. The Daily Telegraph, August 3, 2011. Manli, Cheng. 2008. Problems and Solutions of Building National Image (Guojiaxingxiang suzao jiqi wenti yu duice). In Journals of National Image Communication (Guojiaxingxiang chuanboyanjiu conglun), ed. Mingwei, Zhou, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press. Operators, AGB Nielsen Predicated: The Number of TV Viewers of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games Will Hit a Historical Record (Aijiebiersen yuce: 2008 beijingaoyunhui dianshiguanzhong renshu jiang chuangzaolishi). Operators 2007 (20): 147. Perlez, Jane. 2003. “Bush came, Hu conquered” Paper Says Chinese President Impresses Australians, The New York Times, October 2, 2003. Richburg, Keith B. 2010. U.S.–China Relationship Shifts Toward Deep Mistrust. The Washington Post, November 7, 2010 Saich, Tony. 2014. Reflections on a Survey of Global Perceptions of International Leaders and World Powers. Harvard Kenney School ASH Center. Schramm, Wilbur. 1964. Mass Media and National Development: The Role of Information in the Developing Countries, 27. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Scrase, Timothy. 2002. Television, The Middle Classes and the Transformation of Cultural Identities in West Bengal, India. Gazette 64: 323–342. Song, Zou, Lv Pengfei, Yang Ou, Chen Xiaowei, Chen Danli, Xu Liqun, Wu Gang, and Wang Hailin. 2014. Historical Responsibilities, Times Mission (Lishizeren, shidaishiming), People’s Daily, September 19, 2014. Stone, Jennie. 2000. Losing Perspective: Global Affairs in British Terrestria Television 1989–1999. London: International Broadcasting Trust. Varis, Tapio. 1974. Global Traffic in Television. Journal of Communication 24: 102–109. Xinhua News Agency. 2021. Fox News Radio Host Gave Advices Against China to Damage China’s National Image (Mei fukesidiantai zhuchiren zhi fanhuasunzhao jiaoxiao rang zhongguo diulian), Xinhuanet, http://news.xinhuanet.com/newmedia/2008-04/17/content_7994617.htm, Accessed December 10, 2021. Yang, Jeff. 2010. Politicians Play the China Card. Tell Me More (NPR), November 25, 2010.

Chapter 6

The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up

The same is true of national economic image: all the countries with credible, powerful and positive economic image find that almost everything they undertake in international trade is easier. The studies of COO from the 1950s and 1960s and the hundreds of global surveys in the aftermath has been explicitly described that country image has a key role to play in trade, investment, purchase, and many other principal economic activities (see Chap. 4). In global economy, a country’s economic image powerfully affects the way people outside think about it, the way they behave towards it, and the way they respond to the products and service that is made or done there. For instance, in January of 2008, Finland’s world-famous company, Nokia shut down its factory in Bochum, a big city in the North Rhine Westphalia of Germany.1 In the meantime, a new factory was going to be built in Romania which just joined WTO in 2007. Nokia explained the most important reason of this decision lies in Romania’s good, positive economic image including active involvement in EU economy, sufficient labor supply, willingness to attract global investors etc.-The overall economic image expects to be the better for Nokia. To Nokia, if you have to make a choice between two places with somehow identical features, you have to judge by the economic image as it is tangible. Finally, Nokia left Bochum at the cost a very expensive compensation. However, Bochum, and soon the whole Germany would lose Nokia. Thousands upon thousands of people organized demonstrations including politicians, leaders of trade unions, and entrepreneurs. To Germany, Nokia made huge profits up to e 7.2 billion in the year of 2007,2 and it looks extremely irresponsible to close the factory, and cause loss of jobs. Within weeks, the criticisms on Nokia were escalated to Finland. Germany used a Caravan Capitalism to satire Finland’s economic image, and called on a boycott. Whatever, Bochum lost Nokia in the end in spite of these efforts. 1

A city in Ruhr district of Western Germany, located between Ruhr River and Emschel River, is the industrial, mining, commercial and cultural center of Ruhr district. 2 Bloomberg (2021). © Peking University Press 2023 C. Liu, The Chinese Story in Global Order, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9020-5_6

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This case explicitly explains in global economy, what does it mean if a country is able to present an attractive economic image—people rely on their perception of a country’s economic image to make the decision-making process a bit easier, a bit faster, a bit more efficient. Forty years of reform and opening up has witnessed China’s spectacular economic growth. In the year of 2010, China became the world’s second largest economy. In the year of 2013, according to The 2013 Development Report of China’s Top 500 Enterprises issued by China Enterprise Confederation, for the first time, the total revenue of the top 500 Chinese enterprises reached the level of 50 trillion RMB amounting to 50.02 trillion RMB, and up to 96.32% of 2012 GDP of China. In the year of 2015, China’s GDP reached 67.6708 trillion RMB, and increased 6.9% compared to the year of 2014 calculated at comparable price.3 In the year of 2015, China’s total fixed-asset investment reached 55.159 trillion RMB, increasing 10%. In the year of 2015, China’s total imports and exports of goods amounted to 24.59 trillion RMB, reducing 7% compared to 2014. The trade surplus amounted to 3.69 trillion RMB, increasing 56.7%. Comparatively, China’s exports in the year of enjoy a better performance than the other major global economies. Also, China’s shares of global market increased compared to 2014. What is more, the international trade embodied some positive changes. For example, the consumer price index (CPI) increased 0.5% month over month, and 1.6% year over year. In the year of 2015, China’s CPI increased 1.4% compared to 2014—the new lowest record in the six consecutive years. Admittedly, China’s economy is a critical topic at roundtables and summits all over the world. The Associated Press (AP) reports, the data clearly demonstrates the rise of China as a world economic power which will powerfully impact everything from global military, financial balance, and even automotive design”; The New York Times commented on the Chinese leaders, “they have an increasing awareness in Asia, Africa, and Latin America with greater confidence on the world stage. The world needs to find out new ways to work with global economic power”. The Economist released China Special Issue because China is projecting a greater influence on Asia, and the world, and thus it deserves more space”.4 The 2015 Summer Davos described, “all eyes will be on China’s economic growth projection in 2015”. Li Keqiang is among the most anticipated guests at this year’s Davos, along with French president François Hollande, and German Chancellor Angela Merkel.5 January 17 of 2017, the Chinese president Xi Jinping in his keynote speech for the World Economic Forum,6 “Jointly Shoulder Responsibility of Our Times, Promote 3

National Bureau of Statistics (2021). Speech by chief editor of The Economist, John Micklethwait in Tsinghua University. Quoted from “China Column of The Economist” (jingjixueren de zhongguozhuanlan) by Zhien (2012). 5 CNTV (2015). 6 The World Economic Forum (WEF) is an international non-governmental organization, based in Geneva, Switzerland focusing on global economic problems and aiming to facilitate international economic cooperation and communication. It has more than 1000 member companies typically global enterprises with more than five billion US dollars in turnover, adhering to the purpose of “improving the state of the world” to shape the development of global economy. 4

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Global Growth” illustrated China’s developmental idea, and attitude to the prospects for world economy. The international media are well aware of this speech: in the interviews, many of experts make positive comments. For examples, the former president of Swiss-Chinese Chamber of Commerce, former mayor of Zurich, Thomas Wagne, HIS Markit Ltd’s economist, Nariman Behravesh, former Hungarian prime minister, Péter Medgyessy, and Kerry Brown, expert on China studies, King’s College London-they all agree with the implication of China’s economic development, and especially the practice in economic governance for the world economy.7 The leading international media, Reuters,8 Financial Times (FT),9 and Newsis in their articles recognize the role of China in promoting global prosperity. In sum, the national economic image is indeed a pillar of China’s national image. The topics on China’s economy has turned out to be crucial in global discussion. With the spectacular economic growth, and strong potential for sustainable development, China has become the country where the international community would focus their attention. In face of the new situation, new task, and new condition, enhancing the international communication of China’s national economic image is becoming more on demand. As noted in Chap. 5 “The International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening up”, analysis of the international communication of China’s national economic image needs to begin with defining the key dimensions constituting a country’s economic image so as to quantify the nature of problems.

6.1 The Major Dimensions of National Economic Image According to the three layers-11 variables model of national economic image in Chap. 4 “The National Image Theory”, at this level of analysis in this chapter need to focus on three dimensions as the starting point, that is, Policy (economiccentered), National Economic Activity, and National Economic Image Delivery. The three dimensions at the first layer consists of respectively eight sub-dimensions, namely Public Policy, Institutional Construction, Livelihood Improvement, Domestic Economic Activity, International Economic Activity, Innovation, Human Resources, and Enterprise/Brand.

7

Wang et al. (2021). Reuters was founded by a British people Paul Julius Reuter in Aachen, Germany in 1850. It is one of the earliest news agencies in the world, the largest news agency in Britain and one of the four major Western news agencies. Reuters is the world’s top three multimedia news agencies, providing all kinds of news and financial data, with branches operating in 128 countries. 9 Founded in 1888, the Financial Times (FT) is a world-famous international financial media, enjoying a great influence in the West. Its readers are from over 150 countries and regions globally. FT has specialized in reporting global business and financial news, and economic analysis and comments. The financial index of the London stock market founded by FT enjoys a global influence. 8

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Fig. 6.1 The model of national economic image

In light of the internal logic, Public Policy, Institutional Construction, and Livelihood Improvement reflect the core values of a country’s economic image. Domestic Economic Activity, and International Economic Activity embody the performance of the principal guide to a country’s economic image in practice. Innovation, Human Resources, and Enterprise/Brand work together as the most tangible factors and present the economic image on the whole (see Fig. 6.1). Public Policy is on the whole at the heart of a country’s national economic image. Thus, it is the context in which the messages in relation to a country’s economic model are received. According to the economic developmental studies in international economics’ neoclassical growth model, a country’s economic policy and economic institution provide the window for people outside to understand its economic model, economic idea, and vision of economic development. In addition, the practices in the developed countries with ample experiences in building up national image discerns the critical significance of public policy to national image. In the August of 1953, the former American president Dwight David Eisenhower established U.S. Information Agency (USIA) with an attempt in the first place to restore the American image damaged by McCarthyism. Eisenhower explained, “Americas security not only depend on good policies, but its ability to speak to and to win the support of people in other countries”.10 Institutional Construction performs two tasks: present the spirit of the country’s economic image, and in the meanwhile, protect the values from being destroyed. Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Major Issues Concerning the Enhancement of all-round Law-based Governance clearly emphasizes the role of institutional construction in China’s governance. The challenges confronting China’s socio-economic development cannot be tackled without a successful institutional construction. In practice, institutional construction mirrors 10

Sorensen (1968).

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the core values of a country’s economic development, and thus embodies the level of this country’s governance. According to the economic developmental studies in international economics’ institutions growth model, institutional construction, such as legislative system, fair competition, and anti-corruption etc. lays the foundation for sustainable economic growth. Likewise, institutional construction is included in almost every economic image assessment around the world. For instance, Forbes Brand Value Assessment ranks institutional construction on the top of the four major intangible assets.11 Livelihood Improvement explains for whom the country’s economic development is. It serves the certain forces or the public; It leads to income gap or shared prosperity. In every economic image assessment, poverty reduction, infrastructure construction, social welfare, employment, and right to education-the indicators closest to livelihood-are attached emphasis. The improvement of livelihood enables the society to maintain resilience, stability and harmony. In China, the leaders in different stages all take into account the task. For examples, Chairman Mao Zedong pointed out, “serve our people wholeheartedly”12 ; Deng Xiaoping emphasized, “our policy is made by the Chinese people’s choice”13 ; President Jiang Zemin put forward Three Represents, and “on behalf of our people’s basic benefits” is one of the three”14 ; President Hu Jintao proclaimed, “the ultimate goals of our work are to realize, protect, and enhance our people’s basic rights and interests”15 ; President Xi Jinping demonstrated, “the people’s wish for a good life is our goal”.16 Domestic Economic Activity twinned with the other dimensions underpins a country’s economic image. The glamour of domestic economic activity mirrors the implementation and effectiveness of a country’s economic-centered policies. In general, the domestic economic activity can be measured thorough two criteria: theory and practice. The former is the upstream of domestic economic activity which places the particular focus on the concept, idea and moral reasoning of public policy, and the latter concerns about the benefits created by the public policies for the people, the achievement of a sustainable economic growth, and impact on enhancing justice and equity. International Economic Activity can be used as a wind vane for assessing a country’s economic image in the world. Simon Anhalt who pioneered the studies of nation branding describes the seven factors key to a country’s image17 —three of them are in the domain of international economic activity, namely, consumers, investors and entrepreneurs. In some way, suffice to say that economic image is a 11

Four major intangible assets of Forbes Brand Value Assessment are reputation, institution construction, innovation and human resources. 12 Tse Dong (1999). 13 Deng (2006). 14 Zemin (2006). 15 Hu (2009). 16 Xi (2014). 17 According to Simon Anhalt, the seven factors key to national image include consumers, tourists, investors, students, entrepreneurs, international sporting and cultural events.

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pivotal component of national image. A country’s international economic activity has a direct and measurable impact on the national economic image through trade, investment, and economic cooperation and so on. Furthermore, the economic developmental studies in international economics uses the openness growth model to assess and compare the contributions made by a country’s international economic activity to economic growth. Due to the important role of international economic activity in presentation and perception of a country’s economic image, it comes out as a critical topic in world opinion. For example, the 45th president of the United States, Donald Trump in his speeches during the presidential election, Mexico and China tend to be the two targets about which he is concerned. He views poorly China’s economic image, claiming “We talk about free trade. It’s not tree free trade”; “It’s stupid trade [with regard to the biliteral trade between China and the U.S.]. China dumps everything that they have over here. We can’t get into China”; and “China in a trade deal? They kill us. We need to bring manufacturing jobs back home”. In his eyes, China’s economic image is portrayed as a danger to the rules of international trade. Innovation can be used to measure the level of a country’s economic image. The factors, especially the commitment to innovation and competence in innovation are usually used to estimate and compare a country’s economic image-dynamic vis-à-vis stagnant, sustainable vis-à-vis temporal, thought-provoking vis-à-vis imitated, and so forth. According to the economic developmental studies in international economics’ innovation growth model, a country’s competence in innovation is indeed essential to its economic growth. What is more, the leading brand value assessments around the world, such as Forbes, and Interbrand18 always see “Innovation” as a foundation of an enterprise’s power. Human Resources refers to the role of citizens in a country’s economic image. According to the economic developmental studies in international economics’ endogenous growth model, human resources is a cornerstone of economic growth. For instance, Forbes includes human resources in its brand value assessment as a steadfast index. In other words, with regard to the characteristics of a country’s human resources, it is labor-intensive vis-à-vis high-tech oriented, largely illiterate vis-à-vis well-educated, etc.-the answers will directly affect the country’s economic image. Enterprise/brand on the whole constructs and represents a country’s economic image as tangible aspect. Chinese scholars discern, “among the economic activities which advance a country’s economic image, enterprise image should be seen as an important constructor and representative”.19 In terms of brand value in assessing a country’s economic image, the level of innovation in science and technology, added value, and independent ownership of intellectual property are included and used as 18

Founded in 1974, Interbrand is the world’s largest comprehensive brand consulting company, committed to providing a full range of one-stop brand consulting services for global large brand customers. Its customers account for about two-thirds of the global Fortune 100 companies. As a leading pioneer in global advertising, marketing and corporate communications, Interbrand has a global resource network, with 42 offices in 28 countries so far. 19 Manli (2008).

6.2 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

155

top priorities. China has focused attention on building the competitive competence of Chinese enterprises and Chinese brands that has enabled China’s economic growth for many decades. In 1992, Deng Xiaoping in his well-known South China Tour emphasized, “in all what we do, we must advocate for and advance China’s competitive products which are found and made in China to ensure that we can protect our rights in international trade”. One of the primary goals of China’s 11th Five Year Plan is to foster a group of Chinese enterprises with independent intellectual property, global brands, and competitive advantages”. During the 12th Five Year Plan, the primary goals are to continue to forge the new advantage featuring technology, brand, quality, and service to be suited to seize the opportunities of globalization. In 2015, Premiere Li Keqiang at the executive meetings of the State Council addressed, for the upgrading of manufacturing, and China must draw on the Chinese brands”. Simply put, according to the three layers-11 variables model of national economic image that this book creates, together with the data analysis of Factiva, surveys, questionnaires, and interviews, the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up is traced, reviewed, and forward-looking recommendations are provided.

6.2 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up According to the model of national economic image (see Sect. 6.1 “The Major Dimensions of National Economic Image”), the analysis of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up discovers the following major findings. Again, to move from a broad issue to definitions of the problems in reviewing and assessing the international communication of China’s national economic image over the past forty years, case-year analysis is also employed. The selective process is based first and foremost on the historic events which shaped the change of China’s reform and opening up (see Chap. 2 “The Transformation of China’s Concept of the International Communication of National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up”). The year of 1978 is the first case year in this book, as it is the starting point of China’s reform and opening up. The second case year, 1992, after Deng Xiaoping’s well-known South China Tour in this year, the 14th National Congress of the CPC in the October of 1992 for the first time claimed to construct the socialist market economy system. In the year of 2001, Protocol on The Accession of the People’s Republic of China was formally issued on December 11, 2001, and China formally participated in WTO. It is seen as an epoch-breaking milestone in China’s economic reform. The fourth case year is the year, 2008 when China’s economy was confronted by a grave danger of the global financial crisis. In 2010, China became the world’s

156

6 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

Table 6.1 The case year analysis of the attention rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up Year

1978

1992

2001

2008

2010

2013

2015

Total

Attention

0.6

50.1

332.4

431.5

622.4

921.7

1007.4

3366.1

Unit: 10,000

second largest economy, and thus China’s efforts to successfully counter the uncertainty in economic growth has begun to breed global discussion. BRI was proposed in the year of 2013, the sixth case year, which represents to an extent China’s solutions to globalization in the new era. The year of 2015 is the last case year included in this book for now.

6.2.1 The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up Different from the international communication of China’s national political image, the ratings of attention on China’s national economic image enjoyed a stable increase. What is more, it increased at an observable pace since China’s joining WTO in 2001 (see Table 6.1).20 There are three principal findings indicating the differences between the global perception of China’s national economic image, and political image among the data on the case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up (see Fig. 6.2). First, the major changes in the ratings of the attention over the past four decades. In general, the ratings of attention on China’s national political image worldwide enjoyed an increase as a whole. However, the rating fluctuated, and even was confronted by downfalls at some points. By contrast, the international communication of China’s national economic image fared a consecutive, obvious increase over the past four decades. Looking at the different pictures, it can be concluded that in to the world, China’s national economic image has outpaced its national political image. Second, the primary causes of the changes in the ratings of attention. According to the analysis of and reflection on the international communication of China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up (see Chap. 5), the results of 20

The research reports selected are those with China as the theme. The works selected are from academic monographs, compiles, papers, and poll reports (relating China) with China as the theme or the comparative studies between China and other countries. Media reports selected are the feature and commentary articles about China’s economic image, with more than 800 words; Each relevant paper selected is over 10,000 words.

6.2 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

157

Fig. 6.2 The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (Unit: 10,000)

the ratings of attention depend on multiple factors including history, geopolitics, and international cooperation and conflict and so on. More recently, the rise of the voices of China Threat somewhat increases the world’s attention on China’s political issues. Thereby, it is much harder for China in general to exert power and influence in the international communication of China’s national political image. By contrast, the increase in the ratings of attention on China’s national economic image is correlated to China’s economic activities on its own. The result is of statistical significance. In this sense, the exceptional economic growth achieved by China’s reform and opening up is the most pivotal source of the world’s attention on China’s national economic image, rather than a broader set of factors. Third, the key drivers of the increase in rating of attention. On the whole, the factors that powerfully affect the attention that China’s political image gained are relatively complicated and sensitive. Sometimes, the increase of the ratings of attention is the result of agenda-setting, in particular when the topics are related to ideological divides. Yet, the attention on China’s national economic image has thrived in global discussion when China responds effectively and comprehensively to the needs of global economy. In other words, the international communication of China’s national economic image can enjoy greater attention as a result of “good news” instead of “bad news”.

158

6 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

6.2.2 The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up by Regions The analysis of the Attention to the International Communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up by regions finds (see Table 6.2) that the U.S., and Canada contributed the highest rating (10.1437 million). Europe (94.705 million) ranked second. In this region, BRI launched in the year of 2013 is a momentum. Prior to the initiative, the European countries which felt interested in the issues on China’s economy were centered around the U.K., Germany, France, and Finland. Since the year of 2013, more European countries have begun to take care to know more about these topics including the countries relatively seldom involved in the discussion such as the Central and Eastern European countries, Poland, Croatia, Hungary; and the Baltic States, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. The third was Asia (54.382 million). In general, Asia countries, particularly, Japan and South Korea in East Asia, and the South Asian countries, had a long-term attention on China’s national economic image. BRI promoted in 2013 is a wellspring for Central Asia, and Western Asia to take China’s economy into account. Oceania ranks fourth (42.459 million). On average, Austria and New Zealand contributed the highest attention to the reports on China’s national economic image. By comparison, the twenty-seven South Pacific countries and territories, such as Papua New Guinea, Fiji, Samoa, Tonga, Vanuatu etc. seemed to pay limited attention to China’s economy. Africa ranked in at sixth place (25.334 million). Most of the countries in Africa which have been the windows of China’s national economic image to Africans are those with deep friendship with China. In Africa, the observable rise of attention in 2015 was grounded principally in the new strategy of China-Africa cooperation announced by the Chinese president, Xi Jinping in his state visit to South Africa. December 2–5, 2015, Chinese president Xi Jinping paid a state visit to South Africa, Table 6.2 The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up by regions Region

1978

1992

2001

2008

2010

2013

2015

Total

North America

0.17

14.7

99

129

203

276.4

292.1

1014.37

Europe

0.15

13.5

86.4

117

168

273

289

947.05

Asia

0.12

10

66.5

86.3

113.4

129.7

137.8

543.82

Oceania

0.09

7.5

49.8

60.4

71.8

113

122

424.59

Africa

0.04

3

20

21.6

39.5

71

98.2

253.34

South America

0.02

1

7

11.3

17.9

39

43.7

119.92

Central America

0.01

0.4

3.7

5.9

8.8

19.6

24.6

63.01

Total

0.6

50.1

332.4

431.5

622.4

921.7

1007.4

3366.1

Unit: 10,000

6.2 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

159

Fig. 6.3 The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up by regions (Unit: 10,000)

and attended the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation. He addressed that China will build new and deeper partnerships in Africa. The press’ comments on the new work plan as more than at any point in history of China-Africa cooperation in view of the fields covered, inputs made, and sources provided.21 Comparatively, the international communication of China’s national economic image received lower ratings of attention in South America (1.1992 million), and Central America (0.6301 million). The changes in the attention to the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up in different regions is shown by three worthwhile facts (see Fig. 6.3): First, there is a clear correlation between the ratings of attention paid to China’s national economic image systems and the level of China’s integration into global economy. In other words, the more active China involves in economic cooperation, the higher ratings of attention. Second, China enjoyed a greater attention in the regions where developed economies are more than developing countries. Conversely, the regions where developing economies outstrip, the attention to the issues concerning China’s economy depended on whether or not they are relevant to the locals. The rating of attention in the year of 2015 marked a new high. One can reasonably surmise that BRI has been announced which is focused primarily on the economic ties with developing countries, and thus are able to trigger greater interest of more developing countries. Third, compared to Asia, North America, and Europe, the attention to China’s national economic image still remains limited in Africa, Latin America, and South America. The current situation lags behind the implementation of China’s foreign policies, in particular, BRI.

21

Chen (2015).

160

6 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

6.2.3 The Focus on the International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up The review and analysis of the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up (see Table 6.3) indicates positively the fact that all of the eight elements at the second layer managed to attain reasonable attention. In this sense, China’s integrity into globalized economy benefits from the Among the total of eight sub-elements at the second level of China’s national economic image, institutional construction (87.88 million), and public policy (76.52 million) are the two particular topics that attracted the greatest attention in the world. This finding points out: the attention to China’s economic issues has its roots in China’s economic policies, and construction of economic institution. It also illustrates a relationship between China’s willingness to actively participate in international discussions on China’s economy represented by the Chinese governments, media, institutions, and enterprises, and the effective agenda-setting in world opinion. Furthermore, the changes in the focuses on international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up identifies three major principles (see Fig. 6.4): First, the world’s attention to China’s economic policies arises from China’s innovation in its economic governance. The four particular years of the seven case years, that is 1978, 1992, 2013, and 2015, have one characteristic in common-China’s seeking to carry out edge-cutting economic reforms. That is why the topics relevant to China’s economic policies in these four years received much higher attention. Second, China’s domestic economic activity actually enjoyed higher awareness than its international economic activity in the international communication of China’s Table 6.3 The case year analysis of the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) The sub-elements

1978 1992 2001

Public policy

0.3

21.5

74.9

81.1 113.8 233.2

240.4 756.2

Institutional construction

0.2

26.5

71.8

70.3 122.1 229.5

358.4 878.8

Livelihood improvement

0

0.1

34.4

72.9

81.5 111.5

85.2 385.6

Domestic economic activity

0.07

0.45

61.6

62.1

90.2

84.8

67.7 366.92

International economic activity 0

0.55

9.3

19.4

62.9

71.9

73.8 237.85

Innovation

0.03

0.45

8.6

19.4

29.9

43.3

52.5 154.18

Human resources

0

0.55

43.5

57.9

58.5

51.6

59.3 271.35

Enterprise/brand

0

0

28.3

48.4

63.5

95.9

70.1 306.2

Total

0.6

50.1

Unit: 10,000

2008

2010

2013

2015

Total

332.4 431.5 622.4 921.7 1007.4 3366.1

6.2 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

161

Fig. 6.4 The case year analysis of the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) (Unit: 10,000)

national economic image. In response, China should find out ways to ensure that its domestic economic development is sound, resilient, and powerful so as to present a favorable national economic image in the world. Third, the third phase of China’s reform and opening up since the year of 2001 has seen the ascendance of livelihood improvement in China’s national economic image. The indicator ranks fourth (38.56) among the total of eight elements. Principally, it reflects the world has imposed a higher anticipation for China’s economic growth. Methodologically, the priority that the Chinese government gives to the social welfare that can be shared by all of the Chinese people indeed enables a more acceptable China’s national economic image.22 Given the above, all of the eight sub-elements at the second level had access to the global concern during the forty years of China’s reform and opening up. Comparatively, the topics in relation to institutional construction, public policy, and livelihood improvement in China’s economic field had more consequences in international discussions, while China’s human resources (27.135 million), especially, China’s talent policies, and innovation (15.418 million) seemed to stand aloof from the world’s spotlight (see Table 6.4).

22

Xi (2012).

765.2

Total

Unit: 10,000

Public policy

The sub-elements

878.8

Institutional construction 385.6

Livelihood improvement 366.92

Domestic economic activity 237.85

International economic activity 154.18

Innovation

271.35

Human resources

306.2

Enterprise/brand

Table 6.4 The case year analysis of the frequency of the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level)

162 6 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

6.2 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

163

Fig. 6.5 The case year analysis of the percentage of the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level)

The percentage of the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) indicates that the two variables, namely institutional construction (26%), and public policy (23%) contributed to nearly half of the reports on China’s national economic image (49%). This finding proves that the construction and presentation of China’s national economic image is subject to the performance of the Chinese governments (see Fig. 6.5). Nevertheless, the three elements of China’s national economic image at the second layer, that is, innovation (5%), international economic activity (7%), and human resources (8%), have not attracted sufficient discussions. Without workable action, not only will the long-standing stereotypes in these fields continue to be strengthened, but trigger new misinterpretations with potentially missive costs in the new situation. For instance, the notions of Chinese enterprises still have been stung by the bias hat Made-in-China means Cheap. In addition, the awareness of China’s contributions to the world’s economic cooperation tends to be regional-based. In some regions, China’s national economic image has been portrayed as stepping outside the currents of international cooperation. In fact, the misinterpretation casts doubts on China’s over all national image. In the May of 2010, The National Security Strategy of the United States of America, a fiftytwo page report, delivered a hint that “the burdens of a young country cannot fall on American shoulders alone-indeed, our adversaries would like to see America sap

164

6 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

our strength by overextending our power”.23 When some of the American mainstream media interpreted this message, China when became the world’s second largest economy in the same year was a prime target. In view of the new challenges brought about the new changes in the globalized economy, if the discussions on China’s human resources in its economic development still cannot trigger sufficient awareness, the difficulties of attraction of international talents will upgraded in China. For instance, in the field survey of Zhongguancun, the respondents introduced that after more thirty years of painstaking efforts, it has developed into a national independent innovation demonstration area and formed “16 parks in one zone”. What is more, the vision to build four centers in Beijing claimed by the Chinese president Xi Jinping in 2014, namely, the national center of politics, culture, international exchange, and technology and innovation, provides Zhong Guancun a momentum for being China’s leading hub of high-tech innovation. To do so, Zhong Guancun has been endorsed a series of preferential treatments for talents attraction. The new policies include the approval of permanent residence of the overseas Chinese with doctoral degrees, simplification of the procedures,24 work permit for the international students in Beijing’s universities, and for the first time, approval of settlement for Hong Kong and Macao specialized talents and their family members, and so on. However, the Human Resource Department of Management Committee of Zhongguancun Science and Technology Park reflected that attraction of international talents cannot be achieved solely by the policy reformation but relies much more on the awareness of the soft ecology of Zhong Guancun. This is the asset that Zhong Guncun wishes to accumulate. For instance, there are still no worldclass headhunter companies that run in Zhong Guancun. By the end of the year of 2016, the foreign employees in Zhong Guancun just exceeded 10,000 amounting to approximately 0.5% of the total. The gap is obvious compared to the world-famous hub of science and technology represented by Silicon Valley in the U.S., Tsukuba in Japan, and Waterloo in Canada, and so forth. In the fieldtrip, the foreign employees in Zhong Guancun expressed their concerns that due to the lack of information and materials about the Chinese culture of human resources, they did feel reluctant to work in China. Drawing upon the statistics of the eight determinants at the second layer, the case year analysis of the focus on the four elements at the first layer of the model 23

The White House, Washington (2010). Since March 1st, 2016, the Ministry of Public Security of the People’s Republic of China has officially implemented 20 exit and entry administration policies, involving foreigners’ visas, entry and exit, residence and other aspects. Foreign high-level talents in Zhong Guancun can apply for permanent residence permit. Their spouses and children under 18 meeting the recognition criteria, through recommended by Zhong Guancun Management committee, can apply for permanent residence qualification in China. The Ministry of Public Security has set up a Permanent Residence service window for foreigners in Zhong Guancun, which is responsible for accepting and examining applications for Permanent Residence and providing consulting services. For foreign high-level talents in Zhong Guancun applying for permanent residence, the approval process periods can be shortened. The whole process shall be completed within 50 working days after acceptance (the current regulation is 180 days).

24

6.2 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

165

Table 6.5 The case year analysis of the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) The elements

1978

1992

2001

2008

2010

2013

2015

Total

Policy (economic-centered)

0.5

48.1

181.1

224.3

317.4

574.2

684

2029.6

National economic activity 0.07

1

70.9

81.5

153.1

156.7

141.5

604.77

0.03

1

80.4

125.7

151.9

190.8

181.9

731.73

National economic image delivery Unit: 10,000

of China’s national economic image reflects the following major findings (see Table 6.5). According to Table 6.5, the three elements at the first level on which China’s national economic image is founded all received the attention all over the world. With China’s joining WTO, becoming the world’s second largest economy, and deepening connections among China and all of the countries around the globe, the focuses on China’s national economic image should be more diverse, comprehensive, and dynamic in the world’s discussions. Compared to China’s economic activity, the world tends to hold a strong curiosity of the ways through which China delivers its national economic image. To do so, the focus on the determinant, national economic image delivery has ranked second since 1978. The case year analysis of the frequency of the focus on the three elements at the first layer of international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up is a source of understanding of the world’s needs of the Chinese economic stories (see Table 6.6). From a comparative angel, China’s economic-centered policies (20.296 million) stitched together the largest number of discussions. It indicates an interesting fact that the world as a whole is more concerned about China’s economic governance than its political governance (14.122 million). China’s national economic image delivery ranked the second (73.173 million) indicating that China should provide more platforms so as to help the outside world have access to China. The historical analysis of the changes in the focuses on the three elements at the first layer of China’s economic image (see Fig. 6.6), it is certainly true that the awareness of China’s economic-centered policies has been on the rise since 1978. Table 6.6 The case year analysis of the frequency of the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) The elements

Policy (economic-centered)

National economic activity

National economic image delivery

Total

2029.6

604.77

731.73

Unit: 10,000

166

6 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

In particular, the supply-side reform launched in China in 2013 strengthened the world’s concerns about China’s further economic reformations, and their possible implications for the globalized economy. On the basis of the review of the focuses on China’s national economic image, how they were distributed in the world’s discussions is analyzed (see Fig. 6.7). The statistics find that the discussions on China’s economic-centered policies amounted to 60% in total over the past four decades of China’s reform and opening

Fig. 6.6 The case year analysis of the changes in the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) (Unit: 10,000)

Fig. 6.7 The case year analysis of the percentage of the focus on the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level)

6.2 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

167

up. The most urgent task up which China needs to take is enhancing the international delivery of China’s national economic activity, especially, the benefits of China’s economic growth on social welfare and the world’s more prosperity.

6.2.4 The Acceptance Rate of the International Communication of China’s National Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up 6.2.4.1

The Conformation of the Weighting Coefficient

As defined in Sect. 4.5.3 “Define the Assessment Set” in this book, the analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image is measured and compared through three directions, that is, the supportive, neutral, and critical. Also, Sect. 4.3 “National Economic Image” in this book illustrates the organization of the two-layer model of national economic image. The economics in general believe that national economic activity is fundamental to the assessment of a country’s economic performance. Thereby, when assessing the ratings of acceptance of China’s national economic image (100% in total), China’s national economic activity accounts for 50%. Given that the research focus of this book is placed on review and assessment of the international communication of China’s national image, China’s national economic delivery accounts for 30%. Then, China’s economic-centered policies account for the rest 20% (see Table 6.7). With regard to the sub-elements at the second layer of China’s national economic image, the major findings are as follows (see Table 6.8): In light of China’s economic-centered policies, livelihood improvement is a relatively more critical source of acceptance, and therefore it accounts for 40%. Meanwhile, the other two indicators-public policy, and institutional construction-are both important to assessment of a county’s economic-centered policies, and therefore are equally shared the rest 60%. In view of China’s national economic activities, due to the higher emphasis of this book is attached to China’s national image in the world, international economic activity (70%) is weighted higher than that of domestic economic activity (30%). Table 6.7 The weight of the case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level) The elements

Policy (economic-centered)

National economic activity

National economic image delivery

Weight

0.2

0.5

0.3

168

6 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

Table 6.8 The weight of the case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level) Policy (economic-centered) The sub-elements

Public policy

Institutional construction

Livelihood improvement

Weight

0.3

0.3

0.4

National economic activity The sub-elements

Domestic economic activity

International economic activity

Weight

0.3

0.7

National economic image delivery The sub-elements

Innovation

Human resources

Enterprise/brand

Weight

0.4

0.3

0.3

In terms of national economic image delivery, China has been advocated for and advance innovation particularly in recent years. Thus, innovation (40%) is given higher weight than human resources (30%), and enterprise/brand (30%). The assessment of China’s national economic image is the same as that of China’s national political image that the supportive direction is weighted with 100 points, the neutral direction with 60 points, and the critical direction with 20 points (see Table 6.9). Again, like the assessment of China’s national political image, the neutral direction weighting 60 points in the assessment of China’s national economic image, largely because of the statistically significant finding that the content analysis identifies the overall perception of China’s economic image is directed to supportive by neutral. The critical perception of China’s economic image around the globe deserves 20 points explained in Chap. 5 “The International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening up”. Table 6.9 The weight of the case year analysis of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up

Acceptance

Supportive

Neutral

Critical

Weight

100

60

20

6.2 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

6.2.4.2

169

The Case Year Analysis of the Acceptance Rate of the International Communication of China’s National Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up: The Sub-elements at the Second Level

The ratings of acceptance of China’s national economic image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up is directed to supportive by neutral (see Table 6.10)—so that China’s economic development receives an overall recognition. China’s economic-centered policies are most clearly well-known around the globe. The analysis year-by-year of the ratings of acceptance of China’s national economic image enables deeper understanding of the drivers of the world’s recognition in detail. The Year of 1978 The Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC in 1978 announced the launch of China’s reform and opening up. At the outset, economic construction lies in the heart of China’s economic reform. Seeking truth from facts, the cardinal principle is the guidance to China’s socialist construction. With regard to China’s economic construction, the primary goals are set to accomplish the modernization of China’s economy. The development strategies for China’s economic reform carried out in the year of 1978 enjoyed a wide range of supportive responses around the world (see Table 6.11). Overall, the international perception of China’s reform and opening up was basically objective and positive. However, at the start, the advocates to market economy argued the possibility of China’s economic reform, and that the critical viewpoints (33%) surpassed the supportive feedbacks (23%) in 1978. The critical views of China’s economic institutional construction amounted to 52%. In large part, the economic structure in China at the time did not unshackle the burden of highly centralized systems. The state’s monopoly on the purchase of marketing agricultural and industrial products lead to arguments and criticisms. The critical response to China’s livelihood improvement amounted to 55%. It is not surprising that the basic fact that China is the most populous developing country in the world affects fundamentally the world’s perception. The critical views of China’s domestic economic activities amounted to 50%. It comes from the unpopular images of China’s economic environment as a whole. However, China’s international economic activities received the highest recognition among the eight sub-elements at the second layer of China’s national economic image. The supportive feedback amounted to 1% together with the neutral viewpoints amounted to 95%. The rating of China’s intention to open up to the outside reform is an anomaly as Chinese government just announced the economic reform and thus was enjoying a honeymoon with the world. Human resources, and enterprise/brand received most negative comments, respectively amounting to 89% and 83%. There is a clear correlation between the “Left” deviations at the time in China, and the ratings of acceptance of Chinese enterprises.

1

2

Human resources

Enterprise/brand

23

54 53

64

34

33

36

39

47

Livelihood improvement

Domestic economic activity

International economic activity

Innovation

Human resources

Enterprise/brand 41

58

61

25

56

39

52

31

Institutional construction

12

8

10

9

5

11

5

17

48

41

39

39

41

65

42

41

4

74

85

4

25

29

47

2013

21

12

85

57

57

51

53

43

Supportive

Critical

5

3

11

18

14

2

24

53

49

31

21

27

34

31

23

31

43

47

44

53

46

29

49

47

44

43

64

51

61

52

34

37

Neutral

9

12

17

8

13

6

9

12

Critical

Supportive

2001

Neutral

Critical

2010 Neutral

83

89

53

4

50

55

52

33

Neutral

Supportive

15

10

46

95

Public policy

The sub-elements

1

Innovation

48

2

1

Domestic economic activity

International economic activity

47

45

1

0

Institutional construction

Livelihood improvement

44

Supportive

23

1991 Critical

Supportive

Neutral

1978

Public policy

The sub-elements

50

31

32

35

38

63

36

39

51

45

38

43

42

64

42

42

46

37

56

51

54

59

24

40

49

45

44

45

30

51

52

Critical

13

13

17

11

3

13

18

14

9

6

17

13

13

6

7

6

Critical

Neutral 47

Neutral

Supportive

2008

Supportive

2015

7

26

15

22

5

17

43

32

Critical

Table 6.10 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the sub-elements at the second level)

170 6 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

6.2 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image … Table 6.11 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 1978 (the sub-elements at the second level)

171

The sub-elements Acceptance Supportive (%) Neutral (%) Critical (%) Public policy

23

44

33

Institutional construction

1

47

52

Livelihood improvement

0

45

55

Domestic economic activity

2

48

50

International economic activity

1

95

4

Innovation

1

46

53

Human resources

1

10

89

Enterprise/brand

2

15

83

The Year of 1992 By the year of 1992, China’s rural reform witnessed a series of breakthroughs in many ways. Agriculture is the foundation of China’s economic development-these achievements have propelled the urban-centered economic reform. Two main tasks in the beginning: first is the tax reform. Tax for profits is applied as a substitution of tax payments for profit delivery; second is the comprehensive economic reform in urbans of China. The path of urban-centered economic reform had undergone ups and downs. The unfair, chaotic, and unaccountable actions and behavior in the name of market economy dampened China’s ongoing economic reform. Thus, what is the future of China’s reform and opening up holds aroused a nationwide debate. In face of the extremely complicated, sensitive difficulties, Deng Xiaoping, the chief representative of China’s Reform and Opening-up made his well-known South China Tour in the year of 1992, which is verified as the engine of China’s economic reform at the higher level. Thanks to the courage and determination that China keeps to deliver on reform and opening up, compared to that of the year of 1978, China’s national economic image during the second stage of reform and opening up see a remarkable progress in the world’s perception. Specifically, in 1992, compared to the acceptance rate of the year of 1978, the supportive perception of China’s economiccentered public policies grew 30%, the neutral perception reduced 1%, and the critical perception reduced 29%; the supportive perception of China’s economic institutional construction grew 23%, the neutral perception increased 6%, and the critical perception reduced 29%; the supportive perception of China’s livelihood improvement grew 2%, the neutral perception increased 6%, and the critical perception reduced 8%; the supportive perception of China’s domestic economic activity grew 12%, the neutral perception increased 9%, and the critical perception reduced 21%; the supportive perception of China’s international economic activity grew 17%, the neutral perception reduced 38%, and the critical perception grew 21%; the supportive perception of

172

6 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

Table 6.12 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 1992 (the sub-elements at the second level)

The sub-elements Acceptance Supportive (%) Neutral (%) Critical (%) Public policy

53

43

4

Institutional construction

24

53

23

Livelihood improvement

2

51

47

Domestic 14 economic activity

57

29

International 18 economic activity

57

25

Innovation

11

85

4

Human resources

3

12

85

Enterprise/brand

5

21

74

China’s innovation grew 10%, the neutral perception increased 39%, and the critical perception reduced 49%; the supportive perception of China’s human resources grew 2%, the neutral perception grew 2%, and the critical perception reduced 4%; and the supportive perception of China’s enterprise/brand grew 3%, the neutral perception grew 6%, and the critical perception reduced 9% (see Table 6.12). At the stage, the supportive rating of China’s economic-centered policies amounted to 53% remarkably beyond the negative perceptions (4%). The whole world normally thinks highly of Deng Xiaoping’s policy of economic reform and the great achievements have been made. Likewise, the positive comments on China’s economic institutional construction amounted to 24% slightly surpassing the negative responses (23%). The great achievements of China’s reform and opening up earn the compliments worldwide. Among them, the improvement of the living standard of rural China impresses most the whole world. Agricultural production had expanded rapidly as fundamental changes that had taken place in China’s rural economy since rural reforms were introduced in 1978. The Chinese governments at all levels reach a consensus that without the stability and development in the countryside, there can never be China’s stability and progress. The Year of 2001 China formally participated in WTO in 2001, the year which is a milestone of China’s economic reform. Chapter 5, “The International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening up” illustrates the observably positive impact made by joining WTO on the improvement of global recognition of China’s national political image. China’s national economic image as a whole is hardened by this historic event as well. In 2001, compared to the acceptance rate of the year of 1992, the supportive perception of China’s economic-centered public policies reduced 22%, the neutral

6.2 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image … Table 6.13 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2001 (the sub-elements at the second level)

173

The sub-elements Acceptance Supportive (%) Neutral (%) Critical (%) Public policy

31

37

32

Institutional construction

23

34

43

Livelihood improvement

31

52

17

Domestic 34 economic activity

61

5

International 27 economic activity

51

22

Innovation

21

64

15

Human resources 31

43

26

49

44

7

Enterprise/brand

perception reduced 6%, and the critical perception increased 28%; the supportive perception of China’s economic institutional construction reduced 1%, the neutral perception reduced 19%, and the critical perception increased 20%; the supportive perception of China’s livelihood improvement grew 29%, the neutral perception increased 1%, and the critical perception reduced 30%; the supportive perception of China’s domestic economic activity grew 20%, the neutral perception grew 4%, and the critical perception reduced 24%; the supportive perception of China’s international economic activity grew 9%, the neutral perception reduced 6%, and the critical perception reduced 3%; the supportive perception of China’s innovation grew 10%, the neutral perception reduced 21%, and the critical perception grew 11%; the supportive perception of China’s human resources grew 28%, the neutral perception grew 31%, and the critical perception reduced 59%; and the supportive perception of China’s enterprise/brand grew 44%, the neutral perception grew 23%, and the critical perception reduced 67% (see Table 6.13). First and foremost, the supporters for and critics of China’s economic-centered policies are equal to each other in the world’s arena (31% vs. 32%). Interestingly, the criticisms mainly came from the developing countries, such as Mexico and so on. The content analysis in detail finds out the major reasons lie in the arguments focusing on the competition brought about China’s joining WTO as developing economy. Looking closely back at history, China should have been more conscious of the concerns of the developing countries with similar industrial structure to China and provided them with more sufficient chances to reinforce mutual understanding. In addition, the critical views of China’s economic institutional construction surpassed that of the supportive feedbacks (43% vs. 23%). The concern is centered around that would China be bounded by the existing international rules of trade which has guided WTO and served as a bacon to the globalized economy.25 25

Yueh (2013), 4–15.

174

6 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

And, the remarkable progresses lie in the performance of China’s domestic economic activities, international economic activities, innovation, human resources, and enterprise/brand. At the center of the improvement of China’s national economic image should be enterprise/brand (increasing 44%), and human resources (increasing 28%). The recognition of the two dimensions in China’s national economic image are a broader part of the efforts that China’s participation in global economic cooperation provides windows for the outside world to be more aware of the development of China’s enterprises, brands and human resources. The Year of 2008 The spectacular Beijing Olympic Games is always the first event that occurs to the minds of the Chinese when speaking of the year of 2008. By contrast, the mortgage crisis broke out from the Wall Street and soon spread all over the U.S. impressed the Americans. What is more, China issued a set of incentives to spur the global economy. The role of leverage that China played brought about some new changes in the international communication of China’s national economic image in this year. Compared to 2001, in the year of 2008, the supportive perception of China’s economic-centered public policies increased 8%, the neutral perception increased 10%, and the critical perception reduced 18%; the supportive perception of China’s economic institutional construction increased 13%, the neutral perception increased 12%, and the critical perception reduced 25%; the supportive perception of China’s livelihood improvement grew 32%, the neutral perception reduced 28%, and the critical perception reduced 4%; the supportive perception of China’s domestic economic activity grew 4%, the neutral perception reduced 2%, and the critical perception reduced 2%; the supportive perception of China’s international economic activity grew 8%, the neutral perception increased 3%, and the critical perception reduced 11%; the supportive perception of China’s innovation grew 11%, the neutral perception reduced 13%, and the critical perception grew 2%; the supportive perception of China’s human resources remained unchanged compared to the year of 2001, the neutral perception grew 13%, and the critical perception reduced 13%; and the supportive perception of China’s enterprise/brand grew 1%, the neutral perception reduced 7%, and the critical perception reduced 6% (see Table 6.14). There are three prime changes: First, it is the first time that the supportive perception of China’s economic institutional construction surpassed that of the critical view, namely 36% versus 18%. The improvements are tied to China’s efforts to stabilize the economic activity, and efficiently fix the global financial crisis. As a result, more and more governments, think tanks, and in particular international financial institutes have begun to take into account China’s economic institution behind the so-called China’s economic miracle. Second, the positive perception of China’s international economic activities hits another record high amounting to 35% in the forty years of China’s reform and opening up. The recognition mainly arises from the measures that China implemented to fulfill the government’s growth target of 8%, and to boost in demand from around the world.

6.2 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

175

Table 6.14 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2008 (the sub-elements at the second level) The sub-elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Public policy

39

47

14

Institutional construction

36

46

18 13

Livelihood improvement

63

24

Domestic economic activity

38

59

3

International economic activities

35

54

11

Innovation

32

51

17

Human resources

31

56

13

Enterprise/brand

50

37

13

Third, the positive perception of China’s livelihood improvement also hit the record high since the 1978 Reform and Opening up, amounting to 63%. This progress contributes to the increase in the positive comments on China’s human rights in the year of 2008 (see Chap. 5). The correlation verifies over again the deep, comprehensive connections between China’s national political image and national economic image. The Year of 2010 In so many ways, the year of 2010 is very much meaningful to China-the complex meanings cannot be crystalized into a precis. First and foremost, China became the world’s second largest economy within decades of years. The great lead foreword whets the world’s appetites for further understanding of China as a whole. In the meantime, China had to face the new challenges in international economic cooperation. Take the biliteral trade between China and the U.S. as a typical example, on January 12 of 2010, Google claimed the cyberattacks from China, and called for a negotiation with Chinese government saying that it “will not be syndicating censored searches to partners in China”.26 On March 23 of 2010, Google withdrew its search service from mainland China, and has started redirecting its Google.cn traffic to its Hong Kong site, where it now offers both simplified and traditional Chinese uncensored search results. This event triggers the debates on online freedom of speech, and affects the relationship between China and the U.S.27 To China, Google has turned its dispute with China over government web censorship and cyberattacks into a political issue.28 The U.S. took a hardline stance on this event. Hillary Colinton, the former of United States Secretary of State in her public speech on freedom of the Internet, claimed that Google’s withdrawal has aroused global concern, and asked the Chinese government to carry out investigations on the case. Philip Crowley, US 26

Boyuan (2010). Wikipedia (2021). 28 See Footnote 27. 27

176

6 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

Department of State spokesman, said that “the State Department was not a party to this decision. This was Google’s decision and we respect it. Google has made a business decision to stop operating google.cn in China, while at the same time, the United States values its economic relations with China”. The chairman, CEO and chief software designer of Microsoft, Bill Gates in ABC’s interview commented on the necessity to enable the rise of the Internet in China to be a powerful engine of freedom of speech. The minister of U.S. Department of Commerce, Gary Locke urged China to ensure that Google and other American companies enjoy an accountable business environment in China. The U.S. Department of State announced that will exchange with China on the freedom of Internet based on the universal principle of freedom of information.29 In face of the complex situation, China’s efforts to promote an attractive economic image around the world hold out some achievements in the year of 2010. In comparison to 2008, in 2010 the year, the supportive perception of China’s economiccentered public policies reduced 8%, the neutral perception increased 5%, and the critical perception increased 3%; the supportive perception of China’s economic institutional construction increased 3%, the neutral perception increased 10%, and the critical perception reduced 13%; the supportive perception of China’s livelihood improvement grew 1%, the neutral perception increased 1%, and the critical perception reduced 2%; the supportive perception of China’s domestic economic activity reduced 4%, the neutral perception increased 2%, and the critical perception increased 2%; the supportive perception of China’s international economic activity reduced 2%, the neutral perception increased 4%, and the critical perception reduced 2%; the supportive perception of China’s innovation grew 4%, the neutral perception increased 3%, and the critical perception reduced 7%; the supportive perception of China’s human resources grew 8%, the neutral perception reduced 3%, and the critical perception reduced 5%; and the supportive perception of China’s enterprise/brand reduced 3%, the neutral perception increased 4%, and the critical perception reduced 1% (see Table 6.15). In keeping with the three major focus on the foundation of international communication of China’s national economic image: First, by contrast with the somewhat remarkable fall of the ratings of acceptance of China’s national political image in 2010 (see Chap. 5), China’s national economic image maintains its fundamentals. Furthermore, the critical views of China’s economic institutional construction, livelihood improvement, international economic activity, innovation, and human resources reduced. The finding indicates the fact that China’s national political image to an extent is independent of China’s national economic image despite the interdependence between them. Second, in terms of the sub-elements at the second layer of China’s national economic image, the increase in the critical perception concurs with the sub-elements at the second layer of China’s national political image. For instance, the positive

29

See Footnote 27.

6.2 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image … Table 6.15 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2010 (the sub-elements at the second level)

177

The sub-elements Acceptance Supportive (%) Neutral (%) Critical (%) Public policy

31

52

17

Institutional construction

39

56

5

Livelihood improvement

64

25

11

Domestic 34 economic activity

61

5

International 33 economic activity

58

9

Innovation

36

54

10

Human resources 39

53

8

47

41

12

Enterprise/brand

perception of China’s political-centered policy reduced 8% in the year of 2010. Likewise, the critical views of China’s economic-centered policy increased 3%. Admittedly, the acceptance of China’s national image greatly draws up the perception of the Chinese governments at all levels. Third, the tension imposed on the international communication of China’s national economic image actually can help China diagnose the problems worth concern and spark the potential. Compared to the second stage of China’s reform and opening up (1992–2001), the supportive perception of the Chinese enterprises and brands fell 3%. The following content analysis indicates the objectivity that the feedbacks from around the world present. However, it is virtually important to emphasize the obvious progress gained by the Chinese enterprises and brands in comparison to the first stage of China’s reform and opening up (1978–1992). The findings of the historical analysis prove the importance to assess the changes in China’s national economic image systematically. The fragmented way of thinking cannot help other than hamper the objectivity of these findings. The Year of 2013 In the year of 2013, the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CCCPC was held, and The Decision on Major Issues Concerning Comprehensively Deepening Reforms was approved. The guidelines in favor of economic construction open the breadth of international discussions concerning China’s economy. In the context, compared to 2010, in the year of 2013, the supportive perception of China’s economic-centered public policies increased 10%, the neutral perception reduced 5%, and the critical perception reduced 5%; the supportive perception of China’s economic institutional construction increased 3%, the neutral perception reduced 7%, and the critical perception grew 4%; the supportive perception of China’s livelihood improvement grew 1%, the neutral perception increased 4%, and the critical perception reduced 5%; the supportive perception of China’s domestic economic

178

6 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

Table 6.16 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2013 (the sub-elements at the second level)

The sub-elements Acceptance Supportive (%) Neutral (%) Critical (%) Public policy

41

47

12

Institutional construction

42

49

9

Livelihood improvement

65

29

6

Domestic 41 economic activity

46

13

International 39 economic activity

53

8

Innovation

39

44

17

Human resources 41

47

12

48

43

9

Enterprise/brand

activity grew 7%, the neutral perception reduced 15%, and the critical perception increased 8%; the supportive perception of China’s international economic activity increased 6%, the neutral perception reduced 5%, and the critical perception reduced 1%; the supportive perception of China’s innovation grew 3%, the neutral perception reduced 10%, and the critical perception increased 7%; the supportive perception of China’s human resources grew 2%, the neutral perception reduced 6%, and the critical perception increased 4%; and the supportive perception of China’s enterprise/brand increased 1%, the neutral perception increased 2%, and the critical perception reduced 3% (see Table 6.16). In the year of 2013, the livelihood improvement in China received the highest rating of acceptance, amounting to 65%. The global recognition draws upon China’s vision of national economic development in pursuit of shared prosperity. The countries in Western Asia, Central Asia, Africa, Northern Europe, and Central and Eastern Europe start paying attention to how can China’s economic growth suit its national conditions and be in the fundamental interests of the Chinese people. In addition, the economic reforms conducted by the Xi Jinping administration to rise to the new occasion enjoyed the increase in the ratings of both acceptance and attention. The supportive perception of China’s economic-centered policy amounted to 41%, increasing 10% compared to the year of 2010. The compliments on China’s economic institutional construction amounted to 42%, increasing 3% compared to the year of 2010. The trend clearly indicates the outside world will place a particular focus on the economic strategic approaches that China will deploy at the juncture that the world has calls upon new answers. With the rise of ratings of acceptance of China’s domestic economic activities amounting to 41%, and China’s international economic activities amounting to 39%, China’s innovation, human resources, and enterprises/brands continue to reap a wider range of recognitions worldwide. Compared to 2010, the supportive perception of China’s innovation increased 3%, of China’s human resources increased 2%, and of

6.2 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

179

China’s enterprises and brands increased 1%. The statistics means to succeed, the international communication of China’s national economic image must be shaped and presented by the balance and integrity of all elements. The Year of 2015 The year of 2015 witnessed the further improvement of China’s national economic image on the world’s stage. The positive responses are central to the new developmental ideas in particular, deepening the reform in economic structure, and persevering in the opening up to the whole world proposed by the Fifth Plenary Session of the 18th CPCCC. Compared to 2013, in the year of 2015, the supportive perception of China’s economic-centered public policies increased 1%, the neutral perception grew 5%, and the critical perception reduced 6%; the supportive perception of China’s economic institutional construction was the same as that of 2013, the neutral perception increased 2%, and the critical perception reduced 2%; the supportive perception of China’s livelihood improvement reduced 1%, the neutral perception increased 1%, and the critical perception remained unchanged compared to 2013; the supportive perception of China’s domestic economic activity grew 1%, the neutral perception reduced 1%, and the critical perception remained unchanged compared to 2013; the supportive perception of China’s international economic activity increased 4%, the neutral perception reduced 9%, and the critical perception increased 5%; the supportive perception of China’s innovation reduced 1%, the neutral perception increased 1%, and the critical perception was the same as that of 2013; the supportive perception of China’s human resources grew 4%, the neutral perception increased 2%, and the critical perception reduced 6%; and the supportive perception of China’s enterprise/brand increased 3%, the neutral perception reduced 3%, and the critical perception remained the same as that of 2013 (see Table 6.17). As a whole, the reduction of the supportive ratings on certain elements is in large part, caused by the temporary, predictable difficulties that economic reforms must meet.

6.2.4.3

The Case Year Analysis of the Acceptance Rate of the International Communication of China’s National Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up: The Elements at the First Level

Based on the data analysis of the sub-elements at the second layer of China’s national economic image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up, the case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the elements at the first layer can be calculated (see Table 6.18). In short, the perception of the three dimensions at the first layer of China’s national economic image is neutral to supportive as a whole. Also, there is an increased trend toward a more constructive international opinion environment.

180

6 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

Table 6.17 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2015 (the sub-elements at the second level)

The sub-elements Acceptance Supportive (%) Neutral (%) Critical (%) Public policy

42

52

6

Institutional construction

42

51

7

Livelihood improvement

64

30

6

Domestic 42 economic activity

45

13

International 43 economic activity

44

13

Innovation

38

45

17

Human resources 45

49

6

51

40

9

Enterprise/brand

According to the case year analysis of the changes in the first layer of the world’s acceptance of China’s national economic image, the principles that shape the outcomes of China’s efforts can be uncovered more explicitly. The Year of 1978 In 1978, the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPCCC formerly launched China’s economic reform. The Communiqué announced that China will do its best to accomplish the arduous task of readjusting the economic structure and improving economic results in order to raise the national economy as a whole to a higher level. For this purpose, China wishes to learn from all useful experience of other countries.30 Deng Xiaoping explained that why China felt motivated to launch the reform and opening up, “economic reform is the top priority of the Chinese government to modernize China’s industry, agriculture, national defense and science and technology step by step to turn China into a strong and prosperous socialist country with a high level of culture and democracy”.31 From a historical outlook, the guidelines for China’s reform and opening up indeed have to undergo a transformation from stereotypes to gradual mutual understanding. Hereby, at the very outset of 1978 Reform and Opening up, the overall acceptance of China’s national economic image at the first layer seems to be neutral, and yet the critical views overwhelmed the positive feedbacks to a remarkable degree (see Table 6.19). As concluded in the assessment of the sub-elements at the second layer of China’s national economic image in this chapter, the criticisms remarkably surpassed the compliments indeed caused by China’s own behavior such as the lack of experience in international exchange and cooperation and so on. However, the deeply rooted bias of socialism also plays an important part. 30 31

Party Literature Research Center of the CPC Central Committee (1982). Deng (2014).

17.8

16.8

57 43.9

49.3

26.2

26.9

46.6

33.3

40.2

Policy (economic-centered)

National economic activity

National economic image delivery 49.8

58.9

42.4 10

7.8

11 42.3

39.6

50.9

Supportive

Critical

6.8

49.2

2013 Neutral

72.8

23.9

Supportive

80.9 25.9

1.3

National economic activity

National economic image delivery 1.3

47.5

2010

45.3

7.2

The elements

1992

2001

2008

44.6

50.9

40.4

Neutral

32.4

29.1

28.6

13.1

9.5

8.7

Critical

51.7

54

42.1

37.1

35.9

47.7

44

42.7

50.8

Supportive

2015

15.9

16.9

29.3

44.7

44.3

42.9

Neutral

48.3

55.5

37.5

11.3

13

6.3

Critical

14.6

8.6

14.8

Supportive Neutral Critical Supportive Neutral Critical Supportive Neutral Critical Supportive Neutral Critical

1978

Policy (economic-centered)

The elements

Table 6.18 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level)

6.2 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image … 181

182

6 The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image …

Table 6.19 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 1978 (the elements at the first level) The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Policy (economic-centered)

7.2

45.3

47.5

National economic activity

1.3

80.9

17.8

National economic image delivery

1.3

25.9

72.8

The Year of 1992 At the first stage, more attention had been given to encouraging Chinese people to be bold in reform and opening up. In 1984, the Second Session of the 6th NPC calls upon that socialism must boldly absorb and draw on all the achievements created by human society and absorb and draw on advanced operational and managerial methods which reflect the law governing modern socialized production. In the same year, the Third Plenary Session of the 12th CPCCC announces further that some people fail to take steps forward in reform and opening up because they fear that the introduction of capitalist practices will mean they are following the capitalist road. Reform and opening up brought improvement and development for China. The international trade attained a bumper harvest—both import and export achieved a rapid growth, foreign managerial experience and advanced science and technology were introduced to China, and China’s market began to appeal to the aspirations of foreign investments. In 1979, the State Council of China approved of the creation of special economic zones in Guangdong and Fujian. The creation of special economic zones in China is an important part of a series of measures adopted to implement the policy of reform and opening to the outside world. In 1984, the State Council of China issued preferential policies to further open up fourteen costal cities including Tianjin, one of the four municipalities directly under the Central Government. In 1985, Yangtze River Delta, Pearl River Delta, and Hokkien Golden Triangle were approved by the state as special economic zones. April 12 of 1986, the Fourth Session of the 6th NPC issued “Foreign Investment Law of the People’s Republic of China” with an aim of cultivating a business environment in favor of global investors. The policies for opening to the outside world are designed to provide more preferential treatments for foreign investors, in particular, those from the capitalist countries in the west. Accordingly, the three dimensions of China’s national economic image at the first layer in the year of 1992 all enjoy a rise of compliments. Specifically, compared to 1978, in the year of 1992, the supportive perception of China’s economic-centered policies increased 16.7%, the neutral perception grew 3.9%, and the critical perception reduced 20.6%; the supportive perception of China’s national economic activity increased 15.5%, the neutral perception reduced 23.9%, and the critical perception increased 8.4%; the supportive perception of national economic

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Table 6.20 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 1992 (the elements at the first level) The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Policy (economic-centered)

23.9

49.2

26.9

National economic activity

16.8

57

26.2

43.9

49.3

National economic image delivery

6.8

Table 6.21 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2001 (the elements at the first level) The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Policy (economic-centered)

28.6

42.1

29.3

National economic activity

29.1

54

16.9

National economic image delivery

32.4

51.7

15.9

image delivery increased 5.5%, the neutral perception grew 18%, and the critical perception reduced 23.5% (see Table 6.20). The Year of 2001 In 2001, China participated officially in WTO which is a milestone in China’s going global. In this favorable context, compared to 1992, in the year of 2001, the supportive perception of China’s economic-centered policies increased 4.7%, the neutral perception reduced 7.1%, and the critical perception increased 2.4%; the supportive perception of China’s national economic activity increased 12.3%, the neutral perception reduced 3%, and the critical perception reduced 9.3%; the supportive perception of national economic image delivery increased 25.6%, the neutral perception grew 7.8%, and the critical perception reduced 33.4% (see Table 6.21). What is more, China’s national economic image delivery is the dimension which enjoys the greatest improvement in the international communication of China’s national economic image. In comparison to the year of 1992, the critical perception reduced 33.4% in 2001. The achievement is made mainly because of two specific factors: on the one hand, the policies with an aim primarily at attracting global investors have been proved useful, and the full-fledged publicity, exchange and dialogue carried out by China with the world on the other. In other words, the engagement in globalized economy and connection with the outside world is no end in itself. The Year of 2008 According to the analysis of acceptance of sub-elements at the second layer of China’s national economic image in the year of 2008 in this chapter, the recognition gained by the dimensions at the first layer is mainly a result of China’s economic achievement. Compared to 2001, in the year of 2008, the supportive perception of China’s

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Table 6.22 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2008 (the elements at the first level) The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Policy (economic-centered)

47.7

37.5

14.8

National economic activity

35.9

55.5

8.6

National economic image delivery

37.1

48.3

14.6

economic-centered policies increased 19.1%, the neutral perception reduced 4.6%, and the critical perception reduced 14.5%; the supportive perception of China’s national economic activity increased 6.8%, the neutral perception increased 1.5%, and the critical perception reduced 8.3%; the supportive perception of national economic image delivery increased 4.7%, the neutral perception reduced 3.4%, and the critical perception reduced 1.3% (see Table 6.22). In the year of 2010, while the financial crisis from the Wall Street was spreading, China’s economy grows and evolves. The economists from around the world, in general, agree with the opinion that China’s economic policies are worth serious consideration. In doing so, China’s economic-centered policies, especially, the emergence as an outsourced export center received positive recognition up to 47.7% in 2008. It is the highest rating of acceptance that China’s economic-centered policies reached since the 1978 Reform and Opening up. In face of growing inflation and wage hikes around the world, China’s economic growth is felt positive and important to healing the wounds of global economy. As a result, the supportive perception of China’s national economic activity amounted to 35.9% in 2008 increasing 6.8% compared to the year of 2001. The Year of 2010 In 2010, according to GDP, China’s economy nudged Japan’s into second place in the world rankings. Meanwhile, the competition between China and the developed countries represented by the U.S. in international trade seemed to escalate. In the complex context, the overall acceptance of China’s national economic image remains neutral to supportive as a whole. Compared to 2008, in the year of 2010, the supportive perception of China’s economic-centered policies reduced 1.1%, the neutral perception increased 4.9%, and the critical perception reduced 3.8%; the supportive perception of China’s national economic activity reduced 2.6%, the neutral perception increased 3.4%, and the critical perception reduced 0.8%; the supportive perception of national economic image delivery increased 3.1%, the neutral perception reduced 1.5%, and the critical perception reduced 4.6% (see Table 6.23). The following content analysis find that the concerns are focused primarily on the risk that China’s massive economy can potentially decide the fate of a whole range of new asset classes. Some of American media, for instance, feel worried of

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Table 6.23 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2010 (the elements at the first level) The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Policy (economic-centered)

46.6

42.4

11

National economic activity

33.3

58.9

7.8

National economic image delivery

40.2

49.8

10

Table 6.24 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2013 (the elements at the first level) The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Policy (economic-centered)

50.9

40.4

National economic activity

39.6

50.9

9.5

National economic image delivery

42.3

44.6

13.1

8.7

that China Overtakes Japan as World’s Second-Biggest Economy,32 China becomes world’s second-largest economy but it’s far from being a leader,33 and “watch out for the changing ‘China Price’”,34 and so forth. Simply put, the rise of China’s economy indeed shocks the world, and the flipside is also true. The Year of 2013 When reform and opening up is entering the third stage, when the influences of the forty years of economic reform extend to more industries, sections, and capitals, structural reform has become the most urgent task in China. In the November of 2013, the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPCCC was held in order to put forward the blueprint of China’s economic reform on the new historic occasion. In the context, the three dimensions of China’s national economic image at the first layer enjoy an increase in acceptance. Compared to 2010, in the year of 2013, the supportive perception of China’s economic-centered policies increased 4.3%, the neutral perception reduced 2%, and the critical perception reduced 2.3%; the supportive perception of China’s national economic activity increased 6.3%, the neutral perception reduced 8%, and the critical perception increased 1.7%; the supportive perception of national economic image delivery increased 2.1%, the neutral perception reduced 5.2%, and the critical perception increased 3.1% (see Table 6.24). Compared to the ratings of acceptance of China’s national economic image during the second stage of reform and opening up (1991–2001), the recognition of China’s 32

Bloomberg News (2014). The Monitor’s Editorial Board, The Christian Science Monitor (2010). 34 Stephen (2010). 33

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economic-centered policies for the first time surpassed 50% amounting to 50.9% in 2013. It means from an angel the international community on the whole advocate for the performance of China’s economic growth, and impose an anticipation upon China to escape the middle income trap.35 It should be pointed out that the improvement of China’s national economic image rests upon the efforts that China made. In the meantime, it is an outcome of economic globalization-when market is global, we should hear less about the comments filled with bias. The ratings of acceptance of China’s national economic image delivery amounted to 42.3% increasing 2.1% in comparison to 2010. In 2013, China through a stock of efforts opens further the international exchange and cooperation. Building bridge is always productive than creating barrier. As a consequence, the space for improving the international communication of China’s national economic image is unlimited. One of the most pressing tasks is how can China find out efficient ways to help the outside world, in particular, the youth in different countries know more about the whole story of China’s reform and opening up over the past forty years. Without sufficient background information to history of China’s reform and opening up, it is virtually impossible for people outside China to understand China’s economic reform at present and for future. The ratings of acceptance of China’s national economic activity amounted to 39.6% increasing 6.3% in comparison to 2010. The finding indicates that the world generally is willing to interpret the implication of the growth of China’s economy for the world’s future from a constructive point of view. The Year of 2015 The year of 2015 is seen as a year of comprehensively deepening reforms in China. The Fifth Plenary Session of the 18th CPCCC puts forward new development philosophy to guide China’s economic reform in the new era whose trajectory is still uncertain. China will persist in promoting shared prosperity, strengthening economic reform, and optimizing domestic investment environment. Persistence in international economic cooperation has a critical part to play in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects. The dimensions at the first layer of China’s national economic image, thereby, enjoy an overall improvement in 2015. Compared to 2013, in the year of 2015, the supportive perception of China’s economic-centered policies reduced 0.1%, the neutral perception increased 2.5%, and the critical perception reduced 2.4%; the supportive perception of China’s national economic activity increased 3.1%, the neutral perception reduced 6.6%, and the critical perception increased 3.5%; the supportive perception of national economic 35

The middle-income trap is an economic development situation in which a country that attains a certain income (due to given advantages) gets stuck at that level. The typical example is in LatinAmerica. In the 1950s and 1960s, the economic development of many Latin American countries reached the middle-income level, and some of them even approached the high-income level at that time. However, since then the economies in those countries remained the same level and made no progress.

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Table 6.25 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image in 2015 (the elements at the first level) The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Policy (economic-centered)

50.8

42.9

6.3

National economic activity

42.7

44.3

13

National economic image delivery

44

44.7

11.3

image delivery increased 1.7%, the neutral perception grew 0.1%, and the critical perception reduced 1.8% (see Table 6.25). The positive perception of China’s national economic activity increased 3.1% in comparison to that of 2013. The success of China’s economic structural reform and the experience in which they resulted has enhance the prestige of China’s national economic image. More and more frequently the international opinions start taking into account China’s strategies to tackle the challenges of economic downturns. The positive perception of China’s national economic image delivery increased 1.7% compared to that of 2013. The core message that China’s national economic image delivers is the requirement for the collective action rather than free play of competitive force indeed has sharpened this trend. Apart from BRI, Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) established on December 25, 201536 also yields useful and constructive outcomes. Here again, according to the statistics of the dimensions at the first layer of China’s national economic image (see Table 6.26), over the past forty years, the whole world on the whole place an increased responsibility upon China’s economic development in theory and practice. From a historical outlook, the ratings of acceptance of China’s national economic image in 2015 increased 42% compared to that of 1978, the first year of China’s reform and opening up. Comparative analyses can also confirm general conclusions by indicating that statistically different results are the outcome of different specific conditions. According to the further analysis of the changes in the three major types of attitudes to China’s national economic image—positive, neutral, and critical—checked and rechecked under both identical and varying conditions, it is clear that the international communication of China’s national economic image has achieved more and more recognitions all over the world (see Fig. 6.8). China’s national economic image differs dramatically from China’s political image in the point that over the past four decades, the latter has confronted the increase in both supportive perception and critical responses while the former has enjoyed a 36

Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) is a governmental and multilateral development bank. Its mission is financing the Infrastructure for Tomorrow—infrastructure with sustainability at its core. It aims to promote the development of Asia, facilitating the regional mutual connection and communication and strengthening cooperation between China and other Asian countries and regions. AIIB is the first multilateral financial institution initiated by China, headquartered in Beijing, with a legal capital of US $100 billion.

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Table 6.26 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up Year

Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Total

1978

2.48

57.28

40.24

44.896

1992

15.22

51.51

33.27

52.78

2001

29.99

50.93

19.08

64.364

2008

38.62

49.74

11.64

70.792

2010

38.03

52.87

9.10

71.572

2013

42.67

46.91

10.42

72.9

2015

44.71

44.14

11.15

73.424

Fig. 6.8 The changes in the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening up

stable reduction in criticisms. The international communication of China’s national economic image as a continuing endeavor will be entitled a relatively favorable external environment as a whole—it shall be play a role of locomotive in introducing China’s national image to the outside world in the future. In all, the increase in the awareness of China’s national economic image is pertinent to China’s economic collaboration with the world through providing more comprehensive, sufficient background information and so on. The win–win strategy, pursuit of more prosperity for all, and in particular, the phenomenal economic growth—these factors enable China’s national economic image to attract supports more easily and quickly (see Fig. 6.9). In terms of the most important problems confronting China’s national economic image, the obvious agenda-setting, agenda-editing, and agenda-cutting shall interfere

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Fig. 6.9 The case year analysis of the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening up

with the international communication of China’s international economic activities (P = 0.124), China’s economic-centered public policies (P = 0.071), and China’s human resources (P = 0.068), and China’s domestic economic activities (P = 0.057). It means there is a requirement to bridge the gap between the reality, and perception of China’s national economic image. China needs to solve such vast and complex problems with stronger efforts.

6.3 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s National Economic Image in the New Context Relatively, economy is closest to the basic needs of everyone compared to politics, and culture. Just as Deng Xiaoping explained China’s attempts to conduct reform and opening up, “we must eliminate poverty and achieve improvement and development”.37 China’s reform and opening up is “dedicated to modernization, to national development. If by the end of the twentieth century, China’s per capita income can amount to $800—this is a great expectation—at the time, China is able to make more contributions to human society. As a socialist country, if our GDP can reach $1 trillion, our people can be well off”.38 As a consequence, the first point of international communication of China’s national economic image in this book concerns the audience research. Audience has been generalized into two major groups-opinion leader and the public. The recommendations are provided by referring to these two groups. 37 38

Edit Group (2011), 185. Edit Group (2011), 181–182.

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6.3.1 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s National Economic Image in the New Context: Opinion Leaders In every social group, opinion leader are the individuals who are particularly active and articulate. Thus, compared to the majority of the same group, they are more sensitive to China’s national economic image. In 1940, American scholars of communication studies, Paul Lazarsfeld and Elihu Katz conducted a public opinion research in Erie County, Ohio, in order to observe the progress and effect of the presidential campaign in that community. The results find 418 out of 483 respondents did what they intended to do; 13% changed their minds one way or another.39 This finding has a number of implications. One of them is as for when does this 13% turnover occur, an empirical fact is the influence of opinion leadership40 through which the attitudes of a group are formed. Lazarsfeld and Katz use a term, opinion leaders to describe the individuals who differ from the majority of their group and whose function is to mediate between mass media and other people in their groups. Furthermore, Lazarsfeld is eager to discover in what ways attitudes themselves are formed. As an answer to this research question, the two-step flow of communication41 claims that it is commonly assumed that individuals obtain their information directly from newspapers, radio, and other media. However, the majority of people in fact acquired much of their information and many of their ideas through personal contacts with the opinion leaders in their groups who are quite influential in getting people to change their attitudes and behavior. At present, both China and the world have been confronting a series of economic challenges. Accordingly, one of the main tasks for international communication of China’s national economic image in this extremely complex opinion environment is to resolve these cross-pressures. This task must be carried out in the environment which consists of a large number of individuals. China should try its best to attract attention of opinion leaders, and gain their understanding and supports in order to develop a world opinion in favor of China’s national economic image. The problem leads in several directions. This study is led, first of all, to analyze opinion leaders’ overall attitude to China’s national economic image.

6.3.1.1

The Opinion Leaders’ Overall Attitude to China’s National Economic Image

According to the three layers-11 variables model of national economic image in Chap. 4 “The National Image Theory”, together with document analysis, media 39

Lazarsfeld (1960), xi. Lazarsfeld (1960), xxiii. 41 Lazarsfeld (1960), viii. 40

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191

analysis, content analysis, interview, and questionnaire, it is quite generally accepted that most of the opinion leaders especially in the field of economy should like to interpret China’s national economic image from an objective and construction angel. In the first place, they commonly behold the consensus that a globalized economy requires any of a variety of economies, including the emerging economies such as China. The dynamic analysis of China’s roles in Asian financial crisis in 1997, and global financial crisis in 2007 indicates that it is the global economic risks that highlight China’s impressive economic development and sustainability.42 In battling the global economic challenges, China has unique aspects of its economy, and has been placed an increased responsibility like other large countries. China’s can-do spirit points to the Chinese people in every walk of life who are the strongest asset of China. China is also a developing country where half of its population is rural and in large parts agrarian. China’s economic growth is therefore in many respects impressive.43 As for the win–win development that China persists, the opinion leaders acknowledge that success in China is a passport to big profits.44 To those opinion leaders who feel puzzled with China’s economic development, the three dimensions at the first layer of China’s national economic image, that is, policy (economic-centered), national economic activity, and national economic image delivery, can provide useful and relevant clues. First, in terms of China’s economic-centered policies, the major concerns have been centered around that China is, like any other fast-growing economy, not assured of sustaining such economic growth. They point out that the statistics provided by China Statistical Yearbook from 1978 to 2007, China has grown at an impressive 9.6% per annum, on average.45 Rather, it has begun to slow down since 2008. From 2008 to 2014, the annual increase rate on average amounted for 8.6%. In the year of 2015, it further reduced to 6.9% hitting the lowest record since the year of 1990. No doubt that the precarious global economic recovery can inflate China’s economic downturn. It is also important for China to set out further economic structural reforms so as to move China’s economic development to a more efficient model. Items topping the agenda shall be the adjustment of China’s industrial structure to the changes in demands, long-standing overcapacity in certain sectors and more attention to administration reform of state-run enterprises. Again, the impressive economic achievements over the past four decades entitle a very positive image for China’s economic stories. Looking into future, a key theme of China’s national economic image should move from economic construction in China and for China to the potential to power and accelerate global economic recovery and growth. In other words, as the second-largest economy and global growth engine, China should find out developed contents and methodology should provide means for answering the new questions asked by the new era. 42

Global Times (2021). Izraelewicz (2005). 44 Gibson (2012). 45 Yueh (2013), R4. 43

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Table 6.27 The analysis of top 10 media topics of international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 reform and opening-up No.

Topic

Number of reports

Position (Supportive/neutral/critical)

1

China Has Become the World’s Second Largest Economy

839

Neutral

2

China Has Become the World’s Largest Energy Consumer

775

Critical

3

Environmental Pollution

621

Critical

4

RMB Policy

553

Neutral to critical

5

China’s Financial Market

386

Supportive

6

Chinese Enterprise Image

286

Neutral

7

Ecological Conservation

239

Neutral to critical

8

FTA/SEZ

214

Neutral to supportive

9

China’s Accession to the WTO

176

Neutral to supportive

10

Poverty Alleviation

159

Supportive

Unit: 10,000

Second, in terms of national economic activity, China should be bold to shape the economic model toward green development in pursuit of ecological construction as a new foundation for prosperity. Through Factiva, one of the most authoritative data banks around the world, this book reviews and compares the reports on China’s national economic image released by 1600 media from 150 countries worldwide, the top 10 spotlights from 1978 to 2015 are concluded (see Table 6.27). This historical review finds that the opinion leaders from around the world take considerably closer to assess the essence and value of China’s economic development from the correlation to ecological impacts. Among the top 10 themes, nearly one third of them is directly related to ecology including “China Has Become the World’s Second Largest Economy”, “Environmental Pollution”, and “Ecological Conservation”. In addition, the criticisms on environmental protection substantially overwhelm the others in the assessment of Chinese enterprises. For now, most of the opinion leaders place a higher expectation on the values and quality of China’s economic development that as a responsible large economy, China should be particularly active in environmental issues such as playing a bigger role in climate change, clean energy and environmental protection, and so on. The relatively common attitudes are rooted in their understanding of the ways of China’s economic development over the past decades of years. In their eyes, China’s economic growth has been achieved but at the cost of protection of natural resources, and environment. Thus, they suggest that the familiar mode of China’s economic development should be modified, and operate with concrete evidence. Third, with regard to national economic image delivery, two prime concerns: the first point is the future of direction of China’s economic structural reform as China

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remains a Communist. In answer to the worries that will China’s investment has a political pay-off, will free trade and markets be accountable and transparent in China, and will China take much stronger measures to battle corruption and protect intellectual property, and so on, all-round law-based governance must be given priority. In the October of 2014, the Fourth Plenary Session of the 18th CPCCC was held, and issued Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Major Issues Concerning the Enhancement of all-round Law-based Governance. Noting that a better performing Chinese economic environment speaks hope for a more sustainable cooperative capacity with the countries around the world, the opinion leaders need China to provide strategies and workplans in more details to form definite decision. The second point in this aspect, the possible impacts of China as the second-largest economy on the international rules. “China’s price”, above all, will China attempts to become a hegemony under the impetus of powerful economic growth? has triggered a wide range of arguments in the groups of opinion leaders in developed countries. Some of them argues that given the hard truth that none of the three factors—political, military, and economic—can be separated from the others, what will the deepening interdependence on China’s economy hold. Not surprisingly, the critical opinions are commonly arisen from ideological stereotypes saying China’s model of statemanaged capitalism is an ideological challenge to the now crisis-torn model of liberal free-market capitalism.46 Influenced by the opinion leaders of this kind, the adjectives such as “aggressiveness” or “threat” are labelled to their interpretations of China’s national economic image and further are referred to China threat because “beggars can’t be choosers”. In the eyes of opinion leaders in developing countries, China has been proactive and generous in supporting the others. Most of them are familiar with the history of China’s reform and opening up. They understand the significance of four modernization of China to the Chinese people. As claimed by Deng Xiaoping, the great reformer, China’s modernization is a path toward moderately prosperous society in all respects. For this sake, a peaceful world is must-needed, and the Chinese people are strongest supporters of the world peace. Admittedly, influenced by the overstatement of China threat, some of the opinion leaders in Asia started arguing that China is leveraging its economic clout to support its political preferences. For instances, China is muscle-flexing47 in regional affairs; in the competition with this superpower, we need to put our own houses in order, and watch closely.48 In closing, the opinion leaders all over the world perform professionally in understanding China’s exploration in economic development in spite of the bias that some of them have. It means if there are more sufficient, diverse platforms that can help them develop their understanding of China, the gap can be bridged for sure. As a result, enhancing the international communication of China’s national economic image fits in their demands. 46

Ash (2011). Choong (2011). 48 See Footnote 46. 47

194

6.3.1.2

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Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s National Economic Image in the New Context: Opinion Leaders

Just as defined by Paul Lazarsfeld, opinion leader in many studies of “power”, “influence”, and “leadership” can point to important men and women who set the fashions and are imitated by others.49 This study of international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up reminds that Australian opinion leaders in economic field play a constructive role in promoting the economic cooperation between the two countries. In the October of 1981, China and Australia signed “Plan for the promotion and development of China-Australia technological cooperation”. In 1989, Australia and the North Asian Ascendancy was issued which is seen as the initiative of Australia’s comprehensive involvement in the Asia–Pacific region. Within this particular context, the trade between China and Australia has witnessed a steady growth. According to the statistics of General Administration of Customs of China, “in 2009, the trade volume between China and Australia is up to $60.08 billion. China’s export to Australia amounts to $20.65 billion down by 7.2%. Conversely, China’s import from Australia amounts to $39.44 billion increasing 5.4%. In the year of 2019, Australia is China’s 8th largest trading partner while China is Australia’s largest trading partner”.50 On June 17, 2015, the governments of China and Australia signed Free Trade Agreement Between the Government of Australia and the G government of the People’s Republic of China. According to the Agreement, starting from January 1, 2016, on China’s side, the numbers of tax items with zero tax rate amount for 29.2% mainly covering Drug, medical devices, sheet materials, chemicals, agricultural machinery, vessel and so on. On Australia’s side, the numbers amount for 45%. It shall amount for more than 90% if including the items which already are entitled zero tax rate.51 This book selects two representatives of influential TV media in Australia, that is, Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), and Special Service Broadcasting (SBS), and conducts a content analysis of the Australian opinion leaders’ comments on the economic cooperation between the two counties on the two channels. It is clear that they are generally impressed with the potential benefits that the biliteral trade can make even under the influence of the U.S. They boost about the boom that has propelled economies across the Asia–Pacific region hailing “With orders from China surging, BHP Billiton executives say they are opening mines and expanding their overburdened rail and shipping facilities at Port Hedland, on the northwest coast. On a recent day, no fewer than 13 ships waited to berth and load with ore for the 10-day journey to China”.52

49

Lazarsfeld (1960), xxiii. The Editorial Board of China Commerce Yearbook (2010). 51 Xu (2015). 52 Perlez (2004). 50

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Taken as a whole, the Australian opinion leaders in economic field would talk of the natural fit between the two countries, and mutual benefits of deepening the economic ties. If the international communication of China’s national economic image is able to catch up with the invaluable opportunities of interconnection brought about by the bilateral economic cooperation since the 1990s onward, the distribution of opinions and attitudes among Australian opinion leaders especially in the field of economy is very much possible to move toward enhancing mutual understanding and mutual benefits.53 Given that the functions of opinion leaders is to mediate between the mass media and the public, the international communication of China’s national economic image may emphasize three aspects. First, to opinion leaders, the two-step flow of information is of obvious practical importance for any delivery of economic image. Therefore, the content of China’s national economic image is urgently required to be crystalized and assessed in new methods. Specifically, as for the very familiar themes in relation to China’s economy, the essential methods include providing more sufficient information and materials, expanding the platforms of exchange, paying more attention to the global concerns, and being more international in the international communication. As for the sensitive arguments on the rise of China’s economic power, the advances in are the central tasks of the reformation lies in the advances in the current mechanism. To deal better with the sensitive arguments on China’s economy, the first and foremost must-do is being more conscious of the distinction between describing opinion and studying it in the making. To study the sensitive arguments on China’s economy in the making requires a well-organized, relevant, informative and useful analysis of the reasons the opinion leaders give for their attitudes to China that are related to their objective socialeconomic positions. Then, it is critically important to collect the Chinese stories on this issue from the bottom to prepare sufficient materials for communication. Finally, prior to the delivery for the opinion leaders outside China, the self-assessment must place particular focus on the clarity, significance and grace of these stories from China. According to the analysis of Top 10 media topics of international communication of China’s national economic mage since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up in this chapter (see Table 6.27), China’s CCTV’s response to CNN’s report on “China has become the World’s Largest Energy Consumer” is a typical example to do comparative analysis of communication effects on the public. To CCTV, the focus should be placed on the opposition to then tendency to politicalize energy issues. However, CNN set the agenda on the comparison of the sense of responsibility between China and America. Guided by the different agendas, the evidence provided by CCTV included the interview of the Chinese government so as to highlight China’s opinion that according to per capital, China is far from the world’s largest energy consumer for sure. In response to the global concern that how will China make the use of energy more efficiently, three cases were provided by CCTV—“Shenyang community has

53

Chen (2012).

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Fig. 6.10 CCTV: what does it mean that china’s energy consumption is “overestimated”? (22/07/2010)

its own diary of environmental protection (but have to been written on paper notebooks)”, “Clean-energy public transportation in Shanghai”, and “One bucket of water in Beijing (but wash rice first, then wash vegetables, and finally clean restroom)”. In all, only one of the three case is relevant to adoption of advanced energy-efficient technology (see Fig. 6.10). CNN provided two bits of key evidence to hint at the major reasons that why China surpassed the U.S. in energy consumption: First of all, IEA also told that Americans made greater efforts to save power; in addition, Americans would drive less and use more energy-efficient products. Evidently, CNN just emphasized the data is provided by the Paris-based organization rather than America-led. Furthermore, China consumed about 4% more energy than the U.S. in 2009, the year largely because of China’s rapid industrialization. Thereby, China watchers aren’t surprised by the IEA’S report. Compared with CNN’s reports, CCTV should have paid more attention to the questions such as what are the flaws in the core idea? In my explanation of this idea? In the reasoning and evidence supporting this idea? and so on. With regard to this case study, Canada’s energy economist, and consultant to the energy sector of G7,54 Peter Tertzakian stated, “it seems that the Chinese media should work harder at understanding the progress in China’s energy industry. Also in the year of 2010, I visited in person 54

The Group of Seven (G7) is an informal bloc of industrialized democracies—the United States, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and the United Kingdom—that meets annually to discuss issues such as global economic governance, international security, and energy policy.

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BYD Company Limited in Shenzhen which is seen as the first window of China’s reform and opening up. I am truly amazed at the efforts made by BYD, and China as a whole to promote clean energy. When coming back in Canada, I wrote for Calgary Harold to share my observation that if China is willing to and committed to adjusting its galloping expansion and growing energy demand, it can do a great job like Build Your Dream (BYD). CCTV’s reports on China’s energy revolution should anticipate and rebut the criticism more relevantly and thus more powerfully”.55 Second, in view of communication channels, it is critically important for China to connect with all kinds of opinion leaders no matter they are supportive of or oppose to China’s economic development due to two major reasons: In the first place, opinion leaders at least must perform professionally on professional issues. For instance, American investor George Soros56 once openly quarreled with the White House for its currency war with China stating “it could plunge the world into turmoil more damaging than anything wrought by the financial crisis of the 1930s”. His opinions on this issue are popular among many of American economists, who appeal for thinking globally rather than a narrow national interest. They point out, “whether we like it or not, we live in a global system. The U.S. cannot force China to bend. America will plunge the world into chaos, or we can act like the great nation that we profess to be and tend zealously to our own problems rather than looking abroad for dragons to slay”.57 To these phenomena, Tertzakian explained, “opinion leaders in a professional field must present the basic credentials. They are experts, not politicians. So, they are better able to analyze China’s economy from an objective standpoint”.58 In the second place, China should find out more, new ways of keeping in touch with the opinion leaders who feel interested in China’s economic development. Actually, the current efforts cannot meet well the demand, and lead to regrets. For instance, the editor-in-chief of France’s Le Monde,59 Eric Israelewicz was highly supportive of China’s impressive economic growth. In his book, Quand la Chine change le Monde published in 2005,60 he emphasized China has not only doubled its GDP and income, it has also lifted one-tenth of the world’s population out of abject poverty. In short, China contributes the world’s development with a successful example. By contrast, in his Arrogance Chinoise published in 2011,61 he conversed his attitude 55

Interview with a chief economist of ARC Financial Corp, Peter Tertzakian, Time January 10, 2011. 56 George Soros is an internationally famous investor and philanthropist. In 1979, Soros began his philanthropy, building the Open Society Foundations. In 1994, Soros’ Quantum Fund launched an attack on the Mexican peso. In August 1998, he joined forces with several giant international financial institutions to attack Hong Kong’s foreign exchange market, stock market and futures market, but ended in a disastrous defeat. 57 Karabell (2010). 58 Interview with a chief economist of ARC Financial Corp, Peter Tertzakian, Time January 10, 2011. 59 Le Monde is the second largest daily newspaper in France, with the largest overseas sales volume among French newspaper. It enjoys a great influence in French community. 60 Israelewicz (2005). 61 Israelewicz (2011).

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to China’s economic development from a supporter in Quand la Chine change le Monde to a somewhat opponent. He saw China’s rise as a threat to international rules by projecting economic power. Also, he doubted that China aims to export its communist cultural values through Confucius Institute. Third, in light of opinion leader capital in the international communication of China’s national economic image, the connections with opinion leaders in developing countries will prove stronger. Due to the similar background as developing countries, many of the baffling questions about China’s economic structural reform may be understood and answered by these opinion leaders more thoroughly and properly. For instance, the former American president Obama addressed at the G20 summit in Canada intensifying that China’s should take more responsibilities in international affairs. Indian economists argued, “There remains considerable skepticism. It speaks for the intention to distract the attention from its massive budget deficit, and to avoid acting alone in meeting the challenges of the world”.62 Within the context of BRI, China shall extend further connections to a wider range of opinion leaders in developing countries. This book conducts an online survey of the leading think tanks in 66 countries along BRI to review the major activities they held, and finds that the developed countries such as the U.S., the U.K., France, Canada, Australia, Japan, and South Korea also wish to build new and deeper partnerships in every region. Japan shows a stronger interest in connecting with Asian countries. It is self-evident that a more productive international communication of China’s national economic image should recognize the contributions made by opinion leaders around the globe. Building mutual understanding is always challenging, but it is meaningful to every country. Through improvement of and innovation in contents, channels, and resources, China should be steadfast in strengthening the ties with opinion leaders around the world while working with them to meet the new challenges in a time of sweeping change.

6.3.2 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s National Economic Image in the New Context: Opinion Leader: The Public In studies of opinion, the public is normally referred to very large numbers of people who harden the public opinion formation through people’s choice defined by Paul Lazarsfeld.63 Through questionnaires and focus group interviews, compared with opinion leaders whose central interests are on the magnificent issues such as China’s economic structural reform, China’s economic governance, and so on, the public take more care to know the impact of China’s economic development on the improvement of living 62

Interview with former Secretary to the Government of India, Ministry of Power, Anil Razdan, Time December 11, 2014. 63 Lazarsfeld (1948).

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conditions. What is more, they prefer mass communication to know about China such as the Internet, TV, radio, and newspapers.

6.3.2.1

The Public’s Overall Attitude to China’s National Economic Image

According to the dynamic analysis of the global surveys conducted by Pew Research Center, the U.S.A.,64 Bertelsmann, Germany, Nanos-IRPP, Canada, and BBC, the U.K.-all of them placed the same attention to the overall attitude to China’s national economic image and a large number of people worldwide were interviewed-the majority of people from different countries on the whole are supportive of the achievements of China’s economic development. The respondents all feel interested in how can China fulfill such a tough task of national development within forty years of reform and opening up. Also, the public in developing countries are eager to know what can learn from China’s experience so as to improve their own living conditions. The entrepreneurs, in particular those of medium-sized and small enterprises wish to have more chances to do business with China. The survey also finds that most of the public cannot visit China in person, and therefore mass media is a basic for their opinion formation. At present, most of sources of information are from the several developing countries. Some of them have reported on China based on fixed and inflexible image. As a result, it is less surprisingly that some of the public are influenced by these media and change their minds. In the year of 2010, there are a total of 16 public speeches on China’s economy on CNN. Eight of them held a critical view, and more than 50% of the speeches criticized one way or another China’s economic developmental strategies (see Table 6.28). Under the information conditions, some of the American public may change their attitude to China’s national economic image. They start connecting the mortgage crisis in the U.S. with the rise of China as the second largest economy and paying attention to the opinions that China’s rise both illuminates and exploits America’s relative decline. In a Pew survey conducted in the October of 2011, 54% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents said that it was very important to get tougher with China on economic and trade issues; so did 52% of Democrats and their independent leaners.65 The American public are significantly more hawkish on China-U.S. trade relations but to some extent driven by emotion and confusion. Fastening the gaze on the eight dimensions of national political image, under the current information conditions, the public outside China very often have the vague feelings, or even bias in their perceptions of China’s economic development. 64

The Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan American think tank based in Washington, D.C. It provides information on social issues, public opinion, and demographic trends shaping the United States and the world. 65 Glston (2011).

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Table 6.28 Statistical analysis of CNN’s public speeches on China’s economy No.

Date

Topic

Attitude towards China

1

22/01/2010

China-Google Battle Heats up

Critical

2

05/03/2010

China’s Wen Sets Lofty Goal

Neutral

3

14/03/2010

Anthony Saich: Wen Talks Yuan

Neutral

4

14/03/2010

China Supports Copenhagen Accord

Slightly critical

5

14/03/2010

Wen Jiabao Talks to Media

Neutral

6

25/03/2010

Timothy Geithner: Currency Clash

Slightly critical

7

12/04/2010

Gordon Chang: China’s Nuclear Option Critical

8

14/04/2010

Stephen Roach: Analyst on China-U.S. Trade Deficit

Supportive

9

14/04/2010

Gary Gibson: Wenchuan Earthquake

Neutral

10

11/06/2010

Yonghao Pu: China Workers Demand Compensation

Neutral

11

16/08/2010

Wolf Blitzer: China Nearing Superpower Status

Slightly critical

12

03/09/2010

Andrew Stevens and Kevin Voigt: China’s Media Explosion

Slightly critical

13

23/09/2010

Donald Trump: China Eating Our Lunch Critical

14

11/10/2010

Kirby Daley: Currency Pressure on China

Neutral to critical

15

21/10/2010

Barry Bosworth: Is China’s Slowing Economy a Good Thing?

Supportive

16

01/11/2010

Joseph Nye: The Future of Power

Neutral to supportive

In light of economic-centered policies, “China’s policy making is far from transparency and accountability, RMB for example is misaligned”. Speaking of institutional construction, “China has not be ruled by law, which boosts corruption”. In regard to livelihood improvement, “there is a large gap between the poor and the new rich despite the sharp rise of GDP. China’s social security lags behind its GDP”. As for domestic economic activity, “There is always good news when it comes to what is happening inside China’s economic sectors. However, the news is composed of data rather than contents. So, the Chinese economic stories of this kind cannot convince us”. When comes to international economic activity, “China’s rapid gain in influence in the world is so broadly. Europe’s crisis is China’s opportunity”. In terms of innovation, “China is good at imitating rather than innovating, or creating, so have to spy on the others’ intellectual property”. In view of human resources, “Chinese labor force is cheap, and that is why we Americans lost more than 500,000 jobs in manufacturing industry”, “Apparently, scores of very young teenagers were drafted in from a distant province and made to

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work 13-h days for the derisory amount of HK$6 an hour. If that isn’t a cause for public shame then what is?”.66 With regard to enterprises/brands, “Chinese enterprises go global; Made-in-China go global. The media say, sometimes you see the glint of steel, but China can hide it”. As above analysis, the public from around the world in general have some information about China’s economic affairs which is helpful in opinion formation. In face of the conflicting, and confusing opinions, they are eager to have more balanced access to China. It is a pillar of the international communication of China’s national economic image. For now, China’s presence mostly translates into political trade-off. To this, Edward Steinfield, professor of political science, MIT explains, “China’s economic development looks puzzling because guided by the familiar economic theories in the west, China separates political reform from economic reform”. The opinions of this kind work when the public outside China make up their minds. In Chap. 5, “The International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening up” uses the review of Chinese political leaders on Time as a case to identify a fact already well tested that the information conditions fundamentally affect the public opinion. For example, some of people may unconsciously translate communist China into hegemony, and that feel uncertain. Clearly, such stereotypes have distorted the reality of China’s national economic image in the eyes of the public outside China, particularly those who have not got a chance to come to China. Moreover, the propaganda of China’s economic hegemony instigated by some of opinion leaders may be effective in causing misunderstanding and anxiety. In the present situation, clarification and more effective ways of communication are required. Two strategies demand attention and actions.

6.3.2.2

Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s National Economic Image in the New Context: The Public

First of all, renewing the ideas of international communication of China’s national economic image. As noted in Chap. 2 “The Transformation of China’s Concept of the International Communication of National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up”, the main phases that China’s reform and opening up underwent are focused on different developmental missions. In the first phase (1978–1992), and second phase (1992–2001), the primary goals of economic reform and opening up are to liberate productive forces, and boldly absorb and draw on advanced operational managerial methods which reflect the law governing modern socialized production, including those methods of the developed capitalist countries. In tune with the guideline, the core message delivered by China’s national economic image is centered around that China dares to make breakthroughs that the introduction of 66

Surtees (2011).

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capitalist practices does not mean following the capitalist road. In the third phase, the commitment to involve in global economy has been at the center of the international communication of China’s national economic image since joining WTO. From a historical outlook, these core ideas in the three phases serve as the wellspring of China’s exceptional economic development highlighting China’s willingness to open up, and collaborate with all over the world. Looking into future, China as the second largest economy is required to illustrate and promote the values of Chinese economic development from an international perspective. The work to clarify and promote the cultural values of China’s economic development as the engine of world economy is the most effective way to help the outside world understand that China’s economic development lives up to the spirit that can be shared and echoed by different cultures. Otherwise, China’s national economic image, on the world’s stage, has to continue to confront the stereotypes that China’s expansion is galloping so that it has enormous craving for trade and, above all, energy and other natural resources to fuel its growing demand. To this, China also should be more conscious of the demands of being international in international communication of China’s national economic image. For instances, at the center of Chinese economic stories, the labels, above all, “success”, “influence”, and “hard power” seem to be given priority. As a result, the public outside China feel the more meaningful to China is you are successful, not your values. What is more, the Chinese-style success is directly translated into “money”.67 As for the key notion of Chinese entrepreneurship, on the Chinese media, diligence or even “workaholic” is a must-have key word because under the leadership of this kind, from the top to bottom, everyone needs to work from day to night. Of course, the best traditions deserve respect. However, the illustration oversimplifies the spirit of Chinese culture. According to this book’s interviews in Australia, when speaking of the image of Chinese entrepreneurs, many of the respondents may feel puzzling with the cases, such as “the Chinese entrepreneurs world like to work 24 h a day, and may would like to have 367 days every year, so they can make more money, but money does not make your life meaningful”; “the Chinese entrepreneurs always use cheap price to attract consumers. Is not a self-underestimation”, and “I feel reluctant to work with the Chinese enterprises largely due to these cultural shocks”. As noted, the public outside China take care to know more about China’s economy, but their demands on the stories of China’s economic development are now emerging from what is China doing right. The spirit anew should tell the common people in different countries that China’s ideas of economic development will continue to act to ensure that development is broad and sustained, China is also laying the foundation for the long term growth of both Chinese economy and global benefits. As second largest economy, a part of a broader effort will contribute to prosperity for everyone: by providing quality public education, enhancing innovation; powering new jobs; and supporting affordable health care. In short, being successful is not the foundation of China’s economic ideas. Instead, it is cultural values that matters.

67

Chen (2010b).

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In addition, deploying the methods which can meet better the common demand of the public. Commonly, the public prefer the Chinese stories relevant to their life, easy to catch up, and encouraging for uplifting people even outside China in despair and setback. To get there, the Chinese economic programs provided by the Chinese media truly need to employ new ways of communication. The questionnaires indicate that most of the Chinese economic programs are not very helpful to the common people without too much professional knowledge about China except for the reputable source. Hence, “watching these Chinese programs is more like taking vitamin, it is good, but why not a red apple? Then, it is simple, direct and it is meaningful”. In Europe, some of the foreign media critical of China-EU cooperation can find out the ways more acceptable for the common public. For example, some interviewees introduced a load of caricatures showing how dangerous if Europe cannot escape the pull of China’s desire for trade. Figure 6.11 attracted greater attention among the common public. Europe is working hard at economic recovery. However, it seems that China takes the advantage of the trade with Europe. Finally, the hungry China will devour Europe. To this, the respondents explain, “the Chinese economic news may be saved in my some-day-I-will-read-this-file unless it is clear, vivid, interesting and close to my habbits”. In closing, the international communication of China’s national economic image among the public can be hardened and inspired through two approaches: First, focusing on renewing the developmental ideas so that China’s economic development can be illustrated and precepted at the level of culture preparing for future.

Fig. 6.11 China-EU trade boosts China’s economy. Source http://www.360doc.com/content/13/ 1112/16/7785337_328662355.shtml, retrieved on 2018.10.05

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Another, recognizing that without human-first spirit, no method—no matter how powerful—can impress the hearts of people.

6.4 Summary Points Through analyzing the international communication of China’s national economic image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up, it can be concluded that the influence of China’s national economic image has increased steadily and achieved better effects than that of China’s national political image as a whole. In terms of the focus, 11 variables at the three layers of national economic image all have been discussed by the international community. This shows that China’s national economic image in the world is comprehensive and vivid and keeps pace with the times. In terms of recognition, although affected by various factors such as historical conditions, politics and culture, the perceptions of China’s national economic image have to confront ups and downs, and sometimes, may even very sharply, but the overall direction is positive. Since 2013, the international recognition of China’s national economic image has enjoyed a steadfast progress. This trend is particularly evident in the countries along BRI. For now, each step of the international communication of China’s national economic image is entitled new incentives. For instances, through BRI, AIIB and other platforms of international cooperation, there is great hope for telling of the stories of China’s economic development. However, it is necessary to know the fact that in face of the current global economic challenges, conservatism, populism and new Cold War mentality also wish to explore their chance. In the 2010 U.S. midterm election, the New York Times in its article, China Emerges as a Scapegoat in Campaign Ads, notifies that “in the past week or so, at least 29 candidates have unveiled advertisements suggesting that their opponents have been too sympathetic to China and, as a result, Americans have suffered. Americans are struggling with sluggish economic growth and high unemployment rate, while faraway China continues to grow faster”.68 The opinions seem to begin to erode some of the American media. Andrew Heyward, the president of CBS News, announced that “This is a new situation, a new war and a new kind of enemy”.69 From the perspective of the domestic environment, China must fulfill its responsibility of economic structural reform, which is much more complex and difficult than the past forty years of reform and opening up. Given the above, China needs to solve the new problems in the international communication of China’s national economic image brought about the new era. China too should conduct public opinion research, learn experience from others, and put forward new ideas and new plans to serve the opinion leaders and the public around the world with care and sincerity. 68 69

Chen (2010a). Bauder (2001).

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In short, by 2020, building a moderately prosperous society in an all-round way and realizing the first centenary goal is the solemn commitment of China. In the Chinese president Xi Jinping’s speech at the 2nd Plenary Session of the Fifth Plenary Session of the 18th CCCPC, opening up and development are both emphasized that “it is essential that we uphold the fundamental national policy of opening up, pursue a mutually beneficial and win–win strategy of opening up and deepen people-topeople exchanges”.70 Looking ahead, the international communication of China’s national economic image has not only an important part to play in China’s national development, but also shoulders the mission of bridging China and the world. If China is committed to continue to introduce China’s economic stories to the whole world, China’s integration in global economy will continue, and the division, cynicism, and bias must take a step back. If the stories of China’s economic development can be told well, it shall contribute to strengthening international cooperation when globalization is at a cross roads.

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Wikipedia. Google Pulled Its Service from Mainland of China (Guge tuichuzhongguo shijian). http://zh.wikipedia.org/zh/%E8%B0%B7%E6%AD%8C%E9%80%80%E5%87%BA%E4% B8%AD%E5%9B%BD%E4%BA%8B%E4%BB%B6. Accessed 15 Nov 2021. Xi, Jinping. 2012. President Xi Jinping at China’s New Top Party Leaders Meeting Press (Xi Jinpingzongshuji zai xinyijie zhongyangzhengzhijuchangwei zhongwaijizhejianmianhui), November 15. Xi, Jinping. 2014. The First Volume of a Selection of Important Documents Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) (Shibada yilai zhongyaowenxian xuanbian, [shang]), 70. Beijing: Central Party Literature Press. Xi, Jinping. 2016. Speech at the Second Meeting of the Second Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee (Zai dangdeshibajiewuzhongquanhui diercihuiyi shang de jianghua). Xinhua Digest (3): 3. Xu, Haijing. 2015. China and Australia Officially Singed a Free Trade Agreement; 97% of Exports to China Would Be Tariff Free (Zhongao zhengshi qianshu zimaoxieding; 97% duihuachukoushangpin lingguanshui). Xinhua News Agency, June 17. Yueh, Linda. 2013. What Drives China’s Growth. National Institute Economic Review (223). Zemin, Jiang. 2006. Selected Works of Jiang Zemin (Jiangzemin wenxuan [disanjuan]), vol. III, 1. Beijing: People’s Publishing House. Zhien, Guo. 2012. International Communications (11): 15.

Chapter 7

The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening Up

Time and again in human history—Culture is always the wellspring for every country to rise to meet challenges, and to shape the moments of transition. The 16th article in Analects of Confucius. Ji Sh1 defines that “if remoter people are not submissive, all the influences of civil culture and virtue are to be cultivated to attract them to be so; and when they have been so attracted, they must be made contented and tranquil”. History repeats itself in the age of globalization that every country has been more conscious of the role of culture in national dignity, development, and security on an unprecedented scale. A prime example to this: France, has proclaimed the strategy of cultural power state that will enable its international influence in the intensified global competition encompassing politics, economy, and culture so as to meet the challenges in front of France, and see the horizon beyond them. To get there, in 2013, the minister of Culture of France then, Aurelie Filippett coauthored with the former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Laurent Fabius an article for Le Figaro2 to explain and emphasize an empirical analysis that for so many years, France is more familiar with its cultural influence than that of so-called synthetic national power. The spread of economic stagnation since the global financial crisis of 2008, especially under the Eurozone debt crisis has imposed multiple threats upon France. Domestically, the rise of unemployment has triggered social upheaval. Internationally, the economic pressure is powerfully undermining French political influence. To rebuild the foundation of French strength and influence, a strategy of cultural leadership has been adopted as a key to the sweeping changes. Developing countries has begun to unlock the implication of cultural renewal and cultural influence in this globalized world. India’s involvement in global economy since P.V. Narasimha Rao’s reform in the 1990s provides a typical example of

1

Confucius (2011). Le Figaro founded in 1825, is a comprehensive daily newspaper with the largest circulation in France.

2

© Peking University Press 2023 C. Liu, The Chinese Story in Global Order, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9020-5_7

209

210

7 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image …

this kind. In 2006, Bertelsmann Foundation’s global survey covering nine countries3 around the world found that Indians has the weakest confidence of its social reform, cultural norm, and cultural strength on the world’s stage.4 In the process of defining a world power in the twenty-first century, the Indian government have taken stock of efforts being made toward rebuilding up national cultural confidence. Karan Singh, president of Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) elucidated, “India’s renewed thrust on cultural diplomacy is aimed at showcasing its dazzling diversity to maximise its strategic gains”.5 China is a country with five thousand years of civilization. Having gone through over 5000 years of vicissitudes, the Chinese civilization has always kept to its original root. As the unique cultural identity of the Chinese nation, it contains our most profound cultural pursuits and provides us with abundant nourishment for existence and development.6 More than forty years of reform and opening up has made it clear that China is committed to international cooperation for a better world. The key to the effort lies in adherence to the spirit of Chinese culture, and the rich exchanges between societies since ancient times. At the start of China’s reform and opening up, the 6th Plenary Session of the 12th CPCCC articulates, “opening wider to the outside world as one of the key ideas of China’s basic national policies is not only conform to promoting material well-being also raising cultural-ethical standards. Therefore, we will do our best to learn from all useful experience in advanced science and technology, management and administration of other countries and examine, and develop them in China’s practice”.7 Along with reform and opening up, China’s economic development has been buoyant, and the Chinese people are living and working in contentment. In this context, there are questions about the aims and tasks that China should embrace in order to be able to meet the needs of sustainable national development at home and global peace and prosperity. In recent years, some of the Chinese cultural heritage is losing, while the questions concerning how to construct of the core values of modern Chinese culture are still unanswered completely and explicitly—In response to the hiatus of the development of Chinese culture in the new era, cultural construction has been the top priority of China. The 17th National Congress of the CPC proclaims, “in the new era, culture has increasingly become a key to national identity and creativity, and competition in synthetic national power”. More recently since the 18th National Congress of the CPC in the year of 2012, China has emphasized the strategic implication of the core socialist values for China’s sustainable development. On many occasions, China’s president Xi Jinping has called on the Chinese people to

3

The nine countries covered are Brazil, China, France, Germany, India, Japan, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. 4 Bertelsmann Foundation (2006). 5 Shukla (2006: 24). 6 CGTN (2021). 7 People’s Publishing House (1986: 7).

7.1 The Major Dimensions of National Cultural Image

211

cherish, honor and deepen their knowledge of the Chinese civilization and strengthen cultural confidence. As a whole, national culture is the soul of every nation which empowers the national confidence and development. In China’s practice, President Xi Jinping addressed at the Forum on Literature and Art, “without a thriving Chinese culture, it is not possible to achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation”.8 In this sense, the Chinese culture is the foundation of the spirit of China’s national image. The international communication of China’s national cultural image should seek to reveal the cultural spirit, cultural vision and cultural confidence of the Chinese nation with more care and efforts in order to enhance mutual learning and respect among nations. As notified in the review and assessment of the international communication of China’s economic and political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up, China’s national cultural image in the world is begun with the definition of the major dimensions of national cultural image.

7.1 The Major Dimensions of National Cultural Image The connotation of culture is rich as a spectrum of thoughts on nature, society, and life in systematic ways. Culture is composed of both dynamic dimensions, and stable characterization. For instance, as for the identical question, different cultures, or even the same culture but in different contexts will give different answers. However, different subjects all have tried to grapple with the key dimensions of culture from different perspectives. The cultural studies to-date started out from the premise that the previous research outcomes with intellectual depth prove. Sociologists define the key notion of culture as, “a society’s culture comprises both intangible aspects—the beliefs, ideas and values which form the content of culture—and tangible aspects—the objects, symbols or technology which represent that content”.9 Furthermore, the British sociologist, Anthony Giddens in his Sociology 4th Edition tests the three fundamental necessary conditions for a judgement of national culture, that is, the Cultural Belief, Cultural Values, and Cultural Norms.10 Standing upon the classic theories of sociology, the model of national cultural image is designed by these three key dimensions of culture, namely, the Cultural Belief, Cultural Values, and Cultural Norms. In this model, the cultural belief is the foundation of national cultural image while the cultural values highlights the philosophy of cultural belief, and cultural norms reflect the spirits of cultural belief and cultural values in practice (see Fig. 7.1).

8

Xi (2015). (The UK) Giddens et al. (2006: 21). 10 (The UK) Giddens et al. (2006: 21–23). 9

212

7 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image …

Fig. 7.1 The model of national cultural image

The cultural belief is essentially independent if not subjective which is based on a feeling of pleasure or displeasure with view to national identity. It is this that distinguishes the cultural belief from an empirical judgement. Sociologist John Bodley refers culture to the broad tendencies to prefer certain states of affairs over others.11 It means with the cultural beliefs that are right and just, a society will be entitled to strength and influence. Without the foundation, a society will be dumped into upheavals and chaos. Looking back closely at history, the decline of Roman Empire definitely is one of the classic cases to this point, although the historians have given a wide range of causes ranging from domestic reasons to external forces. If we juxtapose the fall of Roman Empire with the lessons drawn from the collapse of ancient Chinese states? In his perceptive accounts of the ups and downs of the states during the Period of Spring and Autumn and Period of Warring States, Mencius,12 an early Chinese philosopher equal to Confucius with regard to influence on Chinese culture, concluded as thrive in calamity and perish in soft living (Sheng Yu Youhuan, Si Yu Anle). Mencius brought the facts to life where the personal fate informed the rise and fall of a nation. He unearthed the principle that rise springs from sorrow and calamity while decline comes from ease and pleasure through stories of esteemed Chinese figures, such as Shun,13 Jiao Ge,14 Guan Zhong,15 Sun Shuao16 and Baili Xi.17 Evidently, the collapse of Roman Empire somehow mirrored Mencius’ analysis. The grand empire had increasingly immersed itself in the indulgence of material consumption and extravagant enjoyment. The loss of respect for honor destroyed the Empire’s spirit, exacerbated social conflicts and bred corruption and so on. Sadly, no-one can stop a street car named desire. In general, the cultural beliefs that different nations behold have universal dimensions which are in common across the world. Above all, it is in pursuit of the true, 11

Bodley (2011). Mencius (about 372 BC–289 BC): one of the influential philosophers who enriched Confucianism. 13 Shun (2287–2067 BC): An esteemed king in China. 14 Jiao Ge: A respected cabinet master and renowned scholar in Shang Dynasty (571–1046 B.C.). 15 Guan Zhong (725–645 B.C.): A prime minister of the State of Qi, a state in the period of Spring and Autumn and period of Warring States (770–221 B.C.). 16 Sun Shuao (630–593 B.C.): A cabinet master of the State of Chu, a state in the period of Spring and Autumn and period of Warring States who was in favor of governance of benevolence. 17 Baili Xi (726–621 B.C.): A cabinet master trusted by Qin Mugong, King of the State of Chi, a state in the period of Spring and Autumn and period of Warring States. 12

7.1 The Major Dimensions of National Cultural Image

213

the good, and the beautiful. During his speech in India in the September of 2014, the Chinese president Xi Jinping mentioned, universal love in the Chinese cultural beliefs can be interpreted by India’s do-not-to-harm as both of them see harmony as the heart of peace.18 Broadly, the cultural values of a nation crystalizes to a remarkable extent the key notions of cultural beliefs. It is originated from the cultural beliefs and in the meantime serves as the embodiment of the cultural beliefs. The cultural values distinct from cultural beliefs is not only a presenter of the spirits of cultural beliefs, but also an interpreter of cultural behavior. In doing so, it is the meso layer of the model of national cultural image which connects the dimension of cultural beliefs, and cultural norms. Given that the cultural values can play a role of either interpretation or representation of cultural beliefs, it varies among nations. Specifically, due to the differences of cultural values, the national cultural image that can be interpreted in a conflicting way. Two examples are selected from theory and practice. Philosophers divide in general philosophies into two representative factions— other-worldly philosophy and this-worldly philosophy based on the cultural beliefs that they behold. The former is dedicated to isolation from the so-called real world so as to gain better understanding of the true, the good, and the beautiful. By contrast, the adherents to this-worldly philosophy are keen to illustrate what happens in actual life. In this way, to the other-worldly philosophy, this-worldly philosophy is too superficial and narrow-sighted to uncover the truth of nature and human society while the latter often sees the counterparty as lip service. In practice, understandings of happiness also vary largely owing to the difference of cultural values. Some of cultures recommend that hard work can increase the competence, independence, and effectiveness, and that people thrive on competition. The others, however, prefer peace of mind rather than tension to sense of happiness. To them, competition in disguise of diligence let alone wealth and expectation can bring nothing other than greed. For instance, in 2014, the world-famous Samsung19 made an important investment in Indonesia because of its great potential for the shares of smartphone market—240 millions of population but with a quite low penetration rate. Unfortunately, Samsung’s factory failed to boost popularity in Indonesia. The strikes organized by local workers, resistances in community and negative reports on the media—the series of problems truly attacked the original anticipation of Samsung for opening Indonesia’s market. One of the major causes lies in the division between the cultural values on the meaning of job. In South Korean’s culture, collectivism such as the demands of enterprise is superior to individual interest. By contrast, Indonesian cultural values awards a happy-go-lucky lifestyle. Thus, the cultural shocks finally lead to confrontations when Samsung called on the local workers to work overtime even with higher payments.

18

Xinhua News Agency (2014). Samsung is the largest multinational enterprise group in South Korea and one of the top 500 listed enterprises throughout the world.

19

214

7 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image …

The cultural norms refer to the actions and behavior characterized by distinctive cultural features. Bodley notified, culture is gained through learning from generation to generation within a society. In this sense, the cultural norms can be identified by language, organization and group behavior, and so on. As a pivotal part of culture,20 the cultural norms provide a micro, specific layer for national cultural image. All of these norms condition the different performances of different cultures, which go beyond the cultural beliefs, and cultural values. Since the 1980s, well-known scholar of intercultural communication studies, Professor Geert Hofstede, assisted by others, has come up with six basic dimensions of culture that society needs to come to term with in order to organize itself. His survey in more than 70 subsidiaries of IBM covering approximately IBM’s 117,000 employees has a hearing on the nature of what is meant by “model of national culture”. In his studies, Hofstede found six basic dimensions of culture: First, High Power Distance versus Low Power Distance. Power Distance Index (PDI) that is the extent to which the less powerful members of organizations and institutions (like the family) accept and expect that power is distributed unequally. Second, Individualism versus Collectivism. Individualism (IDV) that is the degree to which individuals are integrated into groups. Third, Femininity versus Masculinity. The dimension refers to the distribution of roles between the genders. Fourth, Uncertainty Acceptance versus Uncertainty Avoidance. Uncertainty Avoidance Index (UAI) deals with a society’s tolerance for uncertainty and ambiguity; it ultimately refers to man’s search for Truth. Fifth, Long-term Orientation versus Short-term Orientation. This dimension predicts life philosophies, religiosity, and educational achievement. For instance, in a longtime-oriented culture, the basic notion about the world is that it is in flux, and that being future-oriented is always needed. By contrast, in a short-time-oriented culture, people tend to get told that the world is just there, so that adhering to it is morally good. Sixth, High Cultural Context versus Low Cultural Context. This dimension is about the good things in life. High cultural context prefers low-profile, while low cultural context favors the ways of doing what your impulses want you to do. When comparing and assessing national cultural images, the cultural norms are more difficult to be generalized. Of course, the cultural beliefs, and cultural values vary in different cultures, and civilizations. However, in essence, they are in common in pursuit of the true, the good, and the beautiful, which is what matters. The cultural norms instead are taken from the cultural behaviour which is normally a compilation of many component parts. Very often, the cultural norms vary even within one kind of civilization. For instance, the European corporate culture has been grouped into three major types as autocrats represented by France, democrats by Germany, and meritocrats by the U.K.21 The differences of the various cultural norms are salient such in diverse manners that sometimes, they can trigger misunderstanding, or even confrontation.

20 21

Bodley (2011). Development Dimensions International (2006).

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215

They are still the problems that go unanswered throughout the process of European integration. Likewise, the differences of the culture norms among different kinds of cultures can lead to varied types of cultural shocks as well. The Chinese culture, for instance, like many other similar cultures, awards collectivism that the individual interest shall subscribe to the collective mission. The western culture as a whole emphasizes the individualism which often places a particular attention to who am I. Not surprisingly, there are confusions when the west meets the Chinese culture. For instance, Foreigners often feel curious about the notion of Lei Feng’s Spirit22 while reading stories of this “Communist Party hero” during Mao’s period. It is an intriguing puzzle for them in understanding how the Chinese, especially the youth, interpret Lei’s outlook on life. They raised questions as follows: “what joy could Lei Feng gain when he wore darning socks, washed his comrades’ feet, gave money to strangers and served them tea and food?” “Isn’t it a self-underestimation that Lei Feng only wanted to be ‘a screw’ in the socialist cause?” “Did he become an icon mainly because he only knew how to follow the orders of Mao?23 ”. However, the story of Lei Feng to hundreds of millions of Chinese people is of more profound and significant implications. To Chinese, Lei Feng’s spirit stems from thousand-year-old Chinese philosophies. In his well-known Tao Te Ching, iconic Chinese philosopher Laozi articulated that for everyone, distinguishing himself at the cost of the others is not a virtue, while serving and loving his nation and fellow countrymen with persistence and deep-going affectation is. Another acclaimed cultural icon Confucius put forth in his famous Analects of Confucius a widely received wisdom that “Do not do to others what you do not want to be done by”. Those ancient wisdoms and thoughts have exerted profound influence over the nation for thousands of years. Civilization and culture uplift the sustainable development of every nation, and every country. A country cannot be accepted as a true power state unless its national cultural image is able to inspire the development of the world’s civilization toward the true, the good, and the beautiful. Assessing and analyzing national cultural image is a complex activity which cannot not be simplified by a very rough sketch based on so-called universal values. John Stuart Mill’s the quality of pleasure,24 for example, is intended to verify that happiness can be graded with the criteria including wisdom, imagination, passion and morality, and so on. In this sense, the more advanced cultural beliefs, cultural values, and cultural norms bring to pleasure higher quality. However, Mill and his adherents have not created a widely received standard of comparison either to grade the levels of cultures, or to assess the quality of happiness. In sum, the construction of national cultural image is essential to national development and far beyond. In this chapter, the international communication of China’s

22

In 1963 when a Chinese soldier Lei Feng died at age 22, Chairman Mao Zedong issued a call to “learn from Comrade Lei Feng”. Since then, China has marked the “Lei Feng Day” on 5 March every year. 23 Liu (2021). 24 Mill (1991: 211).

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national cultural image is reviewed, assessed, and analyzed through its three major dimensions.

7.2 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up As notified in “7.1 The Major Dimensions of National Cultural Image”, the path of international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up is presented. In this study, the method of case year analysis is deployed as the analysis of China’s national political image, and national economic image did. The selective process of the case years is illustrated in Chap. 2 “The Transformation of China’s Concept of the International Communication of National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up” which examines and identifies the momentums in the more than forty years of China’s reform and opening up. According to the particular step in the more than forty years of China’s reform and opening up, seven case years are shined the spotlights on understanding the international communication of China’s national cultural image. First, the year of 1978 marks the dawn of reform and opening up. In addition to economic reform, construction of spiritual civilization is also addressed as an important strategy. Second, in 1992, Deng Xiaoping in his speech series proclaims the criterion for China’s judgement on reform and opening up is whether the move facilitates the development of socialist productive forces, whether it helps increase the overall national strength of a socialist country, and whether it brings about better living standards. However primarily, China should guard against the “Left” deviation for example socialism and capitalism are not distinguished by the proportion of planned and market economy. Emancipating the mind thus becomes the main task of China’s cultural development during the second stage of reform and opening up. Third, China joined WTO in 2001. It has a profoundly cultural implication for China’s reform and opening up—on the one hand, it has greatly propelled China to continue to emancipate mind, and keep pace with the economic globalization, and provides a platform of lively exchange of ideas and cultures between Chin and different countries, and regions. Fourth, the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games not only wows the world, also enhance remarkably the cultural confidence of Chinese people. Fifth, China became the world’s second largest economy in 2010. The spectacular economic miracle has empowered a great number of studies on China but from the angel of cultural studies. In China, the cultural confidence has been taken to a new level. Sixth, in 2013, BRI, and some other new strategy to keep up for China’s going global in the new era were proposed—It is the same as the Chinese Dream promoted in 2012 that these national developmental strategies are deeply rooted in the Chinese civilization and culture. The innovation of thoughts lives up to the best traditions of Chinese civilization and culture which provides China’s national cultural image with new historic dimensions. Seventh, the

7.2 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image …

217

Table 7.1 The case year analysis of the attention rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up Year

1978

1992

2001

2008

2010

2013

2015

Total

Attention

1

9

32.5

136.4

232.7

526.7

607.6

1545.9

Unit: 10,000

collections of materials, and particularly, data analysis in this book wrap up in the year of 2015 so as to conform to the research agenda of China’s national political image, and economic image.

7.2.1 The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up At the first stage of China’s reform and opening up (1978–1992), its national cultural image only plays a markedly subordinate role (see Table 7.1).25 Thanks to the overall breakthroughs achieved by China, the outside world has gradually attached greater importance to the Chinese culture. Compared to the year of 1978 (10,000), the rating of attention to China’s national cultural image amounted to 6.076 million in 2015. Important differences emerge when the case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up (see Fig. 7.2) is examined, and compared to that of China’s national political image, and economic image. First of all, the outside world assigns the lowest awareness to this dimension at the start of China’s reform and opening up. Unlike China’s national political image, but in tune with China’ economic image, China’s national cultural image has enjoyed a persistent increase in the attention rate. In addition, its increase rate surpassed that of China’s national political image, and economic image. The finding verifies that the international community in particular consider China’s national cultural image to be an important criterion in line with China’s going global.

25

The research reports selected are those with China as the theme. The works selected are from academic monographs, compiles, papers, and poll reports (relating China) with China as the theme or the comparative studies between China and other countries. Media reports selected are the feature and commentary articles about China’s cultural image, with more than 800 words; Each relevant paper selected is over 10,000 words.

218

7 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image …

Fig. 7.2 The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (unit: 10,000)

7.2.2 The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up by Regions In terms of the attention paid to the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up (see Table 7.2), North America is at the top followed by Europe, Asia, Oceania, South America, Africa, and Latin America. What is more, the last three regions in general are far and away the Chinese culture. Table 7.2 The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up by regions Region

1978

1992

2001

2008

2010

2013

2015

Total

North America

0.3

3.2

10.4

42.2

69.8

188.01

178.21

492.12

Europe

0.2

2.1

9.02

37.8

58.18

136.94

165.63

409.87

Asia

0.17

2

8.1

32.7

50.14

110.6

126.04

329.75

Oceania

0.17

0.6

3

10.7

32.57

54.03

85.06

186.13

South America

0.04

0.4

0.7

8

14

18.86

46.6

4.6

Africa

0.03

0.4

0.65

4.3

7.5

12.01

17

41.89

Central America

0.09

0.3

0.63

4.1

6.51

11.11

16.8

39.54

Total

1

9

32.5

136.4

232.7

526.7

607.6

Unit: 10,000

1545.9

7.2 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image …

219

Fig. 7.3 The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up by regions (unit: 10,000)

The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up by regions (see Fig. 7.3) indicates that the issues concerning the Chinese culture have been at the top list in the world’s discussion on China—it verifies from a certain perspective that a more effective international communication of China’s national cultural image is necessary. Connected with the main findings of Chaps. 5, and 6, there are three major conclusions fairly significant to the analysis of the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up. First, North America and Europe’s attention to China is fairly more comprehensive as a whole. This finding proves over again the principle that in the world’s discussion, in particular, that of the First World, the three major dimensions of China’s national image is a close-knit unity. The way of understanding China is definitely of positive significance, as it enables the outside world to observe, and understand the Chinese culture from a more complete perspective. However, as a coin has two sides that when the Chinese culture is referred to politics and economy, how to escape the trap of agenda-setting, agenda-cutting, and agenda-editing needs concern. Second, the increase of attention to China’s national cultural image in Asia has been fairly observable, especially since the year of 2013 when BRI was launched. The situation is in favor of regional connectivity between China and Asian countries. Third, as notified in the international communication of China’s national political image, and national economic image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up, this is equal true of South America, Africa, and Central America where China’s national cultural image receives the lowest attention compared with other regions around the world.

220

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7.2.3 The Focus on the International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up With regard to the focuses on the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up (see Table 7.3), among the three major dimensions, the Chinese cultural norms rank top, the Chinese cultural values is at the second, and the Chinese cultural beliefs relatively plays a subordinate role. Given the above, the analysis of information sources finds that international media heads the introduction of the Chinese cultural norms. A variety of surveys also help the populations of the countries survived get to know the Chinese ways of life. The Chinese cultural beliefs and cultural values are known by the outside world through academia. Many of these studies are carried out from a historical outlook, have formed an independent system, and able to provide new perspectives which can inspire the Chinese scholars. Compared to the research findings of Chap. 5 “The International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening Up”, and Chap. 6 “The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening up”, the public in different countries would interest to know more about the Chinese cultural norms. On the other hand, the opinion leaders would pay more attention to understanding the Chinese cultural beliefs, and cultural values. The changes in the focuses on the international communication of Chinese national cultural image (see Fig. 7.4) shows that the international community have placed an increasingly attention to all of the three key dimensions. In more recent years, the Chinese national cultural image has accorded a rise in attention at a perceptible pace. The Chinese cultural norms are in the first place rising from only 5000 in 1978 to 3.804 million in 2015. Moreover, the Chinese cultural beliefs and cultural values have attracted greater attention as well in particular since 2001 when China’s reform and opening up entered its third stage. However, it is the Chinese cultural norms that are in evidence in the international communication of China’s national cultural image. Table 7.3 The case year analysis of the focus on the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up The elements

1978

1992

Cultural belief

0.4

3.1

Cultural values

0.1

Cultural norm

0.5

Total

1

Unit: 10,000

2001

2008

2010

2013

2015

3.9

8.1

41.4

52.1

71.1

Total 180.1

2.4

9.8

40.2

53.7

123.2

156.1

385.5

3.5

18.8

88.1

137.6

351.4

380.4

980.3

9

32.5

136.4

232.7

526.7

607.6

1545.9

7.2 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image …

221

Fig. 7.4 The case year analysis of the changes in the focus on the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (unit: 10,000)

It should be pointed out that the findings do not mean the failure of the Chinese thoughts to arouse the world’s recognition. As noted in the assessment of China’s national political image, and national economic image, considerable differences exist between different groups of target audiences, in particular, between opinion leaders, and the public. However, this book at the moment cannot discuss too much on this issue. However, a prime point to this: with regard to perception of China’s national cultural image, the public normally recognize the Chinese stories warm, simple, direct rather than magnificently academic. Conversely, the opinion leaders take care to grasp as much as possible the spirit of Chinese culture, in particular of Chinese philosophy. In other words, the content of international communication of China’s national cultural image should focus on the glamor of abundant connotation, strong humanist spirit and consonant consciousness of Chinese culture while so-called “down-to-earth” refers to the style appropriate to an efficient international communication of China’s national cultural image. Based on the historical review of the changes in the focuses on China’s national cultural image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up, this book analyzes further how they are distributed among the three key dimensions (see Fig. 7.5). Among the three major dimensions, the focus on the Chinese cultural norms amounted to 63%, on the Chinese cultural values amounted to 25%, and on the Chinese cultural beliefs amounted to 12. As the level of the percentage results: First, the international communication of China’s national cultural image should focus primarily on the illustration of Chinese cultural norms. In other words, the so-called Chinese stories of the Chinese people are truly matchable to the majority of foreign audiences.

222

7 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image …

Fig. 7.5 The case year analysis of the percentage of the focus on the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up

Second, it is an urgent task that China should take into account that understanding the best traditions of Chinese cultural requires basic information, materials, and knowledge which right now lags behind the pace of China’s going global. “Spirit” is the most important quality of Chinese culture which lays the foundation of the Chinese cultural beliefs, and cultural values. In fact, most of the stereotypes of Chinese culture in the world is the result of the limitation.

7.2.4 The Acceptance Rate of the International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up 7.2.4.1

The Conformation of the Weighting Coefficient

AS notified in “4.5.1 Define the Assessment Elements Set”, the acceptance of China’s national cultural image around the world is assessed, and compared through three directions—supportive, neutral, and negative. “4.4 National Cultural Image”, and “7.1 The Major Dimensions of National Cultural Image” illustrate from an overall perspective and a more detailed point of view that cultural belief, cultural values, and cultural norms constitute the most

7.2 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image …

223

Table 7.4 The weight of the case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up The elements

Cultural belief

Cultural values

Cultural norm

Weight

0.3

0.3

0.4

Table 7.5 The weight of the case year analysis of the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up Acceptance

Supportive

Neutral

Critical

Weight

100

60

20

important aspects of a country’s national cultural image. In sociological studies, the first two dimensions are referred to the intangible aspect of culture, so that both of them are weighted evenly as 30%. The cultural norms, the dimension is defined as the tangible aspect of culture which is closest to intercultural cognition, as illustrated early in this chapter. Therefore, it is weighted as 40% (see Table 7.4). When assessing the ratings of acceptance of China’s national cultural image, the supportive perception receives 100 points, neutral perception 60 points, and critical perception 20 points (see Table 7.5). The neutral perception receives 60 points in the assessment of China’s national cultural image is largely because of the conclusions of content analysis which notify the attitudes on the whole are neutral to supportive. Due to the attention that China’s national cultural image attracts, critical perception receives 20 points, as illustrated in Chap. 5 “The International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening Up”, and Chap. 6 “The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening Up”.

7.2.4.2

The Case Year Analysis of the Acceptance Rate of the International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up

According to the three-dimension model of China’s national cultural image, the world’s perceptions are grasped, and analyzed (see Table 7.6). In short, the Chinese cultural belief is far more convinced of its role in acceptance of China’s national cultural image. On the other hand, the Chinese cultural norms are relatively precepted from a critical perspective. According to the follow-up content analysis, there is relatively widespread recognition of the Chinese cultural belief as a whole, though in different political and economic contexts, which is in large part, the outcomes of China studies at home and abroad.

Supportive

2010

Supportive

The elements

38.3

37.7

48.2

Cultural belief

Cultural values

Cultural norm

15.9

40.5

41.4

43.1

Neutral

2013

10.1

Cultural norm

21.9

74

66.8

11.3

20.9

18.6

Critical

7.9

10.8

49.4

41.7

39.4

13.9

22.1

26.2

11.3

24.7

Cultural values

27.5

31.3

41.2

Cultural belief

Neutral

1991 Supportive

Critical

Neutral

1978

The elements

Supportive

78.2

67.1

49.1

46.2

44.2

45.1

Neutral

Critical

38.7

29.1

34.7

Supportive

2001

4.4

14.1

15.5

Critical

41.8

34

41.1

Neutral

56.1

46.3

41.7

Supportive

2015

19.5

36.9

24.2

Critical

51.2

36.8

37.8

37.2

48.4

48.3

Neutral

Supportive

2008

41.3

43.6

42.5

Neutral

6.7

5.3

10

Critical

7.5

19.6

19.7

Critical

Table 7.6 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the Elements at the first level)

224 7 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image …

7.2 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image …

225

Given that the goal of this chapter is primarily to review and assess the international perception of China’s national cultural image, the overseas sinology is addressed in a nutshell. Looking through history, the overseas sinology is composed of three dominant phases as a whole with a series of pioneering scholars. In order to make it possible to depict China’s image(s) in the overseas sinology in an appropriate manner in the restricted space available, some of the representatives at each stage are selected. During the period of missionary sinologists, Matteo Ricci, Italy,26 and Joesph Edkin, Britain27 are representatives. Their studies on China open the eyes of the outside world, especially the west on China. Edkin in his books give positive comments on China’s the Four Great Inventions, language, and culture and arts. These studies help the world understand the level that the Chinese culture has reached from a more objective standpoint.28 In view of the academic sinologists, German scholar Otto Franke29 and his studies benefit the world with a more objective, complete historical outlook in understanding China. For instance, Franke’s studies of Chinese history to some extent correct Herbert George Wells’ opinions in his Outline of History30 that the Chinese culture has suffered stagnation since Tang Dynasty (618 AD–907 AD). In modern overseas sinology, Joseph Terence Montgomery Needham, Britain,31 John King Fairbank, the U.S.32 continue to feed the outside world with information and knowledge about China. In addition, their studies help the westerners to think but critically the opinions on the Chinese cultural belief, above all, that of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. At this stage, the overseas sinology started attracting more attention in the west, and the institutes specifically on studies of China came into existence. A prime example, Fairbank Center for China Studies at Harvard. For so 26

Matteo Ricci (6 October 1552–11 May 1610) was an Italian Jesuit priest and scholar. He came to China to preach during the Wanli period of the Ming Dynasty. His works made great contributions to the exchanges between China and the West. 27 Joseph Edkins (19 December 1823–23 April 1905) was a British Protestant missionary, linguist, philologist and translator. He mainly focused on Chinese religion, history and language, and wrote China’s Place in Philology. 28 The Four Great Inventions include: The Compass, Gunpowder, Papermaking, Printing. 29 Otto Franke (1863–1946) was a German sinologist. He wrote Geschichte des chinesis-chen Reiches, a five volumes work, which was of great academic significance for studying Chinese history. Geschichte des chinesis-chen Reiches systematically shows a historical map of China from PreQin Period to late Qing Dynasty, thoroughly analyzes Chinese national philosophical and cultural features, and critically interprets Chinese historical view. 30 Wells (1920). 31 Joseph Needham (9 December 1900–24 March 1995) was a British biochemist, historian of science and sinologist known for his scientific research and writing on the history of Chinese science and technology, initiating publication of the multivolume Science and Civilization in China, which deeply influencing the cultural exchanges between China and the West. 32 John King Fairbank (24 May 1907–14 September 1991) was a famous historian, tenured professor at Harvard University, founder of Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies, expert on American China relations and renowned specialist in the field of modern Chinese history. He was also the chief editor of The Cambridge History of China.

226

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Table 7.7 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image in 1978

The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Cultural belief

41.2

31.3

27.5

Cultural values

11.3

21.9

66.8

Cultural norm

10.1

15.9

74

many years, the academic institutes make valuable contributions to connecting China and the world. Just as importantly, the Chinese scholars, more and more, have actively introduced the Chinese culture to the whole world through their publications in foreign languages. The research outcomes from China on China but in foreign languages play a very much constructive role in bridging China and the world. The premiant Chinese scholars include: Feng Youlan’s A Short History of Chinese Philosophy which is a world-famous academic study of the Chinese philosophy; Lin Yutang33 ’s popular books in English on China such as Moment in Peking which are highly acclaimed; and Liang Sicheng34 ’s A Pictorial History of Chinese Architecture was won Association of American Publishers (AAP)’s Awards for Professional and Scholarly Excellence. In closing, the China studies from generation to generation in and out China is one of the foundations of the global renown of Chinese culture which bring invaluable legacies to China’s national cultural image. Through case year analysis of the three dimensions of China’s national cultural image, some of the principles that take the lead in international communication can be uncovered, and examined. The Year of 1978 1978 is the first year of China’s reform and opening up. As 7.2.2 “The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up by Regions” concludes, at the time, the outside world did not pay great attention to China’s national cultural image, and thereby their understanding of the Chinese culture was mainly the result of the “China” in the past. In the specific historical context, the new trends in China’s national cultural image toward reform and opening up cannot at once be felt and then embraced by the outside world easily. As a consequence, the overall global attitude to China’s national cultural image in 1978 is neutral (see Table 7.7).

33

LinYutang (1895–1976) linguist, lexicographer, writer, journalist, and writer of popular books in English about China. 34 Liang Sicheng (1901–1972) architectural historian, educator, received bachelor and master’s degree from University of Pennsylvania.

7.2 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image … Table 7.8 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image in 1992

227

The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral

Critical

Cultural belief

24.7

26.2

49.1

Cultural values

10.8

22.1

67.1

Cultural norm

7.9

13.9

78.2

The Year of 1992 By the end of the first phase of reform and opening up, China’s economic construction developed and flourished—the agricultural output value achieved a rapid growth, and the reform and opening up in the second period began to closely be tied to urban reforms. A group of special zones, economic development zones, and coastal open city were approved as pilots of reform. China’s national cultural image nevertheless had to take longer period of time to gain a greater recognition in the world. Compared to the year of 1978, in 1992, the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural beliefs reduced 16.5%, the neutral perception fell 5.1%, and the critical perception grew 21.6%; the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural values reduced 0.5%, the neutral perception increased 0.2%, and the critical perception grew 0.3%; the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural norms fell 2.2%, the neutral perception reduced 2%, and the critical perception grew 4.2% (see Table 7.8). The further content analysis concludes the three major causes of the fall of the ratings of acceptance of China’s national cultural image. First, the political atmosphere at the time is extremely sensitive and complex either domestically or internationally. The specific context indeed widens to an extent the division between China and some of the countries around the world which widens the division of culture. Second, China’s reform and opening up in the second period confronts a series of new challenges, including those of prices and circulation which all are essential to living conditions. As notified in Chap. 2 “The Transformation of China’s Concept of the International Communication of National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up”, at the time, price reform has been conducted in China. To initiate, market-regulated prices under government guidance was implemented as transition policy, namely the so-called two-track system. Evidently, the improvement of market mechanism and the development of commodity production cannot be achieved within a short a period of time. The side-effects of price reform casted a shadow on China’s national cultural image. Third, in this period, China’s international communication as a whole is still at the cross-a-river-by-feeling-the-stones stage. The voice that comes from China cannot reach the whole world. Without sufficient sources of information and materials about China, people outside China may feel incompetent at understanding China, not to mention China’s national cultural image from an objective, and impartial perspective.

228

7 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image …

Table 7.9 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image in 2001

The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Cultural belief

34.7

41.1

24.2

Cultural values

29.1

34

36.9

Cultural norm

38.7

41.8

19.5

The Year of 2001 China’s participation in WTO in 2001 takes China’s going global to a new historic level. Under the impetus of joining WTO, compared to 1992, in the year of 2001, the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural beliefs grew 10%, the neutral perception increased 14.9%, and the critical perception reduced 24.9%; the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural values increased 18.3%, the neutral perception increased 11.9%, and the critical perception reduced 30.2%; the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural norms grew 30.8%, the neutral perception increased 27.9%, and the critical perception grew 58.7% (see Table 7.9). The visible rise of the acceptance of China’s national cultural image around the world indicates two meaningful facts: First of all, development is capital. The world is drawn to China’s willingness and commitment to reform and opening up under the varied pressures in the 1980s and 1990s. Joining WTO is the powerful evidence to this. In addition, nothing can break down barriers other than exchange and cooperation. The stocks of efforts that China take to join WTO and apply for hosting the 2000 Olympic Games etc. visibly attract greater attention from around the world. From a historical outlook, the active communication with the world helps people in different countries to develop the understanding of Chinese culture. The Year of 2008 The acceptance of China’s national political image, and national economic image in the year of 2008 visibly increased around the globe. So did that of China’s national cultural image. The 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, and the touching moments in disaster relief in Wenchuan earthquake etc. impressed the world. Compared to 2001, in 2008, the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural beliefs grew 3.1%, the neutral perception increased 1.4%, and the critical perception reduced 4.5%; the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural values increased 7.7%, the neutral perception increased 9.6%, and the critical perception reduced 17.3%; the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural norms grew 12.5%, the neutral perception reduced 0.5%, and the critical perception fell 12% (see Table 7.10). In the context, in 2008, the year, the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural beliefs amounted to 37.8%, increasing 3.1% compared to 2001 while the critical perception fell 4.5%. The supportive perception of the Chinese cultural values amounted to 36.8%, increasing 7.7% compared to 2001, and the critical perception fell 17.3%. The supportive perception of the Chinese cultural norms amounted

7.2 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image … Table 7.10 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image in 2008

229

The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Cultural belief

37.8

42.5

19.7

Cultural values

36.8

43.6

19.6

Cultural norm

51.2

41.3

7.5

to 51.2%, surpassing 50% for the first time over forty years of reform and opening up, and the critical perception fell 12% compared to 2001. The finding to a certain extent uncover a principle of the international communication of national cultural image—cultural is in essence composed of intangible aspects and tangible aspects—which must be checked, and pitched in different ways. Specifically, the philosophy of Chinese culture creates values by which the Chinese cultural norms are judged, and that a bit of education is required so as to tune in to this. By contrast, the ways of the Chinese cultural norms can be felt through simple joys of existence. In this sense, if the Chinese cultural beliefs, and cultural values wish to be revered in the world, it is like a bit of slog—which needs the efforts from generation to generation. By comparison, the international communication of the Chinese norms comes close to real life, and real world, and thus can be spoken of through high-profile stories of China. In addition, an effective international communication of the Chinese cultural norms can help the outside world make sense of the Chinese cultural beliefs and cultural values. The Year of 2010 In 2010, China became the world’s second largest economy. As notified earlier in this book, this leap forward has not been treated in a serene, meditative style at least on the international media. For the Chinese people, the great achievements above all, becoming the world’s second largest economy within decades of years give the truest confidence of China’s future. In doing so, the outside world has been focused more and more on the far-reaching significance of the China’s national cultural image. Compared to 2008, in 2010, the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural beliefs grew 0.5%, the neutral perception increased 0.6%, and the critical perception reduced 1.1%; the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural values increased 0.9%, the neutral perception fell 2.2%, and the critical perception increased 1.3%; the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural norms fell 3%, the neutral perception reduced 0.8%, and the critical perception increased 12% (see Table 7.11). Table 7.11 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image in 2010

The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Cultural belief

38.3

43.1

18.6

Cultural values

37.7

41.4

20.9

Cultural norm

48.2

40.5

11.3

230

7 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image …

Table 7.12 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image in 2013

The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Cultural belief

39.4

45.1

15.5

Cultural values

41.7

44.2

14.1

Cultural norm

49.4

46.2

4.4

Stemmed from the analysis of the international perception of the news that China became the world’s second largest economy in Chap. 5 “The International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening Up”, and Chap. 6 “The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening Up”, the watch-out style on many of the mainstream international media in particular in the First World such as The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal,35 Time, CNN, Reuters, Fox, The Economist, The Financial Times, etc. seems to hog the limelight. Accordingly, the world’s opinion on the Chinese cultural values, and cultural norms must have been affected compared to the year of 2008 when Beijing Olympic Games wows the world. Just as importantly, the Chinese cultural beliefs receive greater recognition from around the world within the complex situation. The hard-earned progress indicates a fact that although China’s national political image, national economic image, and national cultural image go hand in hand, it is the Chinese civilization and culture that quite get to the heart of China’s national image. The Year of 2013 In the year of 2012, the 18th National Congress of the CPC sets a goal to cultivate and practice the core socialist values that promotes “prosperity, democracy, civility, and harmony, uphold freedom, equity, justice and the rule of law and advocate patriotism, dedication, integrity, and amicability”.36 Under the guidance of the core socialist values, the international communication of China’s national cultural image is provided with certain new tasks which fit in the demands of new era. Compared to 2010, in the year of 2013, the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural beliefs grew 1.1%, the neutral perception increased 2%, and the critical perception reduced 3.1%; the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural values increased 4%, the neutral perception grew 2.8%, and the critical perception reduced 6.8%; the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural norms increased 1.2%, the neutral perception grew 5.7%, and the critical perception fell 6.9% (see Table 7.12). All of the three key dimensions of China’s national cultural image gain higher recognition. Compared to the year of 2010, the supportive perception of the Chinese 35

Founded in 1889, The Wall Street Journal is an American business-focused, international daily newspaper based in New York City. It is the largest paid newspaper in the US by circulation. The Journal can have effect on daily international economic activities. 36 People’s Daily (2013).

7.2 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image …

231

cultural beliefs amounted to 39.4% increasing 1.1% while the critical perception fell 3.1%; The supportive perception of the Chinese cultural values amounted to 41.7% increasing 4% while the critical perception fell 6.8%; and, the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural norms amounted to 49.4% increasing 1.2% while the critical perception fell 6.9%. Furthermore, the follow-up content analysis finds that the Chinese cultural beliefs, and cultural values earned greater recognition around the globe is largely the results of clarifying the core socialist values. Traditionally, telling of China’s stories is in favor of much more significance than clarity—There is an end to the words, but not to their meanings. People outside China often confess to being unfamiliar with the core messages that China’s classic works wish to express. In 2013, a complete set of the core socialist values is proclaimed, which plays a role of road map in the international communication of China’s national cultural image. The rise of supportive perception worldwide verifies in a way the effectiveness of this strategy. The Year of 2015 On the basis of the developmental strategies such as the Chinese Dream, and the core socialist values, and so forth, in the year of 2015, the Fifth Plenary Session of the 18th CPCCC puts forward the five developmental philosophies which provide the thread to connect the varied major developmental tasks, and to clarify the internal logic among them. In this context, the world’s recognition of China’s national cultural image in 2015 is able to keep its progress as a whole. Compared to 2013, in 2015, the year, the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural beliefs grew 2.3%, the neutral perception increased 3.2%, and the critical perception reduced 5.5%; the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural values increased 4.6%, the neutral perception grew 4.2%, and the critical perception reduced 8.8%; the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural norms grew 6.7%, the neutral perception reduced 9%, and the critical perception increased 2.3% (see Table 7.13). Moreover, compared to the year of 2013, the supportive perception of the Chinese cultural beliefs increased 2.3% while the critical perception fell 5.5%. The follow-up content analysis finds the major causes of the supports lies in the consensus on the significance of national spirit to national development. The overseas sinologists are the biggest supporters of this viewpoint. The supportive perception of the Chinese cultural values increased 4.5% while the critical perception fell 8.8%. The supportive comments on the core socialist values highlighting the balance in pursuit of national spirit, and of national economic development, and the integration of the best traditions Table 7.13 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image in 2015

The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Cultural belief

41.7

48.3

10

Cultural values

46.3

48.4

5.3

Cultural norm

56.1

37.2

6.7

232

7 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image …

Table 7.14 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening-up Year

Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Total

1978

19.79

22.32

57.89

44.76

1992

13.81

20.05

66.14

39.068

2001

34.62

39.25

26.13

63.396

2008

42.86

42.35

14.79

71.228

2010

42.08

41.55

16.37

70.284

2013

44.09

45.27

10.64

73.38

2015

48.84

43.89

7.27

89.714

of Chinese culture and world’s civilization. The supportive perception of the Chinese cultural norms increased 6.7% while the critical perception grew 2.3% as well. In terms of appreciation of the Chinese cultural beliefs, and cultural values, visits by the Chinese leaders, investments by the Chinese enterprises, and China’s joining the UN Peacekeeping Force, and increases of the ordinary Chinese in the overseas tourism and study programs to particular countries make a significant contribution. The increase of critical perceptions indicates the higher demand imposed by different countries on the quality of the Chinese people. In short, through weighted calculation for the three key dimensions of China’s national cultural image, the ratings of acceptance over forty years of China’s reform and opening up is concluded (see Table 7.14). First of all, China’s national cultural image has been on the correct path. The historical analysis indicates that the supportive perception in 2015 amounted to 48.84%, increasing 29.05% compared to 1978 while the critical perception was 7.27% in 2015 falling 50.62% compared to 1978. The ratings of acceptance of China’s national cultural image also gains a stable improvement from 1978 to 2015 as a whole (see Fig. 7.6). Through SPSS statistical analysis, no agenda-setting in general visibly has been beheld when comes to perception of China’s national cultural image (P < 0.05). This would seem to argue for the different international environments confronting China’s national political image, and national economic image. With respect to the three dimensions, the Chinese cultural values has to bear a relatively clearer agendasetting (P = 0.048) which means when introducing the core socialist values to the international community, China needs to find out more solutions to beat the doubts, and misinterpretations which actually are set by communication agenda. In short, China’s national cultural image has attracted more and more awareness around the world since the 1978 Reform and Opening up, which is the same as that of China’s national political image, and national economic image. This perception is shared by the countries around the world. With regard to the recognition of the Chinese culture, the Chinese cultural beliefs, cultural values, and cultural norms—all of the three major dimensions of China’s national cultural image have reaped stronger supports—it is the outcome that China studies at home and abroad for centuries of

7.3 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s …

233

Fig. 7.6 The changes in the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening up

Fig. 7.7 The analysis of the international communication of china’s national cultural image since the 1978 reform and opening up

years, and the efforts that China made to promote the cultural exchange and dialogue (see Fig. 7.7).

7.3 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image in the New Context The 18th National Congress of the CPC puts forward the core socialist values. Under the big picture, the international communication of China’s national cultural image in

234

7 The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image …

Fig. 7.8 The model of strategy for the international communication of China’s national cultural image

the new era can be guided by promoting prosperity, democracy, civility, and harmony; centered around upholding freedom, equity, justice and the rule of law; and presented by advocating patriotism, dedication, integrity, and amicability (see Fig. 7.8). According to the framework, the recommendations from the three aspects, namely the Chinese cultural beliefs, cultural values, and cultural norms, may prove beneficial.

7.3.1 The Chinese Cultural Belief: Soul-Sapping On the November 29, 2012, China’s president Xi Jinping for the first time National Museum of China’s exhibition “Road to Revival” proclaimed the concept of Chinese Dream—National rejuvenation has been the greatest dream of the Chinese nation. The Two Centenary Goals announced afterwards, that is, to finish building a moderately prosperous society in all respects by the time the Communist Party of China celebrates its centenary in 2021; and to turn China into a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, and harmonious by the time the People’s Republic of China celebrates its centenary in 2049. Furthermore, the Chinese nation will not be able to rejuvenate itself without strong cultural confidence and a rich and prosperous culture. To put this in perspective, writers, artists and theorists should in China strengthen cultural confidence, serve the people with fine works, and guide the public with high moral standards. President Xi Jinping stressed, “Culture is a country and nation’s soul. No matter which country

7.3 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s …

235

Fig. 7.9 The international perceptions of Chinese cultural beliefs

or nation don’t cherish their culture and lose the soul of their culture, they will not stand upright”.37 Clearly, the efforts made by China to introduce Chinese cultural beliefs to the outside world fills the void between China and the world. The results of a representative survey in the U.S., the U.K., Australia, India, Malaysia, South Africa, and China covering 2359 respondents in 2012 on the international perceptions of China’s national cultural image which I organized38 concludes that China is precepted as an emerging world power, not a cowardice and containment (see Fig. 7.9). In this survey, 65% of the populations surveyed are of the opinion that China’s national cultural image as a whole is attractive. 48% of the overseas respondents mentioned that through the information source available, China’s national cultural image looks a bit “arrogant”, but they are not in fact of the opinion that China is a big bully or something. The spirit of Chinese culture is inclusive and harmonious considered by 4% of the respondents. Drawn upon thousands of years of cultural accumulation, which is not usual in the world, Chinese culture is able to inspire China, and even the world to find out solutions to the challenges confronting the world. To that end, China’s practices from the five principles of peaceful coexistence from the 1960s to BRI in the new century are good stories which give people hope. 37

Xi Jinping, Speech at the Opening Ceremony of International Conference in Honor of the 2565 Anniversary of Confucius & Fifth Congress of the International Confucian Association (Jinian kongzidanchen2565zhounian guojixueshuyantaohui ji guojiruxuelianhehui diwujiehuiyuandahuikaimushi jianghua), http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2014-09/24/c_1112 608569.htm, Accessed October 4, 2021. 38 The research units of this project are The Charhar Institute, Center for International Communication Studies and Millward Brown ACSR. The project leader presided over the part related to Chinese cultural image.

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Compared to “prosperity” and “harmony”, “democracy”, and “civility” advocated by the Chinese cultural beliefs need more efforts to build up mutual understanding. To that end, China should be guided by the spirit of Chinese culture so as to add high-quality ideas to redefining “democracy”, and “civility” in the new context. It is not appropriate to imitate the existing theories of “democracy”, and “civility” due to two major causes. First of all, context matters. There are dramatic differences between the contexts begetting the Chinese culture and western culture. Geographically, most of western countries are maritime states, and China is traditionally a land country. The Analects of Confucius once differentiated the cultural impacts of the geographical contexts as “the wise enjoy the waters, the benevolent enjoy the mountains”. Economically, China is a traditional agricultural country while the west took the lead in trade. What is more, since the epoch-breaking Industrial Revolution in the seventeenth century, the segments in cultural differences had been growing fast until the age of globalization. What is more, the deep-rooted Eurocentrism has constrained the definitions of democracy and civility in the west. Chapter 3 “A Critical Analysis of the International Communication Theory of National Image” reviews the transformation of the leading theories in understanding diversity of culture in the west from the cultural pluralism started in the seventeenth century represented by Vico, Montesquieu, and Johann Herder, and so forth to the democracy proposed by the French Revolution by the end of the eighteenth century, and reaffirms the long-standing influence of Eurocentrism on the western culture. For Vico, “to understand them [values, motives, aims, categories, concepts] and their world is to see their point, to grasp the way in which they necessarily belong to, and indeed express, a particular stage of social development”.39 For Vico, Achilles cannot be found except for Greek culture.40 Vico stressed too much the difference between and among cultures to explain why actually all ultimate cultural beliefs can be combined, like the pieces of a jigsaw in human history. Also, Vico was convinced that “in any given age only one way of life was truly human, that all others could be graded in terms of it, and that those who has realized or approximated it had a right and a duty to guide and govern others”.41 Although Montesquieu shared Vico’s sensitivity to cultural diversity, and was interested on both European and non-European societies, he was primarily interested in Greek and Roman’s cases that culture is created by elites. Herder differed from Vico and Montesquieu in several respects, above all, appreciated that Volk is the wellspring of culture. However, he used his vision of western social and political institutions rather than an international outlook to judge different religions, societies and cultures. As a result, he would compare different cultures as flowers—they are beautiful, and yet noy possible to exchange and boost cultures more beautiful. 39

Berlin (1991: 123). In Greek mythology, Achilles was a hero of the Trojan War, the greatest of all the Greek warriors, and the central character of Homer’s Iliad. He was the son of the Nereid Thetis and Peleus, king of Phthia. When Achilles was born Thetis tried to make him immortal by dipping him in the river Styx; however, he was left vulnerable at the part of the body by which she held him: his left heel. Achilles was shot in the heel by a hidden arrow and died. 41 Parekh (2006: 55). 40

7.3 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s …

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Introducing the Chinese cultural beliefs to the outside world requires China to continue to learn from the whole world for sure. What is more, China needs to lay the foundation of a system of pluralist cultural theories which are fit in this already globalized world and for a better future.

7.3.2 The Chinese Cultural Values: By Principle Under the guidance of “prosperity, harmony, democracy, and civility”, “freedom, equity, justice and the rule of law” constitutes the core ideas of Chinese cultural values in this new era. As identified in the analysis of China’s national political image, national economic image, and national cultural image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up, the four factors actually have been the prime targets when some forces around world tend to attack China due to geographical competition or just sheer cultural stereotypes. To deal better with the problem. China needs to further its actions in promoting freedom, equity, justice and the rule of law. In the meantime, China should pay greater attention to the good people, good ideas inside China. It can be carried out in two major aspects. First, a broader view holds the key. For instance, many of respondents surveyed by this book argue that the less developed areas in China, such as the rural China seems to walk in the shadow of the developed cities and provinces. Although it is good for proving China’s great achievements, it does shy away from the cultural values of freedom, equity, and justice. Worse, the China’s story of this type may trigger more doubts on China’s identity as a developing country. Second, picking the stories of ordinary people is more likely to look good in presenting the Chinese cultural values. Chapter 3 “A Critical Analysis of the International Communication Theory of National Image” proves this to be the case. When the international order still is far from equity, the losing perspective of the forgotten communities cannot be avoided. It means China should involve in further the existence and life of the ordinary people. No doubt, China does so. This book conducts a random survey of the reports on gender issues on CCTV-News’ Asia Today June 19, 2013–July 18, 2013, and finds that China’s television media is more careful of the people in the Third World than most of the western media in terms of the countries covered, topics selected, numbers of the news, and depth of investigative reports (see Fig. 7.10). The follow-on analysis of the occupations covered by CCTV-News’ Asia Today (see Fig. 7.11) proves that CCTV indeed manages to tell of the stories of both so-called white-collar women, but those at the bottom of society. As long as China is able to behold its cultural values adherent to freedom, equity, justice and the rule of law, and, it can be its soft power which may open strategic doors for China. The communication effects are also likely to improve further if China strengthens its cultural confidence and finds out more ways of exchange. While cultural soft power may not always provide solutions, it can help narrow differences.

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Fig. 7.10 The topics on gender issue on CCTV-News’ Asia Today

Fig. 7.11 The occupations covered by Asia Today’s reports on gender issue on CCTV-News

In this sense, the beneficiaries of China’s international communication of its national cultural image shall be beyond the Chinese people, as Thai Foreign Minister Surin, for example addressed at Asia-Pacific Media Symposium in 1999 that it is critically important to revere our own characteristics in pursuit of cultural diversity.42

42

Gu and Yuanhua (1999: 6).

7.3 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s …

239

7.3.3 The Chinese Cultural Norms: Warmth at Heart AS notified in 7.1 “The Major Dimensions of National Cultural Image”, the cultural norms by definition in sociology crystalize the prominent features of a country or a nation’s cultural belief and cultural values. Accordingly, the factors such as “patriotism, dedication, integrity, and amicability” provide workable agenda for introducing the Chinese cultural norms to people in different countries particularly, where hard power may have failed due to political reasons. The international perceptions of Chinese cultural norms inasmuch are supportive. Again, the representative survey of China’s national cultural image in 2012 shows that the highlights of Chinese culture are kindness and warmth. 48% of the respondents recognize the spirit of Chinese culture in favor of cooperation, inclusiveness, and benevolence. Conversely, 15% respondents would describe China as “unhappy”, “radical”, and “uncooperative” (see Fig. 7.12). The Chinese cultural norms, to a large part, has been precepted in an objective angel. A prime example, the national traits such as benevolence, diligence, and kindness which are deeply incorporated into Chinese culture finally are awarded with compliments. The attitude change is meaningful in so many ways. In effect, Chinese people has been portrayed in the west with apparent bias. The stereotypes have

Fig. 7.12 The international perceptions of Chinese cultural norms

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Fig. 7.13 Poster of Dr. Fu Manchu. Source The Blood of Fu Manchu. 1968. Retrieved from IMDb, https://www.imdb.com/title/ tt0062741/mediaviewer/rm3 538983936?ref_=ext_shr _lnk, retrieved on July 20, 2022

simplified the Chinese into two genres—Chinese coolie, obedient and invisible, or Dr. Fu Manchu,43 a typical symbol of yellow peril (see Fig. 7.13). Unfortunately, but less surprisingly, the fixed and inflexible image of Chinese cultural norms has remained unchanged even after more than forty years of China’s reform and opening up. The assessment of image of Chinese in American prime time television dramas articulates that through empirical evidence, the Chinese on the American screen is comparatively distorted.44 When the world is undergoing a series of unprecedent challenges, when the economic recovery is slowing down, the distortion of Chinese cultural norms is going up on certain occasions. For instances, patriotism may be misinterpreted as populism, and dedication becomes a hint at so-called “money-centered”, and so on. To protect the international perceptions of Chinese cultural norms from agendacutting and agenda-editing, China should build up the ability to provide further portfolio diversification through more diverse channels of communication for greater 43

Dr. Fu Manchu is a supervillain who was introduced in a series of novels by the English author Sax Rohmer, published in 1913. Fu Manchu is regarded as the most incredibly evil genius of all time. He is a Chinese nobleman while received modern education in Britain making him more insidious. He is “the yellow peril incarnate in one man.” 44 Wu (1997).

7.4 Summary Points

241

numbers of ordinary people, especially those have not got sufficient resources to know about China. What is more, China should continue to make concerted efforts to take the Chinese cultural norms to a higher level. The real upside of the Chinese cultural norms lies in visualizing China’s national cultural image, which is useful for the overseas audience to start their understanding of China. The U.S.’ The Point Magazine in its survey of international perceptions of China, introduced—the Canadian respondent, Peter Nash reflects, the Chinese youth are hardworking and responsible for social development, and that they represent a forward-looking China; American respondent, Mark Carte indicates, before coming to China, the Chinese to him are inward, but now he finds they outspoken and energetic; British respondent Fiona Mason explicitly articulates that thanks to interaction with the Chinese people, I am aware of that my perception of China is actually derived from stereotype.45 In short, the Chinese cultural norms are attractive to the whole world as a whole. It means the Chinese lifestyle can be accepted by different countries worldwide. It plays a positive role in international communication of China’s national cultural image. Consider the options: China should invest further in finding out the good stories of Chinese people, and introducing them to the outside world. On the other hand, China should take into account the problems of Chinese cultural norms, and be committed to dealing well with them.

7.4 Summary Points Culture is the heart and foundation of every country and every nation. In this sense, the national cultural image is the core of the national image as the window on the spirit of the country. Therefore, a national cultural image with soft power is the prerequisite for an attractive national image. This chapter analyzes the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up according to the three-layer model of national cultural image created in this book. It can be found that, generally speaking, China’s cultural beliefs and cultural values are recognized by the international community, which shows the possibility to achieve mutual understanding, mutual learning and common development across cultures. In terms of cultural norms, there are indeed a variety of differences between China and the rest of the world, but it is the nature of culture. Most importantly, looking back at the international communication of China’s national cultural image, it is a fact of life that the barriers to intercultural communication can be overcome by mutual understanding and trust. It should be noted that although people outside China have access to China’s national cultural image to some extent through international exchange and dialogue, there are still many problems and challenges long-standing or into future. For instance, China’s national cultural image has been distorted as “estrange”, “vague” 45

Liu (2012).

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and “mysterious”, and so on. According to “The Survey of Global Perceptions of Chinese Cultural Image” conducted in 2012, 34% of respondents from seven countries46 expressed that the Chinese culture was “mysterious”, “unfamiliar” or “difficult” to understand. Given the above, with the three layers of the national cultural image as the framework and the new tasks that international communication of China’s national cultural image is to fulfill as the entry point, the suggestions are made. In terms of the Chinese cultural beliefs, the best traditions of Chinese culture should be highlighted to provide a strong theoretical support to its contribution to the world. In terms of the Chinese cultural values, China on the whole should present a global outlook and deep care about the demands of ordinary people in different countries. The Chinese cultural norms, the inheritance of the Chinese cultural virtues, however, have been misunderstood or distorted due to complex factors, which has caused damage to China’s national cultural image to a certain degree. As a consequence, China needs to continue to cultivate the all-round qualities of Chinese people on the one hand, and provide more supports for the outside world to seek out the reality of Chinese ways of act on the other. In general, the international communication of China’s national cultural image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up has been positive and vibrant on the whole. Yet, it is certainly true that there are a series of problems worth concern. Some of China’s stories are too superficial or cynical to truly touch the human heart. Not surprisingly, the China’s stories of this style are not well recognized across much of the rest of the world. They are seen as “foam” for the international audience. For those stories which tend to exaggerate China’s development, China’s national image is nothing more than a puppet manipulated by a communication agenda, neither lively nor sincere. For those stories which solely place focuses on the darkness of real life, China’s national cultural image is morbid. Correspondingly, many of the scholars, critics and general audiences abroad interviewed argue how could it? The concerns reflect an urgent task confronting the international communication of China’s national cultural image in the new era— without a deep insight into China, and the world at the cross-roads, unlikely for China’s stories to be reasonably surmised by people outside China. In other words, the China’s stories of this kind can deliver nothing except resounding slogans. In this way, China’s national cultural image is endowed only with “force” but not “attraction”. Actually, the phenomena uncover a problem that China should takes into account—the reluctance to come close to the ordinary Chinese people, and their real life. Instead, the desires to cater to a popular trend and perhaps even to win honors and awards overweight the genuine respect for the Chinese culture. What makes sense is without heartfelt passion, it is virtually impossible for anyone to absorb their beauty.

46

The eight countries surveyed include the U.S., the U.K., Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia, India, South Africa, and China.

7.4 Summary Points

243

To a large extent, the China’s stories finally shown on the media giants such as BBC and Channel Four47 have already identify the basic rule that should be observed in the international communication of cultural image. Evidently, it is hard for the periphery countries to air on the mainstream media in the U.S., and Europe. Even those already purchased have to wait for a chance to be broadcasted, such as an occasion celebrating the establishment of diplomatic ties between the two countries or an event drawing global attention occurred in the provider. As a result, many works usually have to take a long time to meet the audience. At the time, their original themes may no longer be trendy. It proves that cultural works without values by which the attitudes to culture are judged have no chance to achieve effectiveness of communication. The shared experience of China’s stories which truly attract the world’s attention is that they can objectively, vividly and eloquently interpret the simple joys of existence. China’s national cultural image through these stories is plain and yet unique. From it, the world can see that the beauty of Chinese culture is not necessarily grand, but always great. In conclusion, the Chinese culture has its power to contribute wisdom to the world’s civilization. As well-known Chinese scholar, Hu Shih puts it in his The Chinese Renaissance, “Slowly, quietly, but unmistakably, the Chinese Renaissance is becoming a reality. The product of this rebirth looks suspiciously occidental. But, scratch its surface and you will find that the stuff of which it is made is essentially the Chinese bedrock which much weathering and corrosion have only made stand out more clearly—the humanistic and rationalistic China resurrected by the touch of the scientific and democratic of the new world”.48 The mission of international communication of China’s national cultural image is as old as the spirit of Chinese culture with respect to connecting China with the rest of the world and promoting dialogue and spark creativity across civilizations and cultures. To this end, China’s stories, genuine, heartfelt and warm are useful. A prime example to this: Bertrand Russell, the esteemed British philosopher and Nobel prize winner, reflected what he has learnt from Chinese female writer, Elisabeth Comber49 that it is always fascinating to read her novels, as I can know much more about China by reading an hour than living a year in China”.50

47

Channel 4 began its transmission on 2 November 1982. Its programs are famous for being experimental and innovative in forms and contents. 48 Hu (2012). 49 Han Suyin or Elisabeth Comber (1917–2012) is a Chinese-born British writer and social activist. 50 Cai Pa, Han Suyin, Lonely Boats Ties Up Heart Home-bound (Guzhou yixi guyuanxin). http:// www.chinawriter.com.cn/wxpl/2012/2012-11-05/145769.html, Accessed December 16, 2021.

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References Berlin, Isaiah. 1991. Against the Current: Essays in the History of Ideas, 123. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Bertelsmann Foundation. 2006. World Powers in the Twenty-first Century. Berlin: Bertelsmann Foundation. Bodley, John H. 2011. Cultural Anthropology: Tribes, States, and the Global System. Lanham, Maryland: Alta Mira Press. Cai, Pa, and Suyin Han. 2021. Lonely Boats Ties Up Heart Home-Bound (Guzhou yixi guyuanxin). http://www.chinawriter.com.cn/wxpl/2012/2012-11-05/145769.html. Accessed December 16, 2021. CGTN. 2021. Xi Jinping, Guardian of the Chinese Cultural Heritage. CGTN, April 3. Confucius. 2011. Book 16 · Ji Sh. In: Analects of Confucius (Lunyu JiSh). Changsha: Yuelu Press. Deeply Understand the Connotation and Significance of Socialist Core Values (Shenkelijie shehuizhuyihexinjiazhiguan de neihan he yiyi). People’s Daily, May 22, 2013. Development Dimensions International. 2006. International Human Resources Consultants. Development Dimensions International, January 9. Giddens, Anthony (trans.), Xudong Zhao, Chen Liu, et al. 2003. Sociology, 4th edn. Beijing: Peking University Press. Gu, Yaoming, and Yuanhua Yang. 1999. Experience of Attending Asia Media Forum: Strengthening Communications and Cooperation with Asian Media (Jiaqiang yu yataimeiti de goutong yu hezuo—chuxi yataidiqu meitiyantaohui yougan). Chinese Journal of Journalism & Communication 1: 6. Hu, Shih. 2012. The Chinese Renaissance, 4. Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press. Liu, Shinan. 2012. Important Part of Cultural System Reform—Achieving Effective Publicity of Chinese Culture (Wenhuatizhigaige de zhongyaoneirong—shixian zhonghuawenhua de youxiaochuanbo). International Communications 5: 7–8. Liu, Chen. 2021. Altruism vs. individualism: Cultural value in Lei Feng Spirit. http://en.youth.cn/ Inter_Channel/Editor_Pick/201203/t20120308_2001344.htm. Accessed December 25, 2021. Mill, John S. 1991. Utilitarianism in Collected Works of John Stuart Mill, ed. John M. Robson. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Parekh, Bhikhu. 2006. Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory, 2nd edn. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. People’s Publishing House. 1986. Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Guidelines of Socialist Cultural and Ethical Progress (Zhonggongzhongyang guanyu shehuizhuyijingshenwenmingjianshe zhidaofangzhen de jueyi), 7. Beijing: People’s Publishing House. Shukla, Saurabh. 2006. Soft Power. India Today, October 30. Wells, Herbert. 1920. Outline of History. New York: The Macmillan Company. Wu, Hongming Denis. 1997. An Enduring Schema: The Image of the Chinese in American Prime Time Television Dramas. Gazette (58): 69–86. Xi, Jinping. 2015. Speech at the Forum on Literature and Art (Zai wenyigongzuozuotanhui shang de jianghua). Xinhua Digest 23: 1. Xi, Jinping. 2021. Speech at the Opening Ceremony of International Conference in Honor of the 2565 Anniversary of Confucius & Fifth Congress of the International Confucian Association (Jinian kongzidanchen2565zhounian guojixueshuyantaohui ji guojiruxuelianhehui diwujiehuiyuandahuikaimushi jianghua). http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2014-09/24/c_1112608 569.htm. Accessed October 4, 2021. Xinhua News Agency. 2014. Xi Jinping: China and India Should Work Together for National Rejuvenation (Zhongyin yao xieshoushixian minzufuxing). Xinhua News Agency, September 18.

Chapter 8

The International Communication of China’s National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up

Looking back into the four main stages throughout China’s Reform and Opening-up since 1978, innovation based on persistence is at the epicentre of this nearly halfa-century process. China’s national image has been constructed under the different historical contexts to people in each of the world’s 24 time zones. The emphasis of China’s national image is on the specific national developmental task of China’s reform and opening up. In the first stage (1978–1992), economic construction is the firm mooring of international communication of China’s national image so as to attract foreign investment and advanced foreign technology and management experience. In the second stage (1992–2001), integration into the world’s economy holds the key. In the third stage (2001–2010), as the world’s second largest economy, this change quickens the shift of international communication of China’s national image from economy oriented toward diversity. In the fourth stage (2010–), China’s national image is on the threshold of new change which promises to participate further in global progress. In short, the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up has undergone a series of profound changes in the four stages—from Cold War to Globalization. Therefore, this chapter aims to provide a critical overview of the profound changes in more than forty years of international communication of China’s national image in four stages, and provide recommendations for future when the political, economic and cultural contexts are facing new changes.

8.1 The International Communication of China’s National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up In Chap. 4 “The National Image Theory”, the international communication of China’s image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up is reviewed and analyzed from three major dimensions: politics, economy and culture. © Peking University Press 2023 C. Liu, The Chinese Story in Global Order, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9020-5_8

245

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Fig. 8.1 The model of national image (the elements at the first level)

According to the model of national image created in this book, China’s political image, economic image, and cultural image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up—three major dimensions of China’s national image are analyzed, and compared (Chaps. 5, 6 and 7). Again, this book designs and deploys the method of case year study which entitles a selective and yet comprehensive coverage of different historic backgrounds in the past forty years of China’s Reform and Opening up. Chapter 2 “The Transformation of China’s Concept of the International Communication of National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up” explains the selection of seven case years (1978, 1992, 2001, 2010, 2013, and 2015) in which the continuity and change of China’s reform and opening up is crystalized, and presented. The seven case years enable this work to review, analyze, compare, and assess China’s political image, economic image and cultural image from a historical outlook (see Fig. 8.1). Alike the studies of China’s national political image, national economic image, and national cultural image, the review of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up is carried out in four main aspects, that is, attention, attention by regions, focus, and acceptance.

8.1.1 The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up The ratings of attention to China’s national image as a whole since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up amounted to 7.83 million. In 1978, the first year of China’s reform and opening-up, the ratings of attention to China’s national image amounted to 20,000. In 2015, it reached 25.521 million—25.501 million more than that of 1978— a record high over the past four decades. In addition, the ratings of attention to China’s national image in 2013 (22.676 million), and in 2015 (25.521 million) together amounted to 48.197 million, accounting for about 17% of the total, and thus contributed most to the international attention of China’s national image (see Table 8.1). Furthermore, the changes in the ratings of attention to the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up (see Fig. 8.2) shows a steadfast increase. Especially, the two case years selected from the fourth

8.1 The International Communication of China’s National Image Since …

247

Table 8.1 The case year analysis of the attention rate of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up Year

1978

1992

2001

2008

2010

2013

2015

Total

Attention

2

108.9

597

1099.2

1176.2

2267.6

2552.1

7803

Unit: 10,000

Fig. 8.2 The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (Unit: 10,000)

stage of China’s reform and opening up (2013–2015) gained the most significant increase. This statistical finding verifies the principle again that “iron must be hardened by itself (God help those who help themselves)”. In other words, the international community shall not feel motivated to learn about and understand China unless China is well able to sustain its spectacular national development.

8.1.2 The Attention to the International Communication of China’s National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up by Regions Regionally, Asia is the region concerned most about China’s national image (24.7821 million), followed by North America (21.9969 million), and then Europe (16.2711 million), Oceania (7.9526 million), Africa (3.1153 million), South America (2.5844 million), and Latin America (1.3276 million) (see Table 8.2). Taking the year of 2013 when BRI is launched as a node, compared with the year of 2010, the attention to China’s national image increased worldwide—2.9171

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Table 8.2 The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up by region Region

1978

1992

2001

2008

2010

2013

2015

Total

North America

0.57

32.9

179.4

300.2

358.8

650.51

677.31

2199.69

Europe

0.44

17.6

103.42

191.8

253.38

505.54

554.93

1627.11

Asia

0.43

42.4

223.6

437

332.24

670.3

772.24

2478.21

Oceania

0.3

9.9

55.8

95.1

119.37

227.03

287.76

795.26

Africa

0.07

3.4

20.65

26.4

51

91.11

118.9

311.53

South America

0.08

1.8

8.8

34.9

38.9

83.4

Central America

0.11

Total

2

0.9

5.33

13.8

22.51

108.9

597

1099.2

1176.2

39.71 2267.6

90.56 50.4 2552.1

258.44 132.76 7803

Unit: 10,000

million in North America, increased 2.2516 million in Europe, increased 3.3806 million in Asia, increased 1.0866 million in Oceania, increased 411,100 in Africa, increased 445,000 in South America, and increased 172,000 in Latin America. In comparison, the top three increases take place in Asia, North America and Europe. Moreover, the case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up (see Fig. 8.3) shows that in the seven case years, the highest increase takes place in Asia followed in order by Africa, Europe, North America, South America, Oceania, and Latin America. The changes in the attention to the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up is supportive of the connection

Fig. 8.3 The case year analysis of the attention to the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up by region (Unit: 10,000)

8.1 The International Communication of China’s National Image Since …

249

between China and the world. With China’s going global, the increasing ties between China and Asia and Africa are of positive implication for the regional connectivity. Europe, America and Oceania have more sufficient accesses to a real China. Relatively, China needs to find out more ways to connect with South America and Latin America.

8.1.3 The Focus on the International Communication of China’s National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up In terms of the focuses on the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and opening-up (see Table 8.3), its economic image receives the highest attention (33.661 million) followed its political image (28.91 million). When BRI was launched in 2013, compared to 2010, the attention to China’s political image increased 4.981 million, to China’s economic image increased 2.993 million, and to China’s cultural image increased 2.94 million. The changes identify that the resources to feed the outside world to know more about issues concerning China’s national political image are more sufficient than understanding China’s cultural image in the aftermath of BRI. The case year analysis of the changes in the focuses on the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up (see Fig. 8.4) concludes three meaningful points: First, the world’s attention to China’s national economic image has kept increasing. Second, BRI launched in 2013 stimulates global interest in China’s national political image. Third, the international communication of China’s national cultural image demands more efforts compared to China’s national political image, and national economic images despite the already improvements. What is more, some of the global opinions have been tend to politicalize China’s national image. It illustrates the role of China’s national cultural image in China’s national image as a whole. Table 8.3 The case year analysis of the focus on the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up The elements

1978

1992

2001

Politics

0.4

49.8

232.1

2008 531.3

2010 321.1

2013

2015

819.2

937.1

Total 2891

Economy

0.6

50.1

332.4

431.5

622.4

921.7

1007.4

3366.1

Culture

1

9

32.5

136.4

232.7

526.7

607.6

1545.9

Total

2

108.9

597

1099.2

1176.2

2267.6

2552.1

Unit: 10,000

7803

250

8 The International Communication of China’s National Image Since …

Fig. 8.4 The case year analysis of the changes in the focus on the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (Unit: 10,000)

Based on the above findings, the case year analysis of the percentage of the focuses on the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up is conducted (see Fig. 8.5). According to the statistical results, the focuses placed by the outside world on China’s national economic image accounted for 43%, on China’s national political image accounted for 37%, and on China’s national cultural image accounted for 20%. The proportion on the one hand is in line with the overall strategy of China’s reform and opening-up centered around economic construction. On the other hand, it has increased the likelihood to combine China’s national economic image with

Fig. 8.5 The case year analysis of the percentage of the focus on the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up

8.1 The International Communication of China’s National Image Since …

251

political issues. When the bias against China’s national cultural image still spreads, the mutual understanding and mutual trust between China and the world cannot be achieved naturally—which has been evolved partly as a result of external factors, but also indicates the urgency for China to tell well of its cultural stories.

8.1.4 The Acceptance Rate of the International Communication of China’s National Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up 8.1.4.1

The Conformation of the Weighting Coefficient

As notified in “4.5.1 Define the Assessment Elements Set”, the acceptance of China’s national image around the world is assessed, and compared through three directions— supportive, neutral, and negative. Chapter 4 “The National Image Theory” illustrates the close-knit integrity of national political image, national economic image and national cultural image for national image. With regard to the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up, China’s national economic image is weighted as 50% due to the focus primarily placed by China on economic construction especially during the first thirty years. As for China’s national image, China’s national cultural image is the foundation, so that it is weighted as 30% and China’s political image is weighted as 30% (see Table 8.4). Consistent with the criteria for evaluating the international communication of China’s national political image, national economic image, and national cultural image, when assessing the ratings of acceptance of China’s national image as a whole, the supportive perception receives 100 points, neutral perception 60 points, and critical perception 20 points (see Table 8.5). Table 8.4 The weight of the case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up The elements

Politics

Economy

Culture

Weight

0.2

0.5

0.3

Table 8.5 The weight of the case year analysis of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up Acceptance

Supportive

Neutral

Critical

Weight

100

60

20

252

8 The International Communication of China’s National Image Since …

The neutral perception receives 60 points in the assessment of China’s national image is on a content analysis basis which concludes the overall attitudes are neutral to supportive. Again, the attention that China’s national image attracts is weighted in the assessment of China’s national political image (see Chap. 5), China’s national economic image (Chap. 6) and China’s national cultural image, critical perception receives 20 points.

8.1.4.2

The Case Year Analysis of the Acceptance Rate of the International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up

The historical review of the case years which mirror the key notions of the four stages of China’s reform and opening up (see Table 8.6), concludes that the China’s national image has gradually improved in the eyes of the world. The year of 2013 when BRI is launched plays a role of momentum which brings a variety of incentives into the recognition of China’s national image. The following content analysis by regions figures a common response that China’s national image is trying to present some new looks. Through the seven case years, the analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image is conducted via China’s national political image, national economic image and national cultural image with an aim to grasp the interconnections among the three elements. The Year of 1978 In 1978, the supportive rating of China’s cultural image occupies first place amounting to 5.937% followed by China’s national economic image amounting to 1.24%, and China’s national political image amounting to 0.544% (see Table 8.7). However, in terms of the critical views, China’s national economic image (20.12%), China’s national cultural image (17.367%), and China’s national political image is aligned from top to bottom, at 4.728%. With regard to the final scoring results, China’s national economic image as the salient dimension of China’s national image is in the first place, amounting to 22.448 points followed by China’s national cultural image, amounting to 13.428 points, and China’s national political image, amounting to 10.3264 points. This result indicates an interesting point that at the beginning of 1978 Reform and Opening-up, China’s political system was not considered to be the central factor despite the relatively limited supportive value assigned. The arguments were normally focused on China’s national economic image and national cultural image. The Year of 1992 In 1992, in terms of supportive views, China’s national economic image ranks top amounting to 7.61% followed by China’s national cultural image amounting to 4.143%, and China’s national political image amounting to 1.6% (see Tables 8.8).

4.012

19.015

12.624

Political image

Economic image

Cultural image

2013 Supportive

12.465

26.435

11.376

Neutral

4.911

4.55

4.612

Critical

13.227

21.335

8.888

6.015

25.755

2010

7.61 4.143

Supportive

20.12 17.367

The elements

6.696

1.24

5.937

Economic image

9.644

Neutral

Cultural image

28.64

14.728

0.544

Political image

1.676

Supportive

4.728

1992 Critical

Neutral

1978

Supportive

The elements

10.386

14.995

2.572

8.636 13.581

23.455

11.775

25.465

10.196

Neutral

3.192

5.21

2.476

Critical

Supportive

2001

Neutral

19.842

16.635

8.68

Critical

14.652

22.355

9.548

Supportive

2015

7.839

9.54

7.232

Critical

11.967

22.07

9.264

Neutral

12.858

19.31

6.84

Supportive

2008

12.705

24.87

8.88

Critical

4.437

5.82

4.28

3.381

5.575

1.188

Critical

Neutral

Table 8.6 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up (the elements at the first level)

8.1 The International Communication of China’s National Image Since … 253

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8 The International Communication of China’s National Image Since …

Table 8.7 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image in 1978 The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Politics

0.544

14.728

Economy

1.24

28.64

Culture

5.937

6.696

Critical (%) 4.728

Score (%) 10.3264

20.12

22.448

17.367

13.428

Table 8.8 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image in 1992 The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Score

Politics

1.676

9.644

8.68

Economy

7.61

25.755

16.635

26.39

9.1984

Culture

4.143

6.015

19.842

11.7204

In view of critical ratings, China’s cultural image is assigned most doubts amounting to 19.842%. China’s national economic image amounts to 16.63%, and China’s national political image amounts to 8.6%. Compared to the year of 1978, in the year of 1992, the supportive perception of China’s political image grew 1.132%, of China’s economic image grew 6.3%, of China’s cultural image fell 1.794%. Thus, China’s economic image improves more quickly than the other two dimensions of China’s national image. The critical perception of China’s political image grew 3.95%, of China’s economic image fell 3.485%, and of China’s national cultural image grew 2.47%. Thus, the doubts on China’s economic image increases most as well. In light of the final scoring results, from top to bottom, China’s national economic image received 26.39 points followed by China’s national cultural image (11.7204 points), and China’s political image (9.1984 points). Compared to 1978, the global acceptance of China’s national economic image grew 3.942 points. By contrast, critical views of China’s national cultural image fell 1.7076 points. Given the above, China’s political image is not the most important criterion to assess China’s overall national image. Comparatively, China’s national economic image and national cultural image receive greater discussion. The Year of 2001 In 2001, in terms of the supportive perception, from top to bottom, China’s national economic image ranks first amounting to 14.99%, followed by China’s national cultural image, amounting to 10.386%, and China’s national political image amounting to 2.572% (see Table 8.9).

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Table 8.9 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image in 2001 The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Score (%)

2.572

10.196

7.232

10.136

Economy

14.995

25.465

9.54

32.182

Culture

10.386

11.75

7.839

19.0038

Politics

In terms of the critical perception, China’s national cultural image receives most doubts amounting to 9.54%, followed by China’s national political image, amounting to 7.839%, and China’s national economic image 7.23%. In terms of the changes, compared to the year of 1992, the supportive perception of China’s national political image increased 0.89%, of China’s national economic image increased 7.385%, and of China’s national cultural image increased 6.24%. Evidently, the increase in the supportive perception of China’s national economic image is relatively more than that of the other two dimensions. Also, compared to the year of 1992, the critical perception of China’s national political image increased 1.44%, of China’s national economic image fell 7.09%, of China’s national cultural image fell 12.003%. Therefore, China’s national cultural image enjoys the most observable improvement. As for the final scoring results, from top to bottom, China’s national economic image achieved 32.182 points, followed by China’s national cultural image which received 19.0038 points, and China’s political image which received 10.136 points. Accordingly, compared to 1992, the perception of China’s cultural image improves most increasing 7.2834 points while the perception of China’s national political image improves inexplicitly growing 0.9376 points. According to the statistical results, it is clear that the three dimensions of China’s national image have gradually improved since China’s participation in the WTO in 2001. Similar to the features of China’s international image in the first period of Reform and Opening-up, the supportive views of China’s national political image still remained limited. However, criticisms were based mainly on the ideological concern. Over again, China’s national economic image and national cultural image still confronted sort of polarized perceptions. The Year of 2008 In 2008, with regard to the supportive perception, China’s national economic image ranks top, reaching 19.3%, followed by China’s national cultural image (12.858%), and China’s national political image (6.8%) (see Table 8.10). In terms of the critical perception, from the first place to the third place, China’s national economic image amounted to 5.8%, followed by China’s national cultural image, amounting to 4.437%, and China’s national economic image, amounting to 4.28%.

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Table 8.10 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international Communication of China’s national image in 2008 The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

8.88

Critical (%)

Score

4.28

13.024

Economy

19.3

24.8

5.82

35.344

Culture

12.858

12.705

4.437

21.374

Politics

6.84

Neutral (%)

In terms of the changes, compared to 2001, the supportive perception of China’s national political image increased 4.26%, of China’s national economic image increased 4.305%, of China’s national cultural image increased 2.47%. Clearly, China’s national economic image enjoys the most obvious improvement. In terms of the critical perception, compared to 2001, China’s national political image fell 2.95%, China’s national economic image fell 3.72%, and China’s national cultural image fell 3.72%. Again, China’s national economic image achieves the most obvious improvement. As for the final scoring results, from the first place to the third place, China’s national economic image achieved the highest score (35.344 points), followed by China’s national cultural image (21.374 points), and China’s political image (13.024 points). Compared to 2001, the ratings of acceptance of China’s economic image improved most, increasing 3.162 points. By contrast, China’s national cultural image grew 2.3702 points, and lagged behind China’s national economic image, and national political image. Compared to 1978, 1992, 2001, in the year of 2008, the most prominent change in China’s national image is that the critical perceptions of China’s national political image, national economic image and national cultural image all reduced. The challenges dwell on two main aspects: First, the supportive perceptions of China’s political image still remain relatively limited despite the similar lowest numbers of strong criticisms. Second, the polarized perceptions of China’s national economic image and national cultural are unchanged. The Year of 2010 In 2010, the supportive perception of China’s national economic image ranks top, reaching 19.015%, followed by China’s national cultural image (12.62%), and China’s national political image (4.012%) (see Table 8.11). In terms of the critical perception, from top to bottom, China’s national cultural image amounted to 4.911%, followed by China’s national political image, amounting to 4.612%, and China’s national economic image, amounting to 4.5%. In terms of the changes, compared to 2008, the supportive perceptions of China’s national political image fell 2.828%, of China’s national economic image fell 0.285%, and of China’s national cultural image fell 0.23%. Therefore, the decline in the supportive perception of China’s national cultural image is relatively the slightest. Compared to 2008, the critical perception of China’s national political

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Table 8.11 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image in 2010 The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Score

4.012

11.376

4.612

11.76

Economy

19.015

26.435

4.55

35.786

Culture

12.624

12.465

4.911

21.0852

Politics

image increased 0.332%, of China’s national economic image fell 1.27%, and of China’s national cultural image increased 0.474%. The criticisms on China’s national economic image declined most sharply. In terms of the final scoring results, China’s national economic image achieved the highest score (35.786 points), followed by China’s national cultural image (21.0852 points), and China’s national political image (11.76 points). Compared to 2008, the perception of China’s national economic image improved most by increasing 0.442 points while China’s national political image suffered setbacks by falling 1.264 points. Compared to 2008, in the year of 2010, the international acceptance of China’s national image confronted a slight fall. Just as importantly, it still received a more favorable perception than 1978, 1992, and 2001. This shows that a solid foundation has been built for the international communication of China’s national image. This verifies the two principles uncovered in Chap. 5 “The International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and OpeningUp”, Chap. 6 “The International Communication of China’s Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up”, and Chap. 7 “The International Communication of China’s Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up”. First, a more active participation in international events is of significant implication for building up an acceptable country’s image. Second, when the structural gap between the core states, and periphery states is still fixed and inflexible, it is not surprising that one of the most notable achieves that China made as the world’s second largest economy may be interpreted as China’s foray into the core states. However, the degradation in 2010 is soon be phased out. The Year of 2013 In 2013, the supportive perception of China’s national economic image ranks top (21.335%), followed by China’s national cultural image (13.22%), and China’s national political image (8.888%) (see Table 8.12). In terms of the critical perception, China’s national economic image also occupied the first place, amounting to 5.21%, followed by China’s national cultural image (3.192%). China’s national political image received both the least supportive perception and the fewest critical perception (2.476%). In terms of the changes, compared to 2010, in the year of 2013, the supportive perception of China’s national political image increased 4.876%, of China’s national

258

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Table 8.12 The analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image in 2013 The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Score

8.888

8.636

2.476

14.5648

Economy

21.335

23.455

5.21

36.45

Culture

13.227

13.581

3.192

22.014

Politics

economic image increased 2.32%, of China’s national cultural image increased 0.603%. China’s national political image improved most remarkably. In terms of the critical perception, compared to 2010, China’s national political image fell 2.136%, of China’s national economic image increased 0.66%, and China’s cultural image fell 1.719%. From this perspective, China’s cultural image received the most remarkable improvement. In terms of the final scoring results, China’s national economic image hit the record high since the 1978 Reform and Opening up, amounting to 36.45 points, followed by China’s cultural image (22.014 points), and China’s national political image (14.5648 points). Compared to the year of 2010, the perception of China’s national political image improved most by increasing 2.8048 points while China’s national economic image still confronted the hardest glass ceiling of political ideology, and only increased 0.664 points. In the analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image in 2013, a general trend stands out that, compared to the first three stages of 1978 Reform and Opening-up, the supportive perceptions have increased, and in the meantime, the critical responses has begun to reduce. One reason for is that the new strategies, such as the Chinese Dream, BRI, and Community with a Shared Future for Mankind etc. put forward around 2013 endow China’s national image with new splendor. In the global debate on morality of international development at the critical time, the Chinese values that the weightier matters of the law: justice and mercy and faith is helpful for bridging the divides on understanding China. The Year of 2015 In 2015, the supportive perception of China’s national economic image enjoyed the greatest recognition, which amounts to 22.355%. It surpassed the year of 2013, and hit the record high again since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up. The supportive perception of China’s national cultural image ranks second, which amounts to 14.652%. It also reached its highest rate since 1978. The supportive perception of China’s national political image amounted to 9.548%. However, this is the highest rating for China’s national political image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up (see Table 8.13). In terms of the critical perception, China’s national economic image is also at the top, amounting to 5.575%, followed by China’s national cultural image (3.381%),

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Table 8.13 The Analysis of the Acceptance Rate of the International Communication of China’s National Image in 2015 The elements

Acceptance Supportive (%)

9.264

Critical (%)

Score

1.188

15.344

Economy

22.355

22.07

5.575

36.712

Culture

14.652

11.967

3.381

22.5084

Politics

9.548

Neutral (%)

and China’s national political image (1.188%). It conforms to the principle shown in the analysis of the other case years. Compared to the previous six case years, the percentage of critical perception of China’s national political image, national economic image and national cultural image has reached the lowest since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up. In terms of the changes, compared to 1978, the first year of China’s reform and opening-up, the supportive perception of China’s national political image increased 9.004%, of China’s national economic image increased 21.115%, and of China’s national cultural image increased 8.715%. Therefore, the supportive perception of China’s national economic image increased most sharply. In terms of the critical perception, compared to 1978, the critical perception of China’s national political image fell 3.54%, of China’s national economic image fell 14.545%, and of China’s national cultural image fell 13.986%. Again, the critical perception of China’s national economic image reduced most sharply. In terms of the final scoring results, China’s national economic image received the highest score, amounting to 36.712 points, followed by China’s national cultural image (22.5084 points), and China’s national political image (15.344 points). Compared to 1978, the score of China’s national political image increased 5.0176 points; the score of China’s national economic image increased 14.264 points; the score of China’s national cultural image increased 9.0804 points. Therefore, China’s national economic image seem to improve most. The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up leads to rich findings (see Table 8.14). Over the past forty years, the score of China’s national image has increased from 46.202 points in 1978 to 74.564 points in 2015. Overall, China’s image has been steadily improving throughout China’s reform and opening up. The supportive perception in 2015 (46.555%) increased 38.834% compared to 1978 (7.721%). The critical perception in 2015 (10.144%) fell 32.071% compared to 1978 (42.215%). Further analysis of the changes in the supportive, neutral, and critical perceptions of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-Up (see Fig. 8.6) indicates that the supportive perception has been increasing. Since the year of 2013, the increase has been more significant. The critical perception of China, by contrast, has been declining.

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Table 8.14 The case year analysis of the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up Year

Supportive (%)

Neutral (%)

Critical (%)

Score

1978

7.721

50.064

42.215

46.202

1992

13.429

41.414

45.157

47.309

2001

27.953

47.436

24.611

61.337

2008

39.008

46.455

14.537

69.746

2010

35.651

50.276

14.073

68.631

2013

43.45

45.672

10.878

73.029

2015

46.555

43.301

10.144

74.564

Fig. 8.6 The changes in the acceptance rate of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up

In conclusion, the attention to the international communication of China’s national image has grown steadily since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up. This shows that China’s achievements over the past four decades have attracted greater attention from around the world to China’s cultural wisdom. In terms of the acceptance, the international communication of China’s national image has overcome difficulties caused by history, geography, economy and culture, and contributed to cementing ties between China and the world and strengthening people-to-people bond. (Fig. 8.7). After seventy years since the founding of the People’s Republic of China and more than forty years of reform and opening-up, China has played an increasingly stronger role on the national stage with its devotion to service the Chinese people. Conforming to China’s development, and the global trend, China should put forward new ideas and strategies to advance security and prosperity in order to realize the national rejuvenation for the future.

8.1 The International Communication of China’s National Image Since …

261

Fig. 8.7 The analysis of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 reform and opening-up

New theories and new thoughts come from history. As Engels concludes that any views as to the points of difference between non-capitalistic society in the future and modern society must be failure in advocacy and practice without a strong connection with historical outlook.1 Therefore, through historical analysis of the international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up, one of the general goals of this book is to create a theoretical model of national image which may fit better in the background and situation of China and other developing countries. In short, the model of national image is composed of three key dimensions, that is, the national political image, national economic image, and national cultural image. The three dimensions constitute a closeknit system, and crystalize a country’s national image. Each of the three dimensions of the national image is composed of its own variables at sublevels. In Chap. 5 “The International Communication of China’s National Political Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening Up”, Chap. 6 “The International Communication of China’s National Economic Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening Up”, and Chap. 7 “The International Communication of China’s National Cultural Image Since the 1978 Reform and Opening Up”, this book reviews respectively the three dimensions of the international communication of China’s national image, with an aim to grasp the principles, figure the main problems out, and suggest constructive and practical ways forward.

1

People’s Publishing House (1995: 676).

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8.2 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s National Image in the New Context 8.2.1 The Crucial Front: Consolidate the Cultural Foundation for the International Communication of China’s National Image The importance of national image has been well verified. In so many respects, the effective of construction and communication of national image not only fundamentally affects the prospects of every country, but also play a special part in the global peace and tranquility under certain circumstances. Looking through the history of World War I and World War II, the global economic crisis, and the Cold War that lasted for nearly half a century and many other hardships experienced by mankind in the twentieth century, Ruth Benedict, a famous cultural scholar, has pointed out in her book “The Chrysanthemum and the Sword: Patterns of Japanese Culture”, “One of the handicaps of the twentieth century is that we still have the vaguest and most biased notions, not only of what makes Japan a nation of Japanese, but of what makes the United States a nation of Americans, France a nation of Frenchmen, and Russia a nation of Russians. Lacking this knowledge, each country misunderstands the other”.2 To continue the efforts to introduce a more complete, comprehensive and adorable China to the whole world, history, either from theory or practice speaks the crucial significance of culture to the international communication of China’s national image. People outside China may not take care to learn about China unless China is well able to account for its national culture which is the foundation of cultural connections between or among countries and regions. As discussed, culture is the foundation of international communication of China’s national image. Thus, what is the basis of the cultural foundation in international communication? The answers to this common question may varied, but the significant implications of language for connections between a country and the world are wellrecognized. The effects of international communication of a country’s language to a remarkable degree entitle the potential of a country’s intercultural communication. In this regard, the U.S., France, Germany and other developed countries have already toped the hierarchy of international languages, and been the main languages of multinational interactions. As the British scholar of international communication, Daya KishanThussu puts it, “English has emerged in the past two hundred years as the lingua franca of global commerce and communication”.3 Global English has not only dealt a huge blow to the 6700 existing languages in the world (according to the UNESCO), but even marginalized minority languages. The official journal of India’s national academy of letters, Sahitya Akademy claims, “English, preferably American English, the chief language of the computer and the internet and the accepted 2 3

(The US) Rapaille (2008: 2). Thussu (2000: 181).

8.2 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s …

263

vehicle of global communication, if not command, is slowly beginning to replace our languages and make them irrelevant. Encyclopaedias and anthologies of world literature have already begun to be silent on the literatures in India’s native languages, taking up for discussion only Indian writing in English: the first death-knell for Indian languages has already been struck”.4 Compared with China and other developing countries, developed countries in the West have accumulated extensive experiences in promoting their own languages and enabling learners to surmount the language barriers. Take global English as a prime example, some research attributes the main reasons to the advantages in science and technology. The major advances in modern information technologies of communication such as computers and the Internet are mainly originated in the west, which led to English becoming the main language of international trade and services. The conclusions are meaningful for sure, but the systematic efforts made by the U.S., the U.K. and other developed countries for globalizing English should be taken into account as well. In addition to the available strategies summarized by the domestic linguistic studies in China, such as how should governments or non-governmental organizations facilitate the textbook development and provide conditions for English learning, four more suggestions worth reference are concluded from the perspective of international communication of the national image. First, developed countries have a keen sense of the multiple roles of languages. In the middle of the eighteenth century, the English language acquired the status of being the language of power and prestige in British colonies. The U.K. has been deeply aware of the strategic role of language promotion. For instance, when Shakespeare’s works were introduced to India, a home to a multi-ethnic groups and multi-languages. Because of the British policy of cultural colonialism, English had gradually become a medium for different languages in India. It is with English navigating its ways through India that Shakespeare’s plays can be performed in both Hindi and Urdu regions in the North and Tamil regions in the South.5 After the two World Wars, the old colonial system was collapsed, and the U.K lost its pre-eminent position as the sun-never-set empire. Under such circumstances, Downing Street attached great importance to the defense of the international status of English. For instance, as early as 1934, it established the British Council. As an organization for cultural and language education in the first place, it has received substantial financial support from the government. In the U.S., although it has never legally authorized any official language for more than 200 years since its founding, English is essentially its national language. As an immigration country, the U.S. has worked to establish English as the foundation of the American spirit and American identity among immigrants. Since 1906, the ability to speak English has been a must for immigrants to be the U.S. citizens. For the promotion of German, the Goethe-Institut was founded in 1951. To date, it boasts 78 institutes in 144 countries around the world, including Israel. For

4

Sahitya Akademy, Cultural Mapping of India, http://sahitya-akademi.gov.in/sahitya-akademi/ind ex.jsp, Accessed December 15, 2021. 5 Liu (2016).

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France, the promotion of French has always been at the heart of cultural communication and high on the agenda of cultural diplomacy. The Alliance Francaise, set up in 1883, now has a presence in 133 countries with an annual intake of more than 500,000 students. In Spain, the Instituto Cervantes was established in 1991, an organization approved to issue Diplomas de Español Como Lengua Extranjera (DELE) in the name of the Spanish Ministry of Education and Science. Second, there is close cross-border cooperation in promoting English abroad. The tie between the U.K. and the U.S. on the education of English dates back to the 1950s. In 1968, the U.S. incorporated into its action plan of Education for International Understanding the joint efforts with the U.K. to popularize English in the international political, economic and cultural spheres, mainly including facilitating English as the working language of choice for international organizations, helping the U.S. train English teachers and collaborating to train the ability of government staff overseas to promote English. Over the recent years, in response to the criticism of linguistic hegemony, the strategic cooperation on global English between the two countries has not been observably upgraded, and yet the substantive interaction of popularizing English has continued, highlighted by the recognition and maintenance of the authoritative standing of Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOFEL) and International English Language Testing System (IELTS) by the U.S. and many Commonwealth countries. Third, there are multiple channels to exert influence on the third world. Since the 1940s, the U.S. has stepped up English education in Latin America and other regions. The Office of English Language Programs that was integrated into the U.S. Department of State in 1999 has carried out campaigns to promote English with American embassies worldwide as network. In this respect, the U.S. and the U.K. have explored a three-step mode: First, the emerging opinion leaders feel motivated to learn English. Second, the business leaders must learn English for international trade and service. Third, the social elites are required to master English to involve in regional and international issues. Specifically, it is one of the basic needs for young students around the world who wish to study in the U.S. and members of the Commonwealth to pass such English proficiency tests as TOFEL and IELTS. In this way, a global community is built up through English. When it comes to the business world, English almost serves as the only language to interact with people in Englishspeaking countries and even non-English-speaking countries. It is extensively used in negotiations, paperwork, contracts and other business links, so as to cement its place among opinion leaders in the workplace. On this basis and by virtue of the widespread use of English as a working language in international organizations, being proficient in English is considered as a required professional competence for the elite of opinion leaders. As a consequence, a network of English radiating opinion leaders of different ages, fields and levels has been built and continuously enhanced.6 Fourthly, acceleration of digital language communication is on the rise. France actively develops online teaching, opens up audio-visual platforms on the Internet,

6

Liu (2014).

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and uses digital technology to make French culture widely spread among people using new media. Indeed, China also takes the inheritance and communication of Chinese language and culture into account. During the “12th Five Year Plan” period alone, China has carried out a series of major research projects, such as “The Strategic Research on Enhancing Chinese Language Competence”, and “The International Standards of Chinese Language and Literature”, and so on. However, the primary goals mainly are for domestic communication by focusing more on the protection and inheritance of Chinese language and culture in China, and less on the international promotion of Chinese language and culture. In this sense, China needs to substantiate further the international communication of Chinese language. According to the statistics of Center for Language Education and Cooperation, by the end of 2013, China had established 440 Confucius Institutes and 646 Confucius Classrooms in 120 countries and regions. However, by using databases such as CNKI, the academic papers on the international perception of Confucius Institutes from 2004 when the first Confucius Institute was established in South Korea to 2015, were normally meant to discuss three main themes, namely, pedagogical analysis, school management, and local attitude to Confucius Institutes. Quite few research was relevant to international communication of Chinese language. In addition, the projects granted by National Social Science Fund (NSSF) with a focus on the international communication of Chinese language still cannot meet the demand of the current situation. No doubt that China urgently needs to take a strategic view of the research on the global communication of Chinese language and culture. This can be conducted in three aspects: First, illustrate the cultural significance of the Chinese language which is essential for understanding the Chinese culture. In this regard, many countries such as France, and Germany are indeed a footnote to China. France gives the cultural notion of French language as one peculiar moment in the general move to grace by turning the brilliant comments on the culture of French language in history on its head. In 1928, the French writer Paul Morand in his book, From Paris to Timbuktu praised French language—In the future, people will speak two or three kinds of languages. Use their mother tongue at home or in expression of feelings, use English in international communication, but the social elites, admirers of logic will learn French.7 Goethe Institut’s answer to the question, why should I learn German is that “learning German is worthwhile. Whatever you are planning for the future: German opens up an array of new opportunities to you”.8 Similarly, the Chinese language has its roots in the Chinese civilization which is the occasion for understanding the culture of Chinese language. The Chinese culture is built up creatively and independently as a typical embodiment of the Chinese wisdom for thousands of years. Therefore, learning Chinese, is not only to acquire knowledge related to China, but also to experience the charm of civilization from a 7 8

Morand (1932). Goethe Institut (2021).

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Fig. 8.8 The animated display of the transformation of the Chinese character “ma” from oracle bone script to simplified Chinese character

special perspective and impart your knowledge to cultural diversity in the era of globalization. In other words, it deserves attention as how to condense the characteristics of Chinese language and culture for this purpose. Second, conduct international survey so as to attain the ideas about learning Chinese and serve better the demands of foreign learners. In so many ways, this is an urgent task to take up. For instance, many of studies at home and abroad on the potential of the international communication of Chinese language and culture have reached a shared conclusion that according to the language characteristics and principles of intercultural communication, not easily can Chinese go global. The Foreign Service Institute of the State Department of the U.S. classifies the Chinese language as the third- level, which means the most difficult to learn. It may take four times as long to learn Chinese as it does to learn French, Spanish and other firstlevel-difficulty languages. However, the empirical analysis carried out in the U.S. finds different. According to the interviews with the local students who participated in the “star talk”, a summer Chinese training program, by two Confucius Institutes in University of Massachusetts Boston (U Mass Boston), and Bryant University, 60% of the respondents claimed that they once thought the Chinese language was hard to learn, but after two weeks of study, only 8% of them did not change this attitude.9 The case illustrates in a nutshell the necessity to conduct field surveys on the actual situation of international communication of the Chinese language and culture. Third, facilitate the innovation with aims to imbue the international communication of Chinese language with the supports of digital technology. Communication cannot be separated from the carrier. Technology provides the arteries for international communication. As such, the technological outcomes with a big picture outlook are essential to the extension of international communication of Chinese language. China already has achieved the technological innovations in this aspect, and the urgent tasks to fulfill are centered around promotion. For example, the project organizer, Professor Qi Yue, the State Key Laboratory of Virtual Reality and Technology of China, School of Computer Science, Beihang University and his project granted by the National Science and Technology Support Plan, the AI Display System of the Transformation of Chinese Character successfully visualize the process of Chinese characters from oracle bone inscriptions, gold inscriptions, small seal characters, official script, regular script to simplified characters, through digital technology. In doing so, the project tries to boost the Chinese language learning with advances in science and technology (see Fig. 8.8). Professor Christopher Marquis once worked at Harvard Business School noted, the creativity of Chinese culture left a deep mark on the transformation of Chinese 9

Interview with former Confucius Institute Headquarters, Time June 24, 2013.

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language, and thus the efforts of this sort visualize the message that learning Chinese language is in its basic principles, to learn Chinese culture.10 To wrap up, the international communication of China’s national image is exceedingly complex. It cannot be done without pillars. Drawn up the historical experience, and international practice, content construction alone is unlikely to determines the thrust of this mission. From the long-term perspective as defined by China’s two centenary goals,11 the capacity of international communication of language and its culture is critical to maintain the cultural share of every national language in the world. In other words, it determines to a remarkable extent the reach of the international communication of national culture. More and more countries around the globe have begun to attach greater importance to diversity of national languages. For examples, the Goethe Institut makes it clear that the international communication of German language is to face the cultural and political challenges under globalization, people should live in a world that regards cultural diversity as wealth and ensures mutual understanding.12 France warns the dominance of English in global communication. In 2005, France took the lead in the approval of the Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions by UNESCO. Based on the international experience, and China’s anticipation for national image, a system of strategies to boost the international communication of Chinese language and its culture is much more important than ever before.

8.2.2 The Priority Guarantee: Innovate the Evaluation System of the International Communication of China’s National Image A more and more complete China’s national image has spilled out onto the world’s stage since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up under the impetus of its increasingly vibrant international communication. Not surprisingly, some critics may therefore argue the global acceptance of China’s national image solely relies on China’s development. It sounds straight-forward enough. But it is not. A major problem with these arguments is the ignorance of or underestimation of the must-have external conditions for an effective international communication of China’s national image. Without a set of favorable external conditions, no goals and tasks of international communication can be accomplished. Chapter 3, “A Critical Analysis of the International Communication Theory of National Image” explains the major reasons for the structural pattern of the central and peripheral countries in international communication until to-date. The barriers to the connection between the First World and the 10

Interview with Professor Christopher Marquis, Time March 11, 2014. To finish building a moderately prosperous society in all respects by the time the Communist Party of China celebrates its centenary in 2021; and to turn China into a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, and harmonious by the time China celebrates its centenary in 2049. 12 Goethe Institut (2021). 11

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Table 8.15 The top leaders of major international economic organizations (2016) Institution

Position

Name

Nationality

Bank for International Settlements13 (BIS)

Chairman of the Board

Jens Weidmann

Germany

General Manager

Jaime Caruana

Spain

International Monetary Fund14 (IMF)

President

Christine Lagarde

France

World Bank15 (WB)

President

Jim Yong Kim

America

Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development16 (OECD)

Secretary-General

Angel Gurria

Mexico

Committee on the Global Financial System17 (CGFS)

President

William Dudley

America

Third World lead largely to the uneven distribution of opportunities in international affairs. For example, most of the important international economic organizations have been led by those from the developed countries. If the leaders are from the developing world, the educational experience in the west is a necessary credential (see Table 8.15). 13

The bank for international settlements was founded on May 17, 1930, with its headquarters in Basel, Switzerland, and representative offices in Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of China and Mexico City. The bank for International Settlements now has 550 staff from 50 countries The bank for International Settlements has three decision-making bodies: the general meeting of shareholders, the board of directors and the Management Committee of the member central banks The annual general meeting of the bank for International Settlements is held within four months after the end of the financial year on March 31 of each year. The central banks of the participating member countries adopt the annual financial statements and decide other relevant business issues. The capital of the bank for International Settlements is held by the central banks of the member countries. At present, 55 central banks or monetary authorities send representatives to attend the general meeting and enjoy voting rights. 14 The International Monetary Fund was established in Washington on December 27, 1945. According to the International Monetary Fund Agreement signed at the Bretton Woods conference in July 1944, the International Monetary Fund and the world bank are two major financial institutions in the world. Their responsibilities are to monitor currency exchange rates and trade conditions of various countries, provide technical and financial assistance, and ensure the normal operation of the global financial system. 15 The world bank is composed of five member institutions: the international bank for reconstruction and development, the International Development Association, the International Finance Corporation, the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency and the international investment dispute settlement center. It was founded in 1945 and began operation in June 1946. All countries participating in the world bank must first be members of the International Monetary Fund. The world bank is headquartered in Washington, D.C., with more than 10,000 employees and more than 120 offices around the world. The narrow sense of “World Bank” only refers to the international bank for reconstruction and development (IBRD) and the International Development Association (IDA). 16 It is an intergovernmental international economic organization composed of 35 market economy countries. It aims to jointly cope with the economic, social and government governance challenges brought by globalization and grasp the opportunities brought by globalization. It was founded in 1961 and has a total of 35 member countries and its headquarters in Paris. 17 Formerly known as the European Monetary standing committee, it is one of the four standing committees under the bank for international settlements. The global financial system committee has three main responsibilities: to conduct systematic short-term monitoring of the global financial

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Fig. 8.9 The “Chinese Enterprise/Chinese Company” and “Made-in-China” on the international mainstream media

When the favorable external conditions remain unguaranteed, China’s national image is hard to achieve reciprocity with the world which is at the heart of mutual understanding. The world’s rankings of enterprises, for example, have been more suitable for those in the developed countries. Therefore, the Chinese enterprises which take actively part in international connectivity such as BRI have yet to fit in the assessments. On the one hand, Chinese enterprises have made major breakthroughs in going global. According to the statistics of the Ministry of Commerce of China, “in the first half of 2015, China’s non-financial direct overseas investment reached US $56 billion, a year-on-year increase of 29.2%; China’s export of complete set equipment reached US $60 billion, a year-on-year increase of 10%; China’s foreign investment in manufacturing industry reached US $5.09 billion, a year-on-year increase of 63.1%. China is transforming from mainly exporting consumer goods to investment”.18 The progress in foreign economic cooperation identifies the global competitiveness of Chinese enterprises. Furthermore, Chinese enterprises have received greater attention from the international media. This book’s analysis of the reports released by New York Times from 1980 through 2013 on “Chinese enterprise/Chinese company” and “Made-in-China” verifies a continuous increase in news report attention since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up. The media coverage on Chinese enterprises has grown from near zero to over 100 pieces from 1980 to more recent years (see Fig. 8.9). system, to conduct long-term analysis of the operation of financial markets, and to make policy recommendations to improve market operation and promote global financial stability. 18 Gov. CN (2021).

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Fig. 8.10 The comparative analysis of the “Chinese Enterprise/Chinese Company” and “Made-inChina” on the international mainstream media

The following content analysis shows that people outside China get used to interpreting China’s national economic image through the international rankings of “Chinese enterprises Chinese Company” and “Made-in-China” (see Fig. 8.10). This is the major role of the rating system of corporate image or product service. In this way, the rating system incorporates the image of enterprises and products into a country’s national image. The global rankings have always been a vital index to present the international influence of Chinese enterprises and products. As a classic guide for all of the enterprises around the world to forge ahead, the current mainstream rating systems indeed have provoked critical responses. One of the major problems is the models are much more suitable for the enterprises in developed countries, especially the “supercompanies”, than those of developing countries, (see Table 8.16). The spirit of western culture is imbedded subtly into the enterprise image as international norms, and in turns, profoundly affects public perception, and even the formulation of global standards due largely to the models of assessment. Objectively, the enterprises in developing countries have to be accustomed to the standards already applied in global rankings in pursuit of enhancing international awareness. China has been increasingly aware of the international branding of image of Chinese enterprise in tune with reform and opening-up. This book conducts an analysis of outcomes focusing on image of Chinese enterprise in China between 2008 when the Chinese enterprises emerged on the international media as sponsors of Beijing Olympic Games through 2013 when BRI was initiated from NSSF projects, academic books and journal referred papers. As well, the year of 2008 is selected as the starting point because that China’s economic structure was undergoing a substantial adjustment so as to foster new drivers of growth.

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Table 8.16 The analysis of key global rankings of the international influence of enterprises Agency

Model

Key indicators

Highlights

World Brand Lab19

World Brand Lab Model

Brand value = E (adjusted annual business revenue) × BI (brand added value index) × S (brand strength factor)

➀ The main indicators are operating revenue, profits, etc.; ➁ The brand strength coefficient is based on the industry enterprises invest, brand recognition, brand loyalty, brand management, leadership, expansion capability and brand innovation; ➂ It is applicable to enterprises with a long history, strong capital and high brand reputation

Interbrand20

Interbrand Model

Nature of the market, stability, status in the industry, the scope of business, brand trends, brand support, and brand protection

➀ The brand strength is mainly based on financial and market analysis; ➁ It is applicable to enterprises with a long history, strong capital, high industry status and high brand reputation (continued)

19 The World Brand Lab founded in 2003 in New York, is the world’s leading consultant of digital marketing and brand valuation. It provides effective brand building suggestions for various commercial companies, non-profit organizations and government agencies. Especially for commercial institutions, the World Brand Lab guides them to maximize shareholder value through effective management of their intangible assets. 20 Founded in 1974, Interbrand is the largest comprehensive brand consulting company in the world. It is committed to providing all-round one-stop brand consulting services for global large brand customers. Its customer base covers about 2/3 of the Fortune 100 companies globally. As a member enterprise of Omnicom Group, a leading pioneer in global advertising marketing and corporate communication, Interbrand has a global resource network, with 42 offices in 28 countries.

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Table 8.16 (continued) Agency

Model

Key indicators

Highlights

Forbes21

Forbes Model

Reputation, management, innovation, human resources, sales, profits and assets, etc.

➀ It focuses on the evaluation of the soft power of the enterprise; ➁ The details of evaluation process will not be informed; ➂ It is applicable to enterprises with high brand reputation and strong capital that meet Forbes’ criteria for management, innovation and human resources

Fortune Magazine22

Fortune Magazine Model

Operating income, profits, assets and equity, number of employees, and industries enterprises invest

➀ Annual turnover is the main indicator; ➁ Corporate influence is based on the size of the turnover and market share; ➂ It is applicable to enterprises with strong capital, high industry status, large market share and high brand reputation

Engineering News-Record 23

Engineering News-Record Model

Annual turnover, status in ➀ The brand strength is the industry, and market mainly based on financial share and market analysis; ➁ Annual turnover is the main indicator; ➂ It is applicable to enterprises with strong capital, high industry status, large market share and high brand reputation

21

Forbes is an American business magazine and also one of the most famous financial publications in the world. It has been advocating entrepreneurship and innovation awareness with the slogan of “focusing on practice and practitioners”. The forward-looking report of Forbes guides the investment direction for senior decision-makers and provides business opportunities, which is known as the “barometer of the American economy. 22 Fortune Magazine is an American business magazine. Founded in 1930, it specializes in professional financial analysis and case analysis. It is one of the most influential business magazines in the world. It is owned by Fortune Media Group Holdings Limited. In 1954, the Fortune 500 was published, which is a ranking of companies by revenue published annually and with great influence in economy throughout the world. 23 Engineering News-Record (widely known as ENR) is an American weekly magazine that provides news, analysis, data and opinion for the construction industry worldwide. It is widely regarded as one of the construction industry’s most authoritative publications and is considered by many to be the “bible” of the industry. It is owned by BNP Media.

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With regard to the projects granted by NSSF (2009–2013) (see Table 8.17), there are many rich findings among the outcomes. No doubt that the policy recommendations provided basically are inspired. However, the research on assessment, and construction of the international image of Chinese enterprise, and on the reciprocal communication of image of Chinese enterprise, and China’s national economic image—has been outpaced by China’s going global. In terms of the academic books stored by China’s major libraries including the National Library of China, Beijing Library, Peking University Library, Tsinghua University Library, Library of Renmin University of China, Nanjing University Library, Fudan University Library and the Library of Communication University of China, from 2008 to 2013, a total of 25 academic books on image of Chinese enterprise are available (see Table 8.18). Through CNKI which contains more than 8,000 kinds of journals around China up to over 99% in total (see 0.3 Literature Review in “Introduction”), 461 referred papers can be retrieved from 2008 to 2013 on image of Chinese enterprise (see Fig. 8.11). The following content analysis finds the research is quite effective in illustrating the overall image of Chinese enterprise in international trade, and delivering insights into further development by deploying the methods such as case study, intersectional analysis, historical analysis, as well as focus-group analysis, and so on. The rich findings are well able to improve sentiment analysis, uncover hidden relationships, and accurately forecast the trend in the Chinese enterprise going global. Looking into future, four research topics are worth concern: First, advance the analytics models of the international influence of Chinese enterprises which is the foundation for a rational analysis of the image of Chinese enterprise. That is, the wisdom of past experience and a solid grasp on the future ahead can be uncovered only through a comprehensive, dialectic and long-term perspective. Second, innovate the research tools to secure an adaptive authority in the assessment of international influence of image of Chinese enterprise, and to provide strategic guidance. Third, empower a broad spectrum of research to integrate the image of Chinese enterprise into the international communication of China’s national image. In short, a future-oriented strategy for international communication of China’s national image cannot lead by force. It must lead by soft power. As a consequence, even if China’s Going Global keeps moving forward, the international influence of China’s national image may not naturally be improved. None of Chinese companies from 2000 to 2013, were listed on Interbrand’s Top 100 Brand Value despite the great leap forward in China’s spectacular involvement in global economy. Therefore, providing the insights that drive decision-making and strategic planning for enhancing the international communication of China’s national image requires strategic guidance with a global outlook of the current situation. For now, innovation in assessment system of international communication of China’s national image is critical to keeping China’s going global ahead of the curve.

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Table 8.17 The analysis of the NSSF Projects on image of Chinese enterprise (2009–2013) Year

Title

2009

Diversity, Heterogeneity and the Chai Zhongdong Competitive Advantage of Multinational Corporations—An Empirical Analysis on the Internationalization of Chinese Enterprises

Nanjing University

2010

Study on Technical-Environmental Barrier and International Competitiveness of Chinese Enterprises

Hu Maixiu

Shanghai Ocean University

Study on the Cultivation of Strategic Transformation Capability and Route Choice of Chinese Enterprises in the Post-financial Crisis Era

Tang Jianxiong

Hunan Normal University

Study on the Overseas M&A Strategies of Chinese Enterprises

Guo Jianluan

National Press and Publication Administration

Research on the International Market Entry Strategies and Performance Evaluation of Chinese Enterprises

Xu Hui

Nankai University

Study on the Development Strategy of Chinese Enterprises Going Global from the Perspective of Knowledge Transfer

Xin Qing

Shandong University of Finance and Economics

Research on Foreign Political Risks and Countermeasures of the Current Multinational Operation of Chinese Enterprises

Huang He

Fudan University

Research on the Evaluation and Promotion Mechanism of the Social Responsibility of Chinese Enterprises

Xiao Hongjun

Chinese Academy of Social Sciences

2011

2012–2013

Project organizer

Strategic Study on Chinese Yang Wenfang Enterprises Breaking Through the Low-end Lock in the Global Value Chain

Institute

Chongqing University of Science & Technology

(continued)

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Table 8.17 (continued) Year

Title

Project organizer

Institute

Study on Strategic Adjustment, Gravitational Aggregation and Governance of Chinese Enterprises’ Overseas Investment in Africa from the Perspective of Spatial Economics

Tian Ze

Hohai University

Study on the Strategic Motivation and Business Performance of Cross-border M&A in the Context of “Going Global” of Chinese Enterprises

Yu Pengyi

Guangdong University of Foreign Studies

Study on Inward and Outward Zhong Changbiao Internationalization and Innovation Strategies of Chinese Enterprises

Yunnan University of Finance and Economics

8.2.3 Content Construction: Empower the International Communication of China’s National Image More than forty years of China’s reform and opening-up has clearly proved that engagement can only be built through the Chinese stories understood, appreciated, and admired by the people from around the world. On the path toward the Chinese Dream, content construction holds the key in the international communication of China’s national image in the new era. Good content does not necessarily refer to those fabulous stories with so-called magnificent themes. Canada contributes inspiring ideas in this respect— as a country well-known for the annual World Happiness Report released by the UN, Canada often surpassed the U.S., its neighboring country according to the key determinants of happiness in spite of the close relations and a wide range of similarities in politics, economy and culture between them. It is Canada’s world-famous multiculturalism that secures the victory. The point is what explains the spirit of multiculturalism is the seemingly plain stories in Canada. For example, Canada’s entrepreneur, Maitland Steinkopf, in 1967, presented his understanding of multiculturalism just through a mix of ethnic costumes—Indian head-dress, Hungarian shirt and vest, German lederhosen, Ukrainian sash, and Dutch klompen and shillelagh (see Fig. 8.12). However, the very personal interpretation of Canada’s multiculturalism has been included in Canadian textbooks. Content by all means is a powerful source of ideas of international communication of China’s nation image. Agenda serves as a starter to identify new opportunities, cultivate relationships and expand the pipeline according to the international experience in this aspect. Actually, China’s practice in the international communication

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Table 8.18 The analysis of academic books on image of Chinese enterprise Year Title

Author/editor

Publisher

2008 Corporate Social Responsibility and Corporate Image Building

Liu Zhaofeng

China Financial & Economic Publishing House

2008 Corporate Image Planning (The second edition)

Bai Yu Lü Hao

Wuhan University of Technology Press

2008 Corporate Identity System

Wang Youjian et al Harbin Engineering Press

2008 Corporate Identity System

Zhang Meng

China Theatre Press

2008 Corporate Image Planning and Management

Zhang Maolin

China Architecture & Building Press

2008 The Practice of Logo and Corporate Identity System

Jin Guoyong

Orient Publishing Centre

2008 Corporate Image Building

Luo Shijia, Zhu Shangshang

China Light Industry Press

2009 The Practice of Corporate Image Zhaoxia Zhou Planning

China Machine Press

2009 Corporate Identity System

Liu Ying Xu Yang

Hubei Art Publishing House

2009 Corporate Identity System

Gong Zhengwei

Tsinghua University Press

2009 Corporate Image Planning

Li Sen

Beijing Jiaotong University Press

2010 Logo and Corporate Identity System

Shi Mo Wan Chunhong

Liaoning Science and Technology Publishing House

2010 Corporate Identity System

Jin Guoyong

Zhejiang People’s Fine Arts Publishing House

2010 Modern Corporate Identity System

Wang Weiping

China Social Sciences Press

2010 Aesthetics of Corporate Identity

Cao Hui Xiu Wenju

Henan People’s Publishing House

2010 Corporate Identity System

Zhou Xiaoru

Chemical Industry Press

2011 Corporate Identity System

Zhao Jie Ma Xudong

Shanghai People’s Fine Arts Publishing House

2011 Corporate Identity and Visual Identity System

Xiao Wei

Huazhong University of Science & Technology Press

2011 Corporate Image Planning

Ye Wanchun Wan Houfen Cai Jiaqing

Dongbei University of Finance & Economics Press

2011 Logo and Corporate Identity System

Wang Weiding Yu Lei

China Water & Power Press

2011 Corporate Image Planning

Wang Xiuying

Shanghai Jiao Tong University Press

2011 Logo and Corporate Identity System

Jiang Xianghong

Tsinghua University Press (continued)

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Table 8.18 (continued) Year Title

Author/editor

Publisher

2012 Research on Corporate Image Liu Ting Marketing of Chinese enterprises Zeng Yong

Guangming Daily Publishing House

2012 Corporate Identity System

Hua Yuliang Rui Shungan

Orient Publishing Center

2012 Corporate Identity System in Visual Communication

Li Yi

China Machine Press

Fig. 8.11 The analysis of journal referred papers on image of Chinese enterprise on CNKI

of national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening-up also mirrors the important principle. China’s national image in Africa is normally more acceptable than many other countries, for example, which is deeply indebted to long-standing connections in almost every respect between China and African countries, and China’s input in strengthening the ties with Africa (see Table 8.19). China can receive more than 75% of acceptance in Africa, but has been confronting more doubts in Europe and America. Content agenda-setting explains one of the major reasons behind the contradictory phenomena. For this reason, China needs to find out solutions on content construction to deal better with the problems brought about by a lattice of structural, cultural and cyclical constraints. For instance, the reports on the Chinese Dream in 2014 on the mainstream international media shows a disproportionate distribution that the impacts of Chinese Dream are ranked by political impact (1.16 million), and its economic impact on the Chinese people (1.14 million) (see Table 8.20). Comparatively, the impacts of the Chinese Dream on building a moderately prosperous society in all respects, and in eradicating absolute poverty stood aloof from the spotlight. The content agenda-setting on the international media has tended to elude the general goals of Chinese Dream. As a result, it has been interpreted very often as new Pragmatic Realism for the sake of “China’s Rise”. Driven by the agenda,

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Fig. 8.12 Canada’s multicultural image: Maitland Steinkopf. Source Ethnicity at the Centennial Celebrations.1967. Retrieved from National Archives of Canada (neg. no. PA 185504)

Table 8.19 The Gallup24 global survey of the approval of China’s leadership (2015)

Approval of China’s leadership Mali

86%

Burkina Faso

77%

Ivory Coast

76%

Niger

76%

Rwanda

73%

Senegal

73%

Guinea

72%

Togo

72%

Congo Brazzaville

71%

Congo Kinshasa

69%

Cameroon

69%

8.2 Recommendations on the International Communication of China’s … Table 8.20 The analysis of top 5 report topics on the Chinese Dream on the mainstream international media (2014)

279

Report topics

Coverage

Domestic politics of China

116

Diplomatic relations and affairs of China

67

Equity-assets

63

Fixed income assets

51

Livelihood

34

Unit: 10,000

people outside China who have to rely on the international media as their source of information may feel very doubtful that the Chinese Dream has connections with not only the Chinese people, and people in different countries in the sense that it is meant to serve the people—one of the best traditions of Chinese culture—Confucius’ Doctrine of the Mean, notifies, “truth means the realization of our being; and moral law means the law of our being. Truth is the beginning and end of existence. Without truth there is no existence. It is for this reason that the moral man values truth. Truth is not only the realization of our own being. It is that by which things outside of us have an existence. The realization of our being is moral sense. The realization of things outside of us is intellect. These, moral sense and intellect, are the powers or faculties of our being. They combine the inner or subjective and outer or objective use of the power of the mind. Therefore, with truth, everything done is right”.25 Under the current agenda-setting, China is likely to be burdened with dispelling doubts and strengthening connections through more vibrant international communication of China’s national image. There are already a lot of focuses on the Chinese Dream, both its international and its domestic implications, across the countries. Thereby, telling well of the Chinese stories is promising. The content construction should be encouraged to fill the funnel and drive a more effective international communication of China’s national image in the new context. Looking ahead, the content construction of Chinese stories may attach emphasis on two objects.26 First, be responsive to world’s general concerns with an actionable content agenda setting which can integrate contents into applications. Given the general appeals of the world that understand the change and continuity from Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, “Three Represents” and the Scientific Outlook on Development to today’s governance of China, and the new strength for 24

Gallup has more than 80 years of experience, specializing in the attitude and behavior research of global employees, customers and citizens. Gallup has three core areas: strategic consulting, leadership improvement and global analysis. Gallup has more than 2000 experts, including famous scientists, renowned industry experts and best-selling writers. It focuses on customer engagement, employee engagement, corporate culture, leadership improvement, talent-based assessment, corporate image building and happiness. It business cover the sectors of banking, finance, medical care, consumer goods, automobiles, real estate, hotels, education, government and B2B enterprises. 25 Confucius, The Doctrine of the Mean XXV (Zhongyong di 25 zhang). 26 Liu (2015).

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China’s participation in international cooperation, the content construction of China’s national image can enhance the illustrations of Chinese stories from historical and developmental perspectives to assist the world understand China through history and growth. Second, be confident of Chinese culture which is the inspiration to international communication of China’s national image. The stereotypes of China are observably influenced by geopolitics, as well as the cultural shocks between the East and West. For examples, is “China Dream” a one to many since China is a country with huge population and multi-ethnical groups? What about the “China Dream” of Hong Kong and Macau under One Country, Two Systems? Is China ambitious to make “China Dream” become the “Asia–Pacific Dream” to control the region? It seems that these doubts and criticisms look varied. Yet, they all are derived from the lack of information necessary for understanding the values of Chinese culture, above all “self-completion” and “completion of other men and things”. As a two0edge sword, tension taps creativity, and that rooted in the Chinese culture adapted by the global changes, the Chinese stories will be heard, and understood by the world in the long run. China’s reform and opening-up has entered a new era. The world has been more conscious of the international influence of China. BRI is a prime point to this. When the developmental ideas in favor of mutual reinforcement, and win–win cooperation are becoming a trend, an open and safe international environment is at the heart of China’s development. The international communication of China’s national image around the world need to withstand the mission of history.

8.3 Summary Points History tells that a successful communication of national image for the world is critically significant to every country, and every region. Domestically, an adorable country image helps build up confidence of national identity and empower national morale. Internationally, an acceptable country image plays a pivotal role in international engagement and cooperation. The Chinese people no doubt deserve respect and recognitions like all other people across the world. The Chinese stories which portray the ideals, pursuits and dreams of Chinese people deserve the world’s attention. More than forty years of China’s reform and opening-up lifted 200 million people out of poverty with tenth of the world’s arable lands. The Chinese Dream represents national prosperity and rejuvenation as well as the people’s happiness. The review and assessment of international communication of China’s national image since the 1978 Reform and Opening up uncover a fact from a specific perspective that China’s going global has been a winding road filled with challenges, setbacks and difficulties—sometimes, tragic—however, looking through history, only those who stand on the right side of history prevail (see Table 8.21). The international communication of China’s national image has not come to a stop. Instead, it is in the progress. Chinese philosopher, Confucius famously stated,

8.3 Summary Points

281

Table 8.21 The guiding principles of international communication of China’s national image at the third plenary session of the CPCCC (1978–2013)27 Time

Session

The guiding principles of the international communication values

1978

The Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPCCC

The policy of opening-up was formally introduced

1984

The Third Plenary Session of the 12th CPCCC

The scale and scope of opening-up, China’s fundamental state policy and a strategic measure to speed up socialist modernization, should be further expanded

1988

The Third Plenary Session of the 13th CPCCC

China should strengthen governance, rectify the economic order, and deepen reforms comprehensively

1993

The Third Plenary Session of the 14th CPCCC

The session clarified the reform objectives of establishing a socialist market economy, striving for a peaceful global environment and further expanding opening-up

1998

The Third Plenary Session of the 15th CPCCC

China fully implemented the spirit of the 15th CPC National Congress and adopted a series of effective guidelines, policies and deployments in various aspects such as economy, politics, culture and foreign affairs

2003

The Third Plenary Session of the 16th CPCCC

China should adapt to the international environment of economic globalization and technological progress, and continue to carry out the “going global” strategy

2008

The Third Plenary Session of the 17th CPCCC

China must continue to emancipate the mind to advance reform and opening-up, scientific development and social harmony

2013

The Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPCCC

China should promote reform through opening-up to achieve the goal of “two centenaries” and the China Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation

“At thirty, I stood firm. At forty, I had no doubts”. By this principle, more than forty years of China’s reform and opening-up shall strive to build up a China more open, inclusive, balanced and beneficial to a world with more just and more prosperity. That gives endless inspiration to the international communication of China’s national image. Of the four (or five if ancient Rome is counted as well) early civilizations, China is committed to the cause that make our world better for all. In this sense, “we need to take a comprehensive, dialectical and long-term view of the current economic 27

Since the reform and opening up, the third plenary meeting of the Central Committee of CPC (hereafter “the third plenary meeting) have studied and discussed the issue of deepening reform and decided on the direction of the next five to ten years of China. Every time the spirit of the third plenary meeting is considered to be releasing important signals.

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situation, develop new opportunities in the midst of crisis, and open up new prospects in the midst of change”.28

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