The ceque system of Cuzco: the social organization of the capital of the Inca xd07gs881

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THE CEQUE SYSTEM OF CUZCO THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE CAPITAL OF THE INCA

INTERNATIONAL ARCHIVES OF ETHNOGRAPHY INTERNATIONALES ARCHIV FUR ETHNOGRAPHIE ARCHIVES INTERNATIONALES D’ETHNOGRAPHIE

SUPPLEMENT TO VOL. L

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2 pie S S i CEIBS

LEIDEN

E. J. BRILL 1964

THE CEQUE SYSTEM OF CUZCO THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE CAPITAL OF THE INCA BY

Dr. R. T. ZUIDEMA

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, 1964

LEIDEN

E. J. BRILL

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> 2 Translated by EvA M. Hooykaas, B.A., F.R.A.L

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ap | The translation of this study has been made possible with the financial support

| ly + of the Dutch Ministerial Department of Education, Arts and Sciences

Copyright 1964 by FE. J. Brill, Lewden, Netherlands

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or translated in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means without written permission from the publisher

PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

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INTRODUCTION XE FOREWORD «wwe KY TABLE OF CONTENTS

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I, THE POINT OF DEPARTURE OF THIS STUDY 7 the panaca of three of the rulers and one other group which did not descend from a ruler, which he called a panaca. I shall use the word panaca for the ten groups descending from rulers and the word ayllu for the other ten groups 5) (see diagram B p. 6). From Molina’s account one may conclude that the whole of the population proper of Cuzco consisted of these ten panaca and ten ayllu. I shall discuss later why the panaca of the eleventh, and later rulers — if they ever existed — were not mentioned 6). For the purpose of describing and explaining the organization of Cuzco, however, we have to take into account only these ten panaca and ten ayllu as the population proper of Cuzco. Molina’s distribution of the panaca (and ayllu) within the suyu, and the sequence in which he enumerates them, correspond completely with Cobo’s account of the linking of the same panaca (and ayliu in as far as he mentions them) to the different ceque. It appears from Cobo’s Relacion that there was only one panaca to every group of three ceque. Molina enumerates the ayllu in the same way as he does the panaca,. We may therefore assume that the distribution of the ayllu over the different groups of three ceque was the same too. The result would be that to one group of three ceque only belonged one panaca and one ayllu. This assumption can be proved by one example. In order to do this, however, I have to introduce first the only other source which mentions all ten of the ayllu of Cuzco.

§ 3. According to Sarmiento’s chronicle of 1572 (cap. 11 p. 119-120), Manco Capac, the founder of the Inca dynasty and of Cuzco, was accompanied on his way to the site of this city by ten ayllu. These are enumerated as follows by Sarmiento:

Hanan-Cuzco Hurin-Cuzco

Chauin Cuzco ayllu Sutic-toco ayllu Arairaca ayllu Cuzco-cayan Maras ayllu

Tarpuntay ayllu Cuicusa ayllu Huacaytaqui ayllu Masca ayllu

Sahu ayllu Oro ayllu

5) With this distinction I am merely following the language of the modern literature on the

Inca. The words panaca and ayllu, however, refer to two different functions in the social organization, i.e. the exogamous and the endogamous one, which both panaca and ayllu could

have (see V § 7c p. 146 and VI § 6 pp. 183-192). In Inca usage the terms probably had reference only to this difference in function and not to the fact that the panaca descended from the rulers and the ayllu did not. 6) See V § 3 pp. 128-129, VI § 4b, § 5 pp. 179-183.

8 I, THE POINT OF DEPARTURE OF THIS STUDY The sequence of the ayllu is the same in Sarmiento as in Molina if, at any rate, one takes into account that in Hurin-Cuzco Sarmiento discusses first the ayllu of Collasuyu and then those of Cuntisuyu. The only difference between Sarmiento and Molina is that the former places the Huacaytaqui ayllu after the Tarpuntay ayllu while the latter places it after the Arairaca ayllu. From all later data it will appear that Sarmiento made a mistake here 7).

§ 4. Cobo, Molina and Sarmiento all differ about the position of three of the ayllu in the ceque system. In II 3, Cobo mentions Aquini ayllu where Sarmiento and Molina have Cuicusa ayllu. This may be nothing more than a difference of nomenclature of one particular group. Such is not the case, however, with the two other loci. In I 3, Cobo and Sarmiento have Huacaytaqui ayllu where Molina has Uru ayllu. According to Sarmiento Uru ayllu was linked

to IV 2. For IV 2 Cobo and Molina, on the other hand, both name Quisco ayllu 8). Thus, every one of the three ayllu first mentioned, occurs in two of the three chronicles:

position IV 2 posttion I 3

Cobo: Quisco ayllu Huacaytaqui ayllu

Molina: Quisco ayllu Uru ayllu Sarmiento: Uru ayllu Huacaytaqui ayllu

As will appear later, these three ayllu all belonged to one particular class of people whose position in the organization of Cuzco could be IV — and more specifically IV 2 — as well as I 3 9). The difference between Cobo and Molina with regard to the name of the ayllu linked to I 3 does not arise from mistake by either of these authors. The observation that to every group of ceque there is always one panaca and one ayllu, is now illustrated clearly in the case of I 3. For, as appears from diagram

A, in I 3, Huacaytaqui ayllu was linked to the same group of ceque as the Vicaquirao panaca 10), The case of I 3 leads us to another conclusion regarding the question whether

the panaca andjor the ayllu must always be conceived of as being linked to a particular kind of ceque. All the ayllu mentioned by Cobo were linked to Cayao ceque. Of the nine panaca he discusses, Cobo links one to a Collana ceque, four to a Payan ceque and four to a Cayao ceque. In the instance which 7) The words Hurin- and Hanan-Cuzco indicate the two moieties into which Cuzco was divided.

8) See also IV, note 23. 9) See IV § 3c pp. 98-101, V § 10a, b pp. 155-159. 10) See also IV note 23.

I, THE POINT OF DEPARTURE OF THIS STUDY 9 can be checked, in which he mentions both the panaca and the ayllu and the group of ceque to which they were linked, the panaca was linked to the Payan ceque and the ayllu to the Cayao ceque. Now, the words Collana, Payan and

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Cayao were not the names of ceque only, but were also used to designate groups

and particular kinds of groups 11). The nature of the panaca corresponded

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The ceque system according to Cobo’s Relacién, supplemented by Molina’s and Sarmiento’s data.

to that of the groups of ceque designated by the name Payan, and the nature of the ayllu to that of the groups of ceque designated by the name Cayao 12). One might, I think, therefore say that all the panaca were linked to the Payan ceque and all the ayllu to the Cayao ceque; indeed, all three ayllu mentioned by Cobo are linked to a Cayao ceque 13). It may be assumed, therefore, that Cobo was concerned to mention the right group of ceque of each panaca, rather than of the right ceque within that group. The only panaca ignored by Cobo is Sinchi Roca’s, which was Raurau panaca. 11) See III.§§ 3-5 pp. 40-46. 12) See VI §§ 6-8 pp. 183-202. 13) See diagram A p. 4.

10 I, THE POINT OF DEPARTURE OF THIS STUDY As no other panaca is mentioned in IV 1 b 14) (the position where one might have expected this panaca in the ceque system), I assume that this was the position of Raurau panaca. Finally, Cobo mentions Cari ayllu (III 3 c) which, together with a panaca, was not, or perhaps could not be, linked to a group of ceque. As neither Molina nor Sarmiento mention this ayllu, it may be assumed that Cari ayllu was not regarded as belonging to the population proper of Cuzco, and that no social groups of Cuzco were linked to the ceque III 3 or to IV 3 15). So far, the Collana ceque have not been discussed. There is good evidence on which to assume 16) that the ruler-founders of the panaca were linked to the Collana ceque of the same groups of ceque to which their panaca were linked. 14) JT expect Raurau panaca at the place IV 1 b for the following reasons:

1) in suyu IV, because Molina places it there (see diagram B p. 6); 2) at ceque b, because all panaca are included in ceque b = Payan; 3) in group 1, because group IV 2 was occupied by Chima panaca. 15) I assign group IV 3 also to the outsiders, because Cobo does not report a single name of a panaca or ayllu under this group (see diagram A p. 4).

16) See VI § 8 pp. 199-202.

CHAPTER TWO

PRELIMINARY REMARKS y 1. The ceque system of Cuzco, the capital of the Inca Empire, was a method of dividing and organizing some four hundred holy sites in and around

the capital into groups (ceque). The care and maintenance of these groups of sites was assigned to the different social groups into which the population proper of Cuzco was divided. This ceque system can therefore serve to throw light on the social organization of Cuzco. This choice of subject arose, because I needed a point of departure for further research into questions of the social and political organization of the Inca Empire and of Inca culture in general. At the time of the Spanish conquest in + 1530, the Inca Empire extended from Colombia in the North, across Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, to northern Argen-

tine and central Chile in the South. Of these countries the Inca had actually conquered only the Andes region (which consists mainly of high mountain ridges of which the highest peaks reach 7000 M, running parallel, from North to South, and are separated by valleys and plateaux), and the coastal region along the Pacific. In Peru and in Chile these arid coastal regions are traversed by small streams, forming oases. In Ecuador and Colombia there is jungle along the coast, and neither here nor in the jungles to the East of the Andes, did the

Inca make great conquests. The capital of the Inca Empire was Cuzco. This city lies at approximately 3200 M altitude at the northern end of a fertile valley, built partly against the slopes of the mountains, From here the Inca conquered their empire. Before the Inca had subjected this region to their rule, there probably already existed many other states. At the time of the arrival of the Spanish these had lost their identities to such an extent that their existence can largely be deduced only from accounts of their conquests which the Inca gave to the Spanish chroniclers of the 16th and 17th centuries. The chroniclers limited themselves almost exclusively to giving descriptions of the Inca themselves and their history,

and of the culture of the Indians in their empire in general. The people of Peru did not have a script nor a system of ideograms. Archaeology is perforce our main source of information about the cultures which once flourished in the different regions of the Inca Empire. Thus we know, for instance, that in northern Peru the Chavin, the Mochica and Chimt cultures succeeded each other until the Chima were conquered by the Inca. On the south coast of Peru the Paracas, Nazca and Ica and Chincha cultures succeeded each other. The Tiahuanaco culture centred around Lake Titicaca before the arrival of the Inca,

Int. Arch. f. Ethn., Suppl. to Vol. L 3

12 I]. PRELIMINARY REMARKS and extended its influence far into Peru and Bolivia. The realistic art of the Mochica and of the Chimu, and the arts of the other cultures, throw light on many aspects of their cultures and enable us to make certain assumptions, for instance as to their religion and social organization. The results of archaeological

research, which might have thrown light on Inca culture and its origin and development, are, however, very scanty. The first and most important research was done by Rowe (1944) in 1941 and 1942. Archaeological data, however, hardly serve to corroborate history as handed down by the Inca themselves. Research into Inca culture in the last century for that reason had to be based almost exclusively on the Spanish chronicles.

§ 2. In spite of the great interest which Inca culture aroused both among the chroniclers and contemporary scholars, the results of research into this culture have been most scanty. There is virtually no unanimity of opinion nor reasonably accurate description of any part of this culture, This state of affairs can probably be explained as follows. The first reason is that students of Inca history have hitherto laboured under certain misconceptions. Most of the Spanish chroniclers employed the framework of Inca history — as they considered, on the basis of accounts from their Inca informants, that it should be reconstructed — not only to give an account of the origin of the Inca and of the extension of their empire, but also to throw light on such other aspects of Inca culture as religion and social organization. The histories written by these chroniclers were based on accounts of the deeds

of the thirteen or so rulers of the Inca dynasty. The last two rulers were the two brothers Huascar and Atahuallpa who, about six years before the Spanish conquest, were engaged in civil war. Atahuatlpa, the subsidiary son of the last ruler, Huayna Capac, who had held the whole country united under his sway, had imprisoned his primary brother Huascar and had him murdered after he himself had been taken prisoner by the Spanish, by whom he too was to be killed soon afterwards. Every one of the preceding rulers were said to have founded his own panaca, a social group consisting of all his descendants with the exception of his heir. These panaca had an important function in the organization of Cuzco. This simple western explanation of the origin of the panaca, however, contains no hint of the significance which their remarks about the panaca had to the Inca informants themselves. As I hope to demonstrate, the panaca were never formed in the manner described by the chroniclers. Moreover, their interpretations of the exploits ascribed to the imperial dynasty, cannot as such be used as the basis of a description of the history and culture of the Inca. A few authors, Uhle, Jyon y Caamanho and Latcham, already suspected the non-historical nature of so-called Inca history. Owing to the lack

II, PRELIMINARY REMARKS 13 of evidence supporting their suspicions, however, these authors saw themselves

forced to include the dynasty into their accounts of the origins of the Inca. Rowe (1944, 1945, 1946) based his chronological arguments concerning the origin and expansion of the Inca empire wholly on the existence of the dynasty and the assumed correctness of the accounts of the chroniclers about the succession of the individual rulers within the dynasty. The great eminence which the dynasty has enjoyed in old as well as in modern descriptions of Inca culture has often resulted in obscure and improbable explanations of many of its aspects.

If, on the other hand, these questions are viewed in the light of a simultaneous origin of all the panaca and the causes of the fabricated presentation of the dynasty can be understood, it may then be possible to make a beginning at a more balanced examination of the culture of the Inca and to describe it in a more rational fashion.

The second reason why, in our opinion, so few results were achieved in | research into Inca culture, is the nature of the Spanish chronicles and the methods by which scholars have studied this culture, Although the contemporary chroniclers and linguists command the greatest admiration for their observations on the cultures of Peru, for their descriptions and for the profound and warm

interest they showed in these people, their work fails to meet at least two of the demands of the modern ethnologist. These demands were, however, hardly felt on account of the greater knowledge of and closer contact with the Inca civilization that these contemporary scholars had. In only a few instances do we

know in detail, for instance, to which group of Indians a particular remark in the chronicles refers. Thus, the material rarely informs us of possible local differences or of differences between groups and it therefore lacks much, if not all of the significance it might otherwise have had. Some of the material of the greatest significance was either presented in so inconspicuous a manner, or misrepresented to such an extent — probably because the chroniclers themselves did not fully realise the importance of their material — that it was simply overlooked, or its significance not at first sight recognised by later scholars. Even in recent research this situation has given rise to endless discussions which have led nowhere. The main cause of the futility of these discussions, in as far as they were based on the chronicles, was the absence of a touchstone with which the material could be tested; there were no detailed, reliable descriptions of actual situations. Such a touchstone, one detailed and reliable description, might have made it possible to test the reliability of the

other data. The methods which have, since the last century, been applied to the study of the Inca civilisation have been another cause of the lack of results in these studies. To begin with, the generally very wide scope of these studies inevitably

14 II, PRELIMINARY REMARKS brought to light many internal contradictions. The second cause of the lack of real results in Inca studies has, paradoxically, been the great interest which they had aroused in the West. For the Spanish chroniclers had projected a most suggestive image of the organization of the Inca Empire which bore directly on ideas alive in the western world. The Comentarios Reales (a chronicle written by the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, the son of a Spanish noble and a grandson, on his mother’s side, of the Inca ruler Huayna Capac) in particular, had this effect on western minds. Some people in Europe and in America credited the Inca Empire with the utopian character of a centralised welfare state, in which the wellbeing of all subjects is looked after. With the rise of socialism many people recognised a socialist or communist state in the Inca Empire. To others, however, the Inca Empire was a country ruled by dictatorial methods, a notorious example of a country in which there was no personal liberty for anybody. This kind of interest has been one of the causes of the backward state of scientific research into the Inca civilisation as compared with the results achieved with people who did not evoke the same emotions as the Inca, Finally, the fact that the material for research on the Inca has been limited almost exclusively to Spanish chronicles of the sixteenth and seventeenth cen-

turies, may be said to have been another cause of the unsatisfactory state of these studies. The very rich material from the Peruvian and Spanish archives

which could have been used fruitfully to increase our knowledge of the Inca civi- , lisation, has been scarcely touched. Too little use was made of the results of research into the more recent history and civilisation of the Indians in Peru, probably because it was assumed too easily and dogmatically that with the Empire the civilisation of the Inca had also disappeared. Finally, not enough research was done into the question of how far the Peruvian data could be related to the complex of South American civilisations as a whole.

The result is that the image projected by many of the descriptions of the Inca civilisation is founded almost entirely on assumptions and conclusions based on far too little factual data and on the blind acceptance of opinions of former authors on the subject. The degree of reliability of these opinions was a function of the long succession of authors who had handed them on.

§ 3. a) In 1953 I laid down in a study (Zuidema 1953) the first results of my investigations into the social organization of the Inca. I was enabled to continue these investigations later in Peru. At that time I had not been able to acquire a reliable knowledge of any aspect of the subject. My attention was directed to particular problems, whose solution seemed to me of prime importance to procure insight in the social structure. Three problems I will mention here.

II, PRELIMINARY REMARKS 15 The history of the Inca, as portrayed by the Spanish chroniclers as well as by more recent authors, like Prescott (1950), Markham (1911) or Means (1931), was entwined with that of the dynasty of the thirteen rulers. Every ruler was supposed to have founded his own panaca. These panaca were social

groups which were said to consist of the descendants of the ruler, with the exception of the son who succeeded him. No panaca are mentioned of the last two rulers, Huascar and Atahuallpa, two brothers who were engaged in a civil war at the time of the Spanish conquest. The panaca of the eleventh ruler, Huayna Capac, had no place in the organization of Cuzco, unlike those of the first ten rulers, and the name of his panaca was also different in nature. The panaca of the first five rulers were said to belong to one half of the population of Cuzco, which was called Hurin-Cuzco, or Lower Cuzco, and the panaca of the next five to Hanan-Cuzco, or Upper Cuzco. These premises, which were at any rate generally accepted as such, seemed to me to raise several questions to which I could not find answers anywhere. What was the basis of this principle of bipartition of Cuzco? How was Cuzco organized before the reign of the tenth ruler, i.e. before all the panaca were in existence? For it can surely be assumed that if at the time of the Spanish conquest five panaca in Cuzco belonged to Hurin-Cuzco and five to Hanan-Cuzco, this was the expression of a particular structural concept of the organization of Cuzco. One might also ask: did Hanan-Cuzco not exist before the sixth ruler belonged to it? Or, what was the reason for the change-over from Hurin-Cuzco to Hanan-Cuzco? Markham does indeed give an explanation for this situation,

but this is founded on a mis-interpretation of a myth related by a Spanish chronicler without any connection with this question, and thus nothing was in ~ fact said about this change-over. The presentation of Inca history by the Spanish chroniclers was nevertheless generally accepted in reconstructions of the history of the development of the Inca Empire. The dates recorded by one chronicler, Cabello Valboa, of Inca history after the great battle of the Inca against the Chanca people, are on the other hand wholly acceptable. This battle is supposed to have been fought by the man who was to become the ninth ruler, Pachacuti, in order to protect Cuzco. Rowe (1944, 1945, 1946) considered that the acceptability of the dates justified not only the acceptance of them as correct but also of the events related to these dates. Taking these dates and events as his points of departure, he reconstructed a history of the origin and expansion of the Inca Empire which can be said to be reasonable. In this reconstruction he also assumed that the list of kings who had ruled before Pachacuti was also correct. In her book on Pachacuti, Maria Rostworowski de Diez Cansero (1953) also gives a historical reconstruction in which she, like Rowe, presents Pachacuti as being in the centre of Inca historical events. Both assume that the facts

16 I], PRELIMINARY REMARKS quoted by them are real historical facts. This picture has not, however, been proved to be correct because there is no evidence supporting it whatsoever. In spite of all the logic of their arguments, there is no evidence as to the reality of this presentation. Although I could produce no proof but only many objections to their arguments, they nevertheless failed to impress me with their reliability. These objections could be reduced to one main one: that these authors

did not take at all into account that the panaca together appeared to form a structural part of a particular form of organization which was that of Cuzco. If this assumption, however, is accepted, this would reduce the whole of Inca history as it has hitherto been presented, to an absurdity. The only possibility of achieving a well founded evaluation of the historical image projected by Rowe and Rostworowski seemed to me to be to clarify the real nature of the organization of Cuzco and subsequently to see how far the material used by them in their historical reconstructions can be interpreted differently. b) The second point to which I should like to draw attention, is the nature of the ayllu. In his book, Inca culture at the time of the Spanish conquest, the best description of the Inca civilisation, Rowe (1946) discusses this problem as well as what former writers have written about it. The most varied meanings of the word ayllu can be quoted from the relevant literature. The ayllu could be a group of kin, but it is not known how this group of kin was organized. The panaca was also an ayllu. The group belonging to a certain territory, even if it consisted of different, unrelated families, was also called an ayllu, although

the members of a panaca could hardly be assumed to have been tied to a particular territory. An ayllu could be subdivided into other ayllu. Moteties were also called ayllu, but moieties could occur at any level, from that of the village to that of the province. Rowe writes that in the Inca ayllu there existed “theoretical endogamy, with descent in the male line’’. Instances of obligatory exogamy, however, can be quoted as well. Betanzos, perhaps, gives the clearest example of this last possibility when he records that Pachacuti’s envoys made

the boys of one village or province marry the girls of an other village or province and vice versa. It is generally accepted that matrilineality did exist on the North coast of Peru. But there are also examples of matrilocality as well as of matrilineality trom the mountain area of North, Central and South Peru. According to a census of 1647, in Otuzco, a village in North Peru, all the children whose fathers came from outside, belonged to their mothers’ groups (A.N.L. Legajo 6, cuaderno 116). In the Callején de Huaylas, the mountain valley of the Santa river in Central Peru, in the seventeenth century the husband always came to live with his wife if the land of her ayllu was better than that of his own ayllu1). Diego de Leén Pinelo, the brother of the famous Antonio 1) As shown by a census belonging to the archives of the notary public Alvarado, in Huaraz.

Il, PRELIMINARY REMARKS 17 de Leon Pinelo, mentions in a letter attached to the census of 1665 of Condesuyos province in South Peru (A.H.L. 1228), that it is a well-known fact that when a man marries a woman of another ayllu, he moves in with her. Because the ayllu was also the group which belonged to a particular territory, locality

| in these instances also implies lineality. In fact, nothing concrete is known about the ayllu in general and about certain ayllu nothing is known at all. For this reason alone, the clear and quite detailed description Kirchhoff (1949,

p. 294-299) gives of the ayllu is of no use and cannot be trusted, especially because he does not give the sources of any of his material. It can only be assumed that his opinion reflects an impression whick bears no relation to actual situations. In contrast with these negative results in research on the nature of the ayllu

it appears that in fact the actual organization of Cuzco was the expression of a well defined structure. Side by side with the ten panaca in Cuzco, there existed ten other ayllu which were distributed over two moieties in the same manner as the panaca. Previous research into the nature of the ayllu, then, had produced no results. One might also conclude that the methods of this research could never extract much new evidence from the chronicles. One way of escaping from this deadlock, therefore, seemed to me to examine the nature of the whole of the organization of Cuzco. If this problem could be solved, there might be a chance of finding out something more general about “the ayllu’. c) The third point to which I wish to draw attention is the form of organization in which ten men liable to taxation were placed under one headman,

and groups of fifty, a hundred, five hundred, a thousand, ten thousand and finally forty thousand men liable to taxation were likewise formed, This, at any

rate, 1s how this form of organization is described in the chronicles, but in fact nothing much ts known about it. How, for instance, was this form of organization combined with those of the ayllu, the moieties, the provinces etc.?

Were these numbers really adhered to and were family ties broken when necessary for this purpose? These questions have, of course, been asked before, but no answers to them were found in the chronicles.

§ 4. With the discussion of these three points I hope to have given an impression of the state of my own research at the time of my arrival in Peru. © My aim was to find an actual situation within the scope of my subject which could serve as a point of departure, as a lead, for my further researches into the social organization and civilisation of the Inca. This point of departure was provided by the ceque system, for this furnished me with the necessary material. One result of this choice of the ceque system as my own point of departure was the discovery that to the Inca themselves it was in fact the focus

18 I]. PRELIMINARY REMARKS of their own conceptions of the organization of society. I collected the material which made me realise its importance from three sources.

a) To begin with, by examining the archives I collected material on the organizations at a local level, which made it possible to place the ceque system in this context. Secondly, material on the present-day Indians of South Peru

enabled me to interpret that on the Inca. In the third place, organizational forms in Brazil which are comparable to that of the ceque system, enabled me to see the latter from this point of view. With these three different kinds of material I was able to interpret the ceque system and to lend new meaning to the material from the chronicles. Below, I shall briefly say something more about my examination of the archives, of the material on the present-day Indians of Peru and that on the peoples of Brazil. Most of the time during my two year sojourn in Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador was taken up with research in the archives. After a preliminary survey, I worked

mainly in two archives in Lima, from the end of 1953 to May 1954. The

archives I used first was the Archivo Histérico of the Ministry of Finance | and Commerce. The records which were of most use to me were the Matriculas

de Indigenas, which were the books of registration of births, marriages and deaths of the Indians of most provinces of Peru. These registers were composed for taxation purposes from 1821, the year of Peru’s independence, until 1854, the year in which the Indians were relieved from paying taxes. In the villages which still preserved the organization into ayllu, the names of the ayllu into which they were divided were recorded. The existence of a few other forms of organization of which the ayllu formed part, can be suspected from these records. Certain ayllu names occur repeatedly. These were mostly generic names and included names which related one ayllu in a particular way to one or more

other ayllu. The other ayllu had place names. Although these records date from about three hundred years after the Spanish conquest, many of the preconquest ayllu appeared to have survived. It is not known, however, how far these ayllu had preserved their original nature. The second archives I perused in Lima, was the Archivo Nacional del Peru. This contained documents of the colonial period, from 1530 to 1821. These documents were far more varied in nature than those of the first archives. The documents of prime importance to me where those relating to the censuses of the Indians. The Spanish instituted these censuses almost immediately after their arrival in the country, partly for taxation purposes. Some very important documents are included among these records, like, for instance, that from Otuzco, mentioned above (A.N.L. Legajo 6, Cuaderno 116). As in other docu-

ments from North Peru, the matrilineal groups mentioned in this document

Il, PRELIMINARY REMARKS 19 are called pachaca or huaranca, which are terms for groups of a hundred and of a thousand payers of taxes. The term ayllu did not occur in this document, in contrast with others, from South Peru, in which the terms pachaca and huaranca occurred only sporadically. I came upon one, very important, document about which I wish to say a little more because it ideally met the demands of an ethnologist in search for factual data about Indians of the Inca Empire at the time of the Spanish conquest. This document was the census record of the Hudnuco province in Central Peru, instituted in 1562 by Ifigo Ortiz de Ziifiga at the request of a few Indian chiefs. They were of the opinion that taxes, assessed at a previous visit, had become too high because the population had since decreased. The investigation Ortiz de Zufhiga instituted comprised not only a new census but also an elaborate examination of the economic situation in the province. Village by village, the composition of every family was described as well as the land it possessed and its products and the tax assessment. The village chiefs and higher chiefs had to fill in questionnaires with a mainly anthropological content: questions about the history of the village, the economic and political situation of former times, the religion, social organization, marriage customs etc. As a result of Ortiz de Zufiga’s investigations it has become clear, for instance, how defence, and worship in the temples of the region were organized, how the co-existence of the Inca conquerors, the conquered population and others transported into the region, was regulated; which land had formerly been assigned to the temple, which to the Inca and which to the indigenous population; how a pachaca, i.e. a group of a hundred payers of taxes, was subdivided economically and socially and how it functioned in these fields. The whole census records originally consisted of four manuscripts of about two hundred and fifty leaves each, but of these four manuscripts two have been lost. Of the remainder, one was published in the journal of the Archivo Nacional between 1920 and 1925, and the other between 1955 and 1961. I entirely agree with John Murra — who argued elsewhere that the whole of the Inca civilisation should be described anew, taking documents with factual material as the basis of such a description — when he writes “that after Huaman Poma’s Coronica this is the most important single source on Inca social and economic structure

published in the last forty years’ (Murra 1961). Another important collection of documents from the Archivo Nacional del Peru consisted of records of court cases of Indians, or which concerned Indian interests. Some of these cases were about succession rights of chiefs. Chiefs’ families which had been demoted by the Inca, collateral lines of chiefs’ families,

or families in which succession was matrilineal, tried to regain influence. In the last instance the cases were brought against chiefs who had acquired power

20 II, PRELIMINARY REMARKS through patrilineal inheritance as a result of Spanish influence. Then there were cases about land. There was one case between two villages near Lima each of which had a completely different view as to the line of a particular road, which came from Cuzco and ran through both villages; consequently each claimed for itself that it lay nearer Cuzco. The village nearer to Cuzco could,

in keeping with the gradations of the ceque system, make claim to greater importance in relation to the other village. After a journey along the North coast, to Cajamarca in the mountains and

through the Callején de Huaylas, the mountain valley of the Santa river in North Peru, which I undertook for the purposes of examining municipal, legal and church records, I stayed in Cuzco from August 1954 to January 1955. There especially, in the Archivo Histérico of the University of Cuzco, are still many important documents relating to Indians. Thus there are, for instance, documents about rights to, and transfers of, land or houses of Indians. In the church archives I examined mainly the registers of births, marriages and deaths.

Private papers also proved to be of the greatest significance, as for instance those of hacienda owners or of Indians, relating to the lands of their ayllu, for these often included very ancient documents which referred to pre-conquest conditions. In the case of these papers, however, it was often very difficult to get permission to peruse them on account of the owners’ distrust. For there are many instances of cases against Indians or hacienda owners by which they were deprived by illegal means of their lawful property. The defense was also wont to demand pieces of land for payment. Acquaintance with the chronicles, however, made it possible for me to give direction to my researches in the ar-

chives of Cuzco and its surroundings. The best results were achieved by a journey to a village named Acos, which I undertook specially because the material from the Archivo Historico in Lima suggested that in Acos an important type of village organization had better than elsewhere survived the destructive influences after the Spanish conquest. I was able to continue this research in the archives in Bolivia, for instance

in the Archivo Nacional at Sucre, and in Ecuador. More recently, in 1955, I also examined archives in the United States and the Archivo de Indias in Seville, Spain.

One of the very first results of this research work in the archives was the emergence of the variety of the different types of organization at the village as well as at the provincial level as they had existed at the time of the Inca Empire,

of their geographical limits and individual distinctiveness. Hitherto nothing has been published about this great variety. It also appeared that, mainly in South Peru, there were types of organization which bore a great resemblance to the organization of Cuzco as we know it from the chronicles. As regards

Il, PRELIMINARY REMARKS 21 the documents dating from shortly after the Spanish conquest, it can be assumed that these reflect a type of social organization which varies little or not at all from pre-conquest conditions, especially because there is more than one instance of these types of organization. b) In the end, only a small fraction of the abundant material collected from the archives could be used in this study. Before further specifying this, I propose to outline the results of the anthropological study of the present-day Indians of Peru and of the comparison of the Inca civilisation with that of the peoples of Brazil.

I shall be brief about the first subject. I lacked time for doing extensive anthropological fieldwork in any one place. My studies did, however, enable me to realize the significance for my own work of many of the data to be found in modern anthropological literature. Although the development of Indian society since the Spanish conquest must certainly be taken into account, it is nevertheless most noticeable how much of the pre-conquest culture has been preserved. I found modern anthropological and folkloristic descriptive literature most useful for obtaining greater insight into the old culture, although in this study I used it only sporadically. Some results of this use of contemporary anthropology can be seen in chapters IV and V, where I refer to Arguedas’ study of the village Puquio (Arguedas 1956). The division of present-day Puquio into four ayllu bears in several respects a great resemblance to the old division of Cuzco into four quarters. Myths explaining this form of organization in Puquio had assumed a pseudo-historical character among the Inca. Comparison

with Puquio revealed the true nature and significance of these myths from Cuzco.

c) As early as 1953 I was struck by the very great superficial resemblance between the ceque system of Cuzco and the village organization of the Bororo from the Matto Grosso and that of several of the Gé tribes from East Brazil 2).

This resemblance then appeared to extend to several aspects of the social organization. Thus, the suspicion that the organization into age groups among

the Inca could be interpreted in the same way as that among the Canella 2) Taken generally, the organization of a Bororo village is as follows: The houses stand in a large circle, in the centre of which is the men’s house. The village is divided into two exogamous

moieties, one of which occupies the northern and the other the southern half of the circle. Besides this, the village is divided in still another way into two halves: the eastern and the western. These halves are not exogamous. In each quarter there are two clans, and each clan is divided into an upper, a middle and a lower part. If these are numbered 1, 2 and 3 respectively, the sequence of the 12 clan parts in each exogamous moiety is, from East to West: 123 123 123

123. From all the houses, each of which belongs to a clan section, paths run to the men’s house. These paths are comparable to the ceque in Cuzco, while the clan sections of the Bororo could be identified with the panaca and ayllu of Cuzco. Among the Gé peoples the houses are

also placed in a circle and paths run from them to the centre of the circle.

22 II, PRELIMINARY REMARKS (Nimuendajii 1946, p. 90-91), drew my attention to relevant facts which proved the existence of a similar organization among the Inca (Zuidema 1953).

As a result it was possible to explain the Inca material in a way which was far more in agreement with what was likely to have been the case in this nonEuropean civilisation. The typically western explanation hitherto accepted was

that the Inca had invented this organization themselves for the purposes of efficient administration and division of labour 3). The systems in Brazil had already been the subject of theoretical observations

by Lévi-Strauss (1952a, 1952b). His third article (Lévi-Strauss 1956) 4) was particularly important to me because it dealt not only with the Brazilian systems, and that of the Bororo in particular, but because it also contained a discussion of a question of social structure with which I was at the time particularly pre-

occupied. After I had read this article I reached the conclusion that the Inca material was better able to solve the problem than the data Lévi-Strauss had collected concerning Melanesia, Indonesia, North America and South America 5). 3) See VIII. +) All three articles appeared also in Lévi-Strauss 1958. 5) I will attempt very briefly to indicate the subject of the three articles. In the first article, entitled La notion d’archaisme en ethnologie Lévi-Strauss wonders whether it may actually be said of certain tribes, namely the Gé tribes and the Bororo, that they are more primitive or more archaic than other South American tribes, that is to say that their development has taken place more slowly. This has been an accepted fact up to the present. Lévi-Strauss suggests, however,

that concerning the Gé and the Bororo it may only be said that they are pseudo-archaic or pauperised. Two of the reasons he advances for this are: firstly, that these cultures are only more primitive at certain points but that they know, for instance, a very complex social organization, and, secondly, that the cultures possess certain internal discrepancies, discrepancies which could not have originated in the cultures themselves. The second article is entitled Les structures sociales dans le Brésil central et oriental. Here

too he discusses the Gé and the Bororo. All these tribes have a complex system of various moieties which transect each other and each of which has its special function. Lévi-Strauss argues that these dualistic systems, which are placed too much in the foreground by the native inhabitants and by the investigators, often carry an illusory character because these systems actually often function quite differently from pure bipartite systems; in addition, other elements of the social organization such as the kinship system are not in agreement with the moieties. He assumes that both the Sherente, a Gé tribe, and the Bororo originally knew a system of three patrilineal and patrilocal groups, besides which a system of matrilineal moieties was introduced. Among the Sherente this led, among other things, to the addition to the three patrilineal groups

of a fourth: the so-called captive tribe. (A similar phenomenon is found among the Inca). At the same time, the matrilineal moieties became patrilineal and the four patrilineal groups became men’s societies. These men’s societies, however, behaved as if they were exogamous patrilineal] groups linked by an asymmetric connubium. The, essentially, identical problem, namely that of the relationship of the tripartition to the bipartition, is approached by Lévi-Strauss from a more general ethnological point of view in his third article, Les organisations dualistes existent-elles ?. The author’s point of departure is that among various peoples — and sometimes in one and the same people — in North and South America, Indonesia and Melanesia examples are encountered of two kinds of dualistic oppositions in society, which he calls diametric structure and concentric structure. The former is composed, for example, of two exogamous moieties in a village which

II. PRELIMINARY REMARKS 23 This conclusion and the great superficial resemblance of the organization of a Bororo village with the ceque system, led to my increased interest in the latter. I perceived how the clarification of this system could make possible discussion of the most important structural questions of the social as well as of the religious systems of organization of the Inca. The advantage of the ceque system was also that it was a real, detailed and well described system which the chroniclers, as became increasingly clear, had recorded wholly reliably, even if not completely. It became apparent too that the conclusions reached on the basis of comparison with the Brazilian cultures could be wholly proved by the Inca material. My working method in this study has therefore been to avoid as consistently as possible reference to the Brazilian systems and to deal with such comparisons

with the ceque system in another article. It will be possible there to enter further into the agreement as well as the differences between the peruvian and brazilian systems.

) 5. With these three types of material at my disposal I was finally able to make the ceque system the point of departure and the object of this study. The material which was necessary for making the system intelligible but was lacking, could be supplemented by that from the perusal of archives and by material on village and province organizations in South Peru. As Kirchhoff (1949) pointed out, the generic names of the ayllu into which the villages of Collaguas province were divided in the sixteenth century, were the same as the names of the ceque in Cuzco. The material I collected in certain villages in Collaguas and on the

organization of Acos, a village mentioned above, which was not, it is true, situated in Collaguas but near Cuzco, clarified the material cited by Kirchhoff. Thus, one of the aspects of the ceque system could be explained. Other aspects each occupy equal and opposite halves of the area. In the concentric structure the opposition in the village or area is constituted by the centre in relation to the circumference. In addition

to these two kinds of dualism in these regions, tripartitional organizations are also found. Lévi-Strauss wonders what relationships are to be found between these three kinds of organtzation. He closes his article with the remark that the study of the so-called dualistic systems according to current theory raises so many inconsistencies and conflicts that there is a temptation to consider the apparent forms of dualism as superficial distortions of structures whose true nature is quite different and often more complex. Although Lévi-Strauss has in my opinion seen the problem very clearly, I do not entirely agree with his elaboration of the data. I cannot here, however, enter into a critical discussion of this subject. I would only remark that it seems to me that with his third article Lévi-Strauss undermines the first and second. In the first he explained the internal opposition of these cultures in terms of pseudo-archaism. These oppositions, which in the second article he carries over to

that between bipartition and tripartition, he explains by means of a hypothetical, specific historical development. In the third article, finally, he explains this opposition by means of a general theory. The actually irreconcilable opposition between the bipartite and tripartite situa-

tions also occurred in Cuzco; but there it must be explained on the basis of the system of organization.

24 II. PRELIMINARY REMARKS could be touched on by referring to the organizations of other villages and provinces. In this manner many of the formal aspects of the ceque system were traced 6) 7). The formal analysis of the ceque system would, however, have been 1mpossible or without any significance if it had not been possible also to invest it with some meaning. As it appeared, certain factual data from the chronicles were shown to be most valuable because they were in complete agreement with the ceque system 8). It then became possible to interpret other material on the Inca civilisation which turned the social organisation of Cuzco into a living system and which was in complete agreement with the formal analysis of the 6) I would like to offer a few examples to clarify what the method, followed here, actually is. The ceque of each group of three ceque are called Collana, Payan and Cayao. The villages in the province of Collaguas were consistently divided into three ayllu, also called Collana, Payan and Cayao. These ayllu, each of which comprised 300 taxpayers, were in turn divided into three sub-ayllu of 100 men each, again called Collana, Payan and Cayao. The organization of the village of Acos, organized like the villages in Collaguas, made it possible to demonstrate that in Cuzco the three groups of three ceque each, indicated as 1, 2 and 3 in each of the four suyu, were mutually related as Collana, Payan and Cayao as well (see V § 1 pp. 114-122). The comparison of the organization of Cuzco with that of the villages in the environs, composed of four ayllu called Collana, Payan, Cayao and an, in every instance different, fourth name, lastly made it possible to prove that the names Collana, Payan and Cayao were also applicable to three of the four suyu of Cuzco (see IV § 2b pp. 81-84). 7) I must, however, refer to one point in this connection. Only a very small part of the very large amount of material available in the archives concerning the organization of villages and provinces in southern Peru, dealing primarily with their division into moieties, ayllu, sub-ayllu, etc., could be used for the purposes of the present study. Very few organizations showed a clearly recognizable structure which could be compared to the ceque system. It may be assumed that during the Spanish conquest all the existing organizations in southern Peru knew, at least as an ideal, a form of organization comparable to that described in this study for the ceque system. The spontaneous formation or preservation of these forms of organization was broken off or severely obstructed under Spanish influence. Various reasons for this may be indicated: the necessity for this formation was absent; Spanish influence had a destructive effect on it;

the population was decimated, so that certain parts of the organizations died out; Spanish territorial or social units such as villages, repartimientos, encomiendas, haciendas were formed,

which did not take into account the existing native social units; pre-conquest ayllu broke up into multiple ayllu. Another fact which made the data from the archives unsuitable was that ayllu bore not only generic names but also place names. In many cases the Spanish sources give only the place names. Both names were known for a number of ayllu, but for the minority only the generic names. Only the latter name could provide an indication of the organization of which the ayllu was a part. In view of all these factors it may indeed be considered remarkable that there was a sufficient quantity of data suitable for my purpose. 8) To illustrate this too with an example: Formal analysis has shown clearly that Chinchay. suyu (I) and Collasuyu (II) could be indicated as Collana and Payan. The chronicles indicate that the primary kin of the ruler were considered as belonging to Chinchaysuyu and the sub-

sidiary kin to Collasuyu and at the same time that Chinchaysuyu and Collasuyu were also indicated by Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco. It was therefore possible to equate the ColanaPayan relationship with that of primary-subsidiary and of Hanan-Hurin. These identifications were of the greatest value for the explanation of the ceque system and could be confirmed with various examples (see IV § 2a, b pp. 77-84).

II, PRELIMINARY REMARKS 25 ceque system. This new approach did, however, necessitate a wholly new examination of the chronicles, which produced a picture of the Inca civilisation of which the ceque system was the best and clearest expression. This is not surprising, for Lévi-Strauss (1955, p. 228-229) made a similar observation with

regard to the significance of the village lay-out in the whole of the Bororo culture.

For these reasons the ceque system was made the point of departure of this

study. The formal analysis of the ceque system and factual data from the chronicles confirmed each other completely. It always proved to be possible to check the facts against each other. The foundation of this point of departure consisted of solid facts and could gradually and justifiably be broadened. It also proved to be possible now to solve many problems, like that of the nature of the organization of Cuzco, the function of the panaca and of the ayllu within this organization; the significance of the so-called history and of the mythology within the Inca civilisation; the internal structure of the ayllu and its relationship to other social groups, not only in Cuzco but also certainly in the whole of South Peru if not beyond; the nature of the organization into moieties and of the organizational forms in which the divisions into three, into four and into five appeared; the nature and structure of the religious system; the function in Inca society of social groups like those of the yanacona, the aclla and the mamacona. There is also much, however, which can be regarded as being directly connected with the subjects under discussion which have to remain outside the scope of this study, like, for instance, the influence of the Inca forms of organization on the kinship system and kinship nomenclature; the organization of the whole Inca Empire as a direct extension of the organization of Cuzco; the economic situation. § 6. a) I want to draw attention to two reasons why this type of examination of Inca civilisation can be significant for anthropology and cultural history in

general. The first reason was already indicated by Lévi-Strauss (1958, p. 143-145) in three conclusions in his article “Les structures sociales dans le Brésil central et oriental’. In his first conclusion he says: “Tl n’est pas douteux que Bororo, Canella, Apinayé et Sherenté ont systématisé, chacun a leur maniére, des institutions réelles qui sont, a la fois, trés voisines, et plus simples que leur formulation explicite. Bien plus: les divers types de groupement qu’on rencontre dans ces sociétés: trois formes d’organisation dualiste, clans, sous-clans, classes d’age, associations, etc., ne représentent pas, comme en Australie autant de formations dotées d’une valeur fonctionnelle, mais plutdt une série de traductions, chacune partielle et incompléte, d’une méme structure sous-jacente qu’elles reproduisent a plusieurs exemplaires, sans jamais parvenir a exprimer ni a épuiser sa réalité.”

26 Il, PRELIMINARY REMARKS In his second conclusion Lévi-Strauss says that we must always be wary of confusing the natives’ theories about their social organization and the actual functioning of society. In the third conclusion Lévi-Strauss writes: “Derriére le dualisme et la symétrie apparente de la structure sociale, on devine une organisation tripartite et asymétrique plus fondamentale, au fonctionnement harmonieux de laquelle l’exigence d’une formulation dualiste impose des difficultés qui sont peut-étre insurmontables. Pourquoi des sociétés, qui sont ainsi entachées d’un fort coefficient d’endogamie, ont-elles un besoin si pressant de se mystifier elles-mémes, et de se concevoir comme régies par des institutions exogamiques d’une forme classique, mais dont elles n’ont aucune connaissance directe ?”’

This same problem occurs with relation to the Inca. The “. . . institutions réelles, ... plus simples que leur formulation explicite’” I called principles of organization in my theoretical outline of the organization of Cuzco 9). I should, nevertheless, prefer to approach the problem posed by Lévi-Strauss in a different way.

One of the reasons why the Australian organizations which Lévi-Strauss includes in his comparisons have been studied so many times and have therefore

become so well known, is their very clear and distinctive structure. Similar studies have been made, mainly in Leiden, of Indonesian systems. All these systems had in common that they consisted of unilineal clans, some combined with double unilineal marriage categories, which were dominated by one particular kinship system. In these cases one dealt with fairly clearcut situations which enabled one to clarify the particular processes which took place in these social systems and which were relevant in general anthropological theory. The systems which involved social groups based on kinship but not on unilineality were far less clearcut and therefore more difficult to expound. The Inca system of social organization seems to me to be an almost ideal medium for studying the systems which are based on non-unilineal kinship groups, like, for instance, the Brazilian systems discussed by Lévi-Strauss. The Inca system is simple and clearcut. This feature may have given it its superficial resemblance to the Australian systems. One can trace the uttermost consequences

of the premises on which it is based. It may well be that features inherent in systems which consist of non-unilineal kinship groups are best examined with reference to this system. By so doing the problem posed by Lévi-Strauss might even be formulated more simply and more cogently 1°). 9) See III. 10) I can perhaps briefly indicate the direction in which I seek the solution of the phenomenon indicated by Lévi-Strauss in his three conclusions. The ayllu was the group of all people who were descended from one particular ancestor. This formulation implies that in fact each group to which an individual was linked by father or mother or both could be considered as an

Il. PRELIMINARY REMARKS 27 b) The other point to which I wish to draw attention is the significance which the Inca civilisation could have for cultural history in general. As a so-called ‘higher’ culture it could be put on a level, for instance, with the cultures of Egypt or of Mesopotamia in the third millenium B.C. In the study of these so-called higher cultures the approach has usually been via the cultures which succeeded them. The aspects of these cultures which linked them with cultures which are traditionally studied by anthropological methods, remained in the dark. With regard to the Inca, one is dealing with such a higher culture, which was still in existence within the not so distant past, and fragments of which still survive. These can be clearly observed and studied in anthropological terms without the need for much recourse to hypothesis. The whole organization of the state was extrapolated from the organization of Cuzco, which was in turn based on kinship and on the application of kinship principles. Closely related organizational forms are encountered among peoples who until recently were ayllu; this holds also for the largest possible group in the Inca Empire, the empire itself. With the exception of certain rules concerning incest, each group could be considered as exogamous

or as endogamous according to the specific situation involved. If a man from group A, for instance, married a woman of group B, then A and B were placed in the exogamous relation which existed for it in the scheme of the social organization. (Good examples of this are given on the royal marriages. See V § 5-9 pp. 133-154). But if man A married a woman also belonging to A then they were both considered as part of two different subgroups of A, which subgroups in that case assumed an exogamous telation to each other, while A itself was an endogamous group (for examples of this see IV § 2 f pp. 89-91; V § 4c pp. 131-133; VI § 4b pp. 179-182; IX § 1 pp. 236-240). In an exogamous relation a group bore the character of a marriage class in an asymmetric connubium, whether or not included in an exogamous moiety; in an endogamous relation the same group bore the character of an ayllu. An individual thus always belonged to two groups: the first bore the character of an exogamous marriage class and the second was the endogamous group which consisted of the marriage classes of which the former was one. I have described this situation only in terms of the marital relationships. The relationships indicated were also , determined by other factors. Nonetheless, these relationships obtained their symbolic expression in terms of marital relationships. Although this situation can be completely elaborated for the Cuzco of the Inca, we possess no examples of how a given historical event was placed in the system of the organization of Cuzco. I am, however, able to give a modern example which is rather suggestive of how the system functioned in actuality (see VII pp. 211-212). Shown schematically, the situation in this example is as follows: Village A annually stages a ritual battle with the smaller villages B, C, D, etc. of the neighbourhood. Marriages are made with unmarried women captured from the opponents. Village A, however, has also — together with several other villages P, Q, R. etc. — a ritual battle with the small city X with the same consequences as in the first fight. We see here a hierarchy of groups with various representations of exogamy which carry various consequences for one particular group. In Chapter VI (§ 6 pp. 183-192) the fact is discussed that a group among the Inca could bear both an exogamous and an endogamous character. Now, the exogamous marriage classes were matrilineal, while the endogamous ayllu was considered to be patrilineal. Therefore I will show

also how the concepts of matrilineality and patrilineality were attached by the Inca to the functions of exogamy and endogamy.

Int. Arch. f. Ethn., Suppl. to Vol. L 4

28 II, PRELIMINARY REMARKS counted amongst the most primitive in South America. Lévi-Strauss (1958, p- 113-132) typifies the cultures of these peoples not as archaic but pseudoarchaic, because they are, in his opinion, not truly primitive but pauperised, by which he implies that their cultures in former times attained a higher level than they do at present. It seems as if he already suspected the existence of a link between the organizations of these peoples and that of the Inca. He mentions as an argument for this pseudo-archaism the occurrence in these pauperised cultures of contradictory elements which could not have originated in the regions where these people are found at present. I do not propose to discuss his theory and all his arguments here, but I wish only to note that the examples of contradictory elements he records in the social organization of these people, also occurred among the Inca. In Inca culture the contradictory elements emerge from

the system of organization. It is likely, therefore, that they can be similarly explained in Brazil. The most important point to me (which by no means detracts from Lévi-Strauss’ argument) is that within the higher culture, like that of the Inca, a form of organization was applied which was closely related

to forms of organization applied among primitive peoples, like those in Brazil. : In both instances, these related forms of organization were shown to be viable.

§ 7. In this study I have approached a culture in the way that, for instance,

Granet (1939) approached that of ancient China and Held (1935) that of

ancient India. There is one important difference. Granet and Held devised their , own framework within which they examined and attempted to describe as clearly and simply as possible the structure of the societies in question. The limitations they encountered were largely self-imposed. The Inca, on the other hand, had a framework for society, the ceque system, devised by themselves, which was highly complicated, but of which they themselves recognised all the implications

and consequences. Their own theories about the values of their culture and their | views on this subject, were best expressed in the ceque system. I have attempted | merely to translate the Inca expression of the ceque system: in social organization, religion, mythology and so-called history, into anthropological terms. The |

Inca methods of formulation were frequently as exact as those of science. |

Lévi-Strauss argued in his second conclusion, cited above, that a distinction :

should be made between the theories a people may have itself about its social organization, and the actual functioning of this society. In my own research I

was limited almost exclusively to the examination of the first element of this | distinction. The actual functioning — and what should ‘actual’ be understood | to mean? — cannot, in my opinion, be understood until the indigenous theories | about the organization are clearly understood. But then we discover that, for | instance, the organization of Cuzco, or that of the ayllu, as the general designa-

|

|

Il. PRELIMINARY REMARKS 29 tion of a group, was not and could not be concerned with particular, narrowly

defined groups of people who were organized in one particular way; they referred rather to concepts, theories, or structural principles (if one wants to use this term) dealing with social processes, which took place largely outside the active will of the Inca 11). The question which should be asked, therefore, is whether the form of organization primarily determined the social processes, or whether, after a particular process had taken place, a particular representation of the event was not rather devised within the known forms of organization.

Without an understanding of the Inca theories and concepts of their own culture, this, as recorded in the chronicles, would be wholly unintelligible. Only with this understanding can many historical facts and events of the Inca period and later history, become intelligible 12) 13), Beside the advantages the ceque system offered as a reliable means of describing the culture, it also had the disadvantage that it involved the detailed examination of its great complexity. This book inescapably reflects this complexity.

§ 8. One difficulty not usually encountered in research based on contemporary anthropological material, was that my material consisted mainly of myths, pseudo-historical events, etc., which had, moreover, been recorded in the chronicles for completely different purposes than for which I have employed them. Although the material itself is mostly clear enough if one is conscious of the purpose it has served, the form in which it is presented nevertheless often detracts from its clarity. So, too, does the method by which it has to be extracted from the chronicles. Finally, it should be noted that the evidence, which 1s widely scattered among the different chronicles, some of which are extremely difficult to consult, is usually presented in an abominable style which renders its examination and the tracing of important details virtually impossible. Before surveying the chronicles I used, I wish to say something about them in general. Several surveys have been made of the chronicles (e.g. Means, 1928; Baudin, 1928; Rowe, 1946; Santisteban Ochdéa, 1946; Horkheimer, 1950; Porras 11) It may even be asked whether it is not possible that the highly trained quality of Inca thought and the conscious conversion of a many-coloured mosaic of human society to a scheme which was simple in its design and which permitted the realisation of as many as possible of the values of the culture in a flexible manner — whether these factors did not play a large part in the accomplishment of a truly organized empire which consisted of more than a loose group of vassal states, paying tribute to a small group of conquerors. The Inca applied the organization

of Cuzco to that of the entire empire. 12) J have given some examples of this. See VII pp. 211-212 and IX § 2 pp. 240-241. 183) For a more extensive and theoretical discussion of the distinction made here between the population’s own theories about their social organization and its actual functioning I refer to the study by P. E. de Josselin de Jong on De visie der participanten op hun cultuur (The participants’ view of their culture) 1956.

30 I]. PRELIMINARY REMARKS Barrenechea, 1955). In these surveys, the authors and their chronicles were discussed mainly in relation to the position they occupied in Spanish history. Their reliability was evaluated primarily on the basis of what could be said about the authors themselves. There was far less opportunity for evaluating their reliability in relation to their data on the Inca culture. It seems to me that these two aspects

of reliability must be clearly distinguished. I shall offer no general opinion as to the second aspect of the reliability of the chronicles; not enough 1s known for such an evaluation. I could evaluate data, from whichever chronicler, only on the basis of the ceque system, the material from the archives, comparison with the Brazilian cultures and the relations with other data.

Owing to this working method I was unable to derive support from the work of other authors. I did not take into account the origin of data from the chronicles in the use I made of it. Some impression, however, of my opinion of the usefulness of any particular chronicle in relation to my subject can be

gained from the degree in which I made use of it. Thus, I have made much use of Sarmiento’s chronicle of 1572; there was also very important material in the chronicles by Crist6bal de Molina, of about 1573, in Perez Bocanegra’s book of 1631, in the chronicles of the Indian Joan de Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua of about 1613, and that by Felipe Poma de Ayala, written between 1584 and 1614.

One advantage of this method was that much of the material from the chronicles which their authors had recorded for no other reason than that they had got it from their informants, could be used. The significance of this material was probably often not appreciated by the chroniclers themselves. No desire to prove anything can therefore have played a role in its recording; this fact cannot

but increase the reliability of the material. The division, by Means, of the chronicles into a ‘Garcilaso school’, which was pro-Inca, and a ‘Toledo school’, which was supposed to be anti-Inca because it saw the Inca as conquerors and suppressors, seems to me to make no sense at all, quite apart from the question whether an author like Sarmiento can be labelled as being anti-Inca, I do think, however, that a distinction should be made between Murua and Poma de Ayala on the one hand and all the other chroniclers on the other. For Murta and Poma de Ayala show much resemblance in their material which varies from that of the other authors. These two men knew each other. There can be no question only of mutual copying because they both mention wholly original material as well.

I do not consider the fact that their opinions vary from those of the other authors, detracts from the reliability of Murua or Poma. It is necessary, however, to attempt to trace the reasons for this variation, for which, in one instance, an explanation can be given 14). 14) See IX § 1 pp. 236-240.

II, PRELIMINARY REMARKS 31 In the following discussion on the chroniclers I shall mention only the most important ones whose work has been quoted in this book, and I shall indicate only their relevance to this study. The sequence in which I enumerate them is, as far as possible, in the order of their importance. For further comment on the authors I refer in the first place to Rowe (1946, p. 192-197). The ceque system itself is described in the Historia del Nuevo Mundo written in about 1653 by the Jesuit Bernabé Cobo (1956), in the chapter called Relacién

de los ceques. He had probably taken the material from a manuscript by Crist6bal de Molina, ‘el Cuzquefio’, which has since been lost. A deal of other, important material is also preserved in Cobo’s book. The gaps in the Relacién de los ceques with regard to the social groups which had a role in the ceque system, are filled completely by data from Molina’s chronicle and partly by that from Sarmiento’s. The most material by far could be taken from Sarmiento’s chronicle (1947), written in 1572 at the command of the viceroy Toledo. Sarmiento, moreover, records the informants he used. Of all the chronicle material, his is probably the best co-ordinated. Doubtful elements in some of his most important data could be explained from material from the other chronicles on the same subjects. Cristobal de Molina (1943) was a priest in Cuzco. He was called el Cuzquefio to distinguish him from a contemporary chronicler of the same name. In about 1573 he wrote a most interesting chronicle about Inca religious practices in Cuzco which still merits a great deal of further research. I touched on Molina’s importance above when discussing Cobo. Juan de Betanzos (1880) wrote his chronicle in about 1551. This chronicle deals almost exclusively with events connected with Pachacuti. The significance of these events lay in the way in which they were the expression of one particular element of the organization of Cuzco 15). In this respect, Betanzos provides the best material. His material demonstrates an accuracy and co-ordination which is unequalled by the other authors. His material, moreover, is corroborated by that of other authors. One wonders whether Betanzos did not obtain his material from informants who belonged to Pachacuti’s panaca. One might also wonder

whether in fact Sarmiento also had informants who were of the panaca of Yahuar Huacac, the seventh ruler, which enabled him to be far more detailed and accurate about this ruler than any of the other chroniclers. Joan de Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua (1950) (henceforth called Pachacuti Yamqui) belonged to an Indian chiefs’ family from Canas province which was situated in the Aymara linguistic area, about 100 KM distance from Cuzco. He composed his chronicle in about 1613. His description of the myth of 15) See III; IV § 2a pp. 77-80, § 5 pp. 103-113.

32 II, PRELIMINARY REMARKS origin of the Inca is, nevertheless, not only more detailed and clearer, when compared with Sarmiento’s version, but also better reflects its significance with regard to the social organization of the Inca. The perusal of Pachacuti’s text,

however, was made particularly difficult by the nature of his style, It will probably be a long time before full use has been made of his chronicle. These observations about Pachacuti Yamqui apply to an even greater extent

to Poma de Ayala (1944). He wrote between the years 1584 and 1614. His description of the age groups among the aclla, which was corroborated by data from Pachacuti Yamqui, was of particular interest to me. Poma’s description of the organization of Aymaraes province agrees completely with the data in the archives. A great deal of his other material might similarly prove to be valuable. It has not yet been proved, as Rowe asserts, that his observations on the so-called history of the Inca are unreliable. They merely seem to indicate the existence of a divergent tradition. Gutierrez de Santa Clara, a Mexican mestizo, lived between about 1520 and 1603. He fought in the civil wars in Peru and wrote their histories. He devoted a few chapters in these books to the Inca, which were of particular importance to me. He is the only chronicler who asserts that it was not Manco Capac, the first Inca ruler, who conquered Cuzco, but either Pachacuti, the ninth, or his

son Tupac Yupanqui. His description of the organization of Cuzco and his picture of Inca history are consistent with this assumption. In his history he ascribes to the rulers before Pachacutt (except in the version of a dynasty of rulers which was also known to him) the position as contemporary chiefs of groups in the organization of Cuzco. This internal consistency renders his material valuable and reliable in my vision, especially because his description of

the organization of Cuzco agrees completely with those by Sarmiento and Betanzos. Although the material of the latter two also bore closely on Pachacuti, their historical interpretation was completely different 16). The value and reliability of the Comentarios Reales of 1609, by Garcilaso de

la Vega (1945), which used to be tated very highly, are at present often doubted. It is difficult to separate reliable and unreliable material. The reliability of much of the material can, indeed, be questioned on account of the purposes for which Garcilaso used them. Some of it is not necessarily inaccurate. Other parts I could make very good use of, as for instance the tradition, recorded only by Garcilaso, regarding the four rulers, among them Manco Capac, who came from Lake Titicaca and divided the earth between them. This material of Garcilaso’s can be shown, with that of other authors, to fit completely within the larger framework of the organization of Cuzco. 16) See VI § 9 pp. 203-207.

II. PRELIMINARY REMARKS 33 I shall express no opinions about Blas Valera, a Peruvian Jesuit who had a native mother, and who was often quoted by Garcilaso. On the evidence of other material I would say that his material on the priests and their organizations, in

as far as I have made use of it, is reliable. In this opinion I differ from Rowe (1946, p. 300), who, I think, did not have sufficient data for comparison. In 1551 Cieza de Leon wrote his Crénica del Peru (1945) in the form of a travel diary, composed during his journeys as a soldier. In that same year he also

wrote the Segunda parte... (1943), which consists of a complete description of Inca civilisation. Some of his data, to which later authors did not refer, were extremely useful to me. The descriptions by Polo de Ondegardo, a lawyer, of several aspects of Inca civilisation, written between 1561 and 1571, and the Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias, by the Jesuit José de Acosta (1954), published by him in 1590, agree in their versions of Inca history which otherwise diverge from the traditional one. It is not possible that Acosta merely copied Polo, for he adds certain data which, in the first place, link up logically with the rest of the material, and, secondly, can be checked from Sarmiento’s chronicle. Moreover, the shift from

Gutierrez’s version of Inca history to that of all the other authors can be explained only from Polo’s and Acosta’s versions. It was their work which finally made it possible to assign to the Inca rulers their proper places in the ceque system.

I would value the chronicle by Martin de Murta (1613) more highly than does Rowe. In 1953 I consulted a photostat copy of the manuscript which a pupil of Professor Manuel Ballesteros Gaibrois, of Madrid, had just discovered \ in the library of the Duke of Wellington in London. This manuscript is far more detailed and complete than that used for Constantino Bayle’s edition (Murta 1946), which already compared favourably with the one (Murua, 1922-25) with which Rowe had to be satisfied. This manuscript from London contains all the chapters which are missing in the other editions, as well as the drawings which are mentioned in these other editions but not reproduced. The chapters have also been much better edited, even if sometimes completely differently and more comprehensively and the Indian names are usually spelt more accurately. In this study I shall refer only to this manuscript. Unfortunately, this chronicle has not yet been published. This, and several other chronicles, I was able to consult only in Spain or in Peru and I was, therefore, unable to refer back to them when new possibilities presented themselves in particular problems. Perez Bocanegra’s book (1631) was a manual for priests in Indian villages.

It has not, as far as I know, been used hitherto in research on the Inca. Perez Bocanegra for a long time had a parish in Andahuaylillas, a village not very far from Cuzco, and it can be assumed that his material relates to situations in his

34 I], PRELIMINARY REMARKS village. The questions which he recommends for use in the confessional are in fact provided with their own answers. In this way we are furnished with solid facts about a particular group of Indians. Perez Bocanegra also wrote about kinship nomenclature and the kinship system of the Indians. One of the most important works about pre-conquest Peru is that by the Jesuit Francisco de Avila (1939). At the beginning of the seventeenth century he collected Indian myths in Huarochiri, a village near Lima, Because these myths relate only to Huarochiri, I have made little use of them in this book. Arriaga (1920), who, like Avila, was an ‘Estirpador de la idolatria’, recorded important material on the religion of the Indians, mainly those of Central Peru. Important chronicles of the sixteenth century which covered the whole of the Inca civilisation, were those by Miguel Cabello Valboa (1951) and Bartolomé

de las Casas (1939). Those by Roman y Zamora (1897) and Anello Oliva (1895) were of less importance and contained but little original material. I used the Informaciones, by the Viceroy Francisco de Toledo (1940), consisting of comments by old Indians who were questioned between 1570 and 1572, exclusively to supplement Sarmiento’s chronicle, which was also composed

at Toledo's instructions, with regard to the ayllu that existed in Cuzco before the Inca. In chapter VIII I have shown the value of the list of more than a hundred Inca rulers recorded by Fernando de Montesinos (1957). Montesinos lived from 1593 to 1655 (?). In his ‘Compendium y descripcton de las Indias Occidentales, Antonio V4zquez de Espinosa, who died in 1630, gives a geographical description of the then Spanish Americas. The few chapters about the Inca derive their material mainly from Garcilaso, but they also contain some very interesting data from unknown SOUICES.

I was able to make much use of the Relaciones Geograficas (1881-97), which are descriptions of the provinces composed at the instructions of the Spanish

king in the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth centuries. Another description by Christébal de Castro and Diego Ortega Morej6n (1936)

of 1558 is of the Chincha valley on the South coast of Peru at the time of the Inca.

Fernando de Santillan (1950), a lawyer, wrote in 1563, mainly about administrative affairs in the Inca Empire. In his Hzstorza General... Antonio de Herrera, who lived from about 1545 to 1624, and who had never himself been in America, made use of chronicles which have since been lost. Finally, I was also able to make good use, not only for translating words but also for obtaining information on the Inca civilisation, of the grammar (1951 a)

and the dictionary (1951b) of 1560, by Domingo de Santo Tomas, and the

II, PRELIMINARY REMARKS 35 grammar (1607) and dictionary (1608) by Diego Gonzales Holguin (referred to henceforth as Holguin), both of the Quechua language, and of the grammar and the dictionary by Ludovico Bertonio (1612), of the Aymara language as it was spoken in Juli, on Lake Titicaca. § 9. Of modern authors, five, Seler, Uhle, Latcham, Jijén y Caamafio and Val' carcel directed their attention especially to the organization of Cuzco. It is remarkable that, with the exception of the first, they were all obsessed by the question of

the origin of Cuzco and of the Inca, and did not examine the organization of this town on its own merits. Eduard Seler (1915) gave the best approach to the problem in his lecture, Uber die soziale Stellung des Khapax Inca, at the Congress of Americanists in 1894. He made a clear distinction between the different categories of social units which are important for a description of the organization of Cuzco. He already posed the question whether the dynasty of rulers was not a fictitious one. He concluded by asking whether all the members of the actually ruling family in Cuzco did not belong to one ayllu, namely the Khapax ayllu, a conclusion which seems to me to be wholly acceptable.

" Uhle (1912), in his article Los ori genes de los Incas, tried first by linguistic and subsequently by archaeological methods to reach some conclusions about the origin of the Inca, in order to be able to use for this same purpose the material on the panaca, i.e. the groups formed by the descendants of the different rulers,

and the other groups of which the organization of Cuzco consisted. Although Uhle denied the reality of the existence of the dynasty of rulers and regarded the rulers as having been no more than the chiefs of the different panaca, he nevertheless used the material on the social groups of Cuzco for his historical reconstructions. He took his material about these groups from Sarmiento’s, Cobo’s and Molina’s chronicles, i.e. he used the same data I used for my point of departure. From among these sources, Seler used only Sarmiento’s and Molina’s chronicles. Cobo’s material is found in the “Relacién de los ceques’’, which was based on the ceque system. Uhle made no use himself of the ceque system. I was unable - to corroborate Uhle’s conclusions about the organization of Cuzco. In 1928 Ricardo Latcham wrote his book Los Incas. Sus origenes y sus ayllus

(The Inca. Their origin and their ayllu). The concepts with which Latcham explains the organization of Cuzco and the Inca civilisation, are those of matriarchy and totemism. On the basis of the few existing facts, several of which he gives without reference to their sources, he produces such a mass of gratuitous

assumptions, that his results can only be called a figment of the imagination. Thus he speaks, for instance, of a ‘council of old women’ among the Inca. It transpires afterwards that on the basis of the resemblance which he recognised between the civilisations of the Iroquois and the Inca, he concluded that such a

36 Il, PRELIMINARY REMARKS council must have existed among the Inca as it did among the Iroquois, although he had not a scrap of evidence to support this assumption. Jijon y Caamafio (1959), in his Los origenes del Cuzco of 1934, like Uhle uses archaeological and linguistic methods in his arguments, side by side with

the material from the chronicles about the different social groups in Cuzco. Although Jij6n y Caamafo uses far more material than Latcham and documents it better, his conclusions do not seem to me to be much more felicitous. Jij6n was of the opinion, for instance, that four different periods could be distinguished in the history of Cuzco, which were that of Aymara domination, followed by one of Quechua influence, one of domination by the Atacameno from North Chile, and finally a further period of domination by the Quechua. His evidence does

not, in my opinion, by any means justify such conclusions. It can in fact be safely said that hardly anything is known yet about this history. Finally, there 1s Valcarcel, who in his article Sobre el origen del Cuzco. Resumen (On the origin of Cuzco. A resumé) of 1939, restricts himself to recording, point by point, the data on the first groups of people living in Cuzco, on the origin myths and the opinions of Uhle, Jijon y Caamafo and Latcham. He ends with a few conclusions.

I shall mention two other books which are not restricted to the subject of Cuzco and its organization. In 1946 Imbelloni (1946) published his Pachakutz IX. (El Inkario Critico). This book is centred around two main points. In the first place he points to the significance of the number ten in the genealogy of the Inca rulers and suggests that there was question of only five rulers in this

genealogy. His second point is the central position occupied by the ruler Pachacuti and the significance of his name, which means ‘world change’. Although Imbelloni supported his arguments with too few facts, I think that he

looked in the right direction for a solution of the problems of the history of the Inca as it has been recorded. Kirchhoff (1949) wrote a short article, ‘The social and political organization of the Andean peoples’ in the Handbook of South-American Indians. In it he restricts himself mainly to the Inca Empire and its capital. This article seems to me to be the first level-headed, accurate approach to the problem. I doubt, however, the validity of his distinction between the social organizations of the Andean peoples and those of other peoples in South America on the grounds that the former systems are based on kinship to a lesser degree than the latter. Although we shall never know what the actual situation was among the Andean

peoples at the time of the Spanish conquest, their social organization was probably described no less in kinship terms than those of other peoples, as will appear in the present study of the organization of Cuzco 17). 17) Kirchhoff divides his articles into the following sections: Introduction; kinship and social

II, PRELIMINARY REMARKS 37 I shall discuss no other modern authors on the Inca civilisation. In the present study I was faced by a special problem. I saw two possibilities of solving this problem which were, however, mutually exclusive. One way was to extend my studies into present-day literature on the subject in the hope that this would produce a solution. Such a study would have resulted mainly in reconnaissance work and, as I hope to have demonstrated, in an abortive attempt critically to study the present-day literature on the subject. In view of past experiences with this literature, I did not consider that the problem would come any nearer to its solution by this method.

Secondly, I could attempt to solve the problem myself, and I was of the opinion that I had all the material necessary for this method at my disposal. This was the method I chose and which I hope has been productive. This study has inevitably acquired a highly specialised and technical character. Much more research will have to be done in order to achieve a general, critical discussion of the traditional image of the Inca civilisation. It will perhaps then

be possible to acquaint the non-specialist with the real nature of the Inca civilisation. Stratification; age groups; numerically patterned groupings; empire organization and conquest; the church.

Although the entire article is extremely clearly written, the reader finds solid ground under his feet only in the sections ‘age groups’ and ‘numerically patterned groupings’ because only there are concrete data discussed. He mentions for the age groups several ‘systems of age grades’

in the various provinces. Although he notes the regularity of the time intervals in the age groups, his interpretation of the data is only partially correct and he has not fully grasped the system on which the regularity is based. For the ‘numerically patterned groups’ he confines himself to those of Cuzco. He distinguishes

1) a division into the moieties Hanan- and Hurin-Cuzco; 2) a division into ten clans — five in each moiety —, each founded by one of the rulers; the four districts (suyu); a division of the region around Cuzco by means of the ceque. He makes no suppositions concerning the sig-

nificance of these groupings. Remarkably enough, under 2) he does not report the ten nonaristocratic clans or ayllu. Since, however, he assumes in the first section that the ayllu in the Inca Empire each comprised both aristocratic and non-aristocratic individuals, I surmise that according to him in Cuzco the ten aristocratic panaca each formed one ayllu together with a non-aristocratic ayllu. As may be seen from my whole argumentation in this study, this conclusion

cannot be correct. Kirchhoff sees the division into four districts as deriving from the Aymara, from the region around and to the south of Lake Titicaca. He gives no evidence for this proposition — which in my opinion can be shown with many examples to be incorrect. Although Kirchhoff recognises a typical structure in the organization of ten panaca, in his penultimate section he accepts the Inca presentation of the origin of the panaca, two facts which cannot be logically reconciled. This section and the one on ‘kinship and social stratification’ consist so largely of general assertions — after each of which the reader is constrained to put a

question mark, even though he can agree with some of them — that I shall not discuss these sections. The difficulty is again that Kirchhoff here, in contrast to his description of the numerically patterned groups, cannot make use of a concrete situation, so that none of the assertions supplies material for further investigation, the more so since hardly any reference is made to material in the literature. This also holds, to a lesser extent, for the section on the church.

38 I]. PRELIMINARY REMARKS § 10. In the following chapters the organization of Cuzco will be compared with those of villages and provinces in South Peru. In some of these the Aymara language was spoken, in other Quechua, the language the Inca themselves also used. Because there are no indications in the social organizations of the peoples of the two linguistic areas of a distinction in types of social organization corresponding to the linguistic one, I shall make no distinctions based on linguistic material.

When native names are used, I adopt the spelling current in the chronicles or in present-day Peru. No attempt has been made to produce a scientific orthography, especially since in most of the translations of passages from the chronicles, the words had in any case to be reproduced in the spelling in which they occurred in these passages; a more scientific orthography would involve interpretations which might not be justified.

CHAPTER THREE

THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO § 1. The descriptions which the Spanish chroniclers have left us of the organization of Cuzco are based wholly on information from people who had themselves, or whose parents of grandparents had, Jived under the Inca Empire. Of the city of Cuzco, as it had been organized under the Inca, the Spanish saw

little or nothing at all. Even documents which might have corroborated the informants’ accounts, were wholly non-existent. The chroniclers — and later scholars with them — therefore accepted the image of Cuzco imparted to them by their informants at its face value. They interpreted their data in the light of their own culture and of what they saw as similar manifestations in their own culture. Of the system of organization of Cuzco, as their informants presented it, the real nature and the concepts behind it eluded them. A description and examination of the system was for this reason the main purpose of this study. The organization of the Inca Empire as a whole was an extension and extrapolation of the system of organization of Cuzco. A study of the organization

of the capital is therefore the best point of departure for that of the whole Inca Empire.

§ 2. The sources on the organization of Cuzco appear to be mutually and internally contradictory. I shall give two examples. About Manco Capac we read

(Sarmiento 1947, cap. 11, p. 117) that he founded the Inca dynasty called Capac ayllu. We also learn from the same source (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 54, p-. 235) that Capac ayllu (I 1b) was founded by Tupac Yupanqui, the tenth ruler of the same dynasty, and that the panaca of Manco Capac was Chima panaca (IV 2 b) (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 14, p. 134). Another example: in the passages cited in chapter I from Cobo, Molina and Sarmiento, Chinchaysuyu and Antisuyu together were called Hanan-Cuzco (because the panaca of the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco belonged to these two suyu) and Collasuyu and Cuntisuyu together were called Hurin-Cuzco (because the panaca of the rulers of HurinCuzco belonged to these two suyu). Othez chroniclers, however, call only Chinchaysuyu Hanan-Cuzco, and Collasuyu Hurin-Cuzco1). As will appear later, these contradictory accounts cannot all be fitted into a single description of the social organization of Cuzco, since they relate to different representations of this 1) See IV § 2a pp. 77-80, § 4 p. 102.

40 Il]. THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO

system. Several of these representations can be treated as one because they vary only in detail. Altogether there appear to have been three different representa-

tions of the organization of Cuzco. The differences between them stemmed from the different ways in which the relationships of the social groups mentioned in connection with the ceque system were regarded. These groups could thus be placed in wider associations in different ways. Certain individuals could appear as the representatives of different groups; certain generic names could, likewise, stand for different social groups in the ceque system. The representations of the organization of Cuzco were, however, all three based on combinations of three basic principles of organization which might be described as the division into three, or tripartition, into four, or quadripartition, and into five, or quinquepartition. In order to set out the line of argument in the following chapters, I shall in this chapter outline these three principles of organtzation and their combinations which resulted in the three different representations. This chapter may be considered as an, — entirely theoretical —, summary of the description of the organization of Cuzco, and at the same time as a proposition to be proved. The argumentation in the following chapters cannot, because of the nature of the evidence, be presented in the same logical sequence as in

this theoretical review. I shall therefore now indicate in compressed type where and in what way the evidence is provided in the present study. The chapters covering the three representations of the organization of Cuzco require not only a description of these representations, but also a development of the

theory on which the organization of Cuzco was based, which amounts to a description of the principles of organization and their operation in this organization. In the sections concerning the three representations a resumé will, therefore, be given, of the relevant chapters, indicating the main lines of the argument.

At the end of this chapter a discussion of the nature of the principles of organization and their interrelation is given.

§ 3. The first principle of organization was based on a division of the society into three groups. I shall call these groups Collana, Payan and Cayao, names which we have already come across in the ceque system. The relationships between the three groups is described in various ways in the different chronicles. The combination of this first principle of organization with a second one added several other factors to these descriptions. The facts of the relationships of the three groups relevant to our investigation, are as follows. The point of departure in any account of the organization of society was invariably the position of those most highly placed in it. Collana indicated the endogamous group of ego and of the ancestors of all Collana people. All Collana

people were the primary kin (also called the legal kin) of ego. The rest of humanity, not related to Collana, and from which Collana men could choose their subsidiary wives, was called Cayao. (These wives are those referred to by

lil, THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO 41

the Spanish as “illegitimate’’.) The offspring of the subsidiary unions of Collana

men with non-Collana women, were called Payan. That is to say that the existence of Payan was explained from the two different functions Collana could fulfill in society: that of an endogamous and that of an exogamous group. But Payan and Cayao could also function as endogamous groups. The mutual relationships between Collana, Payan and Cayao were regarded as corresponding to those between the group of aristocratic rulers, that of their assistants, servants and substitutes, and that of the non-aristocratic population. We shall enter later into the meanings and translations of the terms Collana, Payan and Cayao 2). Synonyms also occur, instead of these terms. The names Allauca (right), Chaupi (centre) and Ychoc, Choque or Lloque (left) are also used, mainly in central Peru. In the Aymara linguistic area in South Peru the

words Cupi (right), Chaupi or Taypi, and Checa (left) are substituted. The word Chauin, also used in Cuzco itself, can be regarded as meaning the same as Chaupi, Taypi or Payan 3). In contrast to the following principle of organization and the combination of the two, that of Collana-Payan-Cayao appears also in an essentially pure form without contributory factors which confuse recognition of it. a) The most distinct is the mutual relation between Collana, Payan and Cayao as primary kin of ego, subsidiary kin and non-related individuals described in terms of the first representation (Chapter IV, § 2 a, b pp. 77-84). According to Betanzos, the ruler — and probably all his predecessors and successors — with his primary kin belonged to I and his subsidiary kin to II. Betanzos also gives a definition of the distinction primary/subsidiary. Non-related people belonged to III + IV. Comparison of the suyu organization in Cuzco with the organization of a few villages makes it clear that in their mutual relationship I = Collana,

IJ = Payan and III + IV = Cayao (Chapter IV, § 2 b pp. 81-84). In the second representation the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco, presented as heads of certain groups in Cuzco, belong to Collana and the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco as their subsidiary brothers to Payan; the group from which they all choose their wives is Cayao (Chapter V, § 3 pp. 128-129). Comparison of Cuzco with other organizations enables us to see, in the second presentation, Collana in the group

T1+ [1+ Il] 1 + IV 1; Payan inI 2 + IJ 2 + III 2 + IV 2 and Cayao

inl 3 + 113 + WI 3 + IV 3 (Chapter V, § 1 pp. 114-122). From page 129 to 154 I show why the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco, those of HurinCuzco and their wives can be connected in this presentation with these three groups respectively.

We have already met the Collana-Payan-Cayao relationship of the third re2) See lV § 1c pp. 71-75, V notes 157, 159. 3) Chauin is probably a form derived from Chaupi, and is composed of chau — according

to Lira’s dictionary an apocope of chaupi — with a suffix. The word chauin is used in an unmistakable way in place of chaupi, for instance, in the organization of the village of Pasco in Central Peru, where in 1722 (A.N.L. Leg. IX, cuaderno 220) occurred the three groups: Collana, Chauin and Ychoca.

42 Ill. THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO

presentation in the description of the ceque system given in chapter I. There I assumed that the panaca of the rulers, i.e. the groups formed by their descendants

(with the exception of the successor to the throne), were connected with the ceque Payan and the non-related population with the ceque Cayao (Chapter I, § 4 pp. 8-10). It was assumed that the rulers themselves were associated with the ceque Collana.

b) Where no indication of groups by the terms Collana, Payan and Cayao was encountered, identification was often made possible by the fact that to Collana were also assigned the rulers, to Payan “the lords of the land” and to Cayao the priests. These distinguishing features were described by Sarmiento (Chapter IV, § 3 b p. 95 § 4 pp. 101-102). They are employed 1.a. in the following passages: Chapter IV § 3 b p. 97, § 5 b pp. 103-107, § 5 d pp. 110-113; V §§ 4, 5 pp. 129-139, §§ 8, 9 pp. 149-154, § 13 pp. 166-170; VI § 3 a, b pp. 174-176, § 9c, d pp. 205-207. An explanation of these distinguishing features — which were connected with the role which Collana, Payan and Cayao played in the second principle of organization, that of quadripartition — is given in Chapter V, §§ 10-12 pp. 155-166, especially as concerns Collana and Cayao.

c) The distinguishing feature of Payan, i.e. being “the lords of the land”, probably derives from another description given of the relationship Collana, Payan, Cayao. In it, Payan was the established population of a village or city, Collana were the Inca conquerors and rulers from Cuzco, and Cayao the pop-

ulation living in the area around the village or city (see e.g. Chapter IV, § 4 pp. 101-103). While in the material under a) Collana and Payan can be taken together as the Inca, in opposition to Cayao as the non-Inca, in the description of Collana-Payan-Cayao under c) Collana is taken alone, as the conquerors, in opposition to Payan and Cayao, as the conquered. On the latter contrast are based two descriptions of the third representation of Cuzco (Chapter VI, § 8 pp. 199202, § 9 pp. 203-207). The same group, Payan, could thus be considered as belonging to the conquerors, 1.e. the Inca, and to the conquered. d) Use is made of the hierarchical opposition ‘described above (Collana = aristocratic rulers, Payan = assistants, servants and substitutes and Cayao = non-

aristocratic population) in: Chapter IV, § 2 a pp. 78-79, § 4 pp. 102-103; V§ 4b pp. 130-131, § 7 a pp. 140-141; VI § 6 pp. 183-192.

§ 4. The second principle of organization was the quadripartition, which provided the framework for marriage relationships within the endogamous group. This consisted of four matrilineal marriage classes, linked by asymmetric cross-cousin marriage with MoBroDa and divided into two matrilineal, exogamous moieties. The proper Inca names for the moieties were Hanan (upper) and

Hurin (lower), although these terms could not be used for the moieties in all

contexts. |

It is easier to demonstrate that in the three representations of the organization of Cuzco various forms of quadripartition occurred than that these four divisions constituted the described matrilineal marriage classes related by the asymmetric connubium by means of the marriage with MoBroDa. The second principle of organization is expressed most clearly in the second representation of the organization of Cuzco (see Chapter V, §§ 3-9 pp. 128-154).

Ill, THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO 43

In the first representation I have demonstrated first that a quadripartition was

found within suyu I (Chapter IV, § 2 c pp. 84-85) and suyu II (Chapter IV, § 2 d pp. 86-88). I argue next that the four divisions in each suyu were considered by the Inca as marriage classes. Making use of the results obtained in this manner, the second principle of organization became recognizable in other places as well (see Chapter IV, § 5 a-c pp. 103-110; VI § 3 pp. 174-178; IX § 1 pp. 236-240). Although the quadripartition could thus be demonstrated in many cases, the

existence of the second principle of organization could only be inferred indirectly, — except perhaps in the second representation of the organization of Cuzco —,, as discussed in Chapter IV, §§ 1-3 pp. 68-101. And we must still take into account the fact that this may only be a representation of facts created by the Inca. For a theory of the existence and origin of this representation, see Chapter III, § 13 pp. 62-67, where it is argued that the second principle of organization had its origin in and was a logical result of the first principle. The consequences of this connection are discussed in Chapter IV, § 3 pp. 91-101, and indicated in the following section of this chapter.

§5 These first two principles of organization were combined in three ways. These combinations could be encountered in every one of the three different representations of the organization of Cuzco. To begin with, the Collana, Payan

and Cayao groups were each regarded as being divided into four marriage classes. With the joining together of the corresponding marriage classes in these

three groups, every one of the four marriage classes could be said to consist ' of one Collana, one Payan and one Cayao part. Secondly, under influence of the system of marriage classes, Collana, Payan and Cayao themselves were considered to be three matrilineal marriage classes, linked together by the asymmetric cross-cousin marriage with MoBroDa. Collana

was the marriage class of ego, Payan that of the son: Cayao was therefore regarded as the marriage class of the father. Owing to the asymmetric connubium between the three groups as marriage classes, however, Collana was also the class of FaFaFa, and Payan that of FaFa. Several characteristics of the kinship system in fact agree with a system of three matrilineal marriage classes. Thirdly, the names, or concepts, Collana, Payan and Cayao were also applied to the marriage classes in the organization of four matrilineal marriage classes.

Again, Collana was the marriage class of ego, and Cayao that of the father. Payan, however, could be the marriage class either of the son or of the grandfather, but not of both, and Collana was no longer the marriage class of FaFaFa, but that of FaFaFaFa. The Inca regarded the second and third combinations of the two principles of organization not as two unrelated possibilities which could be applied separately and independently. Although tt was impossible in reality, these two combinations were regarded as two different aspects of one and the same form of organization. The impossibilities they tried to circumvent in various ways.

Int. Arch. f. Ethn., Suppl. to Vol. L 5

44 II], THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO

One way was to classify the marriage classes of ego (1) and of FaFaFa (4) both as Collana; that of Fa (3) as Cayao and that of FaFa (2) as Payan.

4. j 3,2

Collana Collana

Cayao Payan (The arrows indicate the marriage relationships between the classes; they point from the husband to the wife).

An alternative method was to classify 3 and 4 together as Cayao, the lower

moiety, or Hurin, and 1 and 2 as Collana and as Payan, and the latter two together as the upper moiety, or Hanan. The upper and lower moieties were regarded as two equivalent moieties. The relationship of 4 to 3 was the same as that of 2 to 1. 2 and 4 could therefore both be marked as Payan, in relation respectively to 1 as Collana and 3 as Cayao.

4I

Cayao Collana

32

Cayao Payan

Finally, a third situation existed in which the people who did not belong to ‘organized society’, were classified as 4. They could be the yanacona (a class

of serfs), the aboriginal population which had lived in the area before the Inca, and the enemies of one’s own society. This group was nevertheless clas-

sified as Collana. In those cases in which 4 was classified as Cayao, these ‘asocial’ elements were regarded as belonging to a separate sub-group of 1. These people could therefore belong to 4 as well as to 1 4). 4) In the three situations mentioned here, in which an attempt is made to escape the impossibility of an adjustment of the tripartition to the quadripartition, the moiety division is considered

to be between 1 -++ 2 and 3 + 4. In all three situations the term Payan is linked to marriage class 2. But the quadripartition must also adjust to the tripartition to the extent that to the marriage classes could be linked not only the terms but also the concepts of Collana, Payan and Cayao as indicated in the first principle of organization (III § 3 pp. 40-42). This implied that, because 1 was the group Collana, the subsidiary sons Payan with their mothers who belonged to Cayao, must actually be included in 4, i.e. the marriage class which was also linked to FaFaFa,

the yanacona, the original population and the enemies. To escape this consequence, Payan was usually linked with 2, the marriage class of FaFa, and a distinction was thus obtained between the groups of the subsidiary sons and their mothers. In all cases in which the concepts

Collana, Payan and Cayao, as described in the first principle of organization, were linked to the classess of the quadripartition, the moiety opposition was seen as between Collana + Payan and Cayao. In a few situations (e.g. V § 10c pp. 161-162) it can be seen that the Inca themselves were also conscious of the fact that the group Payan actually belonged to 4. In those situations

the moiety opposition must thus be seen as between 1 + 4 and 2 -++ 3. It is unnecessary to

Ill. THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO 45

The content of this section is based largely on data from the first representation of the organization of Cuzco (Chapter IV, §§ 1-4 pp. 68-103). The argument is developed on the basis of the known facts on the three quadripartitions contained in the first representation. These quadripartitions consist of two panaca and two ayllu of suyu I (Chapter IV, § 2 c pp. 84-85), two panaca and two ayllu of suyu II (Chapter IV, § 2 d pp. 86-88) and the four suyu I, II, III and IV themselves (Chapter IV, § 2 a pp. 77-80). Although the existence of the three quadripartitions within the first representation is indisputable, they are not — with the exception of the last — mentioned as such by the Inca themselves. Two myths concerning their origins refer to the three quadripartitions. The first is divided into two parts. In the first part there is a mention of three groups which emerge from three caves or windows of a mountain; this is a reference to the internal organization of suyu II (Chapter IV, § 1 b pp. 69-71). In the second part of this myth Manco Capac (i.e. the founder of the city of Cuzco and of the Inca ruling

dynasty) and his three brothers and four sisters, all separate themselves from the group that came out of the middle cave. They travel to Cuzco, but one of the brothers is eliminated early on. The group of Manco Capac and his two brothers refers to the organization within suyu I (Chapter IV, § 1 d pp. 75-76). The second myth may be said to have two versions. The first version mentions three rulers who divide the country between them (Chapter IV, § 1 e pp. 76-77); the second version mentions four rulers. In both versions Manco Capac is one of the rulers. The second myth refers to the organization of the four suyu. The relationship between the two principles of organization and their combinations may now be seen as follows: a) The existence of the first combination is shown most clearly in the second and third representations of the organization of Cuzco. (See the sections on these representations.) Such distinct evidence is not available for the first representation. Because both principles of organization maintain their independent existence, this combination does not provide any difficulties. b) The existence of the second combination is demonstrated as follows. The first mentioned tripartition is represented in mythology as an organization of three matrilineal marriage classes connected by the asymmetric connubium due to marriage with MoBroDa (Chapter IV, § 1 b pp. 69-71). Certain facts show a similar type of internal organization within the ayllu (..e.

the ayllu in general). The three parts of the ayllu are indicated by the terms Collana, Payan and Cayao (Chapter IV, § 1 c pp. 71-75). The three groups mentioned in the second tripartition are indicated by the terms Collana, Payan and Cayao. This fact makes it possible to compare the internal organization of the two tripartitions and of the ayllu (Chapter IV, § 1 d pp. 7576). Its general similarity makes it possible to include the third tripartition in the comparison of the two others (Chapter IV, § 1 e pp. 76-77). c) The existence of the third combination is shown as follows: In the second version of the second myth the realms of the four rulers are the equivalent of the four suyu. I show that the realm of Manco Capac in the first version comsee a moiety opposition between 1 + 4 and 2 + 3 in the cases in which 1 and 4 together bore a Collana character, because 1 and 4 could then be considered as one marriage class and there was no longer a quadripartition but a tripartition.

46 Ill, THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO

prises two realms in the second version — those of Manco Capac and another ruler — which refer respectively to suyu I and II. Another report portrays the relationship between the two suyu as that of the primary and subsidiary relatives of the ruler (Chapter IV, § 2 a pp. 77-80). By comparing the suyu organization of Cuzco with other quadripartite organizations of a province and several villages of the region it can be demonstrated

that I = Collana, IT = Payan and HI + IV = Cayao (Chapter IV, § 2 b pp. 81-84). In connection with the two other tripartitions in the first myth of origin, data are produced which show how in each tripartition one of the three parts corresponds to two parts of the quadripartition within suyu II (Chapter IV, § 2 e pp. 88-89) and suyu I (Chapter IV, § 2 f pp. 89-91) respectively. The three examples

quoted differ slightly from one another. These differences are related to the problem indicated in this paragraph under the third combination, of how the terms Collana, Payan and Cayao are combined with the four marriage classes. Primarily by means of the data thus obtained, this problem is worked out more generally in Chapter IV, § 3 pp. 91-101. Later, in Chapter V, §§ 10-12 pp. 155166, the same problem is touched on again. By means of the data obtained for the marriage classes in the second representation, I demonstrate why the people in the marriage class of FaFaFa could also be a sub-class of that of ego. From the relationship between the two marriage classes it resulted that Collana included the rulers and Cayao the priests, as described in the paragraph concerning the first

/\| \,/|

principle of organization under b) (Chapter V, §§ 10, 11 pp. 155-163). The relationship also provided the basis of the nature of the moiety opposition among

the Inca (Chapter V, §§ 11-13 pp. 162-170).

2nd combination 7 3rd combination

| 3 matrilineal marnage terms Collana, Payan and / classes — Collana, Pa- Cayao applied tog marriage ; / yan & Cayao — with classes of the 2nd principle | %,

/ asym, connubium of organization \.

Collana = primary rel. of ego 4 matrilineal marriage clasPayan = subsidiary rel. of ego ses with asymmetric connuCayao = non-rel. population bium by marriage with Mo BroDa

\

‘ Collana, Payan and Cayao each divided / ‘| into 4 marriage classes; or:the 4 marri- |/ age classes each divided into a Collana, Payan and Cayao part.

The relationship between the first two principles of organization and their combinations.

§ 6. The analysis of the three representations of the organization of Cuzco still to be described was particularly difficult because they were all influenced by the third principle of organization, which was that of the quinquepartition. This principle could, perhaps, even be broken down into two different principles which in the organization of Cuzco were wholly parallel, the division into five and that into ten. The influence on the three representations of this third prin-

Ill, THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO 47

ciple was most patent in the organization of the Inca dynasty. This is an important fact, for much of the data on the organization of Cuzco has to be derived from the history of the Inca rulers. Although, according to Inca tradition, there had been some thirteen rulers, only ten were mentioned in connection with the organization of Cuzco; of these,

five belonged to Hanan-Cuzco and five to Hurin-Cuzco 5), According to the most widely spread tradition, the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco reigned after the five of Hurin-Cuzco. Another tradition, however, has it that the dynasty began with the ninth ruler, i.e. the fourth of Hanan-Cuzco. Those who in the first tradition were his predecessors, were presented in the second as his contemporaries and kin who all stood in special kinship relationships to him and were the heads of particular social groups in the organization of Cuzco. The rulers of HananCuzco were the primary kin and all the Hurin-Cuzco rulers the subsidiary brothers of the Hanan-Cuzco rulers. It seems likely from this second tradition that those before the ninth ruler never did rule over the whole of Cuzco and the Inca Empire, but were representatives of the social groups with which they were connected in the organization of Cuzco. Although mention was made of the ‘history’ of the Inca and their dynasty, it should be remembered that no historical value whatsoever can be attached to these traditions. They are valuable only with reference to the particular system of which the social organization of the Inca was one expression ®). The way in which, under the influence of the third principle of organization, the representation of a dynasty with ten rulers was arrived at is discussed in relation to the second representation of the organization of Cuzco (Chapter V, § 2 pp. 122128), so that I may refer here to the relevant section. In Chapter VIII the nature of the third principle of organization is described as well as its further effects on the organization of Cuzco. a) The point of departure is the organization of five age classes (each consisting of five years) in the group of adult men between the ages of twentyfive and fifty (Chapter VIII, § 2 pp. 215-217). Further characteristics of these age groups were obtained by means of the data concerning similar age classes of

the group of the aclla, or virgins of the sun (Chapter VIII, § 2 pp. 217-218). Three attributes of the age classes are recognizable: 1) the simultaneous presentation: persons in the five age classes fulfilled, simultaneously and in parallel, various roles in society; 2) the consecutive presentation: one person progressed through the five age classes which gave them a successive relationship in time; 3) the five classes were placed in a hierarchy with the youngest class highest and the oldest lowest.

b) Another application of the principle of quinquepartition, that of the five worlds, bears these same characteristics (Chapter VIII, § 3 pp. 218-220). 5) See Chapter I. 6) See V § 2 pp. 122-128.

48 Il]. THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO

c) Besides quinquepartition, the decempartition also played a crucial part in the realization of the Inca historical tradition of a dynasty with 10 rulers and of the tradition of the organization of Cuzco composed of 10 panaca and 10 ayllu. The decempartition expressed itself in the organization of the men with tribute obligations and their families in groups of 10, 100, 1000 and 10.000. This form of organization probably had its origin in Northern Peru; the Inca, possibly under the influence of their own culture, also formed groups of 50, 500, 5000 and 40.000. On the basis of two examples it is demonstrated that the Inca meant this system only to be taken as a symbolic indication of the hierarchical categories of the various groups already known in their organization (Chapter VIII, § 4 pp. 220-224). In the groups of 50, 500 and 5000 (which they considered as moieties of those of 100, 1000 and 10.000) the Inca recognized the quinquepartition. At the same time they saw an essential similarity between marriage classes and age classes. The marriage classes also had the character of ayllu. In the third representation of the organization of Cuzco there were eight marriage classes, i.e. four each in Hanan- and in Hurin-Cuzco. From this there derived, under the influence of the quinquepartition and decempartition, the 10 panaca and 10 ayllu (Chapter VIII, § 5 a p. 224). The relationship between the decempartition, the quinquepartition and the marriage classes is further demonstrated by two examples:

d) The yanacona, a class of serfs, was, in the quadripartition, one of the groups which was included in both the marriage class of FaFaFa and in a subgroup of the class of ego. They also had many characteristics in common with the aclla. In all probability the division of suyu IV into five groups of three ceque, a deviation from the three groups in the other suyu, was a result of the inclusion of the yanacona in suyu IV. In suyu I these five groups of yanacona -— who

were then, like the aclla, taken as five age classes — were included in the group of ceque I 3. In addition to the five rulers of Hanan-Cuzco and the five of Hurin-Cuzco, who each belonged to marriage classes, there were these five age classes of the yanacona (Chapter VIII, § 5 a pp. 224-227). e) The moiety, the quinquepartition and the decempartition also expressed themselves in the Inca calculation of time. They had time units of 10, 100, 500, 1000 and 5000 years. According to Vazquez de Espinosa, Inca history had a duration of 500 years; according to Cabello Valboa it comprised 500 years up to the battle launched by Pachacuti against the Chanca and, according to Sarmiento, Inca history covered a period of 1000 years. From his data an original version of Inca history can be pieced together indicating that 10 rulers had each tuled for 100 years. The occasion of their accession to the throne was for the rulers also the time of their primary marriage. The time from this moment until their death might, therefore, be called the duration of their marriage class. The fact that the rulers were linked to periods of a 100 years each and the yanacona to age classes of 5 years each, indicates the hierarchical relation between rulers and yanacona. It is expressed by a hierarchical scheme of periods of time. This also emphasizes the essential identity of the marriage classes and the age classes in the Inca conception (Chapter VIII, § 5 b pp. 227-235).

§ 7. The three representations of the organization of Cuzco were expressed ip the ceque system and in the various organizations of the panaca and ayllu

Ill. THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO 49

linked to the ceque. In the ceque system, the names Collana, Payan and Cayao were applied to the three successive ceque of every group of three ceque. It appears from a morphological comparison of the organization of the ceque system of Cuzco with the social organization of neighbouring villages and provinces that in Cuzco not only ceque but also three of the four suyu, and the groups 1, 2 and 3 out of every suyu, could be called by the names Collana, Payan and Cayao. These extended applications of the three terms need not conflict with the application of the same terms to the ceque. A group which was designated in one representation by one term, could, however, be designated by another term in another representation. Thus there were other applications of the terms Collana, Payan and Cayao in addition to the three mentioned above. These additional applications in the organization of Cuzco of the terms ColJana, Payan and Cayao were not in agreement with the ceque system. This 1s seen most clearly in the first representation in the internal organization of suyu I. The quadripartition there consisted of two panaca and two ayllu, related to the

ceque 11b,12b,11candI1 2c. The ayllu related to ceque I 1 c, thus a ceque Cayao, was called Chauin Cuzco ayllu. In this name Chauin is a synonym for Payan (Chapter IV, § 2 c pp. 84-85). Another useful example is seen in the indications of the suyu by the terms Collana, Payan and Cayao in the first representation compared with the indica-

tions in the second representation. In the first representation I = Collana, Il = Payan and III + IV = Cayao. The terms had the meaning given in § 3 on the first principle of organization. In the second representation J = Collana, II] = Payan and II + IV = Cayao. Here, however, the suyu faced each other as matriage classes (Chapter IV, § 2 b pp. 81-84; V, § 1 d pp. 119-120).

§ 8. Before proceeding to an account of the representations of the organtzation of Cuzco, some attention should be paid to the various methods by which the relative positions of the Collana, Payan and Cayao groups were indicated in the different representations. I shall mention three of these methods.

In the first method the indication of the geographical position of the three groups was irrelevant and did not relate to a hierarchical order.

- The second method was to present the groups as lying concentrically, with Collana in the centre, encircled by Payan and, beyond Payan, Cayao.

In the third method the positions were presented in the form of a circle; the ceque system is the expression of this method. By this method Collana, Payan and Cayao were each divided and subdivided into smaller groups. The sequence of these divisions and subdivisions was invariably Collana — Payan — Cayao — Collana etc. a) The first method probably occurred primarily in villages with which the organization of Cuzco was compared.

50 Il. THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO

b) The second method is most clearly described for the organization of the village of San Jerénimo (Chapter IX, § 3 pp. 241-242). c) The third method occurred, as has been said, in the ceque system. The importance of the territorial relationships of groups is referred to in Chapter IX,

§ 3 pp. 241-246).

§ 9. The sequence in which in the following chapters the three representations are discussed is determined solely by what seems to me to be the best method of arranging the available material on the representations. A more logical sequence would have been first to describe the second representation, then the third and finally the first. In this chapter I shall follow this more logical sequence.

In the second representation the four suyu, I to IV, were viewed as four exogamous marriage classes. In the third representation the two moieties of the preceding representation, I plus HI, and II plus IV, were both endogamous and in turn both subdivided into four marriage classes. In the first representation the suyu I and II were each endogamous and divided into four marriage classes.

In each of the three representations the term Collana, Payan and Cayao were

used in at least two ways: in the first place in their proper meaning’) and secondly to designate the marriage classes into which each of the three groups were divided. This material is discussed further in Chapter VII which treats of the mutual relationship of the three representations.

§ 10. In the second representation, discussed in Chapter V, the Collana group (in the proper sense of the term) was represented in four groups of ceque: in I 1, II 1, II 1 and IV 1; the Payan group in I 2, II 2, III 2 and IV 2, and the Cayao group in I 3, II 3, III 3 and IV 3. But Collana, like Payan and Cayao, could also be regarded as an endogamous group 8), divided into four marriage classes 9). In this case one marriage class from each of the endogamous Collana, Payan and Cayao groups occurred in every one of the four suyu and

thus the suyu also functioned as marriage classes, The terms Collana, Payan and Cayao were also applied to the marriage classes I, I and III, which each consisted of the groups 1, 2 and 3. IV had characteristics of Collana — Le. in common with I — as well as of Cayao, and thus belonged, together with II, to one moiety, while I en III belonged to the other moiety. 7) By the proper meaning of the concepts Collana, Payan and Cayao I understand the meaning

which emerged from the discussion of the first principle of organization (III § 3 pp. 40-42). 8) See III § 3 pp. 40-42. 9) See III § 4 pp. 42-43.

Il]. THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO 51

Some of the data on the second representation bore on the origin of the nonInca wives of the rulers. The rulers of Hanan-Cuzco, who belonged to Collana (11, 11 1, 111, IV 1) were linked to the groups of three ceque in the following manner: the ninth ruler, with all his successors, to I 1, the eighth ruler to II 1, the seventh to III 1, and the sixth to IV 1. The rulers of Hurin-Cuzco, who, as the subsidiary brothers of the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco belonged to Payan (I 2, II 2, HI 2, IV 2), were each linked to groups as follows: the fourth ruler and his successors to I 2, the third to II 2, the second to III 2, and the first to IV 2. 1]

* (Collana) (Collana)

1V 2 C. : Sth :’ avan 12 (Payan) ruler / *, 6th ruler : a 2 \Payan) os ; lowing . Ist ruler “ 4th ‘. :4,’ ;ruler

Iv 3 aooa aaw 13 (Cayao) . (Cayao) Te fol- awe oe*,a’ eand lowing om andthe 4th9th rulerWN on %2 !a: of — Bth 3d ruler of and

1 8th ruler mat) we 7th ruler

aa xaan ‘ Te (Collana) (Collana) L (|) Zo II 1 3d ruler é Jo ruler os II(Payan) 2 : 7thand : 6th and . lil 2 A 2nd ruler : Ist ruler . (Payan)

Powe ES IT 3 : Ill 3 (Cayao) (Cayao)

The second representation of the organization of Cuzco.

The non-Inca wives of the rulers came not only from Cayao (I 3, II 3, III 3, IV 3), but in the second representation their position was also determined by the marriage relationships between the suyu. The wives of the ninth and fourth rulers came from IV 3, those of the eighth and third rulers from I 3, of the seventh and second rulers from II 3, and of the sixth and first rulers from III 3. The tenth and fifth rulers made endogamous marriages within I.

After the treatment in Chapter IV, which concerns the first representation of the organization of Cuzco, of the two first principles of organization and their

52 Ill. THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO

three combinations, in Chapter V the second representation is discussed. The argument is as follows: a theoretical reconstruction of the second representation (§ 1 pp. 114-122); the Inca rulers actually represented groups which also played a role in the second representation (§ 2 pp. 122-128); the information concerning each of these rulers which combined serve to illustrate the second representation (§§ 3-9 pp. 128-154); a continuation of the discussion in Chapter IV concerning the two first principles of organization and their combinations, by means of the data obtained in Chapter V (§§ 10-13 pp. 155-170). In the sections of Chapter V the argument runs as follows: § 1. The theoretical reconstruction of the second representation. a) The village of Anta knows four ayllu comparable with the four suyu of Cuzco. Each ayllu is divided into the two moieties, Hanansaya and Hurinsaya. In addition, one ayllu — but probably the three others as well — 1s divided into the

sub-ayllu Collana (= rich), Hatun (= large) and Huchun (= small). In Cuzco there occurred Capac ayllu (ceque I 1 b) and Hatun ayllu (1 2 b). The names suggest that they also refer to the two groups of three ceque to which they belong and that the three terms are synonymous with Collana, Payan and Cayao. Two examples of this will be given (pp. 114-115). b) In the province of Collaguas — the first example — there are four subprovinces, comparable to the suyu of Cuzco. The villages in each subprovince have the following 9 sub-ayllu divided over three ayllu: Collana Collana, Collana Payan, Collana Cayao; Payan Collana, Payan Payan, Payan Cayao; Cayao Collana, Cayao Payan, Cayao Cayao. The ceque of one suyu in Cuzco are related in the

same way (pp. 115-118). c) The same kind of organization as that of the villages in Collaguas occurs in the village of Acos. There the ayllu Collana is also called Hanansaya and the ayllu Payan, Hurinsaya. From the data in the three points a), b) and c) of this

paragraph it is demonstrated for Cuzco: that groups 11 + I11 + IlJ1 + IV1,

I2+ 02+ Ul2+ IV 2 and13 + II 3 + III 3 + IV 3 have the same

relationship as Collana, Payan and Cayao in the first principle of organization; that these groups Collana and Payan in the second representation also indicate the moieties Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco; that the hierarchical terms Capac, Hatun and Huchun in Cuzco also have to do with these three groups and that the terms are synonymous with Collana, Payan and Cayao (pp. 118-119). d) In this representation the suyu are marriage classes. The terms Collana, Payan and Cayao are also used to indicate these marriage classes. By comparison of the ceque system with the organization of the province of Aymaraes and the

village of Puquio it is shown that suyu I = Collana, IJ = Payan and II = Cayao. It follows from this that I is marriage class of ego, II of father, III of FaFa and IV of FaFaFa (pp. 119-122). § 2. The reasons why Inca history, data from which illustrate the second representation, cannot actually be history.

a) The improbability of the so-called history of the Inca has already been demonstrated in Chapter IT, § 3 a pp. 14-16 (pp. 122-123). b) This opinion is supported by a datum from Gutierrez, from which the following conclusion must be drawn: It was not Manco Capac, the first ruler, who conquered Cuzco, but Pachacuti, the ninth. He divided the city into two

Ill, THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO »3

moieties and each moiety into five parts. The government of the ten parts, to which he gave the names of the ten panaca, he assigned to ten relatives of five lineages to which had also belonged FaFaFa, FaFa, Fa, Pachacuti himself and his son. The lineages were thus matrilineal. Of the ten relatives one primary relative and that man’s subsidiary brother belonged to each lineage. Thus, two parts belonged to one lineage (pp. 123-126). c) Polo and Acosta mention two simultaneous royal dynasties, of Hanan- and of Hurin-Cuzco, the first rulers of which both descended from Manco Capac, so that the latter belonged to neither dynasty. By means of these data it is possible to identify the ten rulers of the one dynasty (their sequence is shown here by numbers between parentheses) with the ten relatives of Pachacuti according to Gutierrez. Polo and Acosta interpolated a ruler called Tarco Huaman, who is not mentioned as such by other authors, but the source makes it possible to identify him (pp. 126-128).

The 5 matrilineal The rulers of Hurin-Cuz- The rulers of Hanan-Cuzlineages according to co (subsidiary kin of co (primary kin of

Gutierrez Pachacutt ) Pachacutt)

lineage of FaFaFa Sinchi Roca (2) Inca Roca (6) lineage of FaFa Tarco Huaman (...) Yahuar Huacac (7) lineage of Fa Lloque Yupanqui (3) Viracocha Inca (8) lineage of ego (= Mayta Capac (4) Pachacuti (9) Pachacutt)

lineage of son Capac Yupanqui (5) Tupac Yupanqui (10) (The numbers in parenthesis indicate the succession of the kings in the tradition

of a single dynasty). ,

§ 3. Indication of how the data from § 2 illustrate the second representation. The rulers after Tupac Yupanqui (and after Capac Yupanqui in the version of Polo and Acosta) are not discussed. Tupac Yupanqui and Pachacuti belong to I 1 and Capac Yupanqui and Mayta Capac to I 2 (pp. 128-129).

84. Tupac Yupangui and Capac Yupanqui. a) Agreement between data concerning T.Y. and C.Y. and those concerning the two heads of the Chanca, Uscovilca and Ancovilca. These two both belonged to one of the four marriage classes into which the Chanca were divided. The non-territorial moieties here extended over the four marriage classes, so that Uscovilca was head of the upper moiety and Ancovilca of the lower moiety. In the same way T.Y. and C.Y. belonged to suyu I as marriage class and T.Y. was head of Hanan-Cuzco and C.Y. of Hurin-Cuzco (pp. 129-130). b) C.Y. was general and substitute for T.Y. This indicates their Payan (I 2) Collana (I 1) relationship (pp. 130-131). c) T.Y. and C.Y. were both endogamously married within I. This indicates the Collana character of I as marriage class, since all other rulers married exogamously (pp. 131-133). § 5. Pachacuti and Mayta Capac a) The character of P. supports his placement in I 1. The first representation is explained not only from the position of Manco Capac, the first ruler, but

54 IJ. THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO

also from that of Pachacuti. Both were as rulers in the highest position; in the second representation only P. and T.Y. could occupy this place. P. and T.Y. are for this reason often insufficiently distinguished in the chronicles (pp. 133-134).

b) P. and M.C. both married women from IV 3. Their wives are the only queens who have names of mountains. This indicates the character of their marriage class as that of FaFaFa (pp. 134-136). c) There are also other great similarities between P. and M.C. Both, as very young men, defeated an enemy, with whom their old, senile father had wanted to make peace. The names of both their enemies link these with the priests, and the names in addition point to a Collana-Payan relationship of the two enemies and thus also of P. and M.C. themselves. This also justifies their places

in I 1 and I 2 respectively (pp. 136-139). § 6. Indication of how the data concerning other rulers form an illustration for the second presentation (pp. 139-140). § 7. Inca Roca and Sinchi Roca. a) The occurrence of Roca in both names and the relationship Inca = ruler and Sinchi = military commander points to the same Collana-Payan relationship as that for T.Y. and C.Y. described under § 4b (pp. 140-141). b) LR. and S.R., who in the version of Polo and Acosta are both the first ruler in their dynasty, both have characteristics which refer to the very origin of Inca society. This is seen from their description in the so-called Inca history, a description which agrees closely with origin myths of the present day village of Puquio. The origin character justifies their placement in IV (pp. 141-145). c) The wife of S.R. comes from suyu II. In an asymmetric connubium this points to S.R.’s having a place in marriage class IV. The marriage also indicates

a moiety opposition of I + III to Il + IV (pp. 145-147). d) Agreement between the marriage of LR. and that of S.R. The marriage of I.R. also points to a motety-opposition (pp. 147-148). § 8. Yahuar Huacac and Tarco Huaman. a) For the latter there are no data. Y.H. married a woman from II 3 (p. 149). b) Other data concerning Y.H. indicate the Payan character of his marriage class — for which reason he might also be placed in II] — and the matrilineal character of this dlass (pp. 149-150).

§ 9. Vuiracocha Inca and Lloque Yupanqui. a) V.I. and LLY. are both placed in an priestly hierarchy — in positions in II 1 and II 2 — whose organization agrees with that of suyu II in the second presentation (pp. 150-152). b) Agreement between V.I. and LI.Y. already shown in § 5 c (p. 152). c) Agreement in both their marriages. Their wives come from the plain of Anta which, geographically speaking, lies in I, the suyu from which V.I. and LI.Y. would have had to choose their wives. In other ways their wives’ villages also show the characteristics ascribed in the second representation to I 3 (pp. 152-154).

II. THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO 55

$10. The relationship of suyu I to suyx IV in the second representation. The discussion in Chapter IV, § 3, pp. 91-101 concerning the adaptation of a system of three marriage classes to one of four, is resumed. In a tripartition, ego and FaFaFa belong to the same class. In a quadripartition, ego belongs to the highest and FaFaFa to the lowest class. To the class of ego belong the rulers; to that of FaFaFa the ancestors, the sanctuary of the group and the priests. a) Reference to agreements between I and IV (pp. 155-158). b) Theoretical discussion of why in the second representation certain groups could belong to both IV and I 3 (pp. 158-159). c) The opposition between I and IV, manifested in the war between rulers and priests. One source is mentioned which says that the priests belonged to IV and not to II as assumed in § 9. This is connected with a — hypothetical — fourth representation of the organization of Cuzco (pp. 159-162). S11. The resulting relationship of the upper moiety (I + III) to the lower

mozety (II + IV). In the quadripartition the two antagonistic groups I and IV belong to the two moieties J + II and II + IV. This resulted in the development of a Collana-Payan relationship between the marriage classes II and IV within the lower moiety like that between I and III. Within the lower moiety as Cayao, this had the result that the priests belonged to II, and the sanctuary and the yanacona as servants in the sanctuary to IV (pp. 162-163). §12. The difficulizes which the adjustment of a system of three marriage classes to one of four marriage classes in the second representation brings with it in relation to religion. In a tripartition, witnout moieties, the sun as ancestor belonged to the group of Collana. In a quadripartition, with moieties, he had a double form: as the sun he was linked with the rulers belonging to I as marriage class of ego and to the upper moiety; as Viracocha, the creator, he was linked with the priests, _ belonging to II and to the lower moiety (pp. 164-166). § 13. The opposition between the Sun and Viracocha in their relation to the upper mozety (I + IL) and the lower motety (II + IV) respectively. a) The opposition demonstrated on the basis of the philosophical question, put into the mouths of some rulers, as to who was more powerful, the Sun or Viracocha (pp. 166-168). b) The opposition demonstrated, based on the creation myth of Viracocha (pp. 168-170).

§ 11. In the third representation, discussed in Chapter VI, the Collana, Payan and Cayao groups (in the true meaning of the terms) were represented in both the endogamous moieties, I + III, and II + IV, by the Collana ceque (a), the Payan ceque (b) and the Cayao ceque (c). The four marriage classes of Hanan-Cuzco (I + III) were 11, HI 1, III 2 and I 2; those of Hurin-Cuzco

(II + IV) were II 1, IV 1, IV 2 and II 2. This was the situation according to the third representation uninfluenced by the quinquepartition (and it has been represented accordingly in the diagram). It appears from several sources

56 Il]. THEORETICAL SURVEY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF CUZCO

on the organization of Cuzco that this situation was in fact current. Under the influence of the quinquepartition, ten rulers had to be associated with marriage classes; five in Hanan-Cuzco and five in Hurin-Cuzco. In Hanan-Cuzco the ninth and sixth rulers moved therefore from I 1 and I 2, the marriage classes with which they were originally linked, to I 2 and I 3, and the position I 1 was occupied by the tenth ruler and his successors, On account of the existence of five rulers, use was made, in Hurin-Cuzco also, of the third group of ceque

in II, although in the third representation the groups of ceque I 3 and II 3 did not originally fulfil any function, nor did III 3 and IV 3. Under the influence

of the fact that the five rulers of Hurin-Cuzco were dynastically related to those of Hanan-Cuzco, further shifts across the groups of ceque took place. It is not as easy, therefore, to trace the original situation of the third representation as it was in Hanan-Cuzco. In the third representation the rulers belonged to the Collana group (1.e. the Collana ceque), the panaca to the Payan group (1.e. the Payan ceque) and the ayllu to the Cayao group (1.e. the Cayao ceque). §1. The formulation of the problem. The assumptions which can be made concerning the third representation on the basis of the results obtained concerning the first and second representations (Chapter VI, pp. 171-172). § 2. The third representation without the influence of the quinquepartition 7” organizations outside Cuzco.

Two sources are discussed of which one mentions two moteties, each divided

into eight ayllu, while from the other it can be inferred that there are two moieties, each divided into eight marriage classes. It is argued — on the basis of a third example — that in both the two first examples there are eight marriage classes, each divided into two moieties (pp. 172-174).

§ 3. The organization of Hanan-Cuzco (I + Il) without influence of the quinquepartition.

a) For the reconstruction of the third representation without the influence of the quinquepartition it must be proved, 1st) that the ruler, the panaca and the ayllu of one group of ceque formed one marriage class, and 2nd) that the five marriage classes, both in Hanan-Cuzco (I + III) and in Hurin-Cuzco (II + IV) originated from four marriage classes. In sections 3, 4 and 5 the 2nd point is proved and in section 6 the Ist (p. 174). b) It is assumed that the quadripartition in Hanan-Cuzco can be reconstructed by means of the data of the first four rulers of Hanan-Cuzco, in which they represented the marriage classes I 1, HI 1, III 2 and I 2. The fifth ruler was thus eliminated from the system entirely (pp. 174-176). c) Data concerning Pachacuti which support the assumption in b). The organization of Cuzco is reconstructed, which results if a similar reasoning is applied to Hurin-Cuzco (pp. 176-178). § 4. The influence of the quinquepartition on the organization of Hanan Cuzco.

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At the present day there still exists a tripartition within one of the four ayllu to which synonyms of the names Collana, Payan and Cayao are applied. I learned this information from Mr. José Pacheco, palaeographer in the Historical Archives of the University of Cuzco, who was born in Anta. According 1) See IV § 5b p. 106. 2) See IV § 2b p. 83. 3) See IV § 3 b pp. 95-97.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 115 to him, the Collana ayllu — the present-day name of one of the same four ayllu — 1s divided into the following sub-ayllu: Capac Collana, Hatun Collana, Huchun Collana

It is not possible to determine which of the three ayllu, Sanco ayllu, Equeco ayllu or Conchacalla ayllu, should be identified with the Collana ayllu referred to by Mr. Pacheco. This does not, however, detract from the value of this information; its reliability is corroborated by the references in the document of 1787 (A.N.L. Leg. 17, Cuaderno 423) cited above, to the organizations of the villages in the neighbourhood of Anta 4). In the village of Curahuasi, on the road from Anta to Abancay, there were found Atun Collana ayllu and Uchui Collana ayllu; in the nearby village of Antilla, were found Atun Collana ayllu, Uchui Collana ayllu and Chofna ayllu. The following meanings can be attached to the names of the three sub-ayllu

of Collana ayllu of Anta. Capac means rich, powerful, and referred to the dynasty of the rulers. Hatun means large: the hatunruna were the ordinary, free people (Holguin, 1608). Huchun derives from Huchuy, and means small. Capac and Hatun were also mentioned in the organization of Cuzco. Capac ayllu was found in the first group of three ceque in Chinchaysuyu and Hatun ayllu in the second group of three ceque in Chinchaysuyu. From two pieces of evidence I propose to demonstrate that in the second representation of the organization of Cuzco, the terms Capac, Hatun and Huchuy referred not only to the first, second and third groups of three ceque in Chinchaysuyu, but also to the corresponding groups in the other suyu, and that the meanings of the names Capac, Hatun and Huchuy can in fact be equated with those of Collana, Payan and Cayao.

The first source is the organization of the province of Collaguas 5); the second that of the village of Acos®). I propose to discuss first the division into four of the territory of the Collaguas people, and subsequently that into nine in every fourth part. b) Collaguas province was divided into three sub-provinces: Yamqui-Collagua, Lare-Collagua and Cavana Conde. The people of Cavana Conde were of a different origin than the Collaguas and spoke a different language; theyspoke Quechua, while the Collaguas spoke Aymara. The Cavana Conde have no relevance to this argument. 4) See IV § 2b p. 83. 5) This organization is described in the Relacién de la provincia de los Collaguas from the year 1583 which appears in the Relaciones Geograficas (1881-97, Tomo II, pp. 38-44).

6) See V § 1 cp. 118.

} 116 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION The sub-provinces Yamqui-Collagua and Lare-Collagua were called after the two provincial capitals Yamqui and Lare which, although these provinces were relatively large, lay about 7 KM apart on the same river. The first town,

which lay further upstream, was called Yamqui according to the Relacion because Yamqui was a highly honoured name which was given to the principal cacique. Yamqui was also the principal town of the whole province. Lare, in

Aymara, means uncle (MoBro), or kin, and was used as a polite form of address to a cacique, a chief. Because the Yamqui and the Lare, that is to say the two people, regarded one another as brothers who had come forth from the Collaguata, the mountain of origin which was worshipped as a huaca

by the Collaguas, they founded the two main towns, Yamqui, the town of the most powerful lords, and Lare, where the lords lived who followed after them in importance and who were their uncles and nephews.

This, in brief, is what the Relacién records. The group of the Lare was referred to by the term MoBro as well as by that for nephew, as opposed to the group of the Yamqui, being ego’s group. It seems likely that by nephew, SiSO was meant.

As appears from the introduction to the Relacién, both the Yamqui Collagua and the Lare Collagua were divided into Hanansaya and Hurinsaya; these were in turn ruled by a ‘cacique principal’, — 1.e. the first, the principal chief —, and by a ‘segunda persona’ — 1.e. the second man. In Collaguas province there were thus two Hanansaya and two Hurinsaya groups; these may have been not only sub-divisions of Yamqui-Collagua and Lare-Collagua, but probably also manifested themselves as one Hanansaya and one Hurinsaya which were mutually opposed. It is not known in detail how the two sub-provinces were divided into Hanan and Hurin. The four sub-divisions can be represented as follows in diagram form: Yamqui

Lare

From this presentation one could say that in both Hanansaya and Hurinsaya there is a question of subdivision into Yamqui and Lare. We have no further data about the relationships between the ditferent parts in this quadripartition. There may have existed a similar relationship between Yamqui and Lare as was observed between the two groups in Tambo in the myth about Tambo, Maras and Sutic (Pachacutt Yamqui’s account ’)). The group represented by Manco Capac and his brothers and sisters could be correlated in Collaguas with Yam7) See IV § 2 € pp. 88-89.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 117 qui, in Hanansaya, and the MoBro group in Tambo with Lare, in Hanansaya. Or, if the four suyu as described in the previous chapter are drawn into the comparison, Yamqui Hanansaya could be compared to Chinchaysuyu, Lare Hanansaya to Collasuyu, Yamqui Hurinsaya to Antisuyu and Lare Hurinsaya to Cuntisuyu 8), A division into nine, as reflected by the ceque within every suyu in Cuzco, occurs also in Collaguas. The Relacién mentioned above (Relaciones Geograficas 1881-1897, Tomo II, p. 45) records the following: “the province was tuled as the Inca had arranged, i.e. through the ayllu. Every ayllu contained three hundred Indians and a chief whom they obeyed, and these three chiefs obeyed a chief cacique’’. I.e. there were nine hundred Indians. The three groups of three hundred Indians each wete called Collana, Payan and Cayao. The groups of three hundred were probably divided into groups of a hundred, and these groups were probably called again Collana, Payan and Cayao. This

can be concluded from a document of 16179). This document contains a reference to the following ayllu in the village of Tuti, Hurinsaya, Collaguas: Taypi pataca Collana pataca Collana Pahana pataca Pahana Taypi pataca Pahana Cayao pataca Collana Paque Paque and Tutt

Pataca in Aymara is the same word as pachaca, a group of a hundred. Pahana is the same as payan. Taypi 1n Aymara is the same as Chaupi or Payan in Quechua. In Tuti there was obviously question of three ayllu: Collana, Payan and Cayao, each in turn subdivided into Collana, Payan and Cayao. To avoid repetition of the same names, one of these words, when it would otherwise have occurred twice in one name, was replaced by a synonym, If we assume that Collana Paque ayllu and Paque and Tuti ayllu each consisted of two ayllu joined together, then there must have been nine ayllu in Tutt. In the whole territory of the Collaguas and in all four subdivisions, there occurred nine different kinds of ayllu, numbering a hundred men each. All the ayllu of the same kind had two of the names Collana, Payan and Cayao, or synonyms of them, in common, in the same combinations and sequence. Ayllu of the same name in any of the four parts of Collaguas could be com8) See IV § 2 a, b pp. 77-84. 9) This document in the National Archives in Lima consists of three loose sheets numbered 395, 396 and 397 of the year 1617 and had not yet been catalogued when I examined it.

118 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION pared to one of the nine ceque in any of the four suyu of Cuzco, and to the groups linked to these ceque 10).

c) A situation similar to that indicated for the villages of the Collaguas province was encountered in a more elaborate form in the organization of the village of Acos 11). Here the following ayllu occurred: Hananccoscco (= Collana Collana)

Fayan Urinccoscco (Collana Payan) Hanansaya Ccayahua Urinccoscco (= Collana Cayao) Ccollana Acos (= Payan Collana)

Fayan Acos (= Payan Payan) Hurinsaya Ccayahua Acos (= Payan Cayao) Ccollana Anahuarcca (= Cayao Collana)

Sahuaraura (= Cayao Payan) Anahuarque Ccayahua Anahuarcca (= Cayao Cayao) \ With reference to the second representation of the organization of Cuzco, the organization of Acos could be compared to that of the nine ceque in every suyu of Cuzco. The terms Collana, Payan and Cayao refer not only to the first, second and third ceque of every group of three ceque in every suyu, but also to the first, second and third groups themselves. In the first representation 12) I related Hanansaya (= Cuzco ayllu, = Collana) in Acos to Pachacuti’s primary kin (= Chinchaysuyu, = Hanan-Cuzco),

Hurinsaya (= ayllu Acos, = Payan) to the subsidiary kin (= Collasuyu, = Hurin-Cuzco) and Anahuarque (= Cayao) to the non-related population (= Antisuyu plus Cuntisuyu). In the second representation of the organization of Cuzco the primary kin of the ruler and the ruler himself can therefore be said to belong to the four first groups of three ceque (I 1, II 1, III 1 and IV 1) the subsidiary kin to the four second groups of three ceque (I 2, II 2 III 2 and IV 2), and the non-related population to the four third groups of three ceque (I 3, II 3, HI 3, and IV 3). In the second representation Hanan-

Cuzco consisted of 11 + IJ 1 + III 1 + IV 1 and Hurin-Cuzco of I 2 +

2+ W2+ 1V2.

Since the first and the second of the three names Capac, Hatun and Huchuy,

mentioned in Anta, were also found in the first and second groups of three 10) I speak of groups because — as I hope subsequently to make acceptable — in the three representations of the organization of Cuzco the link between a group and a given ceque concerned

not so much this group alone but all groups which were in the same situation in the entire system as this group (V § 7 c pp. 146-147, § 9 c pp. 152-154). 11) See IV § 34a p. 93.

12) See IV § 34 p. 93.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 119 ceque in Chinchaysuyu, it can be assumed that they were also applicable to these groups of three ceque as a whole, and that Huchuy referred to the third group of three ceque. Capac, Hatun and Huchuy, then, are synonyms of Collana, Payan and Cayao, and indicate even more clearly than the latter names, the internal, hierarchic differences between the three groups. The terms Usco

or Anco (= white), Ticlla (= black-white) and Yana (= black), as encountered in the organization of the Chanca 13), referred to the same hierarchic differences 14) 15),

The question arises whether, just as there existed hierarchic differences between the three groups of three ceque within every suyu, the three ceque within every triad demonstrated these same differences. I have no material with reference to this representation of Cuzco which indicates that the ceque show these hierarchic differences, but some suppositions about the existence of such differences will be found below 16). d) No mention has been made yet in this context of the mutual relationships of the four suyu. In Anta and Puqutura, if it is assumed 17) that the two villages

had similar organizations, we saw in addition to the fact that certainly one, and probably all four, of the ayllu in Anta were divided into Collana, Payan and Cayao, that these terms also referred to the four ayllu themselves, In this chapter I propose to demonstrate that in the second representation of the organization of Cuzco also, the four suyu had the characteristic features of Collana, Payan and Cayao. In the first representation the four ayllu in Puquiura, Puquio and Aymaraes were compared to the four suyu in Cuzco. Collana corresponded to Chinchay13) See IV § 5 b pp. 104-105. 14) Poma (1944, foja 244) has a similar hierarchic distinction among the Inca of the Capac

Inca, the Hahua Inca and the Huaccha Inca. Hahua is “grandson, end and bank of a river’. In a moiety system with four marriage classes it could thus represent the group of Payan, by the side of Collana, in one of the moieties. Huaccha is “poor” and indicates the group Cayao. 15) In addition to the subdivision into Capac, Hatun and Huchun, the ayllu Collana in Anta — which was thus one of the ayllu Sanco, Equeco or Conchacalla — was also divided into Hanansaya and Hurinsaya. We may assume that both divisions were combined in a particular way. It is, however, impossible to say how this was done. We could equate Collana Hanansaya with Capac Collana and Collana Hurinsaya with Hatun Collana. As in Acos, Hanansaya was equated with ayllu Cuzco and Hurinsaya with ayllu Acos, or as in Cuzco in the first represen-

tation Hanan-Cuzco = Chinchaysuyu = Collana and Hurin-Cuzco = Collasuyu = Payan. In Cuzco the first representation nevertheless still contained the opposition between Chinchaysuyu

+ Collasuyu and Antisuyu ++ Cuntisuyu, and in Acos that between ayllu Cuzco + ayllu Acos to ayllu Anahuarque. It is therefore also possible that within the ayllu Collana of the village of Anta, we must equate Hanansaya with Capac Collana -+- Hatun Collana and Hurinsaya with Huchun Collana. 16) See VI note 34.

17) See IV § 2bp. 83, V§ lap. 114.

120 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION suyu, Payan to Collasuyu, Cayao (in Puquio and Aymaraes) or Ayamarca (in Puquiura) to Antisuyu, and Piscachuri (in Puquio) or Yanaca (in Aymaraes ) or Tamboconga (in Puquiura) to Cuntisuyu. Chinchaysuyu and Colllasuyu comprised the Inca population of Cuzco, and Antisuyu and Cuntisuyu the nonInca population from outside. These comparisons are not, however, applicable in the second representation. The second representation is distinguished by the fact that it gives nine ceque for every suyu and is in this respect unique. In this ceque system Chinchaysuyu and Antisuyu constitute one moiety and Cuntisuyu and Collasuyu the other. This distinction is implied in the sequence of the ceque in the four suyu. In both, Cuntisuyu and Chinchaysuyu, there was a Collana ceque on the common boundary. The sequence of the ceque: Collana, Payan, Cayao, Collana etc., in Chinchaysuyu was continued in the same way in Antisuyu and, likewise, that of Cuntisuyu was continued in Collasuyu. Cuntisuyu and Collasuyu were thus the mirror image of Chinchaysuyu and Antisuyu.

If we compare this element of the organization of Cuzco with correlating elements in other villages or provinces, it will be possible to relate the terms

7 Collana, Payan and Cayao to the four suyu. In Aymaraes and in Puquio the Collana ayllu and Payan ayllu were opposed to Yanaca, or Piscachuri, and Cayao. It is remarkable, however, that with reference both to Aymaraes and Puquio, Poma de Ayala and the document of 183018) name first the Yanaca ayllu and the Piscachuri ayllu and subsequently the Cayao ayllu, just as in the ceque system of Cuzco Collasuyu followed after Cuntisuyu. There might be question of a coincidence, but in the other moiety, too, in Aymaraes as well as in Puquio, this sequence of the Collana ayllu before the Payan one, was preserved.

If this peculiarity is accepted as a justification for comparing Cuzco to Aymaraes, Puquio and Puquira, the following conclusions, presented in diagram

form, can be reached with regard to the application of the terms Collana, Payan and Cayao to the four suyu in Cuzco. bay Cuntisuyu Chinchaysuyu >

E (Collana)

SES ron) In the present representation of the organization of Cuzco, there existed a tripartition within each suyu. Thus the following diagram can be established: 18) See IV § 2b p. 82.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 121 Collana (= Capac) or Hanan-Cuzco

‘, IV 1 3 1 é Herin.Cueeo °

v2 4 : o 12

IV3 on ’ an 13 (= Huchuy)

& 110 afE 4 fi : *en, on 1 =) a 112 é ‘ III 2 ma, a 113 : III 3 ‘

(The two moieties (I + III) and (II + IV) are called Upper moiety and Lower moiety to distinguish them from Hanan-Cuzco (I 1 + II 1 + I 1 + IV 1) and Hurin-Cuzco (1 2 + I] 2 + II 2 + IV 2) 19)). The remainder of this chapter will be devoted to the illustration of the second representation with the help of material from Inca history. From this material it appears that the same meaning is attached to the terms Collana, Payan and Cayao and to the marriage classes as in the first representation. The functions of these groups were the following: As marriage classes, the suyu fulfilled the same function which in the first representation was fulfilled by, among others, the four marriage classes within Chinchaysuyu and the four marriage classes within Collasuyu. The marriage relationships between the suyu can be presented as follows: I>IV>III>-II-I

(i.e., a man from I married a woman from IV, a man from IV married a woman from III, etc. Compare with the arrows in the previous diagram). In the first representation the primary kin of the rulers belonged to Chinchaysuyu, the subsidiary descendants of the rulers to Collasuyu, and the mothers

| of members of this last group belonged to Antisuyu and Cuntisuyu. In the 19) See V § 1c p. 118.

122 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION second representation the primary kin of the rulers belonged to the Collana

group (11 + II 1 + III 1 + IV 1), the subsidiary kin to the Payan group (I 2 + II 2 + III 2 + IV 2) and the mothers of the members of this last group to Cayao (13 + I13 + Ill 3 + IV 3). The equation of Chinchaysuyu with Collana, Antisuyu with Payan, Collasuyu plus Cuntisuyu with Cayao, and therefore of Chinchaysuyu plus Antisuyu with the Upper moiety, and of Collasuyu plus Cuntisuyu with the Lower motety, was also expressed in Inca history. Those who governed, that is to say the rulers of Cuzco, belonged to Chin-

chaysuyu (Collana). The inhabitants of the land belonging to Cuzco and its surroundings, who had subjected themselves to Inca rule, were classed as Antisuyu (Payan). The whole priestly hierarchy belonged to Collasuyu (Cayao). Collasuyu and Cuntisuyu also represented the non-Inca population outside Cuzco which had not been subjected by the Inca when these still formed only a city state, even later they probably did not belong to the nominal Inca 2°). A similar distinction to that in the Upper moiety between Collana (Chinchaysuyu) and Payan (Antisuyu) 1t.e. between the rulers of a particular area and its resident population, can be recognised in the Lower moiety between Collasuyu and Cuntisuyu. Finally, there was also a link between Chinchaysuyu (Collana), in its function as the group of rulers, and Cuntisuyu, in its function as the group of their ancestors, which last group 1n the system of three marriage classes was Collana too.

§ 2. a) As I mentioned above, the second representation of the organization of Cuzco can be illustrated by material from Inca history. This is possible

because the Inca rulers were not in fact rulers who together constituted one dynasty; they were representatives and leaders of social groups who had a place in the second representation as well. It is possible in a few instances that the

names of the rulers were not in fact mere proper names but were derived from the groups to which the rulers belonged. Before quoting the matcrial illustrating the second representation, I propose to show the unhistorical nature of what was recorded by most of the chroniclers as Inca history. In chapter I?1) we saw that Molina and Cobo mentioned ten panaca which

had been founded by Manco Capac and his first nine successors. In their accounts these ten panaca were distributed over the four suyu and the groups of three ceques in such a manner that one panaca occurred in every group of 20) Nominal Inca or Inca by privilege were the people or ayllu around Cuzco who did not belong to the Inca originally but were later addressed as such (Poma 1944, foja 85, 337; Garcilaso 1945, Tomo I, libro I, cap. XX, XXIII; Rowe 1946, p. 189). 21) See I Diagrams A and B, pp. 4, 6.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 123 three ceque. Beside the panaca, there was also in every group of three ceque one of the ten ayllu of the non-aristocratic population of Cuzco 22). As will be demonstrated in the next chapter, in the discussion of the third representation, this type of organization corresponded not only to this third representation of the organization of Cuzco, but was also connected with the principle of the division into five 23). It can not readily be supposed that the successive rulers really did found their own panaca and that thus the organization of Cuzco was incomplete and inoperative until after the reign of the tenth ruler. In addition, the panaca of the later rulers would not have had a place in the system. As regards this contingency, Molina and Cobo accordingly record that there were no panaca of the later rulers in the organization of Cuzco, although there is evidence of the existence of a panaca, the Tumibamba panaca, of the eleventh ruler, Huayna

Capac (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 62, p. 251). But in the context of the organization of Cuzco as expressed in the ceque system, only the panaca of the first ten rulers have to be taken into account, b) One of the chroniclers, Gutierrez de Santa Clara, wholly corroborates the suggestion that the ten panaca represented a particular form of organization which must contain all ten and in which the chiefs of the panaca were certain of the ruler’s kinsmen and not his predecessors. Gutierrez correlates the division of the government of the population of Cuzco with the conquest of the town

by the Inca; according to him, however, (1905, cap. L, p. 432) it was not Manco Capac who conquered Cuzco, but Tapac Yupanqui 24).

Next, Gutierrez (1905, cap. L., p. 435) describes how Tupac Yupanqut divided the government of the panaca among his kinsmen: “He (Tupac Yupanqui) was the first Inca to start building the fortress of Cuzco (1.e. Sacsahuaman), although others, elders, say that Pachacuti began its construction when he was engaged in the struggle with the chief of Cuzco, and that, because the latter was unable to finish it, Tupac Yupanqui added a large part; from here

he conducted his war against the chief (of Cuzco). He (Tupac Yupanqut) also divided Cuzco into two large districts; the first and most important he called Hanan Cuzco, which means the upper district of Cuzco, and the other Hurin Cuzco, which means the lower district. Subsequently he divided the upper district into five parts: the first and most important part he called Ayllo Cappa (Capac ayllu), ie. the lineage of the Inca rulers; the second was called 22) Cobo does not mention the panaca of the second ruler and the ayllu belonging to it. This omission is, however, certainly due to the incompleteness of his data (see I § 4 pp. 9-10 and note 14). 23) See VI §§ 4, 5 pp. 178-183. 24) J shall be able further on to explain satisfactorily why Tupac Yupanqui was mentioned in this connection as the conqueror of Cuzco (see V § 5 a pp. 133-134).

Int. Arch. f. Ethn., Suppl. to Vol. L 10

124 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION Yifia Cappafiaca (Ifaca panaca), the third Cuccopanaca (Sucsu panaca) 25); the

fourth Illipanaca (Aucailli panaca), and the fifth Cumapanaca (Suma panaca) 26); to every one of these parts he assigned a number of people who would live there for ever. As chief of the first part he appointed the son who was to succeed him in his realm; the second and third parts he assigned to his collateral descendants; the fourth to his grandfather and his descendants, the fifth to his great-grandfather. The other district, the second, which covered the lower district of the town, he also divided into five parts; the first part he called Uzcamayta (Usca Mayta) and appointed as its chiefs the descendants of the second son of the first Inca ruler to reign after himself; the second part he called Appomayta (Apo Mayta) and appointed as its chief the second son of the second Inca ruler. And in the same order of succession he laid down that in the third, fourth and fifth parts the second sons of the third, fourth and fifth Inca rulers

should succeed to the government; although his kingdom did not survive because of the arrival of the Spaniards’’.

Gutierrez probably did not understand this important datum, for there are several mistakes and impossible details concealed in his account. Thus he asserts that Tupac Yupanqui assigned the first part, Capac ayllu, to the son who later

was to succeed him. According to all the other chroniclers Capac ayllu was Tupac Yupanqui’s own panaca. It should be assumed therefore, that, in the context of Gutierrez’s account, it was Pachacuti who divided the government, and that the government of Capac ayllu was assigned to Tupac Yupanqui. This division of the government could be compared to the re-organization of the town by Pachacuti as recorded by the other chroniclers (Sarmiento, 1947, cap. 30-32, p. 174-180; Betanzos 1880, cap. XVI, p. 107-111) 27). In my opinion Pachacuti can be substituted for the Tupac Yupanqui of Gutierrez’s account. Three sorts of kin of Pachacuti are mentioned as the chiefs of the five parts of Hanan-Cuzco: 1) his successor, 2) his collateral kin, 3) his grandfather and his descendants and his great-grandfather. It is difficult to conceive that Pacha-

cuti did in fact assign the government of two of the parts to his great-grandfather and grandfather. It seems more likely that this government was assigned to the kin belonging to the lineages to which his great-grandfather and that to which his grandfather had belonged. In three instances Gutierrez refers to the kin of Pachacuti, — the greatgrandfather the grandfather and the son —, who probably belonged to his patrilineal ascendants and descendants. The obvious conclusion of this is that in the other two instances the ‘collateral kin’ refer to Pachacuti’s father’s kin 25) See VI § 3b p. 175 and note 6. 26) See VI note 73. 27) See V § 5 pp. 133-139, VI § 8 pp. 199-202.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 125 and the kin of Pachacuti’s own lineage, for Pachacuti and his father are the only ones who did not occur in this lineage of partilineal ascendants and descen-

dants. If these patrilineal relatives belonged to different lineages, then these five lineages were probably matrilineal. Gutierrez deals even more strangely with the division of the government of the five parts of Hurin-Cuzco. He mentions Usca Mayta panaca before Apu Mayta panaca. This error can probably be explained from the sequence in which Molina and Cobo, mistakenly, placed these panaca in Collasuyu 28). Gutierrez ignores the names of the remaining three parts. We can only conclude from Gutierrez’s material that the chiefs of the five parts of Hurin-Cuzco were to be the second sons of rulers who were to succeed Pachacuti. As the rulers themselves never existed, owing to the arrival of the Spaniards, as Gutierrez remarked, their second sons could not possibly become the chiefs of parts of Hurin-Cuzco. Nor could these rulers themselves or their descendants belong to any particular parts, the panaca, because the ten existing parts of Cuzco had already been assigned to other kinsmen of Pachacutt. It seems to me that Gutierrez’s account must be interpreted as follows. By ‘second sons’ of a ruler, the chroniclers understood either the subsidiary sons,

or all the sons except the successor to the throne 29). In the case of Tupac Yupanqui, Gutierrez records that he, in his capacity as successor to the throne, became the chief of Capac ayllu, that is to say the ayllu of the Inca, the lineage to which the ruler belonged. Capac ayllu was the principal, the first lineage. The second, the subsidiary son of Pachacuti was the chief of Usca Mayta; Apu Mayta should be read for this name in Gutierrez. The latter chief was therefore the subsidiary brother of Tupac Yupanqui. Gutierrez calls Tupac Yupanqui

the first Inca after Pachacuti. This term ‘the first Inca’ may, however, have referred to the chief of the first, the principal lineage, which was Capac ayllu. The second Inca would then be not the Inca who followed after Tupac, but the chief of the second panaca in Hanan-Cuzco, 1.e. the chief of Ifaca panaca, and therefore the Inca before Tupac Yupanqui. The subsidiary sons of the first, second, third, fourth and fifth rulers after Pachacuti in Gutierrez’s account, would therefore in fact have belonged to the lineages of Pachacutt’s successor, his own, his father’s, his grandfather's and his great-grandfather's. 28) See I § 1 pp. 1-5, IV § 2d p. 88, VI § 5 p. 182. 29) This use of the term “second son” is most explicit in a passage from Garcilaso (1945,

Tomo I, libro I, cap. XVI). When he states that the population of Cuzco was divided into Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco — I pass over the representation in which this division was considered — he is comparing the relationship between both groups as the first-born, older sons in Hanan-Cuzco to the “second sons” in Hurin-Cuzco. According to Betanzos, in the first representation the primary sons belong to Hanan-Cuzco and the subsidiary sons to Hurin-Cuzco (see IV § 24a p. 79).

126 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION This conclusion is supported and further explained by the material in this chapter 30),

Gutierrez, then, has side by side with the five chiefs, one for each part of Hanan-Cuzco, a subsidiary brother as chief of each of the five parts of HurinCuzco. Because they all belonged to lineages which were personified in Pacha-

| cuti’s patrilineal ancestors and descendants, these chiefs, who were contemporary with Pachacuti, were later identified with his ascendants and descendants. c) Another version of the history of the Inca is known beside that by Gutietrez; this is by Polo de Ondegardo and Acosta, and it also varies from the more customary one. Both these chroniclers mention two contemporary dynasties: one from Hanan-Cuzco and one from Hurin-Cuzco. Besides a Hanan-Cuzco

ruler, one from Hurin-Cuzco was always in function; these two contemporary rulers could, in keeping with Gutierrez’s account, be regarded as two brothers, a primary and a subsidiary, who were also the chiefs of one of the five parts of Hanan-Cuzco and of Hurin-Cuzco.

The version of the history of the Inca given by Polo de Ondegardo and by Acosta also varies, as regards the names and the succession of the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco, from the customary accounts of the history of the Inca. If all the rulers are regarded as contemporary chiefs, the version by Polo de Ondegardo and Acosta is in accordance with the second representation. It is therefore important to take cognisance of their version of the history of the Inca 31). Acosta (1954, Libro VI, cap. XX-XXIII, p. 200-203) relates in brief how Manco Capac was the founder of two dynasties, one for Hanan-Cuzco and one for Hurin-Cuzco. The kings of the first dynasty, Hanan-Cuzco, were the Inca who had conquered the country and ruled over it. Acosta does not mention the achievements of the second dynasty. The first of the Hanan-Cuzco kings was Inca Roca. Then followed Yahuar Huacac, Viracocha Inca, Pachacuti, Tupac Yupanqui and Huayna Capac. The

30) I wish to call attention to one fact in Gutierrez’s material. He states mot that Tupac Yupanqui divided the administration among his kin of the lineages from himself up to and including that of his great-great-grandfather but that Pachacuti made this division among his contemporary kin of the lineages of those up to and including his great-grandfather. Only one of the five parts of Hanan-Cuzco did he give to his son, who is of course not a contemporary kinsman. I am of the opinion that this distinction in this second representation of the organization of Cuzco and the next one is of great importance, as wil be shown (see V § 3 pp. 128-129, VI § 4 pp. 178-182). 31) The data of the jurist Polo de Ondegardo and of the Jesuit José de Acosta agree so well that we must accept that Acosta obtained his data from Polo, although he adds other information

independently. Polo must have written his chronicle before 1575, the year in which he died (Ochéa 1946, p. 103), while Acosta arrived in Peru in 1572 and published his chronicle in 1590 (Acosta 1954, pp. XI, XXII)

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 127 last one was the father of the two brothers Huascar and Atahuallpa who were involved in a civil war at the time of the Spanish conquest. In Hurin-Cuzco Manco Capac was succeeded by Sinchi Roca, Capac Yupanqui, Lloque Yupanqui, Mayta Capac and Tarco Huaman. The last one was succeeded by a son whose name is not recorded. The eighth and last was Don Juan Tambo Maytapanaca. Acosta refers to two contemporary dynasties which both descended from Manco Capac. The same presentation can be read from Polo de Ondegardo’s account. Polo de Ondegardo (1916a, cap. III, p. 10, 11) calls Manco Capac the ‘origin and father of the people’. He also mentions two ‘parcialidades’, groups: Hanan-Cuzco, the principal group, and Hurin-Cuzco, the other. Inca Roca was the chief of the first and he was succeeded by Yahuar Huacac, Viracocha Inca, Pachacuti, Tupac Yupanqui, Huayna Capac and Huascar. Sinchi

Roca was the chief of the second group; and he was succeeded by Capac Yupanqui, Lloque Yupanqui, Mayta Capac and Tarco Huaman.

Both these authors are the only ones who mention first the rulers of HananCuzco and then those of Hurin-Cuzco. If they had regarded the rulers of the two moieties as one and the same dynasty, they would probably not have mentioned first those of Hanan-Cuzco. Moreover, both authors insert the name of one ruler, Tarco Huaman, who was not mentioned in this capacity by any of the other chroniclers, although Sarmiento (1947, cap. 17, p. 141) does mention him as a subsidiary son of Mayta Capac. Polo’s remark, cited above, makes it clear why both authors insert one more ruler among those from Hurin-Cuzco: since Manco Capac was the forefather of both dynasties, he could not himself belong to either. Sinchi Roca was there-

fore the first ruler of Hurin-Cuzco and there resulted a gap at the end of the series of five rulers of Hurin-Cuzco which was filled by Tarco Huaman. Polo and Acosta were the only authors who placed Capac Yupanqui between Sinchi Roca and Lloque Yupanqui. According to all the other authors Capac Yupanqui reigned after Mayta Capac. From other details in this chapter it appears that Polo and Acosta made the same error of interchanging Capac Yupanqui and Tarco Huaman in the Hurin-Cuzco dynasty. If this mistake is corrected, the list of the contemporary rulers of Hanan-Cuzco and HurinCuzco looks as follows:

Hurin-Cuzco Hanan-Cuzco

Sinchi Roca. . . . . ~ . Inca Roca

Tarco Huaman . . . . . Yahuar Huacac Lloque Yupanqui . . . . Viracocha Inca

MaytaCapac. . . . . . Pachacuti

128 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION

Capac Yupanqui. . . . . Tupac Yupanqui 32) To resume: the five rulers of Hanan-Cuzco and the five of Hurin-Cuzco were in fact the ten chiefs of the parts into which, according to Gutierrez, Cuzco was divided.

§ 3. If it is assumed, then, that the rulers of Cuzco were in actual fact not rulers of one dynasty but the personified chiefs of social groups, the material about these rulers can then be used outside its historical context in order to throw light on the position which these social groups occupied in the organization of Cuzco, which groups played also a role in this second representation.

Just before discussing the position of the rulers in the so-called history of the Inca, I indicated in what light the functions of the moieties, of the four suyu and of the three groups of three ceque in every suyu should be regarded in relation to the second representation of the organization of Cuzco 33). From what follows it will appear that the rulers can be linked with the social groups in this representation in the following manner: Inca Roca and Sinchi Roca are linked to IV 1 and JV 2; Yahuar Huacac and Tarco Huaman to III 1 and III 2; and Viracocha Inca and Lloque Yupanqui to II 1 and II 2. Two rulers, one from Hanan-Cuzco and one from Hurin-Cuzco, who were regarded as being brothers by Gutierrez, are thus consistently linked with each suyu, There are, however, five rulers in Hanan-Cuzco and five in Hurin-Cuzco, but only four suyu. It appears now that both Pachacuti and Tupac Yupanqui are linked to I 1 and that both Mayta Capac and Capac Yupanqui are linked to J 2. The two 32) A confirmation of the version of two simultaneous dynasties is found in the name which Acosta gives for the last, the eighth ruler of Hurin-Cuzco, Don Juan Tambo Maytapanaca. The Spanish title Don and the name Juan indicate that this individual lived after the conquest of Cuzco by the Spaniards. If the fifth ruler of Hurin-Cuzco, Capac Yupanqui, was actually succeeded by the first of Hanan-Cuzco, Inca Roca, there could have been no later rulers of HurinCuzco. But even if we suppose that in the last case the royal dynasty was continued in HurinCuzco too, parallel with that of Hanan-Cuzco, then the eighth ruler could still not have lived in the Spanish period but must have been a contemporary of the third king of Hanan-Cuzco, Viracocha Inca. In 1572 Sarmiento (1947, cap. 17, p. 142, Fee de la probanza, p. 285) knew this same Don Juan, under the name of Don Juan Tambo Usca Mayta, as head of the panaca of Mayta Capac which was called Usca Mayta panaca. For Acosta too, the name Tambo Mayta*

panaca suggested a relation with either Usca Mayta panaca or with Apu Mayta panaca. In 1572 Sarmiento estimated the age of Don Juan, who was one of his informants, at 60 years. This was the age which a son of Huascar, the seventh ruler of Hanan-Cuzco, would approximately have had if he had been able to succeed his father. Remarkably enough, and important for my subsequent argumentation (see VI § 5 pp. 182-183), is the fact that it is not stated that Don Juan founded his own panaca, like the other rulers, but that he was chief of the panaca of Mayta Capac, a panaca which had long been in existence. 33) See V § 1 d pp. 119-122.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 129 rulers in every group each personify different functions of the group. Pachacuti

and Mayta Capac personify in Chinchaysuyu the function of this suyu as a marriage class, the male members of which married the women from IV; Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui personify the function of Chinchaysuyu (Collana) as the endogamous group to which the rulers belonged both matrilineally and patrilineally. Accordingly, all rulers from Pachacuti onwards can be said to have been linked to I 1 34).

There was thus no need in this representation for separate fifth rulers in Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco. The sixth ruler of Hanan-Cuzco, Huayna Capac,

could also be ignored. But, because one of the expressions of the principle of the quinque-partition, to be discussed later, was the system of five rulers in Hanan-Cuzco and five in Hurin-Cuzco 35), these two fifth rulers could not be omitted from this representation 36),

§ 4. a) It will now be possible to use the material about the Inca rulers to elucidate the second representation. The most intelligible material on the question of two rulers linked to two groups of three ceque in each suyu, 1s that relating to Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui. In order to explain the significance of this material, however, I shall have to compare the position of these two rulers in the organization of Cuzco to that of the rulers Uscovilca and Ancovilca in the organization of the Chanca 37), In the organization of the Chanca, I assumed the existence of a quadripartition in which I used the term Collana to refer to the group represented by Uscovilca. Every one of these four groups was divided into Hanansaya and Hurinsaya. Uscovilca stood at the head of Hanansaya and of all the Chanca. people; Ancovilca stood at the head of Hurinsaya. The names of the two chiefs were synonymous, both meaning white vilca. The data on Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui are wholly in accordance with those on Uscovilca and Ancovilca. The names Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui are, similarly, synonymous 38).

Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui are the most important rulers of Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco. Capac ayllu which, according to Gutierrez 39) was the panaca of the Inca, the rulez, descended from Tupac Yupanqui. The 34) See VI § 4 pp. 178-182. 35) See VI § 4 pp. 178-182. 36) See V § 2b pp. 125-126. 37) See IV § 5 b pp. 103-107.

88) According to Holguin, Tupa refers to something which stands in connection with the king. At the same time, it is a title of honour. Both, Tupac fian and Capac fian, for example, mean “royal road”’.

39) See V § 2b p. 123.

130 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION element Apu in the name Apu Mayta panaca, the name of Capac Yupanqui's panaca, according to Holguin (1608) means ‘‘great lord, high judge, principal chief. GCapay apu means king”.

These similarities between the names of Uscovilca and Ancovilca and those of Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui indicate that the same position must be accorded to the latter two in the organization of Cuzco as were occupied by the chiefs of the Chanca in their organization. Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui therefore were linked to the groups of ceque I 1 and I 2. b) Uscovilca and Ancovilca were contemporary chiefs. There are also indications that Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui were each other's contemporaries. Like Pachacuti’s assistants in his war against the Chanca 40), Capac

Yupanqui is also mentioned twice in the history of the Inca. On the first occasion he acted as the ruler, five generations before Tupac Yupanqui in the history of the Inca. His second appearance is when he, as Pachacuti’s subsidiary brother — first by himself and then together with Tupac Yupanqui, the crown prince —, makes the most important conquests in the expansion of the Inca Empire 41). Since it is important, not only in this context but also generally, to know what were the relationships in this representation between the two chiefs, of HananCuzco and Hurin-Cuzco, within one suyu, I shall enter further into the second of Capac Yupanqui’s functions. According to Garcilaso (1945, Tomo II, libro VI, cap. XXXII) Pachacuti called Capac Yupanqui his captain, his right arm and deputy, and his ‘segunda persona’ in peace and war, to whom he granted absolute power in his whole kingdom 42). Garcilaso explains elsewhere (1945, Tomo I, libro III, cap. XT)

with reference to Capac Yupanqui the ruler what he means by ‘substitute’. This ruler sent a brother, Auqui Titu, out as general of the army, with four major-domos. Later, when the ruler himself went to battle, he appointed Auqui Titu as governor and deputy to the government of the whole realm. He had his four major-domos as councillors, while the ruler took his four councillors with him as major-domos. It is odd that the chroniclers in this context call Capac Yupanqui, the general, Pachacuti’s, and not Tupac Yupanqui’s, subsidiary brother and deputy, for it

is Capac Yupanqui who personified Hurin-Cuzco (I 2 + I] 2 + III 2 +IV 2) in his capacity as its chief and thus clarifies his own position, as opposed to that of the chief of Hanan-Cuzco (11 + 11 + HI1 + IV 1), Tupac Yupan- . 40) See IV § 5c pp. 107-110. 41) See V note 44. 42) Sarmiento (1947, cap. 38, p. 139) confirms this position for Capac Yupanqui by the statement that Pachacuti gave him, as a general, his own golden weapons.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 131 qui. But especially in the framework of the second representation, not too much value should be attached to the question as to whether any particular events had taken place during Pachacuti’s or Tupac Yupanqui’s reign 43) 44), In the light of this second representation it can therefore be asserted that the | man who bore the name Capac Yupanqui united in his person the functions

of the chief of Hurin-Cuzco as a whole (I 2 + II 2 + Il] 2 + IV 2) and of the general and deputy of the head of Hanan-Cuzco as a whole (I1 + I11 + Ill 1 + IV 1). The latter was also the ruler of Cuzco as a whole. The characteristics of the ruler of Cuzco as a whole in the second representation were shared by Pachacuti and Tupac Yupanqui 45). c) Now that the positions of Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui in the second representation have been determined, as being linked to I, it appears that the data on their marriages also agree on this point. As it is necessary in this representation, for the purposes of determining their position in the organization of these two as of the other Inca rulers, to refer to the marriages they entered, I shall first briefly outline what is known about the dynastic marriages.

All authors on the subject agree that Manco Capac married his sister and 43) See V § 3 pp. 128-129. 44) There is just as little agreement among the chroniclers concerning the question of whether Capac Yupanqui acted only as Pachacuti’s general, whether he made conquests together with Tupac Yupanqui as crown prince, or whether he was also Tupac Yupanqui’s principal general and substitute. The different opinions concerning the general Capac Yupanqui are the following: Sarmiento (1947, cap. 38, pp. 192-197) states that Capac Yupanqui conquered the country north

of Cuzco as far as Cajamarca and that, on the orders of his brother, Pachacuti, he was killed because he carried his conquests too far. After this, Tupac Yupanqui, still a crown prince, resumed these conquests in the north (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 44, pp. 208-210). He had two brothers accompanying him as a general, whom Pachacuti had killed on their return for the same reason as Capac Yupanqui (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 46, pp. 217-218). We are thus constrained to ask ourselves whether the campaign of Capac Yupanqui and that of Tupac Yupanqui were not one and the same. According to Cieza (1943, cap. XLIX, p. 233), the general who made the northern conquests for Pachacuti was Lloque Yupanqui, who had with him as advisor a “Copa Yupanqui’’. Jimenez de la Espada reads into this last name “Tupac Yupanqui’’. It would be more justifiable to read “Capac Yupanqui’’. Later, as ruler, Tupac Yupanqui took with him on a campaign as general

of all his troops and as principal advisor “Capac Yupanqui, his uncle, but not the one who made war against the people of Jauja (this is the first northern campaign of Pachacuti’s reign)

because this man, it is said, hanged himself out of pure pique’. This quotation from Cieza conveys the impression that the name Capac Yupanqui was linked to a certain place in the social system. The name Capac Yupanqui could have been borne by several individuals. According to Garcilaso (1945, Tomo II, libro VI, cap. X XIX) Capac Yupanqui also made great conquests in the northern part of the empire together with the successor to the throne and was not killed for being overly energetic. 45) I shall be able to show later that in the organization of the Chanca, too, the relationship

of Uscovilca to Ancovilca was that of the ruler to his general and substitute (see VI § 6 ¢ pp. 186-188.

132 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION that he prescribed this form of marriage to all his successors. There are two schools of opinion about the actual practice of this marriage form. According to most chroniclers, Manco Capac’s successors, for political reasons (Cieza de Leén, 1943, cap. X, p. 72, 73; cap. XX XI, p. 173), did not follow his edict and married women from outside Cuzco. According to Poma de Ayala and Murua, on the other hand, all the rulers married their sisters. Poma and Murua also record wholly different names 46) for the Coya, the queens, in addition to those given to them by the first group of authors. In one case, that of Sinchi Roca, Murua (1613, cap. 3) records that the ruler had not just one wife with two different names, but that he had first married a non-Inca woman, Mama Coca, and subsequently, at his accession to the throne, had married his sister, Chimpu Coya, whose primary son, Lloque Yupanqui, became his successor. According to the other chroniclers, on the other hand, Mama Coca was Sinchi Roca’s primary wife and Lloque Yupanqui her son. It seems more likely to me therefore that the two names recorded by Poma and Murua for every Coya, in

fact refer to the rulers two wives, the first his sister, the primary wife, and the second his subsidiary wife. The marriages entered by the rulers with non-Inca women fit in completely in the second representation of the organization of Cuzco. The reason why the other writers mention these marriages in particular might be that by doing so they could give an integrated picture of the second representation of the organization of Cuzco and its surroundings. The divergent names recorded by Poma

and Murua, on the other hand, point to yet another representation of the organization of Cuzco 47).

According to all the chroniclers, with the exception of Poma, Murta and Garcilaso, Tupac Yupanqui was the first ruler after Manco Capac to marry his own sister. She had been given to him by his father at his accession to the throne (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 43, p. 208). Tupac Yupanqui’s successors henceforth followed his example (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 60, p. 241; Cabello Valboa

1951, cap. 20, p. 360, cap. 25, p. 399). In this manner they could always, within the organization of Cuzco, continue to belong to Capac ayllu. Thus they also distinguished themselves as the only real rulers from the previous rulers who had married not only women from outside Cuzco, but whose marriages also fitted in the framework of the suyu as marriage classes. Due to these circumstances, the real position of the previous rulers as the chiefs of particular social groups within the organization of Cuzco also came to light. Only the ruler Capac Yupanqui’s marriage hints of endogamy. Of the mar46) Garcilaso agrees with Poma and Murda on the sister marriage of all rulers, but gives the queens the names which were reported by the other authors. 47) See IX § 1 pp. 236-240.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 133 riages of all the other rulers, with the exception of Tupac Yupanqui, the origins of their wives from outside Cuzco is recorded in detail. Sarmiento (1947,

cap. 18, p. 143) and Cobo (1956, tomo II, libro 12, cap. VIII, p. 72), on the other hand, assert that Capac Yupanqui’s father-in-law was a noble who came from Cuzco and had been a very important man among the earlier Inca. This marriage between Capac Yupanqui and a woman from within Cuzco was of an

endogamous nature, in contrast to the other dynastic marriages which were entered with women from outside Cuzco 48). These endogamous marriages of Tupac Yupanqui and, probably, of Capac Yupanqui are completely in accordance with the nature of I in the second trepresentation, for this marriage class, to which the two rulers belonged, must be expected to have had an endogamous nature. To illustrate the second repre-) sentation my point of departure was the conclusion that the functions of Collana (Hanan-Cuzco, 1.e. 11, I 1, WI 1, IV 1) and of Payan (Hurin-Cuzco, te. I 2, If 2, III 2, IV 2) in the second representation were the same as those of Collana (Hanan-Cuzco, 1.e. Chinchaysuyu) and of Payan (Hurin-Cuzco, i.e. Collasuyu) in the first representation, and that the suyu in the second representation fulfilled the same function as the four marriage classes in Chinchaysuyu and in Collasuyu in the first representation #9). In the first representation, the marriage class I 1 b in Chinchaysuyu, and the marriage class II 1 b in Collasuyu, were referred to as Collana. Both Collana marriage classes were the only endo-.

gamous ones in I and II 5°). The endogamous function of these marriage classes was taken over in the second representation by I, as the Collana marriage class. Tupac Yupanqut’s and probably Capac Yupanqui’s marriage corroborate

this characterisation of I as endogamous. N § 5. a) The next rulers I propose to discuss are Pachacuti and Mayta Capac. I linked them, like Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui, to I 1 and I 2. As regards Mayta Capac, this link was based on the great similarity of the material on him to that on Pachacuti. If this similarity can be demonstrated to be true, this would imply that material on either of the two rulers can be used to explain material on the other. The first reason for linking Pachacuti to I 1, 1s his character. I assumed that the three representations of the organization of Cuzco were viewed by the Inca from the point of view of the most highly placed individual in it, 1.e. the ruler. 48) I would like to point out that Sarmiento (1947, cap. 18, p. 143) also reports another

tradition according to which the wife of Capac Yupanqui is supposed to have been a daughter of the chief of the Ayarmaca.

49) See V § 1d pp. 120-121. 50) See IV § 2 e, f pp. 88-90.

134 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION Thus, the first representation was described from the point of view of Manco Capac, the founder of the ruler’s dynasty. A repetition of this description was encountered in connection with the re-organization of Cuzco by Pachacuti at the conclusion of the war against the Chanca. The description of the organization of Cuzco by Gutierrez must also be connected with Pachacuti 51). In the last two descriptions Pachacuti was the most highly placed individual. There was nevertheless no reason why, in connection with the first representation, the organization of Cuzco should be explained from Pachacuti’s point of view and not that of any other ruler of the dynasty of Inca rulers. The explanation from this point of view is justified, however, in the case of the second representation if it can be shown that the first, second, third and fourth rulers of HananCuzco as well as of Hurin-Cuzco, belonged to the suyu IV, II, II and I in their functions as marriage classes; this would imply that Pachacuti and Mayta Capac belonged to I (Chinchaysuyu). As has been shown above, the fifth ruler of Hanan-Cuzco as well as of HurinCuzco was classed as I 52). It is understandable, therefore, that there was some hesitation among the chroniclers, as for instance Gutierrez 53), as to the question whether the re-organization of Cuzco should be ascribed to Tupac Yupanqui, the fifth ruler of Hanan-Cuzco, or to Pachacuti, the fourth ruler. In the context of the second representation, it also becomes intelligible why according to Cabello Valboa (1951, cap. 18, p. 339) Pachacuti was only an epithet for Tupac Yupanqul. b) One piece of evidence confirming Pachacuti’s place in I in the second representation is his marriage. I deduced logically that the following asymmetric

form of connubium existed between the four suyu as matrilineal marriage classes. I marries a woman from IV; IV one from III; III one from II; and II one from [1 54). It can also be deduced logically that the non-Inca wives of

the Hanan-Cuzco rulers (I1 + II 1 + IJ] 1 + IV 1, ie. Collana) and of the Hurin-Cuzco rulers (I 2 + II 2 -+ III 2 + IV 2, 1.e. Payan) must have come from Cayao (I 3 + IJ 3 + HI 3 + IV 3) 55). As will be shown later, Pachacuti married a woman from IV 3. Since all the available data on the rulers’ marriages are in agreement with this representation, it follows from the fact that Pachacutt’s wife belonged to IV 3, that he himself, as the ruler of HananCuzco, was classed as I 1. Pachacuti’s wife was called Mama Anahuarque (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 34, 51) See V § 2b p. 124. 52) See V § 44 pp. 129, 130. 53) See V § 2b p. 124. 54) See V § 1d p. 121. 55) See V § 1d pp. 121-122.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 135

IV I IV (Collana) I1 (Collana) (Collana)

IV 2ia a6th“.Sth (Payan) Tuler:a 12 ruler: ad : (Payan) : lowing Ist ",ruler fa 4th He . : and folmc a ra %, : es lowing

f * : , ruler

(Cayao) ,S,os — (Cayao) wives %, : a ofwives of the 9thae , OY: we 8th and and 4th ruler ray an we 3d ruler

Il 1 8th ruler xt oe 7th ruler

(Collana) Z (Collana) s A Ul 1 we ww i * ea \ i ‘ Jo ruler we 2 wives wives ‘, : the : h II(Payan) 2 . 7th and ; th and ‘. Ill 2 - 2nd ruler : Ist ruler ‘, (Payan) II 3 Ill 3 (Cayao) (Cayao)

IT (Cayao) Ill (Payan) Diagram of the marriage relationships of the rulers in the second representation of the

| organization of Cuzco.

p. 183). The name Anahuarque indicates that she belonged to the group which was also referred to in the organization of Cuzco with the name Anahuarque. Before demonstrating this, I shall first attempt to prove that in the second rerepresentation the Anahuarque group was linked to the IV 3 group of ceque. In the first representation Anahuarque was the name for IV 56). The suyu were connected with the hierarchic groups in the following manner: Chinchaysuyu, as Collana, with the ruler and his primary kin, Collasuyu, as Payan, with the subsidiary kin of the ruler, and Antisuyu and Cuntisuyu as Cayao, with the 56) See IV § 24 p. 78.

136 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION non-related population. Within every hierarchic group there was a quadripartition into four marriage classes linked by the asymmetric connubium. I was also able to compare these quadripartitions with the quadripartition consisting of the four suyu. Therefore, still in this first presentation, the suyu can be regarded as marriage classes as well as hierarchic groups. In the second representation the suyu took over the function of the marriage

classes within the hierarchic groups of the first presentation. The hierarchic

groups in the second representation were Collana,I 1 + 1+ 1+ IV 1; Payan, 12 + IT 2 + III 2 + IV 2, and Cayao, 13 + 13 + HI 3 + IV 3. It is therefore to be expected that in the second representation the names Ayarmaca and Anahuarque, which in the first representation were applied to Antisuyu and Cuntisuyu, that is to say, both to Cayao, were aplied to Cayao as a

whole: I 3 + II 3 + III 3 + IV 3. This is not the case, however. In the second representation, too, the suyu had a double function. In addition to their function as marriage classes, Chinchaysuyu (1) and Antisuyu (III), as Collana and Payan, and together as the upper moiety, constituted the population of Cuzco, while Collasuyu (II) and Cuntisuyu (IV) as Cayao, and together as the lower moiety, constituted the non-Inca population. This had the following

effect on the group of 13 + II 3 + III 3 + IV 3. The villages around Cuzco which, either as the result of their subjection to the Inca or of an alliance with Cuzco were recognised as ‘nominal Inca’, were classed as I 3 and III 3. The names Ayarmaca and Anahuarque were reserved for the groups II 3 and IV 3. In the ceque system the Payan ceque of the group IV 3 was called Anahuarque. It seems most likely therefore that in the second representation the name Anahuarque was used to refer to IV 3 and Ayarmaca to II 3. I hope to demonstrate now that Mama Anahuarque, Pachacuti’s wife, belonged to the Anahuarque group, 1.e. IV 3. In this argument I shall have to make use of data on Mayta Capac’s wife. In doing this I anticipate the proof that this ruler belonged to I 2 and, like Pachacuti, chose his wife from IV 3. Pachacuti’s and Mayta Capac’s wives derived their names from those of mountains near Cuzco. They differ in this respect from all the other queens. Mama Anahuarque came from the village of Choco (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 34, p. 183) 57), at the foot of the mountain Anahuarque. This mountain is called the seventh huaca of the Anahuarque ceque, and Molina mentions it specially as being the huaca, the holy place, of the village of Choco. Mayta Capac’s wife was called Mama Taucaray and came from the village of Taucaray 58). Even now a mountain Taucaray is still known; it lies beside the Anahuarque. In the °7) In the Relacién de los ceques the village of Choco occurs in the 5th and 6th ceque of Cuntisuyu (see diagram Chapter I § 1 p. 2 for the numbering of the ceque in the Relacién). 58) The name Taucaray is corrupted in various ways by the chroniclers. Sarmiento (1947,

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 137 ceque system a huaca Tancaray (n copied instead of u) occurred on the ceque II 2 c and a mountain Tocacaray (= Tacucaray = Taucaray?) as the fifth huaca of the ceque II 2 b. The resemblance of the names of these two queens, — whose husbands, as will appear, were both classed as I —, with those of two adjoining mountains is, iN my opinion, an indication not only of the great similarity of their husbands’ marriages, but also of the fact that these names were not primarily the proper names of these queens, but generic names of the groups to which they belonged 59). Mama Anahuarque clearly belonged to the Anahuarque group (IV 3), which probably derived its name from the mountain Anahuarque.

Mama Taucaray also belonged to the Anahuarque group (IV 3). In the first representation Anahuarque was used to refer to Pinahua Capac’s people, the Pinahua 69). According to Astete Chocano (p. 31-35) 61) one of the ayllu of the Pinahua was Taucaray ayllu. Here again Taucaray was connected with the Pinahua, and thus with Anahuarque. c) Other data, in addition to those on their marriages, point to the great simtlarity between Pachacuti and Mayta Capac. Even Mayta Capac’s deeds hint at an imitation of those of Pachacuti. This further material not only confirms Pachacutis and Mayta Capac’s positions in I 1 and I 2, but also points to their mutual relationship as Collana (I 1) to Payan (I 2). The following story is recorded about Mayta Capac in the chronicles (Sar-

miento 1947, cap. 17, p. 139-141). He was born when his father Lloque Yupanqui was very old, but he grew up very fast and after two years fought with big boys. At that time there lived other people in Cuzco as well, who had not yet been subjected by the Inca, Once, when Mayta Capac was playing with a boy from among these people, he killed the son of the chief of the Allca-

biza. Thus there arose a fight between the Inca, under Mayta Capac, and the other people, much against the will of Lloque Yupanqui, the king of the Inca. He wished to make peace because he was afraid that the Inca would be defeated. In connection with this war the soothsayers, according to Betanzos cap. 17, p. 141) speaks of Mama Tacucaray from the village of Tacucaray; Cabello Valboa (1951, cap. 12, p. 286) of Mama Coca Taucaraz from the village of Taucaraz. In another name too — that of Mama Micay, the wife of Inca Roca — Cabello Valboa (1951, cap. 13, p. 293) makes the final letter a z instead of a y. Since all the other chroniclers have a final y for both words, we may assume that Cabello Valboa was in error and that we should speak of Taucaray and Micay where he puts Taucaraz and Micaz. Lastly, Cobo (1956, Tomo II, libro 12, cap. VII, p. 70) mentions Mama Tancaray Yacchi and calls her the daughter of the cacique of the province of Collaguas.

59) J will return later in this chapter to the reason why names of mountains were used for these queens (see § 10 c p. 160, § 11 p. 163, § 13 b p. 168). GO) See IV § 24 p. 78. 61) See IV note 16.

138 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION (1880, cap. V, p. 17) foretold that the Allcabiza would be driven from Cuzco and that the Inca would come to power, ‘as history will show’. Betanzos devoted

the remainder of his chronicle to this acquisition of power. Although it was Mayta Capac’s feats by which this power was achieved, Betanzos connects it with events centred around Pachacutt. Like Pachacuti, Mayta Capac is represented in this context as the youthful, reckless crown-prince whose conquest forms the foundation of the later Inca conquests. Just like Viracocha Inca, Lloque Yupanqui is the old, senile ruler who prefers making peace with the enemy to attempting to defeat him. Just as I was able to demonstrate a connection between Viracocha’s family and the priestly

class 62), Acosta (1954, libro V, cap. XXII, p. 166) mentions with relation to Lloque Yupanqui that the priests belonged to his lineage. Perhaps we can find another correspondence between Mayta Capac and Pachacuti by considering the etymology of their names. On page 88 I referred to the word Mayta as an indication of place. The same can be said of the word Pacha in the name Pachacuti. Like Mayta, Pacha is a locative. It is translated as “world’’, “earth’’. The usual translations of Pachacuti’s name stress the “transformer of the world” aspect of his name. Perhaps this translation overlooks the locative meaning of Pacha, which would parallel Pachacuti’s name to that of Mayta Capac.

The most striking resemblance can be detected, however, between the name of Uscovilca, the commander of the Chanca who fought against Pachacuti, and that of Allcabiza. The Allcabiza are mentioned not only as Mayta Capac’s enemies, but also as Manco Capac’s. At that time Allcabiza was not only the name of a people (Sar-

miento 1947, cap. 14, p. 131, 132) but also that of the commander of the pre-Inca people who defended Cuzco against the conquering Inca under Manco Capac (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 9, p. 113). Cabello Valboa (1951, cap. 12, p. 284) gives Allcavillca 63) for Allcabiza; this version of the name is probably more accurate and to us more intelligible. For Allcavillca means the black and white villca, and is therefore a synonym of Teclovilca (Ticllavillca) 64), the name of one of Uscovilca’s captains ®5). Just as Pachacuti fought against Uscovilca,

the white villca, Mayta Capac fought against te Allcavillca, the black and white villca. 62) See IV note 83. 63) According to Poma (1944, foja 183) and Pachacuti Yamqui (1959, p. 225 note) the form biza of the word villca, like the last word (Blas Valera 1950, p. 155), means ‘priest’.

64) Under the heading Allca Holguin (1608) also considered the words Allca and Ticlla as synonyms.

65) See IV § 5 b pp. 104, 105.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 139 As has been remarked above 66) Usco, or Anco, Ticlla, or Allca, and Yana on the one hand, and Capac, Hatun, Huchuy on the other, were series of names synonymous with Collana, Payan, Cayao. By connecting them with their enemies’ grades, it is possible to see the relationship of Pachacuti to Mayta Capac as that between Collana and Payan. The implication of this relationship is that Pachacuti’s position was I 1, and Mayta Capac’s I 2. § 6. The material on Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui cited above 67) enabled me to compare these rulers to the chiefs of the Chanca. On the basis of this comparison, I argued the similarity between the organization of Cuzco and that of the Chanca. But only the second representation of the organization of

| Cuzco shows this similarity. I therefore drew the conclusion that Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui in this representation were linked to the groups I 1 and I 2. By his marriage with his sister Tupac Yupanqui emphasized the endogamous nature of Chinchaysuyu, because all the other Inca rulers, with the exception of Capac Yupanqui 68), married women from outside Cuzco. There was a hint of endogamy in the marriage of the latter in that he married a woman from Cuzco and not from outside. Pachacuti and Mayta Capac, I also considered, should be placed in I 1 and I 2. The function of Chinchaysuyu as a marriage class followed from the two rulers’ marriages. Their wives belonged to group IV 3. Like Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui, Pachacuti and Mayta Capac showed characteristics of chiefs, or rulers, of the whole of Cuzco. If it is assumed that Pachacuti and Mayta Capac belonged to I in its function as ego's marriage class, I should now demonstrate that Viracocha Inca and Lloque Yupanqui, in their capacities of chiefs, belonged to IT (Collasuyu) in the father’s marriage class, Yahuar Huacac and Tarco Huaman to III (Antisuyu)

in the grandfather’s marriage class, and Inca Roca and Sinchi Roca to IV (Cuntisuyu) in the great-grandfather’s marriage class. If we have argued correctly thus far, it should be possible to place these former rulers of HananCuzco and Hurin-Cuzco in this representation by similar methods, on account of their respective kinship relationships to Pachacuti and Mayta Capac. There is some further material which enables us to do so. Viracocha Inca and Lloque Yupanqui were included in one priests’ organization. These rulers and their organization can therefore in this representation be classed as II (Collasuyu), as the suyu with a Cayao nature. Yahuar Huacac had a Payan character in relation to his son and grandson, on account of his 66) See V § 1c p. 119. 67) See V § 44 pp. 129-130. 68) Manco Capac is omitted in this representation because Sinchi Roca was the first ruler of Hurin-Cuzco (See V § 2 c pp. 126-128).

Int. Arch. f. Ethn., Suppl. to Vol. L 11

140 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION link with the land of Cuzco. This made it possible to class him in IIT (Antisuyu). Finally, Inca Roca and Sinchi Roca were presented not only as the greatgrandparents of Pachacuti and Mayta Capac, with whom, in a system of three marriage classes 69), they belonged to Collana, but also as the ancestors of the Inca. As was shown above, the characteristics of the great-grandfather of ego and those of the fore-father of the Inca fused together 7°). Below, I propose to cite material which proves the placing of the rulers in the suyu in accordance with the second representation as mentioned above.

In order to give a logical sequence to the material, I shall begin with the rulers Inca Roca and Sinchi Roca.

§ 7. a) Acosta and Polo de Ondegardo regarded Inca Roca and Sinchi Roca as the first rulers of the contemporaneous dynasties Hanan-Cuzco and HurinCuzco. The similarity in their names also gives cause for mentioning them

together. The words Inca and Sinchi, which constitute the only difference between their names, must also be seen in relation to each other. Sinchi, accord-

ing to Sarmiento (1947, cap. 11, p. 111), means brave, and is used in the meaning of army commander in time of war. The word Inca points to Inca Roca’s royal nature. In anticipation of the proof that Inca Roca and Sinchi Roca belonged to IV 1

and IV 2, a similar relationship can be assumed to have existed between these two rulers as that between Tupac Yupanqui, the ruler in I 1, and Capac Yupanqui, his general and deputy and chief of Hurin-Cuzco in I 2. I regarded the rulers as the chiefs and representatives of the groups to which they belonged. If the relationship of Inca Roca to Sinchi Roca, and that of Tupac Yupanqui to Capac Yupanqui can be called characteristic not only of the relationship of all the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco to all the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco,

but also of the relationship of the whole Collana group (11 + If1 + f1 + IV 1) to the Payan group (I 2 + II 2 + II 2 + IV 2), then the relationship of Collana to Payan in the second representation is most strikingly similar to that of Collana to Payan in the first representation. In the first representation, the ruler and his primary kin belonged to Collana (Chinchaysuyu), and his subsidiary kin to Payan (Collasuyu). In the defence and re-organization of Cuzco by Pachacuti these subsidiary kin were his assistants who in times of war were his captains and afterwards his envoys and deputies to the government of the provinces subject to Cuzco 71). 69 The system which I had to take as point of departure in my description of the organization of Cuzco (See IV § 1 pp. 68-77). 70) See IV § 1c pp. 71-75, § 3 ¢ pp. 98-101. 71) See IV § 2 a pp. 78-79.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 141 The above gives prominence not only to the conclusions reached by other

methods 72) that the relationship of Collana (I 1 + IT 1 + Il] 1 + IV 1) to Payan (12 + IY 2 + III 2 + IV 2) in the second representation corresponds

to that of Collana (I) to Payan (II) in the first representation, but also to Gutierrez’s remark 73) that the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco were in fact Pachacutt’s primary kin and the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco his subsidiary kin. b) I shall now examine the material which points to the ancestral character of Inca Roca and Sinchi Roca, which justifies their position in IV. Origin myths

have been recorded relating to both these rulers. In the history of the Inca the nature of these particular myths as origin myths was not very clear because they were distorted as pseudo-historical stories. Arguedas (1956, p. 202-204) recorded an origin myth (in which the myths about Inca Roca and Sinchi Roca were the two most important elements) in Pugquio, the village the organization of which we touched on before 74). I shall first elucidate some religious concepts which occur in Puquio, side by side with Roman Catholicism, and then tell the myth from this village.

The principal god in Puquio is Inkarri 75). He is not the object of any cult. Daily worship is given to the Wamani, They are the mountains: the Lords

Wamani (Arguedas 1956, p. 197). Water is a present from the Wamani. This water which comes from the mountains 1s not referred to by the ordinary word for water, yaku, but by a word which has religious significance, aguay

unu. Aguay unu is the blood which flows from the veins of the Wamani. The people receive the water from the Wamani, for rain comes from God (Arguedas 1956, p. 200-201). The myth in question is the myth about the heroes, the Wachogq, and it relates directly to the Wamani and the Aguay Unu. This myth relates that the Wachog divided the land among the four ayllu of Puquio. These Wachoq belonged to a yet older generation than the wild people. Through the water veins they penetrated to the hearts of the Wamani and discovered the source of the water. In order to penetrate to that depth they had put on golden helmets. Their clothes were also made of gold and silver,

like the altars. They therefore glittered in the light of the moon and sun. Only with the aid of these clothes could they penetrate to the core of the mountains.

They assigned the moya (the land between the cold plateaux and the lower 72) See V § 1d pp. 121-122. 73) See V § 2 b pp. 123-124. 74) See IV § 2 b pp. 83-84. 75) Inka-rri. Rri is the Spanish word “rey” for “king’”’.

142 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION situated cultivable land) to Collana and Chaupi ayllu, and the good, warm land to Piscachuri ayllu and Cayao ayllu.

So far, in brief, this myth, The name Wachog in the Quechua of Cuzco means “sinful’’. In the word as used in Puquio there may be concealed an agreement in meaning with villca76). The word Unu (agua is the Spanish word for water) also occurs in the word for the Flood: huno pachacuti (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 6, p. 103). A variant of the first part of the myth about the finding of the water connects it with Inca Roca. Once, according to Cieza (1943, cap. XXXV, p. 185-188) this Inca ruler suffered a great pain because his ears had just been pierced in order to put ear

discs into them 77). To find relief from his pain he went to the mountain Chaca outside Cuzco. When he had arrived he prayed to the gods for water for irrigation, of which there was a great lack. Suddenly he heard a loud rumbling. The Inca in his fear bowed forward and his left ear touched the ground. Much blood flowed from it. He also heard water flow. He called the Indians to come and open a way foi the water. This was the origin of the river Huatanay which flows through Cuzco, In a variant of this myth, in Cobo (1956, Tomo

II, libro 13, cap. XXVIII, p. 216), Inca Roca stuck his arm into a hollow and thus produced the water. The resemblance of this myth about Inca Roca with that about the Wachogq in Puquto is most striking. In both myths there 1s question of a mountain from

which water flows. In Puquio the Aguay Unu was called the blood flowing from the veins of the Wamani, the mountains. Although in the myth about Inca Roca the connection between his blood and the water vein is not clear, it is nevertheless there. Another myth relates 78) that the water discovered might be used for the irrigation of Hanan-Cuzco only. I shall return to this aspect of the myth later. Even in this variant the similarity with the myth from Puquio is clear, for the Wachoq gave the higher land to Collana and Payan ayllu and the lower land to Piscachuri and Cayao ayllu. The irrigation water was intended in the first place for the higher lands on the mountain sides. The second part of the myth from Puquio, in which there is question of golden clothes, is recorded for the Inca by Montesinos (1957, cap. XVI-XVII, p. 64-70). He connects this myth with Inca Roca but interchanges him with Sinchi Roca. According to Montesinos Sinchi Roca came after Capac Yupanqui,

and Inca Roca and not Manco Capac was the first ruler of the Inca dynasty. However, he once gives Inca Roca the title of Manco, so he probably united the two rulers in one person. 76) See IV § 1c p. 73. 77) This was an initiation rite for the Inca aristocracy.

78) See V § 7d p. 147.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 143 According to Montesinos, many previous dynasties had held power before the Inca rulers. Under the reigns of the last of these, things had gone so badly in Peru that a woman, Mama Ciuaco, Inca Roca’s mother, tried to make some changes. For this purpose she hid her son in a cave above the town. To the people of Cuzco she said that Inca Roca was the son of the sun. To convince the people of this she had him emerge from the cave, hung with golden plates which reflected the rays of the sun. Convinced of the truth of what Mama Ciuaco had told them, Inca Roca was accepted as the king 79). Montesinos gives a different aspect to this myth than it had in Puquio. He turned it into a seemingly historical explanation of the arrival of the Inca. He nevertheless preserves the three salient elements of the myth: the donning of the golden garments, the sun’s reflection on them and the change in society brought about by the wearer of the golden garments.

Markham (1911, chap. V, p. 58-67) in his interpretation of the myth as recorded by Montesinos, maintains the name Inca Roca but places him in the history of the Inca after Capac Yupanqui. This procedure enables him to give an explanation of the change-over in the history of the Inca from the Hurin-

Cuzco royal dynasty to that of Hanan-Cuzco. Montesinos neither gave, nor , implied this interpretation. There are other reasons, however, why it makes sense to connect the myth of the golden garment with Inca Roca’s person if, at any rate, he and Sinchi Roca are regarded as being contemporary and as the men with both of whom, as the ancestors of the Inca, the origin myth is connected. This can perhaps be clarified by another version of the myth of the golden garment, recorded by Ramos Gavilan (cited from Means 1931, p. 215; Ramos Gavilan 1621, p. 5-9). A chief from the neighbourhood of Cuzco had two sons. The elder looked physically like the other Indians, but the younger one was fair and had a light 79) In rendering this myth, Markham (1911, Chap. V, p. 58) attempts to read into the name Ciuaco a word Sivi yacu, which according to him means “the ever widening circle’. This is a romantic interpretation. It seems to me more likely that with Mama Ciuaco, Mama Huaco 1s meant. She was one of the four sisters of Manco Capac and in the myth concerning him and his brothers and sisters she played the largest part in the capture of Cuzco from the pre-Inca inhabitants (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 13, p. 129-131). According to Poma (1944, foja 80), Manco Capac was married to his mother Mama Huaco. The fact that Montesinos puts Inca Roca, as the first Inca ruler, in relation with Mama Ciuaco, or Mama Huaco, is once again evidence that Inca Roca — or Sinchi Roca according to other authors — also bore the traits of character of Manco Capac. Acosta and Polo put Sinchi Roca in the place of Manco Capac (see V § 2c pp. 126128). Poma de Ayala calls Mama Huaco a sorceress who slept with every man and who was in

addition married to her own son. Possibly he had the word Wachog (= adulterous one) — the name of the ancestors in Puquio who discovered water — in mind. Her identification with Manco Capac in his role of founder and ancestor of the Inca dynasty — in the myth recorded by Montesinos it was the role of Inca Roca — may have led him to adopt this characteristic of the Wachog.

144 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION skin. Amazed at his younger son’s appearance, the father consulted a great magician and accepted his advice. When the father died, the elder son succeeded

him while the younger one was brought up in great secrecy. The magician taught him to believe that he was the son of the sun and married him to his own daughter. When the boy was twenty years of age, the magician hung him with golden plates and showed him to the people from a hill above Tambo.

The people then made him their king, as being the son of the sun. Ramos Gavilan connects the motif of the golden garment with the myth of the two brothers. In other versions of this myth of the two brothers, who appeared on earth after the Flood, these two brothers are the chiefs of two moieties, the youngest of the upper moiety and the eldest of the lower moiety. If we are justified in identifying Inca Roca and Sinchi Roca with the two brothers of Ramos Gavilan’s myth, then Inca Roca would be the younger and most powerful brother, who was hung with the golden plates and was the chief of the upper moiety, and Sinchi Roca the chief of the lower moiety.

From the version of the myth as recorded by Ramos Gavilan, it could be concluded that the motif of the golden garment explained the origin of the existing order and of the moiety partition, in which the fore-father of the upper moiety wore the garment 89). The myth of the finding of the water had the same significance to the moiety partition. These two myths can obviously be treated as part of one myth as it was told in Puquio, where it was also an origin myth and explained a moiety partition.

The fact that this origin myth occurred in Cuzco in connection with Inca Roca and Sinchi Roca enables us to place them in the second representation of the organization of Cuzco in marriage class IV (Cuntisuyu). The moiety partition referred to in the myth is reflected in the placing of Inca Roca in IV 1 and of Sinchi Roca in IV 2 81), This placing of the two rulers in IV is supported by the motif of the moun80) The myth as told to Montesinos probably had this structural significance, but he failed

to understand it and explained the myth historically as an explanation of the origin of the Inca dynasty. This would make understandable his shifting of Inca Roca to the beginning of the Inca dynasty.

81) Now that we have distinguished the character of Inca Roca and Sinchi Roca as primordial figures and have seen, by means of the myth of the Wachoq in Puquio, what the traits of this character were, I wish to return once again to the name Wachog and its meaning of “lasciviousness’. As we have noted, Inca Roca and Sinchi Roca filled the same position in Cuzco as the Wachog in Puquio. Now, Pachacuti Yamqui (1959, p. 223) says of Sinchi Roca that this ruler became very lascivious. In the very obscure passage in which this trait of the ruler is stated, Pachacuti Yamqui (1959, p. 222-223) links this datum to a report about the huaca — i.e. the dead ancestors and the sanctuaries in which they were worshipped — which in that time still occurred on earth. I shall not here enter into the meaning of the entire passage, but point only to the fact that the trait of being ‘lascivious’ is also shared by Sinchi Roca and the Wachoq.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 145 tain in both myths, that of the finding of the water and that of the golden garment. This motif was also mentioned with reference to Mama Anahuarque and Mama Taucaray, Pachacuti’s and Mayta Capac’s wives, in relation to the group of ceque IV 3. It can therefore be asserted that the motif of the mountain had a particular significance to Cuntisuyu. I shall return later to the significance of this 82). c) The material on Inca Roca’s and Sinchi Roca’s marriages still remains to

be discussed. This material, with regard to both rulers, points to a moiety contrast, which has so far not been mentioned, of I + III, the upper moiety, to II + IV, the lower moiety. The material on Sinchi Roca’s marriage can be most readily explained. I shall therefore start by discussing him.

Virtually all the authors (e.g. Sacmiento 1947, cap. 13, p. 129; cap. 15, p. 136) agree that Sinchi Roca married Mama Coca, the daughter of Suticguaman, the chief of the village of Safiu 83), when Manco Capac, Sinchi Roca’s

father, was on his way to Cuzco. Cieza de Leén (1943, cap. XXXII, p. 175176) gives us the principal data on this marriage, although he is the only author to ascribe the marriage to Lloque Yupanqui, Sinchi Roca’s son, and not to the latter, whom he records, was married to his own sister. I have assumed that Mama Coca married Sinchi Roca, but otherwise accept Cieza’s data. When Sinchi Roca married Mama Coca, he asked his father-in-law to come and live in Cuzco with all his followers. The higher part of the town, Hanan-

Cuzco, was assigned to them while Sinchi Roca remained in the lower part, Hurin-Cuzco. And, Cieza adds, “some Indians even asserted that one Inca ruler

had to belong to the one lineage (i.e. moiety) and the other (the next one) to the other; but I do not believe this and the aristocracy does not usually give this account’. When we examine this remark by Cieza, we are first struck by the moiety relationship of the ruler — who belonged to Hurin-Cuzco — to Safiu — which

belonged to Hanan-Cuzco —. Cieza equates this moiety relationship with another one, the existence of which 1s indicated by the remark that the rulers belonged to either moiety in turns 84). In the case of patrilineal succession of the rulers, these moieties would have to be matrilineal. But in the second tepresentation we observed a moiety contrast of I + III, as the upper moiety, to II + IV as the lower moiety. Cieza’s remark acquires meaning only in

connection with this moiety partition. | ; Safiu, whose inhabitants did not belong to the Inca by descent, but who had

82) See V § 10 c p. 160, § 11 p. 163, § 13 b p. 168. 83) This is the present village of San Sebastian, situated 5 km from Cuzco.

84) This datum of Cieza's thus does not fit into a representation of Inca history in which a dynasty of five rulers of Hurin-Cuzco was succeeded by a dynasty of rulers of Hanan-Cuzco.

146 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION been invited by Sinchi Roca to come and live in Cuzco, must in this presentation

be classed as Cayao (I 3 + II 3 + III 3 + IV 3). Sinchi Roca, as the subsidiary kin of the ruler in I 1, belonged to Cuzco proper, which consisted of

Collana (I1 + ID 1 + HI 1 + IV 1) and Payan (12 + 112 + Il]2 + IV 2). Safiu, however, also belonged to the upper moiety (I + III) if Cieza’s remark

may be read in this light, and Sinchi Roca to the lower moiety (II + IV) and to IV in particular. As regards the village of Safiu, the position III 3 and I 3 in this representation remain unfilled. By a different method I concluded 85)

that there existed a marriage relationship in this representation between the men of the marriage class ITV and the women of the marriage class HI 8°). Therefore we may accept that Safu belonged to III 3. In connection with the remark about the village of Safu, I would like to draw attention to one peculiarity in Inca thought about their own social organtzation. Safu was a village with an autonomous organization in which it was certainly possible for the inhabitants to marry endogamously. In the relationship of this village to the Inca — in this case represented by the marriage of the Inca ruler with a daughter of the Sahu chief — this village was presented as a matrilineal lineage within the organization of Cuzco. Because the village was linked to the HI 3 group of ceque, it acquired a special status in this organization. The position III 3 showed three aspects of this status. Because III 3 belonged to

the upper moiety (I = Collana + IIJ = Payan) it had become an Inca village because the non-Inca population was classed in the lower moiety (II + IV = Cayao). On account of its position in III (Payan) the village had an element of connectedness with the land of Cuzco 87). The very position in the group of ceque, namely Cayao (3), indicated that the inhabitants were neither primary nor subsidiary descendants of any Inca ruler. It can be assumed, therefore, that this village acquired its particular position in the social organization of Cuzco not on account of its marriage relationship to Sinchi Roca, but, vice versa, that a particular position and status was assigned to Sanu by the Inca in their social organization and that marriage relationship was merely the symbolic and my-

thical expression of this position. Safu could also be regarded, as I argued 85) See V, § 1d p. 121. 86) In the third representation Safiu is also mentioned (see VI § 3 b p. 175). There the place in the organization of Cuzco was III 2 c; that is a place on a ceque Cayao. In the third representation the role of the ceque Cayao was the same as that of the groups of three ceque Cayao in the

second representation (see VI § 1 pp. 171-172). This explains why the place of Safu in the ceque system according to Cobo and Molina (see I §§ 1, 2 pp. 1-7), where the place satisfied the

third representation, was a somewhat different one from that which I had to assign to Safu in the second representation (see also VII p. 208).

87) In the similar marriage relationship of Inca Roca, this Payan-character can be clearly shown (see V § 7 d pp. 147-148).

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 147 more generally above, as the symbol and representative of all the villages around Cuzco which were marked by the Inca as being nominal Inca 88). d) Inca Roca’s relationship shows the same characteristics as that of Sinchi Roca.

Inca Roca married Mama Micay, the daughter of the chief of the village of Patahuayllacan (or Huayllacan) Soma Inca (Sarmiento, 1947, cap. 19, p. 144). Cobo adds a piece of information which is important for the determination of Inca Roca’s and Mama Micay’s positions in this presentation. Mama

Micay herself, according to him (Cobo, 1956, Tomo II, libro 12, cap IX, p- 72, 73), was a cacica (1.e. a female chief) of this village. When she saw how dry the Cuzco valley was, she very meritoriously provided for its irrigation. The care for the irrigation remained the responsibility of the ayllu descending from her. This piece of information reflects a completely different tradition about the origin of the irrigation water from that in which Inca Roca discovered it, which

is the tradition which Cobo (1956, Tomo II, libro 13, cap. XXVIII, p. 216) also records elsewhere. The implication of both traditions is probably that the people of the upper moiety, not taking into consideration which upper moiety, had absolute rights to the irrigation water. This can be extrapolated from the similar situation in the village of Copacabana, on Lake Titicaca. According to Lizarraga (1946, cap. LXVIII, p. 121) only the Indians of Hanansaya used to pray for water in the procession in honour of the image of Mary of Copacabana, and not those of Hurinsaya because Hanansaya was more powerful. For this reason only the Hanansaya fields received water 89) 99), The explanation for the existence of two traditions relating to the origin of the irrigation water in Cuzco is, in my opinion, that in both traditions there is question of different moiety contrasts. I first discussed the myth about the finding of the water by Inca Roca in order to throw light on the fact that Inca Roca and Sinchi Roca symbolised origin. In addition, there appeared to be question in this myth of a contrast of HananCuzco to Hurin-Cuzco. In this presentation these two moieties consist of Collana

(11 + J11 + T1114 IV 1) and Payan (12 + I] 2 + 2 + IV 2). In the given situation in which endogamous marriage relationships could exist within Hanan-Cuzco (Collana) and in Hurin-Cuzco (Payan), Inca Roca and Sinchi 88) See V § 1d p. 122. 89) In the preceding chapter (IV note 89) we saw how in Copacabana the Inca, who were the conquerors and rulers of the region, belonged to Hanansaya, and the original Aymara popuJation to Hurinsaya. 90) In Puquio the ayllu Collana and Payan on one hand, and the ayllu Piscachuri and Cayao on the other hand, were distinguished likewise. See V § 7 b pp. 141-142.

148 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION Roca could be called the ancestors of Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco, because their descendants could in fact belong to Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco., In this representation there was also question of the exogamous and matri-

lineal moieties of I + III and of II + IV. The remark that Mama Micay's descendants had absolute rights to the irrigation water can be regarded as an

indication that in the moiety contrast of I + III to II + IV, only the upper moiety had this right. Only in this contrast did Mama Micay and her descendants

belong to the upper moiety and Inca Roca to the lower moiety, and thus only those who had rights to the irrigation water could have descended from her. These must have been her matrilineal descendants, in this representation, while the population of Huayllacan, the village of which she was said to be the cacica, was with certainty also classed as her group.

The Payan character evident from the material on Mama Micay, that is to say her strong links with the land of Cuzco, and the primordial nature of the task of provision of the irrigation water for Cuzco, indicates that Huayllacan should be placed in III (Payan) and that the village, the inhabitants of which did not descend from the Inca ruler, should be classed as a group 3 (Cayao).

Huayllacan can in this manner be linked, like Safu, to the HI 3 group of ceque 91). 91) It does not seem likely that in this representation according to the myth of the finding of the irrigation water by Inca Roca only the primary kin of the ruler in I would actually have had the right to this water, or that, according to both myths, of Inca Roca and of Mama Micay,

both the groups I 1 + II 1 + IJJ 1+ IV 1 and I+ III had this right, as a result of which only II 2, IV 2, II 3 and IV 3 would have been excluded. I reported the myth of the finding of the irrigation water by Inca Roca in the first place in order to indicate the primordial character

of this myth and of this ruler, and also to be able to set him, as first ruler of Hanan-Cuzco

(= Collana = 11+ I] 1 + III 1 + IV 1) in opposition to Sinchi Roca, the first ruler of Hurin-Cuzco (= Payan = [ 2 + II 2+ III 2 + IV 2). In the third representation of the organization of Cuzco (Chapter VI) it can be seen even more clearly, however, that with the relationship of Inca Roca to Sinchi Roca and of the primary to the subsidiary kin of the ruler in I there was linked a division of Cuzco into Hanan-Cuzco (= I -++ III) and Hurin-Cuzco (= II + IV) which applied to the entire population of the city and not only to the kin of the ruler. In the third representation it was likewise possible for Inca Roca and Sinchi Roca to function as ancestors of Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco because there too these moieties were endogamous and the descendants of both rulers could continue to belong to their moieties. In the myth of Inca Roca we must therefore see the element of moiety-partition rather in the light

of the relationship of Hanan-Cuzco (= I + III) to Hurin-Cuzco (= II + IV) in the third representation, while the element of moiety partition in connection with Mama Micay belongs in this second representation.

The moieties in this last context were also I + III and II + IV but in their exogamous function. An advantage of the assumption that the myth of Inca Roca belongs in the third representation and that of Mama Micay in the second is that the moieties which are mentioned

in each of the two myths — in both cases I + III and II -+- IV — remain the same. They differ only as to function, t.e. in the second representation they are exogamous and in the third endogamous.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 149 § 8. a) The rulers whose turn it is now to be discussed, are Yahuar Huacac, Inca Roca’s son and successor, and Tarco Huaman, who in this representation is Sinchi Roca’s successor 92). Since Tarco Huaman is mentioned only by Polo and Acosta, and these two authors mention no more than the names of the

tulers of Hurin-Cuzco, I am not able to throw light on the position of this ruler in this representation. Logically, Yahuar Huacac’s and Tarco Huaman’s position in the second representation would be III 1 and III 2 93). Yahuar Huacac’s marriage relationship clearly supports this assumption of his position in III 1. For he married Mama Chiquia, the daughter of Tocay Capac, the chief of the Ayarmaca (Sarmiento

1947, cap. 22, p. 153, 154) 94). In this representation the position of the Ayarmaca, as was demonstrated earlier, is II 3 95). Thus Yahuar Huacac’s marriage emphasises the asymmetric connubium between the marriage classes III and II, in which the men of III married women of II. b) The circumstances leading to the marriage throw light not only on Yahuar Huacac’'s position and on that of the Ayarmaca in this representation, and on the nature of their mutual relationship, but also on the marriage of Viracocha Inca, who was Yahuar Huacac’s son. It is therefore necessary briefly to examine these foregoing events (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 20-23, p. 146-156). Inca Roca married Mama Micay who came from the village of Huayllacan.

This woman had, however, been promised to Tocay Capac, the king of the Ayarmaca. The latter threatened to make war on Huayllacan (which village had become politically subject to the Inca as a result of Mama Micay’s marriage), unless Huayllacan would let him have Inca Roca’s son by Mama Micay, for her

son should have been Tocay Capac’s. Under the pretext of making Yahuar Huacac the owner and heir of the lands of Huayllacan, this village was able to capture him and hand him over to Tocay Capac. Yahuar Capac wept blood on account of his imprisonment, hence his name: Yahuar means blood. Subsequently, Inca Roca, through the assistance and wiles of a woman from the village of Anta who was one of Tocay Capac’s subsidiary wives, got his son back again. Inca Roca wished to reward the village of Anta. The inhabitants asked to be called kinsfolk by the orejones, the aristocracy, of Cuzco. When Inca 92) See V § 2c pp. 126-128. 93) See V § 5 b diagram p. 135.

94) Pachacuti Yamqui (1950, p. 235) mentions the wife of Yahuar Huacac as the greatgreat-granddaughter of Tocay Capac. He is thus aware that Tocay Capac could not have spanned many generations, a fact to which Sarmiento gives no attention. Nevertheless, if the great-greatgranddaughter of Tocay Capac lived at the time of Yahuar Huacac, then Tocay Capac himself

must have lived at the time of Mayta Capac, while Pachacuti Yamqui too reports him before Manco Capac and his company departed for Cuzco.

95) See V § 5b p. 136.

150 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION Roca had his son back, he made peace with Tocay Capac. To seal this peace Yahuar Huacac married one of Tocay Capac’s daughters, and one of Inca Roca’s daughters, Curi Ocllo, married a son of Tocay Capac. The people of Huayllacan, in spite of their treacherous deeds, wanted a son of Yahuar Huacac as their chief. But because a different chief was assigned to them than the one they had requested, they killed this new chief. Yahuar Huacac punished them as he had done after their first treachery. Yahuar Huacac’s mummy was nevertheless kept hidden from the Spaniards in Paulo, the village of the Huayllacan people 96).

The first thing that strikes one in this account is the strong link between Yahuar Huacac and the village of Huayllacan, despite the fact firstly, that he was himself betrayed by this village and, secondly, that the chief appointed by him to this village was murdered. His mother came from Huayllacan and Yahuar Huacac’s mummy was kept in Huayllacan. This link between Yahuar Huacac and Huayllacan was based on matrilineal kinship and was expressed by the fact, if my foregoing conclusions were correct, that both belonged to the marriage class III: Yahuar Huacac to III 1 and Huayllacan to III 3. The second revelant feature of this account is the role played by the Ayarmaca. They were the enemies of the Inca and had not been subjected by them. This fact clearly illustrated the distinction I made between the groups I 3 and III 3 belonging to the upper moiety (I and III) and the groups II 3 and IV 3 which belonged to the lower moiety (II and IV). It was already evident from the references to the villages of Sahu and Huayllacan that, although they were properly speaking not Inca, they were notwithstanding classed as Inca because they belonged to the upper moiety. The Ayarmaca appear to have retained their independence from the Inca because they belonged to the lower moiety. This independence is perhaps even accentuated by the basis of equality of the marriages arranged by Inca Roca and Tocay Capac, for they both yielded a daughter to the other’s son 97).

The third important aspect in this account of Yahuar Huacac was the role played by the village of Anta and the position it acquired by this method in Inca society; this will be discussed with reference to Viracocha Inca’s marriage.

§ 9. a) The last rulers I propose to discuss with relation to the second representation, are Viracocha Inca and Lloque Yupanqui. Their positions in the second representation were II 1 and II 2. This is corroborated by the links of these rulers with religion and the priestly class 98). 96) What meaning Paulo has in this datum from Sarmiento is not known to me precisely. 97) For the discussion of this example of sister or daughter exchange, see IX § 4 pp. 246-250. 98) This relationship of marriage class II (== Cayao) with religion could also be expected in

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 151 Viracocha Inca derived his name from the god Viracocha, the creator, because

the latter had once appeared to him (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 24, p. 156). The high priests of the temple in Cuzco probably all belonged to the panaca of Viracocha Inca’s descendants 99). According to Acosta (1954, Libro V, cap. XXII, p. 166) the priests belonged to Lloque Yupanqui’s lineage. Another indication of the link between Lloque Yupanqui and religion can be detected in the variant of his name, Lluquis Uaynacauri, recorded by Anello Oliva (1895,

libro 1, cap. 2, p. 30-37). With reference to the first representation 199) we saw that Huanacauri, situated on the mountain of the same name in the valley of Cuzco, was the most important holy place of the Inca after the temple of the Sun in Cuzco. Manco Capac’s brother Ayar Uchu, also had this name and he

was linked with religion (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 12, p. 125; Poma 1944, foja 84). One form of organization of the priestly class in the Inca Empire is known

which wholly corresponds to the internal organization of the suyu in this representation. It can therefore be concluded that in this representation the whole priestly hierarchy of the Inca Empire fitted into suyu II.

According to Blas Valera (1950, p. 154-163) this organization of priests functioned in the following manner, The high priest in Cuzco was the head of the whole hierarchy. His name was distorted in many ways. The correct form seems to be Villca Uma 101). In this context villca means priest (Blas

| Valera 1950, p. 155). Uma means a person’s head, a mountain top (Holguin 1608). The literal translation of Villca Uma is then: the highest priest 102). Under the Villca Uma stood the Hatun Villca (Blas Valera 1950, p. 155, 156, 157). They, according to the Spanish, were the ‘bishops’. There were ten of these in the country which they had divided into ten dioceses. Under the Hatun the second representation. The ayllu of Ayar Uchu, the brother of Manco Capac and lord of religion fulfilled a corresponding place in the first representation within the four marriage classes of Hanan-Cuzco (== Chinchaysuyu) (see IV § 2c p. 85, § 3 b p. 96, § 4 p. 101). 99) See IV note 82. 100) See IV § 3 b p. 96. 101) The high priest is mentioned in the chronicles as i.a.: Vilaoma (Cieza 1945, cap. XCII, p. 234), Villaoma (Garcilaso 1945, Tomo I, libro III, cap. XXII) and Villacumu (Cobo 1956, Tomo II, libro 13, cap. XX XIII, p. 224). The second of these forms seems to me to approach most closely the correct form, Villca Uma. Analogously, for the people of the Allcavillca, we find besides the forms Allcabiza (see V § 5 c p. 138) and Allcavillca (Cabello Valboa 1951, cap. 12, pp. 284-287), those of Allcayvilla (Cabello Valboa 1951, cap. 12, p. 284) and of Allavilla (Cobo 1956, Tomo II, libro 13, cap. XV). Support for the meaning ‘priest’ for the word villca

is the form ‘biza’ in Poma (1944, foja 183) and Pachacuti Yamqui (1950, p. 225 note), also with this meaning. 102) Rowe (1946, p. 299) translates the form Villac-oma by ‘announcing head’. The translation

which I have suggested, however, seems to me entirely in agreement with the place and the significance of the person.

152 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION Villca stood the Yana Villca (Blas Valera 1950, p. 155, 161, 163); they were the ordinary, low priests of the third variety, as Blas Valera puts it. We came across the word Hatun before, in the series Capac, Hatun, Huchuy, and the name Yana in the series Usco or Anco, Ticlla, Yana, which were the two series which were synonymous with the series Collana, Payan and Cayao 103). The Villca Uma, the Hatun Villca and the Yana Villca could thus be placed in II 1, II 2, and II 3. I mentioned the relationship between the Villca Uma and Viracocha Inca before 194). In the name Hatun Villca, a synonym of the name of the people of the lineage of the Allcabiza (Allcavillca) can be detected. This name, like Ticllavillca, means the black and white villca. We also saw that the Allcabiza were linked with Lloque Yupanqui in the same way as the Chanca under Uscovilca with Viracocha Inca 105), Montesinos, accordingly, (1957, cap.

XIV, p. 56) calls the priests Tarpuntaes and Allcabizas. The Hatun Villca were probably the priests who belonged to Lloque Yupanqut’s lineage and were identical with the Allcabiza. b) I also indicated before the similar elements in Viracocha Inca’s and Lloque Yupanqui's attitudes to their sons Pachacuti and Mayta Capac in the war against the Chanca and that against the Allcabiza 106). c) Similarities can also be detected between Viracocha Inca’s and Lloque Yupanqui’s marriages which may throw light on the second representation of the organization of Cuzco. Viracocha married Mama Rondocaya from the village of Anta (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 24, p. 156). Lloque Yupanqui married Mama Cahua from the village of Oma, which lay at 10 KM from Cuzco (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 16, p. 137). Cobo (1956, tomo I], libro 12, cap. VI, p. 68, 69) remarks with reference to this last marriage that Lloque Yupangqui had charged Pachachulla Viracocha, one

of the caciques from the Guaro valley, with finding him a wife. The Guaro valley was the first region which had subjected itself to Lloque Yupanqui. Here lived, according to Cobo as well as Sarmiento (1947, cap. 16, p. 137) Guaman Samo (or Sano), Pachachulla Viracocha, the Ayarmaca of Tambocunca 107) and the Quilliscachi. With the aid of this piece of information it is possible to identify the Guaro valley as the Anta valley, for Quilliscachi is still the name of one of the ayllu in the village of Guaroconde in this valley 198).

I was unable to identify the village of Oma, from which Lloque Yupanqui’s 103) See V § 1 cp. 119. 104) See IV note 82. 105) See IV § 5 d pp. 110-113, V § 5 ¢ pp. 137-139.

106) See V § 5c p. 137. 107) Therefore, this was the village Puquiura (see IV § 3 b p. 97). 108) Possibly we may recognise the name Guaro in the name Guaroconde.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 153 wife had come. Lloque Yupanqui’s special relationship with the Anta valley could, however, be good grounds for connecting this village with the Anta valley. If this assumption is correct, then Viracocha Inca’s and Lloque Yupanquis wives could be connected with the same valley which, geographically, belongs to Chinchaysuyu. In the framework of the second representation Viracocha Inca’s and Lloque Yupanqui’s wives should belong to I 3, which is Chinchaysuyu. I asserted above that the geographical situation of a village did not necessarily have anything to do with its position in the ceque system 199). There are indications, however, that the Anta valley did have a special position in I 3 in this representation of the organization of Cuzco, which corresponded to the geographical location of Chinchaysuyu. I now have to show the connection between the position of the Anta valley in the organization of Cuzco and that of the Yanacona. In the last chapter I gave a few examples of organizations consisting of four ayllu in which the Yanacona were either the fourth ayllu, corresponding to Cuntisuyu in Cuzco, or a sub-group of the first ay]lu, the Collana ayllu, corresponding to Chinchaysuyu in Cuzco 110), If the name Yana in the series Usco, Ticcla, Yana is treated as being synonymous with Cayao, the implication of the last mentioned organizations is that the Yanacona should be placed in I 3 in this representation of the organization of Cuzco. If, moreover, Viracocha Inca’s marriage were in accordance with the asymmetric connubium which in this representation exists between II and I, then the village of Anta should be placed in I 3. The village

of Anta and the Yanacona would then both belong in this same group I 3 in this representation and we can assume the existence of a special link between

the village of Anta or the valley of the same name and the group of the Yanacona. Some of the material from the chronicles corroborates this assumption.

Here I refer to Cabello Valboa and Murua. Discussing the war between Huayna Capac, Tupac Yupanqui’s successor, and the Cayambi people in Ecua-

dor, Cabello Valboa (1951, cap. 21, 22 p. 370-376) records that the ruler would have been killed had he not been saved by the Yanayaco and the Xacxaguana, or, according to Murtia (1613, libro I, cap. 34), by the Yanayaco from Sajsahuana. By the Yanayaco the Yanacona are meant (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 51, p. 229). Xacxaguana, or Sajsahuana, was the Jaquijahuana valley, a name used by the Spanish in the first years after the conquest for the Anta valley. According to Cabello Valboa and Murua, the Yanacona, or at any rate 109) See I § 1 p. 1. An example of this proposition is given by the village Safiu. In the ceque

system the place of this village, as ayllu, was III 2 c. See I § 4 diagram p. 9. The actual location of this village, now called San Sebastian, is in Collasuyu. 110) See IV § 3c pp. 99.

154 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION those in Huayna Capac’s army, then came from the Anta valley. The inhabitants of the Anta valley play another role in the history and social organization of the Inca and of Cuzco which they were to be expected to have in connection with the Yanacona’s function as the servants to the Inca aristocracy. The members of Quilliscachi ayllu, from the village of Guaroconde, and Equeco ayllu, from the village of Anta, were in the rulers’ service especially as policemen (Poma 1944, foja 184, 306-312, 345), that is to say that they were empowered to imprison members of the aristocracy and to act as spies and messengers 111). Tocay Capac’s subsidiary wife, the one who warned Inca Roca

that Yahuar Huacac was in Tocay Capac’s power, also played a double role 112 113),

This material may corroborate the supposition that, at least in the story about the capture of Yahuar Huacac, the village of Anta can be identified with the group of the Yanacona. The fact that the inhabitants of Anta called themselves the kinsmen of the orejones, the aristocracy of Cuzco, can be explained in the same way as the relationship of Yahuar Huacac to the village of Huayllacan. Because Yahuar Huacac’s mother came from Huayllacan, the inhabitants of

this village called themselves his kin and were all linked to HI, Antisuyu. Likewise, Pachacuti’s mother, Viracocha’s wife, came from the village of Anta, and the inhabitants were permitted to call themselves Pachacuti’s kin. In this representation, Pachacuti symbolised group I, Chinchaysuyu, which comprises

the rulers and their children born from endogamous marriages, that is the higher aristocracy. The implication for the village of Anta, of the privilege of calling themselves the kin of the Inca aristocracy, might be that they belonged

to I 3. The data on Yahuar Huacac’s capture can therefore, with regard to the village of Anta, be used to elucidate the fact that Viracocha Inca and Lloque Yupanqui,

— the latter on account cf the similarity of his marriage relationship to that of Viracocha Inca —, chose their wives from I 3.

111) The occupation of spy or messenger being fulfilled by people of the ayllu Quilliscachi is illustrated by the following examples: When the Chanca, in their war with Pachacuti, went to Cuzco — according to Sarmiento (1947, cap. 27, pp. 165-167) they captured in the village of Conchacalla (i.e. the ayllu Conchacalla of the village of Anta (see V § 1 a p. 114)) a man who was to lead them to Cuzco. This man, called ‘Quilliscachi of Cuzco’ however had a change of heart and slipped into Cuzco to warn the city of the arrival of the Chanca. Another man

with the name of Quilliscachi, in full Quilliscachi Urco Guaranga, one of the friends and assistants of Pachacuti, brought the message of the victory of the Inca over the Chanca to Viracocha Inca, who had fled the city (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 27, p. 169).

112) See V § 8b p. 149.

113) For other data which link the Yanacona to the plain of Anta, see VI § 7c p. 198;

VI notes 10 and 11.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 155 § 10. a) Above, I connected the so-called rulers of Hanan-Cuzco, those of Hurin-Cuzco, the villages from which their wives had come and the most important facts from the history of the Inca, with the suyu of Cuzco and the three groups into which every suyu was divided. In this discussion the suyu occurred only as separate marriage classes. For this reason no explanation was given for the material which clarifies why the characteristics which we encount-

ered in the preceding paragraphs were ascribed to the moieties I + III and to If + IV, to the suyu as marriage classes, and to the groups which formed part of the suyu. This problem will be discussed in the following pages. My views on the question are in brief as follows. The similarity and relationship of the classes I and IV seems to me to be basic to the explanation of these characteristics. The relationship of I to IV can be explained from the tripartition in which ego and ego’s great-grandfather belong to the same class. In a system of four classes these two were divided between different classes: ego was placed in I and the great-grandfather in IV. Ego’s and his great-grandfather’s classes also showed great contrast side by side with their great similarity. In the quadripartition the nature of this contrast determined the relationship of the two moieties (I + HI and II + IV). Although nothing is known about the history of the social organization of Cuzco, the fact that the moiety relationship has to be explained from the contrast between ego and his great-grandfather, might be an indication that the moiety relationship and the quadripartition had their origins in contrasts between two groups within one of the classes of the three-class system 114). In the framework of the second representation I must first draw attention to the similarity of I to IV 115) and the contrast between them 116). Then we 114) An illustration of what has here been said about the origin of the moiety division has already been encountered several times in the first representation. I would therefore like to call attention once again to one example from the first representation. In the origin myth of the Inca there is mention of three matrilineal classes, linked by an asymmetric connubium, named

Tambo, Maras and Sutic. Tambo was divided into two groups: one group which participated in the regulation of marriage with Maras and Sutic and one group, that of Manco Capac with his brothers and sisters, which was endogamous. The latter group considered the first as that of the subsidiary brothers or kin and also that of their great-grandfather or ancestors. In the first representation, the relationship between both groups within Tambo crystallized into a moiety-

opposition too, be it in another way than we shall encounter in the second representation. The group within Tambo of the subsidiary kin of Manco Capac and of his great-grandfather and of his ancestors, together with the groups Maras and Sutic, formed Hurin-Cuzco. The group of Manco Capac and his brothers and sisters, within which a tripartition developed in the same sense as between Tambo, Maras and Sutic, formed Hanan-Cuzco. The name Tambo — in its meaning of group of subsidiary kin of Manco Capac and of group of his great-grandfather or ancestors — in the moiety opposition to Manco Capac and his primary kin was extended to the totality of Tambo, Maras and Sutic. 115) See V § 10a, b pp. 156-159. 116) See V § 10 c pp. 159-162.

Int. Arch. f. Ethn., Suppl. to Vol. L 12

156 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION can trace how the relationship between the two marriage classes led to the contrast between the moieties of I + III and II + IV 117) and how it determined the nature of this contrast 118). The existence of the second representation has so far been argued mainly from material on the different Inca rulers, For the purposes of elucidating the relationship between I and IV, we shall have to make use mostly of the same material.

To begin with, the nature of the relationship between I and IV is apparent from the corresponding feats of Pachacuti (I 1), and Inca Roca (IV 1), and of Mayta Capac (I 2) and Manco Capac (IV 2). Manco Capac is mentioned here instead of Sinchi Roca. The reason is that events, which really related to Sinchi Roca, were linked with Manco Capac, in his capacity of Mayta Capac’s great-grandfather in the so-called Inca history of the single dynasty of kings. Not only Pachacuti, but also Inca Roca (Cobo 1956, tomo II, libro 12, cap. IX, p. 73; Garcilaso 1945, tomo I, libro IV, cap. XV; Montesinos 1957, cap.

XXI, p. 82-83), is recorded as having fought against the Chanca. Montesinos 119) mentions as the cause of this war the great power the priests had acquired in the country; Blas Valera gives the same cause of war 120), I regarded Mayta Capac’s war against the Allcabiza as an imitation of Pachacutis war against the Chanca 121). The Allcabiza, however, were also the main

opponents of Manco Capac at the conquest of Cuzco (Toledo 1940, p. 186, 187; Sarmiento 1947, cap. 9, p. 113; cap. 13, p. 130). According to Toledo, Ayar Uchu, Manco Capac’s brother and the religious chief 122), was also the chief of the Allcabiza 123). The link of the Allcabiza with religion 124) was also apparent from the position in the second representation which I ascribed to them, namely II 2 125).

Pachacutis war, as weli as that of Mayta Capac’s and those of their greatgrandfathers against the same opponents, were presented as the contest between

the wordly ruler and the priests. Pachacuti Yamqui (1950, p. 223, 224) also records that there was much idolatry in Inca Roca’s time; according to Pacha117) See V § 11, pp. 162-163. 118) See V §§ 12, 13 pp. 164-170. 119) So Montesinos here mentions Sinchi Roca in the place of Inca Roca (see V § 7b p. 142). 120) See IV § 5 d, p. 111. 121) See V § 5c pp. 137-138.

122) See IV § 3b p. 96, § 4, p. 101. 123) An explanation of how Ayar Uchu could be considered head of the Allcabiza will be given below (see VI § 9c, d pp. 205-206). 124) T will return to the war between Manco Capac and the Allcabiza below (see VI § 7 pp. 192-199). 125) See V § 9a p. 152.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 157 cuti Yamqui (1950, p. 217) and Montesinos (1957, cap. XVI, p. 64) the history of the Inca had its beginning in the victory of the first rulers over the idolaters. No wars against Chanca or Allcabiza are mentioned with reference

to the kings of the period between Pachacuti, Mayta Capac and their greatgrandfathers. One conclusion that can be drawn from this evidence is that characteristics

of mythical origin can be ascribed not only to Inca Roca and Manco Capac (or Sinchi Roca) but also to Pachacuti and Mayta Capac. Pachacuti’s very name

points in this direction. Its meaning is world reformer, and also occurred in the expression huno pachacuti, meaning the Flood (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 6, p. 103) 126). But this expression of mythical origin can also be detected in other material, in connection with Pachacuti’s name. Thus, according to Garcilaso (1945, tomo II, libro VI, cap. XXXV) before his accession to the throne Pachacuti had the epithet of Manco Capac. According to Poma de Ayala (1944, foja 146) Manco Capac’s general and deputy was called Yoga Yupanqui Pachacutichic Ynga; one of the ruler Pachacuti’s generals, on the other hand, was called Manco Capac 127). That is to say that Poma interchanges Pachacuti and Manco Capac, who in this representation not only belonged to different suyu, but also to different groups of ceque (1 and 2); it can be concluded from this that they were woth personifications of the concept of primordiality. There is another similarity between I and IV which is relevant to the argument. Every ruler had his own huauque, which was his personal amulet and oracle (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 14, p. 134). The word huauque means brother (of a man). The huauque of three of the rulers was connected with the Sun. Manco Capac’s huauque was the inti bird (inti = sun) which he had brought with him from Tambotoco. At his death the bird was shut in a cage. None of his successors before Mayta Capac dared take the bird from its cage (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 17, p. 141). Mayta Capac talked with the bird which then served him too as his huauque. Finally, Pachacuti had Inti illapa, Thunder, as his huauque (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 48, p. 221). Thunder was regarded as being the servant or messenger of the Sun (Cobo 1956, Tomo II, libro 12, cap. XIII, p. 82; libro 13, cap. XIV, p. 178, Garcilaso 1945, Tomo J, libro II, cap. J; libro III, cap. XXI); the element “inti’’ in this name also points to the connection between Thunder and the Sun. Because none of the other rulers had a 126) For a full discussion of the word Pachacuti, I refer to the book by Imbelloni “Pacha-

eet) Jas as in the first representation Pachacuti had his friends as generals and substitutes and in the second representation the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco had their subsidiary brothers to play these parts, in the third representation all rulers of the Inca dynasty had their generals and substitutes. Poma calls these “‘capitanes’”’ or “sinchis’” and considers each of them to be the son of the ruler whose substitute he was. See also VI § 6 e p. 192.

158 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION huauque which was connected with the sun, it can be argued that in this representation, the sun was linked with I as well as with IV. The material on the yanacona throws even more light on the nature of the mutual relationship of I to IV, and that of I and IV together to the sun. The Spanish chroniclers also call the yanacona specifically the servants of the Sun 128). In the preceding chapter I cited some instances from South Peru of the yanacona belonging to the ayllu which corresponds to IV in Cuzco, but also of the fact that in other

organizations they formed a sub-group of the ayllu which is comparable to I 129). In Cuzco, too, there were indications that the yanacona were classed either as IV as a whole 130) or as I 3 131). I also gave an example for the original population of Cuzco, similar to that relating to the yanacona 132),

b) In this last example IV 2 was identified with I 3. This identification can serve to explain the fact that both I and IV were linked with the concept of origin. The theoretical argument could run as follows. In the first represen- \ tation the construction of organization of Cuzco was presented as having been brought about by a historical and recurrent process of fission. From among the three matrilineal, exogamous marriage classes which together constituted an endo-

gamous whole, an endogamous group split off from ego’s class, which was in turn divided into three marriage classes. Ego’s class, which was also the class of FaFaFa, as a result of this fission became exclusively the class of FaFaFa, while the splinter group became ego’s. In addition to the endogamous marriage movement in the splinter group, it also maintained marriage relations with the other three classes. The primary sons of its founder belonged to the splinter group, and his subsidiary sons went to the class of FaFaFa 133). Thus marriage movement was occasioned among the four matrilineal classes, which in their mutual relations, were exogamous. The group which, before the fission, had been ego’s group, became that of FaFaFa, as was remarked before. But the marriage classes had another function in addition to this one. Ego’s class was the group of the leaders, the highest groups. The class of FaFaFa was the group of the ancestors and the lowest group. But because the same process of fission 128) Poma de Ayala (1944, foja 266) speaks of the Yanayaco (= Yanacona) which he includes among the property — such as estates, cattle, gold and silver objects — of the sun. Sarmiento (1947, cap. 51, p. 229), Garcilaso (1945, Tomo I, libro IV, cap. IV) and Castro and Ortega Morejoén (1936, p. 240) mention two sorts of yanacona: those of the Inca and those of the sun. The meaning of this distinction and the role of the yanacona will be discussed below; see VIII § 5 a pp. 224-227. 129) See IV § 3c, p. 99. 130) See IV § 3c, p. 99. 131) See V § 9c, pp. 153-154.

182) See IV § 3, p. 100. 138) See IV § 2e, f, p. 89.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 159 occurred again within the splinter group, the founder of the newly brought about quadripartition was in turn placed in the great-grandfather’s class.

Every founder of an endogamous group in one quadripartition, then, belonged to the highest group, which was the endogamous group of the leaders; but in the other quadripartition, he belonged to the lowest, that of the greatgrandfather and the ancestors. In the history and mythology of the Inca, this splitting-off process is menioned three times. At first, there were the three kingdoms, Manco Capac’s, Tocay Capac’s and Pinahua Capac’s. In Manco Capac’s kingdom a tripartition took place into Tambo, Maras and Sutic, and finally, those who were to form the Capac ayllu, Chauin Cuzco ayllu and Arayraca ayllu Cuzco cayao, — Le. Manco Capac and his brothers and sisters —, split off from Tambo. In the first presentation Collana (Chinchaysuyu) consisted of the last three ayllu, and Payan (Collasuyu) of the Tambo, Maras and Sutic ayllu. Seen from this point of view, Cayao consisted of the four suyu as marriage classes as a whole, and was based on the kingdoms of Manco Capac, Tocay Capac and Pinahua Capac. In the second representation the first group, Collana, was represented by

Ti+ 1 + II 1 + IV 1; the second group, Payan, by 12 + 22+ II 2 + IV 2, and the third group, Cayao, by I 3 + II 3 + III 3 + IV 3. That is to say that what was the highest group in Cayao, (I 3), was the lowest one in Payan (IV 2), and the highest group in Payan (I 2) was the lowest one in Collana (IV 1). I 3 was thus identical with IV 2, and I 2 to IV 1. It thus becomes clear how I and IV could both become associated with mythical origin, and how they were both connected with the sun and with the war against the priests. This theoretical explanation also clarified how in the second representation, I was the marriage class of ego and of the rulers, and IV that of FaFaFa and the ancestors and the original population.

c) One of the points of agreement between I and IV appeared to be the war of the rulers against the priests; this war was connected with the rulers of both suyu. The explanation for this war, in my opinion, is as follows. The founder of an endogamous group in the one quadripartition, as I remarked before, be-

longed to the highest marriage class, but in the other quadripartition to the lowest. There was a second aspect to this situation. Because an endogamous group had split of from the group of FaFaFa, the latter group had been relegated from the highest position, which was that of ego, to the lowest, which was that of FaFaFa. This relegation was presented as a war between IJ and IV, or a war between the rulers against the priests. I, ego’s class, was the rulers’ group, as was

demonstrated above. IV, the class of FaFaFa, was the group of the ancestors

160 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION (villca), who, in the form of the holy site consecrated to mythical origin 134), symbolised the unity of the four marriage classes 185). Group IV was also the

group from which the men of I chose their wives with whom they entered exogamous marriages and the group to which their subsidiary sons belong. The priests, who were also called villca, should also be classed in this group IV 136). This conclusion does not appear to agree with the organization of Cuzco as

I reconstructed it in the second representation on the basis of the so-called history of the Inca. From this material 187) it appeared that the priests’ class belonged to II and not to IV. Before showing that this situation was a logical development from that in which the priests were classed as IV, I propose first to cite some data from which it appears that this last situation, or representation, also existed in the organization of Cuzco. In connection with the material on the special relationship between the motif of the mountain and IV 138), it was shown how in the second representation the ancestors and the holy place of the whole organization of the four suyu of Cuzco came to belong to IV. The mountain probably symbolised the ancestors and derived this significance from its function as a phallic symbol. This aspect is evident from the word Urco which, according to Holguin (1608) means mountain as well as male animal. I quoted some examples before of the identity of meaning of Urcu and ayllu (penis, clan) 139) 140), Thus we see that the mountain was the symbol of the villca, meaning ancestor, phallus, ayllu. This conclusion is corroborated in one of the first articles of faith of the Roman Catholic dogma, written in Quechua, in the sixteenth century. Here the word mountain is translated by villca (Holguin, 1952, p, XI). 134) The sanctuary of origin was called huaca, a synonym of villca. See IV § 1c, p. 73. 135) The totality of the marriage classes was the ayllu, a word which is also a synonym of villca. See IV § 1 ¢, p. 73.

136) Having arrived at this point in my argument, I would like to point to a datum given by Pachacuti Yamqui which may contain an explanation of the word “Manco” in the name of Manco Capac. Pachacuti Yamqui (1950, p. 232) refers to “piedras mancos’’, i.e. stones called “manco’”, entirely with the meaning of villca and huaca. The word “manco” in the name of Manco Capac

would thus indicate his primordial character. I report the explanation of his name here because we can now, after the exposition in the preceding section, understand how Manco Capac could be considered the first Inca ruler —- who fought the pre-Inca population, identified with the priests — as well as himself possessing, as his name indicates, characteristics of these villca or huaca.

137) See V § 9a, pp. 150-152. 138) See V § 7b, p. 142. 139) See IV § 1 ¢, pp. 72-73. 140) Another example of the mountain as a phallus symbol is given by Avila (1939, cap. 10,

p. 98). He tells of a woman who had sinned with all the huaca, one of whom, Rucanakoto (= finger mountain) was enthroned on top of a mountain. Men with a small penis prayed to this mountain.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 161 : Poma de Ayala explicitly connects Cuntisuyu with the religion and the priests. He writes (1944, foja 183): ‘He (Tupac Yupanqui) laid down that in this great city, chief of these realms (Cuzco), there should be a principal priestmagician, called Uallaviza condeviza, and other from Chinchaysuyo and from Andesuyo and from Collasuyo’. Uiza was a variant for villca 141). Thus, accord-

| ing to Poma the high priest was connected with Cuntisuyu. In his first name, Uallaviza, can also be detected the relationship with the Huaylla people, the oldest and poorest section of the inhabitants of the Cuzco region, who had been living there before the arrival of the Inca and even of the other pre-Inca people (Toledo, 1940, p. 185, 186). This corroborates the nature of the relationship between the priests and the original population and with Cuntisuyu as the fourth marriage class (beside the Collana, Payan and Cayao classes) 142) 143), It ought to follow from the marriage relationships between I and IV in the second representation, that the subsidiary kin and sons of the rulers belonged ” to IV. If Poma connects the priests especially with IV, it 1s to be expected that he also sees a special link between the subsidiary sons of the rulers and the priests and the holy places. He records this link in the following form. In Cuzco, according to him (Poma 1944, foja 262, 263), there were three

temples. In the first temple, the temple of the Sun, the ruler prayed to the golden image of the sun; in the second temple the queen prayed to the image of the moon. In the third temple, dedicated to Venus, the auquicuna and the fustacuna, — the subsidiary children of the ruler —, prayed and sacrified. Poma calls Venus ‘Chasca cuyllor chuquiylla uaca billcacona’ (1944, foja 185, 263). Of this series of words Chasca cuyllor was the real name of Venus. Chugui illa is one of the three names and manifestations of Thunder (Polo 1916a, cap. I, p. 3-7; Molina 1943, p. 29, 34) 144). Venus was obviously also connected with 141) See V 8 5c, p. 138, § 94, p. 151. 142) Like Poma, Pachacuti Yamqui also mentions (1950, p. 234) the two words Uallaviza and Cuntiviza together. 143) Jn the priestly organization, according to Poma, Cuntisuyu was the most important of the

four suyu. I am of the opinion that here the same representation is conceived of as that which I mentioned in the preceding chapter as possibly the fourth representation of the organization of Cuzco (see IV note 59). In that representation, all of Cuzco, taken geographically, belonged to Cuntisuyu, and the other suyu started outside it. If this is in fact a case of a fourth representation,

it would apply only to the priestly organization, which we would have to see as the direct antipode not only of the second representation but likewise of the first representation and of the

third representation. In all these three representations the true rulers and their primary kin belonged to Chinchaysuyu and this suyu was the most important in Cuzco. I shall return to the question of the direct consequences — not only within the second representation but also within the first and third representations —- of the opposition of the priestly organization to the other three representations of the organization of Cuzco in chapter IX, § 3 pp. 241-246. 144) Poma hereby equates Venus with Thunder. This identification is also probably indicated by other chroniclers: according to Garcilaso (1945, Tomo I, libro II, cap J; libro III, cap. X XI),

162 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION the huaca and the villca. There was thus a clear relationship between the subsidiary sons of the ruler and the ruler’s huaca and villca, which were regarded as his ancestors or great-grandparents 145).

§ 11. As was demonstrated above, in the second representation too, the organization of four marriage classes must be regarded as having originated from three classes. Because the concepts Collana (the ruler’s primary kin), Payan

(his subsidiary kin) and Cayao (the non-related population) were applied to these classes, the same difficulties arose in the second representation as observed in the first representation 146).

co The Collana group of the tripartition was distributed over I and IV in the quadripartition. Together with I, the Payan group of the quadripartition belonged, as III, to the upper moiety, and the Cayao group as II, together with IV, to the lower moiety. Because I comprised the ruler’s primary kin and was therefore in fact Collana, the ruler’s primary and subsidiary kin were associated with the upper moiety, and the non-related population with the lower moiety. III thus became the group of the subsidiary kin and took over this function from IV

which remained associated only with the class of the great-grandfather, the ancestors, the original population, the outcasts, including the yanacona, and the _ priests.

‘Because the upper moiety and the lower moiety were two equivalent, even if opposed, moieties, there arose in the lower moiety, between the marriage classes II and IV a relationship like that in the upper moiety of I (Collana) to III (Payan). One feature of this relationship of Collana to Payan was that the latter was connected with the land and its population, and the former with the rulers. Now, in the lower moiety, the relationship of the priests to the holy places became regarded in the same way as that in the upper moiety of Collana to Payan. As IV was the lowest of the four suyu, and therefore also remained the lowest in the lower moiety, the huaca came to be associated with IV and the priests came to belong to II.

‘ We came across the results of this shift of the group of priests from the both, Venus and Thunder, were servants and messengers of the Sun; Blas Valera (1950, p. 166) calls Venus the son of the Sun. It is thus quite explicable that the subsidiary sons of the ruler worshipped Venus or Thunder and felt themselves related to them, in a way similar to the ruler who worshipped the Sun. 145) We see here a situation similar to that of the adjustment of the tripartition of Tambo, Maras and Sutic to the quadripartition. Within Tambo, in addition to the endogamous group of Manco Capac and his brothers and sisters, there was the group to which belonged the subsidiary descendants of Manco Capac and his great-grandfather. The latter group received the further indication of huacan, Le. “‘of the huaca’’. See IV § 2 € p. 89. 146) See IV § 3, pp. 91-101.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 163 marriage class of the great-grandfather to that of the father before, in this second 147) and in the first representation 148), and I gave a few examples with relation to the first representation of the way in which in the lower moiety, in a quadripartition, the marriage classes of the father and of the great-grandfather were related to each other like Collana to Payan 149); this relationship in the second representation is also suggested by two words. The first of these words is the name of the high priest, which I considered

should be read as Villca Uma 15°), Villca means priest. Uma, according to Holguin (1608) means the top of a mountain, in addition to its meaning of a person’s head. The motif of the mountain in the second representation was associated with IV. The priests could then be regarded as representing the top, as the guardians of the holy place, which was the mountain. In connection with

the first representation, Ayar Uchu was said to have climbed the mountain Huanacauri, the first holy place of the Inca mentioned in their history. There he turned into stone and thus crowned the holy place 151). Thus the relationship

in the second representation of IV to II was seen as that of the mountain and the holy place to the priests, as representing the top of the mountain and as the guardians of the holy place 152). The second word, Quishuarcancha, the name of Viracocha Inca’s palace which was also the temple to the god Viracocha 153), contains a symbolic indication of the priests’s position similar to that in the word Uma. In Quishuarcancha lived Viracocha Inca’s descendants, among whom, as was shown before, the high priest was also classed 154). The word Cancha is used for a fenced-in space within which there are buildings. The Quishuar is a tree which, according to Cobo (Cobo, Tomo I, libro VI, cap. XLIX, p. 225), is distinct from other trees in that it can grow in the highest and coldest regions. This fact may induce us to suppose that the priests —- who together with Viracocha Inca in the second

representation belonged to II — were compared to the Quishuar tree as the crowning of the mountain 155), 147) See V § 9 a, pp. 150-152. 148) In the first representation, Arairaca ayllu Cuzco cayao, the ayllu of Ayar Uchu, was in I 2 c and thus filled the place of the class of the father in relation to Capac ayllu in I 1 b. See IV § 2c, p. 85. § 4, p. 101. 149) See IV § 3 b, pp. 96-97. 150) See V § 9 a, p. 151. 151) See IV § 3 b, p. 96. 152) For further support for this conclusion see V note 155. 153) J will discuss both functions of Quishuarcancha below (see IX § 3 pp. 243-246). 154) See IV note 82. 155) This association of the god Viracocha, the priests and Viracocha Inca with the quishuar tree is supported by the following data. Pachacuti Yamqui says of Viracocha Inca that this ruler was very meek and occupied himself with such things as “the chacaras (the arable fields) and

164 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION § 12. As was shown before, out of a tripartition a quadripartition into the classes I, II, III and IV was brought about and with it, a moiety opposition of I + III to II + IV. This change caused unsurmountable difficulties not only in relation to the social organization but also in the field of religion. | propose now to examine the difficulties encountered in religion as well as their solutions, which were sought in their connection with the moiety contrast. This procedure will give a better insight into the nature of the moiety contrast. The highest god of the Inca was the Sun. The rulers were supposed to have descended from him. They regarded the mountain as the earthly symbol of their heavenly descent and they obviously saw no contradiction in the two different traditions in one of which Manco Capac was regarded as the son of the Sun, and in the other as having come from a mountain cave. The Aymara word villca for the sun, which, according to Bertonio (1612), existed side by side with the word inti, supports the opinion that the sun was seen as the origin of the people. For villca meant great-grandfather, fore-father, holy site dedicated to mythical origin, phallic symbol, etc. 156). In the tripartition the Sun, as the highest god, was connected with the Collana

group, the group of the leaders. The priests and the holy place, the huaca or villca 157) therefore also belonged to Collana. alders and other plants such as the quishuar and chachacoma and molli’’. A possible reason for the relation of Viracocha Inca with the quishuar tree has already been noted above. According to Tschudi (1853), the chachacoma is a bush which grows in the colder parts of the mountains and of which the crushed leaf-buds, mixed with the rosin of the tree, are used to strengthen weakened parts of the body. The molle was very much in use as a purge (Cobo 1956, Tomo I, libro 6, cap. LXX VIII, p. 268). Being found in the high, cold mountains was thus a feature shared by the chachacoma and the quishuar tree. Further, the chachacoma and the molle each had, on the one hand, one property in common with the fruit of the villca tree, i.e. the fortifying and

purgative effects respectively, and thus show a relation with the whole concept of villca (see

IV § 1c p. 73) and on the other hand they were associated with the quishuar tree and with Viracocha Inca.

According to Cieza (1945, cap. LX XXIV, p. 229) near the temple of Guarivilca, in the valley of Jauja, there were three or four sacred molli trees. Since Guarivilca is a name of the god Viracocha (Pachacuti Yamqui 1950, pp. 211, 231, 232) we see here too the relation between the god and the molle tree. 156) Another example of the fact that the mountain could also represent a celestial deity is the mountain Huanacauri, the first sanctuary of the Inca and the place where Ayar Uchu turned into stone. According to Sarmiento (1947, cap. 12, p. 124) Huanacauri means “rainbow’’. 157) In this connection I would refer to the meaning of the word Collana in Quechua and in Aymara. In both languages Collana means “the first, the highest, prominent’, etc. According to Lira, in Quechua this word is derived from an adjective Kkolla, with the meaning of “prominent

very valuable or very high’. A word Colla is also known in Aymara, but there, according to Bertonio, it means purgative or medicine. Thus this word agrees in meaning with villca which also has this meaning in Quechua (see IV § 1c p. 73). Now, according to Tschopik (1951, p. 206),

some of the modern Aymara call God “qolani aukixa’” or “my father with the medicines’. Although this refers to the Christian God, the Aymara often make an identification with the sun

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 165 Although in the quadripartition the Collana group was distributed over I and IV, and both suyu were connected with the sun, the nature of this relation-

ship varied between the suyu. For the rulers in I the Sun was the symbol of their high position. It can be asserted therefore that in the quadripartition and in the moiety contrast, the Sun was linked with I and with the upper moiety. The relationship of IV to the Sun is most evident from the position of the yanacona as the servants or serfs of the Sun, or of the Inca, the ruler. As a result in the quadripartition the relationship of the whole lower moiety to the sun was represented as similar to that of the yanacona to the Sun. Owing to the moiety contrast, the Sun no longer remained the symbol of the entire society, but only of the upper moiety. I argued before 158) that the priests belonged to II and the lower moiety. Only the changeover from the division into three to that into four, can in my opinion clarify the contradiction between the fact that the priests, who after all, were the priests, or servants, of the Sun, (compare for instance the position of the high priest in the temple of the Sun in Cuzco) are connected with another god, Viracocha, the Creator 159).

The concept of Viracocha, the Creator, should possibly be explained as (Tschopik 1951, p. 190). It is therefore probable that the Aymara once addressed their highest god, the Sun, with this term. The sun would be for them their villca. Although the origin of the word Collana is not relevant here, it is of value to know that Collana or Colla were also given the meaning of villca. 158) See V § 9 a, pp. 150-152. 159) Now that we have established that a primordial character was attached to the entire lower

| moiety, it becomes possible to interpret the word Cayao, as indication of the lower moiety. For the word Cayao we encounter the written forms Callao, Cayau or Callahua. Kkalla means — according to Lira — “beginning, origin’’ and is the stem of various derivations. He mentions Kkallar, i.e. “beginning, origin’ and therefore Cayao, Cayau or Callahua may also be regarded as composed of the stem kkalla and the suffixes -u or -hua. These suffixes do not seem to have any semantic function (for a treatment of these suffixes see Galante 1959, p. 23). Cayao thus means “beginning, origin” (see IV note 73). At the same time we can now explain the meaning of the word “Lloque” in the name of the ruler Lloque Yupanqui. In the second representation

he belonged to II 2 and from him were also descended the priests, the villca. In the series Allauca (= right), Chaupi or Chauin (= middle), Ychoc or Lloque (= left) (see III § 3 p. 41) we encountered the word Lloque as synonym of the word Cayao in the series Collana, Payan, Cayao. Lloque thus also means “beginning, origin’ and is as such a reference to villca as

. ancestor. So the name Lloque Yupanqui also points to the priestly character of this ruler. A final confirmation of the connection of the concepts of “beginning, origin, ancestor’ and “priest’’ with the word lloque and the person of Lloque Yupanqui is a translation which Pachacuti Yamqui gives (1950, p. 231) of the word Iloque. He states that “the idols (which are) the representations

of the demons Aappifiufios were on the snow-covered mountain tops, where people never come, which were called the /logues or the quenamaris’. Lloque here has the meaning which we also found for the word Villca Uma (see V § 11 p. 163). In this word I saw the expression of the place of the marriage class of the father and of the priests (= Cayao) — a place which in the second representation corresponds to ayllu II — with respect to the marriage class of FaFaFa, i.e. suyu IV.

166 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION being, — to the Inca at least —-, a relatively theoretical construct which was to serve in the adaptation of the tripartition to the quadripartition and the concomitant moiety opposition. The origin and creation features which the Sun had, in relation to the tripartition, were personified in a separate deity in the quadripartition and in that context associated with the lower moiety. Although he personified one aspect of the Sun, Viracocha, the Creator, was nevertheless regarded as a god antagonistic to the Sun.

§ 13. a) There are several instances of the opposition of the Sun to Viracocha connected with the moiety opposition in Inca culture; I shall cite a few instances at the end of this chapter.

The first instance concerns the opposition of the Sun to Viracocha, as a religious or philosophical problem, but this in fact also throws light on the opposition of the chiefs of the Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco moieties in their capacity of Inca rulers.

The Inca Capac Yupanqui, according to Murda (1613 libro I, cap. 11), once asked his councillors who was more important: the Sun or Viracocha. After a discussion Capac Yupanqui decided that it must be Viracocha, for the Sun could be obscured by the smallest cloud.

In this instance, then, Viracocha was placed higher than the Sun. As the ( rulers before Pachacuti were not in fact rulers but the chiefs of particular social groups in the organization of Cuzco, the significance of this discussion lies in the person and in the position in the organization of Cuzco of the ruler who considered Viracocha as being more important than the sun. According to Murta this ruler was Capac Yupanqui. Cobo on the other hand, ascribes the story to Pachacuti. The manner in which Cobo relates it, however, makes one suspect that it was the ruler Viracocha Inca who put the god Viracocha higher than the Sun, especially because Cobo (1956, tomo II, libro 12, cap. XI, p. 76), elsewhere, when discussing Viracocha Inca, writes that this ruler ‘tried to change the religious state of affairs by ordering that preference should be given to the god Viracocha above the Sun and other gods’. According to Cobo, Pachacuti before he was king went to Jaquyahuana, outside Cuzco, where his father, Viracocha Inca, was dwelling. On his way a

man appeared to him near a well who said that he was the sun, his father. He foretold Pachacuti great victories for the Inca if they were to worship him. When Pachacuti subsequently returned to Cuzco, he built a temple to the Sun. But after he had shown his devotion to the Sun, he wondered how an object which was subject to regular daily movement could be God, especially since a small cloud could place itself in front of it and obscure it. Thus Pachacuti reached the conclusion that the creator, Viracocha Pachayachachic (Pachayacha-

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 167 chic = creator of the wortd), must be the highest god and built the Quishuarcancha temple for him. And, according to Cobo, ‘although the Inca from the beginning were acquainted with the creator of all things and paid honour and brought sacrifices to him, he was not worshipped to the same extent as in the time of Viracocha Inca and his son’. Cobo’s story sounds illogical. The idea that Pachacuti, — as the ruler of the upper moiety (I + III) in the second representation, whose huauque Inti illapa was clearly connected with the Sun —, should prefer Viracocha, — the god linked with the lower moiety —, to the sun, is not acceptable; nor is the idea that he built a temple, Quishuarcancha, for Viracocha, which was also his own father’s palace (e.g. Vazquez Espinosa 1948 § 1508, p. 519). The story about Pachacuti’s meeting with the Sun is also reminiscent of Viracocha Inca’s meeting with the god Viracocha. It seems more likely, therefore, that the last meeting

reflects Inca tradition, and that the story of Pachacuti’s meeting was a story made up by Cobo, who could, moreover, give no significance to this story. I assume therefore that Viracocha Inca placed the god Viracocha higher than the Sun, but that it was Pachacuti who built the temple to the Sun, as 1s also recorded by several chroniclers (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 31, p. 177). It would ~ then have to be Viracocha Inca as the chief of the lower moiety (II + IV) who placed the god Viracocha higher than the Sun and thereby emphasised the

contrast between the two moieties, I + III to that of II + IV. 7

There remain two more questions. The first is why, as Murta asserts, Capac Yupanqui appreciated Viracocha more highly than he did the Sun. The answer,

which I can not elucidate until later 160) must, in my opinion, be that the position which Viracocha Inca as chief of the lower moiety (II + IV) had in the ceque system according to the second representation (viz. II 1 a), was occupied by Capac Yupanqui as chief of Hurin-Cuzco (II + IV) according to the third representation. The second question is why Cobo transferred the higher appreciation of the god Viracocha by the ruler Viracocha Inca, to Pachacuti. In this question I can but express a suspicion. The worship of the Sun was, to the Christian Spaniards, and all the more to the Jesuit Cobo, a heathen concept. Now Viracocha, — the

white, bearded god and creator, who at one time had travelled through the country to civilise the people and teach them the concept of neighbourly love, but who had not been understood by the people —, was to the Spanish reminis-

cent of Christianity. Among the Spanish there even originated the thought that Saint Thomas had tried to convert the country and that his memory had

, survived in the person of Viracocha. Cobo did not know that the placing of 160) See VI §$ 9d pp. 205-207.

168 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION Viracocha above the Sun was the expression of a moiety contrast and not a generally applicable view. It can therefore be readily understood that he tried to place a piece of information, which sounded so familiar to his Christian ears as centrally as possible and therefore connected it with Pachacuti. , b) Now that this contrast of the Sun to Viracocha has been recognised as an expression of the moiety partition, it will also be possible to interpret the second instance of this contrast. This occurs in the creation myth relating to Viracocha himself. This instance also serves further to clarify the significance lent by the Inca to the concepts of Hanan, upper, and Hurin, lower. The creation myth of the Inca revolves around the following element (Sar-

miento 1947, cap. 7, p. 105-109). After the Flood, Viracocha 161) went to the island of Titicaca in the lake of the same name, and there created the sun, the moon and the other heavenly bodies, the provinces and the valleys and the people who were to inhabit them. The people for the time being remained in the mountains, springs, etc., until Viracocha and his servants brought them forth from there. For that purpose they travelled from Titicaca through the whole country to the North. When they arrived at the coast, at Manta, in Ecuador, they walked on the water and disappeared and were never seen again. Because the Creator walked on the water in this way, says Sarmiento (1947, cap. 7, p. 109), he was called Viracocha, the foam of the sea.

Although from this myth the contrast of Viracocha to the Sun 1s not yet clearly apparent, elements of this contrast are nevertheless present in the myth. The Sun was connected with the sky, fire and the mountain country, as opposed to the association of Viracocha with the earth, water and the coast. This contrast is very clearly discernable in two myths from the village of Huarochiri; because both myths can be used to explain the first myth, it is useful to quote them. Huarochiri lies at a short distance from that part of the coast where the holy place of Pachacamac was situated. The highest god in Huarochiri was Coniraya

Viracocha (Avila 1939, cap. 1, p. 77; cap. 14, p. 103), the Creator, and although Pachacamac is also mentioned as such, it 1s not clear whether in Huarochiri, as among the Inca (Acosta 1954, libro V, cap. III, p. 141), the two gods were identified with each other (Avila 1939, cap. 22, p. 116) 162).

The first myth from Huarochiri (Avila 1939, cap. 8, p. 91-93) deals with 161) The fullest form of the name Viracocha is Ticci Viracocha Pachayachachic (Cobo 1956, Tomo II, libro 12, cap. III, p. 62; Sarmiento 1947, cap. 7, p. 105; Acosta 1954, libro V, cap. III, p. 141; cap. IV, p. 144). Ticci means “beginning, origin, foundation’, Pachayachachic ‘‘creator of the world”’.

162) Avila does say here in so many words that in the mountain country the sun was worshipped as the highest god and on the coast Pachacamac. This myth about Pachacamac agrees with both myths about Viracocha.

V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION 169 the struggle between Pariacaca (now the name of a mountain), Viracocha’s son (Avila 1939, cap. 16, p. 105-106), against Huallallo Carhuinchu, another primordial god. Pariacaca fights with rain and Huallallo with fire. The latter

loses the battle and has to flee to the highlands. There, according to Avila (1939, cap. 9, p. 93) he is still worshipped by the Huanca people. Pariacaca’s descendants, on the other hand, populated the coastal regions.

The second myth (Avila 1939, cap. 14, p. 103, 104) deals with Coniraya Viracocha himself, but in his function as the king of the coastal regions, shortly before the arrival of the Spaniards. He once went to the Inca Huayna Capac, Tupac Yupanqui’s son, and together they went to Lake Titicaca. Here Viracocha suggested to the Inca that they should divide the country, and he offered his own sister to the Inca as a wife. Then they parted again and each returned to his own territory.

From this last myth it may be concluded that the division of the country concerned the coastal and the mountain regions. The comparison of the two regions with two exogamous moieties is apparent from the marriage of Huayna Capac with Viracocha’s sister. The myths speak of a link of the coast, rain and water (Lake Titicaca), witn Viracocha and his son; and of the mountain country and fire, with the Sun, or with Huayna Capac, the Inca, as the son of the Sun. Instances of the link between Viracocha and water, in the form of Lake Titicaca and the sea into which he disappears, we found among the Inca. This link explains the translation of Viracocha’s name by “foam of the sea” 163), The contrast between the Sun and Viracocha, between Hanan and Hurin, was connected by the Inca with the contrast of heaven to earth and of the mountain country to the coastal regions. Above 164) I concluded that Viracocha was one aspect of the Sun which must necessarily be separated and distinguished on account of the adaptation of the tripartition to the quadripartition and the resulting moiety partition. Viracocha’s journey from Lake Titicaca across the country to the sea at Manta, Ecuador could perhaps be regarded as an earthly projection of the course of the sun along the sky. Finally I wish to note that in the myths from the coast, from Huarochirt, Viracocha and his son Pariacaca were presented as being more powerful than the Inca and Huallallo Carhuinchu. The coastal people, at least in religious questions, recognised no superiority of the mountain people. A similar instance can be given from the Inca among whom the lower moiety, from its point of 163) A metaphor similar to that used here by the Inca is found among a Gé people, the Canella of eastern Brazil. In one of the ceremonies of these Indians the six ceremonial “plaza groups” who perform in it are called by the names of fishes. The leader of the six groups is called Koyampro, which is “water foam’ (Nimuendaji 1946, p. 225). 164) See V § 12 pp. 165-166.

170 V. THE SECOND REPRESENTATION view, regarded itself as superior to the upper moiety. The person who asked who was more powerful, the Sun or Viracocha himself finally chose the latter. From this fact I deduced that in the second representation the questioner must be Viracocha Inca 165), 165) For a detailed discussion of the relationship between the Sun and Viracocha and between the mountains and the coast. see Zuidema (1962).

CHAPTER SIX

THE THIRD REPRESENTATION § 1. The Relacién de los ceques in Cobo’s chronicle not only gives a description of the holy sites and of the imaginary lines, the ceque, on which the sites were situated, but aiso mentions which social group maintained every ceque. Cobo’s incomplete material was supplemented by Molina’s and Sarmiento’s accounts 1). As appeared from the reconstruction of this organization, to which the third representation was applicable, this organization of Cuzco con-

tained ten panaca and ten ayllu. The ayllu were the groups which were not descended from the rulers. In every group of three ceque, — Collana, Payan and Cayao —, there always occurred one panaca and one ayllu of which, as I argued before, the panaca was linked to a Payan ceque and the ayllu to a Cayao ceque. The panaca of the first five rulers of Hanan-Cuzco were linked to I + III, and the panaca of the five rulers of Hurin-Cuzco to II + IV. In the third representation I + III can therefore be called Hanan-Cuzco and II + IV Hurin-Cuzco. By comparing it with the first and the second representation, it is possible to make several assumptions about the system of the third representation. In the second representation each of the moieties Hanan-Cuzco (11 + IT 1 +

III 1 + IV 1) and Hurin-Cuzco (I 2 + II 2 + HI 2 + IV 2) was distributed over the four suyu and, like Cuzco as a whole, could function as an endogamous unit. In the third representation Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco occupied the

territories of the suyu I + III and II + IV respectively. The two moieties can therefore be expected to function as endogamous units, just as Cuzco as a whole, as well as the moieties Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco, did in the second representation.

In the third representation every group of ceque invariably contained the panaca of a ruler and one ayllu: the panaca linked to a Payan ceque and the ayllu to a Cayao ceque. The tuler-founder of the panaca was probably also linked to the same group of ceque. In the second representation, a marriage class was divided into three groups: Collana, 1.e. the group of ceque 1, Payan, i.e. the group of ceque 2, and Cayao, te. the group of ceque 3. In the third representation the groups of ceque probably each functioned as marriage classes. In this context the founder-ruler probably belonged to a Collana ceque, and the 1) See I §§ 2, 3 pp. 5-8.

Int. Arch. f. Ethn., Suppl. to Vol. L 13

172 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION function of the panaca in relation to the ruler probably corresponded to that of the ruler of Hurin-Cuzco in the second representation in relation to the ruler of Hanan-Cuzco in the same marriage class; the ayllu in the third representation then probably corresponded to, or were identical with, the non-Inca villages, which in the second representation comprised the wives of the rulers of HananCuzco and Hurin-Cuzco.

If the groups of ceque in the third representation were indeed marriage classes, the implication is that there occurred five marriage classes in HananCuzco as well as in Hurin-Cuzco. In the second representation the fourth and fifth rulers of Hanan-Cuzco and those of Hurin-Cuzco belonged to the marriage class I (Chinchaysuyu). It is to be expected that the structure in the third representation of five groups of ceque constituting marriage classes in both moieties was brought about by the quinquepartition, mentioned in Chapter VIII. As will appear later 2), in the third representation the fourth and fifth rulers of Hanan-Cuzco as well as of Hurin-Cuzco were linked to different groups of ceque but these groups nevertheless functioned together as one marriage class in relation to the other three marriage classes in each moiety. It is to be expected therefore that according to the third representation, when uninfluenced by the quinquepartition, there were altogether eight marriage classes in Cuzco. § 2. Cobo’s material on the ceque system, and the corresponding accounts by Molina and Sarmiento which supplement it, reflect the organization of eight marriage classes, but not wholly in accordance with the organization as I extrapolated it. Apparently it was outside Cuzco that this type of organization was preserved in a pure form. Before, therefore, reconstructing it with relation to Cuzco, I shall cite the material from outside the town. There are two sources which speak of organizations of eight ayllu each, in which the ayllu are subdivided into two moieties. Both sources refer to the Andes region, south of Lake Titicaca 3). According to Matienzo (1910, p. 16), every repartimiento (a Spanish word for a kind of province in the sixteenth century) was divided into Hanansaya and Hurinsaya. Each moiety had its own cacique, or chief. Both moieties were divided into eight ayllu. In councils, the chiefs of the eight ayllu of Hanansaya occupied the best places. They sat on the right hand side, behind their cacique, and the eight chiefs of Hurinsaya 2) See VI § 4b, p. 180, § 5, p. 182. 3) The first source to which I shall refer is the book “Gobierno del Peru’’ dating from the sixteenth century, by Juan de Matienzo. Although Matienzo does not say where the form of organization he mentions occurred, we may assume that this was in present-day Bolivia. When he wrote his book he was “oidor de Ja Audiencia’’ (an administrative function) at Charcas (present-day Sucre in southern Bolivia).

VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 173 sat on lower seats behind their cacique, on the left hand side. The cacique of Hanansaya also had authority over the whole repartimiento and the HurinCuzco cacique had to obey him. It 1s difficult to decide from Matienzo’s account whether the moieties were associated with territory or not. The second source, Bertonio’s Aymara dictionary, possibly gives the answer to this question. Bertonio’s dictionary deals with the

Aymara dialect of Juli, a place on the south bank of Lake Titicaca. His entry probably refers to this area. With reference to the word lari, Bertonio entered: Lari: uncle, mother’s brother, and virtually all the wife’s kin are called lari. Quimsacallco lari, all kinsmen of the wife are called by this word by her husband and her sons. Lari lari: the people from the puna (the plateau) who recognise no cacique;

: cimarrones (runaway slaves, or people who have left their village and therefore no longer live under their chief). The translation of the term lari by MoBro and wife’s kin suggests MoBro marriage. In the expression Quimsacallco lari, the element Quimsacallco means

, eight. Apparently the woman had eight kinds of kin in her own group. If a link is assumed between Bertonio’s entry and Matienzo’s account, the existence of two exogamous moieties which each consisted of eight ayllu can be derived from them. Since, according to Bertonio, the eight ayllu in either moiety were

interrelated, the moieties probably consisted of eight marriage classes 4). As the moieties were exogamous, they were probably not associated with territory,

for a territorial division would have made the practice of exogamy of the moieties very difficult.

The non-territorial nature of the moieties is also evident from a document of 1568 from Chucuito, (A. I. Justicia 479) a village north of Juli on Lake Titicaca. The same organization probably obtained in Chucuito as in Juli. According to the document all the villages in Chucuito province, including the town of Chucuito, were divided into Hanansaya and Hurinsaya. Every village moiety had a chief. A cacique principal stood above all the chiefs of the Hanansaya village moieties, as another above the Hurinsaya ones. Both caciques principales lived in the town of Chucuito. The Hanansaya cacique principal was 4) The symmetrical connubium of the moieties is supported by the following datum from Bertonio. With respect to the word Sucullu, he describes the ceremony associated with the first

dressing of a baby in certain clothes. In it the FaSi fulfilled an important function, but in her absence the function came to the wife of MoBro. Although with eight marriage classes in one exogamous moiety a symmetric cross-cousin marriage is improbable, the fact that FaSi and the wife of MoBro were similarly treated may indicate the symmetrical connubium of the moieties in which FaSi and MoBro’s wife belonged to the same moiety.

174 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION also the chief of the whole province. The Hanansaya village chiefs were also the chiefs of their villages as a whole. Although at a village level the moieties in Chucuito province could bear on

territory, the Chucuito document confirms that the moieties, as sketched by Bertonio and Matienzo, each consisting of eight ayllu, were certainly not linked to territory. It can therefore be concluded that both sources refer to an organtzation of eight ayllu in which each ayllu was subdivided into two moieties. It was evident from the Chucuito document and from Matienzo’s account that there existed a hierarchical distinction between the Hanansaya and Hurinsaya chiefs. Bertonio’s entry lari lari also suggests a certain relationship of the village population, which belonged to Hanansaya, to that of the surrounding countryside, which belonged to Hurinsaya. It seems to me that this form of organization, found south of Lake Titicaca corresponded to the organization of Cuzco uninfluenced by the quinquepartition. Further evidence suggests *) that the Hanansaya moieties can be compared to the panaca in Cuzco, and the Hurinsaya moieties to the non-aristocratic ayllu there. If this comparison is correct, it confirms once again that the rulers of the so-called history of the Inca did not in fact form a dynasty, and that the social

organization was not the result of an historical process which involved the foundation of panaca, but that it represented a type of organization in which no single group could for certain be said to be older than an other.

§ 3. a) For the purposes of reconstructing the third representation of the organization of Cuzco, uninfluenced by the quinquepartition, two assumptions have to be shown to be correct. The first is that the ruler, the panaca and the ayllu who were linked to one group of ceque constituted one marriage class; secondly that the system of ten marriage classes had developed from a system of eight. For the sake of convenience I shall first demonstrate that both in Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco the organizations of four marriage classes were the basis of the organizations of five marriage classes. For the time being I assume that the five marztage classes did in fact exist. b) It was possible to demonstrate the second representation by using the material on the rulers Inca Roca, Yahuar Huacac, Viracocha Inca and Pachacuti. The

extension of this dynasty by a fifth ruler, Tupac Yupanqui, had no effect on the system of the organization. It appears that the organization of Hanan-Cuzco (I + III) in the third representation can also be reconstructed from the material on the first four rulers of Hanan-Cuzco. Since Tupac Yupanqui was classed in a Chinchaysuyu group of ceque and there were thus three rulers in this suyu as opposed to only two in Antisuyu, 5) See VI § 8, pp. 199-202.

VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 175 it is to be expected that the quinquepartition influenced Chinchaysuyu in particular. Both in the first and in the second representations Pachacut1 occupied the highest position in the organization of Cuzco. If Tupac Yupanqui’s function in the third representation is disregarded, his position in I 1 a would be occupied by Pachacuti. Viracocha’s position was III 1 a. Tarpuntay ayllu (III 1 c), the ayllu of the common lower grade priests, belonged to the same marriage class as Viracocha. The whole of the marriage class III 1 was thus linked with religion and was Cayao in nature as opposed to Pachacuti’s marriage class I 1, which was Collana in nature ®). Yahuar Huacac’s position was III 2 a. In the second representation Safu ayllu belonged to the same marriage class as did this ruler. The same applied to the third representation, Yahuar Huacac’s marriage class, IIT 2, therefore probably had a Payan nature as opposed to Pachacuti’s marriage class, I 1. In Antisuyu use was made only of the III 1 and III 2 groups of ceque. In the framework of the four marriage classes in Hanan-Cuzco, similar use of only I 1 and I 2 was probabiy made in Chinchaysuyu. Inca Roca would in this situation have belonged to the marriage class I 2. The reconstructed organization of four marriage classes in Hanan-Cuzco would look as follows in diagram form: 6) From the following datum we may infer that the word “sucsu’, i.e. the name of the panaca

of Viracocha Inca, also points to the Cayao character of the marriage class III 1. For Acosta (1954, libro V, Cap. XVIII, p. 160) says: “The people of Peru sacrified birds of the puna — as the desert was called there — when they went into battle in order to reduce the powers of the

huaca of the opponent. This sacrifice was called cuzcovicza or contevicza or huallavicza or sopavicza ...”. The names contevicza or condeviza and huallavicza or uallaviza have already been met with in connection with the second representation of the organization of Cuzco (see V § 10 c p. 161 and note 142). There they indicated suyu IV as marriage class of FaFaFa with attached to it the meanings of mountain, ancestor, huaca or villca, etc. From the context of all the rest of Acosta’s data, too, it can be seen that the word cuzco in cuzcovicza could not have been meant to refer to the city of Cuzco but is rather a degenerate form of the word sucsu. Cases of such degeneration or erroneous copying of this word are found throughout the chronicles (Kirchhoff 1946, p. 304; Gutierrez 1905, p. 435). The name cuzcovicza (== sucsuvicza) is thus employed by Acosta as a synonym for the various meanings of

villca, including these of sanctuary and priest. In the use of the word sucsuvicza we also see characteristics of the concept cayao. The birds in the sacrifice were killed in substitution for the enemy and they were linked with the puna, the plains or desert outside the inhabited world. The relation between the concepts cayao and puna were expressed in the Aymara word larilari (see VI § 2, p. 173). The cayao character of the word sucsuvicza also emerges from Acosta’s report of the fact that after the birds had been sacrificed, for the same purpose sacrifices were

made of black llamas, called urco, which were weakened by fasting, and black dogs called apuruco, in which latter word we may certainly read apu-urco. The hearts of the enemy were as weak as the llamas, says Acosta. The colour black points to the Cayao character. The word urco had the same meaning as villca (see IV § 1 c pp. 72-73).

Lastly, in this connection I would also like to refer to the word sopavicza, used by Acosta as a synonym of cuzcovicza (= sucsuvicza), contevicza and huallavicza. The Spaniards translated supay by “devil”. From the quotation of Acosta we can see in which connection the word was used by the Inca.

176 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION

I2I1 {II “ III 2 c) There are indications then that the organization into eight marriage classes, — consisting of four Hanan-Cuzco ones, as reconstructed here, and four HurinCuzco ones —, persisted side by side with the organization into ten groups of ceque linked with ten rulers; also that Pachacuti and Inca Roca, as I assumed above, occupied the position I 1 and I 2 in the organization into eight marriage classes. In order to demonstrate the correctness of these assumptions, I shall have to return to material on the first representation.

In the first representation I also reconstructed an organization into eight marriage classes, each divided into two moieties, based on the armies of Pachacuti and of the Chanca and their opposition. Pachacuti’s army comprised an organization into four classes which represented the organization of Cuzco as

consisting of the Collana (1) and Payan (II) groups. The Chanca army also comprised an organization into four classes which, on the other hand, represented the organization of the Cayao (III + IV) group. In the organization of Pachacuti’s army, he himself and his three assistants belonged to the upper moiety and their four servants to the lower moiety. Although Betanzos, from whose account this material is derived, himself said that Pachacuti belonged to I and his assistants to II, the names of two of his assistants, Vicaquirao and Apu Mayta pointed to a different organization of the four panaca and four ayllu of I and I, which occurred in the first representation. Both assistants had the same names as those of panaca in I and II of which they must have been the chiefs (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 19, p. 145) 7). It can be concluded therefore that Pachacuti and his three assistants personified the four panaca as the upper moiety, and the four servants the four ayllu as the lower moiety. This

conclusion implies the assumption that the groups and the positions of the groups to which Vicaquirao and Apu Mayta belonged, were identical in the first and third representation, even if organized in different ways, This assumption is supported and corroborated by the fact that no mention is made of names

in the organization of Pachacuti’s army which in the third representation occurred outside I and II; moreover, Viracocha Inca, the only Inca connected with III in the Chanca episode, also belonged to II in the third representation. If the position of the groups can be said to be the same in the first and third representation, it follows that Pachacuti the ruler was linked to I 1 b, Vicaquirao to 1 2 b, Apu Mayta to II 1 b and Quilliscacht Urco Guaranga, the third helper, 7) See IV § 5 c pp. 107-110.

VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 177 to II 2 b. But then it also has to be assumed that in the third representation the situation in Chinchaysuyu is represented in accordance with that in HananCuzco as I reconstructed its organization without the influence of the quinquepartition. We can go one step further and assume that the positional arrange-

ment (although not the organization), and the number of panaca and ayllu, as they were found in the first representation 8), corresponded with the positional arrangement and the number of panaca and ayllu in the third representation uninfluenced by the quinquepartition. The third representation would then look as follows in diagram form 9) 10) 11): 8) See IV $5, d, § G6 pp. 107-113. %) In this scheme I do not give the groups linked with the ceque Collana, although there would be no objection to this in the third representation and in the presentation of the organization of Pachacuti’s army. The reason for the omission of the groups linked with the ceque Collana is that I wished this scheme to be applicable to the first representation as well. Within the first representation we actually encountered two variations of the organization of Cuzco (= I + II): the representation that Chinchaysuyu was divided as Collana into four marriage classes and Collasuyu as Payan likewise and in addition the representation that the groups of ceque

I1, 12, II 1 and IJ 2 functioned as marriage classes (see IV § 5 c pp. 107-110). In the first case the ceque Collana I1a, 12a, II 1a and II] 2a played no part; in the second case they did. In the second case, Vicaquirao and Apu Mayta belonged to the ceque Payan I 1b and II 1b. Sarmiento, in his presentation of the organization of the army of Pachacuti, puts Inca Roca in the place of Vicaquirao, however. In the third representation of the organization of Cuzco, without the influence of the quinquepartition Inca Roca filled a place on a ceque Collana: I 2 a, as did PachacutiI 1 a.

In the first case of the first representation Pachacuti — like Manco Capac in the explanation of the first representation based on the origin myth of the Inca — belonged to Capac ayllu, or I 1 b, however. It seems to me most probable therefore that in the first representation the ceque Collana and the ceque Payan of one group of ceque formed one single unit: in the first case as a marriage class; in the second case as the upper moiety of a marriage class. 10) In the foregoing I have not indicated how we should render in a diagram the four marriage classes of the army of Pachacuti according to Betanzos’ data. There are two possibilities available here. The first of these is:

| The second possibility is:

Quilliscachi Urco Pachacuti (upper moiety)

Guaranga (appermoicty) I tb . . iw

Uxuta Urco Guaranga Pata Yupanqui (lower morety) tae Mare Uanea Pata Yupanqui Ite

(lower morety) Il rb Apu Mayta Quilliscachi Urco Guaranga IT 2b

II 1b I 2b II 1c I 2c

II rc Apu Yupanqui Uxata Urco Guaranga IT 2c

Apu Mayta (upper moiety) Vicaquirao (upper moiety) Apu Yupanqui (lower moiety) Murw Uanca (lower moiety)

Both possibilities can be defended, although the first seems to me the most probable. In the third representation Vicaquirao and Inca Roca — which ruler Sarmiento mentions instead of Vicaquirao in his representation of the organization of Pachacuti’s army (see note 9) — belonged to the marriage class of Pachacuti’s great-grandfather. This would thus be a reason to choose the second possibility. Vicaquirao and Pachacuti would then, however, no longer be included in one moiety, as they

178 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION

Cuntisuyu Chinchaysuyu

IV 2b IV Ib I 2b 1 1b

Chima panaca Raurau panaca Hatun ayllu Capac ayllu Upper moiety Upper moiety Upper moiety Upper moiety Quisco ayllu Masca ayllu Chauin Cuzco IV 2c IVayllu IcArairaca Cuzco cayao I 2c ayllu Ile Lower moiety Lower moiety Lower moiety Lower moiety

II 1b II 2b IIL Ib III 2b Sutic ayllu Maras ayllu Tarpuntay ayllu Safiu ayllu II lc IT 2c III lc ITI 2c Lower moiety Lower moiety Lower moiety Lower moiety

Apu Mayta panaca Usca Mayta panaca Sucsu panaca Aucaylli panaca .

Upper moiety Upper moiety Upper moiety Upper moiety

Collasuy'u Antisuyu

The third representation of Cuzco uninfluenced by the quinquepartition.

§ 4. a) I propose now to examine the influence of the quinquepartition on the organization into four marriage classes in Hanan-Cuzco. Tupac Yupanqui, as the last ruler in the dynasty of five rulers of Hanan-Cuzco was entitled to the position I 1 a. Pachacuti’s position as a result shifted to I 2 a, and Inca Roca’s to I 3 a. The material on Inca Roca does not reflect any clear effects of were in the first possibility, in agreement with the first representation. The name Quilliscachi Urco Guaranga is also in agreement with placement of its bearer in the marriage class of the great-grandfather, as I have already indicated (see V § 9 c pp. 152-154). The first possibility therefore seems to me more likely. We must then, however, assume that the position of the marriage class of Vicaquirao and Inca Roca with respect to Pachacuti in his army was a different one than in the second and third representation. 11) The place held by Quilliscachi Urco Guaranga and Uxuta Urco Guaranga in Pachacutt’s army, and thus also in the first and third representations, was II 2 b and II 2 c respectively. They would thus belong to Usca Mayta panaca (II 2 b) and Maras ayllu (II 2 c) respectively. This also seems probable for the following reasons. The name Quilliscachi Urco Guaranga and Uxuta Urco Guaranga show a distinct connection, not only in the words Urco and Guaranga, but probably also in the words Quilliscachi and Uxuta. The Quilliscachi Indians had the function

of policeman, messenger and spy (see V p. 154). Now, it may be that the word Uxuta — sandal — points not only to Uxuta Urco Guaranga’s character of servant to Quilliscachi Urco Guaranga, but also that in the word Uxuta the functions of the Quilliscachi Indians as policemen, messengers and spies were expressed. In any case we may assume that Quilliscachi Urco Guaranga and Uxuta Urco Guaranga were both Quilliscachi Indians. Uxuta Urco Guaranga would

have to belong to Maras ayllu. Maras ayllu is the same as the village of Maras. (In the myth of Tambo, Maras and Sutic (IV § 1 b pp. 69-70) the group Tambo was similarly a population group in the valley of the Urubamba river (see IV note 32) and the ayllu Sutic still survives to the South-West of Cuzco. The ayllu Safiu was also both an ayllu of Cuzco and a village outside

Cuzco (see V § 7 ¢ p. 145)). Maras now lies on the northern edge of the plain of Anta and thus borders on the village of Guaroconde, in which the ayllu Quilliscachi can still be found. Although in the chronicles the Quilliscachi Indians appear most often as policemen, messengers and spies, the inhabitants of other villages and ayllu — e.g. the village of Anta and the ayllu Equeco of that village — located on the plain of Anta were also mentioned in these capacities. It therefore seems to me probable that in the organization of Cuzco the names Quilliscachi and Maras were indications of the same group of people and that the same capacities were assigned to the Indians of Maras as the Quilliscachi Indians and the other inhabitants of the plain of Anta. Quilliscachi Urco Guaranga and Uxuta Urco Guaranga would thus belong to the same group or marriage class as Usca Mayta panaca and Maras ayllu.

VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 179 this shift, in contrast to the material on Pachacuti in the third representation. This can be argued as follows. The first representation was reconstructed from events which had taken place at the time of Pachacuti atid of Manco Capac. In this material which reflected the first representation, these two rulers were distinct from others in that they were the only ones to marry their sisters, which placed them in Capac ayllu 12). In the so-called history of the Inca, on the other hand, Pachacuti married Mama Anahuarque, a non-Inca woman. In the second representation this marriage threw light on the marriage relationship between I and IV. In the second representation every ruler belonged to the marriage class in which his mother’s village was also classed. It is to be expected therefore that Tupac Yupanqui, Pachacuti’s son, belonged to IV. He was, however, classed as I together with his father, and it was Tupac Yupanqui, as the first ruler, who married his sister despite the fact that his father had instituted this form of marriage. An illogical element 1s concealed in these facts which I ascribed, in the first representation, to the fact that Pachacuti personified the function of I as an exogamous marriage

. class, and Tupac Yupanqui the function of I as an endogamous group. In the first representation these two functions gave rise to the distinction within the group Tambo, for instance, between two parts: the part of Manco Capac and his brothers and sisters, who constituted an endogamous group, and the remainder of Tambo, which maintained exogamous marriage relations with Sutic and Maras 13), One of the distinctions between these two parts, Apu Mayta panaca

. and Usca Mayta panaca, in Tambo was that between the primary and subsidiary brothers and kin of Manco Capac, who had Collana and Payan characteristics. Capac ayllu and Hatun ayllu were distinguished from each other in the same way 14). This relationship in the first representation between Capac ayllu and Hatun ayllu may have had an influence in the third representation, where Tupac Yupanqui was associated with Capac ayllu in I 1, and Pachacuti with Hatun ayllu in I 2. On account of its endogamous marriage form Tupac Yupanqui’s marriage relations with other marriage classes, lent a Payan character to Pacha-

cuti’s exogamous marriage, by which his marriage class participated in the marriage’ relations with other marriage classes, lent a Payan character to Pachacuti’s marriage class, I 2, in relation to Tupac Yupanqui’s marriage class. b) As was demonstrated above there existed in all probability in Hanan-Cuzco, uninfluenced by the quinquepartition an organization into four marriage classes.

In this organization the marriage class I 1, with its possibility of endogamy, functioned as Collana in relation to the other marriage classes. As a result of 12) See IV § 2 4, p. 79. 13) See IV § 2 e, pp. 88-89. 14) See IV § 2 f, pp. 89-90.

180 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION the extension of the dynasty of rulers of Hanan-Cuzco from four to five rulers, Pachacuti and his panaca were shifted from I 1 to I 2, and Inca Roca and his panaca from I 2 to I 3; thus a fifth marriage class was, as it were, created in which Tupac Yupanqui and his panaca were lodged. A real extension of a four class system to one of five classes would in fact result in a complete change of the nature of the system. Thus it would not be possible to harmonise a system of five matrilineal and exogamous marriage classes, linked by an asymmetric connubium with a moiety system in the same manner as was done with regard to the system of four classes. There are no indications which point to such a change to a five class system. There are hints, on the other hand, that after the adaptation of the four class system to the quinquepartition, the classes linked to I 1 and I 2, that is to say Pachacuti’s and Tupac Yupanqui’s classes, were then to gether regarded as the endogamous Collana marriage class, and that Inca Roca’s class remained that of the great-grandfather, even though linked to

I 315), This material concerns the accounts of the ceremonies at the wedding of Huayna Capac, Tupac Yupanqui’s successor, and of Huascar Inca, Huayna Capac’s successor. For although all Tupac Yupanqui’s successors married their sister and therefore all belonged to the Capac ayllu, the marriages of Huayna

Capac and Huascar Inca nevertheless give the impression that Hatun ayllu and Capac ayllu were two exogamous moieties of one endogamous group in which the rulers belonged in turn to one or the other motety.

The marriage between Huayna Capac and his sister is described briefly by Pachacuti Yamqui (1950, p. 257, 258). For the consecration of the marriage, Huayna Capac departed from Pachacuti’s house, his grandfather’s, accompanied by his council and the high state officials and apocuraca of Collasuyu, while his sister, Mamacusirimay, departed from Tupac Yupanqui’s house, accompanied by the state officials and apocuraca from Chinchaysuyu, Cuntisuyu and Antisuyu, and all the auquicona and oerjones. She was carried on her father’s litter; Huayna Capac on his grandfather's. They entered the temple of the Sun through separate 15) One support for this supposition has already been seen in the report by Gutierrez concerning the division by the ruler of the administration over the five parts of Hanan-Cuzco (see V § 2 b, pp. 123-126). I concluded that this ruler must have been Pachacuti. He distributed parts of Cuzco to kin who belonged to his own lineage, to that of his father, grandfather, and greatgrandfather, and he gave a part to his son. This manner of presentation showed that the lineages were matrilineal marriage classes. Had there really been five marriage classes and had not Pachacuti but Tupac Yupanqui made this division, as Gutierrez himself says, then he would also have

had to report a lineage or marriage class of the great-great-grandfather and none for the son. The information as put by Gutierrez may thus indicate that the ruler, Pachacuti, by my assumption, and his son Tupac Yupanqui, actually belonged to one marriage class.

| VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 181 doors and there were joined in wedlock by the Villca Uma, the high priest, whose name was Apochallcoyupanqui.

Murua (1613, cap. 43) gave an account of Huascar’s marriage. Huascar wished to marry his sister Chuquihuipa. His mother, Rahua Ocllo, refused to give her consent. Thereupon Huascar went to the mummy of Tupac Yupanqui and asked him and those who looked after and represented the mummy for permission for this marriage. Tupac Yupanqui gave his consent after which Rahua Ocllo also agreed. On the day of the marriage Huascar departed from his house accompanied by the image of the sun and by Tupac Yupanqui’s mummy, and went to the house of Rahua Ocllo to collect his bride. Murtia does not mention who performed the marriage ceremony. About Huascar’s coronation however, — for the ruler’s coronation always took place at the same time as his marriage —, he writes (1613, cap. 39) that Apo Challco Yupanqui, the high priest and grandson of Viracocha Inca, officiated at this ceremony. Because the two accounts are so similar, either can be used to support and elucidate the other. In the first account Pachacuti and Tupac Yupanqui each

: had their own house. Their panaca, Hatun ayllu and Capac ayllu, also lived there. Huayna Capac was associated with the house of Pachacuti, his grandfather, and therefore also with his panaca. In the second account the panaca of Huascar’s grandfather was mentioned in connection with Huascar 16). If it is accepted that Huayna Capac and Huascar also belonged to the panaca and the houses of their grandfathers, it follows that the four rulers constituted a patrilineal lineage, and that the two panaca were mutually opposed as matrilineal and matrilocal moieties; this applies, at any rate, if it 1s accepted that there was a constant, mutual marriage relationship between the two panaca. The two marriages complted with this condition. In a system of two matrilineal and matrilocal moieties, ego’s father, wife and wife's mother belong to the same moiety. In the first account Huayna Capac’s bride departed from the house of his father, Tupac Yupanqui. That is to say, she belonged to Tupac Yupanqut’s panaca or moiety. In the second account Huascar’s bride lived in her mother’s house, which was possibly also that of his father, Huayna Capac, and his great16) Pachacuti Yamqui also connects Huascar with the house of Tupac Yupanqui. According to him (1950, p. 277) Huascar lived in Pucamarca, the palace which had belonged to his grandfather. Another association of Huascar with his grandfather is seen at his death: when during

the civil war between Huascar and his half-brother Atahuallpa, the generals of the latter had taken Huascar prisoner and killed him, they directed their vengeance according to Sarmiento (1947, cap. 66, pp. 266-270), especially at the house, i.e. the panaca, of Tupac Yupanqui which had supported Huascar. They killed the head of the house with the wives and servants and burned the mummy of Tupac Yupanqui. Murda (1613, cap. 57) also says that they killed all those who had been in the service of the dead man and the wives and descendants of Tupac Yupanqui. He gives as reason that Tupac Yupanqui was the father of Rahua Ocllo, the mother of Huascar, and the grandfather of Huascar on both his father’s and mother’s sides.

182 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION grandfather’s, Pachacuti. Although the ruler and his sister, i.e. his wife, and their common parents all belonged to Capac ayllu, there was nevertheless a suggestion that the marriages of the rulers after Pachacuti gave expression to a moiety relationship between Capac ayllu and Hatun-ayllu; as a result these panaca constituted one endogamous group. In the organization of Hanan-Cuzco they together constituted the endogamous Collana marriage class 17).

§ 5. Although we have to accept that in Hurin-Cuzco in the third presen. tation, without the influence of the quinquepartition, there existed a situation identical to that in Hanan-Cuzco, it is extremely difficult if not impossible to

deduce this original situation from the material relating to the panaca of Hurin-Cuzco. It is to be expected that in Hurin-Cuzco uninfluenced by the quinquepartition the rulers, — from whose number the fifth, Capac Yupanqui, was missing —, were associated with the marriage classes as follows: Mayta Capac with II 1, Lloque Yupanqui with IV 1, Tarco Huaman with IV 2, and Sinchi Roca with II 2. In this list I made use of the same sequence of the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco as was found in the second representation. Yet there 1s no evidence of a similar situation in the associations of the five rulers with the marriage classes of Hurin-Cuzco. Capac Yupanqui in the system of five rulers was linked to II 2, Mayta Capac to IT 1, Lloque Yupanqui to II 3, Sinchi Roca to IV 1, and Manco Capac to IV 2 18). The confusion arose, because in the best known tradition of one royal dynasty the dynasty of Hurin-Cuzco was given a place anterior to the dynasty of HananCuzco. The representation of the dynasty of Hurin-Cuzco was based on the fact that the chiefs of the classes of ego, his father, his grandfather and his greatgrandfather were identified with the latter. Thus, Lloque Yupanqui became the father of Mayta Capac, Tarco Huaman the grandfather, and Sinchi Roca the great-grandfather. Under the influence of the quinquepartition, Capac Yupanqui was added to this dynasty as the son of Mayta Capac. Because, in addition, the whole dynasty of Hurin-Cuzco was placed anterior to that of Hanan-Cuzco, Manco Capac, who had been outside the organization of Cuzco in his capacity as the father or forefather of Inca Roca and of Sinchi Roca, at any rate in the second representation, now belonged to Hurin-Cuzco and thus removed Sinchi Roca from his position as the first ruler of Hurin-Cuzco. As a result of Sinchi

Roca’s change to the position of second ruler, there came to be six rulers in Hurin-Cuzco, which is one too many. In order to reduce their number to five again, Tarco Huaman was eliminated from the dynasty. In Acosta’s and 17) See also IX § 2 p. 240.

18) To one part of the confusion, — 1.e. the association of Capac Yupanqui with II 2 and Mayta Capac with II 1 —, I referred already before. See IV § 2d p. 88, V § 2b p. 125.

VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 183 of Polo’s versions of the history of the Inca, the process by which Tarco Huaman disappeared from the dynasty can be seen. Tarco Huaman and Capac Yupanqut changed places; Tarco Huaman thus became the sixth ruler of HurinCuzco and could as such not maintain his position in the dynasty of five rulers of Hurin-Cuzco who were followed by the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco. It is not possible to determine now how the shifts and movements in the rulers’ dynasty of Hurin-Cuzco caused the confusion in the allocation of positions to the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco. It does not seem likely that this confusion also influenced the positions of the panaca. I shall discuss this reservation further below 19). I demonstrated with regard to Hanan-Cuzco that in the system of five panaca Capac ayllu and Hatun ayllu together (as an endogamous group divided into two matrilineal, matrilocal moieties), probably constituted the Collana marriage class. In relation to Hurin-Cuzco, there is one indication which possibly shows that Apu Mayta panaca and Usca Mayta panaca, too, constituted a similar endogamous group. Acosta, in his version of the history of the Inca, mentions Don Juan Tambo Maytapanaca as the eighth ruler of Hurin-Cuzco. He was, in my view, the same person as Don Juan Tambo Usca Mayta, the chief, in 1572, of Usca Mayta panaca 29). If, in the context of the marriages of the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco after Mayta Capac, Usca Mayta panaca and Apu Mayta panaca were regarded as the matrilineal exogamous moieties of an endogamous group, this might explain why Don Juan Tambo Usca Mayta, as the eighth ruler, together with the sixth ruler, was associated with Usca Mayta panaca, 1.e. the panaca of Mayta Capac, the fourth ruler. One would, otherwise, have expected Don Juan to be associated with the Apu Mayta panaca 21). If this explanation is correct, it also follows that Capac Yupanqui and his successors married their sisters, although possibly not those born from the same mother as themselves. This last suggestion can also be deduced from a remark by Cobo (1956, tomo

II, libro 14, cap. VII, p. 250) that the men of the highest aristocracy were also permitted to marry their sisters although not, like the ruler, any born from the same mother.

§ 6. a) I based my argument that in the third representation there existed a

system of four marriage classes, both in Hanan-Cuzco and in Hurin-Cuzco, , 19) See VI § 9c p. 205. 20) See V note 32. 21) The explanation of why Don Juan Tambo Usca Mayta belonged to Usca Mayta panaca could not follow from the succession of the rulers in Hurin-Cuzco as Acosta gives it, however. Mayta Capac was the fifth ruler there and not the fourth. The explanation can therefore be only a supposition.

184 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION on the positions of the rulers in this organization. I extrapolated their positions from those of the panaca of which they were said to be the founders. I assumed implicitly that the three social groups which were linked to one ceque each from every group of three ceque (i.e. the ruler to ceque a, the panaca founded by him to ceque b and the ayllu which did not descend from any ruler, to ceque c) in this representation together constituted one matrilineal marriage class. In the framework of the third representation the panaca would then have to be a matrilineal exogamous group. It appears, however, that the accounts in the chronicles by no means support this view of the panaca. According to Sarmiento (cap. 14, p. 134) the panaca was a group consisting of the children of a ruler and their descendants, with the exception of the successor to the throne who founded his own panaca. A subsidiary son of the founder was the chief of the panaca and it derived its name from him. This description seems to indicate that the panaca was a group, an ayllu, which descended patrilineally from the founder, a so-cailed ruler, and as such did not fit into any matrilineal marriage class. Side by side with these indications in the chronicles of the patrilineal nature of the panaca, there are however others which definitely indicate their matrilineal nature. The first piece of evidence 1s the very term panaca. Panaca derives from the word pana, the sister of a man, and its meaning 1s: the group of the man’s sister or sisters 22). The panaca was a descent group. In an endogamous or a patrilineal exogamous group the term sisters’ group would not be applicable. Neither in a patrilineal nor a matrilineal exogamous group can the descendants 22) Likewise pachaca means “group of 100” (pachac = 100) and yanaca “group of Yanacona”’

(yanacona is the plural of yana = black, servant or serf. See IV note 50). A confirmation of this translation of panaca is found in the word apupanaca. Apu is “Lord’’; an apupanaca was the ambassador of the ruler who supervised the houses of the aclla, the maidens of the sun (Polo 1916a, pp. 91-94; Acosta 1954, libro V, cap. XV, p. 156; Cobo 1956, Tomo II, libro 13, cap. XXVII, p. 232). Originally the maidens of the sun were probably equated with the group of the sisters of a chief or ruler. According to the Relacién de los ceques, the first huaca, named

Inticancha (= house of the sun), of the seventh ceque, Collana, of Cuntisuyu was a small house in which the sisters of Manco Capac had lived who had come with him from Pacarictampu. As a result of the manner in which the fourteen ceque of Cuntisuyu could be reduced to a system of nine ceque, the seventh ceque in the Relacién belonged in the reduced system to ceque IV 1 a. Inticancha was another name for Coricancha, the temple of the sun. According to Sarmiento (1947, cap. 13, p. 131), Inticancha, divided into four cancha (walled living spaces), was the place where Manco Capac and his sisters went to live; according to Cieza (1943, cap. XXVII, p. 152, 153) Coricancha contained four houses of aclla. Thus, equated with each other

were the place where Manco Capac and his sisters went to live, the house of the sisters of Manco Capac alone and the temple where the maidens of the sun lived. A confirmation of this equation is seen lastly in the report by Cieza (1947, cap. XX XI, p. 173) (see V § 7c p. 145) that the sister of Lloque Yupanqui, or as I assumed of Sinchi Roca, withdrew to the house of the maidens of the sun because her brother had married a non-Inca woman and not her as he should have done.

VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 185 of a man be classed in his sister's group. It seems most likely therefore that the word panaca points to a matrilineal exogamous group in which the man belongs to his sister’s group. His children can then not be classed in his group. The second indication of the matrilineal nature of the panaca was found in Gutierrez 23). According to him, Pachacuti, when he organized Cuzco, assigned the government of the ten parts of the town to kinsmen from different lineages, viz. the lineages to which the patrilineal ascendants or descendants of Pachacuti belonged or had belonged. This division of the government suggests that the lineages themselves were matrilineal in nature. I used Gutierrez’s evidence to explain the origin of the presentation of the so-called history of the Inca. The fact that in this history every ruler of the patrilineal dynasty founded his own panaca, could, like Gutierrez’s remark about the lineages, be interpreted, as being an indication of the matrilineal nature of the panaca.

b) Although one might be inclined to say that patrilineality and matrilineality are mutually exclusive, this exclusion does not operate in the application of the concepts related to Inca social organization. Thus words indicating matrilineality were encountered in relation to exogamous marriage classes. In connection with the term ayllu 24) I pointed out before that words pointing to patrilineality were used to indicate the endogamous nature of the group. I presented the ayllu as consisting of matrilineal marriage classes linked by an asymmetric connubium. The unity and endogamy of the classes as a whole was

: symbolised by a patrilineal lineage. The words ayllu and villca reflected the endogamous and patrilineal nature of this whole, for both words also signified phallus symbol, while villca also meant great-grandfather and forefather. Exogamy and endogamy in a group need not be mutually exclusive, although the group's behaviour in relation to other groups is different in the two situa-

tions. It may well be that a social group which, in the third representation, was linked to one group of three ceque and consisted of a ruler, a panaca and a non-aristocratic ayllu, functioned as a matrilineal and exogamous marriage class in relation to other groups; the patrilineal characteristics, however, which I thought could be recognised in Sarmiento’s 25) account of the panaca, were based on the endogamy of the group. For the purposes of demonstrating that the marriage class in the third repre-

sentation could function as an exogamous as well as endogamous group, it might be profitable first to examine some of the characteristics which the marriage class can be expected to show as an exogamous and as an endogamous group. 23) See V § 2 b, pp. 123-125. 24) See IV § 1c, pp. 72-74. 25) See VI § 64, p. 184.

186 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION In this chapter, I assumed that the marriage classes in the third representation functioned in the same way as those in the second. In the second representation the following links were to be found in each suyu as a marriage class:

a) a ruler of Hanan-Cuzco was linked to a Collana group of ceque; b) his subsidiary brother, as a ruler of Hurin-Cuzco, was linked to a Payan group of ceque; c) the wives of the father of a ruler and of the father’s subsidiary brother were linked to a Cayao group of ceque. It is to be expected therefore that in the third representation in every group of three ceque, as an exogamous marriage class, the ruler was linked to a Collana ceque, his subsidiary brother, as his general and deputy, to a Payan ceque, and their father’s wife to a Cayao ceque.

In each group of three ceque as an endogamous group the ruler also belonged to a Collana ceque, but to the ceque Payan belonged his subsidiary sons, — that is to say, his panaca —, instead of his subsidiary brothers, The non-Inca

population was linked to the Cayao ceque. There are indications in several sources that one and the same name could be applied to the subsidiary brother of the ruler (with whom this brother belonged to the same marriage class and at whose side the brother held the same functions which, in the exogamous marriage class, were associated with the Payan group) and to the subsidiary son who, in the same marriage class but now in its function as an endogamous group, was associated with the same Payan group and, in the endogamous group, had Payan characteristics. This double meaning of the name of a Payan group can be accepted as evidence of the fact that the functions of Collana, Payan and

Cayao as a whole, to which this group belonged in its Payan quality, were both endogamous and exogamous. I shall cite four instances of this double nature of the marriage class. Only

two of these instances relate to the third representation. In order to explain these last two instances, I shall, to begin with, examine one from the Chanca social organization, and then one relating to the second representation of Cuzco.

It appears from the second instance that in this respect, too, the third representation and the moieties of the second representation show agreement. c) The first instance is based on the foilowing sources. In the description of the organization of the army of the Chanca it appeared 26) that this army had two leaders: Uscovilca, the leader of the Hanan-Chanca, and his brother, Ancovilca, the leader of the Hurin-Chanca. Uscovilca was in addition the commander-in-chief or ruler of all the Chanca. I argued that both leaders could be placed in one and the same marriage class in the organization of the Chanca. Sarmiento (1947, cap. 26, p. 163) adds that after these two chiefs had died, 26) See IV § 5b, p. 104.

VI, THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 187 their companions made an image of Uscovilca which they always carried with them when they went to war. This image was called Ancoallo. Although the Chanca had other leaders, sinchi, their feats were always credited to the image of Uscovilca.

After the Chanca had been defeated, they were included in the army of Capac Yupanqui the general, brother and deputy of Pachacuti 27). The leader of the Chanca was now Ancoaillo (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 38, p. 192-195); he,

according to Sarmiento, was captured by the Inca at the Chanca attack on Cuzco 28).

In Sarmiento’s account three names were mentioned containing the element Anco: Ancovilca, Ancoallo and Ancoaillo. All three probably referred to the same concept which, in the organization of the Chanca, was expressed in different ways and functions. The identity of the words Ancoallo and Ancoaillo goes without saying. Pachacuti Yamqui (1950, p. 258) names Ancoaillo instead of Ancovilca. He writes of the Hancoallo as of a people which, together with the Chanca, made an attack on Cuzco. According to Garcilaso (1945, Tomo I, libro IV, cap. XXII), the leader of the Chanca in the war against Cuzco was called Ancohuallu. The element vilca in Ancovilca’s name is synonymous with ayllu, which can be recognised in the name Ancoaillo. Huallu can be seen as a variant form of ayllu; Lira’s dictionary gives wayllu as being related to ayllu.

Ancoaillo and Ancohuallu then represent two different ways of writing the same name and refer to the same person as Ancovilca. Several functions were associated with the bearer of the name Ancovilca which also occur in the other three instances. In the first place, it was the brother of Uscovilca, — the ruler of all the Chanca and more specifically the chief of the Hanan-Chanca —, who was called Ancovilca, or Ancoaillo. He was the chief of the Hurin-Chanca and probably Uscovilca’s general and deputy 29). 27) See V § 4b, p. 130. 28) Sarmiento mentions Ancoaillo with respect to the following event. In the conquests made by Capac Yupanqui in the northern part of Peru the Chanca distinguished themselves so greatly that Pachacuti was afraid that they would become aware of their strength and rise against the

Inca. He therefore sent Capac Yupanqui word that he should kil all the Chanca in his army. The talk between the messenger who brought this news and Capac Yupanqui was overheard by Capac Yupanqui’s wife who was a sister of Ancoaillo and she told the message to her brother. One night all the Chanca fled tc the jungles of northeastern Peru and the Inca were unable to catch up with them. In connection with the first representation I stated that there was a moietyopposition between the Inca and the Chanca (see IV § 5 d pp. 110-113). We may possibly see

an expression of this moiety relationship in the marriage of Capac Yupanqui with the sister of Ancoaillo.

29) From the title ‘Capitan general’ which Garcilaso gave to Ancoaillo — or as he writes it

Ancohuallu — as headman of the Chanca, it can also be inferred that he had in mind the function of “general and substitute’, since he also called Capac Yupanqui the “Capitan general”

Int. Arch. f. Ethn., Suppl. to Vol. L 14

188 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION The function of the image of Uscovilca called Ancoaillo was probably in accordance with the first-mentioned function of Ancoaillo. If this image 1s regarded as the huauque, or amulet and oracle of Uscovilca, then the other meaning of the word huauque, namely brother, points to this brother relationship 80),

Both these functions, associated with the bearer of the name Ancoaillo, or Ancovilca, fit in with the organization of the army of the Chanca, consisting as it did in my reconstruction, of four exogamous, matrilineal marriage classes and corresponding to similar organizations among the Inca 31). The meaning of the name Ancoaillo, however, is contradictory to such an organization, for it clearly points to association with an ayllu, which would have to be Uscovilca’s ayllu or panaca. It appears then from the name Ancoaillo that Uscovilca’s and Ancovilca’s marriage class also functioned as an endogamous group. This may explain why Garcilaso and Sarmiento, in their descriptions of the campaign of

Capac Yupanqui mentioned only Ancoaillo as the leader of the Chanca. Ancoaillo was the chief of the Chanca and the chief of the panaca of Uscovilca, which was also called Ancoaillo. Uscovilca himself, in the endogamous presentation of his marriage class, was the mythical founder of his panaca. In Pachacuti Yamqui’s account, the name Ancoaillo had probably passed completely to the panaca. It appears, then, that the concept Ancovilca, or Ancoaillo, applied to the exogamous marriage class as well as to an endogamous group. d) The second instance of the double function of the marriage class, as an exogamous as well as endogamous group, concerns the marriage class of Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui in the second representation of the organization of Cuzco 32). The fact that Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui were the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco, 1s in agreement with the function of this marriage class as an exogamous as well as matrilineal group. Their names, like those of Uscovilca and Ancovilca, are synonymous. Capac Yupanqui is also referred to as the subsidiary brother and general and deputy of Pachacuti, but not of Tupac Yupanqui. In the second representation, however, Pacha-

cuti belonged to the same marriage class as Tupac Yupanqui, and these two had certain characteristics in common 33). of Pachacuti. See V § 4b, p. 130. 30) It is clear that with the statue of Uscovilca his huauque is meant if we recall the meaning which the huauque of Manco Capac had for Mayta Capac (see V § 10 a p. 157). This huauque, a bird, was shut up in a cage at Manco Capac’s death and Mayta Capac was the first who dared to release it. Mayta Capac talked with the bird and as a result became a “‘wise and alert man who knew what he had to do and what awaited him” (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 17, p. 141). 31) See IV § 5b, c pp. 103-110, V § 4a, b pp. 129-131. 32) See V § 4 pp. 129-133. 33) See V § 5a, p. 133-134.

VI, THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 189 Capac ayllu, Tupac Yupanqui’s panaca, however also had the name Capac in

common with Capac Yupanqui. It has to be assumed that the agreement in name, just as in the organization of the Chanca, points to the endogamous function of the marriage class of Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui in the second representation 34). e) We have now reached the position in which it has become possible to exa-

mine the two instances from the third representation of the organization of Cuzco. These two instances concern the different meanings of the names Vicaquirao and Apu Mayta.

In the discussion of the panaca, I used Sarmiento’s description of it 35). 34) In this example from the second representation there occurs, however, a difficulty which

cannot be omitted here. I referred to the agreement between the names Capac Yupanqui and Capac ayllu and connected this example with the second representation. The name Capac ayllu or the concept panaca had not yet been linked with the second representation, however. I did point out the meaning of the words Capac, Hatun and Huchuy in the second representation

(see V § 1 a p. 115) as indications of the first, second and third groups of ceque in a suyu respectively. On the other hand, it was not possible for me to explain the meaning within the

second representation of the three ceque in one group. Without going too deeply into the problem, I would like to make it understandable that Capac ayllu in the second representation played the same part at place I 1 b, and therefore bore the same name, as Capac Yupanqui at place I 2 a, a place to which Capac Yupanqui had a right as ruler of Hurin-Cuzco. The argument

is that, within a suyu as a marriage class of the second representation, the ceque 1 b (= Collana-Payan) — and the group represented by that ceque —- had an identical relationship to the ceque 1 a (= Collana-Collana) as the ceque 2 a (= Payan-Collana) to the ceque 1 a (= Collana-Collana). This proposition can be illustrated by the organization of the village

of Acos which I took as an example for that of a suyu in the second representation (V § lc, p. 118). Acos was divided into three ayllu: Cuzco (= Hanansaya), Acos (= Hurinsaya) and Anahuarque. Fixing the attention on these names, I reasoned that the Inca would belong to ayllu Cuzco, the native population of the village to ayllu Acos and the surrounding population to the ayllu Anahuarque. This assumption may be correct. If we notice, however, the names Hanansaya and Hurinsaya and compare the organization of Acos with that of a suyu in the second representation, we must come to the conclusion that the Inca of Hanan-Cuzco belonged to Hanansaya and those of Hurin-Cuzco to Hurinsaya. That this conclusion is correct will be demonstrated below (see VI § 9 a pp. 203-204). Besides the relationship in the village of Acos between the ayllu

Hanansaya (= Hanan-Cuzco) and Hurinsaya (= Hurin-Cuzco), there was within the ayllu Hanansaya (= Cuzco) a relationship between the sub-ayllu which was identical with the foregoing. The sub-ayllu Collana was called Hanan-Cuzco; the sub-ayllu Payan was ‘called Payan Hurin-Cuzco. The relationship of the ayllu Acos to the ayllu Cuzco was thus the same as that of the sub-ayllu Payan Hurin-Cuzco to the sub-ayllu Collana Hanan-Cuzco. If we also apply this comparison to the organization of a suyu in the second representation of Cuzco, we obtain

2:1 = 1b: 1a. We may probably, in the first part of the comparison, substitute 2a and la for 2 and 1. The comparison would then become 2a: la = 1b: 1a. I will not here go into the realization of this comparison in the organization of Cuzco. It may be that Capac Yupanqui also belonged to Capac ayllu. In any case, it seems to me to have been established as probable that Capac ayllu also played a role in the second representation and that the comparison found here indicates the reason why Capac Yupanqui had the same name as Capac ayllu. 35) See VI § Ga p. 184.

190 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION According to him the panaca was called after a subsidiary son of the ruler who had founded the panaca. Sarmiento, in his account of the so-called history of the Inca, supports this assertion only in relation to the panaca of the rulers Inca Roca and Capac Yupanqui, and even in those instances his evidence 1S incomplete. Vicaquirao was the name of a subsidiary son of Inca Roca as well as of his panaca (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 19, p. 144), but Apu Mayta was not the name of a son of Capac Yupanqui, but of a grandson of his (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 18, p. 143) 38). I now propose to trace how far the meanings which in the last two instances were associated with the names Ancovilca, or Ancoaillo, and of Capac Yupanqui, or Capac ayllu, are also expressed in the names Vicaquirao and Apu Mayta. If the same meanings can be detected in these names, this would indicate that the names Vicaquirao and Apu Mayta designated exogamous, matrilineal groups as well as endogamous groups; the former groups could function as marriage classes. If proof can be found for the existence of these two marriage classes, it would follow that the other rulers and their panaca also belonged to marriage classes. This proof can be argued as follows. The same synonymity found in the names Uscovilca and Ancovilca, and in Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui, can also be recognised in the words Capac — of the name Capac Yupanqui — and Apu — of the name Apu Mayta panaca, i.e. the panaca of Capac Yupanqui, the ruler —. They were both titles of rulers, or very highly placed officials, The huauque of Uscovilca, as was shown before 37), had the same name as his brother, Ancoaillo (or, according

to Sarmiento, Ancovilca), the chief of the Hurin-Chanca. The huauque of Inca Roca and Capac Yupanqui also had the same names as the panaca of these rulers (Cobo 1956, Tomo I], libro 12, cap. VIII-IX, p. 72, 73) 38) This last piece of evidence gives the strong impression that the two other functions, which in the second representation were associated with the ruler’s brother (huauque), with his general and deputy and with the ruler of HurinCuzco, are in the same way connected in the third representation with Vicaquirao and Apu Mayta. It 1s noteworthy, however, that these two other functions are mentioned only in an association with Vicaquirao and Apu Mayta, — who in fact represent the only instances I can cite from the third representation for the 36) Sarmiento (1947, cap. 14, p. 134) does say that the panaca of Manco Capac was called Chima panaca after Chima — 2 person to whom Manco Capac had entrusted the administration of the panaca — but the only subsidiary son of whom he speaks is Manco Sapaca (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 13, pp. 129, 131). 37) See VI § Gc, p. 186-188.

38) The only authors who supply us with names of the huauque of the Inca rulers are Sarmiento and Cobo. The data are either entirely in agreement with each other or supplement each other. The huauque of Inca Roca and Capac Yupanqui are not mentioned by Sarmiento.

VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 191 purpose of comparison with the instances mentioned above from the organization of the Chanca and from the second representation —, and that both these other functions were mentioned not in the third, but in the first representation. There Vicaquirao and Apu Mayta were two of Pachacuti’s three generals and deputies. Pachacuti and his primary kin belonged to Hanan-Cuzco (= Chinchaysuyu), and Vicaquirao and Apu Mayta, as his subsidiary kin, to HurinCuzco (= Collasuyu) 39). If it is assumed that by Pachacuti’s primary kin are

meant his predecessors, the rulers, then Vicaquirao and Apu Mayta can be regarded as the representatives, in the first representation, of the generals and deputies of all the rulers. In the third representation, these generals and deputies * would have to be represented, in accordance with the endogamous function of the marriage class of every ruler, as the subsidiary son of every ruler, and as the chief of ‘his panaca. It could be asserted that one of the aims of the third

representation was to present the marriage class of each of the rulers in its function of endogamous group as the replica of the organization of Cuzco in the first representation, in which there was question of only one ruler, Pachacuti. In the marriage classes of the rulers, in their exogamous function, it is to be expected that the chiefs of the panaca were at the same time the generals and deputies of the rulers who had founded their panaca, and that between the group linked to a Collana ceque and that linked to a Payan ceque in one group of ceque, there existed a relationship similar to that between HananCuzco and Hurin-Cuzco, in the first and in the second representations. In Sarmiento’s material on Vicaquirao and Apu Mayta in their capacities of subsidiary sons of Inca Roca and of Capac Yupanqui, the function of general and deputy cannot be clearly discerned. Sarmiento does mention them as being the most important, but not as their fathers’ generals.

In his chapter on Inca Roca he (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 19, p. 144, 145) writes ‘He (Vicaquirao) was a great soldier and he was the comrade in arms of Apu Mayta, and these two captains were the ones who obtained great victories on behalf of Viracocha Inca and Inca Yupanqui (1.e. Pachacuti), and who conquered many provinces for them; (these conquests) were the beginning of the great power which the Inca had later’. Even though it may have appeared odd to Sarmiento that a son made all his father’s conquests, it 1s even more incredible in his historical image that Vicaquirao and Apu Mayta should have made these conquests when still young men for a ruler who lived three generations later. Another chronicler, Poma de Ayala, however, does mention that it was always the subsidiary son who was the ruler’s most important general, and that he made all the conquests for his father. After his survey of all the Inca rulers 39) See IV § 2 a, p. 79.

192 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION and of the Coya, the queens, Poma (1944, foja 146-172) also gives a survey of the capitanes, or sinchi, of the rulers, who were also their subsidiary sons. Although Poma writes that every ruler had one capitan, or sinchi, he nevertheless frequently mentions in his account the names of other subsidiary sons who made conquests for their fathers. Poma does not mention the panaca of the rulers; the capitanes, or sinchi, also carry different names in his account than the rulers’ sons in Sarmiento’s or any other chronicle. There seems to be no doubt, however, that the function of general and deputy in Poma’s account is filled by the capitan, or sinchi, who was the same figure as the chief of the panaca in Sarmiento. In the second representation, too, the word sinchi in my opinion pointed to the function of the general and deputy, as in the name Sinchi Roca as opposed to Inca Roca 4°). On the basis of Poma’s account it can therefore be assumed that the chief of the panaca in the third representation was also the general and deputy of the ruler who had founded the panaca; it can also be assumed that, within the exogamous function of the marriage class, the chief of the panaca’s position in relation to that of the ruler was that of a subsidiary brother in relation to his primary brother, similar to that in the second represeritation of a ruler of Hurin-Cuzco to the ruler of Hanan-Cuzco

in the same marriage class.

It can be concluded from this material that in the third representation there existed a relationship between the group consisting of all the Collana ceque and the group consisting of all Payan ceque, like that between Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco, in the first and in the second representations.

Above, I examined the question how far the positions of the rulers in the third representation indicated that the groups of ceque to which they belonged, } comprised marriage classes 41). All the characteristics of the marriage class which I cited, as an endogamous as well as exogamous group, in the organization of the Chanca and in the second representation of the organization of Cuzco, were also encountered among the instances I cited from the third representation.

To conclude this discussion, I think that the question posed in the beginning can be answered in the affirmative. The position of the rulers in the third representation also proved, in that context, that both in Hanan-Cuzco (I + III) and in Hurin-Cuzco (IJ + IV) there existed a system of four marriage classes of which each class was subdivided into Collana, Payan and Cayao groups.

§ 7. a) Hitherto I have not mentioned in the third representation the non-aristocratic ayllu which in Hanan-Cuzco (I + III) and in Hurin-Cuzco (II + IV) comprised the Cayao group, consisting of all the Cayao ceque. To 40) See V § 7 4, pp. 140-141. 41) See VI § 3 pp. 174-178.

VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 193 expound the problem to be dealt with I shall first repeat some of the conclusions relating to the first and the second representations,

In the first representation of the organization of Cuzco, I described an internal organization of four marriage classes in Collana (= I = Hanan-

Cuzco), and Payan (= II = Hurin-Cuzco), but I had no material at my

| disposal for assuming a similar organization in Cayao (= II + IV). I was of the opinion, however, that in Cayao the organization of the Chanca army took the place of that of four marriage classes. In the framework of the second representation of the organization of Cuzco I was unable to cite an organization into four marriage classes which occupied

the position of the Cayao group (I 3 + II 3 + III 3 + IV 3) in the same way as in the first representation. The groups which in the second representation were associated with the four marriage classes within Cayao (1.e. the classes I 3, II 3, III 3, IV 3), manifested no mutual connection or co-ordination. It is not possible, either, to assert that the non-aristocratic ayllu in the third representation constituted an organization of four marriage classes within the

: Cayao group in Hanan-Cuzco (I + III) or in Hurin-Cuzco (II + IV). When, however, the Inca conquered Cuzco, they came across a population which was

organized into two groups of three ayllu. These pre-Inca ayllu were put on a par with the non-aristocratic ayllu, which in the third representation constttuted the Cayao group. Like the organization of the Chanca in the first representation, the organization of the pre-Inca population in the third representation presents the image of the internal organization of Cayao, in Hanan-Cuzco and

in Hurin-Cuzco. It also throws a different light on the relationships of the Cayao group (1.e. the group of Cayao ceque) to the Collana one (1.e. the group

of Collana ceque) and the Payan one (1.e. the group of Payan ceque), It is necessaty, therefore, first to examine the organization of the pre-Inca population. b) According to Sarmiento (1947, cap. 9, p. 112, 113) three nations (naciones), or groups (parcialidades) had lived in the Cuzco valley from time immemorial. Although they lived close together, their lands were nevertheless separate. These groups were called Sahuasiray 42), Antasayac 43) and Huaylla 44). Then there came three sinchi (war leaders), from outside the valley, who were called the Allcabiza 45), Copalimayta and Culumchima 46), with the troops they had 42) Sarmiento refers to Sauaseras (1947, cap. 9, p. 112) and to Sauaseray (1947, cap. 13, p. 130). Toledo (1940, p. 185) and Pachacuti Yamqui (1950, p. 215) write Sauasiray. 43) According to Toledo (1940, p. 185); Sarmiento gives Antasaya.

44) Sarmiento gives: Guallas; Toledo: Huallas (1940, p. 192); Murta: Guayllas (1613, cap. 3) and Poma de Ayala: Ualla (1944, foja 183). In the present-day village of Guaroconde the name is written Huailla (See VI note 56). 45) Sarmiento here gives Alcabiza; Cabello Valboa (1951, cap. 12, p. 284) Allcay villca. 46) Sarmiento gives Culumchima; Cabello Valboa gives Culluinchima or Culluimchima (1951, cap. 12, p. 284).

194 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION collected. With the consent of the original inhabitants they came to live in the Cuzco valley. Thus there lived six groups in the valley, three original ones and three from outside. Later, when Manco Capac and his followers went from Huanacauri to Cuzco (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 13, p. 129-131) they first gave battle, long before reaching Cuzco, with the Huaylla, of whom they killed as many as they could. When they were about three miles from Cuzco, the sinchi Copalimayta went to meet them. Although he came from outside, he had joined the Sahuasiray panaca 47), which lived on the present-day site of the Santo Domingo monastery, i.e. the former site of the temple of the sun. Thus we see that in pre-Inca Cuzco there was question of tripartition; Sarmiento speaks of three original groups and three from outside. This is supported by Betanzos (1880, cap. III, p. 9). According to him there was situated on the future site of Cuzco, before the arrival of the Inca, a village named Allcabiza 48), which consisted of thirty houses in which there lived thirty Indians.

The way in which the three original groups and the three which had come from outside lived together, was probably such that one group from outside joined an original group. This can be deduced from the fact that Copalimayta joined Sahuasiray. Allcabiza, Copalimayta and Culumchima were called sinchi, and Sahuasiray, Antasayac and Huaylla, ayllu or panaca. Between the groups from outside and the original population there was possible a relationship of an upper to a lower motety. The pre-Inca population found a place in the Inca organization of Cuzco.

According to Sarmiento (1947, cap. 9, p. 113) the three sinchi and their groups came from the same region as the Inca and called themselves kin of the Inca. The viceroy Toledo, who, for the composition of his Informaciones, in several instances used the same informants as Sarmiento, further specifies this remark. According to him (Toledo 1940, p. 186, 187) Allcabiza was the name of the ayllu of Ayar Uchu, who lived in a place called Pucamarca. Pucamarca was also the name of the palace of Tupac Yupanqui (Garcilaso 1945, Tomo I, libro VII, cap. IX), which was situated in Hanan-Cuzco 49). Thus, the group Allcabiza can be identified with Arayraca ayllu, which in the first presentation occupied the position I 2 c, as the ayllu founded by Ayar Uchu 5°), Sahuasiray, according to Toledo (1940, p. 185), was a sinchi who came from Sutictoco. Sahuasiray ayllu could therefore be identified with Sutic ayllu

47) This is what Sarmiento says about this group. 48) Betanzos writes Alcaviza.

49) In this use of the term Hanan-Cuzco I have in mind the geographical division of the city into Hanan and Hurin, as applied by Betanzos among others. See IV § 2 a, p. 79.

50) See IV § 1d, p. 76.

VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 195 which, both in the third and in the first presentations, occupied the position II 1 c. Toledo also records that they lived in Cuzco on the future side of the temple of the Sun, that is to say in Hurin-Cuzco 51). Antasayac ayllu was identical with Quisco ayllu, for informants from Antasayac told Toledo (1940, p. 186) that they were descended from Quisco Sinche.

According to Cobo and Molina, in their descriptions of the organization of Cuzco 52), the position of Quisco ayllu in the third representation, was IV 2 c. That of the pre-Inca ayllu Antasayac was probably the same 53). Neither Cobo, Molina nor Sarmiento mention Huayllu ayllu in their enumerations of the ten non-aristocratic ayllu 54). It is nevertheless most likely

| that Huaylla ayllu, as a pre-Inca ayllu, belonged to IV. Toledo (1940, p. 185, 186) calls Huaylla ayllu the oldest ayllu of Cuzco, which settled there before Antasayac and Sahuasiray ayllu; Poma de Ayala (1944, foja 183) associates Huaylla ayllu, probably in its capacity as belonging to the original population, with Cuntisuyu 55). Huaylla may in fact have been a general name for the pre-Inca population in IV 56); it is also possible that Huaylla ayllu in the third representation, as reflected by the descriptions of Cobo, Molina and Sarmiento 57), was replaced by Masca ayllu (IV 1 c). Cabello Valboa (1951, cap. 13, p. 291) writes that Masca ayllu consisted of several shameless families of barbarians who in Inca Roca’s time were wandering around Cuzco. They were defeated by Apu Mayta, the brother of the king, and their chief, Guariguaca, was captured and taken to Cuzco. The fact that the Masca were reported still to be wandering round as wild barbarians in the time of Inca Roca points to the primordial character of this ruler and of the Masca themselves, and may enable us to regard them as a pre-Inca ayllu. Masca ayllu also replaced the Huaylla ayllu in a second way. According to Gutierrez de Santa Clara (1905, cap. LXIV, p. 559), the popu51) This term again in the geographical sense. See note 49. 52) See I §§ 1, 2 pp. 1-7.

53) Kirchhoff (1949, p. 304) links Antasayac ayllu with ceque I 2 c and thus does not equate it with Quisco ayllu. His reason for this placement is that Cobo mentions ayllu Andasaya in connection with a huaca of ceque I 2 c, although he does not say that the ceque was maintained by this ayllu. A fact concerning a given huaca, however, need not necessarily be associated with the ceque and the ayllu which maintains this ceque. There are various illustrations of this

in the Relacidn de los ceques. Therefore I do not think there is any reason not to equate the ayllu Antasayac with Quisco ayllu and not to link it to ceque IV 2 c. 54) See I 8§ 1, 2, 3, p. 1-8. 55) See V § 10 ¢, p. 161. 56) This assumption is supported by the organization of the present village of Guaroconde in the plain of Anta near Cuzco. In Guaroconde there are, as my own information showed, four ayllu of which two belong to Hanansaya and two to Hurinsaya. One of the ayllu of Hurinsaya is called Huaylla. 57) See I.

196 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION lation of Cuzco consisted of four groups: Hanan-Cuzco, Hurin-Cuzco, Tambo Appo and Masca Payta 58). The Mascapaycha 59) was also one of the ruler’s insignia. Paycha means insignia, and mascapaycha the insignia of the Masca. As Gutierrez used the word Masca paycha to designate one of the suyu of Cuzco, it can be accepted that by Mascapaycha Cuntisuyu is meant. By occupying the position IV 1 c, Masca ayllu replaced the ayllu Huayllu as being a pre-Inca ayllu belonging to the three ayllu of the original population. The three ayllu of the original population belonged to Hurin-Cuzco (II +

" IV), and of the three ayllu which came from outside, one at least was in Hanan-Cuzco (I + III). It can, in my opinion, be concluded therefore that the organization of the pre-Inca population as described by Sarmiento as such fitted into the third representation of the organization of Cuzco, and secondly that the three original ayllu constituted the Cayao group (linked to the Cayao ceque) in Hurin-Cuzco, and the three ayllu from outside, constituted the Cayao group in Hanan-Cuzco. This analysis of the internal organization of the Cayao group in the third representation makes it possible to draw certain conclusions, one of which 1s the following.

c) In the first and second representations there were several indications of the way in which an organization into three marriage classes could develop into one of four marriage classes. In the third representation this organization into four marriage classes was extended to include five, of which two represented

one of the original four marriage classes. This extension from three to five groups in the third representation, which applied to the number of rulers (the Collana group) and that of the panaca (the Payan group) in Hanan-Cuzco (I + III) and Hurin-Cuzco (II + IV), did not apply in the case of the Cayao group in as far as it represented the pre-Inca population 6°). It is nevertheless possible that the three original ayllu and the three which had come from out58) See IV § 4 p. 102.

59) Many words which have a “ch’’ in Quechua, e.g. pachaca, are written in Aymara with a “t’’, e.g. this word pataca; the word Mascapayta is probably an Aymara version of the word mascapaycha.

60) It might be said that the organizations of Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco were seen in the third representation as built up of both a tripartition and a quinquepartition. Another similar example of an organization which was probably the same as that of Cuzco in the third representation would support the assumption. The example concerns the organization of the people of

the Cafiari living in southern Ecuador, as described in their origin myth in a version given by Sarmiento and one given by Molina. It is not known how it happened that both authors knew the origin myth of this people and why they reported it. The Cafiari did play an important

role as auxiliary and police troops of the Inca during and after the reign of Huayna Capac, in the city of Cuzco. I think, however, that in this case a myth has been ascribed to the people

of the Cafiari, by the Inca or by the Spaniards, which had not belonged to them but to the Inca themselves.

Sarmiento says (1947, cap. 6, pp. 103-104) that after the Flood only two men and two

|

| VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 197 side, were linked in the third representation to the four Cayao marriage classes in Hurin-Cuzco (1.e. to II. 1c, IV 1c, IV 2 cand II 2 c) as well as to the four

Cayao classes in Hanan-Cuzco (i.e. to 1 1c, II 1c, III 2 c and I 2c). In the first representation the Tambo, Sutic and Maras groups of the origin myth of the Inca were also associated with four marriage classes (with II 1 b, II 2c, IJ 1 c and II 2 b) as were the descendants of Manco Capac, Ayar Cachi and Ayar Uchu (with I 1b, 12 c,11candI2b) 61), It can therefore justifiably be assumed that Sahuasiray, as a pre-Inca ayllu, represented not only Sutic ayllu

(II 1 c) but also Maras ayllu (II 2 c), and that the Allcabiza represented Chauin Cuzco ayllu (I 1c) as well as Arairaca ayllu (I 2 c). There is no reason to suppose, however, that the fifth non-aristocratic ayllu in Hurin-Cuzco, of which the position in the ceque system was II 3 c, and the fifth non-aristocratic ayllu in Hanan-Cuzco, of which the position was I 3 c, were associated in the organization of the pre-Inca population with Sahuasiray ayllu and the Allcabiza, or had a function in this organization.

On the other hand, one might well wonder whether these non-aristocratic ayllu linked to II 3 c and I 3 ¢ really did exist, or whether these two ayllu were not created in order to make the number of the non-aristocratic ayllu agree

with the number of ten rulers and ten panaca. This doubt arises particularly with regard to Cuicusa ayllu, which was linked to the II 3 c ceque. Molina and Sarmiento 62) do mention this ayllu in their lists of the ten non-aristocratic ayllu, but there is otherwise no mention of a Cuicusa ayllu in the whole of the women survived on a mountain in the country of the Cafiari. Later, when the older man was drowned, the younger married one of the women and took the other as subsidiary wife. He had ten sons by them, whom he divided into two groups of five. He called one group Hanansaya

) and the other Hurinsaya. The Cafiari descended from these ten sons. We may assume that in this myth the ten sons stand for 10 ayllu and that five ayllu were descended from the primary wife and belonged to Hanansaya and five ayllu were descended from the subsidiary wife and belonged to Hurinsaya.

Molina (1943, pp. 15-16) in his version speaks of the myth of two brothers, an older and a younger, and of two women, also one older and one younger. Only the younger brother had

children by the younger woman; they had three sons and three daughters. If we compare Molina’s version with Sarmiento’s, it seems probable that the three sons represent groups in Hanansaya and the three daughters groups in Hurinsaya. For the same people we therefore again have one myth in which the society was composed, taken as a whole, of ten groups and another myth in which it was composed of six groups.

Molina’s version of the myth evidently had a wider distribution in the Andes. He himself heard (1943, pp. 16-17) from the Indians of Andasmarca, in Antisuyu 25 km from Cuzco, the myth of a shepherd with his three sons and three daughters who were the only survivors of the Flood and thereafter re-populated the province of Cuyos. Herrera also records this myth

(1944-47, decada 5, libro 3, cap. VI, p. 250), but more generally for the “people from the mountains” as he puts it. 61) See IV § 2c, d, pp. 84-88. 62) See I §§ 2, 3, pp. 5-8.

198 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION history of the Inca, or in other sources consulted by me in which groups from the social organization of Cuzco are mentioned. Only Cobo mentions a huaca called Cuicosa on the ceque II 1 b, of which the place 1s not in accordance with that of the ayllu Cuicusa (= II 3 c). Instead of Cuicusa ayllu Cobo mentions a family Aquiniaylla on which I have no further information.

The case of the ayllu linked to I 3 c is somewhat different from that of Cuicusa ayllu. According to Cobo and Sarmiento 63) this ayllu was Huacaytaqui ayllu. Molina has Uru ayllu in this place, which ayllu Sarmiento mentions instead of Quisco ayllu. Molina and Cobo agree, however, as regards the position IV 2c they ascribed to Quisco ayllu. Now Uru ayllu was one of the examples

of a group which belonged to the original population, or the Yanacona, and which could be the marriage class of the great-grandfather as well as a subgroup of the marriage class of ego 64). As such this phenomenon fitted into the second representation in which IV was the marriage class of the great-grandfather and I 3 the sub-group of I 65). Cobo and Sarmiento placed Huacaytaqui ayllu in the position of Uru ayllu, in I 3, and Molina and Cobo placed Quisco ayllu in the position of Uru ayllu, in IV 2. Huacaytaqui ayllu and Quisco ayllu may therefore have been the same in nature as the original population, or the Yanacona.

The very name Huacaytaqui suggests such a nature. Huaca is the word for the holy place which is regarded as being the forefather of an ayllu. Taqui means dance, or dancer. Huacaytaqui ayllu could therefore be the ayllu of the dancers for the huaca of the ancestor, a religious function which is reminiscent of that of the Yanacona ®6). As regards Quisco ayllu, this ayllu was the same as Antasayac ayllu 67). In

the preceding chapter I remarked that in several situations in the history of the Inca the Yanacona group was identified with the population of the Anta plain 68). As the element -saya is a term indicating territory, the name Antasayac ayllu could be translated as the population of Anta. Antasayac ayllu and Quisco ayllu may therefore have belonged to the Yanacona group. If the assumption that Uru ayllu, Huacaytaqui ayllu and Antasayac, or Quisco, ayllu are only so many terms to designate the original population and the Yanacona, then this group cannot in the third representation be linked to I 3, although it could be in the second representation. In the third representation, 63) See I. 64) See IV § 3c, pp. 98-101. 65) See V § 10 a, b, p. 155-159. 66) See IV § 1c pp. 73, 74, VIII § 5 a, pp. 224-227.

67) See VI§ 7b, p. 195. 68) See V § 9, pp. 153-154.

VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 199 | the oldest of the pre-Inca ayllu were linked to IV 1 c and IV 2 c, and there was no pre-Inca ayllu linked to I 3 c. Cobo and Molina record nothing, except their names, about the non-aristocratic ayllu Huacaytaqui ayllu and Uru ayllu, nor of the Cuicusa ayllu 69). If the doubt expressed above, whether there really were non-aristocratic ayllu in II 3 and I 3 is justified, then the fact that these ayllu are missing in II 3 and I 3 supports the thesis that the organization into five panaca founded by five

rulers, in Hurin-Cuzco as well as in Hanan-Cuzco, was an extension of the system of four marriage classes, which also occurred in Hurin-Cuzco and HananCuzco.

§ 8. The fact that the pre-Inca population in the third representation was classed in the Cayao group, consisting of the Cayao ceque, enables us to bring to the fore data which describe the mutual relations between the Collana groups (consisting of the ceque-Collana), the Payan groups and the Cayao groups otherwise than as relations between the rulers, their panaca and nonaristocratic ayllu. These sources are mutually consistent in that they record that the Inca ruler divided the city of Cuzco into ten groups and assigned the government over these ten groups to his various kin. The ruler and his kin, as the Inca conquerors, belonged to the Collana group, and the conquered, pre-Inca population of Cuzco belonged to the Payan and Cayao groups. In the organization of the Cuzco of the pre-Inca population, there already existed a division into moieties, consisting of the Payan and Cayao groups, which did not bear on territory. A third group, Collana, that of the conquerors and rulers, was added to this organization. The organization of Cuzco is not therefore shown from these facts to have been built up in the slow historical process described in the so-called history of the Inca, but as having originated at one given time. We made use of one description of this organization of Cuzco before, viz. that by Gutierrez 79). This description linked up with that of the conquest of 69) Here I have collected the factors which enabled us to see the ayllu linked with I 3 c and IV 2 c as representatives of the primordial population of Cuzco. There is one other datum which supports this assumption and enables us to see the whole group of ayllu in IV as representatives of the earliest inhabitants. Murta mentions in one place (1613, libro II, cap. 10) that all the Indians who lived in Cuzco before the Inca were called Acamama, and in another place (1613, cap. 3) he says that in those times Cuzco had that name and that is was inhabited by the Lares, the Poques and the Huallas. The name Acamama is found in that of Uru Acamama, as the ayllu Uru was called in the village of San Jerénimo (see IV § 3 c p. 100). Murta links Acamama with the Huaylla, an ayllu which we elsewhere (VI § 7 b p. 195) also recognised as representative of the entire primordial population in IV. In this way we thus see the Huaylla and the ayllu Uru linked together. We might consider Acamama as an indication of the preInca population which in the second representation belonged to the ayllu of IV and of I 3 c. 70) See V § 2b, p. 123-126.

200 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION the town by the Inca not under Manco Capac but under Tupac Yupanqut or, more probably, Pachacuti. The point of departure of the description of the organization of Cuzco has to be the account of the actual conquest, for the description of this clearly indicates the relationships between the conquerors and the conquered. The conquerors belonged to Hanan-Cuzco, the conquered to Hurin-Cuzco. According to Gutierrez, Hanan-Cuzco was identical with Chinchaysuyu, and Hurin-Cuzco with Collasuyu 71). This identification relates to the first representation of the organization of Cuzco. The conquerors, then, belonged to Collana (Hanan-Cuzco) and the conquered to Payan (HurinCuzco), while the conquered probably also included Cayao (Antisuyu and Cuntisuyu). Gutierrez records that Pachacuti divided the government of the ten parts of Cuzco among his kin, who also belonged to the ten marriage classes. This description of the division of the government is in complete accordance with the third representation. Gutierrez calls the ten parts by the names of the panaca. Because the panaca in the third representation were represented by the Payan group (consisting of Payan ceque), it can be assumed that they, together with the Cayao group, constituted the original population of Cuzco which was conquered by the Inca. The other chronicler to give an account of the third representation as characterised above, is Betanzos. It is remarkable that he, too, connects a description of the first representation with one of the third. Betanzos gives the first representation in connection with the defence of Cuzco by Pachacuti and his assistants against the Chanca, which is his version of the event of which another version records that Pachacuti conquered the town. Betanzos described the third representation as follows (1880, cap. XVI, p. 107-111). Pachacuti needed many people from the surrounding countryside for the reconstruction of the town after the Chanca attack. Ten chiefs (sehores) and twenty orejones of the population

of the town helped him in this task and went out to the provinces to collect people 72). Pachacuti divided the work among the ten caciques and the groups

of which they were the chiefs; separate tasks were assigned to the different groups. When the town had been rebuilt, Pachacuti assigned different plots of land in the surrounding countryside to the ten caciques, where they were allowed to settle. In the town itself remained, “the orejones, the descendants of his lineage and of the other Lords (sefiores) who had succeeded one another from Manco Capac on”.

Betanzos opposed the original population of Cuzco to the Inca. From the 71) See IV § 4, p. 102. 72) Pachacuti Yamqui agrees completely with this datum of Betanzos. He too refers (1950, pp. 237-238) to the ten parts of the city of Cuzco and says that Pachacuti was assisted by twenty orejones in the defense of the city against the Chanca.

VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 201 fact that he speaks of ten chiefs and twenty orejones, nobles, it could be deduced

that every chief had two orejones under him, and that the latter were the sub-chiefs in the moiety division of every group. The moieties of the groups can probably be identified with the panaca and the non-aristocratic ayllu of the groups of ceque. This follows from the fact that the ten chiefs and their groups had lands assigned to them outside Cuzco while the primary kin of the ruler remained living in the town. These kin were, according to Gutierrez’s account, identified with Pachacuti’s own predecessors, belonging to HananCuzco and Hurin-Cuzco. The kin constituted the Collana group (consisting of the Collana ceque); from this fact it follows that the ten groups, which were each divided into two moieties, consisted of the Payan and Cayao groups. Finally it could be assumed that the chiefs of the ten groups of the original population were in reality the chiefs of the panaca 73). 73) The following datum supplies strong support for this assumption. In listing the names of the ten parts of Cuzco, i.e. the names of the ten panaca, Gutierrez calls the fifth part of Hanan-Cuzco, Cuma panaca (see V § 2 b p. 124). This name deviates from that given by all other chroniclers to this panaca, which was Vicaquirao panaca. In all probability we may read the name Cuma panaca as Cuma panaca = Suma panaca, since Gutierrez also writes Cuccopanaca instead of Cucco panaca == Sucsupanaca. In the name Suma we recognise the name of Soma Inca, chief of the village of Huayllacan and father of Mama Micay, the wife of Inca Roca. Since Inca Roca, as kin of Pachacuti, was chief of the part of Cuzco called Suma panaca, Inca Roca was thus the Inca chief of this group of the true, original population to which his fatherin-law, as one of the ten chiefs — to use Betanzos’s terminology — belonged. Up to here this datum completely supports the assumption. But one severe difficulty is present. In both the second and third representations data emerged which indicated that the village of Huayllacan must be placed in one marriage class together with Yahuar Huacac the son of Inca Roca. One of the data was that Mama Micay, the wife of Inca Roca, came from this village. Soma Inca would thus, according to this datum, also belong to the marriage class of Yahuar Huacac and not to that of Inca Roca. We must perhaps seek the solution of the difficulty in the fact that the marriage classes were considered both as exogamous and matrilineal groups and as endogamous groups. In the one case the subsidiary son belonged to the marriage class of his primary brother. In the other case the subsidiary son belonged to the endogamous group of his father. In the latter case the chief of a panaca could, as subsidiary son of the ruler who had founded

the panaca, be equated with the head of the group of the original population who was the non-Inca chief under this ruler. Since we must come to the conclusion that a ruler was not so closely linked to a panaca as suggested by the so-called Inca history, it is possible that Soma Inca did not need to be chief of Huayllacan but was, for some reason, considered as such. The reason might be that in the endogamous presentation of the marriage class the subsidiary son united in his person both the functions of chief of the panaca and chief of the local population. In the representation of the marriage class as an exogamous and matrilineal group, the subsidiary son belonged to a different marriage class than the father, and the chief of the local population was then considered as chief of the non-Inca village from which the mother of the subsidiary son came, a village which then belonged to the same marriage class as the subsidiary son and the primary son. In any case, this datum of Gutierrez, besides serving as support for the assumption which was the point of departure for this note, ts also once again evidence that we may not automatically

accept Sarmiento’s proposition that “a panaca was called after a subsidiary son who was made

202 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION Gutierrez and Betanzos then give different accounts of the relationships between Collana, Payan and Cayao in the third presentation than those found in the so-called history of the Inca, in which the panaca (Payan) were regarded as being ayllu founded by the rulers, and were therefore regarded as being Inca, while the non-Inca population comprised only the Cayao group. At the same time we saw 74) that the chiefs of the panaca, and the panaca themselves,

were said to live in Hurin-Cuzco, side by side with the rulers in HananCuzco 75), but also that only the rulers of Cuzco as a whole lived in Cuzco and that the panaca lived around them 76). I want to return to this problem later 77) 78). chief of the panaca by the founder of the panaca” but that we must evaluate this proposition according to its significance in the system of the organization of Cuzco. 74) See VI this § 8.

75) Both moieties seen as geographically separate units. See IV § 2 a, p. 79. 76) See VI this § 8. 17) See IX § 3, p. 241-246. 78) Up to this point I have established the tenfold division in Cuzco with examples which were connected with Pachacuti. In the first representation the organization of Cuzco was explained both from the point of view of Pachacuti and of Manco Capac (see IV § 2a pp. 77-80). In the chapter concerning the second representation I gave an explanation of this phenomenon (see V § 10 a, b pp. 155-159). In the third representation, too, it is said not only of Pachacuti but also of Manco Capac that he divided the administration of the 10 groups of Cuzco among his relatives. According to Murtia (1613, libro III, cap. 10) Manco Capac divided the city of Cuzco into Hanan and Hurin, and each of these moieties into five “streets’’. “Street’’ is a Spanish genealogical expression of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which we may interpret as family or lineage. Murda gives the names of the streets only for Hanan, calling the first Capac ayllu and the fifth Vicaquirao panaca. Elsewhere Murta says (1613, cap. 2, 3) that when Manco Capac built the city of Cuzco he divided it into two ayllu or districts. His son Sinchi Roca, who was to succeed him, he made chief (capitan) of one of these ayllu (1.e. Hanan or Hurin). The other ayllu (here Murua uses the plural and thus means the “streets”) he divided among his kin in the collateral line, because according to law the subsidiary sons (Ayos segundos) of the Inca rulers were to govern the ayllu and parcialidades (groups) as chiefs and as military officers during their

father’s lifetime. Murda probably misunderstood this information and as a result he speaks, in error, of the second and the third representation as well. In any case, 1n Manco Capac’s time there were already 10 panaca in existence. Because Murtia saw Sinchi Roca within the framework of the so-called Inca history as legitimate successor of Manco Capac, he considered Sinchi Roca, instead of all the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco, as chief of Hanan-Cuzco. Murtia does mention, in the case of Hurin-Cuzco, several subsidiary kin of Manco Capac in the collateral lines as chiefs, probably of the five “streets’’ in Hurin-Cuzco. Seen in this way, his report is in agreement with the third representation and he gives the same arrangement of the division of the administration of the five parts of Hurin-Cuzco as Gutierrez. In the time of Manco Capac these subsidiary kin in the collateral lines were, however, also the subsidiary sons of “the Inca’’, as Murta puts it. By this he must have meant the successors to Manco Capac who, however, were also his contemporary primary kin and heads of the five “streets”, which were the five panaca, in Hanan-Cuzco.

The rulers of Hurin-Cuzco were, lastly, also “chiefs and military officers’ of the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco. Here we must see a reference to the second representation in which the position of a ruler of Hurin-Cuzco with respect to the ruler of Hanan-Cuzco in the same marriage class

VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 203 § 9. a) In this chapter on the third representation there was no need as yet to refer to the relationship between Hanan-Cuzco (I + III) and HurinCuzco (II + IV). The rulers of Hurin-Cuzco, however, are also represented as the subsidiary brothers of the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco; the marriage relations between the classes to which the rulers belonged, however, were regulated inside the moieties. A relationship of conquerors to conquered was also associated with Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco, which is one reason for discussing this relationship here. This moiety relationship is to be expected to exist on the grounds of the conclusions reached before. I shall therefore briefly repeat these conclusions. In the relationships between the Collana (all the Collana ceque), Payan (all the Payan ceque) and Cayao (all the Cayao ceque) groups, not only Collana and Payan together were represented as the group of the Inca, and Cayao as the non-Inca population, but also Collana alone as the Inca and Payan and Cayao together as the non-Inca 79). In the first representation, too, the relationships between Collana, Payan and Cayao were represented in two ways. According to Betanzos 8°), Collana (=

Hanan-Cuzco = Chinchaysuyu) and Payan (= Hurin-Cuzco = Collasuyu) was equal to that, in the third representation, of the chief of a panaca with respect to a ruler in the same marriage class. Montesinos describes the division of the government of Cuzco in the same way as does Muriaa. He ascribes the division, however, to Inti Capac Yupanqui, one of the first rulers in his dynasty

of more than a hundred kings. Nonetheless, he says (1957, cap. V, p. 20-25) of Inti Capac Yupanqui that he defeated the Chanca and that he married a woman from the village of Choco who was called Anahuarque. Thus in Inti Capac Yupanqui we recognise Pachacuti. Inti Yupanqut

then divided the city into two districts (Montesinos 1957, cap. VI pp. 26-29), the principal one being Hanan-Cuzco and the other Hurin-Cuzco. The first district he divided into five or six “streets”; gave the supervision of it to the son who was to succeed him and called this district Capac ayllu, which means the most important group. He populated the district with all kinds of people (“de todos estados y gentes’’) and gave the streets their names. The second district he called Hurin-Cuzco; he divided it too into five or six streets; gave the supervision of them to his subsidiary son (hijo segundo) and populated it with various peoples (diversas gentes). The fact that Montesinos speaks of five or six streets is remarkable. This report may have

been influenced by the idea that in the third representation there were also two groups of ceque in Antisuyu and in Cuntisuyu which were not linked to a ruler, a panaca and a nonaristocratic ayllu. The importance of Montesinos’s data is that he does not ascribe a version of the division of the government of Cuzco, which agrees with that given by Murua, to Manco Capac

but to a ruler who shows agreement at all points with Pachacutt. The last piece of information which contains evidence for the division of Cuzco into ten groups by Manco Capac comes from Sarmiento (1947, cap. 11, pp. 119-120). When Manco Capac

and his brothers and sisters went from Tambotoco to Cuzco they were accompanied by the ten non-aristocratic ayllu which were divided into five ayllu of Hanan-Cuzco and five of HurinCuzco. This is said by Sarmiento, according to whom, at another place in his chronicle (1947, cap. 34, p. 182), the division into Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco was effected by Pachacuti. 79) See VI §§ 7, 8, p. 192-202.

80) See IV § 24, p. 79.

Int. Arch. f. Ethn., Suppl. to Vol. L 15

204 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION both belonged to the Inca, and Cayao (= Antisuyu + Cuntisuyu) belonged to the non-Inca. But according to Gutierrez 81), the Inca conquerors of Cuzco lived in Collana (= Hanan-Cuzco = Chinchaysuyu) and the pre-Inca population in Payan (= Hurin-Cuzco = Collasuyu) as well, probably, as in Cayao (= Antisuyu + Cuntisuyw). Finally, a similar picture of the second representation can be detected if we once more pay attention to the organization of the village of Acos. I used this organization before as an example of the organization of a suyu as a marriage class in the second representation 82). In the second representation the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco belonged to Collana (I 1 + IJ 1 + HI 1 + IV 1), the rulers

of Hurin-Cuzco to Payan (I 2 + II 2 + III 2 + IV 2), and the non-Inca population to Cayao (I 3 + IT 3 + III 3 + IV 3). The three ayllu in Acos, Hanansaya, Hurinsaya and Anahuarque, correspond to Collana, Payan and Cayao. The Inca conquerors of Acos probably belonged to Hanansaya and Hurinsaya, and, possibly on the analogy of the third representation, the people who

had lived in the village before the Inca conquest, belonged to Anahuarque. If, however, we take the names Cuzco (also called Hanansaya in the document of 1708 relating to the organization of Acos), Acos (also called Hurinsaya), and Anahuarque into consideration, a different relationship again is suggested than that of the three ayllu. The Inca conquerors would have to belong to Cuzco,

and the pre-Inca population of the village to Acos and Anahuarque. But then it would have to be assumed, in accordance with this relationship of the three ayllu in Acos, that in the Cuzco of the second representation, too, the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco were the real Inca and the conquerors of the town, and that the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco were classed as the pre-Inca population. b) In the third representation the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco belonged to I + IU], and the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco to II + IV. On the analogy of the second and first representations one would expect that between Hanan-Cuzco (I + III) and Hurin-Cuzco (II + IV) there existed a relationship of conquerors to conquered. In the organization of the pre-Inca population, as associated in the third representation with the Cayao group 83), there are hints of a relationship of Hanan-Cuzco to Hurin-Cuzco as that of conquerors to conquered. For, according to Sarmiento, the pre-Inca population was divided into two groups. The original population, which had always lived in Cuzco, belonged to the first, and the three sinchi, army commanders, who had come from outside, to the second group. The three sinchi set themselves up as the leaders of the three original ayllu. The sinchi belonged to Hanan-Cuzco and the three original ayllu 81) See IV § 4, p. 102. 82) See IV § 3 a, pp. 92-93, V § 1c, VI note 34. 83) See VI, § 7b, pp. 193-196.

VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 205 to Hurin-Cuzco. The relationship between these two groups thus wholly corresponded to that of the two moieties of the town, just as was surmised. c) There are other sources about the pre-Inca population which also point to a relationship of Hanan-Cuzco to Hurin-Cuzco as one between conquerors to conquered. These other sources suggest also that in the third representation the relationship of the three groups which had come from outside to the three original ones was presented zot only as that of the Cayao group (the Cayao ceque) in Hanan-Cuzco to the Cayao group in Hurin-Cuzco, but also as that of the Payan group to the Cayao group in Hurin-Cuzco. This is suggested by Toledo’s evidence. According to him (1940, p. 187), the Allcabiza constituted the ayllu of Ayar Uchu and lived in Hanan-Cuzco, This was the reason why the Allcabiza were identified with Arairaca ayllu (I 2 c). But, Toledo continues, after Ayar Uchu and Cuzcoychima had turned into stone, the Allcabiza took Apu Mayta as their sinchi. Toledo, then, mentions Ayar Uchu instead of Allcabiza, as being the sinchi, Apu Mayta instead of Copalimayta, and Cuzcoychima instead of Culumchima. The names Copalimayta and Culumchima are untranslatable and in the form in which they are recorded by Sarmiento 84) suggest that they were corrupt forms of Apu Mayta and Cuzcoychima; of these names, Apu Mayta can be partly interpreted 85) 86). It seems to me that Apu Mayta (= Copalimayta, according to Sarmiento) was the sinchi, the leader of Sahuasiray ayllu (= Sutic ayllu). This piece of information is wholly in agreement with the third representation, in which Apu Mayta panaca and Sutic ayllu also belong to one marriage class (II 1). If this conclusion is correct, then it also seems likely that the group of Cuzcoychima (= Culumchima) was identical with Chima panaca (IV 2b), for the two names have the element chima in common. Ayar Uchu, finally, would then have to belong to Rauraupanaca (IV 1 b). Toledo did not, in his account, write of three contemporary sinchi, but of one group, the Allcabiza, with three successive chiefs. A few important conclusions can be drawn from this piece of information. Because there is mention of one group and of three successive chiefs, it seems likely that the chiefs personified

. marriage classes within the group, just as in the so-called history of the Inca the succession of the rulers indicated the mutual relations of the marriage classes to which they belonged. On account of the link of Ayar Uchu with religion 87), he probably belonged to the Cayao marriage class. The name Apu Mayta fur-

| thermore indicates that he belonged to Collana. Cuzcoychima would then have 84) See VI § 7b, p. 193. 85) See IV § 2d pp. 87-88, VI § 6 e p. 190. 86) For the name Cuzcoychima see VI note 88. 87) See IV § 4 p. 101.

206 VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION to belong to the Payan marriage class. The so-called history of the Inca does mention a subsidiary son of the ruler Capac Yupanqui, who is called Apu Chimachauin (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 18, p. 143). The word Chauin ts a synonym of Payan. As Apu Mayta appears in the so-called history of the Inca in the same capacity (he was the grandson of Capac Yupanqui), there is the possibility that Chimachauin was identical with Cuzcoychima and belonged to Chimapanaca 88),

Apu Mayta was the chief of Apu Mayta panaca, which, according to the so-called history of the Inca, had been founded by Capac Yupanqui. In the light of the argument above, it does not seem to me to be too far-fetched to argue that this ruler from Hurin-Cuzco, and with him the other rulers of Hurin-Cuzco, was also counted among the pre-Inca population. d) Finally, the name Allcabiza can be said to contain an indication of the fact that in the third representation the whole of Hurin-Cuzco was associated with religion and with the god Viracocha, and Hanan-Cuzco with the worldly rulers and the Sun. I argued above 89) that the name Allcabiza, in the framework of the third representation, was also used to designate the Payan group (all Payan ceque) in Hurin-Cuzco 9°). The name Allcabiza occurred earlier as well to designate a Payan group. In connection with the second representation 91) I drew attention to the fact that besides Manco Capac, Mayta Capac also fought against the Allcabiza, and that this war looked like an imitation of that of Pachacuti against Uscovilca, the chief of the Chanca. I therefore associated Uscovilca (white vilca) in the second representation with II 1, and Allcabiza, or Allcavilca (the black and white villca), with II 2. In the second representation they both personified the marriage class II, which was associated

with religion, with the god Viracocha, and with the opponents of the Inca. The fact that in the third representation the Allcabiza were associated with the Payan group (all Payan ceque) of Hurin-Cuzco (II + IV) indicates that the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco (the Collana group), too, belonged among the opponents of the Inca who, in this context, were all classed in Hanan-Cuzco, and that the whole of Hurin-Cuzco was associated with the religion and with the god Viracocha. To illustrate this opposition of the wordly rulers and the Sun to the priests and Viracocha, I return to the story in which the Sun and Vira88) Together with Chimapanaca, Quisco ayllu belonged to a single group of ceque. The possibility is not excluded that the word “Cuzco” in the name Cuzcoychima indicates Quisco ayllu. 89) See VI § 9c pp. 205-206.

90) An indication of this Payan character is also the fact that Apu Mayta (= Copalimayta), Cuzcoychima (= Culumchima) and Ayar Uchu or Allcabiza were called sinchi of three original groups of Cuzco. 91) See V § 5c pp. 137-138.

VI. THE THIRD REPRESENTATION 207 cocha were placed opposite each other 92). According to one version of the story, the ruler Viracocha Inca esteemed the god Viracocha more highly than the Sun; according to another version, the ruler Capac Yupanqui did the same thing. I regarded the first version as an expression of the opposition, in the second representation, between the lower moiety (= II + IV), in which Viracocha Inca was the most important person, and the upper moiety (= I + II). The second version can be regarded as an expression, in the third representation,

of the opposition between Hurin-Cuzco (= II + IV), in which moiety Capac Yupanqui was the most important person, and Hanan-Cuzco (= I + II). In’ both versions the moiety division of Cuzco was the same. The groups belonging to the lower moiety (second representation) and to Hurin-Cuzco (third representation), or to the upper moiety (second representation) and to Hanan-Cuzco (third representation), were probably identical in both cases. Only the people who personified these groups in the so-called history of the Inca, varied. The

groups did not vary in the two representations, nor did their positions in the organization of Cuzco; only the representation of their mutual relationships | varied. 92) See V § 13 a pp. 166-168.

CHAPTER SEVEN

THE CO-ORDINATION OF THE THREE REPRESENTATIONS In chapters IV, V and VI the three different representations of the organtization of Cuzco were examined and discussed. Chapter III also gave a theoretical outline of the three representations. For the conclusions drawn from the three chapters following it, we refer to chapter III. It was not previously possible to

pay full attention to the relationship between the three representations: this will be the subject of the present chapter. In the examination of the three representations of the social organization of Cuzco, there was question of three different kinds of groups. There were, to begin with, those groups whose position as far as can be decided from the available data, did not vary in the three representations. This fact is clearly demonstrated by Capac ayllu and Hatun ayllu, which were mentioned in all three representations, by Sutic ayllu and Maras ayllu, which occurred in the first and third representations, and to a certain extent by Uru aylu; for although this ayllu was linked to IV 2 c as well as to I 3 c, the reason for these links was that the people who belonged to the original population, the yanacona or enemies of the own society, were linked to IV as well as to I 3. The case of Sanu ayllu is a little more complicated. In the third representation its position was III 2 c; in the second I assumed its position to be III 3. The question as to the position of Sahu ayllu seems to me to be connected with the fact that it is not known what significance the ceque may have had within the groups of the second representation. If, on the analogy of my conclusion drawn in Chapter VI, note 34, it should be asserted that III 3 relates to III 1 in the same way as III 2 c to III 2 a, this would explain why the position of Sanu ayllu in the third representation was III 2 c, and III 3 in the second. The fact that Safu ayllu in the third representation belonged to III, would be a confirmation of the conclusion that the marriage between Sinchi Roca and a woman from Safu indicated the existence of the asymmetric connubium between IV and III in the second representation.

The second type of group of which there was question in the discussion of the different representations was that of the groups which did change position in the different representations. Thus, the name Ayarmaca in the first representation was used to designate III, but in the second representation it

VII. CO-ORDINATION OF THE THREE REPRESENTATIONS 209

probably designated II 1). The name Allcavillca in the second representation probably referred to II 22), but in the third representation both to I 2 c3)

and to the group IT1b + I2b+I1V1b+IV2b4). The names Ayarmaca and Allcavillca do not occur as the proper names of existing groups as recorded by Cobo, Molina and Sarmiento 5) in the organization of Cuzco. The names Ayarmaca and Allcavillca were probably generic names; this was shown clearly to be the case as regards Allcavillca. As generic names they probably referred

} to the position of a particular group in relation to other groups in any of the three representations. This particular group could be a panaca, an ayllu, or a group belonging to a particular combination of ceque, like III, or II 2, or

Wib+WT2b+I1IV1ib+IV2b,

The third category concerns the individual persons in the history of the Inca, as for instance rulers, their wives and subsidiary sons, who in the organization of Cuzco personified particular groups. A particular person could in the different representations personify different groups, which led to a situation in which one person sometimes played different roles in the so-called history of the Inca. The significance of the occurrence of these individuals in the socalled history of the Inca seems to me to lie in the determination of the relationships between the groups in the three representations and the way in which these groups were personified; these individuals were not necessarily historical. It can also be asserted that the panaca and ayllu®) of the organization of Cuzco, mentioned by Cobo, Molina and Sarmiento, had fixed positions in all three representations of this organization, although these positions did not necessarily indicate their actual habitats. It was only the mutual relationships of

the panaca, ayllu and their subdivisions which varied in the three different representations. In referring to these different relationships, the generic names, like Ayarmaca or Allcavillca, or indications of family or marriage relationships

of persons, were used. As for an explanation for the existence of the three different representations, the third representation can be said to have developed logically from the second,

and the first from the third. In the second representation the four exogamous marriage classes of the suyu were distributed over two exogamous moieties. In the third representation the moieties became endogamous, with the result that there arose four marriage classes again within the moieties. The possibility

1) See IV § 24 p. 78; V § 1d, p. 120, § 5 b, p. 136.

2) See V § 9a p. 152. 3) See VI § 7 b, p. 194. 4) See VI § 9°, p. 205. 5) See I. 6) See I.

210 VII. CO-ORDINATION OF THE THREE REPRESENTATIONS

of endogamous marriage in the Collana (I 1 and II 1) marriage classes, led to

the presentation of I and II as endogamous groups. Although in the third representation the moieties of I + III, and that of II + IV were endogamous, | their relationship was nevertheless presented as one between Collana and Payan.

This Collana-Payan relationship was transferred in the first representation to that between I and II, so that as a result III and IV together became Cayao. The reason for the existence of the three representations seems to me to be connected with the fact that the concepts Collana, Payan and Cayao were applied to the marriage classes. Collana was a group which could function in an endo-

gamous as well as an exogamous capacity. As an endogamous group it was opposed to the whole of the outside world, which was not related to tt. One result of the exogamous marriages of Collana was the existence of Payan. For this reason Collana and Payan together could be opposed to the non-related outside world. Finally, the relationship of Collana and Payan together to Cayao can be seen as one between two exogamous moieties, for Collana and Payan, as exogamous groups, took their wives from Cayao. The second representation gave expression to this last possibility. Collana (I) and Payan (III) constituted the one exogamous moiety, and Cayao (II + IV) the other. In the third representation these two moieties were regarded in the first place as groups which were not mutually related, and which as a result were endogamous and similar to each other in their internal structures. I, as Collana, also had an endogamous function in the second representation, which corresponded to that of I 1 in the third representation. As II + IV, as an endogamous moiety, was identical in the third representation with I + III, the function of II 1, as the Collana group, was the same as that of I 1. This gave rise to the first representation in which I as well as II acted as endogamous groups. Finally, the question arises how the organization system of Cuzco, with its three different representations, in fact functioned. It should be taken into account when considering this question that the panaca, ayllu and sub-groups of these two types of group within Cuzco could potentially function in the

framework of the Collana-Payan-Cayao relationship, or within that of the marriage classes, or could themselves function as marriage classes, but that outside Cuzco they often existed as independent, endogamous units. Possibly

too the suggested Collana-Payan-Cayao relationship and the marriage relationships within Cuzco were merely symbolzcal expressions of the relation-

ships between the groups, although organizations with Collana-PayanCayao relationships, divided into matrilineal lineages linked by an asymmetric connubium, must have existed in Inca civilisation, If that is so, the organization of Cuzco could be regarded as symbolising and characterising the system by which the Inca had organized their whole empire.

VII. CO-ORDINATION OF THE THREE REPRESENTATIONS 211

The following illustration — from an account of present-day customs of indians in Canas province, Cuzco department — of the combination in one group of the different characteristics, both as an endogamous group and as a matriage

class, or “as a group in the Collana-Payan-Cayao relationship —, might explain how representations, such as described for Cuzco, could be realised in

| actual social relationships.

Alencastre and Dumézil in their article “Fétes et usages des indiens de Langui” (Journal de la Soc. des Am., nouvelle serie Tome XLII, 1953, p. 2129) describe the annually recurring ceremonial fights which take place in a similar form in different places in Peru. The fights described by them take place between the village of Checca, which consists of five ayllu, and the villages of Langui, Quehue and Hampatura, which also contain several ayllu. This battle is waged by the men, while the women, who stand around, provide them with food and drink during the intervals. Although these fights result in men being wounded, and even killed, there is no rancour afterwards on account of casualties.

Also when someone from either party calls out ‘rest’ both parties comply immediately. The party which is able to press the other back to its territory, wins. Victory results in a good harvest for the winning party for that year, and a bad harvest for the losers. Captives are also made in this fight. The captured women are undressed and sent back in this state, but they are not subjected to sexual violence. The women who are kept, are taken in ‘experimental marriage’ (sirbinakuy); the business side of these marriages 1s arranged later by the two families involved and a seal put on the marriage.

The relationship between the two parties has several of the characteristics

of that between moieties, and even one of exogamous moieties. For the result of the rivalry is that the men of one party marry women from the other. But the significance of these actually existing exogamous relations is that they are in fact symbolic. No man is forced to marry a woman from the other party, even if the fight might be used as a means to bring about a marriage; but these marriages are important in that they symbolise the representation of the two parties as exogamous moieties. Although the effects of the fight cover a longer period than the duration of the fight itself, as, for instance the harvest and the marriages, the moiety relationship between the parties applies only during the fight. One village may also have similar moiety relationships with other villages. Thus the vilage of Checca also has an annual fight, elsewhere, against the village of Livitaca, which lies further away and in another province. While in the first mentioned fight the village of Checca fought by itself against other villages in the Canas province, it fights together with other villages from Canas province against one, much larger, village from Chumbivilcas province. If this last fight

212 VII. CO-ORDINATION OF THE THREE REPRESENTATIONS

also involves a moiety relationship, then the moieties must be of a higher order

and larger in size than those of the first fight. This is also evident from the way in which the fight against Livitaca is conducted. While the first fight was conducted on foot, and with slings, the men from Canas in the second fight

are also on foot and armed with slings, while the men from Livitaca are mounted and armed with lassoes and bolas. There could even be said to be a hierarchy of moiety relationships. In the

~ colonial period, the privilege of riding was reserved for the Spanish and the Inca nobility. The men from Livitaca have therefore taken over the role of the Inca nobility. On the battle fields the two parties formed two diametrically opposed moieties. But Checca fought alone against its surrounding villages and Livitaca did the same, These positions are more in accordance with the relationship of the central Collana group to the surrounding Payan and Cayao groups.

It is not known how the system of the three representations of the organization of Cuzco was put into actual practice. One can get some idea of this, however, from the present-day custom described above. Perhaps the examples like those concerning Huayna Capac and Atahuallpa, discussed in Chapter IX 7), may give a further answer to this question. 7) See IX § 2 pp. 240-241.

CHAPTER EIGHT

THE QUINQUEPARTITION AND THE DECEMPARTITION § 1. So far, expressions of a quinquepartition and of a decempartition have been encountered twice in the organization of Cuzco. Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco, in the third representation, were both divided into five parts, which each contained one group of ceque. These parts were governed by a total of twice five, that is ten chiefs, who for certain reasons 1) were presented as belonging to a dynasty of ten rulers, although they were in fact contemporaneous chiefs. A quinquepartition was also encountered in the organization of Cuntisuyu in the ceque system. In this suyu there were five groups of three ceque, as opposed to three groups of three ceque in the other three suyu 2). I assumed that the quinquepartition in Cuntisuyu was connected with a particular organization of the group of Yanacona 3). The quinquepartition and decempartition were, as I see it, based on two forms of organization which also had important functions in the organization of Cuzco. The development of the influence of the quinquepartition and de-

cempartition on the organization of Cuzco, as presented in the preceding chapters, seems to have followed the course I propose to set out in the present chapter.

In their own culture the Inca had a classification of the adult, marriageable population into five age classes. The mutual relations of the age classes were regarded as being similar to those of the marriage classes. In North Peru, in the Chimu kingdom, there existed an organization in which the whole population of a town, or some other social unit, was divided into ten groups. The Inca adopted this form of organization, but also extended it. They divided the ten groups into two halves of five groups each. On the one hand they compared the five groups to five age classes, and on the other hand they recognised features which these five groups had in common with the marriage classes. This resulted in the third representation of the organization of Cuzco, in which the influences of the quinquepartition and decempartition were most noticeable, so that both in Hanan-Cuzco and in Hurin-Cuzco there were thought to be five, instead of four marriage classes. In order that the system of marriage classes might still function, the marriage classes of the last ruler and the last but one 1) See V § 2b, p. 126. 2) See I § 1 p. 3. 3) See IV § 2b pp. 81, 82, § 3c p. 99; V § 10 a, b pp. 158-159.

214 VIII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION

were together regarded as one marriage class in relation to the other three marriage classes. The age classes and marriage classes had two features in common. In addition

to the fact that the adult, marriageable population was divided into five age classes, every individual also passed through these age classes. This can be regarded as the simultaneous and consecutive aspects of the age classes respectively.

Also, the marriage classes not only existed side by side and simultaneously, but in addition they were placed in a sequence of time which was symbolised by the members of one patrilineal lineage, the members of the rulers’ dynasty. The time span of a ruler’s reign, and particularly the time span of a complete dynasty, was thought to have a fixed number of years; moreover a ruler’s accession to the throne co-incided with his wedding. In their consecutive aspects, the age classes and marriage classes were parts of a particular system of dividing

time which was based on quinquepartition and decempartition. According to the Inca the most important criteria for distinguishing the age classes, the time span of the marriage classes 4), and other periods of time, were their position in a hierarchy of different periods. The higher or lower position in the hierarchic order was indicated by the longer or shorter duration of the period. Quinguepartition has been encountered twice before in the organization of Cuzco, relating to the five rulers of Hanan-Cuzco and of Hurin-Cuzco, and to the five groups of yanacona. The hierarchic difference between the two quinquepartitions was expressed in that the first quinquepartition was applied to the marriage classes while the yanacona were divided into five age classes. As regards the examples of tripartition and quadripartition it was possible

to describe in detail the function of the organizational forms in which the numbers three and four played a role. These descriptions threw light on the reasons why these numbers were essential in the relevant forms of organization. In the several presentations of quinquepartition tt is not possible, however, to

discern the necessity for the use of the number five. It can only be assumed that the decimal system of counting in the Peruvian languages, and the number of fingers on a hand, influenced this use of the number five 5). 4) Under “timespan of a marriage class’’ is understood the duration of the period from the wedding of a king till the wedding of his son and successor. 5) I shall give a few examples of the possible relationship between the number of fingers of the hand and the number five in the forms of organization which make use of this number. According to the dictionary of Santo Tomas, the fingers of the hand had the following names:

thumb — Naupa rucana (= first, main finger) index finger — Catec rucana (= the accompanying finger) middle finger -—- Chaupi rucana (= middle finger)

ring finger — Catec rucana (= the accompanying finger) little finger © — Sullca rucana (= the last finger).

VIII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION 215

§ 2. The most important sphere of Inca culture in which quinquepartition was applied was probably that of the age classes, As this system of the age classes has been described in detail by Rowe (1958, p. 499-522), and I want to discuss only part of this system, I shall touch on the system as a whole only briefly.

Rowe regards the system in the first place as a means by which the Inca collected taxes. For this purpose the adult, marriageable men were grouped in one class which covered the ages between twenty-five and fifty. Before entering this class one belonged to that of the adolescent men, from eighteen to twentyfive: after it came that of the middle-aged men, from fifty to sixty, and then that of the old men, of sixty and older. The chroniclers give several names and arrangements into ages of the classes before that of the eighteen or twenty year old ones. Poma and Murua classify the men of the age classes into ten ‘streets’, but they include in this classification also a couple of streets of, for instance, the sick so that the system was no longer based exclusively on age classes. According to Castro and Ortega Morején, Santillan and the chronicle called ‘SeMores que sirvieron ...’ there were twelve real age classes. As Rowe demonstrated, the material indicates that to the Inca the absolute age of a person was irrelevant to the question of the age classes. Kirchhoff (1949, p. 300) remarked, on the other hand, that there was a certain periodicity

in the classes; this he based on the following data. In the province of the Pacajes (Rel. Geogr. 1881-1897, T. II, p. 71), an Aymara people near the city of La Paz, in Bolivia, the following age classes were distinguished: five to ten years, ten to twenty, twenty to twenty-five, twenty-five to thirty, thirty to fifty, fifty to sixty and sixty years and older. In the Chincha valley, on the coast of South Peru, there were, according to Castro and Ortega Morejoén, Santillan and the ‘Sefiores que sirvieron ...’ the age classes of nought to two years, two The system in the naming of the fingers was that the 1st, the 3rd and the 5th fingers were distinguished with respect to each other as the first, middle and last, and that the 2nd and 4th fingers were seen only in relation to the 1st and 3rd. The 2nd finger formed one group with the

Ist, the 4th finger a group with the 3rd, while the Sth remained alone. The 2nd and the 4th fingers were not distinguished from each other because they had the same name. A similar system can be recognised in the quinquepartition of the ceque system in Cuntisuyu. The quinquepartition in Cuntisuyu concerned other social groups than the division into three groups of three ceque to which this quinquepartition had to be adjusted (see VIII § 5 a pp. 224-227). The five

groups of ceque in Cuntisuyu had to represent both the characteristics of the three groups in the other suyu and those of the quinquepartition of which they were an expression. The adjustment of the quinquepartition in Cuntisuyu to the three groups of ceque took place in the same manner as the naming of the fingers of the hand. The first group of ceque (IV 1) was doubled so as to form two groups; the middle group (IV 2) likewise. The last group of ceque (IV 3), however, remained in its original form, although the ceque Collana and Cayao were added to the doubled group IV 1 and the ceque Payan to the doubled group IV 2.

216 VUI. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION

to four, four to six, six to eight, eight to sixteen, sixteen to twenty, twenty to twenty-five, twenty-five to fifty, fifty to sixty, and of sixty years and older. From this arrangement Kirchhoff derived a periodicity of five years for Pacajes, and one of four years for Chincha. A periodicity of four years certainly does not apply to the age classes of those from twenty to twenty-five, twenty-five to fifty, and fifty to sixty in the Chincha valley. It seems rather that three different groups of classes must be distinguished in the systems of age classes as described by the chroniclers. In the first place there is question of classes which were not in fact age classes, like that of the sick. Secondly, there were the names for the age classes mainly of young persons; these probably only referred to their estimated ages. There was a definite system of classes with a periodicity of five years only in the third group, that of the adults. I shall occupy myself only with this group. The class of the twenty-five to fifty years old, hatunruna (called aucapuri by Santillan), was described by all authors as that of the adult men. Certain divisions can, however, be detected in this group. The Pacajes had a sub-division

into a group of the twenty-five to thirty and one of the thirty to fifty years old; Santillan mentions the existence of groups of the twenty-five to forty and forty to fifty years old. The group of the adolescent men was that of the twenty to twenty-five years old. This group could be regarded as one introductory to that of the grown men. In the introductory group, the initiation of the young probably took place, and it seems likely to me that the groups of initiates also stayed together later. But then one would have to suppose that the

group of the twenty-five to fifty years old was divided into groups of five years each 6). There are two sources which mention such an organization into five age classes of five years each. Damian de la Bandera (Rel. Geogr. 1881-1897, T.I. p. 100) mentions this form of organization in connection with the mass-marriages; on these occasions the men were placed in one row and the women in another opposite them. The men were divided into five age classes which were those between fifteen and twenty, twenty and twenty-five, twenty-five and thirty, thirty and thirty-five, and thirty-five and forty years. The same division was applied to the women. The women were first given to the cacique and then to other men down the 6) From the foregoing we must infer that people of one age class belonged to that class for five years and then went to the following class. The transfer would thus have to take place once every five years. According to Cieza, Polo de Ondegardo, Garcilaso and Cobo, the age classes were re-arranged every year. According to Poma (1944, foja 24) this took place every half year. Damian de la Bandera (1881-97, Rel. Geogr., Tomo I, p. 100) says, however, that it occurred

every three years, and Murda (1613, Tomo II, cap. 20) every five years. The opinion of the last of these authors seems to me the only correct and possible one for the age classes of the adult population.

VIII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION 217

hierarchical scale. The position of the men in the hierarchy may therefore well have been linked with the age classes 7). Damian de la Bandera mentions as the first class that of the fifteen to twenty years old, and as the fifth that of the thirty-five to forty years old. The first and last classes of the group of the adult, marriageable men in his account begin ten years sooner than according

to the other authors, if at any rate this is the group Damian de la Bandera refers to. I have no further data at my disposal about the nature of the five age classes of five years each. It is possible, however, to examine the nature of the system by extrapolation from its application to the group of the aclla, the virgins of the Sun. The same probably applied for them as for the group of grown men. According to Poma (1944, foja 299-300) there were six categories of virgins for the ‘idols’, and six categories of ‘ordinary’ virgins, who were to be found all over the empire. Here, Poma was probably distinguishing between the two groups of accla which in other chronicles, (e.g. Santillan, 1950, p. 62-64) are referred to as the accla of the Sun and the aclla of the Inca. Poma mentions the system of five marriage classes lasting five years each only as a subdivision of the category of the aclla of the Sun. The virgins of the Sun were not permitted ever to marry or to leave their house. The other chronicles vary in their accounts on the other kind of virgins. Poma described the six kinds of virgins of the Sun as follows: “The virgins of twenty years old, who were the most important ones and were called Guayrur aclla, served the Sun, the Moon and the Stars. They never spoke to men until they died. They entered the house at the age of twenty. “The virgins of the huaca of Guanacauri, who were called Sumac aclla (sumac,

beautiful). They did not mix with men and were thirty years of age. “The virgins of the principal huaca, who belonged to the uayror aclla sumac. They were twenty-five years of age and remained in the house for life.

“The virgins of the second (grade) huaca, who were called sumac aclla catiquin (Holguin: catini, or caticuni, to follow after the one who precedes) and were thirty-five years of age. They wove the clothes for the huaca. “The virgins of the smaller and less important huaca were called aclla chaupi catiquin sumac aclla (the aclla who followed after the aclla in the middle) and were forty years of age. They tended the land and wove. “The pampa-acllacona (pampa, a plain. This indicates a very low order), served the Moon and the Stars and the other huacabilca and the ordinary gods. 7) Mishkin (1946, pp. 465-468) describes for the modern Quechua Indians of southern Peru a hierarchic system linked to age classes in which certain functions in the community, connected with fixed financial responsibilities has to be filled by boys and men of given ages. Only by successively filling al these functions, which demands continually heavier sacrifices, can a person reach the highest function, that of mayor.

218 VIII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION

They were the weavers of chumbes (chumpi, tape), and uinchas (huincha, a hair fillet), chuspa-uatus (chuspa, coca bag, huatu, cord) and of chuspas ystalla (ystalla, a woman’s bag), etc. They were fifty years of age and never sinned. They were the daughters of the auquicona (the aristocracy, the subsidiary sons of the rulers)”’. Such were the houses (as Poma calls the age classes) of the virgins of the Sun. Poma inverted the sequence of the second and third houses, but it is clear that he recorded the following age classes: twenty to twenty-five, twenty-five

to thirty, thirty to thirty-five, thirty-five to forty, forty to fifty and fifty and older. Compared to the age classes of the men, the last class of the aclla, that of fifty and older, could be said to correspond to that of the middle aged men, fom fifty to sixty years of age. Poma has an irregularity in the fifth age class, which he gives as lasting not five but ten years. He may have tried here to correlate the system applied to the aclla with that applied to the grown men. In the groups of the aclla of the Sun there was then a system of five age classes of five years each 8). This system of five age classes had three characteristics. To begin with, Poma speaks of five groups of aclla which existed side by side and simultaneously and had different tasks. Secondly, a sequence of time can be recognised

in the five groups. It seems reasonable to suppose that the aclla of the age class twenty to twenty-five, after they had belonged to this class for five years, were replaced by another group and that they then belonged to the class of the twenty-five to thirty year olds and thus went through all five classes. In the third place there existed a hierarchy of the five classes. The first class was the highest, the fifth the lowest.

§ 3. I called the simultaneous aspect of the system of five age classes the first characteristic 9), and its consecutive aspect the second. The quinquepartition was applied not only to the age classes of grown people but also to other time spans or units. I shall cite another instance of the simultaneous as well as con8) It is remarkable that in the group of aclla of the sun the system of naming the five age groups also corresponded to that of the fingers of the hand (see VIII note 5). The three first age classes were called guayror, guayror sumac and sumac. There may have been in this nomenclature the same sequence as, in the organization of the Chanca, that of the names Uscovillca

(= white villca), Ticllavillca (= black and white villca) and Yanavillca (= black villca) (see IV § 5 b pp. 104-105). The two other age classes of the aclla were called sumac aclla catiquin and aclla chaupi catiquin sumac aclla. These names have the word catiquin in common. We

recognise this word in the form catic in the names of the 2nd and 4th fingers. The three first age groups could thus be compared to the Ist, 3rd and 5th fingers and the two others with the 2nd and 4th fingers. Evidence that the 5th age group was conceived to follow the 3rd is also found in the word chaupi, middle, with which the 3rd age class is indicated. 9) See VIII § 1 p. 214.

VIII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION 219 secutive representation of a quinquepartition below, for this instance is also relevant in relation to the so-called history of the Inca.

Poma de Ayala (1944, foja 49, 54, 58, 64) records that there were four worlds, or petiods, previous to that in which Manco Capac and his successors acceded to power; these worlds or periods were those of the Uariviracocharuna, of the Uariruna, of the Purunruna and of the Aucaruna, which lasted eight hundred, thirteen hundred, eleven hundred and two thousand one hundred years. There was a total, then, of five successive worlds. The first world was associated with the god Viracocha. The other writers who also mentioned five worlds were Murtia and Montesinos. Murtia (1613 cap. 27) writes that before this world or sun there existed another four suns which perished each in a different way. Montesinos (1957, p-. 31, 48) calls a world which lasts a thousand years, Capac huatan, or Intip huatan, ie. the great year, or the year of the sun. Every thousand years a sun perished and a new one came into being and all dating was started anew. Every sun was a world. Side by side with this consecutive presentation of the five suns there was

also a simultaneous one, recorded by Cieza (1945, p. 229, 230) from the mountain people of the Huanca in Central Peru. Formerly there were many demons in the country of the Huanca, who terrified the people. Once, however, after five suns had appeared in the sky, the demons all disappeared. The dwelling of the demon Huarivillca was burnt down completely. Montesinos connected the five worlds with the Sun, while Poma associated them with Viracocha. To the Huanca the five simultaneous suns were the opponents of Huartvillca, who was identical with Viracocha (Pachacuti Yamqui 1950, p. 211, 231, 232). Huartvillca is also described as having five manifestations; this 1s recorded not from the Huanca, but their enemies, the population of Huarochiri, the people with whom the Huanca associated Huarivillca. With relation to Huarochiri I described before 1°) the myth about the fight between Pariacaca, the god of the coastal region, and Huallallo Carhuinchu, the god of

the mountains, who fled to the country of the Huanca. Pariacaca was the son of Coniraya Viracocha, and was therefore associated with him. Pariacaca was said to have been born from five eggs (Avila 1939, p. 82, 87) in the form of five falcons which later turned into five men, brothers. Pariacaca in this myth had five manifestations. In the examples above, then, we again encountered a consecutive as well as a simultaneous presentation of the quinquepartition. In the consecutive one there was mention of five successive worlds each connected with one of the 10) See V § 13 b, p. 169.

Int. Arch. f. Ethn., Suppl. to Vol. L 16

220 VII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION

five suns or one of the five Viracocha. In the simultaneous presentation there was mention of five suns, or five sons of Viracocha, who were in fact one. § 4. The quinquepartition among the Inca, which was expressed above all in the system of age classes, was an important factor, as I see it, in the forma-

tion of the historical image of the five rulers of Hurin-Cuzco and five of Hanan-Cuzco, as well as in the extension of the eight-class organization into a ten-class system. This extension, however, was also influenced by another form

of organization which was based on decempartition. The Inca had, in my opinion, taken over this decempartition from other peoples; there is no reason, however, for assuming that the organization into five age classes was not indigenous among the Inca. The decempartition and quinquepartition may indeed

have been related to one another. Before entering into the question of the quinquepartition I shall first touch on the decempartition. Several of the chroniclers describe a form of organization the Inca applied in the administration of their empire. In this form of organization ten grown men with their households were treated as one group, called a chunca; ten of these chunca constituted a group of a hundred, the pachaca; ten pachaca a group of a thousand, the huaranca; and ten groups of a thousand a group of ten-thousand, the huno. One of my main reasons for arguing that this decimal organization was not native to Inca civilisation is its distribution in the areas which once belonged to the Inca empire, as is clear from the documents of the Spanish church and of the civil administration which I was able to examine in the archives of the capitals and in many other towns and villages in Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia. The terms pachaca and huaranca hardly occurred at all in such documents from South Peru (I shall cite two instances later 11), while they were in frequent use from Central Peru — the Ancash valley — to North Peru 12). In the Otuzco repartimiento, Moche valley, (A.N.L. Leg. 6, Cuad. 116, aflo 1647) the terms pachaca and huaranca were used only to refer to groups. From Central Peru to the south of Bolivia, on the other hand, the terms Hanan and Hurin frequently occurred. North of that region they were not mentioned at all, but for a few exceptions, for example in the towns of Cajamarca and Quito, where there is evidence of strong Inca influence. The terms Collana, Payan and Cayao and 11) See this paragraph pp. 221-224. 12) The only document which I have seen in which all the ten pachaca of one huaranca were listed, concerned a huaranca of Cajamarca. According to a document dating from 1594 (B.N.LL. no. A 14, p. 19 ff) the huaranca of Chonta in Cajamarca comprised the following 10 pachaca:

Pincomarco, Nepos, Polloque, Xampoden, Catache, Lesachi, Ayoque, Sefian, Quepan and Payaques.

VIII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION 221 synonyms occurred mainly, and probably exclusively, in Central and South Peru.

For these reasons, among others, it seems most likely to me that the decimal organization was adopted by the Inca from the kingdom of Chimu which was centred around the Moche valley and had been conquered by the Inca. It was probably the Inca, however, who extended the decimal organization in a manner derived from their own culture; this extension was not inherent per se in the prototype of the decimal organization which the Inca had adopted, for no instances of this extension are to be found in North Peru. The Inca divided the group of a hundred into two groups of fifty, the group of a thousand into two groups of five hundred, and the group of ten thousand into two of five thousand each. They also created a group of forty thousand, called a huaman; this number, according to Santillan (1950, p. 47, 48) and to the ‘Sehores que sirvieron .... (Sehores 1904, p. 201), agreed with that of the population of a valley or a province. From the two instances at my disposal of the application of the decimal organization it appeared, that the Inca made the pachaca co-incide with the

| groups of the existing forms of organization and, whenever possible, did the same with the pichcapachaca (the groups of five hundred) and the huaranca. These instances, in my opinion, convincingly demonstrate that with such terms as pachaca, pichcapachaca and huaranca the Inca attempted in the first place to class existing groups into these categories and then, as far as possible, to apply the sub-division of these groups, like the pachaca, inside the huaranca or the pichcapachaca. It was definitely not their intention to designate by the terms pachaca, pichcapachaca and huaranca, groups which really did contain a hundred, five hundred and a thousand heads of families and their families. If this conclusion is correct, it follows that the division of Cuzco into ten groups can be connected with this decimal organization. The first instance I shall cite of the application in South Peru of the decimal system, probably under the influence of the Inca administration, is the organt-

zation of the villages in Collaguas province, which was mentioned once before 13). Every village consisted of three ayllu of three hundred Indians each.

The author of the chronicle on Collaguas province probably arrived at this number under the influence of the fact that in every ayllu there were three pachaca. Thus, a village organization consisted of nine pachaca. There is not a single indication of any addition of an odd sub-ayllu by the Inca to this organi-

| zation of three ayllu and nine sub-ayllu, in order merely to complete the ! huaranca. It has to be assumed that the Inca referred to a whole village organt-

| zation of nine pachaca by the term huaranca. The pichcapachaca could not

| 13) See V § 1), p. 117.

222 VIII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION

have any part in such kinds of village organizations. Finally, it seems most unlikely that there should in fact have been a hundred families in each pachaca.

The village organizations in Collaguas province were wholly similar to that of the village of Acos 14). In this village it does not seem to me to be possible that Cuzco ayllu (Hanansaya), the ayllu of the government, was as large as Acos ayllu or Anahuarque ayllu, to which the population proper of the village belonged. These last two ayllu were probably both much larger than Cuzco ayllu. It could be said that the Cuzco, Acos and Anahuarque ayllu were comparable units as were their sub-divisions into Collana, Payan and Cayao.

The second instance is taken from the organization of the village of San Jeronimo as it appears from the register of marriages in the parish church from

the years 1712 to 1745 (San Jerénimo, Libro de Casamientos 1712-1745), San Jerénimo and San Sebastian (Sahu) are two villages in the Cuzco valley in which there still survive panaca and ayllu which must date from pre-conquest days. In this register from San Jerénimo these panaca and ayllu were distributed in the following manner over the five pachaca. First pachaca: Collana, Chahuen-Cuzco, Callampata, Churucata Second pachaca: Succssu, Aucailli, Oro Acamana Third pachaca: Huecachirau, Apumaita, Andamachay (Uscamaita), Huahuant Fourth pachaca: Raurauhua, Cori, Chima, Anahuarque Fifth pachaca: Yanacona, Colloncas, Qqemaquiro, Piron, Surama. But for two exceptions the distribution of the panaca over the first four pachaca appears to be the same as that of the panaca in Cuzco over the suyu I, III, II and IV. Collana ayllu in San Jerénimo was, as I surmised before 15) identified with Capac ayllu and Hatun ayllu together. Vicaquirao panaca, written Huecachirau in San Jeronimo, was classed in this village in the third pachaca, which corresponded with suyu II in Cuzco; Uru ayllu, which together with Vicaquirao

panaca in Cuzco was linked to one group of ceque, occurs in San Jerénimo under the name of Oro Acamana in the second pachaca, where it corresponds in position to suyu IIT in Cuzco. Usca Mayta panaca is not mentioned in San Jeronimo. One of the people whose marriage was registered in the column of the third pachaca however, was said to belong to the ‘Uscamaita from Andamachay’ ayllu. It can be assumed therefore that Andamachay is just another name for Usca Mayta panaca. In San Jeronimo the Inca attempted to class the people who had come from Cuzco into a pichcapachaca, and to make the five pachaca take over the function of the four suyu in Cuzco. The Yanacona belonged to the fifth pachaca. The fourth and fifth pachaca together occupied 14) See V§ 1c, p. 118. 15) See IV § 2, p. 85.

VIII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION 223

the position of suyu IV in Cuzco, for in Cuzco the Yanacona belonged to IV. In San Jeronimo, then, can be seen an attempt at adapting a quinquepartition to the original quadripartition; but we might also make the tentative supposition that the redoubling of the original 9 ceques of Cuntisuyu to 15, as we find them in the cequesystem, was meant as an adaptation of the fourfold suyu division of Cuzco to a quinquepartition. From a comparison of the organization of San Jerénimo with that of presentday San Sebastian and of Acos, it becomes clear how the Inca envisaged a division into two moieties by means of the division of the huaranca into two pichcapachaca and similarly, of the huno into two pichcahuaranca, or of the pachaca into two pichcachunca. This conclusion can be drawn for the following reasons. In San Sebastian (L. Aguilar 1925, p. 21-23) there are two ayllu: Safiu and Ayarmaca. The original population of the village and the panaca of Cuzco belonged to Safu. Their economic functions indicate that they were identified with the centre of the village, and Ayarmaca ayllu with the surrounding region. Safu ayllu can therefore be compared with Cuzco ayllu (Hanansaya) and Acos ayllu (Hurinsaya) in Acos, and Ayarmaca ayllu with Anahuarque ayllu in Acos. Sahu ayllu could also be compared to the population proper of Cuzco in the first representation of the organization of Cuzco (I + II), and Ayarmaca to the surrounding population (III + IV). The pichcapachaca to which San Jerénimo belonged would have to be compared to Safiu ayllu in San Sebastian, or the suyu I and II in Cuzco. But then a second pichcapachaca which corresponded to the Ayarmaca in San Sebastian (or to Anahuarque ayllu in Acos, or to IT + IV in Cuzco) can be assumed to have existed beside the first one. In this way the whole organization of San Jerénimo probably constituted a huaranca. It was fitted into the decimal system in a completely different way to the organization of Acos. But if the Inca really did try to fit existing organizations into a decimal system, then this seems to demonstrate that the terms huaranca, pichcapachca and pachaca were no more than symbolical ones for the different categories of different groups. The decimal system as applied by the Inca might perhaps best be compared with the presentday Western decimal system of cataloguing books 1n libraries (the U.D.C.) 16). 16) Concerning the further application of the decimal organization by the Inca in the administration of their empire, as here assumed, we have the following data. According to Santillan

(1950, pp. 47-48) and the “Sefiores que sirvieron ...” (Sefiores 1904, p. 201) the group of 40,000 bore the name of huaman, and this group was the population of a province. The ~ huaman was, according to them, divided into Hanan and Hurin. If we were to apply this organization to the province of Collaguas (see V § 1 b, pp. 115-117) this would mean that this province was a huaman, and the four subprovinces Yamqui Hanansaya, Yamqui Hurinsaya, Lari Hanansaya and Lari Hurinsaya each a huno (= 10,000). In these four huno, each of the villages formed a huaranca and the subdivisions of these villages the pachaca.

224 VHI. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION

Having reached this conclusion about the nature of the group called pachaca

we might also offer a tentative interpretation of the word pachaca itself. It might be that it did not originally refer to the number 100, but that it derived the first meaning from its stem pacha, which is an indication of place. So the first meaning of the word pachaca would have been “local group” and only after that, to mark it off from other kinds of, smaller and bigger, local groups, it took the meaning of 100. § 5. a) Now that we have recognised the true nature of the decimal organtzation in the Inca Empire, it can also be shown how the Inca tried to adapt the organization of Cuzco to the decimal system. In the third representation they extended the four marriage classes of Hanan-Cuzco and of Hurin-Cuzco to five, and the number of the chiefs of the marriage classes was accordingly increased to ten 17). The adaptation of the decimal organization in Cuzco was probably influenced or made possible by the fact that this form of organization was regarded as being related to the indigenous Inca organization into five age classes. The fact that the ten chiefs were presented as belonging to one dynasty of ten rulers was therefore due not only to the identification of the ten parts with marriage classes 18), but also to the fact that a similarity was seen to exist between the decimal organization and that into five age classes which last organization was shown to have simultaneous as well as consecutive aspects 19). Characteristics similar to those of the marriage classes were ascribed to the age classes.

. I shall illustrate this by two instances. The first instance demonstrates the identity or similarity between the parts of the decempartition and the marriage classes and age classes, for groups of ceque in the organization of Cuzco could relate to the ten parts while at the same time also relating to marriage classes and age classes. The second instance demonstrates that the ten parts as marriage classes in the consecutive presentation and the age classes both were fitted into a time scale which was based on the quinquepartition and the decempartition. Both instances demonstrate that above all a hierarchic distinction was made between the marriage classes and the age classes. "The first instance relates to the manner in which the group of the yanacona in the second representation were integrated into the organization of Cuzco. 17) As I have already noted, it seems probable to me that the Inca took over the decimal organization of the Chimu. An example of a decempartition as in Cuzco can also be found in Chimu culture. The capital of the Chimu, Chanchan, was composed of various districts which were entirely independent of each other, indicated in Spanish by “‘ciudadelas”’ or “little towns’. Even today ten such districts can be distinguished in the ruins of Chanchan, and when the city was built in the Chimu period it probably contained the same number. 18) See V § 2, pp. 122-128. 19) See VIII § 2, p. 218.

VU. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION 225

In Cuntisuyu (IV) there was a quinquepartition into five groups of ceque which corresponded to the quinquepartition in the Piscachuri (= “five sons’’) ayllu of the village of Puquio. Since Yanaca ayllu in Ayamaraes province corresponded to Piscachuri ayllu in Puquio and to Cuntisuyu in Cuzco, I considered that it could be assumed that the quinquepartition should be associated with the group of the yanacona 2°). The position of the yanacona was probably similar to that of the aclla. If this can indeed be proved by the following argument, it will follow that a quinquepartition, similar to that described by Poma for the aclla of the Sun can be expected among the yanacona and that this quinquepartition was expressed in the quinquepartition of Cuntisuyu. Like the aclla 21), the yanacona were also divided into the yanacona of the Sun and the yanacona of the Inca (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 51, p. 229; Poma

1944, foja 266; Castro and Ortega Morején 1936, p. 245). Although the position of the yanacona became one of serfdom during the Spanish period, it had been much higher and entirely different in nature under the Inca. Poma de Ayala (1944, foja 266) classifies the yanacona with the chattels, — like golden and silver objects, estates and cattle —, of the Sun, i.e. the temple of the Sun. In the same way in which the aclla of the Sun and of the Inca were the most beautiful girls and were moreover chosen from the highest classes, the yanacona, according to Santillan (1950, p. 62-64), were the men with the best physical build and mostly the sons of curaca chiefs. They were the servants

specifically of the Inca and of the deceased Inca. They were exempt from taxation and as they were withdrawn from the authority of their curaca, placed directly under the governor of the Inca, who used them in his service. Some of them were sent to Cuzco and later made into curaca of the provinces. The Inca also kept the sons of the curaca with him as tokens of subjection and servility, these youths being brought to him when they had reached a suitable age. San-

tillan finally records that the Inca gave such aclla as were not intended for service in the temples or for the huaca in marriage to people whom he wished to favour, which he did regularly to his servants and yanacona. Castro and Ortega Morején (1936, p. 245) confirm specifically that the aclla were also given in marriage to yanacona of the Sun 22). Particularly this last piece of information on these marriages between aclla and yanacona shows that these two groups were considered as equivalent. Like 20) See IV § 2b, p. 82, § 3, p. 99. 21) See VIII § 2, p. 217. 22) A confirmation of the equation of aclla with yanacona is also seen in the following passage from Pachacuti Yamqui (1950, p. 224; see also p. 247). In connection with his description of the various kinds of aclla he says: “Likewise they had brought up many boys who were not allowed to come into contact with women; these later served as soldiers...’’.

226 VIII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION

the aclla of the Sun, the yanacona of the Sun may be expected to have been divided into five age classes which, in a hierarchic order, were in the service of particular classes of holy places. If this supposition is correct, it might demon-

strate in two ways how the Inca saw a resemblance between the age classes and marriage classes.

The first way relates to the quinquepartition in Cuntisuyu. It seems likely that these five groups of ceque were used to designate the five age classes of the yanacona of the Sun especially since the site or sites, considered holy because of their connection with the mythical origin of the whole community of the city of Cuzco, were associated in the second representation with Cuntisuyu

in particular 23). The extension in Cuntisuyu from three to five groups of ceque must be seen in the light of the second representation since in this extension use was made of the group of ceque IV 3, which played a role only in the second representation. As the whole class of the yanacona was classed in Cuntisuyu, this marriage class was regarded as an endogamous group, and also as an ayllu which was in turn divided into three marriage classes 24). Under the influence of the quinquepartition these three marriage classes were extended to five 25), The second instance of the way in which the Inca saw a resemblance between the age classes and marriage classes concerns the data on the five age classes

of the yanacona. The yanacona of the Sun were classed in IV and also as a sub-group of I in I 3 26) in the second representation of the organization of Cuzco. As was shown above, the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco in the second representation, were placed as the chiefs of marriage classes in I 1, II 1, HI 1 and IV 1, and the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco in I 2, II 2, II 2 and IV 2. The rulers were thus presented as being contemporary chiefs (1.e. the simultaneous aspect).

If they are treated as the rulers of the whole of Cuzco, who belonged to two dynasties (i.e. the consecutive aspect), then it would follow that the five rulers 23) See V § 10 c, pp. 160-161. 24) See VI § 6, pp. 183-192. 25) That the age classes of the yanacona were compared with five marriage classes and seen as an extension of three marriage classes is once again demonstrated by a comparison of the data

of the yanacona with the names of the age classes of the aclla of the sun. The system in the adjustment of the five age classes of the yanacona to the three groups of ceque in Cuntisuyu was the same as the system of the naming of the fingers of the hand (see VIII note 5). A similar

system is also recognisable in the naming of the five age classes of the aclla of the sun (see VIII note 8). The 1st, 3rd and Sth fingers as well as the Ist, 3rd and 5th age classes of the aclla were distinguished from each other in the same way as the three groups of an ayllu were distinguished as white, black-and-white, black or Collana, Payan, Cayao. We may then speak here of a correspondence in the nomenclature of the age classes and of the groups Collana, Payan and Cayao in their function of marriage classes. 26) See V § 10 4, p. 158.

VIII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION 227

of Hanan-Cuzco were all linked to I 1, in the first as well as in the second presentation 27), and similarly the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco were all linked to I 2.

It seems to me that this recurrence of quinquepartitions: the five rulers of Hanan-Cuzco in I 1, the five rulers of Hurin-Cuzco in I 2 and the five age classes of yanacona in I 3, can be taken as an indication of the fact that the relationships between the rulers of one moiety were regarded in the same way as those between the age classes. The information on the Yanacona in my opinion showed that the Inca saw a similarity and an identity in nature between the age classes and marriage classes. This similarity was an operative factor in the extension of the system in the third representation to five groups in Hanan-Cuzco and five in HurinCuzco, which resulted in a decimal organization which corresponded to that of the Chimu, in their capital Chanchan, and to the decimal form of division into pachaca, huaranca, etc. Partly owing to this factor — because the age classes always had a simultaneous as well as a consecutive aspect 28) — a situation was created in which the image of the so-called history of the Inca, namely

| that of a dynasty of ten rulers, could originate. b) In the preceding chapters data from the so-called history of the Inca were used to explain the social organization of Cuzco. The chiefs of the ten parts, distributed over two moieties of five each, on which the organization of Cuzco was based, were presented as so many kings in a dynasty. The time scale of the world as it had existed was, according to the Inca, based on a combination

of the quinquepartition and the decempartition as it was expressed in the decimal form of organization 29). The history of the Inca was also fitted into this system. This adaptation makes it all the more clear that the extension of the organization of Cuzco from eight classes in the third representation to an organization into ten marriage classes, was brought about under the influence of the quinquepartition and decempartition as they are known from the organization into five age classes and from the decimal organization which comprised the pachaca, the pichcapachaca and the huaranca. To begin with I shall give an outline of the Inca system of dividing time. According to Montesinos (1957, p. 31, 48) and Poma (1944, foja 49, 54, 58, 64) the Inca believed that they were living in the fifth world. The previous worlds, as Montesinos informs us, had each lasted a thousand years. Each

period, called Capac huatan, or Intip huatan, was divided by the Inca into periods of a hundred years each, and these periods in turn into periods of ten 27) See IV § 2 f, p. 90, V § 4.¢, pp. 132-133. 28) See VIII § 2, p. 218. 29) See VIII § 4, pp. 220-224.

228 VIII, QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION

years each. One half of a Capac huatan was called Pachacuti and lasted five hundred years. In this system there was not only question of dating. For, according to Montesinos, every thousand years one sun perished, a new one came into being and

the counting of the years began again. On these occasions, and also when a pachacuti had run its full course, i.e. twice every thousand years, great changes were brought about. This material, then, conveys a strong impression that the quinquepartite organization was combined with a decimal one and that originally a pachacuti merely stood for a change from one world to the next. This is the impression

one gets from Poma, for he speaks only of five kinds of people who each lived in one of the five worlds. He uses the word pachacuti (1944, foja 49) in connection with the origin of man in the first world; this was supposed to have taken place after the Flood, that is to say after the ‘uno uaco pachacuti’. Just as periods of five years each were part of the organization into five age classes, so they probably also fitted into the time scale as recorded by Montesinos. These periods can be regarded as being identical to the halves of the periods of ten years mentioned by Montesinos. The Inca thus combined a consecutive representation of the moiety organization with the consecutive representation of the decimal organization 3°). In accordance with his picture of the five suns, or worlds, Montesinos devotes his whole chronicle to the description of a dynasty of more than a hundred rulers, who covered the whole period from the beginning of the first sun to the conquest of the Inca Empire by the Spaniards. Every ruler whose reign co-incided with the transition from one Intip huatan to the next, or from one Pachacuti to the next, received the epithet Pachacuti. As the ruler Pachacuti, known to us through the other authors as well — according to Montesinos — was the ninth ruler with this name, we have to assume that during his reign the fifth world began. Another chronicler, Blas Valera (1950, p. 162, 164) confirms that the well known ruler Pachacuti was the ninth and last to bear this name. He also writes of the deeds of the seventh Pachacuti (1950, p. 166). Montesinos’ chronicle is considered to be of little value by present-day authors

on the culture of the Inca, for they all held that the existence of a dynasty of more than a hundred rulers was impossible. It appears, however, that other chroniclers of proved reliability tried to harmonize the history of the Inca — which they all presented as beginning with Manco Capac — with the duration 30) Support for the conclusion that the periods of the age classes were fitted into the system of divisions of time can be found in Garcilaso (1945, Tomo II, libro VI, cap. VIII). He is the only chronicler to say that the periods of age classes were not five years but ten. He divided the entire life of a man into periods of ten years.

VII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION 229 of one Pachacuti, or of one sun. We, on the one hand, conclude from this that in all the chronicles Inca history had the same character as in Montesinos’ work. On the other hand Montesinos’ version of the history of the Inca can be regarded as being no more than a reasoned elaboration of the tradition of the five worlds which he was not the only one to be acquainted with. Three of the chroniclers, Sarmiento, Cabello Valboa and Vazquez de Espinosa give detailed chronologies of the history of the Inca rulers. As appears from their data, the history of the Inca lasted a thousand years according to Sarmiento, and five hundred according to Vazquez de Espinosa 31). Cabello Valboa distinguishes between two periods in the history: the first, which could be called

the mythical period, which lasted five hundred years, and the second, the historical period, of which the dates given by him are acceptable. According to all three authors the history of the Inca began with Manco Capac. The difficulty, however, was where to end the period of a thousand, or five hundred, years, whether with the ruler Pachacuti, after Tupac Yupanqui’s reign, or whether

with the arrival of the Spaniards or even later. These three authors, or their Inca informants, each tried in their own way to solve the difficulty. For Sarmiento the history of the Inca had lasted a thousand years, and, originally, the ten rulers from Manco Capac to Tupac Yupanqui each reigned a hundred years. But since the history of the Inca continued after the reign of Tupac Yupanqui, Sarmiento also included these later rulers within the time span of the same sun, or world. It 1s possible, however, to reconstruct how he achieved this presentation.

Cabello Valboa was faced with a different difficulty. His chronicle makes one more clearly aware of the fact that each period of five hundred years was marked by a Pachacuti, or change of worlds at each end. These two Pachacuti in the history of the Inca were the conquest of Cuzco by Manco Capac and the defence of the town by the ruler Pachacuti against the Chanca 32). The period between these two events lasted five hundred years. Everything that happened after the last event lay outside this period. Thus Cabello Valboa adhered most closely to the concept of the successive Pachacuti as climactic changes. He did not, however, in this picture of history take into account the extension of the organization of eight marriage classes to that into ten panaca with which the ten rulers from one dynasty were associated. In the version of the history of the Inca by Vazquez de Espinosa the Pacha31) Vazquez de Espinosa, who probably wrote his chronicle in 1629, faithfully follows Garcilaso de la Vega in his data on the deeds of the rulers. Both add a ruler between Pachacuti and Tupac Yupanqui, namely Inca Yupanqui. But Vazquez de Espinosa must have taken his chronology from another source, unknown to us. 32) See V § 10 a, pp. 156-157.

230 VUI. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION

cuti which put an end to a period of five hundred years was the conquest of the Inca Empire by the Spaniards. In his version the concept of the period of five hundred years is clearest.

Sarmiento’s version of the history of the Inca, which was probably the original one, demonstrates most clearly of all the similarity between the history

of the Inca, the Inca system of time scale, and the decimal organization of Cuzco. In order to show why this is probably the original version, I shall first touch on the versions by Vazquez de Espinosa and Cabello Valboa.

According to Vazquez de Espinosa (1948, § 1536, p. 529) Manco Capac and his sister Mama Occlo, left Lake Titicaca in 1025. In 1031, after much wandering, they founded Cuzco which was to be the capital of the Inca Empire for five hundred years. The length of the rulers’ reign was as follows: (Vazquez de Espinosa, 1948, § 1587, p. 549): Manco Capac — forty years, Sinchi Roca — thirty-four years, Lloque Yupanqui — thirty-six years, Mayta Capac — thirty years, Capac Yupanqui — forty years, Inca Roca — fifty years, Yahuar Huacac — thirty years, Viracocha — sixty years, Pachacuti — sixty years, Inca Yupanqui — thirty years, Tupac Yupanqui — forty years, Huayna Capac — forty-two years, and Huascar — eight years. The final ruler succeeded in 1523 and was murdered in 1531 at the command of Atahuallpa, who was then already in Spanish hands. The remarkable feature of Vazquez de Espinosa’s account 1s that the reigns of all the Inca rulers together lasted exactly five hundred years, and that this period was calculated not from the beginning but from the end, that is to say from the moment when the history of the Inca made way for that of the Spanish, which was a change of worlds (Vazquez de Espinosa, 1948, § 1586, p. 549). The lengths of the rulers’ reigns are too well rounded and to improbably long to inspire much trust from the purely historical point of view. The significance of this account, in my opinion, lies in the fact that he presents the history of the Inca as having lasted exactly five hundred years, one pachacuti, and that he calculated this period from the end. This final event was of such magnitude to the Inca that it counted to them as a change of worlds; this change of worlds was also called Pachacuti.

This conclusion is corroborated by Cabello Valboa’s version of the history of the Inca. To him the change of worlds, the pachacuti, was the defeat of the Chanca by the ruler who was, on account of this event, called Pachacuti. Rowe (1945, p. 265-284; 1946, p. 203) has remarked on the great difference between Cabello Valboa’s dates for the period since Pachacuti began his reign (i.e. after he had defeated the Chanca) and those for the rulers before Pachacuti. The dates from Pachacuti onwards are as follows:

VIII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION 231

Viracocha Inca deposed 1438

Pachacuti reigns 1438—1471 Tupac Yupanqui assumes the high command of the army 1463 Tupac Yupanqui reigns 1471—1493 The conquest of Chile 1473 Huayna Capac reigns 1493—1525

Huascar reigns 1525—1532

These dates look completely reliable from a historical point of view, in contrast to the dates before that of Pachacuti’s accession to the throne.

According to Cabello Valboa (1951, cap. 10, p. 270, 271) Manco Capac died at the age of ninety-one, in the year 1006, after a reign of more than

Sinchi Roca 1083 Lloque Yupanqui 1161

sixty years. The years of the other rulers’ deaths are:

Mayta Capac 1226 Capac Yupanqui 1306

Inca Roca 1356 Yahuar Huacac 1386 Viracocha Inca 1438

(Cabello Valboa, 1951, cap. 11-14, pp. 280, 286, 289, 291, 294, 296, 301). Manco Capac’s reign must then have started one or more years before 946 A.D. or after 936, as in 1006 he had ruled for more than sixty years. If the year 1438 was equally critical to Cabello Valboa in his calculation of the reigns of the rulers before this year as 1531 was to Vazquez de Espinosa, then it 1s vety well possible that Manco Capac conquered Cuzco in 938 and began his reign in that year and that in this manner the time span between this date and Pachacuti’s battle against the Chanca did indeed cover exactly five hundred years.

If this interpretation of Cabello Valboa’s dates is correct, it corroborates the following facts, or conclusions. The conquest of Cuzco by Manco Capac and the

defence of Cuzco against the Chanca by Pachacuti were events of the same magnitude as changes of worlds, or pachacuti 83). The time span between these two pachacuti was five hundred years, and Montesinos called this period also a Pachacuti. While Vazquez de Espinosa took the point at which the history

of the Inca ended and the history of the Spaniards took its beginning as the last change of worlds, Cabello Valboa, on the other hand took an event which belonged completely to the history and culture of the Inca and was in no way 33) See V § 10 a, pp. 156-157.

232 VIII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION subjected to Spanish influence. It is noteworthy, however, that Cabello Valboa took no account in his choice of the critical date of the extension of the organization of Cuzco under the influence of the quinquepartition or decempartition. This extension obscured the central position occupied by Pachacuti, and his defense of Cuzco against the Chanca, for the explanation of the organization of Cuzco, which had come to consist of ten ayllu and ten panaca associated

with ten rulers. Sarmiento, on the other hand, in his original version of the history of the Inca, did take this extension into account. That is why he was not only able to make the duration of the whole of the history of the Inca, but also the duration of the dynasties of Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco and the reigns of the rulers themselves fit in with the time scale. As Vazquez de Espinosa and Cabello Valboa dealt with dynasties of more or less than ten rulers, this last possibility was not open to them. Sarmiento’s account is as follows. Of every ruler he tells the age at death, the age at which he succeeded his predecessor, the year of his death and the duration of his reign. Manco Capac (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 14, p. 133) was thirty-six years when he left Pacarictambo and after eight years of wandering assumed the government of Cuzco.

age age at date of length

accession death of reign

cap. 14, pp. 133, 135 Manco Capac 144 44 665 A.D. 100

cap. 15, p. 136 Sinchi Roca 127 108 675 10

cap. 16, p. 138 Lloque Yupanqui 132 22 786 111 cap. 17, p. 142 Mayta Capac 112 12 896 100 cap. 18, p. 143 Capac Yupanqui 104 15 985 89

cap. 19, p. 146 - Inca Roca 123 20 1088 103 cap. 22, p. 155 Yahuar Huacac 115 19 — 96 cap. 24, p. 161 Viracocha Inca 119 18 — 101 cap. 47, pp. 219, 220 ~° Pachacuti 125 22 1191 103

cap. 54, pp. 234, 235 * Tupac Yupanqui 85 18 1258 67

cap. 62, p. 251 Huayna Capac 80 20 1524 60 cap. 69, p. 274 Huascar 40 31 1533 9 We see then, that Manco Capac began his reign in Cuzco in the year 565. At Huascar’s death, in 1533 according to Sarmiento, the total of reigns of the Inca dynasty was still thirty-two years short of a thousand. In view of the data from Vazquez de Espinosa and Cabello Valboa it seems likely that Sarmiento, or his informant, really did intend to make the Inca dynasty last a thousand years. The question now arises what significance the year 1565 had to Sarmiento, or his informant, in whose version the Inca Empire lasted a thousand

years. Before attempting to find an answer to this question, I first wish to draw attention to a few peculiarities in Sarmiento’s dates. From these peculiarities

VIII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION 233 we may deduce that his version of the history of the Inca was based on another, an original version which had been the product of the Inca concepts of their

own history. In this original version there could have been place only for a dynasty of ten rulers, each of whom ruled for a hundred years. There is an odd confusion in Sarmiento’s records of the deaths of the rulers. No dates are given for the deaths of Yahuar Huacac and Viracocha Inca. Inca Roca died in 1088, Pachacuti in 1191, and the latter’s reign lasted a hundred and three years. According to Sarmiento’s dates, Inca Roca was succeeded by

Pachacuti and he by Tupac Yupanqui. Tupac Yupanqui died in 1258, but Huayna Capac in 1524, although he had reigned as the former’s successor for no more than sixty years. We get the impression that by mentioning the year 1524 Sarmiento rectifies his mistake and again includes the reigns of Yahuar Huacac and Viracocha in his calculations. But if one follows this calculation through, the year 1515, and not 1524 is arrived at. Nine years are missing. Sarmiento also made a mistake with relation to Sinchi Roca’s reign. This ruler

began his reign at the age of a hundred-and-eight and died at the age of a hundred-and-twenty-seven. He nevertheless is reported to have ruled for only ten years. It is very possible that there were nine years too many here which were missing elsewhere in the chronology. The year of Huayna Capac’s death (1524) is almost wholly in accordance with Vazquez de Espinosa and Cabello Valboa. On account of the dates of their deaths Sarmiento groups Inca Roca, Pachacuti and Tupac Yupanqui together and ascribes an order of succession in this group. Comparably, Cobo and Molina classed the panaca of these rulers into one group. The panaca were linked to the ceque I 3, I 2 and I 1, in the same order as that of the succession of the rulers. Because the years of their deaths were not mentioned, Yahuar Huacac and Viracocha Inca were also classed as a group. The reason and cause for the confusion in Sarmiento’s dates was obviously the nature of the organization of Cuzco. On account of his historically reliable date of death, Huayna Capac was dealt with completely separately from Tupac Yupanqui and his predecessors, whose dates of death are not reliable. From this it can also be concluded that for Sarmiento history in the Inca sense of the word ended with the death of Tupac Yupanqui. Now that it is clear what significance these dates from Inca history had in Sarmiento’s eyes, and how he used them, other features can be noted which throw light on the relationship between the history and the social organization of Cuzco. All the rulers up to and including Pachacuti reigned for about a hundred years each. Manco Capac reigned for exactly one hundred years. According to Sarmiento, Mayta Capac too reigned for one hundred years. Nevertheless this

234 VIII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION

ruler died in 896 A.D. and his father, Lloque Yupanqui in 786. This is a difference of 110 years. We must therefore accept that Sarmiento also at this point made a mistake. Lloque Yupangui and Capac Yupanqui reigned for exactly two hundred years between them, and Inca Roca, Yahuar Huacac and Viracocha Inca together for exactly three hundred years. It even seems as if Sarmiento substracted a few years from the reigns of Capac Yupanqui and Yahuar Huacac and added them to the reigns of Lloque Yupanqui, Inca Roca and Viracocha Inca with the sole purpose of making these periods of exactly a hundred years each seem slightly less improbable. Only his datum on Sinchi Roca does not agree with that on the other rulers. Although he reaches about the same age as the other rulers, approximately a hundred-and-twenty years, he is already a hundred-and-eight when he succeeds his father and then reigns only for a short time. The other rulers, on the other hand, began their rule as youths, at about twenty. This conveys the impression that Sarmiento for some special reason altered Sinchi Roca’s age at his accession, for this difference between his age at accession and that of the other rulers is too obvious. The reason for this seems to me to be that Sarmiento had to add a few rulers to a dynasty of ten rulers who together ruled for a thousand years and nevertheless had to adhere to the period of a thousand years. It therefore became necessary to substract a number of years from the reigns of the first ten rulers. Only the reigns of Sinchi Roca and of Tupac Yupanqui among the first ten rulers are considerably shorter than a hundred years each, and that of Mayta Capac 1s a few years longer. Sarmiento probably used the years he saved by this manoeuvre for the reigns of Huayna Capac and Huascar, and for the thirty-two years after

the death of Huascar. It can be concluded from this that in the original version of the history of the Inca, as presented by Sarmiento, there was question of a thousand year old Inca Empire in which the ten rulers of both dynasties ruled a hundred years each. This history of the Inca was probably purely mythical. The aims of this history in the Inca view was to give a picture not of the past of the Inca, but to - express the system of the social organization of Cuzco. Partly because the mutual

relationships between the age classes and those of the marriage classes were conceived of as being really equivalent, the organization into two moieties, each divided into four marriage classes, was extended to a system of ten marriage classes. The fact that the five rulers of Hanan-Cuzco and the five rulers of Hurin-Cuzco were connected with marriage classes and with periods of a hundred years and the five groups of Yanacona with the age classes lasting five years each, merely pointed to the hierarchic difference between the rulers _ and the Yanacona. There remains only the question why Sarmiento in his altered, later, version

VIII. QUINQUEPARTITION AND DECEMPARTITION 235

of the history of the Inca had the thousand year Inca Empire end in the year 1565. It can be asserted that although, according to Sarmiento, Huascar, the last pre-conquest Inca ruler, died in 1533 and the Spaniards shortly afterwards conquered Cuzco, in the eyes of many the definite end of the Inca Empire had not yet come. Outside Cuzco an independent Inca Empire continued to exist, until in the year 1570 the last resistance was broken. Sarmiento dated his chronicle in 1572. It is possible, therefore, that a few years previously an event had taken place which had been the cause for Sarmiento or his informant to date the end of the Inca Empire as 1565. I can make one suggestion concerning such an event. In the year 1565 a messianic and revivalistic movement broke out in the southern part of Peru and Bolivia which, according to Molina (1943, p. 78-84), had its origin in Vilcabamba where the independent Inca Empire continued to exist. The movement existed till 1572, the end of the independent Inca. Molina’s description gives the impression that the movement had a great influence on the minds of the indians. It was said that the huacas, destroyed by the Christians, revived again and entered into the bodies of the adherents of the movement. These abstained from all things related to the Christians and renounced the Catholic faith. In the same way as before the Christian God had slain the huacas, the reenforced huacas would now expel the Christian God and the Spaniards from the country. The movement thus could have all the characteristics of a Pachacuti: a change back from the Christian to the Inca world. This idea is even reenforced 1f we

compare this movement with the episode in Inca history in which the future king Pachacuti defeats the Chanca army. This incident meant for Cabello Valboa the end of a Pachacuti, a period of 500 years. The king Pachacutt was helped in his struggle by an army of supernatural men, the Pururauca, sent

by the creator Viracocha, which men later turned into stones (Cobo T. II, libro XII, cap X, p. 75). So it seems that Pachacuti too was helped by huacas, made into men for the occasion. The revivalistic, messianic movement in 1565

could very well be the reason why in the opinion of indians a new world began, that had as its starting point the end of the 1000 years old Inca Empire.

Int. Arch. f. Ethn., Suppl. to Vol. L 17

CHAPTER NINE

DATA WHICH DO NOT REFER DIRECTLY TO ANY SINGLE REPRESENTATION § 1. In each of the preceding chapters those elements from the culture of the Inca were cited, which could serve to throw light on one of the three representations of the organization of Cuzco. In these chapters, the data always

referred to one representation in particular. On account of this arrangement it was not possible to deal with phenomena which could not be associated with

or did not refer to any single one of these representations. I shall cite some of these phenomena in this chapter. In Chapter V the marriages of the rulers were mentioned. Two views of these marriages can in fact be detected in the Spanish chronicles 1). Although they all agreed that Manco Capac, the founder of the Inca dynasty, had prescribed sister marriage to his successors, the majority of the chroniclers relate that this form of marriage was not observed by the subsequent rulers. They all married non-Inca women from outside Cuzco, except for Capac Yupanqui, Tupac Yupanqui and the latter’s succesors. These marriages all fitted in completely with the second representation of the organization of Cuzco, According to the other group of chroniclers, that is to say Murta and Poma de Ayala, all rulers married their sisters. The names of the queens recorded by these two authors are completely different from those recorded by the others. It could be deduced from these names that the moieties to which the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco belonged, were exogamous. The names of these queens, then, point to a different mutual relationship between the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco than that recorded by the majority of the authors; this is the reason why I mention Murua’s and Poma’s version here. The names of the queens, according to Murua and Poma are as follows:

rulers name queen's name, according to queen’s name, according to

Muriia (1613) Poma (1944) Manco Capac (1) Mama Huaco or: Mama Huaco

Mama Ocllo (cap. 2) (foja 84, 121) Sinchi Roca (2) Chimpu coya (cap. 35) Chimbo Urma coya (foja 89, 123)

Lloque Yupanqui (3) Mama Cora or: Mama Cora Ocllo Anahuarque (cap. 7) (foja 97, 125)

1) See V § 4c, pp. 131-133.

IX. DATA NOT REFERRING TO ANY SINGLE REPRESENTATION 237

Mayta Capac (4) Chimpo Urma or: Chinbo Urma Yacincoya Mama Yache (cap. 9) Chinbo mamayachi (foja 99, 127)

Capac Yupanqui (5) Chimpo Ocllo or: Chimbo Ucllo Mamacaua Mama Cahua (cap. 14) (1st wife)

| (foja 101, 129)

Cuci chimbo mama micay coya curi ocllo

(2nd wife)

! Inca Roca (6) Cuci Chimbo or: Cucichimbo mamamicay Mama Micay (cap. 13) (foja 103, 131)

Yahuar Huacac (7) Ipa Huaco coya or: Ipa Huaco Mama machi Mama Chiquia (cap. 15) (foja 105, 133) Viracocha Inca (8) Mama Yunto coya (cap. 17) Mama Yuntocoyam (foja 107, 135)

Pachacuti (9) Ipa Huaco or: Mama Mama Anahuarque

Anahuarque (cap. 22) (foja 109, 137) Tupac Yupanqui (10) Mama Ocllo (cap. 24) Mama Ocllo (foja 111, 139)

Huayna Capac (11) Rahua Occlo (cap. 29) Rahua Occlo

(foja 114, 141)

Murua and Poma both give each queen two names. One of the two names agrees with that recorded by the other authors; this name is irrelevant here. A regular pattern can be detected in the names of the successive queens. The first, third, fifth, seventh and ninth queens all have a name which corresponds to one borne by one of Manco Capac’s four sisters. These four sisters of Manco Capac were called (Murta 1613, cap. 2; Sarmiento 1947, cap. 11, p. 118) Mama Huaco, or Ipa Huaco, Mama Cora, Mama Ocllo and Mama Rahua. Of

| the queens mentioned above, those from Hanan-Cuzco are all called Ipa Huaco ‘ and those from Hurin-Cuzco, Mama Occlo. With reference to Manco Capac’s | queen, Murua speaks of a Mama Huaco, or Mama Occlo and Poma mentions only Mama Huaco, but most of the other authors (e.g. Sarmiento 1947, cap. 12, 13, p. 121, 124, 126) record only the name Mama Ocllo for Manco Capac’s queen.

The other queens, the second, fourth and sixth, have the element Chimpu in their names, either combined with Urma or with Cusi. As for the eighth

: queen, for whom one would expect a similar name, only a name is known which corresponds to the name the other authors also record: Mama Rondocaya 2).

It seems to me that the three names Chimpu, Mama Ocllo and Mama —

! or Ipa — Huaco are basically generic names. Holguin (1608) gives the following translation for Chimpu: ‘a distinguishing mark of (llama) wool, a thread, or tassel, in different colours’, and for Intipchimpum, or cuychin quillapchimpun

| 2) See V § 9¢, p. 152.

238 IX. DATA NOT REFERRING TO ANY SINGLE REPRESENTATION

he enters: ‘aurora of sun or moon’. Mama Huaco and Ipa Huaco are also kinship terms. Mama means mother, and Ipa, FaSi; but mama huaco, according

to the chronicler Perez Bocanegra (1631, p. 609-613) also means greatgrandmother. The names Mama Ocllo and Mama — or Ipa — Huaco also refer to a division into moieties. By clarifying this reference, it becomes possible, with the aid of the terms Chimpu, Mama Ocllo and Mama — or Ipa — Huaco, to explain the kinship system in which the royal marriages, in the versions by Murua and Poma, had their place.

In the Relacién de los ceques (Cobo 1956, Tomo I], libro 13, cap. XIII, p. 170) the names Mama Ocllo and Mama Huaco refer to the groups of ceque I 3 and II 3. The nature of the reference to Mama Ocllo was as follows: the third huaca of the ceque I 3 a was called Ticicocha (the lake of origin). “This was a well in the house of Diego Maldonado. This well was sacred to the Coya, or queen, Mama Ocllo; large sacrifices were often brought to her, especially when people wanted to ask Mama Ocllo for something, for she was the most revered woman among the Indians’. The nature of the relationship of Mama Huaco to the group of ceque II 3 is indicated by the following two passages. ‘The third huaca of the eighth ceque in Collasuyu (ceque II 3 b) was called Sausero (Cobo 1956, Tomo II, libro 13, cap. XV, p. 179). It consisted of a field belonging to the descendants of Paullu-Inca, where the Inca himself went at the time of sowing in order to plough there for an instant. The harvest from this field was for sacrifices to the Sun. The day the Inca went to plough this field was a solemn day of celebration for the chiefs of Cuzco. Many sacrifices, mainly silver, gold and children, were brought in this plain’. The Sausero field, according to Molina, was consecrated to Mama Huaco. He records (1943,

p. 66): ‘The month of April they called Ayriguay; in this month the fields were harvested and the harvest stored; this was called aymoray. Those who were due to be ennobled, went out to the Sausiro field in order to fetch the corn which had been harvested. This field lay beyond the Gate) near which it was said that Mama Huaco, Manco Capac’s sister, had sown the first corn.

Every year the harvest from this field was put aside in the form of chicha (corn beer) for the body (mummy) of Mama Huaco; this was necessary for worshipping the body; in this form the corn was brought and transferred to the people who looked after the mummified body. Then, the corn was harvested, in order of importance, from the fields of the Creator, the Sun, the Moon, Thunder, the Inca, Guanacauri and all the deceased Lords’. The passage on Mama Ocllo does not mention who this Mama Ocllo was.

The analogy between this passage and that on Mama Huaco makes it likely 3) Arco Punco, i.e. outside Cuzco on the road to San Sebastian.

IX. DATA NOT REFERRING TO ANY SINGLE REPRESENTATION 239

that they both referred to Manco Capac’s sister and wife. The positions of Mama Ocllo and of Mama Huaco in the ceque system: I 3 and II 3, link them with the second representation of Cuzco; these positions could even lead to the conclusion that they were non-Inca women, came from outside Cuzco and were not even Manco Capac’s sisters. I cannot, however, enter into this question here.

. What seems to me to be relevant here is that the positions of Mama Ocllo and Mama Huaco, I 3 and II 3, express a moiety contrast which in the second representation corresponds with that of I + III to II + IV. Although it is not possible to fit the rulers’ marriages as recorded by Murda and Poma in with the second representation, for their accounts fit into a different system than those given by the other authors on the royal marriages, it is my opinion that the important thing is the moiety contrast expressed by the names Mama Ocllo and Mama Huaco, irrespective of the system in which the royal marriages are placed in the versions by Murda and Poma. The essence of this system seems to me to have been that the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco, and Mama Ocllo, belonged to one exogamous moiety, and the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco, with Mama Huaco, to the other. Murta and Poma do record that the rulers married their sisters, but as their accounts relate to the moiety system, it 1s questionable how much value the word sister has in this context. The moieties were exogamous. This is corroborated by the fact that Tupac Yupanqui, the ruler, about whom all the authors agree that he married his sister, had a Mama Ocllo as a wife, that is to say a women with whom a ruler of Hurin-Cuzco should marry. Tupac Yupanqui was the first ruler of Hanan-Cuzco to infringe the exogamy of the moieties.

So far we have encountered in the organization of Cuzco a system of exogamous moieties with four constant marriage classes. If the existence of these four marriage classes is assumed to have existed in the moieties referred to above, then the four names by which the Inca queens were called in turn, Mama Ocllo or Mama Huaco, and Chimpu Urma or Cusi Chimpu, could be regarded as indicating these marriage classes. The rulers, and the queens, could then be placed in the following four class system:

I7

Mama Huaco 3 9 Chimpu

(the numbers refer to the rulers in the list on pp. 236, 237)

If this interpretation of Muria and Poma’s accounts of the royal marriages is correct, several questions arise. One of these questions is why the rulers are classed in the four classes in a way different from that of the second represen-

240 IX. DATA NOT REFERRING TO ANY SINGLE REPRESENTATION

tation or of the third. Perhaps the four classes suggested above — for it seems certain that Murta’s and Poma’s accounts belong to a definite system— correspond to the four marriage classes of Chinchaysuyu in the first representation. This is supported by the reasonable assumption that Mama Ocllo, Mama Huaco and the other two sisters of Manco Capac each belonged to one marriage class in which in the first representation Manco Capac and his three brothers were also classed. I cannot here enter further into this question. The purpose of this reference was to mention a phenomenon which was already touched on before, and which fits completely in the framework of the problems discussed in this study but could nevertheless not be associated categorically with any one of the three representations of the organization of Cuzco.

§ 2. One particular fact or event from the history of the Inca may relate to more than one representation of the organization of Cuzco. One instance of this is the description of the marriage of Huayna Capac 4). The account that he departed from Pachacuti’s palace and his sister from that of Tupac Yupanqui, can be connected with one representation, while the account of her being accompanied by the aristocracy of Chinchaysuyu, to which, incidentally, Pachacuti also belonged, and of Huayna Capac being accompanied by the aristocracy of Collasuyu can be connected with another representation. There have also been instances, as for example that relating to Capac Yupanqui 5), of one individual being mentioned in different capacities and classed in different groups of the organization of Cuzco in the different representations. These features may explain why the accounts on the person of Atahuallpa, the last Inca ruler, are apparently so contradictory. All the chroniclers agree that Atahuallpa was a subsidiary son of Huayna Capac, that he was charged by his father with the government of the northern

parts of the Inca Empire, and that he rebelled against his brother Huascar when the latter had succeeded as the primary heir to the throne. Atahuallpa triumphed in this civil war between the brothers, captured Huascar and had him killed while he himself was in captivity of the Spaniards. According to some chroniclers (e.g. Cieza 1943, cap. LXIX, p. 314; 1945 cap. XXXVII, p. 123) Atahuallpa was the son of Huayna Capac and a princess from Quito 6).

According to Sarmiento (1947, cap. 63, p. 252) Atahuallpa’s mother be4) See VI § 4b, pp. 180-181. 5) See V § 4b, pp. 130-131, VI § 5, pp. 182-183. 6) Cieza (1943, cap. LXII, p. 289) states that according to the Indians from Cuzco the mother of Atahuallpa came from Quilaco. The inhabitants of Quito were called Quilaco (Cabello Valboa 1951, cap. 26, p. 408).

IX. DATA NOT REFERRING TO ANY SINGLE REPRESENTATION 241

longed to Pachacuti’s panaca, which was Hatun ayllu. Finally, there is a reference

in Cieza (1943, cap. LXII, p. 289) to the theory that Atahuallpa belonged to Hurin-Cuzco and another reference that the struggle between Huascar and Atahuallpa was one between Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco (Sarmiento 1947, cap. 63, p. 254). It is not altogether clear how these three contradictory statements can be connected with the three representations of the organization of Cuzco. It does, however, seem most likely to me that a solution for these contradictions must be sought in the framework of these representations.

Ld -___] 2 The indications eT 43 >| namesrelertothe [LE ceque to which

yt “ 4] aylinin Cus

—) i m4 4) yore linked.

[| LC y sf} Ld ° Orcon

Sucsu II] rb

Q Santa Rosa Square Si Collana I 1b, I 2b

E Callejon del Sol | | | | | Andamachay (= Uscamayta IT 1 b)

Ccaqsamunati a | Anahuarque IV 3b Ground-plan of San Jerénimo

§ 3. I propose now to discuss a problem which was briefly touched upon above 7). This concerns the mutual territorial relationships of the suyu and the moieties I + III and II + IV in the different representations. I twice mentioned facts which I ascribed to a potential fourth representation of the organization of Cuzco 8). In this fourth representation the Villca Uma, the high priest, belonged to Cuntisuyu. The whole of Cuzco was in Cuntisuyu and the three other suyu were situated outside the town. The fourth representation completely inverted the relationships between the suyu as they are known from the other three representations. In these three representations ChinchayT) See e.g. IV § 4, p. 102, VI § 8, p. 200. 8) See IV note 59, V note 143.

242 IX. DATA NOT REFERRING TO ANY SINGLE REPRESENTATION

suyu, to which the ruler and his close family belonged, was directly opposed to the other three suyu. This does not appear clearly from the territorial relationships of the suyu in Cuzco, although it does in the neighbouring village of San Jerénimo, where, according to the register of marriages in the church of San Jerénimo, the ten panaca and some of the ten ayllu of Cuzco were distributed over four groups which corresponded to the four suyu in Cuzco, in almost exactly the same manner. As the organization of San Jerénimo has been discussed before in Chapter VIII 9), I shall mention only what is relevant here. Instead of the panaca Capac ayllu and Hatun ayllu, which in Cuzco belonged to Chinchaysuyu, there was only one panaca to be found in San Jerénimo, called ayllu Collana 1°). Even in present-day San Jerénimo, several of the streets are

called after panaca and ayllu from Cuzco. The ground-plan of San Jerénimo is found on p. 241. If it can be assumed that a panaca or ayllu lived in its eponymous street, then it would follow that ayllu Collana lived in the centre and the other panaca and ayllu at greater or lesser distances away in conformity with their social standing in Cuzco.

The same kind of contrast as we have shown to exist between the fourth representation and all others also occurred within each of the three representations in some of their moiety oppositions. The regions involved in the moiety opposition were always the same in the three representations. As the problem only concerns the territorial oppositions within the organization of Cuzco, it is possible to use instances of it indifferently from the three representations 11). From the point of view of the first representation the problem presents itself as follows. Manco Capac and his brothers and sisters founded the city of Cuzco

on the site of the future temple of the Sun and the area which ran from that point down to the confluence of the two small streams which ran on either side of the temple of the Sun. In the first representation however, this was HurinCuzco (II) territory and Manco Capac and his brothers and their descendants belonged to Hanan-Cuzco (1), which was therefore situated outside the original centre of Cuzco, although it still lay between the two streams. In this centre, — Hurin-Cuzco —, the three ayllu Tambo, Maras and Sutic, who had come with Manco Capac and his brothers and sisters from Pacarictambo, were supposed to have lived. This account in the first representation, however, is in complete contradiction

to the real habitat of Tambo, Maras and Sutic, which was situated outside Cuzco. Tambo ayllu lived in the valley of the Urubamba river, where the village 9) See VIII § 4, pp. 222.

10) See IV § 2, p. 85. 11) See I § 4, p. 9.

IX. DATA NOT REFERRING TO ANY SINGLE REPRESENTATION 243

of Ollantaytambo is now situated, which Garcilaso called Tampu 12). The name Maras can be recognised in the name of the present-day village of Maras and the ayllu Maras in this village 13). Sutic ayllu can still be found just outside Cuzco, in the direction of Cuntisuyu, as I was informed when I enquired. The

fact that the descendants of Manco Capac, the rulers, lived in Cuzco, is in

; accordance with the real habitat of Tambo, Maras and Sutic. In the third representation the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco and therefore also their panaca, lived in the region which ran from the temple of the Sun to the confluence of the two streams and the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco had their palaces between the two streams beyond the temple of the Sun. Sinchi Roca, or Lloque

Yupanqui — it is not relevant here who it was 14) — invited the non-Inca Sahu ayllu to come and live in Hanan-Cuzco, while the ruler himself lived in Hurin-Cuzco. In connection both with the second representation 15) and the third 16) it was

possible to demonstrate that the opposition of the Sun to Viracocha was an expression of the opposition of I + III as the upper moiety or Hanan-Cuzco,

| to II + IV as the lower moiety or Hurin-Cuzco. It is therefore most strange that the temple of the Sun is situated in Hurin-Cuzco and Quishuarcancha, the temple of Viracocha, in Hanan-Cuzco (Molina 1943, p. 29). A second peculiarity is that the palaces of the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco were situated beyond the true centre of the town, and that the palaces of the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco, who in the second representation were their subsidiary brothers, were situated in the centre proper. The location of the most important holy sites of Cuzco proves that the relationship between the territory of Hurin-Cuzco and that of Hanan-Cuzco was regarded as similar to that between the centre and the surroundings. Only the one temple of the Sun, situated in Hurin-Cuzco, played an important role in the religious life of the Inca in Cuzco, Several holy sites outside Cuzco were sacred to Viracocha. One of these holy sites was Huanacauri (Cobo, 1956, Tomo II, libro 13, cap. II, p. 150), the spot where Ayar Uchu, the brother of Manco Capac, turned into stone and, after the temple of the Sun, the most important holy place in Cuzco in the eyes of the Inca. One of the most important of Viracocha’s temples was that near present-day San Pedro de Cacha (Betanzos 1880, cap. II, p. 5-7; Cieza 1945, cap. XCVII), while in the temple of Pachacamac, near Lima, on the coast, the god Pachacamac was

identified with Viracocha (Cobo 1956, Tomo II, libro 13, cap. I, p. 150; 12) See IV note 32. 13) See IV § 3 ¢, p. 99.

14) See V § 7, p. 145. 15) See V 8§ 12, 13, pp. 164-170. 16) See VI § 9d, pp. 205-207.

244 IX. DATA NOT REFERRING TO ANY SINGLE REPRESENTATION

Acosta 1954, libro V, cap. II, p. 141; Cabello Valboa 1951, cap. 15, p. 310). It has to be assumed, therefore, that — in relation to the temple of the Sun in Hurin-Cuzco — Quishuarcancha in Hanan-Cuzco was regarded as lying outside the real centre of the town. Although, therefore, the site of the temple of the Sun in the centre of the town and that of Quishuarcancha, the temple of Viracocha, beyond it, accurately reflected the fact that the rulers, or the Inca HANAN-CUZCO

Temple [] of Viracocha

Temple [| of the Sun HURINCUZCO

proper, lived in Cuzco itself, and their subsidiary descendants, or the nonInca, outside Cuzco, the names of the two parts have, on the contrary, been reversed. Hurin-Cuzco was the centre of the town and Hanan-Cuzco lay beyond it. I can explain this phenomenon only by a comparison of the organization of Cuzco with that of the Bororo tribe in the Matto Grosso, Brazil (Lévi-Strauss, 1955, pp. 228-231). The houses of Bororo villages stand in a circle. The population is divided into two exogamous, matrilocal and matrilineal moieties, called Cera and Tugaré. The houses of Cera form one semi-circle, those of Tugaré the other. In the centre of the village stands the men’s house; this is divided into two halves,

one for the men of Cera and one for the men of Tugaré. The Cera half is situated in the Tugaré half of the village, and the Tugaré half in the Cera half of the village. There is a way out of the men’s house to either moiety. From the men’s house paths lead to the family houses.

The fact that the half of the men’s house of one moiety is situated in the half of the village belonging to the other moiety is probably connected with the matrilocal and matrilineal nature of the moteties. The married men of Cera lived in the Tugaré half and vice versa. To Cera men their half of the men’s house is central and the Tugaré moiety lives around it, and to the Tugaré men their half of the men’s house 1s central and the Cera moiety lives around it. As was deduced in the preceding chapters there existed in Cuzco, too, exo-

IX. DATA NOT REFERRING TO ANY SINGLE REPRESENTATION 245

RES gamous matrilocal and matrilineal moieties and it is therefore likely that a similar explanation can be given for the fact that the temple of the Sun lay in Hurin-Cuzco and Quishuarcancha in Hanan-Cuzco. The ceque in Cuzco can well be compared with the paths from the men’s house to the family houses of the Bororo. As the temple of the Sun was the focus of the ceque system, this temple can be equated with the men’s house of the Bororo. One should rather extend the comparison of Cuzco with a Bororo village, however, by regarding the temple of the Sun as the religious centre of Hanan-Cuzco, and Quishuarcancha as the religious centre of Hurin-Cuzco. The function of the temple of the Sun and of Quishuarcancha together would correspond to that of the men’s house. The rulers of Hanan-Cuzco each had a palace in the part of the town which was called Hanan-Cuzco. These palaces also housed their panaca, which functioned in relation to one another like exogamous, matrilineal, matrilocal clans. There are two traditions about the place where the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco lived. According to the first one they lived in the temple of the Sun. According to the second tradition (Vazquez de Espinosa 1948, § 1507, p. 519) they each had a palace outside the temple of the Sun, but situated in Hurin-Cuzco. These palaces of the rulers should, perhaps, be compared to the family houses of the Bororo; patrilineal succession was probably symbolised by the temple of the Sun as the men’s house of Hanan-Cuzco, and Quishuarcancha as the men’s house of Hurin-Cuzco. The matrilineal family houses of the rulers of HurinCuzco would then be standing in the eponymous part of the town, and their patrilineal men’s house in Hanan-Cuzco, and the matrilineal family houses of the rulers of Hanan-Cuzco in Hanan-Cuzco and their patrilineal men’s house in Hurin-Cuzco 17). The opposition of the Sun to Viracocha was linked with that between Hanan-

Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco and that of the worldly chiefs to the priests. The temple of the Sun was the centre for the chiefs, and Quishuarcancha the centre 17) The origin of the tradition (which in that case must be erroneous), that the rulers of Hurin-Cuzco lived in the temple of the sun, might be explained as follows. Manco Capac and

his brothers, as the mythical ancestors of the Inca, built the temple of the sun. In the first representation they belonged to Hanan-Cuzco. As the result of the mistaken explanation of facts about the social organization of the Inca which produced the tradition of a dynasty of 10 rulers, Manco Capac was placed in the position of the first ruler of Hurin-Cuzco and the idea developed that his successors, also of Hurin-Cuzco, lived in the temple of the sun.

246 IX. DATA NOT REFERRING TO ANY SINGLE REPRESENTATION

for the priests. As in a Bororo village both the chiefs and the priests could regard themselves as being central in relation to the moiety of the other side. Other oppositions, however, were also associated with that between Hanan and Hurin, like that of primary and subsidiary kinship, of belonging to the own group or the outside world. These circumstances were conducive to the real position of power of Hanan. This relationship of Hanan-Cuzco to Hurin-Cuzco and of the temple of the Sun to Quishuarcancha, resulted in the fact that the Inca descriptions of their own social organization, which were expressed in mythological and historical terms, sometimes conveyed the impression of a diametrical opposition of the moieties and sometimes of a concentric social structure. If one saw society in the

light of the last representation, from the point of view of the worldly rulers, then they, the rulers, as the hierarchically most elevated group, were placed in the centre; the other groups lay around the rulers concentrically and in conformity with the hierarchic order of importance. If, on the other hand, one saw society from the point of view of the holiness of the group and of the attached priests, then these were placed centrally. I do not know whether this relative positioning was also applied to the Inca habitational patterns, and, if this was indeed the case, why and when one or the other positioning was used. It is conceivable, too, that this positioning was expressed mainly in ceremonial, as for instance in dances, in which sometimes one and at other times another system of positioning was applied. Such methods

of expression are known from the moiety organization of the Gé tribes in Eastern Brazil.

§ 4. The last subject I propose to discuss is that of sister or daughter exchange; there has so far been no opportunity for discussing this when dealing with the Inca system of social organization. I shall refer back to a few points of this discussion before enlarging on the question of sister or daughter exchange.

The Inca system of social organization was in brief that the endogamous group consisted of two exogamous matrilineal moieties which covered four matrilineal marriage classes linked by asymmetric cross-cousin marriage with MoBro.

The whole of human society was seen by the Inca as an extension, a projection of the own endogamous group. Even the marriage classes were, from the Inca point of view, distributed over the whole of human society, while these comprehensive marriage classes did not necessarily exist in fact, not even for the non-Inca. Two kinds of marriage were open to the members of the endogamous group (that of the Inca), an endogamous and an exogamous one. In the first instance

IX. DATA NOT REFERRING TO ANY SINGLE REPRESENTATION 247

the descendants also belonged to the endogamous group, but not in the second one. The woman from outside the group whom the man from inside the group had married, was classed by him in the same (but more extensive) marriage class as the one which she should have belonged to if he had entered an endogamous marriage.

The system of quadripartition and the existence of the marriage classes within it can only permit asymmetric cross-cousin marriage. There is no room for sister or daughter exchanges. This form of marriage did, notwithstanding, exist. There are real examples of this form of exchange established by Inca

rulers with independent rulers of other people with whom the Inca made treaties. I cited one instance, that of the marriage of the Inca ruler Yahuar Huacac with the daughter of Tocay Capac, the ruler of the Ayarmaca, and of

the son of the latter with the sister of Yahuar Huacac 18). There even are clearer instances in a document of 1562, which contains a description and a census of the Indians of Huanuco province in Central Peru. One of the chiefs of the Indians answers to the question about marriage forms among the Indians that two fathers often exchanged their daughters and married one to the other man’s son (Ortiz de Zuniga. Rev. Arch. Nac. Peru, Tomo I, Entrega I, 1920, p. 33). There is one instance in which a chief said that he had a wife who had been given to him in exchange for his sister. (Ortiz de Zuniga. Rev. Arch. Nac. Pera, Tomo II, Entrega III, 1921, p. 495). In both these cases it was a chief who mentioned this form of marriage. The Inca were able to give a place in their organization to both forms of marriage, the marriage with MoBroDa and sister or daughter exchange, by representing the moieties both as being exogamous and endogamous. This can be argued as follows. Assuming that the Inca ruler belonged to the marriage class 1, and he married a non-Inca woman, then not only his wife was classed in 4, but also the people

=

41

to which she belonged. If, however, the Inca arranged a sister or daughter exchange marriage with an independent non-Inca ruler, the latter with his sister or daughter and his people could be classed in 4 on account of that sister or daughter’s marriage to the Inca, but could wot be so classed on account of his 18) See V § 8 b, p. 150.

248 IX. DATA NOT REFERRING TO ANY SINGLE REPRESENTATION

own marriage to the Inca’s sister or daughter. On the grounds of the latter marriage, the non-Inca ruler would then have to be classed in 2. This difficulty can be solved by the circumstance that in one representation the Inca did class their rulers in 1, and the non-Inca ruler and his people in 4, and that they saw the relationship of the Inca to the non-Inca people in the same way as that between two marriage classes, but that this did not necessarily make the marriage classes sub-divisions of an endogamous group. Both for the Inca and the non-Inca people endogamous marriages were possible, irrespective of the sister or daughter exchange the rulers had established. As a result of this exchange, the relationship between the two rulers in the Inca organization came to be considered from two different points of view and to be represented in two different fashions. In the first place, the non-Inca woman and the non-Inca ruler and his people were classed in 4, the marriage class from which the Inca ruler, being himself 1, chose his wife. The marriage classes 1 and 4, and the moieties 1 + 3, to which the Inca and 2 + 4, to which the non-Inca people belonged, were exogamous. Moreover, and 72 the second place, the Inca and the non-Inca were two independent and therefore endogamous peoples. As the ruler of an independent and therefore equal people, the

non-Inca ruler could also marry a sister or daughter of an Inca ruler, As a result of this relationship the two peoples were regarded as two endogamous moieties of one organization. Both moieties were sub-divided into four marriage classes each and both rulers belonged in their endogamous moiety to the mar-

riage class 1. It seems to me that the sister, or daughter, exchange should be regarded as linked with the relationship between two endogamous moieties. If this conclusion is correct, then the ways in which the relationship between two rulers was presented can be detected in the second and third representations of the organization of Cuzco. In chapters IV to VI inclusive it was demonstrated that the panaca, ayllu, suyu and the moieties Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco in the organization of Cuzco could have several functions, depending upon the different representations of this organization; as a result they often got different and even contradictory functions assigned to them in Inca mythology or history. The second representation accentuated the endogamous organization of Cuzco and of the

Inca people and considered I + III as one exogamous moiety and II + IV as the other. Only the asymmetric cross-cousin marriage had a function in this representation and the marriages which were represented as such, because the husband and wife were classed in two of the four marriage classes 19). In the third representation these same moieties were endogamous and their relation19) E.g. the marriages discussed in V §§ 5-9, pp. 133-154 of the rulers with women of villages in the vicinity of Cuzco.

IX. DATA NOT REFERRING TO ANY SINGLE REPRESENTATION 249

ship was represented in the same way as that of two independent peoples, the rulers of which entertained a relationship by the exchange of sisters or daughters. With the aid of these two representations, it was possible to give both the asymmetric cross-cousin marriage and the sister or daughter exchange a place in the organization of Cuzco. If sister or daughter exchange was repeated in the second generation, there would be question of a symmetric cross-cousin marriage which could as such be opposed to the asymmetric marriage. Whether symmetric cross-cousin mar-

riage did occur in Peru I do not know but it does not seem to me to be in accordance with Inca social organization. As the second and third representations of the organization of Cuzco have been discussed again in connection with sister or daughter exchange, I shall also deal with the first representation in this connection.

Although the first representation could be said to have developed from the third in the same way as the third had developed from the second, the justification of this representation lies in this as in other features of the organization of Cuzco. The result of exogamous marriages of an otherwise endogamous

group was, in addition to this group (Collana) and the group (Cayao) from which women were chosen for the exogamous marriage, a third group Payan, of which the members were regarded as the subsidiary offspring of members of the first group. The relationship between the marriage classes 1 1n each of the two endogamous moieties of the third representation, was regarded in the first representation in the same way as that between Collana to Payan because the subsidiary sons of the Inca ruler could be classed in the marriage class 1 of the non-Inca people. This Collana-Payan relationship of the two marriage classes 1, extended in the first representation to the whole suyu to which the two marriage classes belonged, 1.e. to Chinchaysuyu (1) and Collasuyu (II). For this reason, II and IV were together regarded as Cayao. As in the integration

of the concepts of Collana, Payan and Cayao in the organization into four marriage classes, Collana and Payan were classed in one moiety, and Cayao in the other, there arose in the first representation a moiety relationship of I + II

to III + IV. In the first representation the relationship of the Inca to the hostile, independent Chanca people was transferred to this moiety system as though it were a relationship between two endogamous moieties. As a result a representation came into being, related to the first one, which presented I + I together as a whole, divided into four marriage classes (and therefore no longer consisting of I = Collana and II = Payan) side by side with an identical division

into III + IV 20); this representation is therefore the same in its internal 20) See IV §§ 5, 6, pp. 103-113.

250 IX. DATA NOT REFERRING TO ANY SINGLE REPRESENTATION

structure as the third. The marriage relationship between these otherwise endogamous moieties was expressed in the form of the relationship between Pacha-

cuti and his father Viracocha Inca, who was himself connected in the first representation with III + IV and the Chanca people; this relationship was possibly also expressed in that of the account of the marriage which Capac Yupanqui, the general and deputy to Pachacuti, contracted, according to Sarmiento (1947, cap. 38, p. 194), with the sister of Ancoaillo, the chief of the Chanca, after they had become the allies of the Inca.

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1916a. Los errores y supersticiones de los indios, sacadas del tratado y averiguacién que hizo el Licenciado Polo. Ed. H. H. Urteaga y C. A. Romero. Col. Libr. Doc. Ref. Hist. Pert. la serie. Tomo 3. pp. 1-43. 1916b. Relacién de los fundamentos acerca del notable dato que resulta de no guardar a los indios sus fueros. Junio 26 de 1571. Ed. H. H. Urteaga y C. A. Romero. Col. Libr. Doc. Ref. Hist. Peru. 1a serie. Tomo 3. pp. 45-188.

1917a. Del linage de los Ingas y como conquistaron. Ed. H. H. Urteaga. Col. Libr. Doc. Ref. Hist. Peru. 1a serie. Tomo 4. pp. 45-95.

1917b. Traslado de un cartapacio a manera de borrador que quedé en los papeles del Licenciado Polo de Ondegardo cerca del linage de los Ingas y como conquistaron. Ed. H. H. Urteaga. Col. Libr. Doc. Ref. Hist. Pera. 1a serie. Tomo 4. pp. 95-138. 1940. Informe del Licenciado Juan Polo de Ondegardo al Licenciado Briviesca de Mufatones sobre la perpetuidad de las encomiendas en el Pers. (1561). Ed. C. A. Romero. Revista Historica. vol. 13. pp. 125-96. Lima. POMA DE AYALA, FELIPE GUAMAN,

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INDEX Abisca, place name 101 A.N.L., Archivo Nacional del Peri, Lima 16,

‘““Abuelos” 71 18-19, 41, 83, 99, 106, 115, 117, 220

222, 241 20, 100

Acamama, old name of Cuzco 100-101, 199, A.N.S., Archivo Nacional de Bolivia, Sucre

Acamana (see: Acamama) 222, 241 Anta, village 106, 114-115, 149-150, 152-154, Aclla, virgin of the Sun 47-48, 184, 217-218, 178, 198

225 Antahuailla, village 6

Aclla huasi, house of the virgins of the Sun Antasayac, ayllu in Cuzco 193-195, 198

184, 217-218 Antilla, village 115 222-223 1, 2, 4, 6, 9, 39, 78, 83-84, 101, 120

Acos, village 20, 23, 24, 77, 92-93, 118, 189, Antisuyu, quarter of Cuzco and of Inca Empire ACOSTA, JOSE DE 33, 75, 106, 126, 138, 151, Apinayé, people in Brazil 25

168, 175, 184 Apo Chimachaui, proper name (see: Chima-

6 Apocuraca, title 180

Acoyapongo (Angostura de —), place name chaui) 109, 206

Adultery 142-144 Apo Mayta, proper name 107-108

Adult men 216 Apotampo, proper name 70, 89

Age classes 21, 215-218, 224-227 Apo Urco Guaranga, proper name (see: QuiAguay unu, holy water (see: Puquio) 141 lliscachi Urco Guaranga) 108-109

AGUILAR, L. 223 Apo Yupanqui, proper name 107-108, 177 A.H.C., Archivo Histérico de la Universidad Apu, title 87 del Cuzco 20, 93 Apu Mayta (panaca), proper name and ayllu

A.H.L., Archivo Histérico del Ministerio de 3, 4, 6, 9, 86-88, 124-125, 178, 182-183, Hacienda y Comercio, Lima 17, 18, 78, 82, 189-191, 195, 222

93 Apupanaca, title 184

Ahuaymin panaca (see: Hahuaini panaca) 6 Apurimac, river 6 Ahucani panaca (see: Hahuaini panaca) 3 Apu urco, ritual name of black dog 175 A.I., Archivo de Indias, Sevilla 20, 173 Aquiniaylla, ayllu in Cuzco 4, 9, 198

ALENCASTRE, G. A. 211 Arairaca ayllu Cuzco cayao, ayllu in Cuzco 6, Allauca, generic name of ayllu 41 7, 9, 76, 85, 178, 194, 205 Allavillca (see: Allcavillca) 151 Archaism 22, 28

Allca, white-black 138-139 Arco Punco, place name 238

Allcabiza, generic name of social group (see: Arequipa, town 101 Allcavillca) 137-138, 152, 156, 193-194, ARGUEDAS, JosE MaRia 21, 82, 84, 141

205-206 ARRIAGA, PABLO JOSEPH DE 34, 96

Allcavillca (see: Allcabiza) 138, 209 Assistant 42

Allcayvilla (see: Allcavillca) 151 ASTETE CHOCANO, SANTIAGO 78, 137 Anahuarque, mountain, ayllu in different vil- Asymmetric connubium 27, 42-43, 64

lages 4, 93, 135-137, 222, 241 Atacamefio, people in Chile 36

Ancash, department 220 Atahuallpa, proper name 5, 12, 240-241

Ancoaillo, proper name 187-188, 250 Atun (see: Hatun)

; Ancohuallu (see: Ancoaillo) 187 Auca, enemy 75, 98 Ancovilca (see: Ancoaillo) 104-105, 186-188 Aucailli panaca, ayllu in Cuzco 4, 5, 6, 9, 31,

Andahuaylas (= Antahuaylla), town 78 124, 178, 222, 241

Andahuaylillas, village 33 Aucapuri, adult men 216 Andasmarca, village 197 Auquicuna, noble men 161, 180

Andamachay, ayllu 222, 241 Aucaruna, men of the fourth world 219

258 INDEX Auqui Titu, proper name 130 Capac Yupanqui, proper name 3, 109, 129-

Australian systems 26 133, 166-167, 182, 187, 188-189, 206-207, AVILA, FRANCISCO DE 34, 73, 160, 168, 169, 240, 250

219 Capitan 108, 130-131, 157, 187, 192

Aya (see: Ayar) Cari, ayllu in Cuzco 4, 10

Ayacucho, department 81 CASTRO, CHRISTOBAL DE, Y ORTEGA MORE-

Ayar, title of ancestors 99 JON, DIEGO DE 34, 158, 225

Ayar Auca, proper name 75, 92, 96 Catec, or: catiquin (see: Fingers, Aclla) 214, Ayar Cachi, proper name 75-76, 92, 96, 101 217 Ayarmaca, people, ayllu in different villages | Cavana Conde, people 115

4, 78, 83, 136, 149-150, 152, 223 Cayambi, people in Ecuador 153

194, 205-206 103, 165

Ayar Uchu, proper name 75-76, 96, 101, 156, | Cayao, generic name of ayllu 1, 40-41, 101Ayllu, social and local group 5-6, 16-17, 20, Caylla, extremity, shore (see: Kinship) 74

26-27, 28-29, 72-75, 185, 209 Ccaqsamunati, street in San Jerénimo 241

Aymara, people, language 31, 35, 36, 37, 38 Ccaru, far away (see: Kinship) 74

Aymaraes, province 32, 81, 120 Ceque, line 1, Aymoray, religious feast 238 Ceque system 2, 9, 17-18, 21-25, 120 Ayriguay, name of month 238 Ceremonial fights 27, 211-212 Chaca, mountain 142 Chachacoma, tree 164

BauDIN, Louis 29, 100 Chachapoyas, people, town 100 BERTONIO, LUDOVICO 35, 72, 89, 105, 173 Chacrayoc, title 96 BETANZOS, JUAN DE 31, 76, 78, 79, 80, 92, Chahuen-Cuzco (see: Chauin Cuzco ayllu)

102, 104, 107, 124, 137, 193, 200, 243 222

Bird-sacrifice 175 Challco, proper names of high priests with —

“Bishop” 151, 152 111-112, 181

Biza (see: Villca) 138, 151 Challuanca, village 81-82

B.N.L., Biblioteca Nacional, Lima 220 Chanca, people 69, 78, 103-106, 110-111, 129-

Bolas (or: boleadora) 72 130, 156, 186, 188-200, 250

Bororo, people in Brazil 21-22, 25, 244-245 Chanchan, town 224, 227

Brazil 21-22, 25 Charcas, town 101

Chasca cuyllor, venus 161

CABELLO VALBOA, MIGUEL 34, 75, 80, 92, Chau (see: Chaupi) 41

331. 41, 76, 206 .

112, 132, 134, 137, 138, 151, 153, 195, Chauin, generic name of ayllu (see: Chaupi)

Caca, mother’s brother 71 Chauin Cuzco ayllu, ayllu in Cuzco 6, 7, 9,

Cacique principal 116 76, 84, 178, 222

Cajamarca, town 220 Chaupi, generic name of ayllu 41, 214, 217-

Callampata, ayllu 222 218

Callejon de Huaylas, valley 16 Checa, generic name of ayllu 41

Cana, people 100 ' Checca, village 211

Canas, people 31, 211-212 _ Chile, country 36

Canella, people in Brazil 21-22, 25, 169 Chilques, people 77 Cafiari, people in Ecuador 196-197 Chima Chaui Pata Yupanqui, proper name 108,

Capa Anco, ayllu in Copacabana 100 109

Capac, title 4, 76, 115, 118-119, 129 Chima panaca, ayllu in Cuzco 3, 4, 6, 9, 39, Capac ayllu, panaca in Cuzco 4, 5, 6, 9, 39, 178, 205, 222 76, 85, 92, 123-125, 129, 178, 181-182 Chimbo (see: Chimpu)

Capaccuna, royal lineage 76 Chimpu, names of queens with — 236-239 Capac huatan, period of 1000 years 219, 227- Chimu, people 213, 221, 224

228 Chincha, people, valley 34, 111, 215

Capac Inca, class name 119 Chinchaysuyu, quarter of Cuzco and of the

INDEX 259 Inca Empire 1, 2, 4, 6, 9, 24, 39, 78, 84, | Coya, queen 6, 131-154, 236-240

101, 120, 241-246 Creation myth 168

Chita, plain 6 Creator (see: Viracocha) 112, 164, 165-170

Choco, village 136 Cubcu panaca, ayllu (see: Sucsu panaca) 4, 5 Chonta, village 220 ~ Cuicusa ayllu 6, 7, 9, 197-199 Choque, generic name of ayllu (see: Lloque) Culluimchima (see: Culumchima) 193

41 Culumchima, proper name and ayllu 193-194, Chucuito, town 173-174 205 Chumbivilcas, province 211-212 Cuntisuyu quarter of Cuzco and of the Inca Chuquihuipa, proper name 181 Empire 1, 2, 4, 6, 9, 39, 78, 82, 83-84, 101,

Churicalla, place name 6 120, 225-226, 241

Churucata, ayllu 222 Cupi, generic name of ayllu 41 Cichpa (see: Kinship) 74 Curahuasi, village 115 CIEZA DE LEON, PEDRO DE 33, 75, 80, 92, 132, | Cusibamba, place name 6

142, 145, 151, 164, 184, 219, 240, 241, 243 Cusi Chimpu, names of queens with — 237Citua, religious feast 5 239

Clyster pump 73 Cuyos, province 197

CoBo, BERNABE 1-5, 31, 35, 65, 80, 81, 86, Cuzco 1, 86, 96, 200, 202-203

87, 97, 98, 107, 133, 137, 142, 147, 151, Cuzco, ayllu 93, 96, 100, 206 156, 157, 163, 164, 166, 168, 183, 184, Cuzco Capac, royal lineage 88

190, 235, 238, 243 Cuzco huanca, proper name 96

Colla (see: Collana) 164 Cuzco Inca, royal lineage 88

221-223 uzcoychima, proper name 2

Collaguas, province, people 23, 24, 115-118, cuzce hime ayllu (see. moe panaca) 6 Collana, generic name of ayllu 1, 3, 40-41, Dancer 198

100, 101-103, 164 . Daughter exchange 246-250

Conan -Payan-Cayao (Relation between —) Decempartition 48, 220-235 1, 24, 40-41, 43-46, 63-67, 74-75, 101-103 Decimal organization 17, 48, 200, 202-203, Collasuyu, quarter of Cuzco and of the Inca 220-224. 227-235

Empire 1, 2, 4, 6, 9, 24, 39, 78, 84, 101, Deformations 86

120, 242-246 Demons 165

Collateral kin 124-125 Deputy (see: Substitute)

Colloncas, ayllu 222 Derived principle of organization 62-63, 67 Collquechaochoc, lineage (see: Kinship, Cori- Devil 175

chaochoc) 89 Dog-sacrifice 175

Combination of principles of organization 43- DuMEZIL, G. 211

46, 62-63 Dynasty of rulers 3-4, 12-13, 15-16, 35, 122-

Conchacalla, ayllu in Anta 106, 154 128, 227-235, 236-240, 245-246 Condesuyos, province 17

Condeviza, sacrifice 175 Endogamous-exogamous 7, 16, 27, 41, 63-67, Coniraya Viracocha, creator (see: Viracocha) 132-133, 146-147, 180-182, 183, 184-192,

168-170, 219 237-240, 242-246, 246-250

Conqueror-conquered 42, 192-196, 199-202, Equeco, ayllu in Anta 154

203-207 Established population 42

Consecutive aspect (see: Simultaneous aspect) Exogamous (see: Endogamous)

Contradictory informations 39-40, 240-241 Experimental marriage 211

Copacabana, town 100, 147 . Copalimayta, proper name 193-194, 205 Fingers 214 Coricancha, temple of the Sun 184 Fire 169 .

Corichaochoc, lineage (see: Kinship, Collque- Flood (see: Huno Pachacuti)

chaochoc) 89 “Foam of the sea’ 168-169 Councillor 130 “Friend” 78-80, 107-109

Coronation 181 Forefather (ancestor) 40, 63, 65-66

260 INDEX GARCILASO DE LA VEGA, (EL INCA) 30, 32, MHuacaytaqui ayllu 4, 7, 8, 9, 198

34, 74, 76, 77, 80, 89, 90, 103, 112, 122, Huaccha, poor 119 125, 130, 151, 156, 157, 158, 161, 187, 228 | Huaccha Inca, class name 199

Gé, group of peoples in Brazil 21-22, 25 Huahuani, ayllu 222

General (see: Capitan) Huallallo Carhuinchu, god 169 Generic names 1, 24 Huallu (see: ayllu) 187 Golden cloths 141-144 Huaman, falcon, province, group of 40.000 Gold-silver, opposition of gold to silver 89, 90 adult men 104, 221, 223

GRANET, M. 28 Huanacauri, mountain 96, 164, 243 Guaccha Cconcha, generic name of social group Huanca, sanctuary 96 (see: Huaccha) 79, 92 Huanca, people 169, 219

Guamanguaraca, proper name 104 Huanuco, town, department 19, 247

Guaman Samo (or Sano), proper name 152 Huaraca, sling 104

Guaquirca, village 81 Huaranca, group of 1000 adult men 109, 220-

Guariguaca, proper name (see: Huari-) 195 224 Guarivilca, creator (see: Viracocha) 164 Huaraz, town 16

Guaro, valley 152 Huarivillca, creator (see: Uari-, Guari-) 164

Guaroconde, village 152-154, 178, 195 Huarochiri, village 34, 168-170, 219

123, 175 240-241

GUTIERREZ DE SANTA CLARA, PEDRO 32, 102, Huascar Inca, proper name 5, 12, 97, 180-181,

Huauque, brother, amulet 157, 187-188, 190-

Haguayin panaca (see: Haguaini panaca) 3 191 Hahua, grandson, bank of a river 119 Huaylla, ayllu, generic name of social group

Hahua Inca, class name 119 (see Ualla-) 161, 193-196, 199 Hahuaini panaca, ayllu 3, 4, 6, 9 Huayllacan, village 147-150

Hampatura, village 211 Huayna Capac, proper name 5, 12, 153, 169, Hanan-Cuzco, Hurin-Cuzco, moieties 4, 6, 7-8, 180-182, 240 15, 39, 78, 102, 112, 145, 147-148, 242-246 Huayparga, place name 6 Hanan-Hurin, moieties 83, 106, 116-117, 141- Huayrapacha, place name 6

148, 172-173, 242-246 Huchun, generic name of ayllu (or: Huchuy)

Hanta huaylla, people (see: Anta Huaylla) 111 115, 118-119

Happifiunos, demons 165 Huecachirau, ayllu (see: Vicaquirao) 222 Hatun, generic name of ayllu 115, 118-119 Huno, group of 10.000 adult men 220-224 Hatun ayllu, ayllu 4, 6, 9, 31, 85, 89, 178, | Huno pachacuti, flood 94

181-182, 240-241 Hurin-Cuzco (see: Hanan-Cuzco)

Hatunruna, adult men, class name 115, 216

Hatun Villca, clas of priests 151-152 Illegitimate (see: Subsidiary) 41, 80

HELD, G. J. 28 Illipanaca, ayllu (see: Aucailli panaca) 124

197 Inca, title 140

HERRERA Y TORDESILLAS, ANTONIO DE 34, IMBELLONI, J. 36

High priest (see: Villca Uma) “Inca by privilege’’ 122, 146-147 History (Inca concept of —) 12-13, 15-16, 48, Inca empire 11, 101 109, 122-128, 176, 227-235, 236-240, 245- Inca Paucar Inca, proper name 108

246 Inca Roca, proper name 3, 108, 140-148, 156,

HOLGUIN, DIEGO GONZALEZ 35, 71, 73, 74, 174, 180, 195 80, 92, 100, 107, 115, 129, 138, 160, 163, Inca Urco, proper name 111

237 Incest, prohibition of — 65

Holy water (see: Aguay unu) Indonesian systems 26

HORKHEIMER, H. 29 Inkarri, god 141 House of the virgins of the Sun (see: Aclla- Inti, sun 157

huasi) Inticancha, temple of the sun 184

Huaca, shrine, ancestor 63, 69, 73, 161-162, Inti Illapa, thunder 157-158

175, 217, 235 Intip huatan, period of 1000 years 219, 227

INDEX 261 Ifiaca, princess 89 Mamahuarmi, principal wife 79-80 Ifiaca panaca, ayllu 4, 5, 9, 89-90, 124 Mama Micay, queen 147-148, 201, 237 Ipa, father’s sisters 71 Mamanchic, principal wife 80 Ipa Huaco, proper name (see: Mama Huaco) Mama Ocllo, queen 75, 236-240

237-238 Mama Rondocaya, queen 152-154

Iroquois, people in North-America 35-36 Mama Taucaray, queen 136-137

Mama Yunto coya, queen (see: Mama Rondo-

Jaquijahuana, plain 6, 77, 166 caya) 237

JIJON Y CAAMANO, J. 36 Manco, title, kind of sacred stones 142, 160

JOSSELIN DE JONG, P. E. DE 29 Manco Capac, proper name 3, 39, 69, 75-76,

Juli, town 35 156, 157, 182, 242-243 Maras, ayllu in Cuzco 6, 7, 9, 70, 75-76, 86Kinship 69-75, 88-89 88, 242-243

KIRCHHOFF, P. 17, 23, 36-37, 175, 215 Maras, village 99, 178 Marcahuasi, village 6

LA BARRE, W. 100 MARKHAM, C. 15, 143

Langui, village 211 Marriage class 27, 42-43, 71-72, 182-192, 237Lare, mother’s brother, place name 115-117 240, 246-250 Lare-Collagua, sub-province 115-116 Masca, ayllu in Cuzco 6, 7, 9, 178, 195-196

Lares, place name, ayllu 199 Masca paycha, insignia 196

Lari, mother’s brother (Aymara) 173 Masca Payta, name of a quarter of Cuzco 102, Las CasaS, BARTOLOME DE 34, 75, 78, 92, 94 196

Lasciviousness 142-144 MATIENZO, JUAN 172

LATCHAM, RICARDO 35-36 Mato Grosso, region in Brazil 21 Legal kin (see: Primary kin) 40, 80 Matrilineal — patrilineal 16-17, 27, 71, 79-80,

LEvI-STRAUSS, C. 22-28, 244 89-90, 124-125, 181, 183, 184-185, 237-240,

Lina, J. A. 104, 105, 165 244-246

Livitaca, village 211-212 Matrilocality 16-17, 27

LIZARRAGA, REGINALDO DE 147 Mayta, word occurring in proper names, indi-

Llama-sacrifice 175 cation of place 88, 138

Lloque, generic name of ayllu and of men, Mayta Capac, proper name 3, 131-139, 156,

demon. 41, 165 157, 182-183

Lloque Yupanqui, proper name 3, 131, 137- MEANS, P. A. 29, 143

138, 150-154, 165, 182 Men’s house 245-246

Lluquis Uaynacauri (see: Lloque yupanqui) Messenger 154, 178

151 Messianic movement 235

“Lord of the Land” 42, 96, 148, 162-163 Mircoimana (see: Muru Uanca) 108-109 Lower-moiety (see: Upper-, Lower-moiety) 120 MISHKIN, B. 217

Lucre, village 78 Moieties 8, 15, 16, 24, 27, 42, 66-67, 78, 106,

Lupaca, ayllu in Copacabana 100 145, 180-182, 183, 211-212, 237-240, 242246

Macho, grandfather 71 MOLINA (El Cuzquefio) CRISTOBAL DE 4-6,

Major-domo 130 31, 35, 78, 86, 95, 97, 112, 161, 197, 235,

Malma, proper name 104 238, 243

Mama Anahuarque, queen 134-137, 236-237 Molli, tree 164 Mama Cahua, queen 152-154, 237 MONTESINOS, FERNANDO DE 34, 142-143, 152,

Mama Chiquia, queen 149-150, 237 156, 157, 203, 227

Mama Ciuaco (see: Mama Huaco) 143 Mother’s Brother's Daughter (MoBroDa) 42,

Mama Coca, queen 154 64-66

Mama Cura, queen (or: Mama Ipacura) 75, Mountain 137, 141-145, 151, 160, 163, 168

236-237 Moya, kind of land 141-142

Mama Cusirimay, queen 180 Mulla, brother’s child (see: Kinship) 73 Mama Huaco, queen 75, 143-144, 236-240 Mullaca, ayllu in Maras 99

262 INDEX Mullaypa, rope of esparto (see: Kinship) 73 128, 131-139, 156, 157, 175-177, 179-180,

Mummy 181, 238 200-201

veURUA, yy. MARTIN 19 66 DE Pachacuti Inca, army of — 107-110, 176-177, 30, 33, 80, 132, 153, 166, 228 Mune M 73, 199, hig otis ° ®: 23 7 3 PACHACUTI YAMQUI SALCAMAYGUA, JOAN DE

y; ,168 P -1 ;

° 138, 144, 149, 151, 156, 160, 164, 165, 180,

vas wen ed or ect og oT t8 177 181, 186, 193, 200, 219, 225, 228

n , Pachamamaachi, Muyna, village, proper plainname 78 70, ; . 89 “Mythical reversal” 112 Pachayachachic, creator (see: Viracocha) 166Natives’ theories 26, 28-29 ree 180 81, 245-246 NIMUENDAJU; C. 22, 169 aula, Princess 89-90

,Nominal aoe a Pampa, (see: puna) Inca” plain 122, 146-147 . 217 Pampamarca, village 81-82

Non-aristocratic population (= non-Inca, non- Pana. sister of a man 99. 184

Not. P operation) 42, 136, 193 Panaca, ayllu, descendants of a king 3-4, 7,

wee tia,first (c Fingers) 214 12-13, 35, 123-126, 181, 183-192, aupa, (see: Fingers) 21 15-16, 201, 209 Nusta, princess 90, 161 Pariacaca, mountain, god 169, 219 Pasco, town 41

OLIVA, ANELLO 34, 73, 151 Patahuayllacan, village (see: Huayllacan) 147

Ollantaytambo, village 86 Pata Yupanqui, proper name 107-108, 177

Oma, village 152 Patrilineality (see: Matrilineal-patrilineal!) Origin” 107, 165 Paullu-Inca, proper name (see: Paullo) 238

Orcon, street in San Jerénimo (see: Urco) 241 Paullo, proper name, village (?) 6 Origin myth of Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo — payo (see: Paullo) 150

112, 125 Paya, grandmother 71

Origin myth of Manco Capac, Tocay Capac Payan, generic name of ayllu 1, 40-41, 148

and Pinahua Capac 69-70, 76-77 Penis 72-73 Origin myth " Peauie 141 PEREZ BOCANEGRA, JUAN 33-34, 74, 238 Origin myth of sun and moon 112 “Physical build” 86, 225

utictoco 69-70, 75-7 223

Onein myn - Tampatoce, Marastoco and Pichcapachaca, group of 500 adult men 221,

Oropesa, town 78 . ;

Or ee generic name of social group (see: Pihuichuri, primary son 80 Pihuihuarmi ,principal wife 79-80

; a -dePinahua, people, ayllu in Oropesa 78, 137 Ortiz Zuniga, Ifigo 19,proper 247 ; name ; Pinahua Capac, 69, 76-78, 137

Otuzco, 220 ; ,222 te , Piron,village ayllu in16, San18, Jerénimo Outcasts’”’ 98-100 ; Oyola, ayllu in Maras 99 Pisac, town 6, 87

yous ay Piscachuri, ayllu in Puquio 82, 99

Pacajes, people 215 Place names 24

Pacaritampo, place of origin 70, 87 Police 154, 178

Pacha, place 138 POLO DE ONDEGARDO, JUAN 33, 80, 127, 161, Pachac, hundred 99 184 Pachaca, group of a 100 adult men 99, 220- POMA DE AYALA, FELIPE GUAMAN 30, 32, 73,

224 77, 80, 86, 96, 101, 119, 122, 138, 143,

Pachacamac, sanctuary 168, 243-244 154, 157, 158, 161, 192, 193, 195, 216, 217, Pachachulla Viracocha, proper name 152 219, 225, 227, 228, 236, 237 Pachacuti, period of 500 years (see: Huno pa- _Poques, ayllu in Cuzco, place name 199

chacuti) 228-231, 235 PORRAS BARRENECHEA, RAUL 29-30

Pachacuti Inca, proper name 5, 31, 78-79, 123- __ Pre-Inca 138, 193-199, 199-203, 203-207

INDEX 263 Priest (see: Villca) 42, 101, 111-113, 138, Representation, fourth — 101, 161, 241-246

151, 156-166, 245-246 Representation (mutual relationship of the Priestly organization 150-152 three representations) 50, 208-212 Primary kin (see: Subsidiary kin) 24, 40, 140 Representation, second — 50-55, 114-170

Principal wife 79-80 Representation, third — 55-59, 171-207 Principle of organization 40, 40-42, 42-43, 46- Revivalistic movement 235

48, 62-67 ROMAN Y ZAMORA, JERONIMO 34

Pseudo-archaism 22, 28 ROSTWOROWSKI DE DIEZ CANSECO, MARIA 15

Pucamarca, palace 181, 194 Rowe, J. M. 15, 16, 29, 31, 107, 122, 151, Puna, plain (see: pampa) 173, 175 215, 230

Purging 73, 164 Royal marriages 27, 131-133, 236-240

Purunruna, men of the third world 219 Rucana, finger 214

Puquiura, village 83, 106-107 Rucanakoto, mountain 160

Puquio, town 82, 84, 99, 120, 141-142 Rulers 42, 156-166, 245-246 Qqemaquiro, ayllu in San Jerénimo 222 Sacrifice 175 Quadripartition 40, 42-43, 90-101, 155-166 Sacsahuaman, fortress 79

Quechua, language 35, 36, 38 Sahuaraura, proper name, ayllu, shrine 93

Queen 131-154, 236-240 Sahuasiray, ayllu 193-197 Quehue, village 211 Saint Thomas 167 Quenamaris, demons 165 Sajsahuana (see: Jaquijahuana) 153 Quero, people, ayllu in Anta 114 Salpina, place name 6 Quilaco, people in Ecuador 240 Sanco, ayllu in Anta 114

Quillisca, ayllu (see: Quilliscachi) 108 San Jerénimo, village 85, 100, 199, 222-223, Quilliscachi, ayllu in Guaroconde, proper 241-242

name 108, 152-154, 178 San Pedro de Cacha, village 243

Quilliscachi Urco Guaranga, proper name 107- San Sebastian, village (see: Safiu) 145, 223

109, 154, 176-178 SANTILLAN, FERNANDO DE 34, 75, 101, 217, Quinquepartition 40, 46-48, 213-235 221, 223, 225

Quiquijana, village 77 SANTISTEBAN OCHOA, J. 29

198, 205-206 214

Quisco, ayllu in Cuzco 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 178, 195, SANTO TOMAS, DOMINGO DE 34, 73, 103, 110,

Quisco sinche, proper name 195 Safiu, ayllu and village 6, 7, 9, 145-147, 175,

Quishuar, tree 163 178, 208, 243

Quishuarcancha, palace, temple 163, 243-246 SARMIENTO DE GAMBOA, PEDRO 7-8, 30, 31,

Quito, capital of Ecuador 101, 220, 240 34, 35, 39, 75-76, 78, 86, 87, 89, 92, 94,

96, 97, 99, 102, 104, 106, 108, 110, 111,

Rahua Ocllo, queen 181, 237 123, 124, 127, 130, 132, 133, 134, 136,

Rain 141 138, 140, 143, 149, 151, 152, 154, 156, Rainbow 164 157, 158, 164, 167, 168, 176, 181, 184,

Ramos GaviLAN, ALONSO 143 185, 186, 188, 190, 191, 193, 194, 196,

Rapa, proper name 104 203, 206, 225, 232, 237, 240, 241 Raurahua panaca (see: Raurau panaca) 3, 222 Sausero, place name in Cuzco 238 Raurau panaca, ayllu 3, 6, 9-10, 178, 205, 222, | School (Garcilaso-, Toledo-) 30

241 Segunda persona 116, 130

216 SENORES 221, 223

RELACIONES GEOGRAFICAS 34, 115, 117, 215, | SELER, E. 35

Relative positions of Collana, Payan and Cayao Serfdom 225

groups 49-50 Servant 103, 107, 109, 110, 158, 225 168, 205-207 Silver, opposition of gold to silver 89, 90

Religion 42, 85, 96, 101, 151-152, 156, 162- Sherente, people in Brazil 22, 25

Representation (definition) 39-40 Simultaneous aspect — consecutive aspect 214, Representation, first — 59-62, 68-113 218-219, 224, 226, 228

264 INDEX Sinchi, title 140, 157, 192, 193-194 Ticlla, white-black 105, 138-139 Sinchi Roca, proper name 3, 9-10, 140-148, Tilca, place name 6

156, 182 Time (Inca calculation of —) 48 “Tios” 71

Sirbinakuy, experimental marriage 211 Tiqui (see: Ticci) 107 Sister-marriage 65-66, 131-133, 180-182 Titicaca, lake, island 35, 37, 168

Sister exchange 246-250 Tocay Capac, proper name 69, 76-78, 149-150 Socialism 14 Tocricoc, title 86 Soma Inca, proper name (see: Suma) 147, 201 TOLEDO, FRANCISCO DE 30, 34, 156, 161, 193,

Sopavicza, sacrifice (see: Supay) 175 194, 205

Spy 154, 178 Tomayguaraca, proper name 104 “Street”? 202, 215 Topa Atau, Don Alonso 87

Subaraura (see: Sahuaraura) 93 Tripartition 40, 90-101, 155-166

Subsidiary kin (see: Primary kin) 24, 80, 124- TSCHOPIK JR., H. 164, 165

125, 130, 140, 186-192 TSCHUDI, J. J. VON 164

Subsidiary wives 40, 80 Tumay, to guard 104

Substitute 42, 130-131, 187-192 Tumibamba panaca, ayllu 5 Sucsu panaca, ayllu (or Zocso, Cubcu, Cuzco Tupac, title 129 etc.) 4, 5, 6, 9, 111-112, 124, 175, 222, 241 Tupac Yupanqui, proper name 4, 39, 123-125,

Sucsuviza, sacrifice 175 129-133, 180-181

Sullca, generic name of ayllu 100, 214 Tuti, village 117

Bae dete tet 46 170 20630). 219, Uallaviza condeviza, name of high priest (see:

225, 227-228 Huaylla) (161, 175 .

Supay, devil 175 Uaquirca, village (see: Guaquirca) 81-82 Surama, ayllu 222 Uariruna, men of second world (see: Huari —) Sutic, ayllu in Cuzco 6, 7, 9, 70, 75-76, 86-88, 219 | 194-195, 205, 242-243 Uariviracocharuna, men of first world (see: Sutic guaman, proper name 145 Huari —) 219

Symmetric marriages 150, 246-250 Uchu, chili, spanish pepper 75 UHLE, M. 35

Uiza (see: Biza) 161 Tahuantinsuyu, Inca name of their country 77 ~—_ Ulllu, penis 72

Tahuapaca, proper name 94 Uma, head, mountain top 151, 163 Tambo, ayllu in Cuzco 70, 75-76, 86-88, 89, Unilineality 26

92, 242-243 Unu, sacred name of water (see: Huno pacha-

Tamboconga, ayllu in Puquiura 83, 152 cuti) 142

Tambo Usca Mayta, Don Juan 87, 128, 183 Upper-, Lower-moiety 120

Tampu (see: Tambo) Urco, mountain (and derivatives) 72-73, 175

Tantar, place name 6 Urcos, village 86, 101

Tarco Huaman, proper name 126-127, 149, Uru ayllu 6, 7, 8, 9, 100-101, 198-199, 222

182 Usca, beggar 87, 98, 178

Taqui, dance 198 Usca Mayta panaca, ayllu 3, 4, 6, 9, 86-88, Tarpuntay, ayllu in Cuzco 6, 7, 9, 111-112, 124-125, 128, 178, 183, 222, 241 175, 178 Uscovilca, proper name 104-105, 129-130, 138,

Taucaray, mountain, ayllu in Oropesa 136-137 186-188 Taypi, generic name of ayllu (see: Chaupi) | Ushku, white 105

4, 81 Uxuta, sandal 178

Teclovilca, proper name 104, 138 Uxuta Urco Guaranga, proper name 107-109,

Temple of the Sun (See: Inticancha, Corican- 177-178 cha) 243-246

Thunder 157, 161-162 VALCARCEL, L. E. 36

Ticci, origin 107, 168 VALERA, BLAS 33, 104, 111, 138, 151, 152, Ticcicocha, place name in Cuzco 238 228

INDEX 265 230, 245 141

VAZQUEZ DE ESPINOSA, ANTONIO 34, 81, 167, | Wamani, lords of the mountains (see: Puquio)

VELEZ Lopez, L. R. 73 World or Sun, period of 1000 years 219, 227

Venus 161-162

Vicaquirao, proper name 107-108, 176-177, Xacxaguana (see: Jaquijahuana) 77, 153 188-191, 222

Vicaquirao panaca, ayllu 3, 4, 6, 9 Yahuar, blood 149

Vicza (see: Villca) 175 Yahuar Huacac, proper name 5, 31, 126-127, Vilaoma (see: Villca Uma) 151 149-150, 154, 175 Vilcabamba, region near Cuzco 235 Yaku, water 141 Vilcaconga, mountains 101 Yamqui-Collagua, sub-province 115-116 Villacumu (see: Villca Uma) 151 Yamqui, title 115-117

Villaoma (see: Villca Uma) 151 Yana, black 99

Villca, priest, ancestor, great-grandchild, sun, Yanaca, village, sub-province 81, 99 medicin, phallic symbol 73-74, 104, 111, | Yanacona, class of people 48, 98-99, 100, 149-

138, 161-162, 164, 175, 217 150, 153-154, 158, 198, 222, 224-227

Villcachina, clyster 73 Yanacora, ayllu 4

Villcaquire, proper name 111 Yanavilca, proper name 104-105 Villca Uma, high priest 111-112, 151-152, Yana Villca, class of priests 152

163, 181, 241 Yanayaco (see: Yanacona) 153, 158

Viracocha, creator 94, 110, 111, 151, 163, 165- Yaura panaca, ayllu (see: Raurau panaca) 3, 6

170, 206-207, 219-220, 243-246 Yaurisqui, place name 6

Viracocha Inca, proper name 5, 110-113, 150- | Ychoc (see: Lloque) 41

154, 163, 166-167, 175, 206-207 Yucay, village 86

Viracocha Inca Paucar, proper name 108

Virgin of the Sun (see: Aclla) Zocso panaca, ayllu (see: Sucsu panaca) 5 ZUIDEMA, R. T. 14, 22, 170

Wachogq, “Hero” (see: Puquio) 141-144