The Censorship And Fortuna of Platina's Lives of the Popes in the Sixteenth Century [1° ed.] 2503518141, 9782503518145

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KATERN 1

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T HE C ENSORSHIP AND F ORTUNA OF P LATINA’S L IVES OF THE P OPES IN THE S IXTEENTH C ENTURY

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LATE MEDIEVAL AND EARLY MODERN STUDIES Editorial board under the auspices of The Faculty of Arts, University of Melbourne, and the Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies Ian Moulton, Chair Arizona State University Frederick Kiefer University of Arizona Stephanie Trigg University of Melbourne Charles Zika University of Melbourne

Advisory Board Jaynie Anderson University of Melbourne John Cashmere La Trobe University Megan Cassidy Welch University of Melbourne Albrecht Classen University of Arizona Robert W. Gaston La Trobe University John Griffiths University of Melbourne Anthony Gully Arizona State University Bill Kent Monash University Anne Scott Northern Arizona University Juliann Vitullo Arizona State University Emil Volek Arizona State University Retha Warnicke Arizona State University

VOLUME 9

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T HE C ENSORSHIP AND F ORTUNA OF P LATINA’S L IVES OF THE P OPES IN THE S IXTEENTH C ENTURY by

Stefan Bauer

H

F

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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Bauer, Stefan The censorship and fortuna of Platina's Lives of the popes in the sixteenth century. - (Late medieval and early modern studies ; 9) 1. Platina, 1421-1481. Vitae pontificum 2. Platina, 1421-1481 - Censorship I. Title 262.1'3'0722 ISBN-13: 9782503518145

© 2006, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2006/0095/160 ISBN-13: 978-2-503-51814-5 Printed in the E.U. on acid-free paper

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C ONTENTS

Acknowledgements

vii

Note to the Reader

ix

List of Abbreviations

xi

Preface

xiii

Chapter 1: Platina’s Life and Works: From the Battlefield to the Vatican Library Piadena-M antua-Florence

1

Rome

25

Appendix to Chapter 1

84

Chapter 2: The Writing of the Lives: Sources and Self-Censorship

89

Platina and His Sources

89

Self-Censorship: The Life of Paul II

96

Chapter 3: History of the Censorship Proceedings for Platina’s Lives of the Popes, 1587

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1

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Introduction

105

The Plans to Censor Platina’s Lives

107

Appendix to Chapter 3

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Chapter 4: Analysis of the Proposals for Censoring Platina’s Lives of the Popes, 1587 Biographies of the Censors

123

The Censorship Proposals

140

Chapter 5: Venice, 1589–92: The Censored Italian Edition

173

Girolamo Giovannini: Introduction

173

The Self-Image of a Professional Censor

178

Giovannini’s Project and Earlier Italian Editions

182

The Censored Italian Edition of 1592

187

Appendix to Chapter 5

193

Chapter 6: The Fortuna of the Lives

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211

Translations

211

Latin Editions

231

Appendix to Chapter 6

242

Epilogue

249

Documentary Appendix

253

Bibliography

323

Index

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A CKNOWLEDGEMENTS

T

his book is, in essence, a PhD thesis completed at the Warburg Institute (School of Advanced Study, University of London) in 2004, which was revised at the Deutsches Historisches Institut (DHI) in Rome where I have been working since then as a research fellow. It first grew out of my previous studies on Jacob Burckhardt in combination with the new ideas I encountered during the MA course on the Renaissance at the Warburg Institute in 1998–99. When my exciting and rewarding lustrum in London drew to an end, there was one person whom I could not thank enough: my supervisor, Jill Kraye. She provided generous and unfailing support far beyond what one might justifiably expect from an extremely busy librarian, researcher, and teacher. Jill made the Warburg Institute, that earthly paradise for research, much more than an academic home for me and the others who are lucky enough to work with and learn from her. I would also like to thank David Chambers, who first introduced me to Platina and who guided me through the history of popes and cardinals, sharing not only his immense knowledge and experience, but also his delightful sense of humour and sound common sense. I am grateful to Kate Lowe and Simon Ditchfield for acting as my examiners and for a pleasant as well as challenging viva. The study course on the city of Rome organized by Arnold Esch in September 1999 remains an unforgettable experience. Arnold Esch also gave me a six-month DHI grant to carry out research in Rome. During a dinner near the Vatican my former teacher from Aachen, Raban von Haehling, introduced me to researchers who were working in the Archives of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith. Without that encounter, my research would have taken a different course. I am indebted to the present director and deputy director of

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Acknowledgements

the DHI, Michael Matheus and Alexander Koller, who enabled me to finish the revision of my thesis and to start a new project on Onofrio Panvinio. All the other scholars and friends, too numerous to list, who helped me along the way can be assured of my gratitude. I hope they will forgive me for not including all of their names here, fearing that such a list would always be incomplete. My doctoral research in London was generously funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Board (British Academy), Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst, Gerda Henkel Stiftung (Projekt ‘Humanismus’), and Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (Graduiertenkolleg ‘Vormoderne Konzepte von Zeit und Vergangenheit’, University of Cologne). I received additional travel grants from the Warburg Institute and the Dr Günther Findel Stiftung at the Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel.

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N OTE TO THE R EADER

In my editions of documents: Square brackets [ ] are used for clarifications that I have added. Small angle brackets ‹ › indicate my conjectures. Large angle brackets < > are used for interventions in the text by another author. An ellipsis within square brackets ë …û is used to indicate a lacuna, that is, either damage to the manuscript or a space left empty by the scribe. An illegible word is marked {…}. I have expanded all abbreviations and repunctuated. The numbers of popes are always changed to Roman numerals (e.g., Pius II). Throughout the book, when quoting incomplete sentences, I place the punctuation outside the quotation marks.

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A BBREVIATIONS

ACDF

Archivio della Congregazione per la dottrina della fede, Vatican City

AGOP

Archivio Generale dell’Ordine dei Predicatori, Rome

ASMAG

Archivio di Stato, Mantua, Archivio Gonzaga

ASV

Archivio Segreto Vaticano

b.

busta

BAM

Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan

BAV

Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana

DBI

Dizionario biografico degli italiani (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1960– )

Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae Decretales Pseudo-Isidorianae et Capitula Angilramni, ed. by Paul Hinschius (Leipzig: Tauchnitz, 1863)

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Decretum

Gratian, Decretum, in Corpus iuris canonici, 2nd edn, ed. by Emil Friedberg, 2 vols (Leipzig: Tauchnitz, 1879), I

LP

Le Liber pontificalis, ed. by Louis Duchesne, 3 vols (Paris: Thorin; De Boccard, 1886–1957)

Mansi

Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, ed. by Giovanni Domenico Mansi, 31 vols (Florence: Zatta, 1759–98); repr. with continuations by Louis Petit and Jean-Baptiste Martin, 53 vols (Paris: Welter, 1901–27; Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1960–62)

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Abbreviations

PG

Patrologiae cursus completus […] Series Graeca, ed. by Jacques-Paul Migne, 161 vols (Paris: Migne, 1857–66) (I always refer to the facing Latin text.)

PL

Patrologiae cursus completus […] Series Latina, ed. by Jacques-Paul Migne, 221 vols (Paris: Migne, 1844–64)

Platina, Vitae

Platynae historici Liber de vita Christi ac omnium pontificum, ed. by Giacinto Gaida, RIS, ser. 2, 3.1 (Città di Castello: Lapi, 1913–32) (I cite this edition by page and line number.)

QFIAB

Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken

RIS

Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, ed. by Lodovico Antonio Muratori, 25 vols (Milan: Tipografia della Società Palatina, 1723–51); ser. 2 (Città di Castello: Lapi; Bologna: Zanichelli, 1900– ); ser. 3 (Rome: Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, 1999– )

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P REFACE

AMICO LECTORI S .

T

here is good reason to be wary of methodological discussions. The difficulty of making generalizations about the nature of Renaissance humanism has been pointed out by Riccardo Fubini. In the first place, according to Fubini, starting in the 1470s, the development of Italian humanism, which had precociously come into full bloom, was marked by divergence (discontinuità). After that point, humanist history was reduced, on the whole, to propaganda, only to be resuscitated by titans of the sixteenth century such as Francesco Guicciardini, Onofrio Panvinio, and Carlo Sigonio.1 Furthermore, Fubini warns against what he terms the ‘historiography of “grand theses”’. It is a fallacy to believe that there was an ideal type of humanism or ‘the humanist’: such wishful thinking is often informed by the desire to project present values onto the past. He suggests that ‘it will suffice, rather, to identify and investigate the protagonists of humanistic culture in their histories and motivations, as well as in the reactions they stimulated in others’.2

1

R. Fubini, Storiografia dell’umanesimo in Italia da Leonardo Bruni ad Annio da Viterbo (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2003), pp. xv–xvii, 29. See also his ‘Papato e storiografia nel Quattrocento: storia, biografia e propaganda in un recente studio’, ibid., pp. 211–48 (pp. 242–44) (review of Miglio, Storiografia pontificia, first publ. in Studi medievali, ser. 3, 18 (1977), 321–51). 2

R. Fubini, ‘Renaissance Humanism and Its Development in Florentine Civic Culture’, in Palgrave Advances in Renaissance Historiography, ed. by J. Woolfson (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), pp. 118–38 (pp. 120, 132–33). See also his L’umanesimo italiano e i suoi storici: origini rinascimentali — critica moderna (Milan: Angeli, 2001), p. 7.

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Fundamental questions regarding papal historiography in the Renaissance and its transformation according to humanist ideals were posed by Massimo Miglio thirty years ago.3 The most important of these concerns the relationship of humanist historians to the traditional medieval chronicle of the papacy, the Liber pontificalis, which was discontinued after the death of Pope Martin V in 1431. The break with the Liber pontificalis was a significant departure. It coincided with the end of the schism and the defeat of the conciliar threat to universal papal predominance over the Church. Henceforth, individual biographies continued to be written, such as those by Giannozzo Manetti of Nicholas V, Giovanni Antonio Campano of Pius II, Michele Canensi and Gaspare da Verona of Paul II. Bartolomeo Platina (1421–81) composed a biography of Pius II in 1464/65, a decade before he wrote his Lives of the Popes (Vitae pontificum). Poggio Bracciolini wrote a group of biographies of popes from Urban VI to Pius II. Writers attempted to adapt the biographical genre to the ideological needs of a Renaissance papacy which strove to restore Rome to its ancient splendour, while the popes performed the dual role of successors of Peter and imitators of ancient Roman emperors. It was Jacopo Zeno who made the first attempt to recast the entire Liber pontificalis in a humanist manner; but his account did not go beyond Clement V (1305–14), and it seems that the work did not find much support from Paul II (1464–71), to whom he dedicated it. Both Zeno and Platina were concerned with the inadequacy of the language and style in which the Liber pontificalis had been composed over the course of many centuries. Platina was also interested in political history. He put flesh on the biographical skeletons of the Liber by including accounts of political events which he found, for example, in Biondo Flavio’s groundbreaking medieval history, the Decades (even though he used a compendium of it). Platina therefore deserves credit for widening the perspective of papal biography by including wars, diplomatic negotiations, and the popes’ endeavours to consolidate the possessions in their own territory, the papal state.4 3 For this and what follows see M. Miglio, Storiografia pontificia del Quattrocento (Bologna: Pàtron, 1975), pp. 3–30; idem, ‘Tradizione storiografica e cultura umanistica nel “Liber de vita Christi ac omnium pontificum”’, in Bartolomeo Sacchi, il Platina (Piadena 1421–Roma 1481): atti del Convegno internazionale di studi per il V centenario (Cremona, 14–15 novembre 1981), ed. by A. Campana and P. Medioli Masotti (Padua: Antenore, 1986), pp. 63–89 (repr. in his Scritture, scrittori e storia, 2 vols (Manziana: Vecchiarelli, 1991–93), II, 111–27). See also E. Cochrane, Historians and Historiography in the Italian Renaissance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), pp. 40–58. 4

This was criticized by one of Platina’s successors, Alfonso Chacón, in his own Vitae et gesta summorum pontificum a Christo domino usque ad Clementem VIII necnon Sanctae Romanae

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The distinction between history and biography was, in practice, never as clear as some theoretical statements from antiquity and the Renaissance suggest: one only needs to consider how many times in the editorial fortuna of Platina’s Lives the title oscillated between Vite dei papi and Historia delle vite dei papi. I fondly recall a conversation with the late Nicolai Rubinstein, who pointed out that Platina was not as good a historian as Leonardo Bruni and, moreover, was a morally dubious character. Platina’s morals, I suppose, are a matter of personal taste. Under Paul II, he was imprisoned twice: once for provoking the pope, the second time for his alleged participation in a conspiracy against the pope’s life. To be sure, Platina was often high-handed and self-righteous, ready to criticize anyone including the Holy Father. This also led him to call for moral reform within the ranks of the clergy, whom he wished would live modestly and virtuously, so as to set a good example for the faithful. Despite this stance, Platina ironically became a favourite of Sixtus IV (1471–84), the pope who introduced nepotism on an entirely new scale.5 It is one thing to judge Platina’s qualities as a historian from today’s perspective, where he cannot hold his own with a great innovator such as Bruni. It is another to trace his publishing success. Not only were Platina’s Lives of the Popes pleasingly written in an elegant and straightforward Latin, but he also

Ecclesiae cardinalium, 2 vols (Rome: Lanza; Paolini, 1601), I, 2: ‘Platina […] vitas omnium pontificum scribere aggressus est […]. Verum dum profana et peregrina tanto studio prosequitur atque externis totus incumbit, susceptum propositum videtur deserere et non tam pontificum vitas quam alienorum gesta describere: circa quae referenda diffusus et amplus, circa proprium tamen institutum restrictus, ieiunus atque contractus; et quod magis pios offendit, maledicus et conviciator acerrimus multorum pontificum, quos sola libidine detrahendi nihil tale commeritos conviciis insectatur et petulanter atque procaciter mordet et lacerat.’ The passage reflects the internal censorship documents to which Chacón had access. He plays here on the catchy phrase coined by the censor William Allen that Platina wrote not so much the lives (vitae) as the vices (vitia) of the popes. See below, pp. 140–41; S. Bauer, ‘“Platina non vitas, sed vitia scripsit”: le censure sulle Vite dei papi’, in Nunc alia tempora, alii mores: storici e storia in età postridentina, ed. by M. Firpo (Florence: Olschki, 2005), pp. 279–89. 5

On what might be a hypocritical position — Platina, the favourite, criticizes nepotism — see S. Bauer, ‘Platina e le “res gestae” di Pio II’, forthcoming in Enea Silvio Piccolomini: Pius Secundus, Poeta Laureatus, Pontifex Maximus, ed. by A. Antoniutti (Rome: Associazione culturale ‘Shakespeare and Company 2’; Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana). On humanist criticism of the Church in the fifteenth century see P. Gilli, ‘Les formes de l’anticléricalisme humaniste: anti-monachisme, anti-fraternalisme ou anti-christianisme?’, in Humanisme et Église en Italie et en France méridionale (XVe siècle–milieu du XVIe siècle), ed. by idem (Rome: École française de Rome, 2004), pp. 63–95.

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displayed admirable powers of synthesis and presentation. Such virtues drew ever new generations of readers to his book. His Lives were so much regarded as an official history of the papacy that Robert Bellarmine, in 1588, had to point out explicitly that the work had no such authority.6 Its popularity and near-official status are among the main reasons why the book was censored in 1587–92 and why not just one, but four censors scrutinized it (William Allen, Robert Bellarmine, Pietro Galesini, and Girolamo Giovannini). Furthermore, its popular appeal surely accounts for the decision of the Congregation of the Index of Prohibited Books to expurgate the Italian version, while leaving the Latin original intact. The Latin version was mostly printed north of the Alps, where censorship was in any case not easy to enforce, even had the book been put on the universal Index (which it never was). Lastly, meddling with the original text would mean revealing to the erudite Latin-reading world that the Catholic Church falsified books and attempted to cover up the embarrassing moments in its own history which Platina was prepared to include in his Lives.7 At a time when the Church was waging a scholarly war with the learned Protestants who had produced the Magdeburg Centuries, censoring the Latin text of Platina’s work would have seemed like an admission of defeat. The battle for the last word regarding the correct historical tradition would have to be won by Robert Bellarmine’s Disputationes in the field of dogma and by Cesare Baronio’s Annales ecclesiastici in the field of history. Meanwhile it was acceptable for Platina’s Lives to continue to be read, as Bellarmine argued, since the vices of past popes should be freely admitted: far from obscuring the prestige of the Roman See, they served rather to emphasize that the papacy was chosen by God to survive any crisis. In taking this stance, Bellarmine showed himself to be the leading representative of a moderate and politically astute strain among Catholic intellectuals. He seems to have prevailed over the more hard-line and less sophisticated opinions of the English cardinal William Allen when the work was discussed in the Congregation of the Index. Updated editions of Platina’s Lives with new biographies continued to be produced until the late eighteenth century, with translations into French, Italian, German, Dutch, and English. A critic and book-collector of the eighteenth

6

R. Bellarmine, Disputationes de controversiis Christianae fidei adversus huius temporibus haereticos, 3 vols (Ingolstadt: Sartorius, 1586–93), II (1588), 5th general controversy: De sacramento poenitentiae, Bk. III, Ch. 13, col. 1659: ‘neque publica auctoritate et ex publicis archivis Vitas illas pontificum scripsit’. 7

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For this and the following see below, pp. 141–42.

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century, Carl Benjamin Lengnich, came to the conclusion that Platina was the most widely read historian of modern times.8 It is my hope that this book — the first monograph on Platina and his Lives 9 — may be a useful tool for fresh evaluations of his place, as a distinctive individual, within the culture of his time and of his importance, as a humanist biographer of the popes, within a tradition of historical scholarship. Rome, Via Aurelia Antica, June 2006

8 9

See below, pp. 240–41.

R. J. Palermino, ‘Platina’s History of the Popes’ (M.Litt. thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1973), remains unpublished; its orientation is philosophical. For a short biography of Platina and a bibliographical digest see S. Bauer, ‘Platina, Bartolomeo’, in Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon, ed. by F.-W. Bautz and T. Bautz (Hamm (vols I– II); Herzberg (III– XVIII); Nordhausen (XIX – ): Bautz, 1990– ), XXII (2003), cols 1098–1103 (updated version available at www.bautz.de).

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Chapter 1

P LATINA’S L IFE AND W ORKS: F ROM THE B ATTLEFIELD TO THE V ATICAN L IBRARY I. Piadena-Mantua-Florence 1. Name, Place, Time

B

artolomeo Sacchi was born to a poor family in Piadena in 1421.1 He was referred to as Bartolomeo throughout his lifetime; however, from the sixteenth century onwards he was known by other first names, the most common of which was ‘Baptista’.2 The confusion probably arose through the incorrect expansion of the abbreviations ‘B.’ or ‘Bar.’ In 1627 the Dutch humanist Gerhard Johann Vossius re-established his correct name, Bartolomeo, from 1 It seems that Platina’s date of birth can only been determined from his date of death together with a statement about his age according to which he was sixty when he died on 21 September 1481 (see p. 82, n. 324, below). This chapter is based on the following biographical overviews: G. Gaida, ‘Prefazione’ (1913) to his edition of Platina, Liber de vita Christi ac omnium pontificum, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (henceforth cited as RIS), ser. 2, 3.1 (Città di Castello: Lapi, 1913–32), pp. iii–c (pp. ix–xxxiv); Palermino, ‘Platina’s History of the Popes’, pp. 17–45; W. Benziger, Zur Theorie von Krieg und Frieden in der italienischen Renaissance: die Disputatio de pace et bello zwischen Bartolomeo Platina und Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo […], 3 parts in 1 vol. (Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 1996), I, 9–23; M. E. Milham, ‘Introduction’ to her edition of Platina, On Right Pleasure and Good Health: A Critical Edition and Translation of De honesta voluptate et valetudine (Tempe: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1998), pp. 1–95 (pp. 1–45). Another useful biographical chapter is in a book which came out after the completion of this manuscript: B. Laurioux, Gastronomie, humanisme et société à Rome au milieu du XVe siècle: autour du De honesta voluptate de Platina (Florence: SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2006), chap. 2, pp. 103–98. 2 Examples are: Baptista Platina Cremonensis, De vita et moribus summorum pontificum historia (Paris: Petit; Vidoue, 1530); Baptista Platina, Historia von der B ( pst und Keiser leben, trans. by Kaspar Hedio (Strasbourg: Rihel, 1546); Battista Platina, La Historia delle vite de’ pontefici, trans. by Lucio Fauno (Venice: Tramezzino, 1563). Other versions of his name were ‘Randulphus’ or, in France, ‘Jehan’.

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contemporary sources.3 As a student in Mantua in the 1450s he was addressed as ‘Bartholommeus Platinensis’, and when he became a teacher as ‘Maistro Bartolomeo de Piadena’.4 What began as purely geographical information turned into a new surname. He styled himself ‘Platyna’ (his preferred spelling), from the Latin name of his native Piadena, while suppressing his family name, Sacchi, which betrayed his humble origins. Piadena is a small Lombard town in the province of Cremona, situated between the cities of Cremona and Mantua. He surmised, in typical humanist fashion, that the name of his hometown was derived from John Platyn, a seventh-century Byzantine exarch, or imperial commander, who governed Italy from Ravenna and who, he speculated, may have fought a battle or set up a camp at the spot which later became Piadena.5

3

G. J. Vossius, De historicis Latinis (Leiden: Maire, 1627), p. 534. For an expanded discussion see A. Zeno, Dissertazioni Vossiane, 2 vols (Venice: Albrizzi, 1752–53), I, 242–43 (commenting on the 2nd edn of Vossius’s work (Leiden: Maire, 1651), pp. 588–89). 4

Letter by Barbara of Brandenburg, Marchesa of Mantua, to Platina, 8 August 1451, in A. Luzio and R. Renier, ‘I Filelfo e l’umanesimo alla corte dei Gonzaga’, Giornale storico della letteratura italiana, 16 (1890), 119–217 (p. 141); Ludovico Gonzaga, Marchese of Mantua, recommending Platina to Cosimo de’ Medici, 23 January 1457, in Luzio and Renier, ‘Il Platina e i Gonzaga’, Giornale storico della letteratura italiana, 13 (1889), 430–40 (p. 431). 5

On John Platyn see, recently, J. Ferluga, ‘L’Esarcato’, in Storia di Ravenna, 5 vols (Ravenna: Comune; Venice: Marsilio, 1990–96), II.1, ed. by A. Carile (1991), 351–77 (p. 367). Platyn (without an a at the end) is mentioned in Platina’s principal sources for the Lives of the Popes regarding the seventh century: Le Liber pontificalis, ed. by L. Duchesne, 3 vols (Paris: Thorin; De Boccard, 1886–1957) (henceforth cited as LP), I, 372: ‘Iohannes […] Platyn’; Enea Silvio Piccolomini, Abbreviatio supra Decades Blondi ([Rome]: [Oliverius Servius], 1481), I. [10], fol. 41v: ‘Iohannes Platin’. See Platina, Vitae, pp. 116. 1–5, on ‘Ioannes Platyna’: ‘Hunc ergo crediderim dedisse nomen meo natali solo, quod Platyna appellatur, in agro Cremonensi positum. Nam cum inter hexarchos et Longobardorum reges frequentia bella committerentur, haud dissonum vero fit, cum ille locus prope medius inter Ravennam et Papiam sit, quarum altera Longobardorum, altera hexarchi sedes haberetur, ibidem aliquando vel pugnatum esse, vel castra habita.’ ‘Platyna meum natale solum’ is also mentioned ibid., p. 319. 36, though in Platina’s Historia urbis Mantuae Gonziacaeque familiae (1466–69), ed. by P. Lambeck (first publ. Vienna: Cosmerovius, 1675) (repr. in RIS, 20 (1731), cols 617–862 (col. 732)), we find the spelling ‘Platina meum natale solum’ (verified in the fifteenth-century MS BAV, Urb. lat. 955, fol. 48v). In Vitae, p. 326. 19, he touches on ‘Platyna et castella quaedam agri Cremonensis’. Platina’s etymological speculation was firmly rejected in 1675 by the German historian Lambeck, a student of Vossius: ‘Mihi […] coniectura illa nimium levis et imbecilla videtur, utpote quae non solum nullius antiqui autoris testimonio roborata est, verum etiam nec satis valida denominationis analogia nititur’ (‘Annotationes’ to Platina’s Historia urbis Mantuae, col. 620).

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PLATINA’S LIFE AND WORKS

3

Also in the manner of humanists, he seems to have played on the meaning of the Greek verb platÚnw (‘to spread, distend’): at the top of his tombstone in S. Maria Maggiore, a stemma depicts an eagle spreading out some drapery between its claws.6 If this suggestion of Augusto Campana is correct, it might also explain why Platina added the following inscription, in which the idea of expansiveness is contrasted with that of tightness, near the bottom of the tombstone: ‘Whoever you are, if you are pious, do not disturb Platyna and his [family]: they lie cramped together and want to be left alone.’7 2. Mercenary Soldier (4 Years) Platina informs us in De principe, a treatise which he dedicated to Federico Gonzaga in 1470, that as a young man he served as a mercenary soldier under the condottieri Francesco Sforza and Niccolò Piccinino for four years.8 He was a

6 See A. Campana, ‘Antonio Blado e Bartolomeo Platina’, in Miscellanea bibliografica in memoria di Don Tommaso Accurti, ed. by L. Donati (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1947), pp. 39–50. Blado, a Roman printer who called himself ‘Antonius Bladus Platina’, used the same stemma in the 1530s. He may, therefore, have been related to Platina. For Platina’s funeral monument see also D. Porro, ‘La restituzione della capitale epigrafica nella scrittura monumentale’, in Un pontificato ed una città: Sisto IV (1471–1484), ed. by M. Miglio and others (Rome: Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, 1986), pp. 409–27 (pp. 416, 425–26); S. Maddalo, ‘Il monumento funebre tra persistenze medioevali e recupero dell’antico’, ibid., pp. 429–52 (pp. 438, 449–52); S. Bauer, ‘Grabmäler in der Papstgeschichtsschreibung der Renaissance: zur Konkurrenz erinnerungsstiftender Gattungen’, in Grab, Kult und Memoria (provisional title), ed. by C. Behrmann, A. Karsten, and P. Zitzlsperger (Cologne: Böhlau) (forthcoming). 7

See Campana, ‘Antonio Blado’, tav. 1: ‘Quisquis es, si pius, Platynam et suos ne vexes; anguste iacent et soli volunt esse.’ This interpretation is my own. There follows a Greek inscription which is discussed by F. Niutta, ‘Temi e personaggi nell’epigrafia sistina’, in Un pontificato ed una città, pp. 381–408 (p. 400). The inscriptions on this monument are also edited in P. Guerrini and others, ‘Iscrizioni romane sistine’, ibid., pp. 469–79 (pp. 476–77, no. 17). Paolo Giovio maintained that the Latin epitaph at least was composed by Platina’s assistant Demetrio Guazzelli. See Giovio’s Elogia virorum literis illustrium (1546), in idem, Opera, ed. by Società Storica Comense (Rome: Istituto poligrafico dello Stato, 1956– ), VIII: Elogia, ed. by R. Meregazzi (1972), pp. 31–225 (p. 54). 8 Platina, De principe, ed. by G. Ferraù (Palermo: Il Vespro, 1979), p. 52: ‘me adolescentem et quadriennio militem levis armaturae fuisse et partim sub Francisco Sfortia, partim sub Nicolao Piccinino, egregiis copiarum ducibus, militasse vidisseque multa quae ad hanc disciplinam pertinent’.

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member of the light infantry (miles levis armaturae).9 This is as much as we know about his life prior to his entering, around 1449, Casa Giocosa, the famous school of Vittorino da Feltre, who had recently died (1446).10 Platina was almost thirty years old, and the unusually late start of his humanist career is reflected in what Raffaele Maffei wrote about him in 1506: Platina was ‘all the more worthy of admiration because when he was already at an advanced age he acquired a literary education, after laying aside an apprenticeship entirely devoted to military service’.11 3. Studies at Casa Giocosa, Mantua (c. 1449–53) Some basic information about his time in Mantua can be gleaned from various contemporary letters. The very first source concerning Platina is a note of 1451 from Barbara of Brandenburg, Marchesa of Mantua, in which she thanks him for giving her written information about the health of his teacher, Ognibene Bonisoli da Lonigo (c. 1410–75); she also instructs him to help choose rooms for Ognibene in the family castle of Marmirolo near Mantua.12 It seems that Platina was already a kind of assistant to Ognibene, and at any rate on good terms

9

For details about the Sforza mercenary troops (structure, development, weapons and finances) see P. Blastenbrei, Die Sforza und ihr Heer (Heidelberg: Winter, 1987); see esp. pp. 101–02 for the tasks of a leviter armato. Platina was able to draw on his military experience in the chapter on the art of war in De principe, Bk III, pp. 151–89. He gives another reference to a ‘miles levis armaturae’ in his epitome of Pliny’s Natural History (see my Appendix to this chapter, doc. 3). 10

On Vittorino see, for an introduction with bibliography, M. Cortesi, ‘Vittorino da Feltre’, in Centuriae Latinae: cent une figures humanistes de la Renaissance aux Lumières offertes à Jacques Chomarat, ed. by C. Nativel (Geneva: Droz, 1997), pp. 789–94. 11

Raffaele Maffei, Commentaria Urbana (Rome: Besicken, 1506), fol. 299 v: ‘Vir fuit alioquin gravis et procul a mendacio, eoque praesertim admiratione dignior quod iam provecta etate ac tirocinio posito, quod totum militiae prius tradiderat, litteras didicit.’ 12

Barbara to Platina, 8 August 1451, in Luzio and Renier, ‘I Filelfo’, p. 141: ‘Dilecte noster. Placuit nobis ex tuis litteris intellexisse statum Omniboni, quem cuperem potiorem esse. Scribimus Magistro Arivabeno qui istic apud vos est, ut eum visitet et sue saluti quantum possibile sit vacet et intendat. Ceterum quia, ut nosti, Omnibono concesseramus partem domus nostre in Marmirolo […] videtur nobis ut cum annexis nostris te ad factorem nostrum Marmiroli conferas et tres ibi cameras elligas pro Omnibono’. On Giovan Pietro Arrivabene, later secretary to Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga, and Marmirolo see D. S. Chambers, A Renaissance Cardinal and His Worldly Goods: The Will and Inventory of Francesco Gonzaga (1444–1483) (London: Warburg Institute, 1992), passim.

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with Barbara. Ognibene directed the Casa Giocosa from 1449 to 1453;13 we can therefore conclude that his pupil Platina studied at the Giocosa in this period. Platina barely mentions the mathematician Jacopo da S. Cassiano, a canon regular, who ran the school for three years before Ognibene.14 Jacopo no doubt placed emphasis on mathematical teaching, so the school would have been very different (and probably less congenial to Platina) under him than under Ognibene’s leadership. Platina, in his life of Vittorino, refers to the humanist as his ‘grandfather’ (avus), indicating that there was a direct line through Ognibene, his spiritual father, to Vittorino, who had been like a father to Ognibene.15 Platina lists Ognibene as the first among Vittorino’s learned students: ‘My master Ognibene da Lonigo is thought to possess excellent and most learned erudition in both [Greek and Latin].’16 Vittorino’s aristocratic pupils included the sons of the Marchese Gianfrancesco Gonzaga — among them Ludovico, the ruler of Mantua from 1444 to 1478 — and Federico da Montefeltro, who later became Duke of Urbino. Among his other students the best known are Lorenzo

13 For what follows see G. Ballistreri, ‘Bonisoli, Ognibene’, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1960– ) (hereafter cited as DBI), XII (1970), 234–36; C. Leitner, Ognibene Bonisoli da Lonigo und sein Traktat über Metrik und Prosodie (Vienna: Verband der wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaften Österreichs, 1988), pp. 5–85. 14

Jacopo da S. Cassiano (Jacobus Cremonensis), a student and friend of Vittorino, inherited his books and took over the school for three years after his death. He then went to Rome under Nicholas V, where he criticized George of Trebizond’s translation of Ptolemy’s Almagest in 1452. His own Latin translation of Archimedes is well known. See J. Monfasani, George of Trebizond (Leiden: Brill, 1976), pp. 105–08. 15 Platina, Commentariolus de vita Victorini Feltrensis (c. 1462–65), dedication to Baldassare Soardo, ed. and trans. by E. Garin, in Il pensiero pedagogico dello umanesimo (Florence: Giuntine; Sansoni, 1958), pp. 668–99 (p. 668): ‘Victorini avi mei, si gentilitatis et agnationis nomina in successione disciplinarum usurpari possunt, vitam et mores […] conscripsi’. See also Vittorino’s advice to a student (ibid., p. 680) that he should give himself over to a ‘praeceptori […] qui […] te parentis sumat animum, cuique item tu ut filium decet obtemperes’; and ibid., pp. 672–73, a passage indicating that Platina himself had most likely not known Vittorino: ‘Abhorrebat enim [Victorinus], ut ex Omibono Leoniceno praeceptore meo saepius audivi, aulas moresque principum’. Garin’s edition is based on those of G. Biasuz, Vita di Vittorino da Feltre (Padua: Editoria Liviana, 1948), and T. A. Vairani, in his Cremonensium monumenta Romae extantia, 2 parts in 1 vol. (Rome: Salomoni, 1778), I, 14–28. Only Vairani used BAV, MS Urb. lat. 915. I refer to Garin’s edition because it is the most readily available, but I have made use of Biasuz’s helpful annotations. 16

Platina, Vita Victorini, p. 692: ‘Omnibonus Leonicenus, praeceptor meus, optimus atque doctissimus utraque eruditione habetur.’

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Valla, Giovanni Andrea Bussi, Niccolò Perotti, Jacopo da S. Cassiano, and the Greek philosophers George of Trebizond and Theodore Gaza — all of whom eventually went to Rome.17 The Byzantine émigrés, in exchange for Latin instruction, gave lessons in Greek. Vittorino’s students, says Platina, emerged from the school splendidly educated: as if pouring out from a Trojan Horse, their learning spread over nearly the whole of Italy.18 We can trace the steps of the scholars listed by Platina to locations from Venice to Milan, from Florence to Naples — Antonio Beccaria even went overseas to work in the service of Duke Humfrey of Gloucester. Of course, these movements were also triggered by the death of Vittorino, after which the Giocosa lost some of its attraction. Platina points out that when Vittorino’s students dispersed after his death, they greatly missed the interesting minds which he had gathered together; and this must also have been true for the new students who arrived in Mantua, among them Platina himself.19 Vittorino had set up the Casa Giocosa in Mantua in 1423, first teaching the children of the Marchese and of other noblemen, then gradually adding pupils from a poor background but with intellectual potential. He had thus founded ‘the first great school of the Renaissance’.20 Among the noble pupils was Barbara

17

Ibid., pp. 690–92. Platina describes Jacopo da S. Cassiano as ‘in dialecticis, phisicis, mathematicis [eruditus]’ — but gives no hint that he ran the school. Other students of Vittorino mentioned here by Platina are Gregorio Correr (for his eloquence), Andrea Fasolo (eloquence), Gian Pietro da Lucca (classical studies), Pietro Balbi (Latin and Greek), Sassolo da Prato (Ciceronianism), Francesco da Castiglione (learning), Andrea Vigevano (literary exegesis), Basinio de’ Basini (epic poetry), Baldo Martorello (pedagogy), Pietro Manna (public teaching), and Gabriele da Concoreggio (grammar teaching). 18

Ibid.: ‘Hi omnes, ut de Isocrate dicitur, ex gymnasio Victorini, tamquam ex equo Troiano, principes emanarunt, quorum opera atque eruditione tota ferme Italia est usa.’ See Cicero, De oratore, II. 22. 94; H.-I. Marrou, Histoire de l’éducation dans l’antiquité, 6th edn (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1965), p. 132. The same was said about Guarino da Verona’s school. See his son Battista Guarino’s De ordine docendi et studendi (1459), in Humanist Educational Treatises, ed. by C. W. Kallendorf (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002), pp. 260–308 (p. 308). 19 Platina, Vita Victorini, p. 698: ‘Reliquit Victorinus post mortem magnum sui posteris desiderium, dilabentibus passim discipulis amisso praeceptore, marcentibusque in dies praeclaris ingeniis quae undique, propositis etiam praemiis, colligere ad doctrinam solebat.’ By 1462 the school had deteriorated to a point at which it was ‘inservibile’: Luzio and Renier, ‘I Filelfo’, pp. 137–38. 20 W. H. Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre and Other Humanist Educators (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1897; repr. Toronto: University of Toronto Press; Renaissance Society of America, 1996), p. 24.

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of Brandenburg (the future wife of Ludovico Gonzaga), who later supported the school. Ognibene belonged to the category of poor students, and so too, probably, did Platina, even though he arrived at a relatively late age and may have had some savings from his military career. While normally pupils left the school at twenty-one,21 Platina was about twenty-eight when he entered. He would almost certainly have been able to read and write Italian when he arrived and may even have had some rudimentary training in Latin. No doubt he was drawn to the Giocosa by Vittorino’s fame. The school gave him the chance to get a proper humanist education. Emphasis here was placed on classical Latin, and Platina may well have learned some Greek, too. But the school was not narrowly focused on grammar and rhetoric. Vittorino had set up a curriculum which contained a balance of intellectual, moral, and religious teaching, as well as physical exercise. Vittorino himself was an ascetic, who lived in celibacy, rejected personal property, and used his income to fund the studies of his poor pupils. He made his students endure physical hardships and taught them to disdain both pleasure and leisure. On the other hand, many outdoor games, and even hunting, were part of the schedule, in which exercise and enjoyment were combined. Only frugal food was allowed; the overweight Ludovico Gonzaga, for example, was put on a strict diet.22 The behaviour of the children and their language were strictly controlled. Vittorino was deeply religious, taking his students to church and exhorting them to daily prayers.23 In the liberal arts, the Giocosa provided a complete education in classical literature and perhaps mathematics.24 Platina gives us detailed information as to which classical authors were taught. He stresses Vittorino’s predilection for Virgil, whom he regarded as ‘honest, concise, pleasant, solemn, and full of things worth

21 Idem, Studies in Education during the Age of the Renaissance, 1400–1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1906; repr. New York: Russell & Russell, 1965), p. 22. 22

Platina, Vita Victorini, pp. 672 (generosity to poor students); 694 (celibacy); 674, 694 (rejection of property); 675 (endurance vs. pleasure); 677, 691 (cold); 683 (games, hunting); 676, 694 (plain food); 674 (diet for Ludovico). See also R. Signorini, ‘“Manzare poco, bevere aqua asai et dormire manco”: suggerimenti dietetici vittoriniani di Ludovico II Gonzaga al figlio Gianfrancesco e un sospetto pitagorico’, in Vittorino da Feltre e la sua scuola, ed. by N. Giannetto (Florence: Olschki, 1981) pp. 115–48. 23

Platina, Vita Victorini, pp. 690, 678. See also G. Müller, Mensch und Bildung im italienischen Renaissance-Humanismus (Baden-Baden: Koerner, 1984), pp. 218–20. 24

Woodward, Studies in Education, p. 14. Müller (Mensch und Bildung, pp. 140–42) compares the different educational aims of prominent Renaissance teachers.

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knowing’.25 Vittorino also concentrated on Lucan because of the ‘ardour and passion’ which this author gave to young minds. He left the elegiac poets aside, since they were too petulant and lascivious. Ovid, on the other hand, was playful and amiable. Among the satirists he favoured Persius, passing over Juvenal in public lectures on account of his obscenity. Vittorino praised Horace’s poetry highly.26 He taught both the Greek and Latin tragedians, and preferred Terence and Plautus among the comedians. In history, which Vittorino thought was ‘nearly a poem in prose’ (quasi quoddam solutum carmen), he esteemed Sallust for his stylistic brevity and good Latin, and Livy for his rich, pleasant, and expansive style. He defended Livy against accusations of writing in a provincial style ( patavinitas) and rejected any doubts as to his truthfulness.27 Other historians he recommended were Caesar (for his Commentaries) and Valerius Maximus. In rhetoric Quintilian was the central authority, in philosophy Cicero

25 Platina, Vita Victorini, p. 684: ‘rectus, pressus, iucundus, gravis, copiosus rerum omnium scientia’. For the following see also Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre, pp. 46–48, and the lists of Vittorino’s books in M. Cortesi, ‘Libri e vicende di Vittorino da Feltre’, Italia medioevale e umanistica, 23 (1980), 77–114 (pp. 88–95), and in Müller, Mensch und Bildung, pp. 313–14. The development of a canon of Latin authors in medieval and Renaissance Italian schools is traced by R. Black, Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp. 173–274; on Renaissance Latin curricula see P. F. Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989). 26

Platina, Vita Victorini, p. 686: ‘legebat et Lucanum […] propter ardorem et concitationem quam mentibus adolescentium addit’; ‘elegos ut petulantes et lascivos omittebat’; Ovid was ‘lascivus et amabilis’; Juvenal spoke ‘aperte nimium et obscene’; Horace was ‘plenus […] iucunditatis ac gratiae’. Ognibene wrote a commentary on Persius before 1460 (D. M. Robathan and others, ‘A. Persius Flaccius’, in Catalogus translationum et commentariorum: Mediaeval and Renaissance Latin Translations and Commentaries, ed. by P. O. Kristeller and others (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1960– ), III (1976), 201–312 (pp. 257–58)), as well as a commentary on Juvenal (c. 1457–61), where ‘Roman history, law and antiquities are carefully explained’ (E. M. Sanford, ‘Juvenalis, Decimus Junius’, in Catalogus translationum, I, 175–238 (pp. 208–09); and F. E. Cranz and P. O. Kristeller, ‘Juvenalis: addenda et corrigenda’, ibid., III (1976), 432–45 (p. 444)). 27

Platina, Vita Victorini, p. 686: ‘In historia, quae quasi quoddam solutum carmen habetur, ut Sallustium ob brevitatem et Latinitatem, ita Livium propter ubertatem, iucunditatem, amplitudinem, praecipue vero in concionibus, in quibus virtus inest maxima, extollebat, neque videre se dicebat quid patavinitatis haberet mirae facundiae et elegantiae vir, cui ab Asinio Pollione peregrina verba obiiciuntur. Eos item errare dicebat qui tanti historici fidem, in qua virtute maxime excellit, facile calumniarentur.’

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the universal guide. Seneca was recommended for his moral writings, although Vittorino maintained that his erudition was greater than his eloquence.28 Vittorino was at the time the humanist educator who, together with Guarino da Verona (1374–1460), attached the most importance to Greek.29 He himself had learned Greek first from Guarino in Venice, then from his Byzantine pupils George of Trebizond (c. 1431) and Theodore Gaza (c. 1444–46) in the Giocosa. The Greek authors mentioned by Platina as on Vittorino’s curriculum are Homer, Hesiod, Theocritus, Pindar, Aristophanes, Euripides, Sophocles, Aeschylus, Demosthenes, and Isocrates.30 Platina’s teacher Ognibene was such an accomplished Greek scholar that as a teenager he had translated Plutarch’s Life of Camillus and the fables of Aesop into Latin. He also translated John Chrysostomus, Athanasius, and Xenophon.31 When he gave a Greek oration in Venice in front of Cardinal Bessarion, he received high praise, and Bessarion sent him a copy of his treatise In calumniatorem Platonis in 1469.32 But it is not surprising that Ognibene devoted the largest part of his work to Latin literature. Perhaps around 1450 he compiled a popular Latin grammar based on Vittorino’s method, as well as a treatise De arte metrica. Later in his teaching career he concentrated on rhetoric and was considered an authority on Quintilian and Cicero. Among his works are an edition of Quintilian’s

28

Ibid., pp. 686–88 (Quintilian, Cicero), 688 (Seneca).

29

On Guarino, see A. Grafton and L. Jardine, From Humanism to the Humanities: Education and the Liberal Arts in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Europe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1986), pp. 1–28 (iconoclastic); J. Verger, ‘Guarino de Vérone’, in Centuriae Latinae, pp. 411–16. On Greek studies in the Giocosa see Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre, pp. 49–59; N. G. Wilson, From Byzantium to Italy (London: Duckworth, 1992), pp. 34–41; M. Cortesi, ‘Libri greci letti e scritti alla scuola di Vittorino da Feltre: fra mito e realtà’, in I manoscritti greci tra riflessione e dibattito, ed. by G. Prato, 3 vols (Florence: Gonnelli, 2000), I, 401–16. 30

Platina, Vita Victorini, pp. 680, 688; cf. Wilson, From Byzantium to Italy, p. 35.

31

See M. Cortesi, ‘Lettura di Plutarco alla scuola di Vittorino da Feltre’, in Filologia umanistica: per Gianvito Resta, ed. by V. Fera and G. Ferraù, 3 vols (Padua: Antenore, 1997), I, 429–55. For his translation of Xenophon, De venatione, see D. Marsh, ‘Xenophon’, in Catalogus translationum, VII (1992), 75–196 (pp. 113–14). 32 For the praise, see Barnaba da Celsano’s preface to Athanasius, Contra haereticos et gentiles, trans. by Ognibene da Lonigo, dedicated to Paul II (Vicenza: Achates, 1482); repr. in Patrologia Graeca (henceforth cited as PG), 25, p. xlvi. Ognibene’s letter thanking Bessarion for the treatise is in L. Mohler, Kardinal Bessarion als Theologe, Humanist und Staatsmann, 3 vols (Paderborn: Schöningh, 1923–42), III, 597–98.

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Institutio oratoria and a commentary on Cicero’s De oratore.33 One of Platina’s fellow students gives us a glimpse of Ognibene’s teaching programme in 1450. He reports that he was taking classes on Livy’s Ab urbe condita, Cicero’s orations and philosophical works, and Homer and John Chrysostomus in Greek.34 4. ‘The Way to the Stars’: Platina as a Teacher in Mantua (c. 1453–56) Ognibene was called back to Vicenza in 1453, when Mantua had taken sides with Milan in a conflict with Venice.35 Platina took over his job as tutor to the sons of Barbara of Brandenburg and the Marchese Ludovico Gonzaga, and presumably succeeded Ognibene as director of the Giocosa. Late in 1456, however, Platina received permission from his patrons to travel to Greece to study (classical) Greek and philosophy. Barbara wrote to the Duchess of Milan, Bianca Maria Sforza, requesting letters of recommendation, that is, safe-conducts, from the powerful Milanese rulers for Platina’s travels.36 Bianca Maria had a high opinion of Platina’s predecessor: in 1448 she had urgently tried (in vain) to hire Ognibene as a tutor to the heir of Milan.37

33

Commentaries on Lucan, Valerius Maximus, and Sallust were falsely attributed to him. See R. W. Ulery, Jr, ‘Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae in the Edition of Venice, 1500: The Medieval Commentary and the Renaissance Reader’, in On Renaissance Commentaries, ed. by M. Pade (Hildesheim: Olms, 2005), pp. 7–28 (with further references). 34 Giovanni da Capo d’Istria, letter to a relative of 11 February 1450, in R. Sabbadini, ‘Briciole umanistiche, XXIV : Ognibene Leoniceno’, Giornale storico della letteratura italiana, 43 (1904), 256–58 (p. 258): ‘Ut intelligas quibus in studiis versor: Latine Livium Ab urbe condita, Ciceronis orationes et philosophicas, Graece vero Homerum assidue audio, Iohannem Chrysostomum.’ 35

Barbara of Brandenburg wrote a letter of safeconduct on 12 June 1453. See Leitner, Ognibene, pp. 37–38, 69, n. 2. 36 For the following quotations see Barbara’s letter to Bianca Maria, 8 November 1456, in E. Motta, ‘Bartolomeo Platina in Grecia’, Bollettino storico della Svizzera italiana, 7 (1885), 274– 76 (p. 275). A copy of this letter in Mantua was edited by A. Luzio, ‘Cinque lettere di Vittorino da Feltre’, Archivio veneto, ser. 2, 36 (1888), 329–41 (pp. 340–41, n. 2). See also Ludovico Gonzaga’s almost identical letter of the same day to Bianca Maria, ASMAG, b. 2885, liber 29, fol. 16v (mentioned by Luzio and Renier, ‘Platina’, p. 430, n. 2; David Chambers very kindly found the exact reference). 37

Bianca Maria to Barbara, 10 July 1448; Barbara to Bianca Maria, 20 July 1448, in Lettere inedite di Ognibene da Lonigo, ed. by R. Sabbadini (Lonigo: Gaspari, 1880), pp. 25–28.

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Barbara in her letter introduces Platina, who had been in the service of the Marchese as preceptore of his sons for several years (più anni) — most likely since Ognibene’s departure. She informs the Duchess that because of Platina’s merits, good behaviour, and virtue (li meriti e buoni portamenti suoi et etiam la virtude sua), she had acceded to his wish that she write to Milan on his behalf; and she says that she would consider it a personal favour if Platina were to receive the letters of recommendation. In the Milanese chancery, Cicco Simonetta eight days later noted that the letters (littere passus) had been granted.38 Before we follow Platina to Florence, it will be interesting to examine two letters from Giorgio Valagussa (c. 1428–64), giving us some hints about his activity as a teacher in Mantua, as well as his first two opuscula. Valagussa, seven years younger than Platina, had studied in Guarino’s school in Ferrara.39 At the time when he wrote the letters he was less fortunate than Platina, for he was unable to find a permanent teaching position in Ferrara. The city of Vicenza had offered Valagussa a well-paid post before Ognibene returned there in 1453, but he had rejected the offer because he did not want to leave Ferrara and his teacher Guarino, though he did eventually do so in the spring of 1455.40 In what is probably the earliest of the two letters (even though it comes second in the manuscript), Valagussa congratulates Platina on becoming Ognibene’s successor. The letter can therefore be dated to 1453. Valagussa reports that Francesco Calcagnini had sung Platina’s praises to him.41 Calcagnini had been one of the first of Vittorino’s students, had 38 Simonetta’s note of 16 November 1456 is in Motta, ‘Platina in Grecia’, p. 275. See also Luzio, ‘Cinque lettere di Vittorino’, p. 430. 39

On Valagussa see G. Resta, Giorgio Valagussa, umanista del Quattrocento (Padua: Antenore, 1964); C. Malta, ‘“Georgius” e Guarino’, in Filologia umanistica: per Gianvito Resta, II, 1223–32. 40 Valagussa to Antonio Fundano, c. 1453–54, in Valagussa, Epistolarum familiarium libri XII, ed. by Resta, Valagussa, pp. 120–317, Ep. V . 13 (p. 184). See also Resta, Valagussa, pp. 5–15. 41

Valagussa to Platina, c. 1453, Ep. V . 7, Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, M S Acquisti e doni 227, fol. 63 r–v: ‘Georgius Valagussa Bartholomaeo salutem plurimam dicit (dignitati illius congratulatur). Etsi benivolentia erga me tua antea mihi cognita esset et te quodam amore incredibili mihi esse devinctum non ignorarem, tamen in dies animus tuus magis magisque innotescit. Quem Franciscus Calcagninus sua confabulatione adeo subsecutus est, ut qui mihi prius carior fuerit nunc carissimus videatur, mirum immodum hominem diligo; nam cum te laudibus efferat, me quoque laudari arbitror. Omnes et enim te laudibus ornant ut nullo pacto dubitandum sit. Eo in loco laudes tuas esse sitas, ut non nisi ea a te expectanda sint, quae a summo ingenio summaque prudentia expetenda fuerint; quapropter una cum Virgilio cantare liceat: “macte, puer, virtute nova, sic itur ad astra” [Aeneid, IX . 641]. Quod autem Omnibono viro quidem eruditissimo in legendo successeris, quanta laetitia quanto gaudio affectus sim non facile quis verbis consequi posset. Gratulor itaque tibi, et mihi gaudeo tibi huiuscemodi laudis

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then become secretary to Marchese Gianfrancesco Gonzaga and remained in the service of his successor Ludovico.42 In the years 1448 to 1453 he was often in Ferrara, presumably representing Ludovico’s interests. Valagussa in his letter pays tribute to Ognibene, and he points out that there could be no greater honour for Platina than to follow in his footsteps. He quotes Virgil, ‘Blessings on your young courage, my boy, that is the way to the stars!’, to congratulate him on having ‘succeeded that most erudite man, Ognibene, in lecturing’. Incidentally, Valagussa may not have been aware that Platina was seven years older than him. Valagussa’s second letter, written between 1453 and 1455, at which time he left Ferrara, shows that he and Platina were engaged in an exchange of manuscripts of classical authors. Platina is rebuked for his delay in sending some manuscript material. He is promised a ‘small part’ of Aristophanes, which at the moment Valagussa is still reading himself, and is urged in advance to treat it with care. Valagussa also maintains that he is hunting for a commentary on Cicero’s De oratore.43 The two humanists are clearly on familiar terms. We know that Valagussa hoped to go to Constantinople (following in the footsteps of Guarino, who had stayed there in 1403–08); but his plans were thwarted by the fall of Contantinople in 1453.44 A few years later, in 1456/57, Platina also planned to

accessionem contigisse, qua profecto nulla honorabilior, nulla iucundior mea sententia evenire quivisset. Tu igitur hac in felicitate constitutus aliquando amicorum succurrat imago: Georgiique Valagussae memoriam interdum renovato, quod erit si aliquid perscribas. Hoc a te vehementer etiam ac etiam rogo quo nihil gratius mihi feceris. Nam quod coram non liceat, litterae saepius ultro citroque advolent ut utriusque desiderium leniri queat. Vale.’ This letter is summarized in Resta’s edition of Valagussa’s Epistolae, p. 180, and it is partly translated in Leitner, Ognibene, p. 38. 42

T. Ascari, ‘Calcagnini, Francesco’ (c. 1405–76), in DBI, XVI (1973), 498–99.

43

Valagussa to Platina, Ep. V . 6 (pp. 179–80; published in full): ‘Sero profecto, mi Bartholomaee, ad me quinterniones misisti’ (a quinternion is a gathering of five sheets folded together); ibid.: ‘Aristophanis particulam illam impraesentiarum ad te minime mitto, cum mihi ipse sit opus […]. Interpretationes “de oratore”, tanquam aucuparia canis, obstipo capite exploro; si illas venabor, crede, quam primum te participem reddam. Te tamen diligentia mea segniorem haud efficiat; immo tu quoque huic venationi curam impende ut, si forte coturnix ex unguibus meis sese proripiat, tuis irretita reperiatur.’ In the late 1450s Valagussa compiled a manual for letter writing under the title Elegantiae Ciceronianae (publ. as In flosculis epistolarum Ciceronis vernacula interpretatio ([Venice]: [n. pub.], c. 1480); on which see Resta, Valagussa, pp. 38–42; Grendler, Schooling, pp. 211–12; Black, Humanism and Education, pp. 353–55. 44

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travel to Greece, but likewise failed to do so.45 Valagussa, instead, went to Milan in 1455 and, around 1456, became tutor to the sons of Francesco Sforza. Platina’s first known literary work is the Divi Ludovici Marchionis Mantuae somnium (Dream of the Divine Marchese Ludovico of Mantua, c. 1454–56).46 It is a Ciceronian dialogue between Virgil and Ludovico Gonzaga and was clearly inspired by Ludovico’s interest in the poet, who was a native of Mantua. The Marchese wanted correct texts of Virgil to be established; and we will see how later in his life, in Florence, Platina was engaged in just such a project. In the Somnium there is a short statement about Platina’s relationship to his patron. In the preface to Ludovico he says that he always loved him and his family and that he studied literature under his rule.47 But there is a more significant testimony in Platina’s second known work, a short speech entitled Oratio de laudibus illustris ac divi Ludovici Marchionis Mantuae (On the Merits of the Illustrious and Divine Marchese Ludovico of Mantua), probably written during his stay in Florence. Here Platina, when praising his patron Ludovico, mentions his own background: ‘You rendered my family, from humble origins, noble.’48 This should not be taken too literally. Rather, it expresses Platina’s gratitude to the Marchese, although in fact his family did profit from the Gonzaga: in June 1458 Federico Gonzaga, formerly Platina’s student, recommended his uncle, Giacomo Sacchi, to the Milanese court.49 Nobility may, on the other hand, have been a sensitive issue for Platina: Vittorino da Feltre ‘loved nobility’50 and may have

45

Where exactly Platina intended to go is unclear. One possibility might be Mistra, where the philosopher George Gemistus Pletho (c. 1360–1452), perhaps the foremost authority on Greek antiquity, had established a Platonic school. See C. M. Woodhouse, George Gemistos Plethon: The Last of the Hellenes (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986). 46

Platina, Divi Ludovici Marchionis Mantuae somnium, ed. by A. Portioli (Mantua: Eredi Segna, 1887). 47 Ibid., p. 13: ‘ego vero qui te familiamque tuam semper amavi et sub cuius imperio literas didici’. 48

Platina, Oratio de laudibus illustris ac divi Ludovici Marchionis Mantuae (c. 1457–60), in F. Amadei, Cronaca universale della città di Mantova (1745), ed. by G. Amadei, E. Marani, and G. Praticò, 5 vols (Mantua: CITEM, 1954–57), II (1955), 226–34 (p. 229): ‘tu familiam meam ex ignobili nobilem reddidisti’. 49

Federico Gonzaga to Angelus de Trecate, ducal auditor, 9 June 1458, in Motta, ‘Platina in Grecia’, pp. 275–76: ‘Jacomo de’ Sachi de Piadena, barba [= zio] de magistro Bartholomeo mio preceptore altra volta’. 50

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Platina, Vita Victorini, p. 694: ‘nobilitatem amavit’.

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passed this predilection on to Ognibene — perhaps another reason for Platina to suppress his family name. Platina goes on in his Oratio to thank Ludovico for letting him go to Florence: ‘And you also gave me leave to study philosophy thoroughly.’ He promises to dedicate all his future works to him.51 We shall see to what extent he would actually do this. 5. Florence (1457–c. 1461) Even before Platina had left for Florence, his imminent departure was already known in Ferrara. Guarino da Verona wrote to Ludovico and proposed an unnamed candidate to succeed Platina in his teaching capacity. On 11 January 1457 Ludovico responded that he had already employed someone else to teach one of his sons grammar; this was most likely Bartolomeo Marasca.52 Although Platina had received permission from his patrons to travel to Greece in November 1456, he must have changed his plans when the news broke that John Argyropulos (c. 1415–87) was coming to teach in Florence. On 23 January 1457 Ludovico wrote a letter of recommendation to Cosimo de’ Medici, from which it emerges that Platina had decided to go to Florence ‘to study Greek under Argyropulos’. Cosimo is asked to give Platina ‘all his help, advice and favour’ (ogni adiucto, consilio et favore suo) during his stay and to supply him with copies

51

Platina, De laudibus Ludovici, p. 229: ‘tuque item mihi missionem dedisti perdiscendae philosophiae causa’; ibid.: ‘quare pro tantis tamque innumerabilibus erga me benefitiis tibi familiaeque tuae omnem operam, industriam et diligentiam meam debere profiteor. Nihil a me unquam fiet laude dignum, quod tuo nomini tuisque auspitiis dedicatum non sit’. See also ibid., p. 234: ‘tibi polliceor me numquam passurum famam obliterari tuam et meae erga te benevolentiae’. 52 Ludovico Gonzaga to Guarino da Verona, 12 January 1457, in Luzio and Renier, ‘I Filelfo’, p. 143. We know that at least from 1458 Marasca was the tutor to Francesco Gonzaga; when Francesco became a cardinal in 1462, he was master of his household. See Luzio and Renier, ibid.; S. Davari, Notizie storiche intorno allo studio pubblico ed ai maestri del secolo XV e XVI che tennero scuola in Mantova (Mantua: Segna, 1876), p. 9; D. S. Chambers, ‘Il Platina e il cardinale Francesco Gonzaga’, in Bartolomeo Sacchi, il Platina (Piadena 1421–Roma 1481): atti del Convegno internazionale di studi per il V centenario (Cremona, 14–15 novembre 1981), ed. by Augusto Campana and Paola Medioli Masotti (Padua: Antenore, 1986), pp. 9–19 (p. 10); idem, ‘Bartolomeo Marasca, Master of Cardinal Gonzaga’s Household (1462–69)’, Aevum, 63 (1989), 265–83 (p. 266).

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of some of his Greek and Latin books — by no means a small favour.53 Argyropulos started lecturing in Florence in February 1457. We are informed about his teaching programme for the years in which Platina was there. He focused on Aristotle. In moral philosophy, he taught the Nicomachean Ethics in 1457–58, ‘and soon thereafter, on feast days, the Politics’. In natural philosophy he taught Physics (1458–60) and De anima (c. 1460–61). It is not clear how much Plato Argyropulos taught; but Platina was certainly able to fulfil his aim of studying Greek and philosophy under him.54 The Vita Nerii Capponi (c. 1457–60) is Platina’s first substantial piece of work from his Florentine period. Neri Capponi (d. 27 November 1457) was a prominent Florentine political figure, second in importance only to Cosimo de’ Medici. He wrote autobiographical Commentari covering the years 1419–56.55 Platina offered a near-literal translation of Neri’s text into Latin, to which he added a preface, addressed to his son Gino Capponi (1423–87) — so much for Platina’s promise in the Oratio to dedicate all his future works to Ludovico Gonzaga. He broke off the translation after the Peace of Lodi (1454), omitting the events of the final two years of Neri’s life and, instead, writing a description of Neri’s personality and virtues.56 Even though this text is not really Platina’s

53

Ludovico Gonzaga to Cosimo de’ Medici, 23 January 1457, in Luzio and Renier, ‘Platina’, p. 431: ‘per oldire greco sotto lo Argiropulo’; ibid.: ‘voglia fargli copia de alcuni suoi libri latini et greci’. For the books which were copied for Ludovico see below, pp. 23–24. 54 A. Field, The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), p. 114 (quotation). See also V. R. Giustiniani, Alamanno Rinuccini, 1426–1499 (Cologne: Böhlau, 1965), p. 97. Argyropulos’s inaugural lectures are published in K. Müllner, Reden und Briefe italienischer Humanisten, repr. ed. by B. Gerl (Munich: Fink, 1970), pp. 3–56. For Plato see Field, Origins, pp. 107–26, and his ‘John Argyropulos and the “Secret Teachings” of Plato’, in Supplementum Festivum: Studies in Honor of Paul Oskar Kristeller, ed. by J. Hankins, J. Monfasani, and F. Purnell, Jr (Binghamton, NY: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1987), pp. 299–326. 55

Neri Capponi, Commentari di cose seguite in Italia dal 1419 al 1456, in RIS, 18 (1731), cols 1157–1216. For his importance see M. Mallett, ‘Capponi, Neri’, in DBI, XIX (1976), 70–75. 56

Platina, Vita Nerii Capponi, ed. by L. A. Muratori, in RIS, 20 (1731), cols 478–516; for the brief portrait of Neri see cols 513–16. See also Muratori’s preface, ibid., p. 477. On Gino see M . Mallett, ‘Capponi, Gino’, in DBI, XIX (1976), 29–31. G. Scaramella (‘La “Vita Nerii Capponii” di Bartolomeo Platina’, Archivio Muratoriano: studi e ricerche in servigio della nuova edizione dei ‘Rerum Italicarum scriptores’ di L. A. Muratori, fasc. 8 (1910), 411–12) sums up the reasons why the Vita was not to be included in the second series of RIS. Cf. also his ‘Questioni varie intorno alle cronache Capponiane pubblicate dal Muratori’, Archivio Muratoriano, fasc. 6 (1908), 307–26 (p. 315).

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own, there are similarities to his Somnium, in that large parts of both are devoted to recounting the military campaigns which ended with the Peace of Lodi. We have two letters of 1459 to Platina from the young Pierfilippo Pandolfini, which give us some information about Platina’s relationship to Florentine humanists. In the first letter, dated 14 September, Pandolfini encourages Platina to write an epitaph for the recently deceased Cardinal Jacopo di Portogallo.57 Since the Cardinal’s secretary does not know the learned men of Florence, he has asked Pandolfini to invite some of them to submit an epigram each, one of which would later be chosen for a marble monument in honour of the Cardinal. We learn that Platina is absent from the city and that there is a friendly relationship between him and Pandolfini, which the latter describes as a ‘very strong bond’ (summa coniunctio).58 Since he asks Platina to send his epigram as quickly as possible (quam primum), it seems likely that the following letter, which is undated, was sent before the end of the same year, that is, 1459. Pandolfini replies to Platina, thanking him for the epigram. He reports that the most learned men of Florence had praised Platina’s epigram highly. The Cardinal’s executors had not yet passed judgement on it, however, because they had been called to Mantua by Pius II a few days earlier.59 As the Congress of Mantua (June 1459–January 1460), hosted by Ludovico Gonzaga, was the greatest event in Mantua in recent years, it is tempting to assume that Platina went back there in some capacity.60 It might have been then that he met the Pope who would later give him his post as an abbreviator at the

57 On Pandolfini (1437–97: he was twenty-two years old at the time), see A. Cataldi Palau, ‘La biblioteca Pandolfini’, Italia medioevale e umanistica, 31 (1988), 259–395 (esp. pp. 259–65). Jayme (1434–59), of the Portuguese royal family, was created cardinal by Callistus III in 1456. He died in Florence on 27 August 1459 at the young age of twenty-four or twenty-five. See F. Hartt, G. Corti, and C. Kennedy, The Chapel of the Cardinal of Portugal, 1434–1459, at San Miniato in Florence (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964), pp. 27–46. 58

Pierfilippo Pandolfini to Platina, 14 September 1459, Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magl. VI 166, fols 105r–06 v, ed. by Hartt, Corti, and Kennedy, Chapel of the Cardinal, p. 43, n. 21: ‘a te vero absente pro nostra summa coniunctione tuaque singulari humanitate petere non dubitavi’. Part of this letter is also published in A. Della Torre, Storia dell’Accademia Platonica di Firenze (Florence: Carnesecchi, 1902), p. 535. 59

Pandolfini to Platina, c. October–November 1459 (see the Appendix to this chapter, doc. 1). Pius II does not mention this in his autobiographical Commentarii, ed. by A. van Heck, 2 vols (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1984). 60

On the Congress, see Il sogno di Pio II e il viaggio da Roma a Mantova, ed. by A. Calzona and others (Florence: Olschki, 2003).

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Curia. But if we read on, we learn that Platina, at least at that moment, was not in Mantua. Pandolfini asks him to compose some unspecified work in the meantime, and urges him to return to Florence: ‘What business can you have with trees, birds and other brute animals?’ He refers to the example of Socrates, who, according to Plato tuus in the Phaedrus, never left the city because he felt that he could not learn anything in the countryside.61 Lastly, Pandolfini reminds Platina that Argyropulos, who is very friendly (amicissimus) towards him, is in Florence, so he can have conversations with him and thereby extend his knowledge. He hopes that Platina will decide to return. Platina was in fact back in Florence in December 1459, working on Virgil texts, a task which would occupy him until 1461 (see below, p. 23). More information about Platina’s contacts in Florence can be gleaned from his dialogue De optimo cive, dedicated to Lorenzo de’ Medici in 1474.62 Even though written fifteen years after Pandolfini’s letter, it picks up the Socratic theme. The setting is Careggi, outside Florence, where the aged Cosimo de’ Medici is sitting under a tree: the opening is explicitly reminiscent of Plato’s Phaedrus. Young Lorenzo meets Platina and asks him why he has left the city. 61

Pandolfini to Platina, c. October–November 1459: ‘aliud interim conficias, quaeso’ (from here onwards, the letter is mostly previously unpublished); ibid.: ‘Tibi enim cum arboribus, avibus, brutisque ceteris animalibus quid commercium vero potest?’ The latter passage is referred to as a ‘celebrazione di Socrate nell’Umanesimo’ in E. Garin, ‘La fortuna dell’etica aristotelica nel Quattrocento’ (1951), in idem, La cultura filosofica del Rinascimento italiano (Florence: Sansoni, 1961), pp. 60–71 (pp. 61–62). See also idem, ‘A proposito della biografia di Giovanni Argiropulo’, Rinascimento, 1 (1950), 104–07 (pp. 106–07). 62 The treatise was merely an adaptation of De principe (dedicated to Federico Gonzaga in 1470), with a new dedication and setting, among other changes. For a comparison between the two dialogues see N. Rubinstein, ‘The De optimo cive and the De principe by Bartolomeo Platina’, in Tradizione classica e letteratura umanistica: per Alessandro Perosa, ed. by R. Cardini and others, 2 vols (Rome: Bulzoni, 1985), I, 375–89 (repr. in his Studies in Italian History in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2004– ), I, ed. by G. Ciappelli, pp. 259–71); also H. Lutz, ‘Bemerkungen zu dem Traktat “De optimo cive” des Bartolomeo Platina’, Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 78 (1970), 372–85; L.-P. Raybaud, ‘Platina et l’humanisme florentin’, in Mélanges Pierre Tisset (Montpellier: Faculté de droit et des sciences économiques, Université de Montpellier, 1970), pp. 389–405; P. Viti, ‘Il mito di Lorenzo nell’umanesimo fiorentino’, in Lorenzo dopo Lorenzo: la fortuna storica di Lorenzo il Magnifico, ed. by P. Pirolo ([Cinisello Balsamo]: Silvana Editoriale, 1992), pp. 59–119 (pp. 69–71); L. Mitarotondo, Virtù del principe, virtù del cittadino: Umanesimo e politica in Bartolomeo Platina (Bari: Adriatica Editrice, 2005), pp. 112–79. On De optimo cive in the context of Florentine political ideas, see N. Rubinstein, ‘Cosimo optimus civis’, in Cosimo ‘il Vecchio’ de’ Medici, 1389–1464, ed. by F. Ames-Lewis (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), pp. 5–20.

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Platina answers that he has gone away from the city for a while because he wanted some rest and quiet in order to be able to think. At the close of the first book, Platina indicates that he is imitating a Platonic dialogue. Cosimo is called a ‘second Socrates’ at the end of the text.63 In the dedication Platina expresses how much he owes to Florence: it had nourished and educated him, and Lorenzo’s grandfather and father had accepted him into the patronage of their family. Even though he had come to Florence as a foreigner, he had felt at home there.64 The dialogue starts with a long section on religion, in which Platina gives voice to his disdain for luxury, a position which I will shall deal with later on, since it is an important aspect of his moral stance in the Lives of the Popes. In De optimo cive, Platina (through the interlocutor Cosimo) goes on to speak about love of the fatherland (charitas patriae), the personal qualities involved in friendship, the nobility of virtue and magnificence. Many of these topics seem to echo Vittorino da Feltre’s educational precepts: for example, the discussion of nobility,65 the advice that the best citizen sleeps little, and the idea that food should be simple.66 The second book includes subjects such as: the recognition of truth; justice; loyalty; how to avoid fraud; and again magnificence versus avarice. There are references to Aristotle’s Politics, Nicomachean Ethics, and Rhetoric, the first two of which we know were taught by Argyropulos when Platina was his student. But we also find many references to various dialogues of Plato (Republic, Laws, Timaeus, Phaedrus, Phaedo, and Theaetetus), which suggests that Pandolfini’s remark about Plato tuus was not without justification.

63 Platina, De optimo cive, in Matteo Palmieri, Della vita civile; Platina, De optimo cive, ed. by F. Battaglia (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1944), pp. 179–236 (p. 183); ibid., p. 210: ‘Platina [speaking to Cosimo]: ‘uno sermone, si potes, hoc praesertim die omnia absolve. Idem enim Plato fecit. Nam omnem orationem de legibus uno aestivo die peroravit’; p. 236: ‘ut alterum Socratem’. 64 Ibid., p. 180: ‘Multum enim patriae isti tuae florentissimae debeo, quae me licet externum tot annis non modo aluit verum etiam erudivit; multum praeterea avo ac patri tuo, viris certe clarissimis, quorum benignitate et gratia in clientelam familiae vestrae susceptus sum.’ Ibid.: ‘eiusdem civitatis merito civis appellari possim, in qua annis aliquot vixi in tanta civium charitate et benevolentia, ut facile dignosci non posset civisne an peregrinus essem’. 65

Ibid., pp. 198–99: ‘sola enim virtus est quae nobiles facit’; cf. Platina, Vita Victorini, p. 694. On the nobility of virtue see also Platina’s dialogue De vera nobilitate (c. 1472–77) (see below, p. 73). 66 Platina, De optimo cive, p. 209. Compare his Vita Victorini, p. 694: ‘Fugiendam pinguedinem dicebat [Victorinus], quae solet ex nimia edacitate, potu, otio, somno exoriri, tamquam gravissimam sarcinam et densam animi nubem.’ On food see Platina, De optimo cive, pp. 208–09, 236.

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Platina calls Aristotle ‘the wisest man ever’ (homo omnium qui unquam fuere sapientissimus), but Plato ‘the first in intellect and learning’ (ingenii atque doctrinae princeps).67 Yet the most extensively cited author in De optimo cive is, not surprisingly, Cicero; and it has been argued that Platina derived his citations of Plato and Aristotle predominantly from Latin authors such as Cicero, Seneca, and Diogenes Laertius.68 Platina tells us that he studied under Argyropulos in a passage where Cosimo, speaking to Platina and Lorenzo about justice, refers to the Byzantine scholar as ‘your teacher’. The passage is also interesting for its similarities to a short work by Argyropulos called De institutione eorum qui in dignitate constituti sunt.69 De optimo cive provides some information about Platina’s relationship with Donato Acciaiuoli (1429–78) and Alamanno Rinuccini (1426–99). He describes them as particularly valuable friends to Cosimo and, we may assume, also to himself.70 They were the leaders of the circle around Argyropulos, which was made up of the young Lorenzo de’ Medici, Angelo Poliziano, Pierfilippo and Pandolfo Pandolfini, Piero Acciaiuoli, Bartolomeo Fonzio, Platina, and others.71 Donato Acciaiuoli wrote to Platina in May 1474, praising the dialogue and

67

Platina, De optimo cive, pp. 198, 212 (Cosimo is speaking).

68

See G. Ferraù, ‘Introduzione’ to his edition of Platina, De principe (Palermo: Il Vespro, 1979), pp. 5–33 (pp. 17–18), with the index of classical and medieval authors on pp. 192–93; Rubinstein, ‘The De optimo cive’, pp. 379, 388; Raybaud, ‘Platina e l’humanisme florentin’, p. 393, n. 14. 69

Platina, De optimo cive, p. 217: ‘illa doctoris vestri Argyropuli argumenta’. He is again mentioned in Platina’s life of Sixtus IV (Vitae, p. 400. 15) as ‘praeceptor meus Ioannes Argyropylus’. For De institutione, see E. Garin, ‘Note su scritti politici del Platina e dell’Argiropulo’, in Culture et société en Italie du Moyen-Âge à la Renaissance: hommage à André Rochon (Paris: Université de la Sorbonne nouvelle, 1985), pp. 79–82; Rubinstein, ‘The De optimo cive’, pp. 379–80. 70

Platina, De optimo cive, p. 199: ‘Habes Donatum Acciolum, habes Alemannum Renocinum, aliosque complures, quorum doctrina et peritia publicis privatisque in rebus uti pro arbitratu tuo poteris.’ On the implications of this passage (Platina’s political symbolism was also used by Acciaiuoli and Rinuccini) see Rubinstein, ‘Cosimo optimus civis’, and his ‘The De optimo cive’, p. 387. On Donato di Neri Acciaiuoli see E. Garin, Medioevo e Rinascimento, 2nd edn (Rome: Laterza, 1976), pp. 199–267; M. A. Ganz, ‘Donato Acciaiuoli and the Medici: A Strategy for Survival in ’400 Florence’, Rinascimento, ser. 2, 22 (1982), 33–73; Field, Origins, pp. 202–30 (for his commentaries on Aristotle). On Rinuccini see Giustiniani, Alamanno Rinuccini. 71 Acciaiuoli and Rinuccini had been instrumental in securing the Florentine post for Argyropulos in 1455. See Giustiniani, Alamanno Rinuccini, pp. 93–97. For the members of the circle see Field, Origins, pp. 55–60 (Platina is not mentioned by Field).

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thanking him for mentioning their friendship.72 Platina was also friendly with his brother Jacopo Acciaiuoli, who wrote him a letter of recommendation in 1470.73 Bartolomeo Scala (1430–97), the Florentine chancellor, congratulated Platina on De optimo cive, and he also wrote a letter to Lorenzo de’ Medici, stating that, after some consideration, he had concluded that it was proper for the dialogue to be dedicated to him, since Platina’s pleasant humanistic style did not detract from its serious philosophical content.74 There are three letters by Platina to Lorenzo from 1474 to 1481.75 Evidence for Platina’s later encounters 72

Donato Acciaiuoli to Platina, 5 May 1474, Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magl. VIII 1390, fol. 62 v; in Garin, ‘Note su scritti politici’, pp. 79–80: ‘Accepi paucis ante diebus litteras tuas, quibus non antea respondere constitui, quam dialogum De optimo cive vidissem […]. Precepta que eo libro continentur egregia mihi sunt visa et gravia et iis civibus accomodata, qui rectam vivendi rationem sequuntur. Stilus preterea elegans est atque facundus omni ornatu orationis. Datum est etiam aliquid amicitie nostre, cum me talem describis qualem me esse tibi persuasit tua in me benivolentia.’ Acciaiuoli goes on to report how much Lorenzo enjoyed the dialogue. On 1 April 1474, Filippo Martelli had sent the dialogue from Rome to Lorenzo: ‘Mandovi […] uno libretto datomi messer B. Platina’ (Florence, Archivio di Stato, Mediceo avanti il principato, no. 30, 229; available on the archive’s Web site). See P. Viti, ‘Due lettere di Domizio Calderini’, in Filologia umanistica: per Gianvito Resta, II, 1939–53 (p. 1942). 73

Jacopo Acciaiuoli (Rome) to Piero Dietisalvi Neroni (Naples), 31 August 1470, in Della Torre, Storia, p. 534, n. 4; partly publ. also by P. Cherubini in his edition of Iacopo Ammannati Piccolomini, Lettere (1444–1479), 3 vols (Rome: Ministero per i beni culturali e ambientali, Ufficio centrale per i beni archivistici, 1997), II, 1284, n. 1. See also below, p. 70. 74

Bartolomeo Scala to Platina, c. April–May 1474, in Bartolomeo Scala: Humanistic and Political Writings, ed. by A. Brown (Tempe: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1997), pp. 38–39: ‘Percommode autem ad civem principem civitatis quid optimo conveniat civi scribis […]. Probo etiam tuum consilium qui Cosmum disputantem de civis optimi officio feceris optimum civem lumenque et decus totius civilis sapientiae. Recognoscit sese Laurentius in dictis avi.’ For Scala’s letter to Lorenzo, c. April–May 1474, see ibid., p. 40. See also A. Brown, ‘Scala, Platina and Lorenzo de’ Medici in 1474’, in Supplementum Festivum, pp. 327–37; and idem, ‘Platonism in Fifteenth-Century Florence and Its Contribution to Early Modern Political Thought’ (1986), in her The Medici in Florence (Florence: Olschki; Perth: University of Western Australia, 1992), pp. 215–45 (pp. 225–26). 75

Platina to Lorenzo, 7 October 1474, 12 February 1477, 15 May 1481 (see P. Viti, ‘L’archivio Mediceo avanti il Principato e la cultura umanistica’, in I Medici in rete: ricerca e progettualità scientifica a proposito dell’archivio ‘Mediceo avanti il Principato’, ed. by I. Cotta and F. Klein (Florence: Olschki, 2003), pp. 185–231 (p. 203)). Lorenzo had thanked Platina for De optimo cive on 23 April 1474 and had ordered him to be paid up to one hundred ducats. See Protocolli del carteggio di Lorenzo il Magnifico per gli anni 1473–74, 1477–92, ed. by M. Del Piazzo (Florence: Olschki, 1956), p. 512. For Platina’s relations to Lorenzo, see also Platina’s somewhat enigmatic letter from Milan to Niccolò Michelozzi (Lorenzo’s secretary), 26 May 1480, New York,

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with Argyropulos in Rome is provided by the lists of loans from the Vatican Library, where the latter appears in 1475 and 1481, when Platina was papal librarian.76 It is uncertain whether Platina frequented the circle of the philosopher and translator of Plato, Marsilio Ficino (1433–99), although De optimo cive is full of Platonic references and is set, like Ficino’s commentary on the Symposium, in the Medici villa at Careggi.77 Two pieces of information about Platina’s relationship with Ficino have been shown to be highly dubious. The first is the assertion of Ficino’s biographer Giovanni Corsi that from 1459 onwards he learned Greek from Platina. This was refuted by Paul Oskar Kristeller in 1938 on the grounds that Ficino had another teacher in Florence and that Platina’s Greek was, in any case, not likely to have been good enough for him to have instructed Ficino.78 The second is the appearance of Platina in Ficino’s own list of familiares, which, according to Kristeller, is caused by a mistake in the manuscript tradition.79 Kristeller also pointed out that there was a remarkable

Pierpoint Morgan Library, Department of Literary and Historical Manuscripts. I thank Leslie Fields for information. 76 Libri bibliothecae [… ] Sixti IV commodo dati a Platyna bibliothecario, in E. Müntz and P. Fabre, La Bibliothèque du Vatican au XV e siècle (Paris: Thorin, 1887), pp. 269–99 (pp. 270–71: May, July, 1475) (p. 286: May, 1481). See also G. Cammelli, I dotti bizantini e le origini dell’Umanesimo, 3 vols (Florence: Le Monnier, 1941–54), II (1941), 162. 77 See Marsilio Ficino, Commentarium in Convivium Platonis (1469), I. 1, ed. by R. Marcel, in Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1956), p. 136. On Ficino’s circle see now J. Hankins, ‘The Invention of the Platonic Academy of Florence’, Rinascimento, ser. 2, 41 (2001), 3–38. Rather than an ‘Academy’, Hankins prefers to speak of ‘a circle which had some sort of undefined relationship with the University of Florence’ (p. 6). 78

Giovanni Corsi, Vita Marsilii Ficini (1506), in R. Marcel, Marsile Ficin (1433–1499) (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1958), pp. 680–89 (p. 682): ‘Brevi igitur Graecas litteras edoctus, Platina, ut accepi, praeceptore, Orphei hymnos exposuit’. See Kristeller, ‘Per la biografia di Marsilio Ficino’ (1938), in his Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters, 4 vols (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1956–96), I, 191–211 (pp. 198–200); idem, ‘L’état présent des études sur Marsile Ficin’, in Platon et Aristote à la Renaissance: XVIe Colloque international de Tours (Paris: Vrin, 1976), pp. 59–77 (p. 68). He proposes Francesco da Castiglione as Ficino’s Greek teacher. 79

Ficino to Martin Prenninger, Ep. XI. 28, in Ficino, Opera omnia, 2 vols (Basel: Petri, 1576; repr. Turin: Bottega d’Erasmo, 1962), I, 937: ‘In aetate vero mea iam matura familiares, non auditores: [… ] Bartholomaeus Platina’. Kristeller, ‘Per la biografia’, p. 199, proposes to read ‘Bartholomeus Fontius’ instead. Marcel, Marsile Ficin, pp. 243–50, discusses Kristeller’s suggestions which, as far as I see, today are accepted; see, for example, F. Bausi, ‘La lirica latina di Bartolomeo della Fonte’, Interpres, 10 (1990), 37–132 (p. 113).

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coolness between Ficino and Platina’s friends Donato Acciaiuoli and Alamanno Rinuccini.80 Platina’s Greek is praised in another Florentine source, a poem to him by Ugolino Verino, which forms part of his collection Flametta (1463), dedicated to Lorenzo de’ Medici. Verino states that Platina is a better translator of Homer than he himself; but rather than a scholarly judgement, this may simply be the sort of conventional flattery characteristic of the genre of Neolatin poetry.81 Since we only know one translation from the Greek by Platina, Plutarch’s De ira (from the Moralia), it has been concluded that his knowledge of the language was not very profound. His version, moreover, is only a reworking of a previous Latin translation by Coluccio Salutati.82 There also seems to be a mistake in the Greek inscription on Platina’s funeral monument.83 Further evidence about Platina’s knowledge of Greek might seem to be provided by his lists of words of Greek origins compiled from Virgil’s Bucolics 80

Kristeller, ‘État présent des études’, p. 68: ‘Nous sommes encore ignorants des raisons pour lesquelles Ficin n’a pas été un élève d’Argyropoulos […] les rapports de Ficin avec Donato Acciaiuoli étaient froids et tardifs, et quand nous nous interrogeons sur les rapports entre Ficin e l’autre principal élève d’Argyropoulos à Florence, Alamanno Rinuccini, nous devons constater un silence complet des deux savants.’ Field, Origins, pp. 59 and 124–25, n. 60, follows Kristeller but states that this question is still open. 81

Ugolino Verino, Flametta, II. 24, ed. by L. Mencaraglia (Florence: Olschki, 1940), p. 77: ‘Ad Bartholomaeum Platinensem. Maeonios quid me cogis traducere cantus? | Non est haec humeris sarcina danda meis, | Quem grai atque itali vix libavere poetae, | Pieriae unde fluit lucidus humor aquae. | Carminibus nostris forsan dum ludimus ignes, | Effugiet nigros nostra puella rogos, | Et forsan celebris tyrrhena per oppida curret | Flametta, ardoris maxima flama mei. | Magnos magna decent, ego dicar lusor amoris, | Tu referes grandi grandia verba lira. | Smirnaei melius divina poemata vatis | Romano poteris ipse referre pede.’ London, British Library, Add. MS 16426, fol. 25r, gives the title of this poem as ‘de traductione Homeri’. See Milham, ‘Introduction’, p. 8. I also consulted Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Plut. 39.42, fol. 34v. 82

Platina, De ira sedanda (c. 1477), ed. by Vairani, Cremonensium monumenta, I, 119–35 (see also below, p. 81–82). For the comparison to Salutati’s version see G. Resta, ‘Antonio Cassarino e le sue traduzioni da Plutarco e Platone’, Italia medioevale e umanistica, 2 (1959), 207–83 (pp. 239–41). Resta finds that in his dedication to Sixtus IV, Platina ‘più che di traduzione avrebbe dovuto parlare di rimanipolazione’, and suspects that he ‘sapesse ben poco di greco’. See also Kristeller, ‘Per la biografia’, p. 200. Coluccio Salutati’s Latin ‘translation’ of Plutarch, De cohibenda ira, was merely a reworking of a literal Latin version made in Avignon from 1371–73 by Simone Atumano, a Byzantine monk who converted to the Roman Church. See E. Berti, ‘Manuele Crisolora, Plutarco e l’avviamento delle traduzioni umanistiche’, Fontes, 1 (1998), 81–99 (pp. 83, n. 6, and 88); F. Stok, ‘Le traduzioni latine dei Moralia di Plutarco’, ibid., 117–36 (pp. 118–19). 83

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and Georgics.84 Again, however, it has been shown that he based these lists on a previous work, De orthographia by Giovanni Tortelli (another former student of Vittorino).85 These lists by Platina formed part of Ludovico Gonzaga’s project to establish orthographically correct texts of Virgil, mentioned above in relation to Platina’s Somnium.86 On 18 December 1459, Ludovico asked Platina to supervise the production of a copy of the Georgics with orthographic corrections, to which the Aeneid was to be added later on. Only then would Ludovico be able to have his ‘Virgil’ (il Virgilio nostro) copied.87 Platina replied on 1 January 1460 that he had received Ludovico’s letter on 20 December and had immediately put a scribe to work, so that he would soon be able to send the first part of the corrected Georgics.88 One can tell from Ludovico’s impatience how important the project

84

Platina, Vocabula Bucolicorum/Vocabula Georgicorum (c. 1460–61), Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preußischer Kulturbesitz, MS lat. qu. 488, fols 58 r–59 v, 59 v–65r. 85

Giovanni Tortelli, De orthographia (Venice: Jenson, 1471). See Milham, ‘Introduction’, pp. 6–7. On Tortelli (c. 1400–66), who had been in Mantua some time between 1423 and 1433, see also J.-L. Charlet and M. Furno, ‘Introduction’ to their Index des lemmes du De orthographia de Giovanni Tortelli (Aix-en-Provence: Université de Provence, 1994), pp. 5–14. 86

Platina, Divi Ludovici Marchionis Mantuae somnium, dedication to Ludovico, p. 13: ‘Accipies igitur hoc opusculum in dyalogi morem digestum, in quo fecimus Virgilium te adhortantem per insomnia, ut opera sua quemadmodum institueras corrigeres, teque ei respondentem quamobrem id agere intermiseras.’ Ibid., p. 16 (Virgil is speaking): ‘Potissimum ad te veni, ut tibi bene de me merito immortales agerem gratias, quippe qui opera nostra, vitio imperitorum hominum lacerata, maxima ex parte correxisti, reliquamque partem emendaturus eras, nisi tibi bella malaque domestica impedimento fuissent.’ Ludovico had interrupted his Virgil project on account of his military campaigns in the 1450s, which Platina goes on to describe. 87 Ludovico to Platina, 18 December 1459, ASMAG, b. 2886, liber 37, fol. 17v; ed. by W. Braghirolli, ‘Virgilio e i Gonzaga’, in Album virgiliano (Mantua: Mondovi, 1883), pp. 175–83 (p. 181) (wrongly stating that the letter was dated 8 December): ‘Nui voressemo che ce facesti uno apiacere, cioè che ne facestine subito scrivere una Georgica ben in littera corsiva e suso papero, ma che la fosse scripta cum li diptongi destesi, cioè ae, oe, e cum le aspiratione apontata e le dictione scripta per orthograpfia coreta secondo che sapeti facessemo coregere la Bucolica e che‘l [= che ella] non di manchi coelle e scripta e corecta che lo sia. Vedeti de mandarcela subito perché voressemo pur commentiare a fare scrivere il Virgilio nostro, e fin che non habiamo lo exemplo vostro de questa Georgica non lo faremo commentiare. Voressemo doppo ch’‹è› facto questo, vui ne facestine etiam scrivere una Eneyda in questa forma’. Platina probably also corrected transcriptions of elegies by Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid for Ludovico. See Baccio Ugolini’s promise to Ludovico related to these in a letter of December 1459 (Luzio and Renier, ‘I Filelfo’, p. 145): ‘elegias […] censura Platinae emendatas istuc transferam’. 88

Platina, Florence, to Ludovico, 1 January 1460, ibid.: ‘Ad tertium decimum Kalendas ianuarias litterae tuae mihi redditae sunt; quibus lectis statim, ut Excellentiae Tuae placere cognovi,

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was to him. In the same letter Platina also suggests erecting a statue of Virgil in Mantua, an idea which was at first embraced by Ludovico but later abandoned. On 14 April 1460 Ludovico acknowledged receipt of the complete Georgics.89 On 14 July 1460 (or 1461), Platina was working on a new task, procuring Hebrew and Greek Bibles, but he was also dealing with the illumination of the Virgil manuscripts.90 On 1 November of this or the following year, he reports that he has ‘at last’ put together in a little book all the Greek expressions from Virgil along with explanations of their orthography. He therefore asks Ludovico to send him back the three parts of manuscripts (quinterniones) which he had previously written on the Bucolics and the Georgics, so that they could be included with the new material.91 Perhaps Platina never completed this task,92 because in December 1461, Francesco Gonzaga (1444–1483) became a cardinal and Platina was getting ready to go to Rome with him. An obvious occasion to join him would have been Cardinal Gonzaga’s three-day visit to Florence, 13–15 March 1462, on his way to Rome.93

librarium conveni, virum sane eruditum cum Graece tum Latinae et nostri amantissimum. Is primo excribet quinternionem unum qui emendatus et accurate perlectus ad te quamprimum mittetur.’ 89

Mentioned by Braghirolli, ibid., p. 177; this letter is not published.

90

Platina, Florence, to Ludovico, 14 July (1460/61), ibid., p. 182: ‘Scribitur in dies Biblia ab Hebraeo longe aliter quam se facturum ostendit. Intelleximus a iudaeo quodam praetermitti ab eo et puncta et accentus in scribendo. Qua re cognita statim hominem admonui, ut aut opus intactum relinqueret aut ut decet illud conscriberet. Id se facturum magis cum difficultate promisit curabimus ut quam emendate scribatur. Exemplar Bibliae Graecae nondum invenimus; agitur diligenter hac de re, et tuis inservitur commodis. Cras, nisi fallor, ad me veniet unus atque item alter illorum aurificum qui historiam Virgilii sunt picturi. Utriusque exemplar statim ad Illustr‹issimam› D‹ominationem› Tuam mittam.’ 91 Platina, Florence, to Ludovico, 1 November (1460/61), ASMAG, b. 1099, fol. 695r; in Braghirolli, ‘Virgilio e i Gonzaga’, p. 182: ‘Redegi tandem in libellum omnes dictiones Graecas quae de Virgilio legi possunt, earumque rationem quantum ad orthographiam pertinet conscripsi. Placeat itaque Excellentiae Tuae mittere ad me tres illos quinterniones (Braghirolli: quaterniones) quos pridem in Bucolica et Georgica perscripsi, ut una cum his, quos nuper confeci, in volumen redigantur. Quod quidem absolutum, et nomini tuo dicabitur et ad te sine mora deferetur.’ I thank Arnold Esch for a scan of this letter. 92

According to Milham, ‘Introduction’, p. 6, the list of words from the Bucolics in the Berlin manuscript (above, n. 84) is random and incomplete. 93 The letters pertaining to this visit (in which Platina is not mentioned) are edited by D. S. Chambers, ‘Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga in Florence’, in Florence and Italy: Renaissance Studies in Honour of Nicolai Rubinstein, ed. by P. Denley and C. Elam (London: Committee for Medieval Studies, Westfield College, 1988), pp. 241–61.

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II. Rome 1. Platina on Education: From Eloquence to History (c. 1462–64) We have little information about Platina’s early period in Rome under Pius II (d. 1464). He no doubt went there with Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga in 1462, as mentioned above. Before discussing the question of Platina’s patrons in Rome, I shall first look at three of his works which were probably written during this period. Only one of them can be assigned a more or less precise date: an oration to Pius II of late 1463 or early 1464. The biography of Vittorino da Feltre can be roughly placed in the years 1462–65. The other work is a compendium of the Elder Pliny’s Natural History (c. 1462–66?). All these works deal in some way with education.94 Platina, the former head of the Casa Giocosa, who had gone on to widen his horizons by studying Greek and philosophy in Florence, may well have felt that education was his natural field of expertise. He may even have been expected to go back to Mantua to resume his teaching position after finishing his Florentine studies. In Rome, however, Platina needed to find a new position. It was well known that Pius II (Enea Silvio Piccolomini, 1405–64), a celebrated humanist himself, was keenly interested in education. In 1450, he had written a treatise De liberorum educatione (On the Education of Boys).95 It seems likely therefore that the three works under discussion were all written, or, at any rate, begun, during Pius’s pontificate. A work whose date is difficult to pinpoint is Platina’s epitome of Pliny’s Natural History. We have only one manuscript of the text, covering Books I–V. Since Platina used Pliny’s Natural History extensively in preparation for his cookbook, De honesta voluptate (c. 1466–67), it is possible that this manuscript is only one section of a complete epitome, which is now lost.96 Books I–V cover only ‘cosmography’ and geography; the remaining books, which deal with all

94

See A.-S. Göing, Die Lebensbilder zu Vittorino da Feltre (Würzburg: Ergon, 1999), pp. 193, 196–97. 95 96

Piccolomini, De liberorum educatione (1450), in Humanist Educational Treatises, pp. 126–259.

Platina, Ex primo [–quinto] C. Plinii Secundi libro De naturali historia epitome, London, British Library, Harley MS 3475, 40 fols (dedication in the Appendix to this chapter, doc. 3). See Milham, ‘Introduction’, p. 50. Several fifteenth-century epitomes, including that of Platina, are noted in a one-page article by L. Thorndike, ‘Epitomes of Pliny’s Natural History in the Fifteenth Century’, Isis, 26 (1936), 39. On manuscripts of the Natural History in Italy and their use for the first printed editions in the early 1470s, see M. Davies, ‘Making Sense of Pliny in the Quattrocento’, Renaissance Studies, 9 (1995), 240–57.

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other fields of knowledge — animal, vegetable and mineral — would be more relevant to the cookbook. Platina’s work is dedicated to Agostino Maffei, a friend of the Gonzaga family, who was already in Rome at the time of Francesco’s promotion to the cardinalate in late 1461 and who was arrested along with Platina in the ‘conspiracy’ of 1468/69.97 The most likely date range for its composition is therefore 1462–66. Although this text is less obviously connected to education than the others, at the end of the preface the idea of ‘learning’ is strongly underlined; and Pliny’s Natural History formed part, for example, of Guarino da Verona’s advanced teaching.98 The purpose of the compendium was to provide Maffei with a portable Pliny. Another work composed in Platina’s early Roman period is his biography of Vittorino da Feltre. It contains a reference to Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga and therefore dates from after 1461; the latest possible date is the composition of Francesco Prendilacqua’s biography of Vittorino, written in the second half of the 1460s, because Platina says that at the time he was writing there was not yet a biography of the humanist.99 The beginning of Platina’s preface is very similar

97

Chambers, Renaissance Cardinal, pp. 45–46. On the ‘conspiracy’ see below, pp. 61–67.

Platina, Plinii epitome, dedication to Agostino Maffei, fol. 2r (Appendix to this chapter, doc. 3): ‘Illic enim quid legas, quid percipias, quid ediscas, copiosius intuebere his veluti quibusdam praeludiis excitato ad docilitatem animo.’ For Guarino, see Battista Guarino, De ordine docendi et studendi, pp. 294–96. Battista notes that, according to the Elder Pliny, one should never waste time that could be used for studying, which of course makes a perfect case for an epitome (pp. 304–06). Compare Pliny the Younger, Ep. III. 5. 12–16. For quotations by Platina from the same letter see his dedication. 98

99

For the reference to Francesco Gonzaga see Platina, Vita Victorini, p. 690. See also Platina’s prefatory letter to Baldassare Soardi, in his Vita Victorini, p. 668: ‘coepi ipse mecum cogitare […] quod nemo adhuc ex tanto gymnasio inventus sit, qui meritorum sanctissimi viri memor, eius nomen omni auro et argento pretiosius posteritati scripto aliquo commendarit’. Prendilacqua states in a letter to Ottaviano Ubaldini of 10 February 1470 that he had completed his own Vita Victorini considerably before this date; it must, however, have been after 16 January 1466, when Alessandro Gonzaga, for whom he worked as secretary, died. Expressing grief over his death, Prendilacqua mentions the biography: ‘Venio ad Vitam Victorini quam tandem scripsi cum essem otiosus, si tamen otius est maximo in dolore vivere. Quanquam tardior in eam mittendo sum, nam est multo ante absoluta’ (in O. Antognoni, Appunti e memorie (Imola: Galeati, 1889), pp. 53–54). See R. Signorini, ‘Baldassare Soardi dedicatario della “Vita” di Vittorino da Feltre del Platina’, in Bartolomeo Sacchi, il Platina, pp. 153–207 (p. 166, n. 55). With regard to dating Platina’s Vita Victorini, the argument rests, of course, on the assumption that he would have known immediately about Prendilacqua’s efforts.

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to that of his Pliny epitome.100 It can be argued that the biography fits in well with another work by Platina from his early Roman period, his oration to Pius II, which is concerned with the artes liberales.101 Although the biography could have been composed at any point between 1462 and 1467, judging from the context, it was probably written under Pius II’s pontificate, that is, before August 1464. Platina’s oration to Pius II, De laudibus bonarum artium (In Praise of the Liberal Arts), can be securely assigned to late 1463 or the first half of 1464, on account of the events which are mentioned in it.102 Before looking at this oration in more detail, it is worth noting some similarities to the other two works dealt with in this section. When Platina, in the oration, mentions encyclopedia (a comprehensive ancient Greek concept of education), he says that he will deal with this matter at another time. Since this concept was used by Vittorino in the

100

Platina, Vita Victorini, p. 668: ‘Cum multa quotidie de ingenio, doctrina, religione, pietate, sanctissimi atque optimi Victorini praeceptoris tui […] loqueremur’; Platina, Plinii epitome, fol. 1v: ‘Cum Plinii Secundi acre ingenium, summam vigilantiam, excellentem doctrinam, incredibile studium miris laudibus fere quotidie celebraremus’. 101

This may also have been the motivation for Biasuz to date the Vita Victorini not later than 1465; but he does not state his reasons (see the Introduction to his edition, pp. x–xi). 102

Platina, Oratio de laudibus bonarum artium ad Pium II, ed. by Vairani, Cremonensium monumenta, I, 109–18. Towards the end of the oration, pp. 116–17, Platina discusses recent conflicts in Italy and then points out the restoration of peace by Pius, who had subdued the opponents of the Church and ensured the survival of King Ferrante of Naples (‘tu rebelles ecclesiae consilio et armis domuisti; tu Ferdinandum regem optimum et humanissimum in regno retinuisti; tu denique totam Italiam, obrutam ferme foederibus tyrannorum, consilio, auctoritate et prudentia tua singulari ac pene divina pacatam reddidisti’, p. 117). Both the final defeat of Pius’s arch enemy, the excommunicated ruler of Rimini Sigismondo Malatesta, and the end of the French-led revolt against Ferrante occurred in the autumn of 1463 (September–October). While this is the terminus post quem for Platina’s oration, the terminus ante quem is either his entry into the College of Abbreviators in February 1464 or the death of Pius in August 1464. See G. Soranzo, Pio II e la politica italiana nella lotta contro i Malatesti, 1457–1463 (Padua: Drucker, 1911); M. G. Blasio, ‘Introduzione’ to her edition of Platina’s De falso et vero bono (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1999), pp. xix–cxliv (p. lxxv, n. 6). Platina’s oration in praise of the liberal arts is related to the genre of speeches introducing university courses; see M. Campanelli, ‘L’Oratio e il “genere” delle orazioni inaugurali dell’anno accademico’, in Lorenzo Valla, Orazione per l’inaugurazione dell’anno accademico 1455–1456, ed. by S. Rizzo (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 1994), pp. 25–61 (pp. 40–41, n. 34); S. Mercuri, ‘La Oratio in laudem oratoriae facultatis di Bartolomeo Fonzio’, Interpres, 23 (2004), 54–84 (pp. 55–56, 77–78, n. 33, 83–84, n. 56).

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Casa Giocosa, the reference might indicate that Platina was working on the biography around the same time.103 There are two stylistic indications which might help to place the epitome of Pliny in this period as well.104 The oration represents a thinly disguised application for a job at the Curia. Platina first extols Pius’s learning and cites it as his motivation for dedicating to him a speech in praise of the liberal arts. He refers to Socrates as the interpreter of the divine ‘principles of living well’, that is, of the ‘discipline’ necessary for communal life.105 Plato is presented as the founder of mathematics, which was the basis for astronomy, geometry, and astrology. While all these disciplines were divine, Platina recommends an inferior art, grammar, to the Pope, since it was the building block needed to construct the house of the liberal arts. He then passes on to eloquence, by means of which it had often been possible to avert danger to the state, such as the Conspiracy of Catiline. Eloquence also helped to preserve wise principles and the deeds of great men for posterity. At this point in Platina’s argument, the border between eloquence and historiography becomes blurred. ‘Images of the best and bravest men, elegantly expressed in Greek or Latin’ could give us instructions on how to live a virtuous life. The

103

Platina, De laudibus bonarum artium, p. 113: ‘haec disceptatio in aliud tempus differenda est’; idem, Vita Victorini, p. 684: ‘Laudabat illam quam Graeci ™gkuklopaide…an vocant, quod ex multis et variis disciplinis fieri doctrinam et eruditionem dicebat, asserens perfectum virum de natura, de moribus, de motu astrorum, de linearibus formis, de harmonia et concentu, de numerandis dimentiendisque rebus disserere pro tempore et utilitate hominum oportere.’ On the Greek concept of ™gkÚklioj paide…a, from which, ultimately, the seven liberal arts of the Middle Ages derived, see Marrou, Histoire de l’éducation, pp. 266–67. For Pius II and the septem artes see B. K. Vollmann, ‘Enkyklios paideia in the Work of Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini’, in Pius II: ‘el più expeditivo pontefice’, ed. by Z. von Martels and A. Vanderjagt (Leiden: Brill, 2003), pp. 1–12. 104

Firstly, the beginning of the second logical step in both texts is strikingly similar: De laudibus bonarum artium, p. 110: ‘His itaque rationibus impulsus’; Plinii epitome, fol. 1v: ‘Victus itaque his rationibus’. Secondly, a metaphorical use of the word ‘viaticum’ (‘provision for a journey’) appears in both texts: De laudibus bonarum artium, p. 112; Plinii epitome, fol. 1v. Admittedly, these are by no means compelling arguments, but they do point in this direction. 105

Platina, De laudibus bonarum artium, p. 110: ‘Equidem sic existimo humanum genus aliquando suis viribus se ipsum fuisse confecturum, nisi Socrates, ille mentis divinae interpres ac nuntius, a Diis ad homines bene vivendi praecepta transtulisset’ (compare Piccolomini, De liberorum educatione, p. 257: ‘Socrates, qui moralem philosophiam evocavit de caelo’). Platina, De laudibus bonarum artium, p. 111: ‘haec disciplina de moribus et vita quam utilis quamque necessaria sit in civitatibus’.

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study of such literary monuments could delight older readers, while restraining the passions of younger ones, which might otherwise keep them from learning.106 The culmination of Platina’s praise of the liberal arts is thus his commendation of the writing of history, or res gestae. ‘Nobody dislikes hearing praises of himself — especially when it is done well,’ Platina states, evidently trying to play on the vanity of the Pope.107 He goes on to cite examples of ancient Roman rulers who had their own historians (rerum a se gestarum scriptores), since they realized the necessity of having their deeds recorded; if not, all the labours and dangers which they had endured would have been for nothing.108 Platina lays particular stress on battles and on the heroic deeds of commanders and soldiers in ancient Greece and Rome. He proceeds to what seems to be an appeal to the Pope to employ him in his service. Stating that no pope could favour learned men more than Pius had done, Platina expresses the hope that his own works and studies might be of use to the pontiff. He concedes that Pius had been forced by political circumstances to shift his focus from patronage of the arts to larger issues, most of all the threat posed by the Turks.109 He mentions Pius’s Congress of Mantua and his preparations

106 Ibid., pp. 111–14 (p. 114): ‘Sed extant historiae, extant sapientum praecepta, extant exemplorum monimenta, quae in situ iacerent et tenebris omnia, nisi eloquentiae lumen accessisset. Hinc imagines optimorum ac fortissimorum virorum Graecis literis ac Latinis eleganter expressas ad imitandum assumimus […]. Non dico quid iucunditatis haec studia habeant in se, cum senectutem oblectent, adolescentiam, quae libidini prona est, refraenent et in eruditione detineant’. Compare Cicero, Pro Archia, 14–16: ‘Sed pleni omnes sunt libri, plenae sapientium voces, plena exemplorum vetustas, quae iacerent in tenebris omnia, nisi litterarum lumen accederet. Quam multas nobis imagines non solum ad intuendum verum etiam ad imitandum fortissimorum virorum expressas scriptores et Graeci et Latini reliquerunt! […] haec studia adulescentiam acuunt, senectutem oblectant’. 107 Platina, De laudibus bonarum artium, p. 114: ‘Est praeterea haec doctrina his, qui vitam pro laude et gloria volunt pacisci, maximum et ad pericula pro salute et autoritate patriae obeunda et ad labores tolerandos incitamentum, cum videant fortissimorum res gestas historiis et scriptis doctissimorum hominum aeternitati commendari’; ibid.: ‘Nemo est enim qui non libenter de se audiat praedicari, bene praesertim.’ 108 Ibid., pp. 114–15: ‘Habuit item Silla, habuit Caesar, habuit Alexander, habuit Magnus Pompeius rerum a se gestarum scriptores. Videbant profecto duces illi clarissimi tot vigiliis, tot laboribus, tot periculis nil actum esse, nisi eorum res gestae alicuius eruditissimi viri scriptis mandarentur memoriae posteritatis.’ 109 Ibid.: ‘Neque me, certo scio, mea fefellisset opinio, nisi crudelis illa bellua et immanis, quem Turcum vocant, libidine ac rabie dominandi, Europam et Christianum nomen ferro ac flamma invasisset. Coactus namque es ab his, ne mentiar, minoribus curis ad illas maiores animum traducere.’

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for war against the infidels. In Italy, Pius had to deal with the rebels against the Church (Sigismondo Malatesta) and the French-led insurgence against King Ferrante of Naples in favour of René of Anjou. Platina characterizes Ferrante’s enemies as ‘eager for revolution’ (novarum rerum cupidi) — a phrase distinctly reminiscent of Sallust’s monograph on the Conspiracy of Catiline, to which Platina had referred shortly before.110 He was perhaps trying to tempt Pius not only to hire him to describe his wars for posterity but also to support his causes in the present through effective political oratory and propaganda. Platina ends his oration with a summary of his arguments and another request for Pius to consider the value of historiography for his eternal glory.111 One cannot be sure whether Platina had set his sights on becoming an abbreviator or a court historian — or both. He may already have been an abbreviator at the time of writing the oration, although the tone makes this unlikely. At any rate, the text clearly shows his determination to write the history of at least one pope as early as 1463–64. This means that there was more consistency in his aim to become a (papal) historian than has usually been acknowledged. Platina’s life of Pius, which I shall discuss later, was written shortly after the Pope’s death. Perhaps it was even commissioned, or encouraged, by either Pius or his nephews as a result of the oration. It would eventually become the nucleus of Platina’s Lives of the Popes. 2. Patronage under Pius II and Troubles under Paul II (c. 1462–67) Platina states in a letter that, very soon after his arrival in Rome, he contacted Cardinal Jacopo Ammannati Piccolomini (1422–79) with the aim of his seeking his patronage.112 Like Francesco Gonzaga, Ammannati had become a cardinal in

110

Ibid., p. 116. Compare Sallust, Catilina, 28. 4, 37. 1, 48. 1, 57. 1.

111

Platina, De laudibus bonarum artium, p. 118: ‘Maxime vero te rogo atque obsecro, ut eam disciplinam in luctu ac lacrymis esse non sinas, quae pontifices, quae oratores, quae reges, quae duces, quae populos rerum gestarum gloria semper ornavit; quaeque etiam, si vivo et si abs te hac qua nunc premor inopia fuero levatus, rebus a te et antea et nuper sapientissime ac fortissime gestis aeternum nomen sit datura.’ 112 Platina to Jacopo Ammannati Piccolomini, c. late 1463–early 1464, in Iacobus Picolominus, Epistolae et commentarii (Milan: Minuziano, 1506), fols 20v–21v: ‘Cum in hanc curiam nuper venissem, Reverendissime Pater, mecumque, ut fit, diu ipse cogitassem quem mihi potissimum ex tot patribus cardinalibus patronum ac mecenatem deligerem, tu unus visus es quocum mihi plurima convenirent. Difficile namque est eius partes et causam tueri, cuius mores et instituta

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late 1461; but unlike the teenager Francesco, he was the same age as Platina. The learned Ammannati was Pius II’s trusted confidant and advisor. He was Pius’s personal secretary and in 1460 had adopted the Pope’s family name of Piccolomini. It may be relevant to the educational subject matter of Platina’s oration to Pius that Ammannati himself had studied under Guarino da Verona and was also in contact with his son Battista. Ammannati had lived in Florence as a young man and had friends in common with Platina, most importantly, Donato and Piero Acciaiuoli, whose tutor Ammannati had been from the late 1430s or early 1440s. Ammannati lectured on rhetoric at the Studium of Florence from the mid-1440s. He moved to Rome and became secretary to Cardinal Domenico Capranica, probably in the jubilee year 1450, then papal secretary under Callistus III in 1455. Continuing his career under Pius II, Ammannati was regarded by the Florentine humanists around Donato Acciaiuoli and Alamanno Rinuccini as their natural advocate before the Pope.113 While Ammannati may have supported Platina’s request for a position at the Curia, it is not certain whether Francesco Gonzaga tried to intervene on his behalf in 1462–63; moreover, Gonzaga was absent from Rome between November 1463 and August 1464, when Pius died114 — that is, the time when Platina composed his oration to the Pope. It was in March 1464 that Platina was admitted to the papal chancery as an abbreviator of papal letters (abbreviator litterarum apostolicarum) in the parcus

a vita et consuetudine nostra abhorreant. Similia sunt inter nos studia; non dispares omnino mores; simile fortasse ingenium.’ As in the oration to Pius, Platina goes on to express the hope of ending his unemployment and putting his studies and labours to good use: ‘ad te, quem apud Sanctitatem Suam mihi in quavis causa delegi patronum, patrem, tutorem, principem ac dominum, supplex accessi et rerum omnium inops ut, te adiuvante, et hac qua nunc premor inopia levarer et fructum aliquem studiorum meorum nunc demum mihi capere liceret’. Compare my previous note. On this letter see G. Calamari, Il confidente di Pio II: Cardinale Iacopo AmmannatiPiccolomini (1422–1479), 2 vols (Rome: Augustea, 1932), I, 142–44, II, 379–80; Chambers, ‘Platina’, p. 10; Cherubini, in Ammannati, Lettere, I, 485; Blasio, ‘Introduzione’, pp. lxxiv–lxxv. On Ammannati see now Cherubini, ‘Introduzione’, in Lettere, I, 3–207 (pp. 121–86). Poetry by Platina devoted to Ammannati is mentioned by Gentile Becchi; see C. Grayson, ‘Poesie latine di Gentile Becchi in un codice Bodleiano’, in Studi offerti a Roberto Ridolfi, ed. by B. Maracchi Biagiarelli and D. E. Rhodes (Florence: Olschki, 1973), pp. 285–303 (no. 64, p. 302). 113

Cherubini, ‘Introduzione’, pp. 124–36. Other Florentine contacts of Ammannati, including Alamanno Rinuccini, Bartolomeo Scala, and Ugolino Verino, are listed ibid., pp. 160–63. Ammannati as advocate: Giustiniani, Alamanno Rinuccini, p. 141, commenting on a letter by Rinuccini to Ammannati of 4 March 1459/1460. 114

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minor;115 he made a payment of one hundred florins to obtain this post on 20 March.116 Abbreviators were officials in the department of graces in the chancery, where they produced rough drafts and checked the final documents for textual accuracy and content (the members of the parcus maior were responsible for content). The College of Abbreviators was established by Pius II with the bull Vices illius of 15 November 1463.117 The members of the college were entitled to allocate the incoming petitions, which had previously been the privilege of the vice-chancellor, and to distribute the profits derived from their services in equal shares among its members. Pius II’s college was to contain seventy members: fourteen (eventually twelve) members in the parcus maior and fifty-six in the parcus minor. All positions in the parcus minor were offered for sale. In the following six months, the college was slowly filled with applicants. On 30 May 1464, Pius presented a list of the successful candidates in the bull Quo salubrius. Since Pius discharged all previous minor abbreviators to make room for his new candidates, it is perhaps not unsurprising that his successor, Paul II (1464–71), did the same.118 It is only because Platina, the future historian of the popes, was

115 See T. Frenz, ‘Die Gründung des Abbreviatorenkollegs durch Pius II. und Sixtus IV.’, in Miscellanea in onore di Monsignor Martino Giusti, 2 vols (Vatican City: Archivio Vaticano, 1978), I, 297–329 (p. 307). For the following see also W. von Hofmann, Forschungen zur Geschichte der kurialen Behörden, 2 vols (Rome: Loescher, 1914), I, 120–26; B. Schwarz, ‘Abbreviature officium est assistere vicecancellario in expeditione litterarum apostolicarum: zur Entwicklung des Abbreviatorenamtes vom Großen Schisma bis zur Gründung des Vakabilistenkollegs der Abbreviatoren durch Pius II.’, in Römische Kurie, kirchliche Finanzen, Vatikanisches Archiv, ed. by E. Gatz, 2 vols (Rome: Università Gregoriana, 1979), II, 789–823 (pp. 798–802); B. Schimmelpfennig, ‘Der Ämterhandel an der römischen Kurie von Pius II. bis zum Sacco di Roma (1458–1527)’, in Ämterhandel im Spätmittelalter und im 16. Jahrhundert, ed. by I. Mieck (Berlin: Colloquium, 1984), pp. 3–41 (pp. 9–11); P. Partner, The Pope’s Men: The Papal Civil Service in the Renaissance (Oxford: Clarendon, 1990), pp. 128–29. The ‘parcus’ was that part of the chancery, separated by a balustrade, where the abbreviators worked; see N. Del Re, La curia Romana (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1970), p. 282, n. 3. 116

See C. Märtl, ‘Der Papst und das Geld: zum kurialen Rechnungswesen unter Pius II. (1458–1464)’, in Kurie und Region: Festschrift für Brigide Schwarz zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. by B. Flug, M. Matheus, and A. Rehberg (Stuttgart: Steiner, 2005), pp. 175–95 (p. 192). 117

Vices illius is published in M. Tangl, Die päpstlichen Kanzleiordnungen von 1200–1500 (Innsbruck: Wagner, 1894), pp. 179–83. 118 For Quo salubrius see Tangl, Kanzleiordnungen, pp. 183–88, where Platina’s name appears on p. 184. See also Hofmann, Kuriale Behörden, I, 126; Frenz, ‘Gründung’, pp. 299–301, 315, who lists the names of twenty-nine abbreviators dismissed by Pius (p. 299, n. 11). For similar measures by other popes in the fifteenth century see Partner, Pope’s Men, p. 11.

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involved that Paul’s dissolution of the college became known as a huge scandal. Platina’s description of the events in his life of Paul II must therefore be checked against the facts as we know them from other sources. Paul II dissolved the College of Abbreviators in his bull Illa quorum. Although this bull is dated 3 December 1464, it was clearly in effect earlier, in September–October 1464, shortly after his ascent to the papacy (30 August).119 Platina writes in his life of Paul II: After Pius’s death and his own election in his place, as soon as he came to office — whether it was because he had promised this or because he hated Pius’s decrees and deeds — he dismissed all the abbreviators appointed by Pius as useless and unlearned, as he himself said. Without a hearing, he robbed them of their goods and prerogatives — those whom, having been sought out from all parts of the world on account of their erudition and doctrine, he should actually have called to himself with promises and rewards. That college was indeed filled with good and learned men. It contained experts in both divine and human law, and there were very many poets and orators, who certainly conferred no less distinction on the Curia than they themselves received from it. Paul drove all of them from their possessions like lodgers and aliens, although it had been ensured by apostolic letters and by the papal treasurers that those who had purchased them in good faith could not be deprived of their honest and lawful possession.120

Platina led the protest of those employees who lost their positions. In an audience with Paul, he demanded the revocation of the Pope’s decision and a transferral of the affair to the Auditors of the Rota, the judges of the Curia. Paul was furious at Platina’s attempt to bring him before judges.121 Twenty days later, 119

Illa quorum is publ. in Tangl, Kanzleiordnungen, pp. 189–91; on its dating see ibid., p. 189.

120

Platina, Vitae, p. 368. 9–19: ‘Mortuo autem Pio, in eius locum ipse suffectus, statim ubi magistratum iniit, sive quod ita pollicitus erat, sive quod Pii decreta et acta oderat, abbreviatores omnes quos Pius in ordinem redegerat, tanquam inutiles et indoctos, ut ipse dicebat, exauctoravit. Eos enim bonis et dignitate indicta causa spoliavit, quos etiam propter eruditionem et doctrinam ex toto orbe terrarum conquisitos, magnis pollicitationibus et praemiis vocare ad se debuerat. Erat quidem illud collegium refertum bonis ac doctis viris. Inerant divini atque humani iuris viri peritissimi, inerant poetae et oratores plerique, qui certe non minus ornamenti ipsi curiae afferebant quam ab eadem acciperent. Quos omnes Paulus tanquam inquilinos et advenas possessione pepulit, licet emptoribus cautum esset litteris apostolicis, cautum etiam fisci pontificii auctoritate, ne qui bona fide emissent e possessione honesta ac legitima deiicerentur.’ 121 Ibid., p. 369. 1–9: ‘Tentarunt tamen hi ad quos res ipsa pertinebat hominem sententia dimovere. Atque ego certe, qui horum de numero eram, rogando etiam ut causa ipsa iudicibus publicis, quos rotae auditores vocant, committeretur, tum ille torvis oculis me aspiciens: “Ita nos”, inquit, “ad iudices revocas? Ac si nescires omnia iura in scrinio pectoris nostri collocata esse? Sic stat sententia”, inquit, “loco cedant omnes, eant quo volunt, nihil eos moror, pontifex

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Platina pushed the matter further by threatening the Pope, in a letter which he quotes in the ‘Life’, with a general council of the Church.122 Platina at first pretended that the letter was written by his teacher Ognibene da Lonigo; but, of course, he was quickly recognized as the author.123 Before looking at Platina’s subsequent imprisonment, let us consider his charges against Paul II. First of all, the claim that the College of Abbreviators was full of lawyers, poets, and orators might be exaggerated.124 Platina fails to mention that on the same day that Paul issued the bull dissolving the college, he also decreed that its members should be reimbursed for what they had paid to obtain their office.125 Still, this would have meant a loss of interest payments for

sum mihique licet pro arbitrio animi aliorum acta et rescindere et approbare.” Hac vero tamen immiti sententia accepta, ut lapidem immobilem volveremus, obversabamur, et frustra quidem die ac noctu in foribus aulae, vilissimum etiam quenque servum rogantes, ut nobis alloqui pontificem liceret. Reiiciebamur non sine contumelia, tanquam aqua et igni interdicti ac prophani.’ 122

Ibid., p. 369. 9–16: ‘Hac autem diligentia XX continuis noctibus usi sumus; nil enim fere nisi noctu agebat. Ego vero tanta ignominia excitus, quod mihi ac sociis meis coram non licebat, id agere per litteras institui. Scripsi itaque epistolam his ferme verbis: “Si tibi licuit indicta causa spoliare nos emptione nostra iusta ac legitima, debet et nobis licere conqueri illatam iniuriam inustamque ignominiam. Reiecti a te ac tam insigni contumelia affecti, dilabemur passim ad reges, ad principes, eosque adhortabimur ut tibi concilium indicant, in quo potissimum rationem reddere cogaris, cur nos legitima possessione spoliaveris.”’ For a translation of this passage see below, p. 167. It is reported that Platina closed with the words ‘Sanctitatis tue, si sententiam mutaveris, servus’. See Giovan Pietro Arrivabene’s letter to Barbara Gonzaga, 15 October 1464 (ASMAG, b. 842, fol. 345r), in my Appendix to this chapter, doc. 2. 123

Arrivabene to Barbara Gonzaga, 15 October 1464. This seems rather disrespectful to his former teacher, who enjoyed good relations with Paul II and his nephew Marco Barbo. See B. Marx, Bartolomeo Pagello: Epistolae familiares (1464–1525) (Padua: Antenore, 1978), pp. 55–58; Leitner, Ognibene, pp. 55–58; L. Pesce, Vita socio-culturale in diocesi di Treviso nel primo Quattrocento (Venice: Deputazione Editrice, 1983), p. 183; D. Gionta, ‘Storia di una citazione erodianea nella Roma triumphans: da Ognibene da Lonigo a Poliziano’, in Vetustatis indagator: scritti offerti a Filippo Di Benedetto, ed. by V. Fera and A. Guida (Messina: Università degli studi di Messina, Centro interdipartimentale di studi umanistici, 1999), pp. 129–53 (p. 130). In a letter from prison to Marco Barbo in 1468/69, Platina asked for help, invoking Barbo’s ‘amicitia’ to Ognibene (Vairani, Cremonensium monumenta, I, 34). 124

Only half a dozen humanists are known to have been among the abbreviators. See G. Voigt, Enea Silvio de’ Piccolomini als Papst Pius der Zweite und sein Zeitalter, 3 vols (Berlin: Reimer, 1856–63), III, 553; Frenz, ‘Gründung’, pp. 301–16 (pp. 314–15). Märtl, ‘Der Papst und das Geld’, p. 193, reopens discussion on this point. 125

Paul II’s bull Cum pridem of 3 December 1464 is in Tangl, Kanzleiordnungen, pp. 191–92. In practice, the chancery could only cope with these large repayments gradually. For this and the

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Platina and the others (their income, in effect, amounted to interest paid on the principal), apart from losing a convenient job which, we can be sure, did not consume too much of their time. Platina also hints that Paul II may have bribed his way to the papacy by promising to dissolve the college. Pius had taken financial control of the college away from the vice-chancellor, Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia, who may have been keen to regain it in exchange for supporting Paul’s election.126 Another reason for Paul’s dissolution of the college might have been the seven members — 10 percent of the total — from Siena (Pius’s native town) which it contained. Lastly, while Pius had sold the new positions primarily to raise money for his crusade against the Turks, this justification was no longer valid.127 Paul pursued a different financial policy and was perhaps even embarassed at such an open, large-scale sale of positions. Platina does not mention that Paul reinstated many of the former office-holders who had been discharged by Pius. Platina, by his own account, was arrested and charged both with libel and with threatening to call a council.128 Paul II was so enraged that he reportedly considered the death sentence for the humanist.129 After four winter months of

following points see Hofmann, Kuriale Behörden, I, 123–25; Frenz, ‘Gründung’, pp. 315–17. Giacomo d’Arezzo, auditor of Cardinal Franscesco Gonzaga, comments in a letter to Barbara of Brandenburg of 9 October 1464 (L. Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters, 16 vols (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1886–1933), II, 3rd to 4th edns (1904), 758): ‘è perho dato ordine che sieno restituti li denari, che difficil cosa sirà perché non è picciola somma’. 126 In the bull Illa quorum, p. 190, Paul II insists that the ‘auctoritas vicecancellarii’ is to be restored. Giacomo d’Arezzo, writing to Barbara on 9 October 1464, hails the vice-chancellor’s ‘restitution [… ] al pristino officio’ but laments that ‘cum detrimento perho è facta questa restitutione de molti poveretti che haviano compero l’officio, et io so uno di quelli’. 127 Paul II, Illa quorum, p. 189: ‘cause, propter quas idem Pius officium ipsum instituerat, penitus cessaverant’. 128

Platina, Vitae, pp. 369. 16–370. 3: ‘Lectis litteris, Platynam reum maiestatis accersit, in carcerem trahit, compedibus revincit, mittit Theodorum Tarvisinum episcopum qui quaestionem habeat. Is statim me reum facit, quod et libellos famosos in Paulum sparsissem et concilii mentionem fecissem.’ The questioning of Platina by Bishop Teodoro Lelli may have included torture (see Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 322). I shall discuss Platina’s defence against the accusations below, pp. 166–71). 129 Giacomo d’Arezzo to Barbara Gonzaga, 16 October 1464, ASMAG, b. 842, fol. 385r: Paul ‘voleva che la rasone se vedesse se lui mertaria la morte, gli vol‹eva› far taglar la testa’. This passage is quoted in V. Zabughin, Giulio Pomponio Leto, 2 vols (vol. II has 2 parts) (Rome: La vita letteraria, 1909; Grottaferrata: Tipografia italo-orientale S. Nilo, 1910–12), I, 305, n. 253. See also Arrivabene to Barbara, 15 October (Appendix to this chapter, doc. 2): ‘E sono chi dicono se li

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hardship in Castel S. Angelo, Platina was freed thanks to the sustained support of Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga. The condition for his release was that he would not leave Rome for three years.130 We have letters concerning Platina’s imprisonment from members of the entourage of Cardinal Gonzaga. His secretary, Giovan Pietro Arrivabene, wrote to Barbara of Brandenburg on 15 October 1464 that Platina had practically gone mad (‘quasi impazito e desperato’) on account of his letter to the Pope. The Cardinal himself made the same argument to Paul. Nevertheless, Bishop Teodoro Lelli, who questioned Platina in prison, seriously suspected that the humanist might have been instigated by others.131 Francesco Gonzaga’s help resulted in success when the humanist was freed around 20 January 1465. Again owing to Francesco Gonzaga’s intervention, he was to be repaid the sum which he had spent on acquiring his office.132 Platina stayed in the house of the Cardinal as a guest. On 25 April 1465, Bartolomeo Marasca, the master of the household, noted that Platina, after his release from prison, had added to the space problems in the Cardinal’s house. Although he would remain an (unofficial) member of the Cardinal’s household until c. 1471, there is no indication that he was ever employed there — which Francesco Gonzaga perhaps avoided in order not to compromise his good

puora procedere contra come de crimine lese maiestatis. Et alcuni palatini me hanno dicto che Nostro Signore la vole commettere al Senatore, et che ha havuto a dire: se la ragione vorà, el gli lassarà la forma de la beretta.’ 130

Platina, Vitae, p. 370. 11–15: ‘revinctus compedibus, et quidem gravissimis, media hyeme sine foco celsa in turri ac ventis omnibus exposita coerceor mensibus quatuor. Tandem vero Paulus Francisci Gonzagae cardinalis Mantuani precibus fatigatus, aegre pedibus stantem molestia carceris me liberat. Admonet ne ab Urbe discedam: “In Indiam”, inquit, “si proficiscere, inde te retrahet Paulus.” Feci mandata. Triennio in Urbe commoratus sum’. 131

Arrivabene to Barbara, 15 October 1464. See also Chambers, ‘Platina’, p. 11, who mistakenly states that the letter was directed to Paul II. Milham, ‘Introduction’, p. 14, seems to make two letters (of ‘10’ and 15 October) out of this one. For the argument made to Paul II, see Giacomo d’Arezzo’s letter to Barbara, 16 October 1464, quoted by Zabughin, Leto, I, 306, n. 255. See also Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 322. For the suspicion that there were other brains behind the operation, see Arrivabene’s ‘Postscripta’ (to a letter to Barbara), 18 October 1464, ASMAG, b. 842, fol. 346r: ‘Sento che heri sera el vescovo de Trivisi examinoe Bartholomeo da Piadena per intendere a che fine se era mosso a quello suo scrivere e se d’alcuni era stato instigato. E fulli minaciato de darli la corda. Non posso anche intendere la rispuosta, la quale cercharò investigare.’ 132 Giacomo d’Arezzo to Barbara, 20 January 1465, and Arrivabene to Barbara, 21 January 1465, quoted by Chambers, ‘Platina’, pp. 11–12. For the promised repayment see Giacomo d’Arezzo to Barbara, (21) January 1465, quoted ibid.

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relations with Paul II.133 Platina spent several summer holidays with the Cardinal. In summer 1466, he was invited to join him on his holidays in the colli Albani, where the Cardinal had already stayed in the summers of 1463 (in Albano) and 1465 (in Marino). In 1466, it was Marino again. Platina probably joined him there in both 1465 and 1466.134 On 7 July 1466, before going to Marino, Platina informed Ludovico Gonzaga that he had embarked on a History of Mantua (which I shall deal with later). 135 On 22 July, Platina wrote from Marino to Giovanni Brunacci, a canon at the Cathedral of Mantua, whom he asked for a recommendation because he wanted to obtain a benefice. News of the death of the Bishop of Mantua, Galeazzo Cavriani, had just arrived, and it was clear that Francesco Gonzaga would be nominated Bishop of Mantua, in which capacity he would be in a position to help Platina to gain some position or benefice in Mantua. The Cardinal’s interest in doing so was, however, rather lukewarm.136 During the following summer of 1467 Platina probably joined him once more in Marino.137 Since Platina was arrested again in February 1468 — which would lead to many changes in his life — it makes sense at this point to review his literary production in the period from his first imprisonment, in the winter of 1464/65, to 1467. 3. Literary Production, 1464/65 to 1467 Platina’s prison experience is reflected in his De falso ac vero bono (On False and True Good), the first version of which was composed in Castel S. Angelo between October 1464 and January 1465 and was dedicated to Paul II.138 In a

133 B. Marasca to Barbara, 25 April 1465, in D. S. Chambers, ‘The Housing Problems of Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 39 (1976), 21–58 (p. 54). See also ibid., p. 37; his ‘Platina’, p. 12; and his Renaissance Cardinal, p. 53. 134 For this and for what follows see Chambers, ‘Platina’, pp. 12–14. The visit of 1465 is indicated in his dialogue De amore; see below, pp. 46–47. 135

Platina, Rome, to Ludovico Gonzaga, 7 July (1466), in Luzio and Renier, ‘Platina’, pp. 434–35. 136 Platina, Marino, to Giovanni Brunacci, 22 July (1466), in Chambers, ‘Platina’, p. 19: ‘Ab hac re non aborret Reverendissimus dominus meus’. 137

This is shown by the dating of some of Platina’s works to be discussed now, rather than by ‘hard’ evidence. 138

The second version, De falso et vero bono (see below, section on Sixtus IV), with different interlocutors but largely the same text, has been published in a critical edition by M. G. Blasio

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letter to young Florentine friends of May 1465, we see Platina for the first time openly praising one of his own works; he seems to have taken pride in his newly established ability to write a philosophical work, one which, moreover, contained both sal et gravitas, not only wit but also deep thoughts.139 The dialogue is divided into three books, in each of which Platina speaks with a different interlocutor: in the first, Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo (1404–70), Bishop of Oviedo and prefect of Castel S. Angelo; in the second, Teodoro Lelli (1428–66), Bishop of Treviso, who had questioned Platina in prison; and in the third, Marco Barbo (1420–91), Bishop of Vicenza.140 It was a clever move on Platina’s part to include the latter two in his dialogue. Lelli, Bishop of Feltre from 1462, was one of the first from the group around Pius II to change sides when Paul II came to power. Since Pius had died before Lelli could present him with his treatise Contra supercilium (vindicating the Pope’s authority over the cardinals), he dedicated it instead, in the autumn of 1464, to Paul. When Bishop

(Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1999). All quotations in this section are from the first version, reconstructed by means of Blasio’s critical apparatus. On this dialogue see Blasio, ‘Introduzione’; and her ‘Disciplina del corpo, disciplina dell’anima: letture umanistiche di Seneca’, in Seneca nella coscienza dell’Europa, ed. by I. Dionigi (Milan: Mondadori, 1999), pp. 153–71. See also the brief remarks in G. Saitta, Il pensiero italiano nell’umanesimo e nel Rinascimento, 2nd edn, 3 vols (Florence: Sansoni, 1961), I, 391–95; C. Trinkaus, In Our Image and Likeness: Humanity and Divinity in Italian Humanist Thought, 2 vols (London: Constable, 1970), I, 294–97; L. Gualdo Rosa, review of Blasio’s edition, Roma nel Rinascimento (1999), 189–92; R. Fubini, ‘Pubblicità e controllo del libro nella cultura del Rinascimento: censura palese e condizionamenti coperti dell’opera letteraria dal tempo del Petrarca a quello del Valla’, in Humanisme et Église en Italie et en France méridionale (XV e siècle–milieu du XVIe siècle), ed. by P. Gilli (Rome: École française de Rome, 2004), pp. 201–37 (pp. 234–36). 139

Platina to Piero and Tommaso Capponi, 31 May (1465), ed. by P. Medioli Masotti, ‘Per la datazione di due opere del Platina’, Italia medioevale e umanistica, 20 (1977), 407–10 (p. 410); and by Blasio, ‘Introduzione’, pp. xxi–xxii: ‘Scripsi in carcere tres libros in dialogo De falso ac vero bono, quos certe scio vobis placituros, cum et salis et gravitatis nonnihil habeant. Videbitis in eo libro me non inepte philosophatum esse.’ The letter was wrongly dated by Medioli to 1469, which Blasio has corrected to 1465, with the important consequence that De falso ac vero bono and the Vita Pii (see below) can now be assigned with certainty to the years 1464/65. Piero (1446–96) and the lesser known Tommaso were sons of Gino Capponi, to whom Platina had dedicated his Vita Nerii Capponi. See above, p. 15; M. Mallett, ‘Capponi, Piero’, in DBI, XIX (1976), 88–92, and for Tommaso, his ‘Capponi, Gino’, ibid., p. 30. 140 On Sánchez, who had come to Rome under Callistus III, see Benziger, Krieg und Frieden, 24–31. On Lelli and Barbo, D. Quaglioni, ‘De Lellis, Teodoro’, DBI, XXXVI (1988), 506–09; F. Gaeta, ‘Barbo, Marco’, in DBI, VI (1964), pp. 249–53.

I,

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Marco Barbo, a relative of Paul II, was transferred from Treviso to Vicenza by a bull of 17 September 1464, Lelli was appointed to succeed him in Treviso. He became, according to Ludwig Pastor, Paul’s ‘most trusted advisor’ apart from Marco Barbo. The treatise helped Paul to get around his electoral capitulation, in which he had promised to give more power to the cardinals — a strategy for which both the Pope and Lelli earned sharp public criticism from the leader of the Piccolomini faction, Cardinal Ammannati.141 By casting Lelli and Barbo as interlocutors in his dialogue, Platina was playing it safe. In the dedication to Paul II, he unconditionally accepts papal maiestas and authority.142 Platina hints that he is on the verge of suicide because of his imprisonment and poverty.143 Using the Boethian topos, he turns to philosophy for consolation and an antidote to his depression. The classical author whom Platina uses most extensively is Cicero (Tusculan Disputations, De finibus, De natura deorum, De officiis). He also takes inspirations from Petrarch’s De remediis and Valla’s De vero bono but refutes the latter’s endorsement of Epicurean principles.144 Platina’s interlocutors try to convince him to endure his misfortune with Stoic fortitude, as befitted a learned man; but he remains unconvinced. On the contrary, he makes the point that those who are educated in the liberal arts are particularly

141

Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 321 (Lelli as ‘vertrautester Ratgeber’), 389. See also A. De Vincentiis, Battaglie di memoria: gruppi, intellettuali, testi e la discontinuità del potere papale alla metà del Quattrocento (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2002), pp. 29–30, 118. 142

Platina, De falso, preface to Paul II, pp. 115–16: ‘Tanta siquidem pontificum in terris maiestas est, ut quemvis deprimere ac extollere auctoritate sua, quae summa inter homines est, facillime possint.’ 143

See ibid., p. 50, where he calls himself ‘homunculum […] miserum et aerumnosum’, and pp. 51, 62: ‘Theodorus: Quas vocas miserias? Platyna: Inopiam, captivitatem, vincula, tormenta, cruciatus, minas, valitudinem, extorrem domo ac patria esse et quae haec sequuntur, ut sitim, famem, frigus, a fratribus, a cognatis, ab amicis omnibus deseri et animo ac mente angi. His qui premitur, non video quid habeat cur in vita esse velit […]. Nullum est mihi patrimonium, et siquid est id est perexiguum et cum fratribus commune, nulla privata pecunia, non domus, non suppellex tum librorum tum rerum utensilium, rara vestis et ea quidem attrita. Hinc oritur ut nemini carus sim et, quod peius est, ab omnibus ferme irridear.’ See also p. 69: ‘Quid enim habet cur in vita esse velit ille cui libertas sublata est?’ 144 He may have drawn from Cristoforo Landino’s Florentine course on the Tusculan Disputations (1458) and Argyropulos’s teaching on Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics (1457); see Blasio, ‘Introduzione’, pp. civ–cv. For Petrarch and Valla, see Trinkaus, In Our Image, pp. 294– 95; Blasio, ‘Introduzione’, pp. xciv–xcvii, cxvi–cxvii, cxxxvi–cxxxvii.

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sensitive to oppression.145 Although he was proud that, despite his misery, he was able to compose this dialogue, it is hardly unexpected that the work betrays a largely pessimistic outlook, especially in relation to the pursuit of worldly goals. The conclusion reached at the end of the dialogue is that the true good is to be found only in God.146 In the second version of the dialogue, De falso et vero bono, dedicated to Sixtus IV in 1471–72, Platina altered and added several passages relating to the affair concerning the abbreviators. In Book I, talking with Rodrigo Sánchez, Platina reflects on his situation in prison. In the original, he had apologized for having ‘sinned not out of malice, but through mere perturbation of the mind’ — a sin which, clearly, he had hoped would be forgiven when confessed. In the revised version, the apologetic confession is replaced by a complaint about the injustice done to him and his colleagues by Paul II.147 In Book III, the dialogue with Marco Barbo, Platina turned a mild passage about losing his position as an abbreviator into a scathing attack on Paul, who, he claims, had ruined him physically and financially out of greed, corruption, and wantonness.148 It seems that the first version was never presented to Paul II. The preface addressed to

145

Platina, De falso, p. 74 (speaking to Lelli): ‘Numquam mihi persuadebis ut malim in vinculis degere quam ad honores et magistratus capescendos in publicum prodire’. Ibid., p. 54: ‘qui liberalibus disciplinis sunt imbuti contrarias qualitates acutissime sentiunt’. He also plays on the idea of ‘liberalis’, ‘worthy of a free man’, here. 146

Ibid., pp. 106–09.

147

Ibid., p. 15 (Platina speaking to Rodrigo): ‘Satis nimirum vobis esse debebat comprehensum in carcerem trahere et non me, qui non malitia, sed sola animi perturbatione peccaveram, tanquam proditorem, crassatorem, furem, latronem gravissimis etiam compedibus revincire.’ (My italics.) In the second version, the italicized passage reads: ‘mihi ac LXX sociis meis illatam a Paulo pontifice iniuriam questus sum’. On p. 38, Rodrigo’s mitigating explanation, ‘Verbis tantum, non malitia quidem sed perturbatione animi motus, maiestatem pontificis laesisti’, is changed in the second version to: ‘Quod tua atque omnium litteratorum causa Pius II instituerat, hic [Paulus] doctorum omnium hostis rescidit et abrogavit, gloriae Pii non minus quam utilitati tuae adversatus.’ 148

Ibid., p. 85: ‘Platyna: Num vides in pedibus ulcera ob magnitudinem compedum recrudescentia? Exesa est caro, elisi nervi atque ossa contusa sunt. Praeterea vero, ne ulla ex parte intactus a fortunae ictibus dici possim, quod ego mihi apud Pium pontificem industria, labore, pecuniis denique comparaveram, hic [Paulus] ob avaritiam et largitionem, nolo dicere libidinem, alieni cupidus me vita prope ac fortunis omnibus spoliavit.’ In the first version, this passage reads: ‘Amisi aulicum illud munus quod isti abbreviationem vocant, cuius emolumentis mihi et studiis meis mediocriter satisfaciebam.’

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him was clearly composed after Platina’s release from prison;149 and he may have felt that the dialogue had outlived the specific purpose of accelerating his release. Having emerged from prison (though still confined to the city of Rome for three years), he was too poor at the end of May 1465 even to send a copy of the dialogue to his friends in Florence.150 The other text which Platina composed during his first imprisonment was a life of Pius II. This work needs to be seen in the context of the struggle of the Piccolomini faction to protect Pius’s memory against attackers such as, most famously, Francesco Filelfo (1398–1481), who at the time was court poet and orator in Milan. In a letter to Paul II of 15 September 1464, Filelfo expressed doubts as to whether idealism was Pius’s genuine motive for promoting a war against the Turks; his true aim, according to Filelfo, was to prevent a general church council from being called. Filelfo also drew attention to his nepotism.151 Goro Lolli, one of Pius’s most trusted secretaries, rebutted these accusations in a letter to Ammannati.152 While Platina was in prison, Filelfo suffered a similar fate: yielding to pressure from the Piccolomini faction in the College of Cardinals (Ammannati, Francesco Todeschini-Piccolomini, and Niccolò Forteguerri), the Duke of Milan, Francesco Sforza, had Filelfo detained for a few months.153 149 Blasio, ‘Introduzione’, p. lxxxii; Platina, De falso, p. 116, preface to Paul II: ‘Illud dico, me sub tecto pontificio menses aliquot vixisse tuoque ac Cardinalis Mantuani beneficio, qui precibus suis iram numinis tui, mea culpa concitatam, sedavit, non vitam solum sed mentem et animum accepisse.’ 150 Platina to Piero and Tommaso Capponi, 31 May (1465): ‘Dialogos ad vos mitterem, si mihi per rem pecuniariam liceret. Exhaustus sum omni aere, nec tantum habeo quanti scriptura exigeret, quae ad summum duos ducatos exigeret.’ 151

Filelfo to Paul II, 15 September 1464, in his Epistolae familiares (Venice: De Gregori, 1502), fols 156r–58v. See De Vincentiis, Battaglie di memoria, pp. 42–54; D. Robin, Filelfo in Milan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), pp. 119–20; M. Simonetta, Rinascimento segreto: il mondo del segretario da Petrarca a Machiavelli (Milan: Angeli, 2004), pp. 83–89. 152

Lolli to Ammannati, c. December 1464, in Ammannati’s Epistolae et commentarii, fols 30 –33r. For the dating of this letter and bibliography on it, see Cherubini, in Ammannati, Lettere, II, 594. On Lolli and Ammannati as secretaries, see A. Kraus, ‘Die Sekretäre Pius’ II.: ein Beitrag zur Entwicklungsgeschichte des päpstlichen Sekretariats’, Römische Quartalschrift, 53 (1958), 25–80 (pp. 27–29). v

153 See the letter by Vincenzo Scalona to Ludovico Gonzaga, 18 November 1464, in Luzio and Renier, ‘I Filelfo’, pp. 176–77; also De Vincentiis, Battaglie di memoria, p. 54. Ammannati thanked Francesco Sforza on 2 January 1465 (Lettere, II, 595–96) in the name of the College for punishing the humanist. On the other two cardinals mentioned see A. A. Strnad, ‘Francesco Todeschini-Piccolomini: Politik und Mäzenatentum im Quattrocento’, Römische historische

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In this highly charged atmosphere Giovanni Antonio Campano (1429–77) wrote an oration for a commemoration of the first anniversary of Pius’s death, held in Siena Cathedral in August 1465. In that year Campano, Bishop of Teramo since 1463, became a member of the household of Pius’s nephew Cardinal Todeschini-Piccolomini, who commissioned the oration.154 Even though the speech was replete with praise, Lolli and Ammannati found fault with it. Campano had, for example, stated that Pius’s first aim was to pacify Italy, on account of which the war against the Turks, called for at the Congress of Mantua, was delayed. Campano must have been aware that this was precisely the line of attack which had been employed against Pius.155 Passing on to the Pope’s foreign policy, Campano extolled him for his — rather embarassing — engagement in the War of the Roses and for helping Edward IV to attain the throne, so that England could take part in the crusade against the Turks.156 For the outraged Ammannati, Campano had harmed Pius’s reputation with false Mitteilungen, 8–9 (1964/65–1965/66), 101–425; A. Esposito, ‘Forteguerri, Niccolò’, in DBI, XLIX (1997), 156–59. 154 Campano, In exequiis divi Pii II […] oratio, in idem, Opera omnia, ed. by Michele Ferno (Rome: Silber, 1495; repr. Farnborough: Gregg, 1969), sigs f1r–f6r (see f1r for the commission). The obvious similarity between this oration and Platina’s Vita Pii has gone unnoticed but cannot be treated here. In the 1470s Campano developed his oration into a Vita Pii II. It is published in Le Vite di Pio II di Giovanni Antonio Campano e Bartolomeo Platina, ed. by G. C. Zimolo, RIS, ser. 2, 3.3 (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1964), pp. 2–88; Platina’s Vita Pii is on pp. 89–121. For Campano’s acquaintance, and perhaps even friendship, with Platina see F. Di Bernardo, Un vescovo umanista alle corte pontificia: Giannantonio Campano (1429–1477) (Rome: Università Gregoriana, 1975), pp. 211, 215–21. 155 Campano, In exequiis divi Pii II […] oratio, sig. f3r: ‘Illachrymavit hic Pius vicem Christianam, nec consilio visum est, nec ex usu fore existimavit pacem foris ac victoriam querere, ac domi bellum et calamitas timeretur. Differendam itaque ratus Asiae expeditionem in pacatiora tempora’. Platina, Vita Pii, p. 108, writes simply: ‘Pius itaque, obmisso Mantuano conventu, ad sedandos motus in Hetruriam rediens’. Pius had addressed his critics in a speech to a concistorium in September 1463, after his Italian triumphs (Commentarii, XII. 31, p. 765): ‘nec poteratis de nobis non dura loqui, qui, re Turcorum obmissa, bellum Gallicum suscepissemus Ferdinandique magis causam quam Christi defenderemus’.

Campano, In exequiis divi Pii II […] oratio, sig. f3v, where the passage may have already been censored: ‘Angliam Regnum maximum et potentissimum quum legatus temeritate atque avaricia ad bellum concitasset intestinum, summa animadversione vindicatum, restitutaque est in Britannia pristina auctoritas summorum pontificum paulo ante a regibus pressa et conculcata.’ The papal legate Francesco Coppini had in fact overstepped his mandate and was punished for it. On this affair, Campano’s presentation of it, and Ammannati’s reaction, see R. Bianchi, Intorno a Pio II: un mercante e tre poeti (Messina: Sicania, 1988), pp. 84–87. 156

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praise (laudans falso commemorat) as much as Filelfo had done by openly attacking him.157 Perhaps Campano, the first editor of Pius’s autobiographical Commentaries, had adopted the latter’s principle that history should be truthful rather than respectful.158 This may have been acceptable when Pius was still alive, but not after his death, when the guardians of his memory needed to protect their own positions in what had become a hostile environment.159 Platina, writing in prison in late 1464, was circumspect enough to avoid potential pitfalls. The Piccolomini faction had given him Lolli’s letter against Filelfo, containing biographical material about Pius,160 as well as a copy of the

157

Ammannati to Lolli, c. September–October 1465, in his Lettere, II, 836–37: ‘[Campanus] addebat pontificem deliberabundum utram prosequeretur causam inchoatam, ne Mantuae pro fide an quam suscepturus erat pro Ferdinando contra Andegavenses, inclinasse tandem in regiam, quo pax domi esset, ne videlicet quietem externis quaerens agitari interim domestica sineret. Dictum meo iudicio imprudens et diversum longe a sanctis eius consiliis, confirmat quod aliquando Pio datum est vitio et quod sancta dignatio eius verbo et scripto semper negavit […]. Aiebat pontificis opera Henricum regno eiectum, constitutum Edoardum atque ita haec narrabat, ut potissimum esse in hoc laudem suam putaret. Si hostis Pio fuisset Campanus voluissetque in detractionem consentire Philelpho, quid potuisset maledicens gravius obicere, quam quod laudans falso commemorat?’ 158

See Campano’s judgement of the Commentaries in a letter to Ammannati of c. February 1464, Ep. I. 1, in his Opera, sig. a2r: ‘Vera est historia; et quod in ea primum desyderatur, fides inest rebus: omnia ut dicta, ut gesta sunt ita enarrantur. Non sibi, non amicis parcit scribentis auctoritas; atque [recte aeque?] inimicorum praeclara extolluntur facinora atque obscura deprimuntur amicorum.’ On this letter and Campano as the first editor of the Commentaries see C. Bianca, ‘La terza edizione moderna dei Commentarii di Pio II’, Roma nel Rinascimento (1995), 5–16. Because of Pius’s candour, the Commentaries were not published until a century later, and then only in an expurgated version, by Francesco Bandini-Piccolomini (Rome: Domenico Basa, 1584). For Campano’s historiographical ideas see also his letter to Paul II of c. 1466 (Ep. V . 1, sigs e7 v–f1r), by means of which he applied to become Paul’s personal historian; see Miglio, Storiografia pontificia, pp. 122–24, 149–50. 159

R. Fubini, ‘Umanesimo curiale del Quattrocento: nuovi studi su Giovann’Antonio Campano’, Rivista storica italiana, 88 (1976), 745–55 (p. 747), sums up this tendency when he stresses ‘la stretta coesione di quel vero e proprio clan di parenti e affigliati, di ecclesiastici, funzionari e intellettuali raccolti intorno al pontificato di Pio, ma che anche dopo la sua morte tende alla conservazione delle posizioni acquisite, e insieme ne perpetua l’eredità intellettuale e le tematiche propagandistiche’. G. Ianziti, Humanistic Historiography under the Sforzas (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), p. 11, labels ‘men like […] Ammannati’ ‘technocrats of power, architects of political manipulation’, who were ‘totally compromised’. De Vincentiis, Battaglie di memoria, analyses at length how Pius II’s memory was defended. 160

See R. Avesani, ‘Una fonte della “Vita” di Pio II del Platina’, in Bartolomeo Sacchi, il Platina, pp. 1–7.

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Commentaries. He dedicated his Vita Pii to Todeschini-Piccolomini. Stressing his intense grief over Pius’s death, Platina states in the dedication that the only way he can calm his mind is by contemplating Pius’s praises.161 He is distressed because the prospects for the salvation of Europe have vanished, together with all hope for ‘our pursuits’, which could refer to the studia humanitatis in general or, more specifically, to his own career at the Curia as well as that of many other protégés of Pius. He therefore wants to record the life of the Pope who, by word and deed, has done so much for the Latin language, the freedom of Italy, the Catholic faith, and the salvation of all Christians.162 He hopes that TodeschiniPiccolomini will be able to follow in Pius II’s footsteps; he did in fact become pope, as Pius III, almost forty years later, in 1503, though only for a few weeks. In his biography, Platina devotes ample space to Pius’s life before his ascension to the papal throne. He avoids, however, any discussion of his famous volte-face when, on becoming pope, he distanced himself from his conciliarist past (‘Reject Aeneas, accept Pius’). Coming to Pius’s activities as pope and the crucial Congress of Mantua, Platina claims that a large number of princes and legates attended and that every European nation was represented, tactfully passing over the Pope’s disillusionment at the egoism of the princes who came reluctantly, if at all, and made the congress more or less of a failure.163 As in his oration to Pius, Platina praises the Pope’s victories over Jacopo Piccinino, Malatesta, and the French-led rebellion in Naples, by means of which he had

161

Platina, Vita Pii Pontificis Maximi, ed. by Zimolo, Vite di Pio II, pp. 89–121 (preface, p. 91): ‘Dolorem quem morte Pii pontificis optimi ac maximi conceperam leniri nullo modo posse videbam, ni animum a luctu et lacrimis quantum mihi liceret ad cogitationem laudum suarum traduxissem.’ 162

Ibid., p. 91: ‘Angebar profecto mente et animo, quod illum nobis suo certe etsi non nostro tempore sublatum esse cernebam, in quo Europae salus ac studiorum nostrorum spes omnis reposita erat’; ibid.: ‘eius mores et vitam litteris mandare, qui rebus a se gestis et scriptis de lingua Latina, de libertate Ytalie, de fide catolica, de salute Cristianorum omnium optime meritus est’. 163

Ibid., p. 106: ‘Magnus aderat principum numerus, magna legatorum vis; ex omni Europa nulla natio, gens nulla que non aut principes aut legatos eo miserit.’ The statement is repeated in Platina’s Historia Urbis Mantuae, col. 859. See, in contrast, Pius II’s closing address in which he wrapped up the disappointing congress (Commentarii, III. 47, p. 238): ‘Octavum hic agimus mensem […], fratres ac filii, eos expectantes qui ad conventum vocati fuerunt. Nostis qui venere. Deinceps sperare alicuius adventum qui conferre aliquid ad rem nostram possit vanum est […]. Quamvis meliora concepimus quam invenimus, non tamen nihil omnino peractum est neque spes omnis cecidit.’

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restored peace in Italy. Unlike Campano, Platina reveals none of the Pope’s doubts as to the priority of internal over external wars. Concerning the English affair, he merely notes that Pius deprived his legate of his episcopal title, because he had exceeded his mandate.164 In a rather disorganized and repetitious way, Platina dwells much more on the Pope’s character, friends, writings, and aphorisms than on his actions.165 He includes a remark on Pius’s excessive nepotism, which stands out as a surprising element of criticism in an otherwise consistent act of homage.166 Though the biography was probably not instrumental in his release from prison, by May 1465 it had secured Platina ‘the goodwill of many’, as he informed his Florentine friends.167

164 Platina, Vita Pii, pp. 107–09; ibid., p. 112: ‘Franciscum Coppinum, plus auctoritatis legatione Brictannica sibi vindicantem quam ei a Sede Apostolica fuerat concessum, epischopatu Interannensi privavit.’ 165

Ibid., pp. 110–20. On Platina’s catalogue of Pius’s sententiae, see the lofty article by G. P. Maragoni, ‘A proposito di una pagina del Platina (Di logografia in prosopografia)’, in L’umana compagnia: studi in onore di Gennaro Savarese, ed. by R. Alhaique Pettinelli, with F. Calitti and C. Cassiani (Rome: Bulzoni, 1999), pp. 281–88 (also publ. in Roma nella svolta tra Quattro e Cinquecento, ed. by S. Colonna (Rome: De Luca, 2004), pp. 53–58). 166 Platina, Vita Pii, p. 118: ‘Cognatos, affines, nepotes maxime, plus quam pontificem decebat diligere visus est.’ The passage was expanded in the Lives (Vitae, p. 361, apparatus), so as to become a severe attack on Pius’s nepotism. After 1475, however, it was deleted in all three manuscripts of the Lives and not included in the editio princeps of 1479. See my article ‘Platina e le “res gestae” di Pio II’. 167 Platina to Piero and Tommaso Capponi, 31 May (1465): ‘Scripsi [in carcere] item Vitam Pii Pontificis ob quam multorum benivolentiam comparavi.’ R. Avesani, ‘Per la lettera di Giovanni VIII a Bertario di Montecassino: frammento conservato da Leodrisio Crivelli’, Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia, 28 (1974), 525–33 (pp. 528–29), shows that BAV, MS Ottob. lat. 2056 was produced in the circle around Todeschini-Piccolomini. When Platina included a shorter version of this biography in his Lives of the Popes ten years later, in order to save space, he for the most part left out details about Pius’s life before the papacy. The Congress of Mantua is still described as a great success (Vitae, pp. 346–63 (p. 351. 3–5)). For a detailed comparison between the two versions, which reveals that Platina did not make a systematic revision, see G. C. Zimolo, ‘La “Vita Pii II P. M.” del Platina nel cod. Vat. Ottoboniano latino 2056’, in Studi in onore di Carlo Castiglioni (Milan: Giuffrè, 1957), pp. 875–904; his ‘Prefazione’ to Vite di Pio II, pp. iii–xxi; and his ‘Il Campano e il Platina come biografi di Pio II’, in Enea Silvio Piccolomini, Papa Pio II, ed. by D. M affei (Siena: Accademia Senese degli Intronati, 1968), pp. 401–11. Zimolo did not manage to locate another fifteenth-century copy of the text (which can, in fact, be found in BAV, Urb. lat. 402, fols 309r–31r) — so that his comparisons, and his RIS edition, may need to be updated. See his ‘Prefazione’, pp. xvi–xvii; C. Stornajolo, Codices

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It was during the summer of 1465 that Platina most likely wrote the dialogue De amore (On Love). It is dedicated to Giovan Jacopo dal Piombo, a protégé of Bishop Teodoro Lelli (the interlocutor in De falso ac vero bono) and himself an influential secretary under Paul II.168 After Lelli’s death on 31 March 1466 — terminus ante quem for this dialogue — Platina changed the dedication to Ludovico Agnelli (d. 1499), a young Mantuan noble in the service of Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga.169 Dal Piombo’s reference to Lelli as ‘my master’ (herus meus) was transformed into a reference by Agnelli to Francesco Gonzaga as ‘our master’ (herus noster), since Platina was also in his service.170 It appears, however, that Agnelli, who pursued a career in the Curia from 1468, did not like the portrayal of himself as a hot-blooded lover, which would explain why Platina again switched the dedication, now to an unindentified, and possibly fictitious, ‘Lodovicus Stella’. There are several manuscript versions of this third redaction, the last of which is in the presentation copy of Platina’s collected dialogues to Sixtus IV (1480; printed in 1504).171 In the final manuscript Platina altered the

Urbinates Latini, 3 vols (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1902–21), I, 401. A third manuscript has recently been sold at Sotheby’s (catalogue Western Manuscripts and Miniatures, London, 6 July 2006, lot 65). Here the Vita Pii comes after the Chronica summorum pontificum imperatorumque of Riccobaldo/Lignamine (c. 1473), fols 47r–55v. 168

Platina, De amore ad Iohannem Iacobum Plumbeum Parmensem, Bergamo, Biblioteca Civica, MS D.II.17. For what follows see A. Tissoni Benvenuti, ‘Due schede per il Platina’, in Bartolomeo Sacchi, il Platina, pp. 209–20 (pp. 209–11); Chambers, ‘Platina’, pp. 14–15. In the absence of any study of the contents of De amore (cf. M. E. Milham, ‘The Neglected Works of Platina’, in Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Abulensis, ed. by R. Schnur and others (Tempe: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 2000), pp. 459–63 (p. 461)), see the comparison with a French adaptation from 1555: T. Peach, ‘Une source négligée de l’antiféminisme au XVIe siècle: le “Contra amores” de Platina et les “Dialogues” de Jacques Tahureau’, Studi francesi, 19 (1975), 201–13. 169

Platina, De amore ad Lodovicum Agnellum, in his De flosculis (see below, n. 183), sigs h1 –i7v. On Agnelli see Partner, Pope’s Men, pp. 51, 161–62. This version is also contained in Cracow, Biblioteka Czartoryskich, MS 3896; for which see P. O. Kristeller, Iter Italicum: A Finding List of Uncatalogued or Incompletely Catalogued Humanistic Manuscripts of the Renaissance in Italian and Other Libraries, 6 vols and indexes (London: Warburg Institute; Leiden: Brill, 1963–97), IV (1989), 410. r

Platina, De amore, sigs h1v (Agnelli speaking), i7r (Platina speaking), with reference to Francesco Gonzaga. 170

BAV, MS Vat. lat. 2045, fols 38 r–48 v. The manuscript also contains De falso et vero bono, De vera nobilitate and De optimo cive. For its dating see P. Scarcia Piacentini, ‘Il costo del libro: i codici’, in Scrittura, biblioteche e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento: atti del 2o seminario, ed. by 171

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title to Contra amores (Against Love Affairs), added a remark against Paul II, and referred to Francesco Gonzaga as ‘patronus’ instead of ‘herus’.172 Despite the three different dedicatees and minor amendments, the text of De amore remained essentially the same. I shall quote from the second redaction. The setting in a valley near Marino, Francesco Gonzaga’s summer residence, seems to indicate that Platina was there with the Cardinal in 1465. The valley, a quiet locus amoenus, is more congenial for their discussion than Marino itself (a place so noisy that Platina is prompted to remark: ‘I consider myself to be living not among human beings but rather lions and donkeys’).173 Because his foot is still swollen from the shackles worn in Castel S. Angelo, Platina has considerable difficulties when descending into the valley.174 He cures his interlocutor Agnelli of lovesickness by directing a diatribe against sexual love. This ‘shameful love’ (amor inhonestus) is juxtaposed with friendship between

M. Miglio, P. Farenga, and A. Modigliani (Vatican City: Scuola Vaticana di Paleografia, Diplomatica e Archivistica, 1983), pp. 359–401, 449–57 (pp. 380–83, 389, 391, 456–57). Platina handed the manuscript to Georgius Monthabur on 20 July 1481 ‘ad imprimendum ex membranis’, but there are no printer’s marks. Georgius returned the volume on 15 March 1482. See ibid., p. 381, n. 147; Müntz and Fabre, Bibliothèque du Vatican, p. 286. The collection of dialogues eventually appeared in print together with the Lives of the Popes from 1504 onwards (see below, p. 232). 172

Platina, Contra amores ad Lodovicum Stellam, in his Hystoria de vitis pontificum (Venice: Pinzi, 1504), sigs B8r–C5r (sigs B8r, C5r). For the remark against Paul see below, n. 174. The critical edition, Platina, ‘Contra amores’, ed. by L. Mitarotondo (doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Messina, 2002), remains unpublished; see Mitarotondo, Virtù del principe, pp. 21, n. 3, 127–28, n. 64. 173 Platina, De amore, sig. h1v (Platina speaking): ‘Ita nanque rusticorum strepitu et clamoribus tum diurnis tum nocturnis offendor, ut non cum hominibus sed cum leonibus et asinis habitare me existimem, adeo sunt ab omni humanitate et civilitate remoti. Agnellus: Descendamus, si placet, in hanc vallem quae Marinum attingit.’ See also ibid., sig. h3r. 174 Ibid., sig. h2r: ‘Agnellus: Hac facilius descendemus: te si vis Platyna, quia minus belle pedibus vales, humero meo descendentem sublevabo. Platyna: Immo ut haec facias te rogo, ne cum in vallem descendero, quod agitatione nimia fieri solet, timore ac cruciatu pedum ab hac nostra disputatione avocer. Agnellus: Retineo ego te; tu totus inhaereto humero sinistro, ut dextera, si in praeceps deferar, me teque pariter ab acclivitate defendam.’ At the end of the dialogue, sig. i7v (Platina speaking): ‘Reducet me hoc bacillum quo pedem alterum intumescentem a labore interdum sublevo. Sed unum te rogo, ut rusticos portarum custodes admoneas, ne si tardus rediero clausis portis me ab ingressu castelli prohibeant.’ In Contra amores, sig. B8r–v, ‘Stella’ adds after his initial offer of help (‘[…] sublevabo’): ‘Scaevus nimirum fuit Paulus pontifex qui te etiam compedibus revinctum in carcere detinuit, unde aegritudo ista oborta est.’

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men (respectable love, amor honestus) — adopting, it seems, the Platonic division between the ‘commonplace’ and the ‘celestial’ Aphrodite.175 Love in legitimate marriage is also presented as praiseworthy, because it is useful for procreation. ‘Agnelli’ is accused of being an Epicurean who places pleasure above virtue and utility. We learn that Platina himself had experienced the storms of passion as a young man, but they were calmed by turning to philosophy and work. In the last third of the dialogue, he expounds his ferociously misogynistic views on male dignity (dignitas virilis) and female frailty.176 Platina perhaps drew inspiration for this dialogue from a letter of Enea Silvio Piccolomini known as De remedio amoris (On the Remedy for Love).177 Piccolomini consoles his lovesick friend, aiming to open his eyes to the weaknesses of women.178 Both Platina and Piccolomini may have followed advice from Cicero’s Tusculan Disputations (IV. 35) to treat a languishing man by making it evident to him how trivial, despicable, and insignificant the object of his desire is. The Platina, De amore, sig. h3r: ‘Platyna: Amor duplex est, honestus scilicet et inhonestus. Honestus est qui oritur inter duos natura, quoad fieri potest, et similitudine bonorum morum persimiles; qualem fuisse Scipionis et Laelii accepimus. Inhonestus autem is dicetur, quo corpore et animo stolide quidem ad rem concupitam ferimur, nulla adhibita modestia.’ See, e.g., Ficino’s Symposium commentary (written in 1469), Oratio II, Chapter 7. This Platonic element is emphasized in the summary of Platina’s De amore given by Mario Equicola (1470–1525) in his own treatise on love: La redazione manoscritta del Libro de natura de amore di Mario Equicola, ed. by L. Ricci (Rome: Bulzoni, 1999), pp. 262–64. 175

Marriage: ‘amor, qui ad legitimum connubium respicit’ (Platina, De amore, sig. h5v, also i3 ); accusal of Agnelli: ‘Epicurus omnino es […] qui voluptatem pluris quam honestatem et utilitatem facis’ (sig. h5r); Platina’s past passions: ‘Fatebor ego ingenue: dum fervore adolescentiae aestuarem amoris procella et tempestate diu vexatum, neque prius portum quietis attingere potuisse, quam expiata mente amoris illecebris philosophiae me totum ac negotio addixi’ (h3v). For the misogynistic views, see sigs i3r–i7r. 176

r

177

Piccolomini to Ippolito da Milano, 3 January 1446 (?), De remedio amoris, in Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini, ed. by R. Wolkan, Fontes rerum Austriacarum, Diplomataria et acta, 61–62, 67–68, 3 parts (part I has 2 vols) (Vienna: Hölder, 1909–18), II (1912), 33–39. See S. Cracòlici, ‘“Remedia amoris sive elegiae”: appunti sul dialogo antierotico del Quattrocento’, in Il sapere delle parole: studi sul dialogo latino e italiano del Rinascimento, ed. by W. Geerts, A. Paternoster, and F. Pignatti (Rome: Bulzoni, 2001), pp. 23–35 (pp. 31–32). 178

Piccolomini, De remedio amoris, p. 37: ‘Mulier est animal imperfectum, varium, fallax, multis morbis passionibusque subiectum, sine fide, sine timore, sine constantia, sine pietate. De his loquor mulieribus, que turpes admittunt amores’. Compare Platina, De amore, sig. i3v: ‘Fallax siquidem et mendax est et omnium rerum turpissimarum affectatrix […]. Nulla est in hoc sexu constantia, nulla fides. In rebus turpibus malitia et pertinacia utuntur plus quam dici potest.’

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superiority of virtue to pleasure, the overarching theme of Platina’s De amore, is discussed at length, moreover, in Cicero’s De finibus. Platina was ridiculed in a poem by Giovanni Antonio Campano for his moralizing stance. Although Platina reproaches pleasurable love affairs, writes Campano, he himself does not love in a noble way. He provides examples of Platina’s lovers, referred to as ‘she-bear’ and ‘she-wolf’. ‘How well you write’, he tells Platina, and ‘how badly you love’.179 In a polemical text of 1477, Battista de’ Giudici, Bishop of Ventimiglia, exposed Platina’s obsessive relationship with a girl who lived in his house and who was apparently extremely ugly (puella turpissima monstroque simillima).180 For better or worse, Platina came to be seen as an expert on the topic of love, so that after his death he was made an interlocutor in Paolo Pompilio’s dialogue De vero et probabili amore. It is dedicated to Pomponio Leto (1427–98), a close friend of Platina since about 1464.181 Marco Antonio Altieri (1450–1532), another friend of Platina and student of Leto, mentions his ‘memories’ of conversations between the two humanists about weddings. Both men, according to Altieri, affirmed God’s special interest in matrimony.182

Campano, De Platyna, in his Opera, Epigrammata, VI, sig. E2 r: ‘Multa meus contra blandos obiectat amores | Platyna; scis quare? non amat ingenuas. | Nunc perit assidua fellantem Thayda nocte, | Nunc ad concubitus insilit Ursa tuos. | Inde puellarum stultus mentitur amores, | Non sapit hoc lecto quod lupa Penelope. | Sed laudem ingenium, mores an, Platyna damnem | Quam bene tu scribis, tam male Platyna amas.’ See also A. Della Torre, Paolo Marsi da Pescina: contributo alla storia dell’Accademia Pomponiana (Rocca S. Casciano: Cappelli, 1903), p. 103; Milham, ‘Introduction’, p. 18, n. 73. The first two lines are included in the manuscript of the third redaction of De amore written by Platina’s friend and fellow ‘Academician’ Marco Lucido Fazini (‘Fosforo’); see Tissoni Benvenuti, ‘Due schede’, p. 212, n. 8. 179

180 De’ Giudici, Invectiva contra Platinam, in his Apologia Iudaeorum; Invectiva contra Platinam, ed. and trans. by D. Quaglioni (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 1987), pp. 94–127 (p. 102). On this text see below, p. 81.

Pompilio, De vero et probabili amore (1487), BAV, MS Vat. lat. 2222, fols 46 r–76 v. The dialogue, set in 1476/78, is between Platina and Alessio Stati. See M. Chiabò, ‘Paolo Pompilio professore dello Studium Urbis’, in Un pontificato ed una città, pp. 503–14 (p. 508); W. Bracke, ‘Paolo Pompilio, una carriera mancata’, in Principato ecclesiastico e riuso dei classici: gli umanisti e Alessandro VI, ed. by D. Canfora, M. Chiabò, and M. De Nichilo (Rome: Ministero per i beni e le attività culturali, Direzione generale per gli archivi, 2002), pp. 429–38 (pp. 434–35). 181

182 Altieri, Li nuptiali, ed. by E. Narducci (Rome: Bartoli, 1873) (repr. ed. by M. M iglio and A. M odigliani (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 1995)), pp. 30–31. See S. Kolsky, ‘Culture and Politics in Renaissance Rome: Marco Antonio Altieri’s Roman Weddings’, Renaissance Quarterly, 40 (1987), 49–90 (pp. 77–78).

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Whether or not this is a true story, Platina was again regarded as an authority on a question related to love. Platina’s De flosculis quibusdam linguae Latinae (On Certain Flowers of the Latin Language) is essentially an epitome of Lorenzo Valla’s De linguae Latinae elegantia.183 Valla’s influential work, written in the 1440s, was the first Latin grammar textbook since antiquity based empirically on usage by classical authors. It was a natural subject for debates among humanists. Most notably, the rediscoverer of many classical Latin manuscripts, Poggio Bracciolini (1380–1459), had engaged with Valla in fierce discussions about this book.184 Valla, moreover, had upset many scholars by promoting Quintilian at the expense of Cicero. Since his original text was too intricate for teaching, epitomes were better suited to this purpose.185 Platina produced a compendium in dialogue form, without too much serious criticism of Valla. The interlocutors are Platina and a certain Laelius, referred to in the title of one manuscript copy as a sodalis, that is, as a member of the ‘Academy’ around Pomponio Leto.186 This Laelius has traditionally been identified with the Paduan poet Niccolò Lelio Cosmico (d. 1500), who is named as a dining companion in Platina’s De honesta voluptate (c. 1466–67) and is the dedicatee of various epigrams by the ‘Academician’ Callimachus (Filippo Buonaccorsi).187 Having left Rome for Padua by June 1466, 183

Platina, De flosculis quibusdam linguae Latinae, ad Laelium; De amore, ad Lodovicum Angellum, ed. by Pietro Agostino Filelfo (Milan: Giovanni da Legnano; Antonio Zarotto, 18 August 1481) (Platina was still alive at the time of printing). On the three manuscripts of De flosculis, see R. Bianchi, ‘Bartolomeo Platina, Pomponio Leto e il vitulus di Menecmo: note sul De flosculis del Platina (con una testimonianza di Pomponio sulle rovine di Paestum)’, in Confini dell’umanesimo letterario: studi in onore di Francesco Tateo, ed. by M. De Nichilo, G. Distaso, and A. Iurilli, 3 vols (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2003), I, 127–54 (pp. 130–34). 184

See Lorenzo Valla, Antidotum primum: la prima apologia contro Poggio Bracciolini, ed. by A. Wesseling (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1978), with the editor’s ‘Introduzione alla polemica fra Poggio Bracciolini e Lorenzo Valla’ on pp. 1–53. 185

The most popular of the various epitomes of Valla’s Elegantiae was Agostino Dati’s Elegantiolae, first published in Ferrara in 1471. See K. Jensen, ‘The Humanist Reform of Latin and Latin Teaching’, in The Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Humanism, ed. by J. Kraye (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 63–81 (p. 79, n. 14). 186

Platina, De linguae Latinae elegantia ad Lelium sodalem (copied by Antonio Vinciguerra Cronico in Rome, 1470), Toledo, Archivo y Biblioteca Capitolares, MS 99.35. See Bianchi, ‘Platina, Pomponio Leto e il vitulus’, pp. 131–34. On Leto’s ‘Academy’ see below, p. 52. 187 Platina, De honesta voluptate, ed. by Milham, p. 242; R. Stewering, Architektur und Natur in der ‘Hypnerotomachia Poliphili’ (Manutius 1499) und die Zuschreibung des Werkes an Niccolò Lelio Cosmico (Hamburg: LIT, 1996), pp. 177 and 364, n. 64. The identification of the

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Cosmico returned in the second half of the 1470s, then connected to the entourage of Cardinal Gonzaga.188 In the dialogue, Platina, arriving from the Esquiline Hill, where he lived, comes to visit Laelius’s ailing uncle, Teodoro Lelli, Bishop of Treviso. Thanks to this detail the dialogue can be dated to 1465–66; most likely, it was completed near the Bishop’s death in March 1466.189 Asked by Laelius to comment on Valla, Platina declares: ‘Valla, to be honest, wrote many things in a penetrating and learned way. But he affirms too audaciously what he proposes, and he enjoys sarcasm more than is appropriate; he brings capital charges against many for trifles.’190 Prompted by Laelius’s questions, Platina then goes through Valla’s Elegantiae. Platina provides many examples from additional sources to illustrate grammatical problems. In some cases, the source is Varro.191 This might be a nod to Pomponio Leto, who had a predilection for Varro and, in his edition of De lingua Latina, included a prefatory letter to Platina, asking him to inspect the

interlocutor with Cosmico has recently been called into question: Bianchi, ‘Platina, Pomponio Leto e il vitulus’, pp. 138–43. 188 V. Rossi, ‘Niccolò Lelio Cosmico’, Giornale storico della letteratura italiana, 13 (1889), 101–58; R. Ricciardi, ‘Cosmico, Niccolò Lelio’, in DBI, XXX (1984), 72–77; Stewering, Architektur, pp. 169–85; Chambers, Renaissance Cardinal, p. 69. In the 1470s he seems to have been living in the house of his patron Agostino Maffei, to whom Platina had dedicated his epitome of Pliny (see above, p. 25).

Platina, De flosculis, sig. a1r: ‘Laelius: Unde Platyna? Platyna: Ab Exquiliis ad vos. Laelius: Quid huc, quaeso? Platyna: Ut Theodorum patruum tuum viderem, quem laborare synanche intellexeram. Veritus enim sum ne repentina vis morbi hominem nobis subtraheret.’ While all manuscripts, in this sentence, have ‘Theodorum Tarvisinum episcopum’, Platina cancelled the title of the bishop for the printed version of 1481. As mentioned, Lelli was Bishop of Treviso from 17 September 1464 until his death on 31 March 1466. Since Platina does not list De flosculis among the works he wrote in prison, terminus post quem for the composition is his release in January 1465. Platina seems to refer to the Bishop’s acute sickness of February/March 1466. See Stewering, Architektur, pp. 171–74; Bianchi, ‘Platina, Pomponio Leto e il vitulus’, pp. 134–38. 189

190 P latina, De flosculis, sig. a1v: ‘Laelius: Quid de Valla litteratissimo homine sentias, edisseras? Audio hominem apud doctos esse in pretio. Platyna: Scripsit Valla, ne mentiar, acute et docte multa. Sed audacter nimium quod proponit affirmat, et mordacitate plus quam deceret delectatur. Multis enim ob levem causam diem capitis dicit.’ 191 For instance, Platina, De flosculis, sig. a3r, on the word ficus, with the conclusion: ‘Ego certe Varroni assentiendum puto.’ Compare Varro, De lingua Latina, IX . 80; Valla, De linguae Latinae elegantia, I. 4: ‘De ficu’ (ed. by S. López Moreda, 2 vols (Cáceres: Universidad de Extremadura, 1999), I, 68–70), where Varro is not mentioned.

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text for errors.192 A possible explanation for Platina’s interest in Valla’s work is the great respect of his own teacher, Ognibene da Lonigo, for the Elegantiae: one of the most urgent reasons he travelled to Rome in 1453/54 was in order to meet the author who had done so much to restore classical learning. Also, Valla had been a student of Vittorino.193 Platina’s compendium of the Elegantiae may have helped to establish his reputation as a humanist in the so-called ‘Roman Academy’. Although he did not have a job, in these years he enjoyed the pleasant company of that circle around Pomponio Leto, a fraternity (sodalitas) of men who shared an interest in antiquity.194 Leto was in Rome in c. 1464–67 teaching rhetoric at the Sapienza, while spending most of the rest of that decade in Venice. He left Rome in 1467 because his salary had not been paid.195 We can catch glimpses of the dining habits of the ‘Academicians’ in Platina’s cookbook, De honesta voluptate et valitudine (On Respectable Pleasure and Good Health), written during one of his summer holidays with Cardinal Gonzaga at Marino, in 1466 or perhaps 1467.196 The work is dedicated to Bartolomeo Roverella, who had been elevated

Varro, De lingua Latina, ed. by Pomponio Leto (Rome: Lauer, c. 1471), sig. a1r: ‘Tu qui castigatissime omnia inspicis, si laborem hunc laudaveris habebunt mihi gratias qui legerint, sin minus calamo non parcas. Quoniam ego, et scio non fallor, in hac fece hominum tanti te facio quanti M. Tullium, cui dedicavit hos libros, seculo eruditissimo fecit Varro [De lingua Latina, V . 1].’ See also below, p. 74, nn. 288 and 289. The Varro edition was reprinted in Venice in 1474 by Johannes Manthen and Johannes de Colonia, who in 1479 went on to produce the editio princeps of Platina’s Lives. See P. Scapecchi, ‘Pomponio Leto e la tipografia fra Roma e Venezia’, in Editori ed edizioni a Roma nel Rinascimento, ed. by P. Farenga (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2005), pp. 119–26 (p. 125). On Leto’s occupation with Varro see M. Accame Lanzillotta, ‘Le annotazioni di Pomponio Leto ai libri VIII–X del De lingua Latina di Varrone’, Giornale italiano di filologia, 50 (1998), 41–57. 192

193 See Ognibene’s letter to Valla, c. 1453, in C. Andreucci, ‘La tradizione del carteggio di Lorenzo Valla: le fonti’, Italia medioevale e umanistica, 15 (1972), 180–213 (pp. 208–09). See also O. Besomi and M. Regoliosi, in their edition of Laurentii Valle Epistole (Padua: Antenore, 1984), p. 366. For Valla as a student see pp. 5–6, above. 194

For an introduction see D. S. Chambers, ‘The Earlier “Academies” in Italy’, in Italian Academies of the Sixteenth Century, ed. by idem and F. Quiviger (London: Warburg Institute, 1995), pp. 1–14 (pp. 7–8). 195

M. Accame Lanzillotta, ‘L’insegnamento di Pomponio Leto nello Studium Urbis’, in Storia della Facoltà di lettere e filosofia de ‘La Sapienza’, ed. by L. Capo and M. R. Di Simone (Rome: Viella, 2000), pp. 71–91 (p. 74). 196

Platina, De honesta voluptate et valitudine, ed. by Milham, preface, p. 102: ‘rusticationes meas, quas hac aestate in secessu Tusculano apud inclitum et amplissimum patrem Franciscum

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to the cardinalate under Pius II. In the preface, Platina takes a more subtle stance than in his De falso ac vero bono and De amore. Whereas he previously had rejected Epicurean principles, he now endorsed and defended them. This was not usually done by Renaissance humanists, with the notable exceptions of Francesco Filelfo, Poggio Bracciolini (De infelicitate principum, 1440), and Lorenzo Valla. In Valla’s De vero falsoque bono (originally entitled De voluptate in 1431), voluptas and honestas were the two key elements.197 Unlike Valla, however, Platina did not engage in a discussion of the relations between Epicureanism and Christianity. Instead, he focused on the point that Epicurus, understood correctly, advocated moderation in the pursuit of corporeal pleasures.198 He had written the cookbook in order to encourage his readers to seek health, moderation, and elegant dining (valetudo, mediocritas, lautities victus), while deterring them from extravagance (luxus). He therefore felt that the treatise was not unworthy of the Cardinal’s approval.199

Gonzagam perscripsi’. Note that in the title, Platina used the form ‘valitudine’, which Milham has normalized to ‘valetudine’. The Italian translation (Platina, Il piacere onesto e la buona salute, trans. by E. Faccioli (Turin: Einaudi, 1985)) is also of use because it identifies more sources in the apparatus than Milham’s edition. See M. G. Blasio’s review of the latter, Roma nel Rinascimento (1999), 7–28 (pp. 20, 22). For what follows, see Milham, ‘Introduction’, esp. pp. 46–59. The new book on De honesta voluptate by B. Laurioux (Gastronomie, humanisme et société) came to my attention after the completion of this manuscript. 197 See J. Kraye, ‘Moral Philosophy’, in The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy, ed. by C. B. Schmitt and others (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 303–86 (pp. 381–82) (for Filelfo); Blasio, ‘Introduzione’, p. cxxii, n. 111 (for Poggio); and M. Lorch, ‘Introduction’, in Valla, On Pleasure/De voluptate, trans. by idem and A. K. Hieatt (New York: Abaris Books, 1977) pp. 7–46 (p. 37). On the idea of ‘respectable pleasure’ at the time, see the sources and illustrations assembled by W. Liebenwein, ‘Honesta voluptas: zur Archäologie des Genießens’, in Hülle und Fülle: Festschrift für Tilmann Buddensieg, ed. by A. Beyer, V. Lampugnani, and G. Schweikhart (Alfter: Verlag und Datenbank für Geisteswissenschaften, 1993), pp. 337–57. 198

Platina, De honesta voluptate, pp. 100–02: ‘Ad felicitatem enim voluptas illa, quae ex honesta actione oritur, ut medicina ad sanitatem aegrotantem hominem perducit […]. Non ergo quod vir bonus [Epicurus] sed quod depravatores sectae addidere culpandum erat.’ On ‘the paradoxical combination of hedonism and asceticism at the core of Epicurean ethics’ see Kraye, ‘Moral Philosophy’, p. 375; on Epicureanism and Christianity, ibid., pp. 383–84. 199 Platina, De honesta voluptate, p. 102: ‘Scripsi ego de obsoniis […] non quo legentes ad luxum adhortarer, quos certe inter scribendum semper a vitio deterrui, sed quo et civili viro valetudinem, mediocritatem, lautitiem victus, potiusquam luxum, quaerenti prodessem’. When he says that he has always deterred his readers from vice, he may be referring to his De falso ac vero bono and De amore. For the expected approval of the Cardinal see ibid., p. 100.

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Although in the preface Platina underlines his indebtedness to Cato, Varro, Columella, and Apicius (authors who may in part be linked to the literary interests of Pomponio Leto),200 his chief sources were, in fact, Books VIII–XXV of Pliny’s Natural History and Martino de Rossi’s Libro de arte coquinaria.201 Martino had been employed by Cardinal Ludovico Trevisan (who was known for his lavish lifestyle and who had hosted Francesco Gonzaga as a summer guest in Albano in 1463) and had then, it seems, become the principal cook of Paul II.202 Platina uses Pliny systematically in the first half of the work, a discussion of ingredients, while the second half is virtually a translation of Martino’s recipes. He almost always adds medical advice based on humoral theory, which he may have drawn from Arabic learning. Platina’s work is also interesting from a linguistic viewpoint, since he frequently discusses etymologies (as in his De flosculis) and coins new Latin words when the classical vocabulary is insufficient.203 Although Platina does not treat philosophical questions in this book, he does allow himself the occasional moralizing remark (the complaint that ‘great monsters of men are nourished at great expense in Rome’ or the quip that his age ‘produces better wine than men’);204 on the whole, however, he is almost entirely concerned with giving advice on food and health. His insistence 200 Ibid., p. 102. On Platina’s use of Cicero, Horace, Juvenal, and Pliny, see S. Pittaluga, ‘Bartolomeo Platina e il piacere onesto’, Res publica litterarum, 15 (1992), 131–37. On his use of Seneca, Blasio, ‘Disciplina del corpo’, pp. 163–67. 201 Platina refers to ‘Martinus meus’ (De honesta voluptate, p. 292) as ‘nostra aetate coquorum princeps […] a quo obsoniorum conficiendorum rationem accepi’ (p. 118). On M artino see C. Benporat, Cucina italiana del Quattrocento (Florence: Olschki, 1996); B. Laurioux, ‘I libri di cucina italiani alla fine del Medioevo: un nuovo bilancio’, Archivio storico italiano, 154 (1996), 33–58; idem, ‘De Jean de Bockenheim à Bartolomeo Scappi: cuisiner pour le pape entre le XV e et le XVIe siècle’, in Offices et papauté (XIV e– XVIIe siècle), ed. by A. Jamme and O. Poncet (Rome: École française de Rome, 2005), pp. 303–32 (pp. 317–23). 202

Chambers, ‘Platina’, p. 13. On Trevisan (d. 1465) see idem, Renaissance Cardinal, pp. 75–78; on Martino as papal cook, C. Märtl, ‘Humanistische Kochkunst und kuriale Ernährungsgewohnheiten um die Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts’, in Herrschaft und Kirche im Mittelalter: Gedenksymposium zum ersten Todestag von Norbert Kamp (Braunschweig: Braunschweigische Wissenschaftliche Gesellschaft, [2001]), pp. 47–70 (p. 57); Laurioux, ‘Jean de Bockenheim’, pp. 318–21. 203

See M. E. Milham, ‘Platina and Martino’s Libro de arte coquinaria’, in Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Hafniensis, ed. by R. Schnur and others (Binghamton, NY: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1994), pp. 669–73. 204

Platina, De honesta voluptate, p. 350: ‘Romae […] ubi hominum magna monstra cum impensa aluntur’; ibid., p. 466: ‘aetati nostrae quae meliora vina quam homines producit’.

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on white tablecloths, clean plates, and seasonal decoration reflects the birth of modern gastronomy at the time.205 Platina saw De honesta voluptate through the press in about 1470, making it the first printed cookbook. There were eventually sixteen Latin editions and twenty-five in translation206 — an enormous success, second only to his Lives of the Popes. It achieved success even before it appeared in print, as we learn from a letter by Platina to Ammannati. Imprisoned in 1468 on charges of ‘conspiracy’, Platina informs the Cardinal that a manuscript had slipped out of his hands and circulated without control, crawling through ‘ointment-shops and taverns’ and returning to him ‘besmirched and filthy’; in other words, corruptions by various hands had entered the text. He asks Ammannati to emend and correct it. In particular, Platina was aware that his prefaces could be misconstrued: ‘If I have put more wit and sarcasm in the introductions to the individual books than the preparation of food seems to require, take out as much as you want.’207 In the event, Ammannati or perhaps someone else did make some corrections. The names of several members of the ‘Academy’ who had fled before they could be arrested and charged with conspiracy (most prominently Callimachus) were altered. They had been mentioned in connection with Platina’s anecdotes about the eating habits and health of over fifty friends, most of them from Rome but some also from the previous stages of his life in Florence and Mantua.208 We learn, notably, about Platina’s meals with Pomponio Leto, who had little money and accordingly lived very simply. Leto here ‘praises the piety of the

205 Ibid., p. 118 (‘De paranda mensa’). Platina was hailed as the ‘father of gastronomy’ in an Italian exhibition of 1996; see Milham, ‘Introduction’, pp. 56–57. 206

On the editions see Milham, ‘Introduction’, pp. 79–80. Blasio, in her review of Milham, pp. 14–20, discusses Platina’s autograph corrections (not recognized by Milham) in preparation for the Roman editio princeps. 207

Platina to Ammannati, c. July 1468 (?), in Ammannati’s Epistolae et commentarii, fols 140 –41r (fol. 140v): ‘Scripsi ante captivitatem meam libellum istum De honesta voluptate quem ad Amplitudinem Tuam mitto, qui capto patrono, ut videbis, myropolia omnia et tabernas perreptasse videtur: adeo est unctus et sordidus’; fol. 141r: ‘Si plus salis et aceti in prohoemiis librorum posui quam ipsa obsonia requirere videbuntur, quantum voles demito.’ The dating is from Cherubini, in Ammannati, Lettere, II, 1137. For a translation of the entire letter see Milham, ‘Introduction’, pp. 15–16, who, however, wrongly dates it to 1464/65; see Blasio, review of Milham, pp. 9–14. v

208 See M. E. Milham, ‘Platina and the Illnesses of the Roman Academy’, in Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Sanctandreani, ed. by I. D. McFarlane (Binghamton, NY: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1986), pp. 173–76.

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Pythagoreans and pursues the rural life’; he ‘serves onions and shallots to his guests’; he does not have the means to buy two eggs to replace those he has lost; and he seems to have caught fish from the nearby Tiber.209 Poverty was apparently a distinguishing characteristic of the ‘Academicians’, who took pride in their ‘respectable’ pleasure. Platina points out that while some people, who had pursued careers in questionable ways, ate peacocks and pheasants, Leto and his friends preferred to munch onions and garlic.210 Such modest fare, whether imposed by will or by poverty, was also a form of moderation. Platina insisted, for example, that ‘by custom and nature’ he himself drank only the most diluted wine, which was healthier — but also, of course, cheaper.211 Platina’s presentation of his own frugality was, however, mocked in a poem by Campano, who acknowledged Leto’s poverty but juxtaposed it to Platina’s snooty avoidance of smelly onions and even good-quality leeks.212 Platina was thus

209

Platina, De honesta voluptate, p. 232: ‘[Pomponius] Pythagoreorum pietatem laudat et rem rusticam sectatur’; p. 256: ‘cepas atque allium ascaloniumve […] convivis apponit’; p. 406: ‘Ova integra in carbones ardentes coniicito, ac calida donec frangantur fuste percutito […]. Hoc non faceret Pomponius noster, qui temere adeo amissis duobus ovis unde alia emeret ob inopiam non haberet’; p. 438 (on bass which could be caught in the Tiber): ‘Ad hunc Pomponius, Tyberis accola, Martio, Aprili et Maio me saepius invitabat’. 210

Ibid., p. 242: ‘Lautorum haec [i.e., pavones ac phasiani] erunt obsonia et eorum maxime quos non virtus et industria, sed fortuna atque hominum temeritas ex infima sorte [Milham: forte], utpote e ganeis, e stabulis, e popina, non ad divitias, quod esset ferendum, sed ad summos dignitatis gradus erexere […]. Cepam et allium mecum devoret Pomponius meus; adsit Serenus et Septumuleius Campanus, nec extra triclinium pernoctet Cosmicus […].’ 211 212

Ibid., p. 466: ‘cum nemo me, instituto et natura, dilutius bibat’.

Campano, Ad Iulium [Pomponium Laetum] (Opera, Elegia VII. 37), in P. Cecchini, Giannantonio Campano: studi sulla produzione poetica (Urbino: Quattro venti, 1995), p. 123: ‘Iulius ad potum friget stringitque gelato | dente nivi similem, cum sitis urget, aquam; | contemnunt musae rodentem crustula, Phoebus | spernit et a tristi Pallas abit genio. | Calvus, Aricini sordent cui prandia porri, | laetum, nec bulbos ore obolente, canit: | non faba duritiem stomacho facit aut cicer aut nux | nec varia est ratio ventris et ingenii.’ Calvus (‘bald’) is a pseudonym for Platina, but it is not clear why; it appears in a few poems by Campano, Callimachus, Settimuleio Campano, and Paolo Marsi (see Della Torre, Marsi, pp. 146–47). ‘Calvus […] laetum […] canit’ could mean ‘Platina sings something cheerful’ but also ‘Platina sings the praises of Leto’, that is, of Leto’s frugality. The poem is dated by Cecchini to before the ‘conspiracy’ of 1468. See Cecchini, Campano, pp. 115–16, 120–21; and his Appendix, ‘Virtù medicinali dei porri nel De honesta voluptate del Platina e nella cultura medica antica’, pp. 127–35, a case study of Platina’s use of sources. On the leek from Ariccia and the effect of leeks on the singing voice of the emperor Nero, see De honesta voluptate, pp. 186–88.

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accused of not practising what he preached. This could have been particularly embarassing because he was so fond of moralizing, especially, as we shall see, in his Lives of the Popes. Campano’s point is corroborated in an epigram by Callimachus, who speaks ironically of Platina’s former poverty — he had previously consumed even the vilest foods — and his present predilection for an elegant cuisine.213 Callimachus says that ‘our master’ (dominus noster) granted Platina this improvement in lifestyle; but he does not tell us who this was. It seems clear, at any rate, that Platina was by no means averse to the refined pleasures offered at banquets held by cardinals. His arrest in February 1468 took place at the dinner table of Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga. With the appearance of the editio princeps of De honesta voluptate in 1470/1, Platina became the object of more satirical poetry when Pietro Barozzi derided the lowly subject matter of the book, which, nonetheless, sold better than Plato. He also insinuated — correctly, as it happens — that Platina had plagiarized most of the contents.214 After the publication of Platina’s Lives of the Popes in 1479, scholars were puzzled that such a serious author had bothered to write a cookbook. His younger contemporary Jacopo Sannazaro (1458–1530), a member of Giovanni Pontano’s Neapolitan ‘Academy’, produced yet another mocking epigram, and Vossius applauded Sannazaro in 1627.215 In 1752 Apostolo Zeno, in

213 Callimachus, Ad Lutium de Calvo degenere, in his Carmina, ed. by F. Sica (Naples: Conte, 1981), no. 124, p. 271: ‘Blandius olliculas proprium quam mater alumnum | Complecti solitus Calvus utraque manu, | Et gelidas sordes emendicare lebetum | Ambesosque cibos relliquiasque canum, | Spernit plebeio condita escalia iure, | Nec nisi magnificas gaudet adire dapes, | Obliquatque velut satiatus carne recenti | Vultur ab assuetis rostra cadaveribus. | Hoc divina facit domini indulgentia nostri: | Illa rudem cepit sollicitare gulam | Et mensis adhibere sacris servile palatum | Et natum siliquis furfuribusque suum.’ See Cecchini, Campano, p. 121. Callimachus’s poem probably dates from this period because he fled Rome in 1468. For poems by him dedicated to Platina, see Callimachus, Epigrammatum libri duo, ed. by K. F. Kumaniecki (Wroclaw: Ossolineum, 1963), nos 23, 34, 42, 60, 66, 154; F. Carboni, ‘Per l’edizione del “Convivium scientiarum”’, in Antonio de Thomeis, Rime: Convivium scientiarum, In laudem Sixti Quarti Pontificis Maximi, ed. by idem and A. Manfredi (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1999), pp. xiii–xxxix (pp. xxiv–xxv, n. 36). 214

For these poems by Barozzi see Tissoni Benvenuti, ‘Due schede’, pp. 213–20; Märtl, ‘Humanistische Kochkunst’, pp. 57–58. On Barozzi, who left Rome on becoming Bishop of Belluno in September 1471, see F. Gaeta, ‘Barozzi, Pietro’, in DBI, VI (1964), 510–12. 215 Jacopo Sannazaro, De Bartholomeo Platina (Epigramma I. 21), in his Opera Latine scripta, ed. by J. van Broekhuizen, with notes by P. Vlaming (Amsterdam: Onder de Linden, 1728), p. 195: ‘Ingenias et mores, vitasque obitusque notasse | Pontificum, argutae lex fuit historiae. | Tu

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response to both Sannazaro and Vossius, quoted a lengthy passage from the preface of De honesta voluptate where, he thought, Platina had already foreseen such attacks and warded them off.216 The last work which Platina embarked on before his 1468/69 imprisonment was the Historia urbis Mantuae Gonziacaeque familiae (History of the City of Mantua and of the Gonzaga Family).217 He sent the first part to Ludovico Gonzaga on 7 July 1466, together with a copy of his biography of Pius II, the pope who had done so much for the Gonzagas.218 In the accompanying letter, Platina explains his motivation for writing this history. He had so far failed to produce a substantial work in praise of Marchese Gianfrancesco Gonzaga and had therefore set out to compose the history of Mantua from the beginnings of the city, paying particular attention to the role of the Gonzaga family. He asked for someone to send him detailed information about recent military campaigns and for eye-witnesses to write down their accounts of battles, in either Latin or Italian, since all that mattered was that they recorded the historical truth.219 The

tamen hinc lautae tractas pulmenta culinae: | Hoc, Platina, est ipsos pascere pontifices.’ Sannazaro mistakenly thought that Platina had written the Lives of the Popes first. The editorial note, ibid., contains references to other authors who derided Platina. For Vossius’s statement see his De historicis Latinis, p. 534. 216

Zeno, Dissertazioni Vossiane, I, 254–55, quoting Platina’s preface (pp. 100–02); cf. above, pp. 53–54. 217 Platina, Historia urbis Mantuae (see above, p. 2, n. 5). Lambeck, an imperial historian and deputy librarian in Vienna, provides extensive annotations to the preface and most of Book 1. The only modern study is G. Ferraù, ‘La “Historia urbis Mantuae Gonzagaeque familiae”’, in Bartolomeo Sacchi, il Platina, pp. 21–38. See also the brief remarks by G. M. Anselmi, ‘La storiografia delle corti padane’, in La storiografia umanistica: convegno internazionale di studi, Messina 22–25 ottobre 1987, 2 vols (Messina: Sicania, 1992), I, 205–32 (pp. 221–26); idem, ‘Spazialità e identità della narrazione storica tra Mantova e Firenze’, in Storiografia repubblicana fiorentina (1494–1570), ed. by J.-J. Marchand and J.-C. Zancarini (Florence: Cesati, 2003), pp. 141–51; P. Jacks, The Antiquarian and the Myth of Antiquity: The Origins of Rome in Renaissance Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 123–24. 218 Platina to L. Gonzaga, 7 July (1466), in Luzio and Renier, ‘Platina’, pp. 434–35 (photograph in Blasio, ‘Introduzione’, tav. V ): ‘Mitto item una cum hoc quinterno Vitam Pii Pontificis de te ac familia tua benemeriti a me perscriptam, ut quem in vita dilexisti, a quoque item unice dilectus eras, eius post mortem res gestas legendo reminiscerere.’ 219 Ibid., pp. 434–35: ‘Cuius quidem Historiae quinternum unum ad te mittere institui, ut cognita dicendi facultate ac gratia me ad perficiendum opus, quod quidem satis amplum erit, adhortarere. Simulque ut unum aliquem ex tuis deligeres, qui tuas ac parentis res gestas colligens, addita locorum, regionum, consiliorum, fortunae pugnae, aciei specie, ad me perscriberet.

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completion of Platina’s work is mentioned in a letter by Cardinal Bartolomeo Roverella of 4 May 1469, in which he recommends it to Ludovico Gonzaga and compares his own judgement on Platina’s History and eloquence to that of Suetonius on Caesar’s Commentaries.220 On 15 May, Ludovico wrote to Platina to thank him.221 Platina probably completed this extensive History in prison, before his release in March 1469. His coverage of Mantuan history ends, however, with the death of Pius II in 1464. In his dedicatory preface to Francesco Gonzaga, Platina underlines his gratitude to the Gonzaga family. Mantua and Ludovico nourished him and enabled him to study literature, while Francesco not only liberated him from ruin (that is, prison) but also rescued him from poverty and unhappiness.222 He goes on to extol the virtues of historical studies. Echoing Cicero, he describes history as the ‘instructress of life’ (magistra vitae). It leads to wisdom, courage, and restraint, and thus to all virtues.223 While the ancients erected statues of their ancestors as examples, it is ‘our’ task to write literary monuments of famous

Caetera mihi usque ad mortem avi tui sunt parata. Habes in hac tua nobilissima curia viros qui etiam cum patre tuo et tecum militarunt. Hi scribant omnia aut Latina aut vulgari lingua; nihil nam curo, modo a veritate historiae non discedant.’ 220

Roverella to L. Gonzaga, 4 May 1469, ibid., p. 435: ‘De Platynae autem Historia et eloquentia ita iudico, quod de Iulii Caesaris Commentariis gravissime et verissime censuit Suetonius.’ Although it is unlikely, there might be some criticism hidden in this comparison, since Suetonius (De vita Caesarum, I. 56) cites differing judgements about the Commentaries: two positive ones by Cicero and Hirtius, but also a negative one: ‘Pollio Asinius [Commentarios] parum diligenter parumque integra veritate compositos putat, cum Caesar pleraque et quae per alios erant gesta temere crediderit et quae per se, vel consulto vel etiam memoria lapsus perperam ediderit; existimatque rescripturum et correcturum fuisse.’ 221

L. Gonzaga to Platina, 15 May 1469, in Luzio and Renier, ‘Platina’, pp. 435–36.

222

Platina, Historia urbis Mantuae, preface, cols 617–18: ‘Atque haud scio an ulli magis quam mihi hic labor conveniat, quem et civitas tua prope aluit et illustris pater tuus munificentia et gratia in studiis literarum continuo iuvit, et tu (quod pluris semper faciam quodque e memoria mea nunquam excidet) autoritate, qua vales plurimum, ab interitu me liberasti, liberatum munifice adhuc foves atque adeo iuvas, ut liberiore vita atque ingenio in urbe Roma me certe fruatur nemo.’ 223

Cicero, De oratore, II. 9. 36; Thucydides, I. 22; Platina, Historia urbis Mantuae, preface: ‘Nulla siquidem ad institutionem humanae vitae commodior aut facilior via est, quam rerum ante gestarum cognitio, quas historia continet. Ex hac enim non quid una, sed quid omnes aetates egregie fecerint colligentes, magistram vitae vetustatem ipsam habituri, privati etiam quovis imperio digni efficimur. Hinc praeterea ad prudentiam, ad fortitudinem, ad modestiam, ad omnes denique virtutes animi hominum ita incenduntur, ut laude nil antiquius, turpitudine vero nil detestabilius existiment.’

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men, an idea that Platina had already expressed in his oration to Pius II. In addition, history could enhance the elegance, style, and knowledge of its readers.224 Platina later recycled this section about history to make up one-third of the preface to his Lives of the Popes.225 After passing rapidly over the early history of Mantua, Platina’s principal source for the period from the eleventh century to 1414 was the chronicle by Bonamente Aliprandi. He embellished this material according to humanist taste by adding geographical specifications, long descriptions of battles, and fictional consilia attributed to condottieri. Platina complained about medieval authors who had not devoted enough attention to these aspects of writing history.226 He also used Biondo’s Italia illustrata and Decades, as well as Pius II’s epitome of the latter work.227 On 16 May 1469, one day after Ludovico Gonzaga acknowledged receipt of the work, he noticed some small errors in Platina’s treatment of recent events, most of which the Marchese himself had witnessed.228 These mistakes are set out

224

Platina, Historia urbis Mantuae, preface: ‘Quod si veteres illi, apud quos virtus in pretio fuit, celebrari maiorum suorum statuas in foro posita pro templis in locis publicis volebant, ad usum credo hominum respicientes, quanti a nobis facienda est historia, quae non muta ut statuae, non vana ut picturae, veras praeclarorum virum imagines, quibuscum loqui, quos consulere et imitari ut vivos fas est, nobis exprimit?’ Ibid.: ‘Adde quod historiae lectio ad eloquentiam, ad urbanitatem, ad usum rerum quavis facultate gerendarum confert plurimum, atque adeo ut eos etiam, qui rebus gestis minime interfuere, dum aliquid composite atque eleganter narrant, plusquam ceteros sapere atque intelligere arbitremur.’ Cf. above, p. 29, n. 106. See also Bauer, ‘Grabmäler in der Papstgeschichtsschreibung’. 225

Platina, Vitae, p. 3. 13–26.

226

Bonamente Aliprandi, Aliprandina o Cronaca di Mantua, in Breve Chronicon […] di Antonio Nerli, ed. by O. Begani, RIS, ser. 2, 24.13 (Città di Castello: Lapi, 1908–10), pp. 19–180. For Platina’s complaint, see Historia urbis Mantuae, col. 666: ‘Non possum non lamentari calamitatem temporum eorum, quibus hae res (non parvae quidem, si finitimorum bella consideramus) sunt gestae, quae adeo rudes et ignavos habuerint scriptores, ut neque ducum, neque centurionum, neque magistratuum, neque civium nomina, clarorum praesertim, memoriae mandaverint. Omitto quod inepte describant urbium loca, situm regionum, fluviorum ac montium tractus et convalles. Consilia ego, quae maxime in historia conveniunt, ex fine rerum magna ex parte collegi. Dicerem dandam esse illi aetati veniam, si non habuissent ante se praeclaros quos imitarentur scriptores Salustium ac Livium.’ See also Ferraù, ‘La “Historia”’, pp. 24–27. 227

Platina, Historia urbis Mantuae, cols 649–50, refers to ‘tum Blondi Forliviensis tum Pii Secundi Pontificis autoritas, qui res Italas, supra millesimum annum exorsi, accurate conscripserunt’. 228 L. Gonzaga to Platina, 16 May 1469, in Luzio and Renier, ‘Platina’, p. 436: ‘essendo in gran parte stati presenti a queste cose che ne pareno deviare un pocho dal vero, ve ne informaressemo meglio e facilmente potresti acunciare [= acconciare] il tuto’.

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by Ludovico in two letters to his wife Barbara, written in August at the baths of Petriolo where Platina, too, was staying that summer.229 Platina’s heavy dependence on Aliprandi’s chronicle was criticized after his death by Mario Equicola, the next historian of the city of Mantua.230 In 1731, Platina was reproached by Lodovico Muratori for his neglect of the early centuries and for relying on humanist historians such as Biondo and Pius II instead of consulting older, primary sources (antiquitatis monumenta).231 Muratori also noted, however, Platina’s sober reluctance to speculate, as later writers had done, about the origins of the Gonzaga family.232 Although Platina’s Historia urbis Mantuae has not found much favour with critics, only further studies will reveal the extent to which these negative assessments are justified. 4. Seizing the Elegantioli: The ‘Conspiracy’ (1468–69) On 28 February 1468, Platina was arrested by Paul II.233 Other members of the circle around Pomponio Leto soon followed him to prison. Despite intense study, modern scholars have not been able to establish whether or not there was actually a conspiracy which threatened Paul’s life. The sources tell us about Paul’s allegations and about the defences offered by the ‘Academicians’; but no

229

L. Gonzaga to Barbara, 15 and 26 August 1469, both letters ibid., p. 438. The points are briefly discussed in Ferraù, ‘La “Historia”’, pp. 23–24, n. 8. Platina’s arrival at the baths had been prepared by two letters of recommendation to the Marchese, each praising the Historia urbis Mantuae: the first by Cardinal Roverella, 7 July (mentioned in Luzio and Renier, ‘Platina’, p. 437), the second by Ammannati, 10 July (in his Lettere, II, 1258–59). On 6 September, Ammannati wrote from Siena to Petriolo to congratulate Platina on his decision to go to the baths; he urged him to come and visit Pienza on the same trip and look at Pius II’s monuments (ibid., p. 1284). 230 Equicola, Chronica di Mantua ([n.p.], 1521), sig. a3v: ‘So quel che io hora tento Platina haver prima tentato; vedolo poncto non partirse da la Chronica del Aliprando.’ 231

Muratori, ‘Praefatio’ to his edition of Platina’s Historia urbis Mantuae, pp. 611–14 (p. 612). For further critical comments see J. Burckhardt, Gesammelte Werke, 10 vols (Basel: Schwabe, 1978), III: Die Kultur der Renaissance in Italien (first publ. 1860), pp. 162–63 (‘livianische und cäsarische Phrasen’); Luzio and Renier, ‘Platina’, p. 436 (‘scarsezza grande di critica’); E. Fueter, Geschichte der neueren Historiographie, 3rd edn (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1936), p. 50. 232 233

Muratori, ‘Praefatio’, p. 612.

From the ‘conspiracy’ onwards, Platina’s life is better known. So from now on I shall summarize more often and refer readers to the copious secondary literature on him and the events in which he was involved.

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decisive evidence has as yet come to light. Accordingly, any evaluation of the affair must be a matter of interpretation. Ludwig Pastor, a champion of the papacy, maintained in 1889 that the charges against the humanists were justified. He based this judgement on diplomatic reports by the Milanese envoys at the papal court sent to Galeazzo Maria Sforza.234 Although these reports are the best available sources, they are based on information received from the Pope himself and on rumours reflecting the hysteria in Rome.235 When in the 1970s several scholars conducted detailed research into the affair, their conclusion was that most likely there was no such conspiracy.236 The most recent contribution, however, not only affirmed the existence of a conspiracy but also expanded it considerably: Medioli Masotti maintained that several foreign powers, notably the Turks, were involved in the plot against Paul II.237 While the question is unlikely ever to be fully resolved, there must, at any rate, have been some buildup to Paul’s seizure of the humanists in response to their critical attitude towards him and the Church, as signalled by Platina’s insubordination in 1464 and Leto’s well-known anticlericalism.238

234 The reports are by: Giovanni Bianco, 28 February 1468 (ed. by E. Motta, ‘Bartolomeo Platina e Papa Paolo II’, Archivio della R. Società romana di storia patria, 7 (1884), 555–59); Agostino de’ Rossi, 28 February (ed by. Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 763–66); G. Bianco, 29 February (ibid., pp. 766–69); A. Rossi, 4 March (ibid., pp. 769–70). 235 Rossi conceded (4 March 1468, p. 769): ‘non s’è trovato fin a qui altro che parole paze e vane de coloro che zanzaveno [= cianciavano]’. 236

A. J. Dunston, ‘Pope Paul II and the Humanists’, Journal of Religious History, 7 (1973), 287–306; J. M. Laboa, Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo, alcaide de Sant’Angelo (Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, Seminario Nebrija, 1973), pp. 190–213; R. J. Palermino, ‘The Roman Academy, the Catacombs and the Conspiracy of 1468’, Archivum historiae pontificiae, 18 (1980), 117–55. 237

P. Medioli Masotti, ‘L’Accademia Romana e la congiura del 1468 (con un’appendice di Augusto Campana)’, Italia medioevale e umanistica, 25 (1982), 189–204; and idem, ‘Callimaco, l’Accademia Romana e la congiura del 1468’, in Callimaco Esperiente, poeta e politico del ‘400, ed. by G. C. Garfagnini (Florence: Olschki, 1987), pp. 169–79. 238

The complex political circumstances in Rome, Naples, and the Italian peninsula as a whole, which led Paul II to perceive such a strong threat, should still be considered further. See Fubini, ‘Umanesimo curiale’, p. 749; idem, ‘Papato e storiografia’, pp. 211–48 (pp. 240–42). On the attitudes of the ‘Academicians’ see Eugenio Garin, ‘La letteratura degli umanisti’, in Storia della letteratura italiana, ed. by E. Cecchi and N. Sapegno, 9 vols (Milan: Garzanti, 1965–69), III (1966), 5–353 (pp. 142–58); for other humanists see Gilli, ‘Les formes de l’anticléricalisme humaniste’.

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Since Platina provides the most extensive contemporary account of the affair in his vindictive biography of Paul II, it has come to be seen largely through his eyes.239 The arrests took place during carnival, at which time the Pope was celebrating a recent peace treaty.240 As mentioned above, Platina was seized at the dinner table of Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga and then immediately taken to the Pope and questioned.241 Among the friends of Platina arrested and tortured during these first days were Marco Lucido Fazini, Pietro Marso, Demetrio Guazzelli, Agostino Maffei, and the young Antonio Settimuleio Campano (who died after his release, possibly from the physical and mental strain).242 Others 239

Platina, Vitae (Paul II), pp. 363–98 (pp. 380–90). On this biography see also below, pp. 96–103. 240 Platina, Vitae, pp. 380. 26–382. 3: ‘Sed ecce in tam publica omnium laeticia subitus terror Paulum occupat. Nunciatur ei quosdam adolescentes duce Calimacho in eum conspirasse […] novus etiam terror additur. Advolat enim quidam cognomento Philosophus, homo facinorosus et exul, qui […] nunciat, ac falso quidem, Lucam Totium Romanum civem Neapoli exulantem cum multis exulibus in nemoribus Veliternis a se visum […]. Timere Paulus ac magis trepidare tum coepit, veritus ne domi et foris opprimeretur. Capiuntur permulti in Urbe tum ex aulicis, tum ex Romanis […]. Irrumpebant cuiusvis domum sine discrimine. Trahebant in carcerem quos suspectos coniurationis habuissent.’ 241

Ibid., p. 382. 4–22: ‘Domum ubi habitabam multis satellitibus noctu circundant; fractis foribus ac fenestris, vi irrumpunt. Demetrium Lucensem familiarem meum comprehendunt; a quo ubi scivere me apud cardinalem Mantuanum coenare, statim accurrunt, et me in cubiculo hominis captum, ad Paulum confestim trahunt. Qui ubi me vidit: “Ita”, inquit, “duce Calimacho in nos coniurabas?” Tum ego fretus innocentia mea, ita constanti animo respondi, ut nullum conscientiae signum in me deprehendi posset. Instabat ille discinctus et pallidus, et nisi verum faterer, nunc tormenta mihi, nunc mortem proponebat. Tum ego cum viderem omnia armis et tumultu circunsonare, veritus ne quid gravius ob formidinem et iram in nos consuleretur, rationes attuli, quam ob rem crederem Calimachum nil tale aliquid unquam molitum, ne dum meditatum fuisse, quod consilio, lingua, manu, sollicitudine, opibus, copiis, clientelis, armis, pecuniis, oculis postremo careret […]. Tum Paulus ad Vianesium [i.e., Vianesio Albergati] conversus: “Hic”, inquit me torvis oculis aspiciens, “tormento cogendus est verum fateri; nam coniurandi artem optime novit.” Utinam consideratius mecum egisset Paulus; non enim me statim tormento subiecisset.’ The part which I have left out from this quotation (where Platina ridicules Callimachus) will be discussed below, p. 97–98. An unresolved question is whether Francesco Gonzaga denounced the plot to the Pope (G. Bianco to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, 29 February 1468, p. 766). Even if he did, it seems unlikely that the Cardinal believed that Platina, whom he was dining with, was involved. See Chambers, ‘Platina’, p. 15; idem, ‘Bartolomeo Marasca’, pp. 271, 278–79. Chambers suggests that Marasca, rather than the Cardinal, might have denounced Platina out of professional jealousy. 242

Platina, Vitae, p. 383. 8–14: ‘Torquentur prima et sequenti die multi, quorum pars magna prae dolore in ipsis cruciatibus concidit. Bovem Phalaridis sepulchrum Hadriani tum putasses,

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were arrested later, among them Pomponio Leto, who was brought back from Venice.243 Filippo Buonaccorsi (Callimachus) famously managed to escape. Despite torture, neither Platina, who at one point seemed near suicide, nor the other ‘Academicians’ could be forced to confess. Platina was explicitly asked whether he had contacted foreign rulers with the aim of convoking a church council — the threat which had led to his first imprisonment.244 It seems that because Paul II’s attempts to uncover a conspiracy brought no results, he put forward the new charge of heresy,245 probably combined with an underlying accusation of Epicureanism.246 Agostino Patrizi, the Pope’s master of ceremonies, concisely expressed his disapproval of the intellectuals, whom he regarded as vain, lofty, and morally dubious, by referring to them as ‘elegantioli’.247 In the decree of the Council of Ten of 7 March 1468, by which Leto was extradited from Venice, suspicions of heresy (‘idolatry’) and sodomy

adeo resonabat fornix ille concavus vocibus miserorum adolescentum. Torquebatur Lucidus homo omnium innocentissimus. Torquebatur Marsus, Demetrius, Augustinus, Campanus optimus adolescens et unicum saeculi nostri decus, si ingenium et litteraturam inspicis; quibus cruciatibus et dolore animi mortuum postea crediderim.’ On Campano see L. Casarsa, ‘L’Epigrammatum libellus di Settimuleio Campano’, Studi umanistici, 4–5 (1993–94), 87–162, with epigrams dedicated to Platina on pp. 121, 146–47, 153. 243

Platina, Vitae, pp. 385. 11–387. 2.

244

Ibid., p. 384. 20–21: ‘vitam cum mortem cuperem commutare, recrudescentibus doloribus ob refrigerata membra, quassa vehementer ac laesa’. For Platina’s defence under torture, see ibid., p. 384. 1–17. 245

Ibid., p. 385. 10–11: ‘quos paulo ante coniurationis et maiestatis accersierat, eosdem mutata sententia ob divulgatam fabulam haereseos accusat’; Pomponio Leto to Giovanni Tron, 29 April 1468, ed. by J. Delz, ‘Ein unbekannter Brief von Pomponius Laetus’, Italia medioevale e umanistica, 9 (1966), 417–40 (p. 422): ‘damnabar et coniurationis et haereseos’; A. Patrizi to Antonio (?) Monelli, c. 1468, ed. by A. Cinquini, ‘Aneddoti per la storia politica e letteraria del Quattrocento’, in Miscellanea Ceriani (Milan: Hoepli, 1910), pp. 449–87 (p. 461): ‘Qui tandem cum in carcere torquebantur, nihil de conspiratione faterentur, et illius capite damnati accusatio falsa esset repetita [recte reperta?], conspirationis etiam timor et suspitio paene evanuit. Agitur ergo contra male de fide sentientes.’ 246

A. Rossi to G. M. Sforza, 28 February 1468, p. 764: ‘tenevano opinione chel non fusse altro mondo che questo, et morto il corpo morisse la anima, et demum che ogni cossa fusse nulla se non attendere a tuti piaceri e volupta, sectatori del Epicuro et de Aristippo’. 247 Patrizi to Monelli, 1468, p. 458: ‘Meminisse debes […] quosdam qui elegantioli, ut ita dicam, hic habebantur, ut viderentur doctiores amantioresque vetustatis, non solum linguam ac litteras, sed etiam de finibus bonorum et malorum opiniones et de ipso summo Deo sententias non a nostris filosophis, ut par erat, sed a gentilibus illis priscis sumere consuevisse.’

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are mentioned.248 Platina informs us that in January or February 1469 the humanists were accused of disputing about the immortality of the soul and adopting Plato’s opinion, as well as of having excessive admiration for pagan antiquity. Cardinal Marco Barbo, who led the investigation, told them they were ‘not Academicians but polluters of the Academy’.249 After a full year, in March 1469, Platina and most of his friends were released but confined to the Vatican for another three weeks. On 20 April, Platina received a significant compensation payment of twenty-five ducats from the Pope.250 The humanists were able to continue their literary production in prison. Not surprisingly, much of it was geared towards facilitating their release. They wrote many letters with the possibility of publication in mind, containing hardly any evidence as to the background of the ‘conspiracy’.251 Platina repeatedly begs the Pope for mercy, and turns for help to cardinals (Bessarion, Marco Barbo, Rodrigo Borgia, Francesco Gonzaga, Jacopo Ammannati) as well as other important figures (Pietro Morosini, Venetian ambassador at the Curia; Bartolomeo Valiscara, in

248 In Le vite di Paolo II di Gaspare da Verona e Michele Canensi, ed. by G. Zippel, RIS, ser. 2, 3.16 (Città di Castello: Lapi, 1904–11), pp. 184–85: ‘inter cetera que opponuntur ipsi Pomponio est crimen heresis et idolatria’; ‘Pomponius est suspectus sodmitii’. On Leto’s Defensio, see G. Lovito, L’opera e i tempi di Pomponio Leto (Salerno: Laveglia, 2002), pp. 34–41. Many poems written by members of the ‘Academy’ contain strong homosexual allusions; see the forthcoming publications by Helen Dixon. 249 Platina, Vitae, p. 388. 3–5, 21–22: ‘[Paulus] decimo mense post captivitatem nostram in arcem veniens, ne tantum tumultus frustra concitasse videretur, multa nobis obiicit, sed illud potissimum, quod de immortalitate animorum disputaremus teneremusque opinionem Platonis […] praeterea […] quod nimium gentilitatis amatores essemus’; ibid., p. 389. 8–9: ‘Inclamat tum M. Barbus Sancti Marci cardinalis nos non academicos esse, sed foedatores Academiae.’ 250

Ibid., p. 390. 7–11: ‘[Paulus] nos usque ad integrum annum retinuit. Ita eum credo iurasse, quando nos caepit et in carcerem coniecit, noluit periurus videri. Dimissos tandem in aedibus suis XX diebus ita nos retinet, ut efferre pedem domo non liceret. Vagari deinde per Vaticanum sinit. Fatigatus postremo cardinalium precibus, liberos tandem nos facit.’ For the payment see Gaida’s note, ibid., pp. 389–90, n. 3: ‘ducatos largos 25’. Ducati papales or largi were worth slightly more than cameral gold florins: see G. Garampi, Saggi di osservazioni sul valore delle antiche monete pontificie (Rome: Pagliarini, 1766), pp. 29–34, 148. 251

Platina to Marco Lucido Fazini, in Vairani, Cremonensium monumenta, I, 37–38: ‘Vale et ad me remitte epistolas illas quas habes, ut tua una cum his, quas reverendus ac doctissimus Rodericus ad me teque misit, redigi in volumen per ordinem possint. Hac exercitatione, mi Lucide, et leviorem nobis reddemus molestiam carceris et fortasse aliquid excudemus quod eos iuvet quos haec calamitas manet.’ On the manuscripts containing the prison letters, see Benziger, Krieg und Frieden, II, pp. vii–xxxiii (with further references).

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the service of Vice-Chancellor Rodrigo Borgia).252 For consolation he turns to friends (Fazini, Pomponio Leto) and other prisoners (Jacopo Tolomei, Giovanni Capocci, Francesco Anguillara).253 Platina goes on to such an extent about his sufferings that the eighteenth-century editor of the letters, Tommaso Agostino Vairani, was prompted to remark: ‘A feeling of exaggerated pain is unworthy of a Christian.’254 Platina also exchanged letters with Rodrigo Sánchez, the prefect of Castel S. Angelo.255 In this context he wrote two works on peace. The first, Oratio de pace Italiae confirmanda et bello Thurcis indicendo (Oration on the Peace to be secured in Italy and the War to be declared against the Turks), was dedicated to Paul II and composed not too long after his declaration of peace on 2 February 1468.256 In this oration, Platina praises Paul II and his cardinals for their role in the pacification of Italy, while urging them to move ahead with the crusade

252

Platina’s three letters to Paul II are in Vairani, Cremonensium monumenta, I, 30–32. For his letters to the cardinals see ibid., pp. 33–37. Two more prison letters by Platina to Cardinal Ammannati are in the latter’s Epistolae et commentarii, fols 140 v–41v (see also n. 207, above). Letters to Morosini and Valiscara: Cremonensium monumenta, I, 42–43. On these two recipients see Zabughin, Leto, I, 128–29. Valiscara (Vallescar) is also mentioned in Platina, De honesta voluptate, p. 274. 253

Vairani, Cremonensium monumenta, I, 37–41. On Tolomei see P. Medioli Masotti, ‘Per la biografia di Jacopo Tolomei’, Italia medioevale e umanistica, 19 (1976), 219–39. For the latter two see M. Miglio, ‘Capocci, Giovanni’, in DBI, XVIII (1975), 598; and ‘Anguillara, Francesco’ (voce redazionale), DBI, III (1961), 304–05. 254

Vairani, Cremonensium monumenta, I, 35, n. (*): ‘Exaggerati doloris sensus homine Christiano indignus.’ The comment relates to Platina’s statement ‘iniiceremus certe nobis manum’ in his letter to Francesco Gonzaga. See also n. 244, above. 255

Platina’s exchange of letters with Sánchez is published in Vairani, Cremonensium monumenta, I, 45–66. For a discussion see Laboa, Sánchez, pp. 217–39. 256 Platina, Oratio de pace Italiae confirmanda et bello Thurcis indicendo, ed. and trans. by Benziger, Krieg und Frieden, II, 95–105, III, 75–83. In the absence of any manuscript, Benziger based the text on sixteenth-century printed editions, excluding, however, the two earliest ones (published together with the Lives, 1504/1505). The Pax Paolina became possible when the condottiere Bartolomeo Colleoni, sponsored by Florentine exiles in Venice, failed to conquer Florence. In his peace bull of 2 February, Paul proposed Colleoni as the commander of the army in a crusade against the Turks (Platina, Oratio de pace, p. 101); but this suggestion was not included in the final peace treaty of 25 April, which, therefore, is the terminus ante quem for Platina’s oration. See Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 415–19; Benziger, Krieg und Frieden, I, 32–41, 102.

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against the Turks.257 The second work is Platina’s contribution to a disputation between him and Sánchez about war and peace. While Platina speaks in humanist style De laudibus pacis (On the Merits of Peace), Sánchez promotes war in a scholastic manner. Cicero’s De officiis has been identified as the principal source for Platina’s arguments.258 The disputation is dedicated to Cardinal Marco Barbo.259 It is possible that Platina’s good standing with Sánchez helped him to regain Paul II’s trust. In a letter to the Pope, Platina promised as a writer to devote his future efforts to holy matters, which may be a reference to his Lives of the Popes; if so, it is possible that he began to work on it while still in prison, although this is unlikely.260 According to Platina, the most decisive intervention for his release came once again from Francesco Gonzaga, whom he thanked for his help in the preface to the Historia urbis Mantuae.261 Help may also have come from Bessarion, as we shall now see. 5. After the ‘Conspiracy’ When Platina joined Ludovico Gonzaga at the baths in Petriolo in the late summer of 1469, his departure from Rome was made possible by a personal guarantee from Cardinal Bessarion (d. 1472) to the Pope that he would return. Yet despite Bessarion vouching for him, Platina wrote from Petriolo to Barbara of Brandenburg on 26 September, informing her that he had resolved to return to Mantua and spend the rest of his life in service to the Gonzaga. 262 When

257

See Benziger, Krieg und Frieden, I, 102–09.

258

Platina, De laudibus pacis, ed. and trans. by Benziger, Krieg und Frieden, II, 1–21, III, 5–19. This is a critical edition from manuscripts. For Cicero, see Benziger, Krieg und Frieden, I, 92. On Platina’s two works on peace see also P. Medioli Masotti, ‘Codici scritti dagli Accademici Romani nel carcere di Castel S. Angelo (1468–1469)’, in Vestigia: studi in onore di Giuseppe Billanovich, ed. by R. Avesani and others, 2 vols (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1984), II, 451–59; D. Kurze, ‘Zeitgenossen über Krieg und Frieden anläßlich der Pax Paolina (röm. Frieden) von 1468’, in Krieg und Frieden im Horizont des Renaissance-Humanismus, ed. by F. J. Worstbrock (Weinheim: Acta Humaniora; VCH, 1986), pp. 69–103 (pp. 85–100). 259 Platina and Sánchez, prologue to their Disputatio de pace e bello, ed. by Benziger, Krieg und Frieden, II, 3–5. 260

See below, p. 89.

261

See above, p. 59; Chambers, ‘Platina’, pp. 15–16.

262

Platina, Vitae, p. 390. 14: ‘spondente reditum meum Bessarione cardinali Niceno’; Platina to Barbara, 26 September 1469, ed. by R. Signorini, ‘Due lettere del Platina parzialmente

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Ludovico left the baths he did not, however, invite the humanist back to Mantua. Platina returned instead to Rome; and probably in the first half of 1470, he composed a Panegyricus in laudem amplissimi patris domini Bessarionis (Panegyric in Praise of the Most Honourable Father, Master Bessarion).263 He may have used material from a lost biography of Bessarion by Niccolò Perotti. Bessarion liked the piece so much that he may have quoted from it; and it was used shortly after by Niccolò Capranica as a model for his own eulogy of the Cardinal. Its reliability as a source of information on Bessarion, moreover, has been noted in recent scholarship.264 Nevertheless, the lack of extant manuscripts suggests that the text did not have a wide circulation. Both Giovanni Battista Almadiano’s eulogy of Platina (1482) and Paolo Giovio’s biography of Bessarion (1546) seem to imply that Platina was a member of Bessarion’s ‘Academy’.265 This was not, strictly speaking, true, as is shown by

inedite’, in Bartolomeo Sacchi, il Platina, pp. 243–45 (pp. 244–45): ‘Son deliberato venire a vivere el resto de mia vita colle vostre illustrissime signorie, senza le quale sempre son stato infelice.’ 263 The text is published in PG, 161 (1866), cols ciii–cxvi. No manuscript survives. Although this work was published together with the Lives from 1504 onwards, Migne based his text on the 1530 Paris edition. For the date of composition see J. Monfasani, ‘Platina, Capranica and Perotti: Bessarion’s Latin Eulogists and his Date of Birth’, in Bartolomeo Sacchi, il Platina, pp. 97–136 (pp. 100, n. 10, 103). The terminus post quem is 1470 because Platina mentions that there had been peace in Bologna for twenty years after Bessarion’s arrival (Panegyricus, col. cix), and it was on 26 February 1450 that Bessarion was appointed papal legate there. Terminus ante quem is 12 July 1470, the date of the fall of Negroponte, which is not mentioned by Platina. 264

Monfasani, ‘Platina, Capranica and Perotti’, pp. 102–03, 105–08, 118–19, n. 83. See also Mohler, Bessarion, I, 428. 265 Almadiano’s eulogy is part of the Diversorum academicorum panegyrici in parentalia B. Platynae (see below, p. 83); in the Venice 1504 edition of Platina’s Lives, sig. G2r: ‘Agitur nunc annus ab hinc fere tertiusdecimus, ex quo ego Platynam colere incepi [i.e., 1469]. Ventitabat enim ipse frequenter ad aedes Bessarionis, ubi ego tunc studiosior litterarum moram trahebam, atque in illa doctissima academia de litteris, quae egregii illius cardinalis voluptas erat, ac bonis artibus facundissime semper disserebat.’ See also Giovio, Elogia virorum literis illustrium, p. 58: ‘Habitabat [Bessarion] sub Quirinali, ad Sanctos Apostolos; deducebatur autem mane in Vaticanum, non exculto quidem et numeroso, sed uno virtutis nomine maxime decoro comitatu, quandoquidem praeclara Graecae Latinaeque linguae lumina peregrinorum requisita oculis circa eum in triviis civium digito monstrarentur. In his enim saepe conspecti sunt Trapezuntius, Gaza, Argyropylus, Plethon, Philelphus, Blondus, Leonardus, Pogius, Valla, Sipontinus, Campanus, Platina, Domitius’. On Almadiano’s eulogy see Della Torre, Storia, pp. 11–15, n. 1 (p. 13). Mohler (Bessarion, I, 252, 320, 331) maintains that Platina was a member of Bessarion’s ‘Academy’. On this ‘Academy’ see C. Bianca, ‘Roma e l’accademia bessarionea’, in idem, Da Bisanzio a Roma: studi sul cardinale Bessarione (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 1999), pp. 19–41.

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his absence from the membership lists drawn up during the Cardinal’s lifetime.266 Platina, who avoids the word academy when speaking of the circle around Bessarion, names the principal members,267 two of whom, Niccolò Perotti and Theodore Gaza, had attended Vittorino da Feltre’s school. These links to humanist protégés of Bessarion through their shared educational background in Mantua have so far been hardly noticed.268 Platina states that talented and learned men emerged from Bessarion’s entourage as if from a Trojan horse — a Ciceronian simile which he had previously used when speaking of the Casa Giocosa.269 Interestingly, Bessarion suggested to Platina before 1468 that he should leave Rome and move to Urbino, whose ruler, Federico da Montefeltro, another famous student of Vittorino, was regarded as the ideal prince by the Bessarion circle.270 From prison, Platina begged the Cardinal to help secure his release and

266

See the lists by Niccolò Perotti and Andrea Contrario, in G. Mercati, Per la cronologia della vita e degli scritti di Niccolò Perotti (Rome: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1925), pp. 77–80, 157–58; G. Pugliese Carratelli, ‘L’immagine della “Bessarionis Academia” in un inedito scritto di Andrea Contrario’, Rendiconti della Classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche dell’Accademia dei Lincei, ser. 9, 7 (1996), 799–813 (p. 803). 267

Platina, Panegyricus, col. cxv. He names: Niccolò Perotti, Theodore Gaza, Giovanni Gatti, Valerio Simonelli (Flacco), and Andronico Callisto. Gaza and Simonelli appear as interlocutors in Platina’s De falso et vero bono (see pp. 74–75, below). Avoidance of ‘academy’: Chambers, ‘Earlier “Academies”’, p. 6. 268

Some indications are given in M. Miglio, Saggi di stampa: tipografi e cultura a Roma nel Quattrocento, ed. by A. Modigliani (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2002), pp. 32–34, 139. 269 Platina, Panegyricus, col. cxv: ‘multi et quidem docti tanquam ex equo Troiano (ut de Isocrate ait Cicero) continue prodeant’. See also above, p. 6, n. 18. 270

See Platina’s letter from prison to Bessarion, in Vairani, Cremonensium monumenta, I, 33–34: ‘Si tuo fidelissimo consilio obtemperassem […] non essem, sat scio, tanta calamitate circumventus. Me enim adhortabaris si discedere ab Urbe instituissem, proposito non contemnendo praemio ut clarissimi atque optimi principis Urbinatum comitis obsequio me addicerem. Non contempsi ego tantam conditionem et a tanto viro mihi propositam, cui certe, tua praesertim gratia, mallem posthabita omni mercede servire quam cuivis Italorum principum.’ See also C. Bianca, ‘L’accademia del Bessarione tra Roma e Urbino’, in her Da Bisanzio a Roma, pp. 123–38 (p. 129). For Federico as a student, see above, p. 5. A manuscript containing both Platina’s Panegyricus and his Vita Victorini Feltrensis is listed in a fifteenth-century inventory of the ducal collection at Urbino. See C. Stornajolo, Codices Urbinates Graeci Bibliothecae Vaticanae (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1895), p. cxxxv, no. 620; Monfasani, ‘Platina, Capranica and Perotti’, p. 106.

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that of his friends, and promised that they will all sing his praises in the future.271 The panegyric may therefore have been Platina’s gift to Bessarion in return not only for guaranteeing his departure from Rome but also for having used his influence with Paul II at an earlier date to expedite his liberation from jail. It is, however, possible that Paul II commissioned some or all of the eulogies of Bessarion, in which case Platina would have been acting on papal orders when writing his.272 In 1470, Platina composed De principe, which the year after he dedicated to Federico Gonzaga, Ludovico’s son and Francesco’s elder brother.273 He dealt with foreign policy and techniques of war, introducing a lengthy discussion of this subject matter for the first time into an educational treatise for a prince. The former soldier Platina presumably made good use of his military experience.274 The reference in the preface to a summer holiday at Albano indicates that he was there with Francesco in 1470. In September of that year he intended to visit Naples; and in December we hear that he was living in the Cardinal’s palace in Rome.275

271

Platina to Bessarion, pp. 33–34: ‘Te […] rogamus […] ut tu, omnium doctissimus, nos eruditionis studiosos et cupidos a tanta calamitate tuo patrocinio, tua auctoritate et gratia, quae maxima apud pontificem est, ab hac captivitate vindices et liberes. Habituros nos es ob hoc non modo gratos et memores tanti officii, tantae clementiae, sed prosa et carmine amplissimarum laudum tuarum constantes ac indefessos praecones.’ 272

Mohler, Bessarion, I, 320, believed that Bessarion was largely responsible for the release of the humanists, since his own ‘Academy’, to which Platina in his view belonged, was implicated. For the hypothesis about the commissioning see Monfasani, ‘Platina, Capranica and Perotti’, p. 106. 273

Platina sent ‘libellum meum De optimo principe’ to Ludovico Gonzaga on 22 October 1471. See his letter in Luzio and Renier, ‘Platina’, p. 439; also Milham, ‘Introduction’, p. 27. For the dating of the composition to 1470 see Ferraù, ‘Introduzione’, p. 14, n. 12. On De principe see also above, p. 3; W. Kölmel, ‘Machiavelli und der Machiavellismus: mit einem Exkurs zu Platinas Schrift: “De principe”’, Historisches Jahrbuch, 89 (1969), 372–408 (pp. 401–08); D. Gionta, ‘Dallo scrittoio di Argiropulo: un nuovo paragrafo della fortuna dell’Etica Nicomachea tra Quattro e Cinquecento’, Studi umanistici, 3 (1992), 7–58 (pp. 41–48); Benziger, Krieg und Frieden, I, 109–16; the annotations to Platina, ‘On the Prince (Selections)’, trans. by N. Webb, in Cambridge Translations of Renaissance Philosophical Texts, ed. by J. Kraye, 2 vols (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), II, 88–108; and Mitarotondo, Virtù del principe. 274

Platina, De principe, Bk III, pp. 151–89. See Kölmel, ‘Machiavelli’, p. 407. Notably, the section on foreign relations and war would later be omitted from the reworking of the text, De optimo cive (on which see above, p. 17). 275

See Platina, De principe, preface to Federico Gonzaga, p. 49: ‘Cum essem in Albano vitandi aestus pulverisque urbani causa cum illustri et amplissimo fratre tuo F. Gonzaga cardinali

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Platina claimed that ever since his release from prison, Paul II had promised to rehabilitate him but that his hopes had been frustrated for two years. So when Francesco Gonzaga was named apostolic legate in Bologna in July 1471, Platina hoped to accompany the Cardinal. On this occasion, however, the Pope refused to allow him to leave Rome.276 Francesco, in any case, very soon returned from Bologna, because Paul II died on 26 July 1471. His death opened a new and final chapter in Platina’s life. 6. Sixtus IV: Renovatio and Rehabilitation Francesco della Rovere was elected to the papacy as Sixtus IV (1471–84) with the help of Cardinal Gonzaga.277 Under this new regime, the Roman ‘Academy’ was rehabilitated and became an official sodalitas, recognized by both pope and emperor. Its members pursued their individual careers: Marco Lucido Fazini became a bishop, Agostino Maffei an apostolic protonotary, Pomponio Leto returned to the Sapienza, and Platina became Vatican librarian.278 Sixtus IV, formerly general of the Franciscan order, established a programme for the renovation of the city of Rome (renovatio Urbis) for the jubilee year of 1475 and beyond. He restored ancient aqueducts and bridges and transferred ancient statues from the Lateran to the Capitoline Hill, one of the key locations of ancient Rome. Intellectual life in the city was boosted by Sixtus’s new foundation of the Vatican Library, which was made accessible to the learned public. His artistic patronage is famously represented by the decoration of the

M antuano’; J. Acciaiuoli to P. Dietisalvi Neroni, 31 August 1470 (cited above, p. 20): ‘M. Bartholomeo Platyna, secretario et molto caro per le virtù sue al reverendissimo monsignor Mantuano, viene costì, allectato ad vedere quello ha lecto di cotesta dolce patria’; Agostino Maffei to Ludovico Gonzaga, 26 December 1470, cited in Chambers, ‘Platina’, pp. 16–17. 276

Platina, Vitae, p. 390. 13–14: ‘[Paulus] diceret se brevi rei meae bene consulturum’; ibid., p. 391. 3–5: ‘Biennio hac spe ductus, vel frustratus potius, ire Bononiam institueram cum cardinali Mantuano eiusdem civitatis legato. Quo minus id facerem vetat Paulus’. Chambers (‘Platina’, p. 17) suggests, on the other hand, that Francesco may not have been prepared to take Platina along. 277

Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 455. The other two cardinals whose support was decisive in the election were Rodrigo Borgia and Latino Orsini. 278

See J. F. D’Amico, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983), pp. 96–97; Dunston, ‘Paul II and the Humanists’, p. 306.

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Sistine Chapel.279 Sixtus’s building programme, reminiscent of ancient Roman emperors, was not motivated by a purely idealistic concern for the public wellbeing. It also served as political propaganda, representing the consolidation of the power of the papacy after the end of schisms and the collapse of conciliarism.280 In his unfinished biography of Sixtus IV (up to 1474), Platina includes a catalogue of the papal projects aimed at producing a renovatio. He mentions, for example, the restoration of Ponte Sisto, of the harbour of Ostia, and of the bronze equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius; the extension of an aqueduct (Aqua Virgo); the foundation of the Hospital of S. Spirito; and improvements to churches (St Peter’s, the Lateran Basilica, and SS. Apostoli).281 Platina no doubt played a conscious and important role in promoting Sixtus’s image as a renovator. His own rehabilitation was perhaps part of Sixtus’s selffashioning as a patron of culture. Platina may have composed inscriptions for restored monuments, such as those on Ponte Sisto, which imitate ancient imperial epigraphy in appearance and language.282 His Lives of the Popes replaced 279

For surveys of Sixtus’s programme of renovatio, see E. Lee, Sixtus IV and Men of Letters (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1978), pp. 123–50; Roma 1300–1875, la città degli anni santi: atlante, ed. by M. Fagiolo and M. L. Madonna (Milan: Mondadori, 1985), pp. 101–24. More details can be found in the copious literature on this topic, including T. Buddensieg, ‘Die Statuenstiftung Sixtus’ IV. im Jahre 1471 […]’, Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte, 20 (1983), 33–73; Un pontificato ed una città; F. Benzi, Sisto IV Renovator Urbis: architettura a Roma 1471–1484 (Rome: Officina Edizioni, 1990); Sisto IV: le arti a Roma nel primo Rinascimento, ed. by F. Benzi and others (Rome: Associazione culturale ‘Shakespeare and Company 2’, 2000). 280

See Miglio, ‘Tradizione storiografica e cultura umanistica nel “Liber de vita Christi ac omnium pontificum”’, p. 71. On the political symbolism used by fifteenth-century popes, see also idem, ‘Principe, architettura, immagini’, in Il principe architetto, ed. by A. Calzona and others (Florence: Olschki, 2002), pp. 41–53; A. Modigliani, ‘I segni sulla città: feste, cerimonie e uso degli spazi pubblici a Roma tra medioevo e rinascimento’, in Imago urbis: l’immagine della città nella storia d’Italia, ed. by F. Bocchi and R. Smurra (Rome: Viella, 2003), pp. 481–504 (pp. 485–89). 281

Platina, Vitae (Sixtus IV), pp. 398–420 (pp. 417–19 for the projects). This biography was not included in any printed text of the Lives before Gaida’s critical edition (see below, p. 102). 282

Porro, ‘Restituzione della capitale epigrafica’, pp. 424–25; I. Kajanto, Papal Epigraphy in Renaissance Rome (Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, 1982), pp. 74–85. Platina may have been involved in devising the fresco cycle in the Hospital of S. Spirito in Sassia, where the life of Sixtus is described in word and image; some of the inscriptions are, in fact, taken from Platina’s Lives. See M. Miglio, ‘Una biografia pontificia per immagini: Sisto IV e l’Ospedale di Santo Spirito’, in L’antico Ospedale di Santo Spirito dall’istituzione papale alla sanità del terzo millennio, ed. by V. Cappelletti and F. Tagliarini, 2 vols (Rome: Il Veltro Editrice, 2001–02) (= Il Veltro, 45.5–6 (2001) and 46.1–4 (2002)), I, 111–24; E. D. Howe, Art and Culture at the Sistine

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the medieval papal chronicle (Liber pontificalis) and portrayed Sixtus in the style of a Roman emperor.283 Moreover, several of his other works written during this period served similar purposes, though to a lesser degree. Platina’s dialogue De vera nobilitate (On True Nobility), dedicated to Giovanni Orsini, Archbishop of Trani and Abbot of Farfa, deals with the problem of how wealth can be legitimated.284 At a time when Stoic and Franciscan ideals of poverty created a potential conflict with the new notion of civic wealth, the concept of magnificence was able to reconcile the two. The old nobility came into conflict with social upstarts, who took recourse in the display of magnificence for their legitimation. Wealth and splendour were justified if they contributed to the public well-being. Platina’s dialogue fell in line with current (Florentine) humanist thought.285 True nobility, according to Platina, comes not from birth but from virtue.286 His discussion of magnificence is based on Aristotle’s Court: Platina’s ‘Life of Sixtus IV’ and the Frescoes of the Hospital of Santo Spirito (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2005). 283

For the Liber pontificalis see below, pp. 90–92. On the restoration of Ponte Sisto, Platina writes: ‘opus […] principe dignum quod certe nulli pontificum antea contigit umquam’; on Sixtus who sets a good example for the people: ‘verum est certe, quod dici solet, populus studia principum imitari’; and on the restoration of the harbour of Ostia: ‘Portum […] a Claudio incohatum, a Traiano perfectum, repurgare instituit […]: opus sane regium et pontificio nomine dignum’ (Vitae, pp. 417–19). 284 De vera nobilitate is included in Platina’s Hystoria de vitis pontificum (Venice: Pinzi, 1504), sigs C5v–D3v (and later edns). For a translation see A. Rabil, Jr, Knowledge, Goodness, and Power: The Debate over Nobility among Quattrocento Italian Humanists (Binghamton, NY: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1991), pp. 269–98. While I would place the date of composition near the beginning of Sixtus IV’s reign, the terminus ante quem is the death of Giovanni Orsini in c. 1477 (H. Baron, ‘Franciscan Poverty and Civic Wealth as Factors in the Rise of Humanistic Thought’, Speculum, 13 (1938), 1–37 (p. 35, n. 2)). On this work see the brief remarks by Rabil, ‘Introduction’, in his Knowledge, Goodness, and Power, pp. 1–23 (pp. 17–20), with further references. See also C. Donati, L’idea di nobiltà in Italia, secoli XIV – XVIII (Rome: Laterza, 1988), pp. 15–17; R. Gigliucci, ‘Un dialogo “romano” di Lodovico Domenichi e il De vera nobilitate del Platina’, Academiae Latinitati fovendae Commentarii, ser. 2, 7–8 (1996–97), 51–60 (about a plagiarized version of 1562). 285

For the situation in Florence see A. D. Fraser Jenkins, ‘Cosimo de’ Medici’s Patronage of Architecture and the Theory of Magnificence’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 33 (1970), 162–70. For a humanist point of reference, see Poggio Bracciolini, De vera nobilitate (1439–40), ed. by D. Canfora (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2002). See also Q. Skinner, ‘Political Philosophy’, in Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy, pp. 389–452 (pp. 421–23). Platina, De vera nobilitate, sig. C8r: ‘Nobilitas enim, ut Stoicis placet, est splendor quidam non aliunde veniens quam ex ipsa virtute qua bonum a malo, dignum ab indigno secludimus.’ 286

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Nicomachean Ethics. Asked by Orsini if he distinguishes between generosity and magnificence, Platina responds: I certainly do, following Aristotle. Generosity is involved in the giving of money, magnificence in great expenses [magnis sumptibus], from which its name derives. A person practising magnificence builds theatres, temples, forums, porticos, and [other] constructions, as both the dignity of the state and the means and greatness of the builder require.287

While the starting point of this discussion is the sumptuous decoration of Giovanni Orsini’s villa in Lazio, where he had received Sixtus IV the summer before,288 the text can also be read as a legitimation and glorification of the Pope’s own building programme (although this is not openly stated). Platina praises achievements of the ancient Romans such as aqueducts, the public display of statues, and the first public library — all of which were concerns of Sixtus.289 Early in the pontificate, Platina also reworked his dialogue On True and False Good, changing the title very slightly from De falso ac vero bono to De falso et vero bono.290 While Rodrigo Sánchez remains an interlocutor, the two others are

Ibid., sig. D2r: ‘Sed dico, quaeso, separas ne magnificentiam a liberalitate? Platyna: Immo vero Aristotelem [Nicomachean Ethics, IV . 2] secutus. Haec enim in dandis pecuniis, illa vero in magnis sumptibus, unde nomen accepit, versatur. Proprium namque magnifici viri est theatra, templa, fora, porticus, aedes ita aedificare, ut et civitatis dignitas requirit et eius qui extruit facultas et amplitudo.’ Compare Platina’s De principe, p. 142. On his idea of magnificence see also M. Winner, ‘Papa Sisto IV quale exemplum virtutis magnificentiae nell’affresco di Melozzo da Forlì’, in Arte, committenza ed economia a Roma e nelle corti del Rinascimento (1420–1530), ed. by A. Esch and C. L. Frommel (Turin: Einaudi, 1995), pp. 171–95 (pp. 182–85). 287

288

On Orsini’s residence, which is compared at length to the villa of Varro at Cassino, see Platina, De vera nobilitate, sigs C6r, D3v. A. Schmarsow, Melozzo da Forlì (Berlin: Spemann, 1886), pp. 28–29, suggests that Sixtus’s visit took place during his summer retreat in Tivoli in 1473. The dialogue would, then, be set the year after (1474). Platina might have travelled with the Pope. See also Platina, Vitae, p. 410. 2–3 (Sixtus in Tivoli); Howe, Art and Culture, pp. 83–84. 289 Platina, De vera nobilitate, sigs C8r (on aqueducts): ‘inspexi ego nuper, ex Sublacensi rediens, amoenis dextra ac sinistra qua duci aquas videbam’; C6v–C7r (on statues); C6r: ‘bibliotheca illa, quae prima de manubiis Romae publicata est ab Asinio Pollione Augusti Caesaris imperio’. For Platina’s statement that in this library ‘merito viventi statua [Varronis] posita est’ (ibid.) see also Leto’s preface to Varro’s De lingua Latina (c. 1471), cited above, p. 52, n. 192; Winner, ‘Sisto IV quale exemplum’, pp. 186–88. 290 O n the dedication copy to Sixtus, ‘presumibilmente’ from 1471–72, see Blasio, ‘Introduzione’, pp. xxxii–xxxiv, lviii, xci. The work was again retouched in 1479–80, when Platina prepared his collected dialogues for presentation. See ibid., pp. xl–xliii, lxiv–lxvii; and above, p. 46.

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different: Paul II’s favourites Teodoro Lelli and Marco Barbo are dropped in favour of Theodore Gaza, the Byzantine humanist, and Valerio Simonelli (or Flacco), the humanist physician to Bessarion and Sixtus IV. These two figures reflect Platina’s connection to Bessarion and to Vittorino’s school. Sixtus himself, to whom the dialogue was dedicated, had good relations with Bessarion, the cardinal protector of the Franciscan order.291 The dialogue is still set during Platina’s first imprisonment in 1464/65, but he adds several remarks about the ‘injustice’ done to him by Paul II and about the latter’s character.292 Other new elements in the dialogue are the philosophical prefaces to each of the three books. In the first one, which serves as the dedication to Sixtus IV, Platina explains that his earlier imprisonment was the cause of the second — thus trying to eliminate any suspicion regarding the subversive activities he putatively engaged in with the Roman ‘Academy’ between 1465 and 1468.293 Platina maintains that not only the ancient philosophical schools (with the exception of the Epicureans) but also ‘the life and teaching of Our Saviour’ demonstrate the vanity of worldy ambitions.294 He goes on to define true philosophy:

291

Blasio, ‘Introduzione’, pp. lxxx–lxxxiii.

292

See above, p. 40–41. Such criticism of the recently deceased pope might be the subject of a poem by Campano, who wonders ‘to what extent Platina is raging’ after Paul’s death. See Campano’s letter to Gentile Becchi, 7 October 1471, Ep. VI. 1, in his Opera, sigs g6r–g7v (sig. g6v): ‘Scire etiam cupio quantum nunc Platina saevit, | Manibus an parcat, abstineatque pyra. | Sin defossa cavo disiecerit ossa sepulcro, | Sparserit inventos; presserit an pedibus. Et Platinae quidem, qui non ignoscat si sit iratus? Sed parcendum est mortuis, quibus qui male dicit, facile ostendit non audere se certare cum repugnantibus.’ This passage is translated in Di Bernardo, Un vescovo umanista, p. 221. My thanks to Susanna de Beer for her help. For a poem by Becchi where he comments on the fact that Platina, male orando, was put into prison in 1464, see Grayson, ‘Poesie latine di Gentile Becchi’, no. 55, pp. 300–01. On Becchi see R. Fubini, ‘Gentile Becchi tra servizio mediceo e aspirazioni cardinalizie, e una sua intervista bilingue a papa Paolo II (1 marzo 1471)’, in Filologia umanistica: per Gianvito Resta, II, 847–72. 293 294

Platina, De falso, p. 5: ‘illa prima nostra calamitas, quae profecto secundae causa fuit’.

Ibid., p. 3: ‘Hunc enim videmus pecuniis et opibus studere, illum ambitioni et potentiae, alium voluptates omni studio et diligentia conquisitas amplecti. Horum studia quam sint inania declarant non modo philosophorum sectae (Epicuri discipulos semper excipio), verum etiam Salvatoris nostri doctrina et vita, qua certe cohortamur, admonemur, cogimur caduca illa ac fragilia ut falsa bona et nusquam consistentia contemnere, religionem vero, pietatem, humanitatem, gratiam, hospitalitatem, misericordiam, virtutem denique omnem ut unicum et verum bonum amplecti.’

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Chapter 1 That philosophy is without doubt true which is not based on opinion (as the members of the New Academy thought of all sects) 295 but on truth itself. Christ’s entire life is regarded as the sole model of virtue […]. Yet, so that we lack nothing for a good and happy life, having recovered the old philosophy and entirely adopted as our partner and guardian, since it is most holy, that new one whose author is Christ, we must cure the diseases of our souls, taking the remedy from there as much as possible.296

Conveniently, ancient philosophy, according to Platina, has long been reconciled with the Christian religion: Although those philosophers held different views about the ends of good and bad, many things can, nevertheless, be selected from their writings that are relevant to our affairs. Nor is there any reason why we should fear that, while we read and consider them, we may fall into some error, since the learned men of our religion have long ago separated the good from the bad, like the wheat from the chaff, with the sieve of wisdom.297

On this conciliatory note, Platina entered the service of Sixtus IV. Having held an expectancy for two benefices in Florence (without receiving either), he was appointed treasurer of the Church of Famagusta on Cyprus on 16 June 1472, which brought an annual income of some twenty cameral gold florins.298 Later that year he attempted to obtain a benefice in Cremona; when it was denied to him, the Milanese ambassador to the Curia, Giovanni Andrea Cagnola, became the target of one of Platina’s notorious outbursts of anger.299 At the Curia he

295

The New Academy, founded by Carneades (second century BC ), ended with Antiochus of Ascalon (d. 68 BC ). It was associated with ‘academic’ scepticism. 296 Platina, De falso, pp. 3–4: ‘Haec est certe vera philosophia, quae non in opinione, ut de sectis omnibus censebant academici novi, sed in veritate ipsa fundata est. Tota enim Christi vita unicum virtutis exemplar habetur […]. Verum tamen, ne quicquam nobis ad bene beateque vivendum desit, repetita illa vetere philosophia, hac vero nova, cuius auctor Christus est, utpote sanctissima in societatem et tutelam nostram omnino ascita, animorum nostrorum morbos, sumpta inde quoad fieri potest medela, curare debemus.’ 297

Ibid., p. 4: ‘Et si enim varie de bonorum et malorum finibus ab ipsis philosophis disceptatum sit, multa tamen ex eorum scriptis ad rem nostram pertinentia excerpi possunt, nec est cur vereamur ne, dum ea legimus et intuemur, in errorem aliquem dilabamur, cum religionis nostrae doctores iampridem sapientiae cribro bonum a malo veluti triticum a lolio secreverint.’ 298

Lee, Sixtus IV, p. 112. One expectancy was transferred from Florence to Lucca on 25 May

1475. 299 See Platina’s letter to Galeazzo M aria Sforza, Duke of M ilan, 23 November 1472, in P. Medioli Masotti, ‘Due lettere del Platina’, in Bartolomeo Sacchi, il Platina, pp. 233–39 (p. 239); with the further documentation provided in that article.

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became an apostolic scriptor (by 15 June 1475) and a scutifer honoris papae (by 15 May 1479).300 His most important position, however, was as Vatican librarian. By November 1471, Sixtus decided to have the papal library reorganized.301 A year later, Platina referred to himself as ‘bibliothecarius’, having most likely become an assistant to the palace librarian Giovanni Andrea Bussi. Although in June 1474 Francesco Filelfo wrote a letter to Platina in which he said, ‘I hear you are prefect of the papal library,’ this was by no means true, since Bussi was still alive.302 Platina, who could not, of course, have known that Bussi was soon to die, was not entirely satisfied with his own position as an assistant. This would explain why he was still looking for patronage outside of Rome; most importantly, in 1474 he sent his former Florentine patron Lorenzo de’ Medici the reworked dialogue De optimo cive.303 Perhaps Platina was trying to facilitate the success of his expectancies in Florence. 300

For Platina as a scriptor see below, n. 305; and Munich, Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Kloster Aldersbach, Urkunde 1077 (a document concerning the monastery issued by the Pope on 18 May 1476, where Platina appears on the plica — though, for some reason, his name is crossed out). Platina is mentioned among the scutiferi in ASV, Penitenzieria Ap., Reg. Matrim. et Div. 27, fol. 500r (a bull confirming their statutes, 15 May 1479). See also T. Frenz, Die Kanzlei der Päpste der Hochrenaissance (1471–1527) (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1986), pp. 299, 421; F. Tamburini, ‘Un registro di bolle di Sisto IV nell’archivio della Penitenzieria Apostolica’, in Palaeographica, diplomatica et archivistica: studi in onore di Giulio Battelli, 2 vols (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1979), II, 375–405 (p. 400) (Tamburini refers to an old page number). My thanks to Elisabeth Noichl, Martin Bertram, and Andreas Rehberg for their help. 301

For the following see J. Ruysschaert, ‘Sixte IV, fondateur de la Bibliothèque Vaticane (15 juin 1475)’, Archivum historiae pontificiae, 7 (1969), 513–24; idem, ‘La Bibliothèque Vaticane dans les dix premières années du pontificat de Sixte IV’, Archivum historiae pontificiae, 24 (1986), 71–90. It should be noted that L. E. Boyle more recently restated the traditional view that Nicholas V (1447–55) should be considered the founder of the library; see his ‘Sisto IV e la Biblioteca Vaticana’, in I Della Rovere nell’Italia delle corti, ed. by B. Cleri and others, 4 vols (Urbino: Quattro venti, 2002), I, 11–19, with references to his previous articles since 1991. 302 Platina signs his letter to Galeazzo Maria Sforza of 23 November 1472: ‘Sanctissimi Domini Nostri bibliothecarius’. See also Filelfo’s letter to Platina, 15 June 1474, Milan, Biblioteca Trivulziana, MS 873, fols 467v–68r: ‘Te Pontificis Maximi bybliothecae praefectum audio.’ On Bussi, another student of Vittorino in Mantua (above, pp. 5–6), see M. Miglio, ‘Introduzione’ to his edition of Bussi, Prefazioni alle edizioni di Sweynheym e Pannartz prototipografi romani (Milan: Edizioni Il Polifilo, 1978), pp. xi–lxxi; E. Hall, Sweynheym & Pannartz and the Origins of Printing in Italy (McMinnville, OR: P. J. Pirages; Bird & Bull, 1991), passim. 303

On the splendid manuscript see A. Di Domenico, ‘Tre codici miniati per Lorenzo’, Archivio storico italiano, 150 (1992), 481–91 (pp. 481–85). See also above, pp. 17–21.

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Bussi died, however, at exactly the right moment for Platina, on 4 February 1475, only a few months before the Vatican Library opened its doors to the public. When Platina began the first register of loans on 28 February 1475, the papal library was still private.304 Only with the opening, announced in Sixtus IV’s bull Ad decorem militantis ecclesiae of 15 June 1475, was the Vatican Library founded as a new institution ‘for the benefit of the public’ (pro publica utilitate).305 So, from 1475 onwards, Platina had a dual role as prefect of the new Biblioteca Palatina as well as private librarian to the Pope, since there were still reserved parts of the library. His activities can be explored through the accounts which he kept. His registers of income and expenditure allow us to understand the reconstruction and decoration of the library. The first inventories of the books and manuscripts in the library were also made on Platina’s initiative.306 He was assisted by his friend and fellow ‘Academician’ Demetrio Guazzelli, who in his capacity as a scribe also copied several of Platina’s works.307 Platina’s organizational talent and energy have received scholarly attention, especially in contrast to the performance of his predecessor Bussi, who was distracted by his heavy involvement in editing texts for the printers and Sweynheym and Pannartz. Platina, as far as we know, edited only one printed book, Josephus’s

304

Platina’s register begins with the warning ‘Quicumque es qui tuum nomen hic inscribis ob acceptos commodo libros e bibliotheca Pontificis: scito te indignationem eius et execrationem incursurum nisi peropportune integros reddideris’: I due primi registri di prestito della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: codici Vaticani Latini 3964, 3966, ed. by M. Bertòla (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1942), p. 1. 305

See the bull in Ruysschaert, ‘Sixte IV, fondateur’, pp. 523–24, where Platina is referred to as ‘magister Bartholomeus Platina, scriptor et familiaris noster’ and is appointed ‘gubernator et custos’. For Sixtus IV’s statement of 1479, ‘bibliothecam […] pro publica utilitate digessimus’, see J. Ruysschaert, ‘La fondation de la Bibliothèque vaticane en 1475 et les témoignages contemporains’, in Studi offerti a Roberto Ridolfi, pp. 413–20 (p. 416). 306

On the financial accounts, begun on 30 June 1475, see A. Manfredi, ‘Antonio de Thomeis e la Vaticana di Sisto IV’, in De Thomeis, Rime, pp. xli–lxxxv (pp. xlix–liii). On the inventories see ibid., p. xlvii and passim; P. Vian, ‘Dal Platina al Bishop: esperienze di indicizzazione in Biblioteca Vaticana fra XV e XX secolo’, in Fabula in tabula: una storia degli indici dal manoscritto al testo elettronico, ed. by C. Leonardi, M. Morelli, and F. Santi (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, 1995), pp. 245–99 (pp. 249–52). 307 P. Guidi, ‘Pietro Demetrio Guazzelli da Lucca, il primo custode della Biblioteca Vaticana (1481–1511) e l’inventario dei suoi libri’, in Miscellanea Francesco Ehrle: scritti di storia e paleografia, 5 vols (Rome: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1924), V , 197–218; J. Ruysschaert, ‘Les collaborateurs stables de Platina, premier bibliothécaire de la Vaticane (1475–1481), in Palaeographica, diplomatica et archivistica, II, 575–91; E. Russo, ‘Guazzelli, Demetrio’, in DBI, LX (2003), 520–23.

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Jewish War.308 The peak of Platina’s fame is marked by his depiction in a fresco by Melozzo da Forlì (c. 1477), which shows him among Sixtus’s nephews, kneeling before the Pope when he was appointed prefect of the library.309 He earned a generous ten gold ducats a month, as was specified in the final version of the foundation bull establishing the library on 15 July 1477.310 Between 1476 and 1480, Platina supervised the production of a large collection of privileges granted to the popes by foreign powers and vice versa, entitled Liber privilegiorum (Book of Privileges).311 It is a reworking of a collection with the same title which had been completed in 1472 by the bishop and protonotary Urbano Fieschi (d. 1485). Since Sixtus IV was creating a new archive in Castel S. Angelo, Platina was given the task of preparing a copy to be kept there. Fieschi had laid the groundwork by selecting the appropriate documents. Platina, for his version, merely arranged them in chronological order and ensured that they were more accurately (and more handsomely) copied from the originals. He also provided indexes to each of his three large volumes. In addition, Platina included new bulls concerning Sixtus’s building works, the jubilee of 1475, and the Vatican

308 Josephus, Historiarum libri numero The colophon reads: ‘Platyna emendavit’.

VII

(Rome: Arnold Pannartz, 25 November 1475).

309

An inscription at the bottom reads: ‘Templa, domum expositis, vicos, fora, moenia, pontes, | Virgineam Trivii quod repararis Aquam, | Prisca licet nautis statuas dare commoda portus | Et Vaticanum cingere, Sixte, iugum, | Plus tamen Urbs debet: nam quae squalore latebat | Cernitur in celebri bibliotheca loco.’ Miglio (‘Una biografia pontificia’) discusses recent literature on this fresco; to which add A. Manfredi, ‘“Cernitur in celebri bibliotheca loco”: l’affresco di Santo Spirito e la Biblioteca Vaticana di Sisto IV’, in the same volume, pp. 125–36; N. Clark, Melozzo da Forlì: pictor papalis (London: Sotheby’s, 1990), pp. 21–41, 85–86; Howe, Art and Culture, pp. 60–71. 310 311

Ruysschaert, ‘Sixtus IV, fondateur’, p. 523, n. m: ‘decem ducatorum auri de camera’.

Liber privilegiorum, ed. by Platina, 3 vols, ASV, M SS A. A., Arm. I–XVIII, 1288–90. He sets out the purpose in his preface to Sixtus (ed. by Miglio, Storiografia pontificia, pp. 184– 85), referring to the ‘archetypi et privilegia sedis apostolicae quibus, tamquam optimis fundamentis, et Romana ecclesia et fides Christiana innititur. Hinc enim cernere licet quid pontifices imperatoribus, regibus, principibus, populis Christianis pro meritis eorum erga sedem apostolicam concesserint, quidque vicissim imperatores, reges, principes, quorum potentia ex deo est, ne ingrati viderentur, dono dederint huic sanctae sedi et concesserint.’ My discussion follows H. Otto, ‘Das Avignoneser Inventar des päpstlichen Archivs vom Jahre 1366 und die Privilegiensammlungen des Fieschi und des Platina’, QFIAB, 12 (1909), 132–88 (pp. 144–56); and J. Bignami Odier, La Bibliothèque Vaticane de Sixte IV à Pie V (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1973), pp. 24–25. On the dating see Otto, ‘Avignoneser Inventar’, p. 151; Scarcia Piacentini, ‘Costo del libro: i codici’, pp. 377, 383, 390–91, 449–50.

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Library.312 By including the last of these, he treated stipulations regarding the librarian’s salary and the return of borrowed books as equivalent to, for example, contracts between popes and emperors.313 The Donation of Constantine is missing from the collection. This may be because there was no copy available in the papal secret archives at the time. It may, however, reflect a deliberate judgement by Fieschi and Platina, or by the Pope, about the inauthenticity of the donation.314 While it might seem that Platina had become a decided papalist, in his biography of Cardinal Giovanni Millini (c. 1478) he shows the same attachment to the Roman nobility which he had already displayed in De vera nobilitate. Written after the Cardinal’s death, the work is dedicated to his nephew Celso Millini.315 Platina traces the history of the Millini family back to ancient Rome.316 Because Giovanni Millini was a Roman citizen, Nicholas V, according to Platina, refused to make him a cardinal in the aftermath of the conspiracy of Stefano Porcari in 1453.317 Platina approaches the dispute between the Roman citizens and Eugenius IV (1431–47) over the foundation of the Studium urbis

312

Liber privilegiorum, ed. by Platina, III (A. A., Arm. I–XVIII, 1290), fols 356 v–62v, 365v–66 v.

313 Sixtus IV’s bulls Officii nostri debitum, 30 June (1475), ibid., fols 365v–66 r; Ad decorem militantis ecclesiae, 15 July 1477, ibid., fol. 366 r–v. The latter (the final foundation bull of the library) is described explicitly as Bulla de proventibus bibliothece et salario custodis ipsius. See also Ruysschaert, ‘Sixte IV, fondateur’, p. 518. Boyle, ‘Sisto IV e la Biblioteca Vaticana’, p. 12, argues that Platina’s description is appropriate because Ad decorem did not mark the foundation of the library; it only stipulated a set of regulations. 314 For Platina’s views on the Donation of Constantine see below, pp. 149–166. No copy in the archives: Otto, ‘Avignoneser Inventar’, p. 146.

Platina, Vita amplissimi patris Ioannis Milini, BAV, MS Vat. lat. 3406, 29 fols (see fol. 20v for Giovanni Millini’s death on 21 July 1478). The published versions of this work, beginning with the one edited by A. Vittorelli in his 2nd edn of A. Chacón, Vitae et res gestae pontificum Romanorum et Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae cardinalium (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1630), cols 1285–92, contain numerous editorial interventions; so I shall quote from the manuscript. For the following discussion see M. G. Blasio, ‘Interpretazioni storiche e filtri autobiografici nella Vita Ioannis Milini di Bartolomeo Platina’, in Le due Rome del Quattrocento, ed. by S. Rossi and S. Valeri (Rome: Lithos, 1997), pp. 172–82. 315

Platina, Vita Ioannis Milini, fol. 3v. Compare his De vera nobilitate, fol. 193v (Platina addresses Orsini): ‘Romanus es, tuos magisquam alienos amas; non sine causa, cum urbi Romae par nihil unquam fuerit et nihil secundum.’ 316

Platina, Vita Ioannis Milini, fol. 13v: ‘unum solum obstitit: quod Romanus erat’. See also A. Modigliani, I Porcari: storie di una famiglia Romana tra Medioevo e Rinascimento (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 1994), p. 497. 317

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from a civic angle. Regarding Paul II, he retreats from the harsh criticism expressed in his earlier works. Giovanni Millini’s good relations with Paul prompt Platina to include some — very unexpected — praise of his former enemy. On the other hand, he maintains that Millini secretly supplied him with money when he was imprisoned in 1468/69, contravening Paul II’s instructions.318 Though his literary production decreased during his last years and he was busy with the reorganization of the library, Platina still found the energy around 1477 to engage in a nasty personal quarrel with Bishop Battista de’ Giudici, a neighbour of his on the Esquiline Hill. Platina yet again lost his temper when he suspected that a servant of the Bishop was having an affair with a girl who lived in his own house.319 He also criticized de’ Giudici’s intervention against Bishop Johannes Hinderbach (1418–86), who had promoted an antisemitic ritual murder trial in Trent.320 Perhaps it was this quarrel that prompted Platina’s edition of

See Platina, Vita Ioannis Milini, fols 10r–v (civic angle); 14 v–15 v (praise of Paul II); and 26 –27 , concerning Millini’s help: ‘dum a Paulo Pontifice in carcere ob suspitionem coniurationis Calimachianae detinerer vixque concessum esset per praefectum arcis ut mihi victus subministraretur, vetante etiam pontifice vivae vocis oraculo, ut dicitur, nequid pecuniarum ex officio abbreviatoris quod in cancellaria habebam mihi in tanta calamitate constituto praeberetur, tamen vir iste optimus clanculum singulis mensibus tris aureos mihi submittebat.’ It seems unlikely that in 1468 Platina would still have been entitled to receive compensation payments from his office as an abbreviator. Perhaps he was conflating the two imprisonments. See Blasio, ‘Interpretazioni storiche’, p. 175. For Platina’s praise of Paul, who took measures to prevent the corruption of magistrates, see also Bauer, ‘Platina e le “res gestae” di Pio II’. 318

v

r

319

De’ Giudici, Invectiva contra Platinam, in his Apologia Iudaeorum (cited above, p. 49, n. 180). For this and what follows see D. Quaglioni, ‘Introduzione’, ibid., pp. 11–37 (pp. 23–28). On De’ Giudici see also L. Cinelli, ‘Un panegirico quattrocentesco in onore di S. Domenico’, Divus Thomas, 106 (2003), 97–133 (pp. 97–115). For the girl, see above, p. 49. 320

De’ Giudici, Invectiva, p. 110. See also R. Po-Chia Hsia, Trent 1475: Stories of a Ritual Murder Trial (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), pp. 123–26; A. Esposito, ‘Il culto del “beato” Simonino e la sua prima diffusione in Italia’, in Il principe vescovo Johannes Hinderbach (1465–1486) fra tardo Medioevo e Umanesimo (Bologna: Edizioni Dehoniane, 1992), pp. 429–43 (p. 434). Leto too sided with Hinderbach (congratulating him on the positive conclusion of the affair in July 1478: Quaglioni, ‘Introduzione’, pp. 22–23, n. 29), as did Cardinal Gonzaga (see D. S. Chambers, ‘Mantua and Trent in the Later Fifteenth Century’, Atti dell’Accademia Roveretana degli Agiati, ser. 6, 28 (1988), 69–95 (pp. 80–82)). For Hinderbach’s friendship with Platina see D. Rando, Dai margini la memoria: Johannes Hinderbach (1418–1486) (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2003), p. 292. On his activity as a collector, ‘Pro bibliotheca erigenda’: manoscritti e incunaboli del vescovo di Trento Iohannes Hinderbach (1465–1486) (Trent: Provincia autonoma di Trento, Servizio beni culturali, Ufficio beni librari e archivistici; Biblioteca comunale, 1989).

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Plutarch’s De ira sedanda (On the Calming of Anger, c. 1477). It is tempting to see it as a self-deprecating promise by Platina to control his temper in the future, after de’ Giudici had vividly described his public display of anger.321 Platina had at least one son, who was called Latinus. It is unknown whether the girl mentioned above was his mother. Latinus was legitimized by a special dispensation from Sixtus IV on 13 November 1479, from which we learn that both Platina and the — unnamed — mother were unmarried.322 Around 1478 Platina became a member of the foremost confraternity in Rome (Confraternita del Salvatore ad Sancta Sanctorum). His membership in this exclusive group, an association of prominent citizens, may well have been a sign of his growing status in Roman society.323 Platina died on 21 September 1481, probably from the plague, at the age of sixty.324 On 18 April 1482, the Roman ‘Academy’ and other friends were invited

321

See also above, p. 22. On the manuscript presented to Sixtus IV, see Scarcia Piacentini, ‘Costo del libro: i codici’, pp. 372, 456; S. Maddalo, ‘“Quasi preclarissima supellectile”: corte papale e libro miniato nella Roma di primo Rinascimento’, Studi romani, 42 (1994), 16–32 (p. 27). The scribe, most likely Bartolomeo Sanvito, was paid for his work on 9 January 1478. For Platina’s display of anger, see de’ Giudici, Invectiva, pp. 98–100: ‘Quis enim te iratior unquam fuit, qui non in cubiculo sed in trivio, non me solo presente sed astante vilissimorum hominum turba, astantibus rusticis et illis tuis satellitibus qui ausi sunt dicere, si id iuberes, meam incenderent domum […], oblitus quis esses, oblitus in quem diceres, mutato colore, trementibus labiis et ex animi motu ucillantibus oculis, omni denique gravitate deposita […] talia in episcopum, et episcopum amicum […] evomuisti, qualia nec Platinae, nec iam in senium vergenti, nec viro docto et qui multorum exempla legisset convenire videbantur.’ 322

See A. Campana, ‘Un poco noto figlio del Platina’, in Bartolomeo Sacchi, il Platina, pp. 227–31. 323 For his membership, see Necrologi e libri affini della provincia Romana, ed. by P. Egidi, 2 vols (Rome: Tipografia del Senato, 1908–14), II, 469–71. Platina did many favours for the society’s hospital; see M. Del Piazzo, ‘Documenti’, in Il palazzo della Consulta (Rome: Editalia, 1975), pp. 247–78 (p. 253, document dated 28 March 1478). On the confraternity see also P. Pavan, ‘La confraternita del Salvatore nella società romana del Tre–Quattrocento’, in Ricerche per la storia religiosa di Roma (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1977– ), V : Le confraternite romane: esperienza religiosa, società, committenza artistica, ed. by L. Fiorani (1984), pp. 81–90. 324

Jacopo Gherardi, Diarium Romanum, ed. by E. Carusi, in RIS, ser. 2, 23.3 (Città di Castello: Lapi, 1904–11), pp. 1–230 (p. 67); Maffei, Commentaria Urbana, fol. 299v: ‘decessit sexagenarius’; Bartolomeo Fonzio, Annales, in F. Villani, Liber de civitatis Florentiae famosis civibus, ed. by G. C. Galletti (Florence: Mazzoni, 1847), pp. 152–59 (p. 159, ad AD 1481): ‘Bartholomaeus Platina Romae epidimia mortuus et sepultus’. On Fonzio’s Annales see C. Bianca, ‘Bartolomeo Fonzio tra filologia e storia’, Medioevo e Rinascimento, 18/n.s. 15 (2004), 207–40, esp. p. 237 (on Fonzio also above, p. 19). Platina was succeeded as librarian by Bartolomeo

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by Demetrio Guazzelli to commemorate Platina in S. Maria Maggiore, where he was buried.325 He had evidently been reconciled with de’ Giudici, who conducted the service. When the Bishop finished, Pomponio Leto delivered an oration which was both religious and solemn. Next, however, Platina’s friends caused a minor scandal when a poet from Perugia mourned him in elegiac verses, a display which seemed to smack of paganism. A banquet followed at Platina’s former house on the Esquiline, where more poems were recited. The house had been sold by his heirs and was now the property of Cardinal Girolamo Basso della Rovere.326 The poems were compiled into a volume by Demetrio Guazzelli and from 1504 onwards were published together with the Lives of the Popes.327 As Platina’s literary executioner, Guazzelli jealously guarded his unpublished manuscripts. When some of Platina’s ‘notes’ were snatched away after the humanist’s death, Guazzelli and another member of ‘Academy’, Aurelio Lippo Brandolini, tried to chase them up in Florence with the help of Angelo

Manfredi on 23 September 1481 (Manfredi, ‘De Thomeis e la Vaticana’, p. lii), and as apostolic scriptor by his young friend Paolo Cortesi: see P. Paschini, ‘Una famiglia di curiali nella Roma del Quattrocento: i Cortesi’, Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia, 11 (1957), 1–48 (pp. 9, 27); T. Leuker, ‘Un dono poetico di Bartolomeo della Fonte per Alessandro Cortesi (e un altro del Cortesi per papa Sisto IV)’, Rinascimento, ser. 2, 42 (2002), 399–408 (p. 405). 325 The description of these parentalia by Jacopo Gherardi gives us a rare insight into a meeting of the Roman ‘Academy’ as reconstituted under Sixtus IV. For what follows see his Diarium, p. 98. On the second ‘Academy’ see also D’Amico, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome, pp. 97–102. The date, 18 April, was perhaps in some way connected to the anniversary of the foundation of Rome (Palilia), which, in the following year, was celebrated by the ‘Academicians’ at Leto’s house on 20 April (Gherardi, Diarium, p. 117; Jacks, The Antiquarian and the Myth, pp. 148–53). 326

On Platina’s and Leto’s neighbouring houses which, to be precise, were on the Quirinale (M ontecavallo), see F. Borsi, ‘La Consulta nella storia urbana’, in Il palazzo della Consulta, pp. 45–183 (pp. 47–51); Del Piazzo, ‘Documenti’, pp. 249, 253; Tissoni Benvenuti, ‘Due schede’, pp. 216, 219; S. Magister, ‘Censimento delle collezioni di antichità a Roma: 1471–1503’, Xenia antiqua, 8 (1999), 129–204 (p. 181) (with ‘Addenda’, Xenia antiqua, 10 (2001), 113–54 (p. 136)); idem, ‘Pomponio Leto collezionista di antichità: addenda’, in Antiquaria a Roma: intorno a Pomponio Leto e Paolo II (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2003), pp. 51–123 (pp. 56–63). 327 Guidi, ‘Guazzelli’, pp. 203–04. In the Venice 1504 edition see sigs F8 r–G5v (Diversorum academicorum panegyrici in parentalia B. Platynae). An attempt at identifying some of the authors of these poems was made by F. Patetta, ‘Di una raccolta di componimenti e di una medaglia in memoria di Alessandro Cinuzzi senese, paggio del Conte Gerolamo Riario’, Bullettino senese di storia patria, 6 (1899), 151–76 (p. 176, n. 1). See also above, p. 68, n. 265.

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Poliziano.328 These final episodes underline how important a figure Platina was for the ‘Academy’ and intellectual life in Rome inside and outside the ranks of the Church.

Chapter Appendix 1. Pierfilippo Pandolfini, Florence, to Platina, October–November 1459(?) Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS M agl. VI 166, fols 106 v–07 v

Petrus Philippus Pandulphinus Bartholomaeo Platinensi salutem.329 Accepi epigramma in Iacobum Cardinalem abs te pro tuo erga eum amore confectum, idque ita laudatur, non dico a me (amore forsan nimio impeditus recte diiudicare non possem), sed ab huius civitatis doctissimis viris, ut nihil iam pridem sint admirati magis. Non solum metri laudant familiaritatem, quae in te 328

See the letter by Brandolini, Rome, to Poliziano, Florence, 20 September (1482), in A. M. Bandini, Catalogus codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Mediceae Laurentianae, 4 vols (Florence: [n. pub.], 1774–77), III (1776), cols 536–37: Demetrio Guazzelli ‘alumnus […] Platinae quum sit, omnia ab eo viro non modo scripta, verum etiam excerpta atque annotata summa in veneratione habet, eaque et studiosissime conquirit et religiosissime servat. Surripuit autem ex iis nonnulla in morte Platinae Gregorius quidam Demetrii contubernalis, homo, ut audio, litterarum ignarus. Is nunc in ista urbe [i.e., Florence] degit apud legatum Constantii Pisauriensis. Eas annotationes Demetrius, non tam quia bonae sunt quam quia Platinae manu scriptae, tanti facit, ut in illis recuperandis omnia pietatis ac gratitudinis officia, omnem dignitatem ac salutem positam esse ducat. Putat autem te unum huic rei tanto adiumento esse posse, ut si tu anniti paullulum volueris, nihil sit illi praeterea requirendum. […] Devinxeris hoc beneficio tibi hominem gratissimum tuique amantissimum, devinxeris tibi Romanam Academiam universam, cuius singulos Demetrii caussam suscepturos non dubito […]. Vale et Laurentio Medici me commenda’. The ambassador in Florence of Costanzo Sforza (lord of Pesaro, d. 19 July 1483) was Pandolfo Collenuccio. This humanist, at whose house Platina’s papers seem to have been kept, was acquainted with Poliziano. On Collenuccio see E. Melfi, ‘Collenuccio, Pandolfo’, in DBI, XXVII (1982), 1–5; G. G. Scorza, Costanzo Sforza, Signore di Pesaro (1473–1483) (Pesaro: Fondazione Cassa di Risparmio di Pesaro, 2005), ad indicem; on Brandolini, A. Rotondò, ‘Brandolini, Aurelio Lippo’, in DBI, XIV (1972), 26–28; D’Amico, Renaissance Humanism, pp. 99–100. I thank Riccardo Fubini for his advice. 329 Normalizations: ‘commertium’ to ‘commercium’; ‘in praesentiarum’ to ‘inpraesentiarum’; ‘forsam’ to ‘forsan’; diphthongs to ‘ae’ and ‘oe’; simplifications (scempiamenti) of double consonants rectified (‘m’ to ‘mm’). This letter was published in part by Della Torre, Storia, pp. 535–36, and Hartt, Corti, and Kennedy, Chapel of the Cardinal, p. 43, n. 21. I thank Fabio Forner for his help with the transcription.

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imo maxima est, [107r:] sed et sententiarum ubertatem et copiam, quae a te ita parculis clauduntur carminibus et venustate quadam quodammodo innectuntur, ut inter priscos illos eloquentissimos atque doctissimos viros non immerito habearis. Redolet enim carmen tuum et, ut verius loquar, qua‹n›dam sapit antiquitatem. Quid vero de hoc iudicent principes domus reverendissimi cardinalis, quorum iudicium tuum carmen est subiturum, scribere ad te inpraesentiarum non possunt. Paucis enim ante diebus a summo pontifice vocati Mantuam petiere. Putatur tamen eorum reditus appropinquare. Hi cum venerint, de illorum ad te sententia scribam. Tu si tibi ë …û est et suus: aliud interim conficias, quaeso; est nam quidem illa materies digna facultate et copia tua. Ego tibi tantum debere existimo pro tuo erga nos amore summaque in nos benevolentia, ut cui plus debeam quam tibi habeam neminem. Laetorque quam plurimum atque gaudeo talis viri mentis devinciri. Quamobrem post hac siquid inciderit, in quo tua {…} sit requirenda (cum animi ingenui sit, cui multum debeas, eidem plurimum velle debere), id ad te per licteras petere non dubitabo, existimoque pro tua [107v:] summa erga nos humanitate id tibi gratum fore et iocundior. Gratius tamen nobis et iocundius erit, si ea omnia explorare coram potuerimus. Quare si tuo commodo fieri potest, a te petimus summopereque flagitamus, ut ad urbem tandem revertaris nosque aliquando revisas. Tibi enim cum arboribus, avibus, brutisque ceteris animalibus quid commercium vero potest? Tibi, inquam, homini summa prudentia, summa doctrina plurimo, etiam rerum usu praestanti? Scis enim Socratem illum Atheniensem, ut est apud Platonem tuum, Phedro increpanti quod numquam neque longius ab urbe, neque moenia ipsa appareat egressus, respondisse: ‘Hoc minime ë …û videri debere. Cum enim discendi cupidus sim, agri et arbores nihil docere me volunt, sed homines qui in urbe versantur’ [Phaedrus, 230C–D]. Tu etsi ea iam sis consecutus, quae nemo adhuc tuorum aequal‹ium›, sed vix maiores natu assequi potuerunt, habemus tamen hoc tempore virum doctissimum atque sapientissimum tibique amicissimum, Argyropolum scilicet, quem quidem si hic esses, adire posses, multaque cum illo communicare, a quo, mihi crede, quotidie doctior ë …û ‹reddereris?›. Vale et quicquid statueris, nos scias approbaturos.

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2. Giovan Pietro Arrivabene to Barbara of Brandenburg, 15 October 1464330 ASM AG, b. 842, fol. 345 r ë …û

promissione dubitando de remanere in quete ë …û quasi impazito e desperato scrisse una littera a Nostro Signore con molte iniurie ë …û che ben se sapeva che per simonie e diverse promissione se havea ë …û ma del sangue de lor abbreviatori. Ricordavali che ugniuno se lamentava per non dar audienza ë …û che togliendose questi officii andariano tanti valenthomeni dispersi per el mondo commemorando la ingiustitia et iniquitate suoa, e che veneria un concilio, el qual scopriria e castigaria un cumulo de suoi vitii e manchamenti. Puoi metteva molti altri obprobrii particulari, che certo era una cosa abominevole, e sottoscrissese: Sanctitatis tue, si sententiam mutaveris, servus etc. Dede questa {…} ‹al vescovo de› Trivisi dicendoli che era de Ugnabeno da Vincentia. Lecta questa littera el papa se turboe {…} e dede commissione a quello vescovo, qual tuto rimase stupefacto perché credeva fosse d’Ugnabeno, e non andoe senza rebuffo che mandasse per costui. Bartholomeo chiamato in palatio venne arditamente, che foe una gran pazia, e più che essendo dal vescovo represo, più se ingagliardeva. Tandem foe mandato in castello. Essendo sul tardo cavalchato per altre facende Monsignor mio [i.e., Francesco Gonzaga] a palatio, el papa ge ne disse e feceli legere la littera, monstrando d’esserne turbato e che intendeva fare vedere de ragione che pena meritava et a quella fosse condanato. E cerchando Monsignore de excusarlo per pazo, gli hebbe a dire: ‘Ben XII streppate non li mancharanno questa sera.’ Non ho puo’ intieso quello che ne sia successo. Dubito grandemente de’ fatti suoi, perché cum molti ne ha parlato el papa alteratamente, e non c’è chi olsa tuore la protectione suoa, parendo pur delicto molto enorme. E sono chi dicono se li puora procedere contra come de crimine lese maiestatis. Et alcuni palatini me hanno dicto che Nostro Signore la vole commettere al Senatore, et che ha havuto a dire: se la ragione vorà, el gli lassarà

330

In transcribing the first paragraph, where the letter is damaged, I have mostly followed Zabughin’s readings (Leto, I, 88, 305, n. 252). Some phrases are also quoted in Chambers, ‘Platina’, p. 11. Pastor wrongly dates this letter to 16 October (Geschichte der Päpste, II, 321–22). His promised publication of this and other letters never materialized, because his separate collection of sources, Ungedruckte Akten zur Geschichte der Päpste, never went beyond vol. I, covering the years 1376–August 1464 (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1904). My thanks to David Chambers for photocopies, and to both him and Claudio Giunta for help with the transcription.

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la forma de la beretta. Io non comprendo che questo sia proceduto se non da extrema desperatione, e lui monstra non curarsene […]. Rome XV octobris 1464. Illustrissime Dominationis Vestre servitor Io. Petrus Arrivabene, cum reverentia 3. Ex primo [–quinto] C. Plinii Secundi libro De naturali historia Platinae epitome (c. 1462–66). Dedication to Agostino Maffei London, British Library, Harley MS 3475, fols 1v–2 r

Platina Agustino Maffeo salutem plurimam dicit.331 Cum Plinii Secundi acre ingenium, summam vigilantiam, excellentem doctrinam, incredibile studium miris laudibus fere quotidie celebraremus propter diffusum, varium, acutum, eruditum eius De naturali historia opus332 quod in manibus habebamus, rogasti me (verecunde quidem ac si mortuo fieret iniuria), ut tantorum voluminum tibi epitomen facerem: cuius varia et iocunda lectione in peregrinatione quoque si ita contingeret, tamquam enchiridio uti posses. Dicebas enim librum ipsum integrum ob magnitudinem et maiestatem domi tamquam in arcano cum admiratione inspiciendum ac legendum, foras si proficisci oporteret huius commentariis ut optimo viatico utendum unde aliquid semper addisceres, hac ratione fieri posse affirmans, ut qui in stataria pugna multum ad

331

Normalizations: ‘archano’ to ‘arcano’; ‘adisceres’ to ‘addisceres’; ‘armature’ to ‘armaturae’; ‘vellicatione’ to ‘velitatione’; ‘non nihil’ to ‘nonnihil’; ‘heruditiores’ to ‘eruditiores’; ‘capud’ (abbreviated ‘capd’) to ‘caput’; ‘hiis’ to ‘his’; ‘hec’ to ‘haec’; ‘abste’ to ‘abs te’; ‘perigrinationis’ to ‘peregrinationis’; ‘annotare’ to ‘adnotare’; ‘u’ to ‘v’ and vice versa where applicable. The first and last few lines of this preface are published by C. G. Nauert, Jr, ‘C. Plinius Secundus (Naturalis Historia)’, in Catalogus translationum, IV (1980), 297–422 (pp. 335–36), and a part of the first sentence by Blasio, review of Milham, p. 22, n. 38, to both of which I have made corrections. Contents (checked against Pliny’s text): Bk I of Pliny = fol. 1r–v; Platina’s preface, fols 1v–2r; Bk II = fols 2 r–11r; Bk III = fols 11r–21r (a section on northern Europe is left out); Bk IV = fols 21r–29 v; Bk V = fols 29r–38v (the manuscript breaks off shortly before the end of Bk V ). Fols 39 and 40 are misbound and belong after fol. 14; this ‘will be corrected in due course’ (communication by Claire Breay, curator, British Library, 28 April 2003). I would like to thank Martin Davies for his help. 332

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victoriam faceret, idem quoque tamquam levis armaturae miles in velitatione et peregrinatione nonnihil prodesset.333 Addebas insuper, cum ego quoque verecunde id recusarem quod alienum fundum occupare viderer, non esse tibi hoc denegandum, cum et ipsius nomen ob hanc rem fieret celebratius, colaudatis et in pretio habitis rivulis a tanto fonte manantibus, et multi futuri sint his commentariis eruditiores! Quos certe magnum illud opus a lectione deterret. Et ut per rivulos quemadmodum dicebat tamquam per indices ad fontem venimus, ita his collectaneis quasi argumentis quibusdam perceptis facilius et libentius ad caput doctrinarum omnium, id est, ad ipsius Plinii ampla absoluta volumina pervenerimus; unde studiosi, tamquam ex amoeno et iocundo prato, florum quovis genus colligere possent. Dicebas praeterea mihi ipsius auctoris exemplo id facere licere, cui mos fuit adnotare et excerpere ex aliorum scriptis quod maxime placebat,334 atque eo magis id mihi concedi, quod non meo, sed ipsius Plinii nomine haec collectanea in commentarios redigerentur. Victus itaque his rationibus voluntati tuae honeste praesertim quoad fieri poterit satisfaciam, ne tua causa laborem aut obtrectationem, siqua hinc ex malivolis [2r:] orietur, fugisse videar. Verum abs te hoc unum posco, ut et hos commentarios tecum habeas, tecum deferas, si coieris, tecum lectites, neque aliis, nisi amicis et quorum spectata modestia sit, permittas,335 ne in voculas malivolorum incidamus. Reliquosque siqui forte petierint, ad integros Plinii libros remittas, ne obmisso fonte ad rivulos sitim deponant. Hoc idem cum ad Urbem redieris deposito tantisper hoc veluti peregrinationis comite, ut tu quoque facias te hortor ac moneo. Illic enim quid legas, quid percipias,336 quid ediscas,337 copiosius intuebere his veluti quibusdam praeludiis excitato ad docilitatem animo.

333

MS seems to have ‘prodessem’. Compare Pliny, Ep. III. 5. 10: ‘nullum esse librum tam malum ut non aliqua parte prodesset’.

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334

Pliny, Ep. 111. 5. 10.

335

MS has ‘praemittas’.

336

MS has ‘praecipias’.

337

MS seems to have ‘quod […] quod […] quod […]’.

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T HE W RITING OF THE L IVES: S OURCES AND S ELF-C ENSORSHIP

I. Platina and His Sources

I

t is not certain when Platina began to compose his Lives of the Popes. Recently it was suggested that they were written under Paul II.1 In his prison letters of 1468/69 to the Pope, Platina promised to devote himself ‘entirely to sacred writings’ and to compose the res gestae of Paul’s pontificate;2 but there is no evidence that Paul actually commissioned any work from him. The paper used for the first manuscript version of the Lives, which does not include the biography of Sixtus IV, was probably produced in 1471.3 Nevertheless, the presence of the hostile biography of Paul II makes it inconceivable that this text was written for him. I therefore hold to the traditional view that the Lives were

1 See P. Scapecchi, ‘Un nuovo codice del Liber de vita Christi ac omnium pontificum di Bartolomeo Platina usato come esemplare di tipografia per le edizioni veneziane del 1479 e del 1504’, Roma nel Rinascimento (1999), 247–52. 2 See Platina’s third letter to Paul II, in Vairani, Cremonensium monumenta, I, 32: ‘relicta poesi et arte oratoria, me totum ad sacram paginam transferam […]. Gaudebis tum denique, Beatissime Pater […] quod eum conservaveris qui laudes religionis Christianae, qui res sub tuo felicissimo pontificatu gestas scripserit’; and his second letter to Paul, ibid., pp. 30–31: ‘Unde, quaeso, tot historias novi et veteris testamenti, tot vitas et gesta pontificum, nisi a crebra lectione eorum, qui antea scripserint, habes?’ See also his letter to Paul’s nephew, Marco Barbo, ibid., p. 34: ‘Unum tibi per Deum polliceor […] ut moribus et studiis vitam probabiliorem ducam, transferendo me a poetica ad sacram paginam, quando ita placere Sanctissimo Domino Nostro intellexi.’ 3

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composed under Sixtus IV, from 1471 onwards. Platina presented the work to Sixtus on the occasion of the jubilee year of 1475; and the events of his pontificate are covered until late October 1474.4 In his preface, Platina says that in writing the book he had acted on Sixtus’s orders.5 The first half of the preface includes a statement on the uses of history, which had previously appeared in the preface to his Mantuan history (1469).6 The second half is a more specific justification of the need for a modern work of papal biography. He says that his aim was to provide an account in correct Latin to replace the incompetence of earlier histories (excluding, however, the most important of these, the Liber pontificalis), in which a prejudice against the use of an elegant style in works dealing with holy matters barely masked an ignorance of how to write well. Examples of authors who had written stylishly about religious topics included Augustine, Jerome, and Ambrose; they had adopted Cicero’s view that there was ‘nothing so uncultivated and horrible that it would not be rendered splendid by fine writing’.7 Making the plain Latin of previous accounts more elegant would inevitably annoy contemporaries used to the medieval approach. But Platina

4 The last event mentioned is Marco Barbo’s return from Germany on 26 October 1474. Platina then lists Sixtus’s renovation projects (‘Sixtus autem, recepto […] cardinali […], ad urbem Romam exornandam omnino conversus […]’ (Vitae, p. 417. 13–15)). See Schmarsow, Melozzo, pp. 31, 342, corrected by Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 471, n. 1, 509; Miglio, ‘Una biografia pontificia’, p. 111. On the presentation manuscript (BAV, Vat. lat. 2044) see L. Pastor, ‘Die Originalhandschrift von Platina’s Geschichte der Päpste’, Deutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, 4 (1890), 350–56, and his Geschichte der Päpste, II, 669–73; on its decoration, Maddalo, ‘Quasi preclarissima supellectile’, pp. 31–32; Howe, Art and Culture, pp. 19–32. Another manuscript of the Lives from the 1470s (after 1475?) is Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, 222. See also Gaida, ‘Prefazione’, pp. lxxxv–xcii; Scapecchi, ‘Nuovo codice’, p. 247. 5 Platina, Vitae, ‘Prohemium’, p. 3. 27–28: ‘non frustra mandasti ut res gestas pontificum scriberem’; p. 4. 19: ‘sanctissimo imperio libenter obtemperavi’. For an Italian translation of the preface see Prosatori latini del Quattrocento, ed. by E. Garin (Milan: Ricciardi, 1952), pp. 695–99. 6 7

Platina, Vitae, p. 3. 13–26. See above, pp. 58–60.

Platina, Vitae, pp. 3. 31–4. 7: ‘Non sum tamen nescius futuros quosdam qui dicant me hoc onus frustra suscepisse, cum id antea a plerisque factum sit. Leguntur certe multi (Damasum [= Liber pontificalis] semper excipio) qui nullum florem orationis, nullam compositionem et elegantiam sequuntur, non de industria, ut ipsi iactitant, ornatum fugientes, quod eleganti stylo res sacrae scribi non debeant, sed inscitia et ignoratione bonarum literarum. Iis autem obiicere Augustini, Hieronymi, Ambrosii, Gregorii, Leonis, Cypriani, Lactantii eruditionem et doctrinam sit satis, qui hac in re Ciceronis auctoritatem sequentes, arbitrati sunt nil esse tam incultum et horridum quod non splendesceret oratione.’ See Cicero, Paradoxa Stoicorum, preface.

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argued that the tastes of his own age, and the needs of Christian theology, were equally legitimate and also necessitated the invention of new Latin terms.8 He closes the preface by warning his readers not to be surprised that, along with the ‘lives and manners’ of the popes, he had written the history of worldly rulers: the two stories were ‘connected’ and could not be told separately.9 Platina certainly lived up to his promise to improve the Latin of the medieval sources, above all the Liber pontificalis, even though he claimed to exempt it from his blanket condemnation of bad Latin.10 He eliminated the language of the chanceries, such as accumulations of formulaic phrases. He condensed information and often arranged it in a clearer, more linear manner in an effort to make the Lives more readable than the Liber pontificalis. The Latin of Platina’s Lives is elegant but not overly complicated or difficult.11 The Liber pontificalis forms the backbone of Platina’s work from the beginning up to the death of Martin V (1431). He used the most up-to-date manuscript version of this chronicle, which had been composed by various hands

8 Platina, Vitae, p. 4. 7–13: ‘Non negaverim tamen huic generi scribendi difficultatem quamdam inesse, cum nudis verbis interdum ac minus Latinitatis quaedam exprimenda sunt, quae in nostra theologia continentur. Haec autem ad Latinitatem qui referat, magnas perturbationes ingeniis nostrorum temporum hac consuetudine imbutis afferat necesse est, mutatis praesertim terminis […]. Sed habeat hanc quoque auctoritatem aetas nostra, vel Christiana theologia potius. Fingat nova vocabula, Latina faciat, ne veteribus tantummodo id licuisse videatur.’ Platina had earlier coined new words in his De honesta voluptate; see above, p. 54. L. Onofri, ‘Figure di potere e paradigmi culturali’, in Un pontificato ed una città, pp. 57–79 (p. 67), finds here ‘un richiamo ai temi della decostruzione valliana del linguaggio scolastico’. See also Miglio, Storiografia pontificia, pp. 27–29. 9 Platina, Vitae, p. 4. 14–18: ‘lecturos […] admonuero non esse mirandum, si cum pontificum vitas et mores scripturum me pollicitus sum, imperatorum quoque principum ac ducum res gestas inseruerim. Adeo enim haec simul connexa sunt […] ut alterum integre sine altero exprimi nequiverit’. 10 For a detailed analysis of Platina’s transformation of the Latin of the Liber pontificalis (LP) into humanist style, see O. Merisalo, ‘Platina e le Liber pontificalis: un humaniste devant un texte médiéval’, Arctos, 16 (1982), 73–97. 11

Merisalo, ‘Platina e le Liber pontificalis’, p. 97, finds: ‘élégance, composition, flos orationis, un latin créatif pour les besoins de la présentation moderne’. See also Schmarsow, Melozzo, pp. 29–30: ‘flüssiger Zusammenhang, Leichtigkeit und Eleganz’; ‘abgerundete Form und übersichtliche Anordnung des Stoffes’; ‘seine gedrängte Schreibweise ist nicht ohne Kraft und Freiheit, und diese Vorzüge haben ihm zahlreiche Leser verschafft’; ‘sein Buch, zu dem man auch heute noch mit Genuss zurückgreift’.

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starting in the sixth century.12 His second major source has been identified as the Historia ecclesiastica by Ptolemy of Lucca (d. 1327).13 The third key source for the Lives was Biondo Flavio’s Historiarum ab inclinatione Romanorum imperii Decades (c. 1453), which Platina read in the compendium by Enea Silvio Piccolomini (covering the years 407–1404).14 While he relies mainly on these three accounts for the earlier popes, he sometimes — haphazardly — verified sources directly. These included Augustine, Ambrose, Eusebius, Eutropius, Jerome, Isidore of Seville, Orosius, Tacitus, the Historia Tripartita, the Historia Augusta, and Paul the Deacon. It is probably true that Platina, in typical humanist fashion, was particularly interested in works dating from antiquity or the early Christian era.15 Yet he used these additional sources surely also because the Liber pontificalis provides only scant material on this period. For the period from the High Middle Ages onwards, Platina drew increasingly on the three accounts mentioned above, especially Piccolomini’s compendium of the Decades — indeed to such an extent that he has been accused of slavish dependency.16 After the Liber pontificalis ends in 1431, Platina was able to use recent papal biographies and, notably, oral sources.17 It would require a study in itself to analyse how original Platina actually was in his Lives of contemporary popes. There were, for example, previous biographies

12

Platina’s use of sources has been analysed in the brief doctoral dissertation by G. J. Schorn, Die Quellen zu den Vitae Pontificum Romanorum des Bartolommeo Platina (Rome: Armani & Stein, 1913) (also publ. in Römische Quartalschrift, 27 (1913), 3*–19*, 57*–84*); and by Gaida, ‘Prefazione’, pp. xxxv–lxxiv. On Platina’s use of the LP see ibid., pp. xxxvii–li, and Schorn, Quellen, pp. 11–21; his view of its authorship is discussed by G. Arnaldi, ‘Come nacque la attribuzione ad Anastasio del “Liber Pontificalis”’, Bullettino dell’Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, 75 (1963), 321–43. 13

Ptolemy of Lucca, Historia ecclesiastica, in RIS, 11 (1727), cols 751–1242. On this text see L. Schmugge, ‘Zur Überlieferung der Historia Ecclesiastica nova des Tholomeus von Lucca’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 32 (1976), 495–545. 14

Piccolomini, Epitome supra Decades Blondi, in his Opera quae extant omnia, ed. by Marcus Hopperus (Basel: Petri, 1571), pp. 144–281. 15

See Gaida, ‘Prefazione’, pp. xxxv, n. 2, liii–liv. See also Schorn, Quellen, pp. 21–36.

16

Medieval authors used by Platina are noted in Gaida, ‘Prefazione’, pp. lxi–lxix. For the dependency on the compendium, see ibid., p. lvii: ‘una servilità che sa di plagio’. 17 The written sources used by Platina for the years 1431–74 are discussed by Gaida, ‘Prefazione’, pp. lxx–lxxi; see also H. Zimmermann, Das Papsttum im Mittelalter: eine Papstgeschichte im Spiegel der Historiographie (Stuttgart: Ulmer, 1981), pp. 194–207.

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of both Eugenius IV and Nicholas V.18 For Nicholas V, Platina could have consulted biographical works by Giannozzo Manetti, Poggio Bracciolini, and Michele Canensi,19 orations by Enea Silvio Piccolomini, Jean Jouffroy, and Niccolò Palmieri,20 as well as contemporary chronicles.21 One might have expected Platina to use Giannozzo Manetti’s biography of Nicholas V, composed in humanist style, as his model. But if he drew on Manetti at all as a source, it was only by drastically compressing information taken from him.22 On Nicholas’s building activity, which is extensively described by Manetti, Platina provides little more than a list, mainly based on the somewhat negative account by Poggio Bracciolini.23 Platina’s

18 For the biographical sources on Nicholas V, see M. Miglio, ‘Niccolò V umanista di Cristo’, in Umanesimo e Padri della Chiesa, ed. by S. Gentile ([n.p.]: Rose, 1997), pp. 77–83; idem, ‘Premessa’ to Giannozzo Manetti, Vita di Niccolò V, trans. by A. Modigliani (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 1999), pp. 9–36; A. Modigliani, ‘Introduzione’ to her edition of Manetti, De vita ac gestis Nicolai Quinti summi pontificis, Fonti per la storia dell’Italia medievale, RIS, ser. 3, 6 (2005), pp. vii–lix. A survey of the few, partly fragmentary, biographies of fifteenthcentury popes is given by Miglio, Storiografia pontificia; of which see also the review by Fubini, ‘Papato e storiografia’. 19

Manetti, De vita ac gestis Nicolai V, ed. by Modigliani; Poggio Bracciolini, De Nicolao Papa V, in his Vitae quorundam pontificum, ed. by Duchesne, LP, II, 546–60 (pp. 557–58) (on which see C. Da Capodimonte, ‘Poggio Bracciolini autore delle anonime “Vitae quorundam pontificum”’, Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia, 14 (1960), 27–47; Miglio, Storiografia pontificia, pp. 8–10, 175–77); Canensi, De laudibus et divina electione [Nicolai V], in Miglio, Storiografia pontificia, pp. 205–43. 20 See Piccolomini, Oratio de morte Eugenii IV creationeque et coronatione Nicolai V, in RIS, 3.2 (1734), cols 878–98; Jouffroy’s funeral oration for Nicholas V, ed. by L. Onofri, ‘“Sicut fremitus leonis ita et regis ira”: temi neoplatonici e culto solare nell’orazione funebre per Niccolò V di Jean Jouffroy’, Humanistica Lovaniensia, 31 (1982), 1–28 (pp. 21–28) (corrections provided by H. M. Goldbrunner, ‘Quemcumque elegerit dominus, ipse sanctus erit: zur Leichenrede des Jean Jouffroy auf Nikolaus V.’, QFIAB, 64 (1984), 385–96); Palmieri’s funeral oration for Nicholas V, the manuscripts of which are listed in W. Bracke, ‘Le orazioni funebri di Niccolò Palmieri’, in Niccolò Palmieri: umanista e vescovo di Orte dal 1455 al 1467, ed. by A. Zuppante (Orte: Ente Ottava medievale di Orte, 1996), pp. 45–57 (p. 47). 21

For the chronicles see Gaida, ‘Prefazione’, p. lxxi (Paolo dello Mastro, Niccolò della Tuccia). Of the works listed in my previous two notes, Gaida used mainly Manetti’s biography for comparisons to Platina’s life of Nicholas V. 22 23

Ibid., p. lxx.

See Manetti, De vita ac gestis Nicolai V, II. 30–64, pp. 69–103. For Platina and Poggio, see Platina, Vitae, p. 338. 24–36 (my italics indicate points of resemblance): ‘Aedificavit praeterea magnifice et splendide tum in Urbe, tum in Vaticano: in Urbe aedes pontificias apud Sanctam Mariam ad Praesepe. Restituit et templum Sancti Stephani in Coelio monte. A fundamentis vero

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discussion of the foundation of the papal library by Nicholas is also very brief.24 Perhaps he was reluctant to dwell in too much detail on Nicholas’s building works and library in order not to overshadow Sixtus IV’s achievements for the jubilee year of 1475. He does, however, stress Nicholas’s important role in the revival of Greek and Latin studies, even adding examples of humanists and rediscovered works which are not mentioned by Manetti.25 Platina is at his most original in the

erexit Sancti Theodori templum inter Palatinum et Capitolinum montem in plano situm. Pantheon quoque in medio urbis positum templum vetustissimum M. Agrippae opus plumbeo tecto restituit. In Vaticano autem et pontificias aedes sumptuosis operis in hanc formam quam nunc cernimus redegit, et muros Vaticani praealtos et latos incohavit, iactis insanis fundamentis ad turres et maiorem molem superaedificandam, quibus coerceri hostes possent, ne aedes pontificis et beati Petri templum, ut antea saepe factum est, diriperentur. Incohavit praeterea ad caput templi beati Petri amplam testudinem, quam vulgo tribunam vocant, quo templum ipsum augustius et hominum magis capax esset. Pontem quoque Milvium restituit, et aedes egregias ad balnea viterbiana aedificavit. Iuvit et multos pecunias qui in Urbe aedificabant. Eius etiam mandato vici urbis fere omnes strati sunt.’ Compare Poggio Bracciolini, Vitae quorundam pontificum, p. 558: ‘In aedificando excessit multorum iudicio modum. In castro Sancti Angeli, quod Adriani fuit sepulchrum, duas sumptuosissimas domos, alteram versus meridiem, alteram ad septentrionem construxit; opus superfluum et minime necessarium. Templum Sancti Stephani in monte Celio a fundamentis restauravit. In Exquiliis apud Sanctam Mariam Maiorem palatium aedificavit sumptuosum; peristilium quoque coepit, quod una ex parte tantum absolvit, multis columnis subnixum; alterius partis iacta erant fundamenta. Palatium Lateranense amplificavit, purgato loco quem addidit caeteris aedificiis. Vaticanum maiori ex parte lato muro construxisset, perfecissetque opus si biennio vixisset. Testudinem quoque, quam tribunam appellant, super altare Sancti Petri operis magnificentissimi a fundamentis aedificare aggressus est, muro octo cubitis lato; sed morte intermissa est aedificatio. Basilicam insuper ipsam testudine in formam thermarum Diocletianarum reducere, destructa priori structura, destinarat animo. Palatium apostolicum ampliavit exornavitque prae caeteris.’ 24

Platina, Vitae, p. 339. 8–10: ‘Omitto tot libros sacros suo iussu descriptos, auro et argento redimitos. Licet inspicere bibliothecam pontificiam sua industria et munificentia mirifice auctam.’ 25 Ibid., p. 338. 16–24: ‘Laudatur quidem eius liberalitas qua in omnes usus est, maxime erga litteratos, quos et pecunia et officiis curialibus et beneficiis mirifice iuvit. Eos enim praemiis nunc ad lectiones publicas, nunc ad componendum de integro aliquid, nunc ad vertendos Graecos auctores in Latinum ita perpulit, ut litterae Graecae et Latinae, quae sexcentis iam antea annis in situ et tenebris iacuerant, tum demum splendorem aliquem adeptae sint. Misit et litteratos viros per omnem Europam, quorum industria libri conquirerentur, qui maiorum negligentia et barbarorum rapinis iam perierant. Nam et Poggius Quintilianum tum invenit, et Enoch Asculanus Marcum Coelium Appicium et Pomponium Porphyrionem in Horatii opera scriptorem egregium.’ For Manetti’s more ample treatment of Nicholas V’s humanistic interests see De vita ac gestis Nicolai V, II . 16–26, pp. 53–67, where the examples given in Platina’s last sentence

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biographies of Pius II, Paul II, and Sixtus IV, whom he had personally known. For example, he provides vivid portraits of their characters, and in the life of Pius gives us information about the Pope’s last hours.26 More work clearly needs to be done on his sources in order to amplify and update the notes in Gaida’s critical edition. While Platina does not exhibit the systematic, critical spirit of Biondo and Valla, he does at times question the information contained in his sources. Examples of this are the Donation of Constantine and various legends surrounding medieval popes.27 It appears that in such cases he made ad hoc judgements expressing his disbelief. According to a widespread medieval legend, for instance, Pope Joan reigned for over two years in the ninth century disguised as a man. She supposedly died while giving birth during a procession. Platina doubted the historical veracity of the story, but included it because it was found in the vast majority of sources: These things which I have said are commonly spoken of, but by uncertain and obscure authors. I therefore decided to present them briefly and plainly, so that I would not seem excessively obstinate and stubborn by omitting what almost everybody affirms. I too may be mistaken in this matter along with the general public.28

He then commented on a detail of the story which concerned the perforated chair used for the inauguration of popes. He explained that this chair was not used so that the pope’s gender could be verified by the youngest deacon; instead, the chair was meant to remind the pope that he was human, since it could serve as a toilet.29 While Platina’s interpretation was not new, it exemplifies his are not included. Apicius’s De arte coquinaria was of particular significance to Platina, since he used it as a source for his De honesta voluptate (see above, p. 54). On Platina’s appreciation of Nicholas’s role in the revival of Greek studies, see F. Niutta, ‘Da Crisolora a Nicolò V: greco e greci alla curia romana’, Roma nel Rinascimento (1990), 13–36 (p. 28). 26

See Zimolo, ‘Platina e il Campano’, p. 407.

27

For Platina’s approach to the Donation of Constantine and other questions of church tradition see below, Chapter 4. 28 Platina, Vitae, p. 152. 11–15: ‘Haec quae dixi vulgo feruntur, incertis tamen et obscuris auctoribus. Quae ideo ponere breviter et nude institui, ne obstinate nimium et pertinaciter omisisse videar, quod fere omnes affirmant. Erremus etiam nos hac in re cum vulgo, quanquam appareat ea quae dixi ex his esse, quae fieri posse creduntur.’ 29 Ibid., p. 152. 5–11: ‘Sunt qui […] scribant […] pontificem […] dum primo in sede Petri collocatur ad eam rem perforata, genitalia ab ultimo diacono attectari […] Sentio sedem illam ad id paratam esse, ut qui in tanto magistratu constituitur, sciat se non Deum sed hominem esse et necessitatibus naturae, utpote egerendi subiectum esse; unde merito stercoraria sedes vocatur.’ On the chair see Duchesne’s note in LP, I, 306–07, n. 4; C. D’Onofrio, Mille anni di leggenda:

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conviction that the popes were generally not ‘holy’ enough and should not attempt to elevate themselves over other human beings. His scepticism about the legend itself marked the beginning of a ‘countermovement’; and Onofrio Panvinio in his annotations to Platina’s Lives of 1562 famously proved that the story was a medieval invention.30 Rather than his historiographical method, however, it was Platina’s powers of synthesis and presentation which gave real value to the Lives of the Popes. In the first place, he managed to produce a readable and entertaining account of the history of the papacy, which had previously been available only in the Liber pontificalis, an uneven and badly written hotchpotch. Secondly, he paid attention to profane, political events, which constituted an important step towards the secularization of church history.31 Thirdly, he was not sparing in his criticism of the personal behaviour of the popes. These three features ensured the long-term appeal and success of Platina’s Lives.

II. Self-Censorship: The Life of Paul II In order to shed light on the final stage of composition of the Lives and on Platina’s attempts to censor his own writings, I shall now analyse some of the autograph corrections to the Lives which have recently been discovered in a manuscript in Florence.32 None of these interventions has previously been

una donna sul trono di Pietro (Rome: Romana Società Editrice, 1978); M. Praz, ‘La leggenda della papessa Giovanna’, Belfagor, 34 (1979), 435–42. According to D’Onofrio, chairs of this type had actually been used for giving birth, and in the ceremony of the inauguration they symbolized the Roman Church as mater ecclesia. For other interpretations see A. Boureau, La Papesse Jeanne (Paris: Aubier, 1988; repr. Flammarion, 1993). 30 Platina, Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum (Leuven: Bogard; Maes, 1572), pp. 103–06 (in the Venice 1562 edition, fols 102 r–04 v). On Panvinio and his editions of Platina’s Lives see below, p. 111. See also C. A. Patrides, Premises and Motifs in Renaissance Thought and Literature (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), chap. 10: ‘“A palpable hieroglyphick”: The Fable of Pope Joan’, pp. 152–81 (pp. 165–66); and Boureau, La Papesse Jeanne, who summarizes the arguments of Platina and Panvinio on pp. 28–30 and 266–69 respectively. 31

See Fueter, Historiographie, p. 48: ‘Trotz […] Konzessionen an den kirchlichen Stil bezeichnet Platinas Werk einen weitern bedeutenden Schritt in der Säkularisation der Geschichte. Platina ist der erste Autor, der die allgemeine Kirchengeschichte aus ihrer geistlichen Isolierung befreite und mit der Profangeschichte in Verbindung setzte.’ 32

Platina, Vitae pontificum, Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Conventi soppressi, C.4.797 (cited ‘MS Florence’). Although the manuscript was listed by Kristeller (Iter Italicum,

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discussed or described.33 These changes, made before the Lives were presented to Sixtus IV, are most extensive and most interesting in his life of Paul II (Pietro Barbo, 1464–71). In the earlier biographies Platina’s alterations are for the most part merely verbal; but in the life of Paul II, he removes some of his sharper attacks and tones down his criticism somewhat. The overall impression of a vindictive biography nevertheless remains. Paul’s intelligence and learning are the first aspects of his character to come under attack. When he was a mature student, his teacher, according to Platina, praised his diligence — even though, as we read in a deleted remark, his mind was uncultivated.34 During Platina’s second imprisonment, he notes that Paul wanted to appear clever and learned in all things — though (in a deleted remark) he in fact achieved very little by means of his natural abilities and training.35 When Platina is first questioned during this imprisonment, the final version states: ‘I wish Paul had treated me with more consideration; for then he would not have immediately subjected me to torture.’ In the original version, however, the first part of this sentence reads: ‘I wish Paul had at some time studied rhetoric’.36 This rather cryptic phrase may hint at Platina’s previous defence, where he had used allusions to Cicero’s In Catilinam and Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae as a means of maintaining that Callimachus (that is, Filippo Buonaccorsi) was not capable of organizing a conspiracy. According to Platina, Callimachus was ‘both sleepier than Publius Lentulus and, owing to his corpulence, slower than Licinius Crassus’. The references to the Catilinarian conspiracy — Lentulus was the leader after Catiline had fled — were intended to ridicule Callimachus’s

I (1963), 150) and a microfilm has been available for decades, no scholar before Scapecchi seems to have consulted it; see his ‘Nuovo codice’, esp. p. 251. This manuscript was used for the printing of both the 1479 editio princeps and the 1504 edition of the Lives. 33 Versions of this section were read, in 2005, at the Meeting of the Renaissance Society of America in Cambridge and at the Circolo Medievistico in Rome. I am grateful to Margaret Meserve and Maria Grazia Blasio for chairing the respective sessions.

Platina, Vitae, pp. 364. 5–365. 1/MS Florence, fol. 262r (deleted words in italics): ‘litteris, licet iam adultus esset, operam dedit; praeceptore usus Iacobo Ricionio, qui diligentiam hominis ea in re, etsi eius rude ingenium esset, laudare consueverat’. 34

Platina, Vitae, p. 389. 14/MS Florence, fol. 270 v: ‘Volebat Paulus rebus in omnibus videri acutus et doctus, cum re vera natura et arte parum profecisset.’ See also ibid., line 12 (after ‘tamen’), where the ironic statement that Paul ‘tantae doctrinae erat’ is deleted; and line 17 (after ‘rei’), where a sarcastic ‘homo doctus’ is deleted and replaced simply by Paul’s name. 35

Platina, Vitae, p. 382. 21–22/MS Florence, 268r: ‘Utinam consideratius mecum egisset Paulus/ Utinam Paulus aliquando rhetoricam didicisset; non enim me statim tormento subiecisset.’ 36

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supposed activities by comparison. In addition, Platina cleverly played on words such as: lentulus (‘rather slow’); somniculosus (‘sleepy’); crassus (‘thick’); adeps (‘fat’).37 Already in his De laudibus bonarum artium, dedicated to Pius II (c. 1463–64), Platina had referred to the Catilinian conspiracy, underlining that Cicero’s rhetoric had been an efficient instrument for unmasking the plot and saving the republic.38 No doubt Platina wished that Paul, in 1468, had regarded persuasion by words as preferable to torture. Wishing that ‘Paul had studied rhetoric’ was, of course, also an attack on the Pope’s level of education. When Platina revised the biography he possibly noticed, however, that this wish could be seen as a confession of his own guilt (for what else could Paul have extracted from him by means of rhetoric?), and he therefore deleted the remark. Concerning the arrests made by Paul, we read in the final version: ‘They dragged into prison those whom they suspected of conspiracy.’ In the original, Platina had boldly and outrageously insinuated: ‘They dragged into prison not those whom they suspected of conspiracy, but those whom they either hated because of some rivalry or were eager to separate from the embrace of their wives in order to fulfil their own pleasures.’39 Another recurrent theme which Platina plays down in the final version is Paul’s deceitfulness. Before becoming pope, he was ‘flattering by nature, kind by training, where it was necessary’; in the original, he had added before the last phrase: ‘a deceiver and dissembler (simulator ac

37

Platina, Vitae, p. 382. 12–20: ‘rationes attuli, quam ob rem crederem Calimachum nil tale aliquid unquam molitum, ne dum meditatum fuisse, quod consilio, lingua, manu, sollicitudine, opibus, copiis, clientelis, armis, pecuniis, oculis postremo careret. Caeculus enim erat, et P. Lentulo somniculosior, ac L. Crasso ob adipem tardior. Omitto quod nec civis quidem Romanus erat, qui patriam liberaret, nec praesul, qui pontificatum sibi Paulo interempto desumeret. Quid poterat Calimachus? quid auderet? erat ne lingua et manu promptus? habebat ne ad tantam rem conficiendam certos homines delectos et descriptos, quorum opera uteretur? nisi forte vellent Glaucum et Petreium fugae suae comites, alteros Gabinios ac Statilios esse’. For the questioning see above, p. 63. 38

Platina, De laudibus bonarum artium, p. 114: ‘Ciceronis eloquentia quantum profuerit populo Romano tum multis in periculis gravissimisque reipublicae temporibus apparuit, tum vel maxime coniuratione Catilinae extincta, quae senatui, quae populo Romano, quae plebi exitium et perniciem minabatur.’ Platina, Vitae, p. 382. 2–3/MS Florence, fol. 267v: ‘Trahebant in carcerem non quos suspectos coniurationis habuissent, sed quos aut ipsi oderant ob aliquam simultatem, aut divellere a complexu coniugum explendae libidinis suae causa cupiebant.’ Compare Sallust, Catilina, 51.9. 39

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dissimulator)’.40 This phrase, taken from Sallust’s famous description of Catiline’s character, is not uncommon in Renaissance literature.41 It also appears in De principe, where Platina warns Federico Gonzaga against hypocrites.42 Platina removed the remark perhaps because it put into grave doubt not only the Pope’s moral integrity but also his religious convictions. Later on he suggests, in another deleted remark, that the kindness (humanitas) which led Paul to administer medicine to members of the Curia who had fallen ill may have been ‘true or false’, implying that he had done this deliberately in order to gain their good will, so that after their deaths they would reward him in their wills.43 When becoming pope, he not only broke the grand promises

40 Platina, Vitae, p. 366. 15/MS Florence, fol. 262v: ‘Erat […] Petrus Barbo natura blandus, arte humanus, simulator ac dissimulator ubi opus erat.’ Paul II employed dissembling as a strategic tool to take enemies by surprise and thereby achieve his political ends; this had been pointed out by Ammannati in a letter to Todeschini-Piccolomini. See De Vincentiis, Battaglie di memoria, p. 86. On simulatio and dissimulatio see also below, p. 101, n. 52 (Canensi, Vita Pauli II); p. 147, n. 91 (Platina on churchmen); p. 190, n. 67 (Panvinio on Paul III). 41 Sallust, Catilina, 5. 4: ‘quoius rei lubet simulator ac dissimulator’. For examples from Machiavelli’s Prince (XVIII. 11: on Alexander VI) and Benedetto Varchi’s Storia fiorentina (II. 1: on Clement VII) see P. J. Osmond, ‘The Conspiracy of 1522 against Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici: Machiavelli and “gli esempli delli antiqui”’, in The Pontificate of Clement VII: History, Politics, Culture, ed. by K. Gouwens and S. E. Reiss (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), pp. 55–72 (pp. 70–71). For an example from Piccolomini’s Historia Austrialis (c. 1453–58) see M. Wagendorfer, Studien zur Historia Austrialis des Aeneas Silvius de Piccolominibus (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2003), p. 158. Piccolomini also made allusions to Catiline in his description of Stefano Porcari’s conspiracy of 1453. See his Commentarii, IV . 28; A. Modigliani, ‘Pio II e Roma’, in Il sogno di Pio II, pp. 77–108 (pp. 86–87). I thank Patricia Osmond for her help. 42 Platina, De principe, pp. 62–63: ‘Ab hypocritis quoque tibi cavendum est, genere hominum malefico et pernicioso: hos quidem rerum omnium simulatores et dissimulatores Salvator ipse in Evangelio accusat, detestatur, ut nosti.’ See also his De optimo cive, p. 189. 43 Platina, Vitae, p. 367. 8–14/MS Florence, fol. 262 v: ‘Tantae praeterea humanitatis fuit, sive illa vera fuerit sive facta, ut in aegritudinibus curiales ipsos, qui aliquo in precio erant, inviseret; et quibusdam remediis adhibitis, eos ad valetudinem adhortaretur. Semper enim domi habebat unguenta Venetiis avecta, oleum, tyriacam et caetera id genus, quae ad curandam valetudinem faciunt. Ex his aliquod ad aegrotos mittebat. Curabat item, ut uni sibis magis quam alteri aegrotantium testamenta committerentur, quae postea ex arbitrio suo partiebatur: et siquid inerat quod ad rem suam pertineret, facto tamen sub hasta precio, id sibi pecunia vindicabat.’ One case is Bishop Pietro del Monte (d. 1457), whose funeral Pietro Barbo took care of and whose manuscript collection then came into his possession. See D. Rundle, ‘The Two Libraries: Humanists’ Ideals and Ecclesiastics’ Practice in the Book-Collecting of Paul II and his Contemporaries’, in Humanisme et Église, pp. 167–85 (pp. 178–85).

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which he had made to the cardinals who elected him (in the final version), but also rejected those whose support he had won by flattery (in the original).44 Describing the beginning of Paul’s pontificate, Platina complains in the original version of his small-mindedness and avarice, which stood in contrast to his large ambitions.45 In this version he furthermore interprets the fact that Paul would neither begin nor finish projects unless put under pressure as a sign of small-mindedness and lack of purpose.46 Not content with the funds he raised by manipulating bishoprics, he also (in the original version) squeezed money out of rich men, allegedly to finance a crusade.47 Commenting in the final version on Paul’s obsessive collecting of ancient coins and gems, Platina says that ‘in this he imitated the ancients rather than Peter, Anacletus, and Linus’, that is, the first popes.48 In the original, the comparisons are more specific: ‘he imitated Tiberius rather than Peter, Claudius rather than Anacletus, Nero rather than Linus’.49 So, Platina, Vitae, p. 392. 15–18/MS Florence, fol. 271v: ‘Ante pontificatum vero praedicare solebat, si sors unquam ei contigisset, singulis cardinalibus singula castella se donaturum, quo vitandi aestus urbani causa secedere percommode possent. Sed pontificatum adeptus, nil minus cogitavit. Utinam non eos interdum sprevisset, quos blanditiis in sententiam sui pellexerat. Pontificatus tamen maiestatem tum auctoritate tum armis augere conatus est.’ The electoral capitulation had stipulated that the pope should have fewer monarchical powers (see Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 298). Perhaps Platina was referring here to Cardinal Ammannati, who had protested against Paul’s breach of the capitulation and became so estranged from him that he left Rome (see above, p. 39). The promise to give each cardinal a castle is dismissed as a joke by Pastor (Geschichte der Päpste, II, 302), but was taken seriously by Platina. 44

Platina, Vitae, p. 393. 8 (after ‘deseruit’)/MS Florence, fol. 271v: ‘Parvi siquidem animi erat, licet ambitione vasti haberetur; preterea etiam avaritia laborabat. Quae homines e rebus gerendis, et quidem magnis, retrahunt.’ Cf. Sallust, Catilina, 11. 1. 45

Platina, Vitae, p. 394. 8–9/MS Florence, fol. 272r: ‘Natura enim in rebus agendis ita praeposterus Paulus erat, ut nisi fatigatus, rem quantumvis claram et apertam incoharet, aut incohatam perficeret; quod erat parvi animi signum et consilii non multi.’ 46

Platina, Vitae, p. 395. 4–6/MS Florence, fol. 272 r: ‘cum episcopatus vacaret, quo plures annatae eodem tempore solverentur, digniores, ut ipse praedicabat, ad uberiores episcopatus movens, magnam pecuniarum vim undique colligebat. Neque hoc contentus, seorsum etiam ab his quos pecuniosos intellexerat aliquid emungebat in usus cruciatae, ut ipse dicebat’. 47

48

Platina, Vitae, p. 388. 26–28: ‘Praeterea vero numismata prope infinita, ex auro, argento aereve sua imagine signata, sine ullo senatusconsulto in fundamentis aedificiorum suorum more veterum collocabat: veteres potius hac in re quam Petrum, Anacletum et Linum imitatus.’ Remarks by writers of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries on Paul’s collecting are assembled by De Vincentiis, Battaglie di memoria, pp. 153–61. Platina, Vitae, MS Florence, fol. 270r: ‘Tiberium potius hac in re quam Petrum et Claudium quam Anacletum et Neronem quam Linum imitatus’. On the three emperors see also 49

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instead of associating himself with the ascetic early popes, Paul, according to Platina, followed the example of Roman emperors — a criticism which Sixtus IV, the restaurator Urbis, would not have been best pleased to read.50 A concluding statement in the final version about Paul’s sense of justice seems out of tune with Platina’s generally negative assessment of his character: ‘He was thought to be just and merciful.’ In the original we see that this was merely the beginning of a typically sarcastic passage: ‘He was thought to be just and merciful, if it is not a kind of injustice to wear men down by keeping them in shackles even for a minor offence.’ Platina goes on to make the point that ‘it is questionable whether death should be considered a greater punishment than lengthy imprisonment’.51 This is surely a comment on the well-known fact that Paul prided himself on not employing the death penalty, which is mentioned in two other biographies of Paul by Gaspare da Verona and Michele Canensi (although it is uncertain whether Platina could have known them).52 Prominently placed just before the end of the biography, this statement perhaps smacked too much of self-pity to be included in the final version. He also crossed out another sentence accusing Paul of seeking to revenge injuries deriving from old animosities.53 Leonardo Bruni, Historiae Florentini populi, I. 38, who in one sentence had referred to ‘Tiberii saevitiam […] Claudii dementiam, Neronis scelera et rabiem ferro igneque bacchantem’ (ed. and trans. by J. Hankins, History of the Florentine People (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001– ), I, 50). 50 Sixtus himself was compared to Nero in an anonymous poem reported by Stefano Infessura, Diario della città di Roma, ed. by O. Tommasini (Rome: Forzani, 1890), p. 158. See Modigliani, ‘Segni sulla città’, p. 488.

Platina, Vitae, p. 397. 11–12/MS Florence, fol. 272v: ‘Iustus tamen est habitus et clemens, si non est genus iniustitiae homines ob levem etiam causam in vinculis macerare. Nam cum addubitatum esset maior ne morte habenda esset poena diuturni carceris, parem esse censuere sacri canones.’ 51

52

Gaspare da Verona, De gestis Pauli II, in Le vite di Paolo II, pp. 1–65 (p. 48): ‘Mores suos hactenus non omisit maximus pontifex clementiae et misericordiae, neque enim sanguinem mortemque mortalium cupit, nec delinquentes impune tamen abeunt’; Michele Canensi, Vita Pauli II, Le vite di Paolo II, pp. 65–176 (p. 104): ‘Iusticiam vero tanta clementia et misericordia temperavit, ut delinquentes levioribus poenis semper mulctari maluerit; et si quando de alicuius capitali sententia ac iudicio coram se proponebatur, vultum animumque exasperavit et haud dissimulate indoluerit.’ On these two biographies see Miglio, Storiografia pontificia, pp. 112–18, 155–72. Platina, Vitae, p. 398. 4 (after ‘coniiciebat’)/MS Florence, fol. 272v: ‘Simultatum antiquarum memor iniurias ulciscebatur.’ 53

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Although Platina altered or deleted some passages in order to moderate his criticisms of Paul, the substance of the biography was not substantially changed: the Pope still appears as poorly educated, untrustworthy, and revengeful. Nonetheless, by removing certain exaggerated statements, Platina increased the credibility of his account. In the presentation manuscript to Sixtus, he made further slight alterations, changing, for example, a remark about the rivalry between Cardinals Ludovico Trevisan and Pietro Barbo so as to stress his own impartiality.54 Finally, he probably got rid of some of the accusations against Paul because they could also be used against Sixtus IV. Still, he presented Sixtus with what was essentially a damnatio memoriae of his immediate predecessor. Platina’s views, moreover, influenced Paul’s reputation for centuries. In 1740 Cardinal Angelo Maria Querini wrote a treatise in defence of Paul II against Platina and other critics of the Pope.55 And when in 1889 Ludwig Pastor set out to present a more positive picture of Paul, he noted that Platina’s biography had ‘dominated the historical perspective for centuries’.56 Platina’s life of Sixtus IV, by contrast, had no significant impact on the later historical tradition. This is because it was not included in any of the printed versions before Gaida’s critical edition of 1913–32. Muratori published it in 1734 as the work of an anonymous author, though he suggested that Platina might have written it.57 Only after Pastor’s rediscovery of Platina’s presentation manuscript of the Lives, containing the biography of Sixtus, was its authorship securely established.58

54 For these alterations see Pastor, ‘Originalhandschrift’, pp. 353–56, and Gaida’s critical apparatus. Platina had originally commented: ‘Iactata inter eos varia probra sunt, quae consulto praetereo, ne vitae utriusque aliqua nota inuratur’; in the presentation manuscript he crossed out the italicized phrase after ‘ne’ and wrote, not without hypocrisy: ‘maledicis fidem prestitisse videar’ (Vitae, p. 366. 10–11). 55 A. M. Querini, Vindiciae [Pauli II] adversus Platinam aliosque obtrectatores, in his edition of Michele Canensi, Pauli II […] vita (Rome: De Rossi, 1740), pp. ix–lxxxviii. See Miglio, Storiografia pontificia, pp. 70–71. 56

Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 341: ‘jahrhundertelang die geschichtliche Anschauung beherrscht’. R. Weiss also aimed to correct the image of Paul II established by Platina. See his Un umanista veneziano: Papa Paolo II (Venice; Rome: Istituto per la collaborazione culturale, 1958). 57

Vita Sixti IV, ed. by L. A. Muratori, in RIS, 3.2 (1734), cols 1053–68. See Muratori’s preface, ibid., cols 1051–52 (repr. in Platina, Vitae, p. ci). Manuscripts of this biography are listed by Howe, Art and Culture, pp. 200–01. Muratori used BAV, Urb. lat. 1023. 58

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As we shall see, the Counter-Reformation censors were mainly interested in Platina’s papal biographies up to the time of the Investiture Controversy in the eleventh century. By this point the foundations of church tradition, a key bone of contention in the struggle against Protestantism, had already been laid. Even in his accounts of contemporary popes, there was very little material which the censors regarded as provocative — with the notable exception of his life of Paul II. To be made palatable to defenders of the papacy, this biography would have needed a thorough rewriting, going far beyond Platina’s rather circumscribed attempts at self-censorship.

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H ISTORY OF THE C ENSORSHIP P ROCEEDINGS FOR P LATINA ’S L IVES OF THE P OPES , 1587

I. Introduction

T

he Congregation of the Index of Prohibited Books was founded in 1571 in order to revise the Index of the Council of Trent, promulgated by Pius IV in 1564. I shall briefly outline the developments in the Congregation before providing a more detailed account of the genesis of the censorship proceedings for Platina’s Lives.1 The first phase of the work of the Congregation, from 1571 until 1584, has been described as its ‘prohibitory’ period and was dominated by Cardinal Guglielmo Sirleto (1514–85).2 In preparation for a new universal Index, numerous lists of forbidden books were drawn up and sent from Rome to local inquisitors all over Italy. The distribution of these lists

1

This introduction is based on: G. Fragnito, La Bibbia al rogo: la censura ecclesiastica e i volgarizzamenti della Scrittura (1471–1605) (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1997), pp. 95–171; V. Frajese, ‘La politica dell’Indice dal Tridentino al Clementino (1571–1596)’, Archivio italiano per la storia della pietà, 11 (1998), 269–356; idem, Nascita dell’Indice: la censura ecclesiastica dal Rinascimento alla Controriforma (Brescia: Morcelliana, 2006); J. M. de Bujanda, ‘Die verschiedenen Epochen des Index (1550–1615)’, in Inquisition, Index, Zensur: Wissenskulturen der Neuzeit im Widerstreit, ed. by H. Wolf (Paderborn: Schöningh, 2001), pp. 215–28. 2 Frajese, Nascita dell’Indice, pp. 93–107. On Sirleto see also G. Denzler, ‘Sirleto, Guglielmo’, in Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon, X (1995), cols 532–33; Fragnito, Bibbia al rogo, pp. 116–18, 127–28; F. Parente, ‘The Index, the Holy Office, the Condemnation of the Talmud and Publication of Clement VIII’s Index’, in Church, Censorship and Culture in Early Modern Italy, ed. by G. Fragnito (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp. 163–93 (pp. 170–71).

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was arranged by the Master of the Sacred Palace, an official who worked for the Congregations of the Inquisition and of the Index.3 He played a key role, because the two institutions were in frequent conflict over which authors should be declared heretical. Sirleto maintained a particularly close collaboration with Paolo Costabili, the Master of the Sacred Palace 1573–80.4 Under their intransigent leadership, the first Index lists to include Platina’s name were produced. From 1585 to 1586 the Congregation of the Index was immobilized for nearly two years, probably as a result of the deaths of Pope Gregory XIII and Sirleto in April and October 1585 respectively. The Congregation was reinstated by Pope Sixtus V (1585–90) in February 1587 and was reinforced by significant intellectuals. A brief ‘springtime’ followed. In the atmosphere of flexibility created under the leadership of Cardinal Agostino Valier, those books most in demand were quickly censored and made available.5 Platina’s Lives was one of these. In January 1588, however, the uncomprosing Sixtus V cracked down on the more accommodating members of the Congregation, before a censored version could be produced. He removed Valier and (two years later) the consultant Robert Bellarmine.6 Sixtus died in 1590 and, with the election of Pope Clement VIII, Valier and Bellarmine were able to return to the Congregation in 1592. It was then that a censored Italian version of Platina’s Lives was finally issued. Changing policies and power struggles between the pope, the Inquisition, and the Congregation of the Index meant that the new Roman (that is, universal)

3 The office was held, in the period concerned, by Paolo Costabili (1573–80), Sisto Fabri (1580–83), Tommaso Zobbia (1583–89), Vincenzo Bonardo (1589–91), and Bartolomeo de Miranda (1591–97). On this office see Fragnito, Bibbia al rogo, pp. 125–26; De Bujanda, ‘Epochen des Index’, pp. 218–21. 4 On him see ‘Costabili, Paolo’ (voce redazionale), in DBI, XXX (1984), 261–62; A. Prosperi, ‘Il “budget” di un inquisitore: Ferrara 1567–1572’, Schifanoia, 2 (1987), 31–40; W. McCuaig, Carlo Sigonio: The Changing World of The Late Renaissance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 261–64, 287–88; G. Fragnito, ‘Torquato Tasso, Paolo Costabili e la revisione della Gerusalemme Liberata’, Schifanoia, 22–23 (2002), 57–63; idem, Proibito capire: la Chiesa e il volgare nella prima età moderna (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2005), pp. 86–90, 155–63. See also below, pp. 174–75. 5

Frajese, Nascita dell’Indice, pp. 107–20 (‘La piccola primavera del 1587’). On Valier see also Fragnito, Proibito capire, passim; and for his earlier life C. Tomezzoli, ‘Agostino Valier (1531–1606) fra “humanitas” e “virtutes”: il periodo dal 1554 al 1561’, Studi storici Luigi Simenoni, 45 (1995), 141–72. 6 See Frajese, Nascita dell’Indice, p. 133: ‘I cardinali rimasti nell’Indice nel triennio 1588–1590 avevano lavorato in una situazione di sostanziale commissariamento nel corso della quale tutte le decisioni rilevanti erano state assunte direttamente da Sisto V.’

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Index was not promulgated until 1596, twenty-five years after the Congregation had been founded specifically for this purpose. Two serious attempts, in 1590 and 1593, had failed at the last minute. Platina’s Lives was not included in any Roman Index and can be found only in preparatory and local lists during the years 1576–83.

II. The Plans to Censor Platina’s ‘Lives’ The first attempt to censor Platina was apparently a paragraph in a censorship of Jacques Almain’s De auctoritate ecclesiae, a conciliarist treatise attacking the master-general of the Dominican order, Cajetan.7 The censorship of Almain was written in 1575 or 1576 by a prominent member of the Congregation of the Oratory in Rome, Tommaso Bozio (1548–1610).8 From March 1582 onwards, Bozio was the collaborator of Cesare Baronio on the latter’s Annales ecclesiastici (publ. 1588–1607).9 A staunch defender of papal power, Bozio became known as Italy’s principal anti-Machiavellian.10 7 Cajetan (Tommaso de Vio), De comparatione autoritatis papae et concilii (1511), in idem Opuscula omnia (Antwerp: Steels, 1576), pp. 5–31; Jacques Almain, Libellus de auctoritate ecclesie seu sacrorum conciliorum eam representantium […] contra Thomam de Vio (Paris: Granjon, 1512). For a full account of the controversy see O. de La Brosse, Le Pape et le concile: la comparaison de leurs pouvoirs à la veille de la Réform (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1965), pp. 70–78, 185–335. Almain’s work was put on the Roman Index of 1559 and was examined at the Council of Trent; see Index des livres interdits, ed. by J. M. de Bujanda and others, 11 vols (Sherbrooke, Quebec: Centre d’études de la Renaissance; Éditions de l’Université de Sherbrooke, 1984–2002), VIII (1990), 278; Concilium Tridentinum: diariorum, actorum, epistularum, tractatuum nova collectio, ed. by Görres-Gesellschaft (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1901– ), XIII, 603. 8 Appendix to this chapter, doc. 1. On Bozio see P. Craveri, ‘Bozio, Tommaso’, in DBI, XIII (1971), 568–71; A. Cistellini, San Filippo Neri, l’Oratorio e la Congregazione oratoriana, 3 vols (Brescia: Morcelliana, 1989), I, 154, and ad indicem. The Congregation of the Oratory was established on 15 July 1575. 9 L. Ponnelle and L. Bordet, Saint Philippe Neri et la société romaine de son temps (1515–1595), 2nd edn (Paris: La Colombe, 1958), p. 250. Unfortunately, very little is known about how this co-operation actually worked in practice. On Baronio (1538–1607) see S. Zen, Baronio storico: Controriforma e crisi del metodo umanistico (Naples: Vivarium, 1994); Vittorio Frajese, ‘Baronio (Cesare)’, in Centuriae Latinae, pp. 85–89. 10 See S. Mastellone, ‘L’antimachiavellismo dell “intransigente” Tommaso Bozio’, Il pensiero politico, 2 (1969), 488–90; idem, ‘Tommaso Bozio, teorico dell’ordine ecclesiastico’, Il pensiero politico, 13 (1980), 186–94; A. Biondi, ‘Aspetti della cultura cattolica post-tridentina: religione e controllo sociale’, in Storia d’Italia: Annali, IV : Intellettuali e potere, ed. by C. Vivanti (Turin:

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When dealing with Almain’s treatment of the relations between John XXIII (1410–15) and the Council of Constance, Bozio may have tried to consult Platina’s biography of the Pope. 11 He would have found, however, that in the sixteenth-century editions of Platina’s Lives — as opposed to the incunable editions — the pope referred to as John XXIII is, in fact, his predecessor, John XXII (1316–34). This was perhaps how Bozio came across Platina’s open disagreement with the position of John XXII on poverty in the Church. John XXII had intervened in a long-standing conflict between rival factions in the Franciscan order. He favoured the Conventuals, who allowed a broader interpretation of poverty, over the Spirituals, with their strict understanding of this issue. In two decretals of 1322–23 (Ad conditorem and Cum inter nonnullos), he condemned the entire Franciscan doctrine of evangelical poverty. Based on scriptural evidence, he argued that Christ and the apostles had owned property.12 Platina disagreed with this interpretation of the Gospels and maintained that John’s condemnation of the idea of poverty ‘certainly did not accord very well with Holy Scripture’.13 At the end of his censorship of Almain, Bozio brought Platina’s views to the attention of the Congregation, setting in motion a long process of censorship.

Einaudi, 1981), pp. 253–302 (pp. 291–95); C. Poni, ‘Economia, scienza, tecnologia e Controriforma: la teologia polemica di Tommaso Bozio’, in Il concilio di Trento e il moderno, ed. by P. Prodi and W. Reinhard (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1996), pp. 503–42; S. Zen, ‘Oratorio filippino e formazione del clero italiano nel secondo Cinquecento’, in Per il Cinquecento religioso italiano, ed. by M . Sangalli, 2 vols (Rome: Edizioni dell’Ateneo, 2003), I, 291–312 (p. 310). 11

John XXIII’s authority is also discussed in Bozio’s Questio et dubitatio an aliquando concilium sit supra papam, Rome, Biblioteca Vallicelliana, MS N 77, fols 4r–6 v (fol. 6 v). 12 See M. D. Lambert, Franciscan Poverty: The Doctrine of the Absolute Poverty of Christ and the Apostles in the Franciscan Order, 1210–1323 (London: Church Historical Society; Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1961), pp. 208–46; J. Heft, John XXII and Papal Teaching Authority (Lewiston, NY: Mellen, 1986), pp. 22–32 and 227–28. On similar disputes in the 1460s, when Paul II was attacked by a branch of the Franciscans for his ostentatious display of gems, see J. Monfasani, ‘The Fraticelli and Clerical Wealth in Quattrocento Rome’, in Renaissance Society and Culture: Essays in Honor of Eugene F. Rice, Jr, ed. by idem and R. G. Musto (New York: Italica Press, 1991), pp. 177–95; C. S. Celenza, Renaissance Humanism and the Papal Curia: Lapo de Castiglionchio the Younger’s De curiae commodis (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999), pp. 77–80; De Vincentiis, Battaglie di memoria, pp. 98, 102, 113; A. Modigliani, ‘Paolo II e il sogno abbandonato di una piazza imperiale’, in Antiquaria a Roma, pp. 125–61 (pp. 140, 150–52). 13

Platina, Vitae, p. 268. 22: ‘certe non multum cum sacra scriptura convenit’. See also below, p. 156.

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The passage from Platina singled out by Bozio is reflected in an entry in a list of prohibited books compiled in Rome in 1576: The biographies of John VIII and of John XXIII, especially in Italian, by Bartolomeo Platina, who at times improperly reprehends the lives of the holiest popes and attacks their holy decrees, should be examined.14

In a ‘Warning to the Roman Booksellers’ (Avertimento per li librari di Roma, c. 1577–80), issued as an addition to the Index of the Council of Trent of 1564, Platina’s work was included among the suspected books (libri sospetti), that is, those which still needed to be censored. The entry for Platina was then integrated into the Indexes of Parma and Turin (c. 1580) and Naples (1583).15 We possess an interesting insight into the sort of problems which the inclusion of Platina on the Index of Naples 1583 created. In February 1584, Gregorio Tolosa da Napoli, a Capuchin censor employed by the Archbishop of Naples, wrote a complaint to the Congregation. He could not understand why Platina’s Lives were to be suppressed on account of the biography of Pope Joan (John VIII), since this story was also included in other chronicles.16 Some of his own colleagues, writes Gregorio, took independent action by removing the life

14

Appendix to this chapter, doc. 2: ‘Bartholomei Platinae, ut qui sanctissimorum pontificum vitas iniquius aliquando reprehendat sacrosancta illorum decreta impie oppugnat, inspiciatur vita Ioannis tum VIII tum XXIII praecipue in vulgari.’ This list by Giovanni di Dio seems to have been drawn up under Sirleto’s orders. See the dedication to Pope Gregory XIII, ACDF, Index, XIV, fols 2r–5r (fol. 2v); and J. M. de Bujanda, in Index des livres interdits, X (1996), 825–26; Parente, ‘Condemnation of the Talmud’, pp. 170–71. 15

Appendix to this chapter, docs 3–4. See the table of correspondences for the Indexes of Parma, Turin, and Naples, in U. Rozzo, ‘Index de Parme 1580’, in Index des livres interdits, IX (1994), 19–185 (p. 62). 16

Appendix to this chapter, doc. 5. On Pope Joan see above, p. 95. Gregorio da Napoli (d. 1601) discusses the censorship of books at length in his Enchiridion ecclesiasticum sive Praeparatio pertinens ad sacramentum poenitentiae et sacri ordinis, 2nd edn (Venice: Polo, 1588), fols 146 r–238 v. On him see P. Zarrella, ‘Introduzione’ to his edition of Gregorio Tolosa da Napoli, Insediamenti cappuccini in Napoli e Terra di Lavoro nel ‘500: ‘Lo registro delle scritture delli siti seu termini e confini deli nostri lochi’ (Naples: Edizioni Athena, 1999), pp. 13–48 (pp. 13–24). On his activity as a censor: U. Rozzo, ‘L’espurgazione dei testi letterari nell’Italia del secondo Cinquecento’, in La censura libraria nell’Europa del secolo XVI, ed. by idem (Udine: Forum, 1997), pp. 219–71 (pp. 239–42); Church, Censorship and Culture, ad indicem; R. Savelli, ‘Da Venezia a Napoli: diffusione e censura delle opere di Du Moulin nel Cinquecento italiano’, in Censura ecclesiastica e cultura politica in Italia tra Cinquecento e Seicento, ed. by C. Stango (Florence: Olschki, 2001), pp. 101–54; idem, ‘Allo scrittoio del censore: fonti a stampa per la storia dell’espurgazione dei libri di diritto in Italia tra Cinque e Seicento’, Società e storia, 26 (2003), 293–330 (passim).

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of John VIII but leaving the ‘scholia’, that is, Onofrio Panvinio’s note on it, intact. Others removed the lives of both John VIII and John XXIII entirely. While the first solution seemed too ‘compassionate’ (pietoso) to Gregorio, the second seemed too ‘rigorous’ (rigoroso). Although we do not have the response of the Congregation, it seems that its members were by no means unaware of these problems. Only a few months earlier they had decided that this piecemeal criticism of Platina’s Lives was inappropriate and that a complete review of the book was necessary. In the session of the Congregation held on 2 September 1583, a Dominican theologian, Franciscus Cotta, was assigned the task of going through the book and making notes on what seemed to be in need of correction. Cotta’s plan for censoring the text, if he in fact produced one, is lost.17 The year after, there begins a long gap in the diary of the Congregation of the Index: from the second half of 1584 until 1586 there were hardly any sessions. This lull in the activity of the Congregation, as mentioned, was caused by the deaths of Pope Gregory XIII and Cardinal Sirleto. It is also conspicuous, however, that Felice Peretti, who became Pope Sixtus V in April 1585, had been absent from the sessions of the Congregation, of which he was a member, in the previous two years; and there is evidence of tensions between him and Sirleto, which may have contributed to jamming the Congregation’s activities.18 During this period, there was an abortive attempt to replace Platina’s Lives with the Church History of Onofrio Panvinio (1530–68).19 This prolific church 17

Appendix to this chapter, doc. 6. Cotta remains an elusive figure; the only further piece of information which I have found on him is the approbation of him as a Magister at the general chapter of the Dominicans in Rome on 21 May 1580. See Acta capitulorum generalium ordinis Praedicatorum, ed. by B. M. Reichert, 9 vols, Monumenta ordinis fratrum Praedicatorum historica, 3–4, 8–14 (Rome: Curia Generalitia; Stuttgart: Roth; Rome: Tipografia della Sacra Congregazione De Propaganda Fide, 1898–1904), V (1901), 213: ‘In provincia Romana approbamus magisterium […] Patris Fratris Francisci Cottae Castillianen‹sis›’. 18 19

Fragnito, Bibbia al rogo, p. 118.

On Panvinio see D. A. Perini, Onofrio Panvinio e le sue opere (Rome: Tipografia della Sacra Congregazione De Propaganda Fide, 1899); J. L. de Orella y Unzué, Respuestas católicas a las Centurias de Magdeburgo (1559–1588) (Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, Seminario Suárez, 1976), pp. 276–300; J.-L. Ferrary, Onofrio Panvinio et les antiquités romaines (Rome: École française de Rome, 1996); K. A. Gersbach, ‘Giuseppe Panfilo, OSA, Papal Sacristan and Bishop of Segni: Biography, Literary Activity and Relationship to Onofrio Panvinio, OSA’, Analecta Augustiniana, 58 (1995), 45–83 (with references to his previous articles); idem, ‘Onofrio Panvinio, OSA, and his Florentine Correspondents Vincenzio Borghini, OSB, Pietro Vettori, Francesco de’ Medici’, Analecta Augustiniana, 60 (1997), 207–80; W. Stenhouse, Reading

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historian and antiquarian published an annotated and expanded edition of Platina’s Lives of the Popes in 1562. A second edition came out in the year of his death, 1568.20 In 1569, Pius V banned all of Panvinio’s works from publication and reprinting.21 This included the papal biographies which he had appended to Platina’s Lives. Panvinio’s major work, however, was his Church History, whose massive manuscript volumes have remained unpublished and unstudied in the Vatican Library to the present day. In February 1584, Cardinals Marcantonio Colonna, Guglielmo Sirleto, and Antonio Carafa took the initiative to have this work revised and printed by presenting a list of possible editors to Pope Gregory XIII.22 One of the names on this list was the theologian Silvio Antoniano. In September 1584 he wrote to Cardinal Giacomo Savelli, who was in possession of Panvinio’s manuscripts, comparing his History to Platina’s: Concerning what is most important, I take it as certain that this Papal History is much more complete and correct than the one by Platina, who wrote at a time when there was very little knowledge of church history and when the Church Fathers and the councils were not in sight. Apart from that, Brother Onofrio was hardworking and very diligent. He looked at both the Vatican Registers and the archives of the noblest cities of Italy and of monasteries and churches, where many papal bulls are scattered. Furthermore, Platina wrote in great haste and, as they say, lumped everything together, which is why he was corrected by Brother Onofrio on many points, such as the story of the female pope and that of Silvester II, reputed to be a magician, who was a most holy man, and similar things. Those annotations have already been printed. And without doubt, no small gain will be derived from the abundance and propriety of the History, as is shown moreover by its vast size.23

Inscriptions and Writing Ancient History: Historical Scholarship in the Late Renaissance (London: Institute of Classical Studies, 2005), passim. 20

B. Platina, Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum […] cui, Onuphrii Panvinii Veronensis Fratris Eremitae Augustiniani opera, reliquorum quoque pontificum vitae usque ad Pium IV Pontificem Maximum adiunctae sunt; et totum opus variis cum annotationibus illustratum (Venice: Michele Tramezzino, 1562); 2nd edn (Cologne: Maternus Cholinus, 1568). For the editions see below, Chapter 6. 21

Letter from Cardinal Michele Bonelli to Nuncio Giovanni Antonio Facchinetti, 12 January 1569, in Nunziature di Venezia (Rome: Istituto storico italiano per l’età moderna e contemporanea, 1958– ), VIII, ed. by A. Stella (1963), p. 481. See also the following letters until 2 February 1569, ibid., pp. 484, 487–89 and 491. 22

Letter from Cardinal Colonna to Gregory XIII, 22 February 1584, ASV, MS A. A., Arm. I–XVIII, 6464, fols 20r, 23r. Antoniano to Savelli, 3 September 1584, BAV, MS Vat. lat. 6105, fols 5r–6 v (fols 5v–6 r), ed. by Perini, Panvinio, pp. 238–41 (pp. 239–40): ‘Quanto a quello che più importa, io per me tengo 23

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Although Antoniano put forward Cesare Baronio as a censor for Panvinio’s Church History, it was actually Robert Bellarmine who censored the first volume at the request of Cardinal Savelli (d. 1587), some time before January 1588. His censorship is appended to the beginning of the manuscript.24 Panvinio’s work, however, was never published, perhaps because Baronio’s Annales came out from 1588 onwards, dwarfing the work of both Platina and Panvinio. The plan to censor Panvinio’s Church History — in order to replace Platina’s Lives, as Antoniano seems to suggests — went on at a time when the Congregation of the Index was inactive. It is not clear whether Cardinal Savelli was acting in his capacity as dean of the Congregation of the Inquisition, or whether it was a personal favour to Panvinio’s impoverished brother Paolo, who at the time badly needed the profits which would accrue from the publication of the Church History.25

per fermo che questa Historia pontificale sia molto più piena et più a proposito di quella del Platina, il quale scrisse a tempi che si havea pochissima cognitione dell’historia ecclesiastica et non s’erano veduti i padri et i concilii; oltra che frate Onofrio fu laborioso et diligente molto: et vide i Registri Vaticani et gli archivii delle più nobili città d’Italia, et di monasterii et chiese, dove sono sparse molte bolle di papi. Scrisse anchora il Platina assai in fretta et, come si dice, fece d’ogni herba fascio; onde in molte cose è stato ricorreto da frate Onofrio, come in quella favola della papessa, et di Silvestro II riputato mago, che fu huomo santissimo, et cose simili. Le quali notationi già sono in stampa; si che senza dubio vi saria nella copia et proprietà dell’Historia non piccolo guadagno, si come lo dimostra anchora la grandezza del volume.’ On Antoniano see P. Prodi, ‘Antoniano, Silvio’, in DBI, XII (1970), 511–15; V. Frajese, Il popolo fanciullo: Silvio Antoniano e il sistema disciplinare della Controriforma (Milan: Angeli, 1987); idem, Nascita dell’Indice, pp. 148–75; P. Godman, The Saint as Censor: Robert Bellarmine between Inquisition and Index (Leiden: Brill, 2000), pp. 78–79 (worth consulting despite mistakes). On Savelli’s keeping of Panvinio’s manuscripts see K. A. Gersbach, ‘A History of Biblioteca Angelica Latin Manuscript 64: Onofrio Panvinio’s “Antiquitatum Veronensium libri VIII”’, Analecta Augustiniana, 55 (1992), 207–20 (p. 213); idem, ‘Onofrio Panvinio’s Brother, Paolo, and His Role in the Posthumous Edition of the “De primatu Petri et Apostolicae Sedis potestate” and the Purchase of Onofrio’s Manuscripts for the Vatican Library’, Analecta Augustiniana, 66 (1993), 241–64 (pp. 249–52). 24 Antoniano proposes Baronio: Gersbach, ‘Onofrio Panvinio’s Brother’, p. 241. Bellarmine as censor: Diary of the Congregation of the Index, ACDF, Index, Diari, I (ser. I, vol. 1), fols 30r (7 January 1588), 30v (21 January 1588); and protocol of a commission for the revision of Panvinio’s works, BAV, MS Vat. lat. 6105, fol. 8r (29 September 1592). Bellarmine’s Censura in primum tomum Historiae ecclesiasticae Fratris Onuphrii Panvinii, facta mandato bonae memoriae Iacobi Cardinalis Savelli, is contained in BAV, MS Vat. lat. 6105, fols 8r, 9r–19r; it is published in X. M. Le Bachelet, Auctarium Bellarminianum (Paris: Beauchesne, 1913), pp. 554–64. 25

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In February 1587 the Congregation of the Index was restored by Sixtus V, marking a fresh start: the number of cardinals and consultants was augmented, and meetings took place frequently in 1587. The Congregation now included the following cardinals: Marcantonio Colonna, Ascanio Colonna, Agostino Valier, Vincenzo Lauro, Girolamo della Rovere, and Costanzo Boccafuoco da Sarno. Significant intellectuals, such as the church historian Alfonso Chacón, the theologian Robert Bellarmine, and Pietro Galesini, formerly advisor to the Milanese archbishop Charles Borromeo, were admitted as consultants in February. The Englishman William Allen acted as a consultant by March and was made a full member in September 1587, after he had been created a cardinal.26 One element in these revived efforts was the revision of Platina’s Lives of the Popes. On 14 July 1587 the apostolic protonotary and consultant Pietro Galesini presented to the Congregation his proposals for censoring Platina’s Lives. This consisted, in fact, of his assessment of the corrections suggested by a certain ‘A.’, undoubtedly William Allen, and a certain ‘B.’, Robert Bellarmine.27 Bellarmine’s own censura is also a judgement on that of Allen. I was able to locate and edit all three censorship documents, which present themselves in the form of a dialogue between the three censors. First, Allen drew up a proposal for censoring Platina; then, Bellarmine delivered his own proposal and commented on Allen’s plan; finally, Galesini presented his own recommendations, commenting on both previous censors. Since Galesini was the last of the three, the documents must all have been written between March (when Allen became a consultant) and 14 July 1587.28 It was perhaps because Allen

The Diary entries of 8 and 15 February 1587, ACDF, Index, Diari, I, fol. 16 r–v, are published in Godman, Saint as Censor, pp. 342–43. Allen’s name begins to appear from March; see the session protocol of 12 March 1587, Index, Protocolli, B (ser. II, vol. 2), fol. 24r. His membership as a cardinal of the Congregation is recorded on 7 September 1587 (Diari, I, fol. 26 r; Protocolli, B, fol. 48r). On the individuals in the restored Congregation see Fragnito, Bibbia al rogo, pp. 143–47; Frajese, Nascita dell’Indice, pp. 107–08. 26

27 28

Appendix to this chapter, doc. 7.

For the bibliographical details of the censorship documents see my edition in the Documentary Appendix. I discovered most of Allen’s text in the form of a copy and excerpts among Galesini’s papers in Milan. Bellarmine’s text (ACDF) has already been published in Godman, Saint as Censor, pp. 250–59, though with numerous errors. The text by Galesini (ACDF) is, like the others, neither signed nor dated.

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was then not yet a cardinal (he was created on 7 August) that the other two censors were able to criticize his work so openly. On 26 November, Alfonso Chacón singled out a few passages in Platina’s Lives to which he objected.29 It is unlikely, however, that his suggestions were taken up, since the three long documents had already been completed by July. On the same day in November, Allen was given an edition of Platina’s book to be expurgated. On 10 December, Bellarmine finally presented his censorship proposals.30 In January 1588, however, these proceedings were apparently interrupted as a consequence of the reorganization of the Congregation by Sixtus V. It was not until almost two years later, in November 1589, that a new initiative was set in motion when it became known that a Venetian printer was publishing an unlicensed copy of Platina’s Lives. The story of the production, from 1589 to 1592, of this censored version of the book from that point onwards will be told in Chapter 5.

29

Appendix to this chapter, doc. 8. On Chacón see A. Recio, ‘La “Historica descriptio urbis Romae”, obra manuscrita de Fr. Alfonso Chacón, O.P. (1530–1599)’, Anthologica annua, 16 (1968), 43–102 (pp. 43–70); I. Herklotz, ‘Historia sacra und mittelalterliche Kunst während der zweiten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts in Rom’, in Baronio e l’arte, ed. by R. De Maio and others (Sora: Centro di studi sorani ‘Vincenzo Patriarca’, 1985), pp. 21–72 (pp. 50–60); Godman, Saint as Censor, pp. 79–80. Chacón’s Vitae et gesta summorum pontificum was published posthumously in 1601 with Bellarmine’s approval. See ACDF, Diari, I, fol. 145v (7 April 1601). 30 Appendix to this chapter, docs 9–10. From the contents of the censorship proposals it is clear that their chronological order is Allen-Bellarmine-Galesini. The documentation of this process, however, is sketchy, probably because the first Diary of the Congregation of the Index is a reconstruction. It was written by Paolo Pico, secretary of the Congregation 1591–1613, soon after his nomination. Pico reconstructed the sessions of the previous twenty years from available protocols (see Fragnito, Bibbia al rogo, pp. 112, 119, 157). Neither the Diary nor the original protocols corresponding to these sessions give sufficient detail to explain what happened in November and December 1587. Why Allen was handed Platina’s book ‘to be expurgated’ on 26 November is not clear; the phrase is not in the original protocol. This was perhaps because he had used the Leuven 1572 edition of the Lives for his censorship (see Documentary Appendix, 12, Anicetus, A1), whereas the Congregation may have decided to use another edition. Bellarmine’s intervention of 10 December could have consisted in the delayed presentation of his censorship proposals, although Galesini had already commented on them in July. It could also have been, however, some sort of concluding statement by Bellarmine — now lost — about the three sets of proposals for censoring the Lives. The last hypothesis is supported by the presence of an autograph intervention by him in Galesini’s text; see Documentary Appendix, 25, Felix I, G2*.

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Chapter Appendix 1. Tommaso Bozio writes to the Congregation of the Index (c. 1575–76) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, G (ser. II , vol. 6), fol. 105 r–v

[in another hand:] Censura in tractatum Iacobi de Almain De auctoritate ecclesiae Reverendissime Domine31 Legi tractatum Iacobi de Almain De auctoritate ecclesiae, in quo a capitulo septimo usque ad finem repperi nonnulla valde absurda: Cap. vii: Et tot (haec sunt praedicti doctoris verba)32 sunt testimonia de ista superioritate ecclesiae et concilii ad summum pontificem, praeter determinationes conciliorum Constantiensis et Basiliensis, in quae blasphemo ore lacessit idem Frater: hic est Thomas de Vio, qui reiicit ea concilia, qua parte a Martino V et Eugenio IV sunt reiecta, qua parte etiam concilia non sunt, sed conciliabula.33 […] [105v:] In Vitis summorum pontificum conscriptis a Platina in Vita Ioannis XXIII34 sunt haec verba: Ioannes XXIII statim edictum proposuit quo eos declaravit pertinaces et hereticos, qui affirmarent Christum eiusque discipulos nihil privati vel proprii habuisse, quod certe non multum cum sacra scriptura convenit, quae multis in locis …35 [268.20–23]. Dominationis Vestrae Reverendissimae servus in Christo Thomas Bozzius sacerdos indignus Congregationis Oratorii36

31

This form of address suggests that he is writing to a cardinal; perhaps Guglielmo Sirleto?

32

Almain, Libellus de auctoritate ecclesie, sig. c2r.

33 Cajetan, Apologia de comparatione autoritatis papae et concilii (1512), II. 11, in his Opuscula, pp. 31–48 (pp. 39–40). 34

Today, and in the incunable editions of Platina’s Lives, known as John XXII.

35

The quotation is abbreviated by Bozio.

36

Filippo Neri’s community was recognized as the Congregation of the Oratory by Gregory XIII on 15 July 1575, which marks the terminus post quem for this letter.

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2. Index compiled by Giovanni di Dio, 1576 ACDF, Index, XIV, fols [1r]–[57 v]

Index authorum qui vel aperte haeretici sunt, aut certe de haeresi valde suspecti esse videntur, aut contra bonos mores vitaeque pudicitiam aliqua continent […]. Authore Domino Ioanne Dei Florentino, Romae MDLXXVI [12v:] Auctores suspecti. Bartholomei Platinae, ut qui sanctissimorum pontificum vitas iniquius aliquando reprehendat sacrosancta illorum decreta impie oppugnat, inspiciatur vita Ioannis tum VIII tum XXIII praecipue in vulgari. […] [41v:] Libri volgari sospetti […] Platina Delle vite de’ pontefici volgare.37 3. Warning issued to the Roman booksellers, c. 1577–80 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, A (ser. II , vol. 1), fols 239 r–52 v

Avertimento per li librari di Roma dei libri che, oltra quelli che contengono nel Indice tridentino, non si possono vendere senza licenza, parte per esser reprobati, parte per esser sospetti.38 Parte prima dei libri reprobati che in niun modo si possono vendere […]

37

On the importance of this index list see De Bujanda, ‘Epochen des Index’, pp. 219–20; see also U. Rozzo, ‘Sulla censura ecclesiastica in Italia: acquisizioni e questioni aperte’, in Cinquant’anni di storiografia italiana sulla Riforma e i movimenti ereticali in Italia, 1950–2000, ed. by S. Peyronel (Turin: Claudiana, 2002), pp. 125–49 (pp. 144–47). It seems to have been the model for the Index compiled by Paolo Costabili, Master of the Sacred Palace, and his associate Damiano Rossi in September 1576 (Index librorum aliorum in Indice inpresso non contentorum adhuc non publicatus. Nec adhuc libri in eo descripti sunt penitus reprobati, sed partim reprobabuntur et partim expurgandi venient. Ad presens sub censura non sunt nec eos legentes vel tenentes; tamen per inquisitores vel ordinarios possunt prohiberi si ad eorum manus perveniant, vel concedi iuxta qualitatem personarum, vel expurgari in locis debitis poterunt ab eis et restitui eorum dominis. Et sic Romae observatur ad presens per Reverendum Magistrum Sacri Palatii et eius socium ad id deputatum; et observabbit forte donec index iste publicabbitur modo et forma prout in eo erit), BAV, MS Chigi R. II 62, fols 306r–09r, 310r; ed. in Index des livres interdits, X, 829–39; for Platina see fols 306 r, 308v/pp. 830, 837. For similar entries on Platina see also a catalogue entitled Additiones Romae 1579, ACDF, Index, Protocolli, O (ser. II, vol. 13), fols 544r–55v (fol. 545r); and an undated list, ibid., Protocolli, A (ser. II, vol. 1), fols 226r–37r (fol. 227v). 38

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Probably issued by Paolo Costabili, Master of the Sacred Palace.

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Parte seconda dei libri sospesi che non si possono vendere se prima non sono corretti […] [247r :] Bartholomeus Platina De vitis pontificum esset expurgandus in vita Ioannis VIII, qui scribitur et IX, et in vita Ioannis XXIII.39 […] [251r:] [the same entry again, with the marginal comment:] censura 4. A printed local Index containing Platina’s Lives Novus index librorum prohibitorum et suspensorum (Parma: Viotti, 1580) 40

Bartholomaeus Platina, ut qui sanctissimorum pontificum vitas inique aliquando reprehendat et sacrosancta illorum decreta impie oppugnat, inspiciatur vita Ioannis tum VIII tum XXIII praecipue in vulgari.

39

This shorter form of entry on Platina is also found in: Lista de libri proibiti mandata da Roma XV Augusti 1577, Modena, Biblioteca Estense, MS Sorbelli, 248, ed. in Index des livres interdits, IX , 754–56 (p. 754); Avertimento per li librari di Roma […] (ex Taurino), in Giovanni Battista Porcelli, Scriniolum Sanctae Inquisitionis Astensis (Asti: Zangrandi, 1610), pp. 91–96, publ. again in Index des livres interdits, IX , 758–69 (pp. 91, 95/759, 767); an undated list, Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Guicciardini, 11-10-43 (MS appended to: Index auctorum et librorum qui ab officio Sanctae Romanae et universalis Inquisitionis caveri ab omnibus et singulis in universa Christiana republica mandantur […] (Rome: Blado, 1558)), fols 20 r, 31r; Libri extra indicem prohibiti Romae, in quibus annotati sunt aliquot errores, et propterea sunt expurgandi nec passim omnibus permittendi sine recognitione (1583, Naples), in Index des livres interdits, IX , 770–78 (p. 771). On the 1577 Modena list, see A. Rotondò, ‘Nuovi documenti per la storia dell’“Indice dei libri proibiti” (1572–1638)’, Rinascimento, ser. 2, 3 (1963), 145–211 (p. 148, n. 2); P. Prodi, Il cardinale Gabriele Paleotti (1522–1597), 2 vols (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1959–67), II, 240–42; Rozzo, ‘Index de Parme’, pp. 31, 55. On the list in Porcelli’s Scriniolum, see J. M. de Bujanda, in Index des livres interdits, X , 826. On the Florence manuscript, see Rozzo, ‘Index de Parme’, pp. 32, 55–58. The two latter lists are dated by Rozzo and De Bujanda to c. 1580. On the Naples catalogue see P. Lopez, Inquisizione, stampa e censura nel regno di Napoli tra ’500 e ’600 (Naples: Edizioni del Delfino, 1974), pp. 133–35, 313. 40

A poster, extant in BAV, signature R. I.IV.1783.B. Editions: Index librorum prohibitorum, gedruckt zu Parma 1580, nach dem einzigen bekannten Exemplare, ed. by F. H. Reusch (Bonn: Cohen, 1889); idem, Die Indices librorum prohibitorum des sechzehnten Jahrhunderts (Tübingen: Litterarischer Verein in Stuttgart, 1886), pp. 580, 588; Index des livres interdits, IX , 752–53. The local indexes of c. 1580 seem to have been based on the list compiled by Costabili and Rossi in 1576 (see above, n. 37). See De Bujanda, ‘Epochen des Index’, p. 220.

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5. A local response: Gregorio Tolosa da Napoli writes to Tommaso Zobbia, Master of the Sacred Palace, 9 February 1584 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, B (ser. II , vol. 2), fols 641 r–v, 644 v

Molto Reverendo Padre Anchor che tre altre volte lo habbia supplicato ad volermi resolvere in che modo ho da sotisfare li secolari et religiosi circa il facto delli trecento cinquanta authori sospisi dal suo officio. Et tra li altri vi è la Platina Della vita de’ pontifici, et dice dicta lista di sospensione che si pone per causa che dice de’ pontifici come se pò vedere nella Vita di Ioannes VIII, dove in conclusione non dice altro se non che fo femina. Lo medesmo dicono le croniche et historie, et ancho lo dice Summa conciliorum, li quali sono libri autentici, dove di‹cti?› secolari vorriano essere capace, come li altri libri dicono il medesmo et non sono sospesi et la Platina ë … û . Et perché alcuni de’ mei compagni reviditori usano di concedere la dicta Platina con levarne la Vita de di‹cto› Ioannes VIII et lassa la scolja, et altri usano de levarne quella de Ioannes VIII et XIII per essere che dice che vi‹sse?› licentioso, il che ancho dicono li sopradicti libri autentici.41 Et perché io non voleva essere né pietoso ‹in› sequitare quel che leva solo la Vita di Ioannes VIII, né rigoroso in levar le tutte doie, poiché stanno altri libri che non sono sospesi né prohibiti. […] [641v:] Et mi raccomando alle sue sante oratione dal loco della Conceptione de’ fratri Cappuccini de Napoli42 il dì 9 de febraro 1584. Di Vostra Paternità Molto Reverenda humilissimo servo nel Signore Fra Gregorio Cappuccino de Napoli sacerdote indegno A tergo: Al M olto Reverendo padre, il padre Maestro del sacro palazzo di Roma mio sempre osservatissimo, Roma

41

Gregorio da Napoli confused John XXIII (i.e., XXII), mentioned by all other censors, with John XIII (i.e., XII). The latter was indeed licentious and was deposed by a council; see below, p. 170. This explains also Gregorio’s reference to the Summa conciliorum. 42

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6. Franciscus Cotta is asked to compile a list of errors, 2 September 1583 ACDF, Index, Diari, I (ser. I , vol. 1), fol. 13 r

Congregatio habita apud Illustrissimum Cardinalem Sirletum,43 ubi interfuit Cardinalis Senonensis44 cum Magistro Sacri Palatii45 adhibitis consultoribus, inter quos admissus Reverendus Pater Franciscus Cotta. […] Decretum ut Reverendus Frater Franciscus Cotta ordinis Praedicatorum notaret errores et Congregationi referret in Platinam. Index, Protocolli, A (ser. II , vol. 1), fol. 86M r–v, autograph by Vincenzo Bonardo 46

Commiserunt Reverendo Patri sacrae theologiae Magistro Fratri Francisco Cottae ordinis Praedicatorum ut diligenter legeret et videret Platinam De vitis pontificum notatisque erroribus Congregationi referret. 7. Pietro Galesini delivers his proposals for the censorship of Platina, 14 July 1587 ACDF, Index, Diari, I (ser. I , vol. 1), fol. 25 r; in Godman, Saint as Censor, p. 354

Habita fuit congregatio apud Illustrissimum Cardinalem Veronensem47 et interfuerunt omnes excepto Cardinali Columna48 et adhibiti consultores. Censuras attulerunt: […] Reverendus Dominus Galisinius in Platinam […]. Index, Protocolli, B (ser. II , vol. 2), fol. 40 r, autograph by V. Bonardo

Reverendissimus Dominus Gallesinus tradidit correctionem Platinae.

43

Gugliemo Sirleto (card. 1565, d. 1585).

44

Nicolas de Pellevé (card. 1570, d. 1594).

45

Tommaso Zobbia (Master of the Sacred Palace, 1583–89).

46

Vincenzo Bonardo, Dominican, secretary of the Congregation from 3 June 1583 until

1591.

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47

Agostino Valier (card. 1583, d. 1606).

48

Marcantonio Colonna (card. 1565, d. 1597).

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8. Alfonso Chacón singles out passages in Platina’s Lives, 26 November 1587 Index, Protocolli, B (ser. II , vol. 2), fols 243 r–45 r

Magistri Fratris Alfonsi Ciaconis sententia de expurgandis denuo aliquot libris Catholicorum qui cum multa utilitate expurgati legi possent, vel quorum authores suspecti sunt.49 […] [243v :] In Bartholomaei Platinae Historia pontificum offendit in vita Ioannis XXIII dicti XXII Ulixponensis50 nimia verborum licentia, ubi eum non semel stolidum vocat, levem, inaequalibus moribus, inverecundi et socordis ingenii,51 et in Paulum II Venetum, in que‹m› male animatus,52 multas effudit maledicentias,53 etc. Quae aut corrigi aut novis annotationibus adiectis temperari.

See ACDF, Index, Diari, I, fol. 29r: ‘Notas expurgandorum retulerunt […] Alphonsus Ciacconius prout habes lib. B. fol. 240’; ibid., Protocolli, B, fol. 64 r (autograph by Vincenzo Bonardo): ‘Reverendus Pater Ciacconus retulit indicem Catholicorum qui expurgatione indigere videntur.’ 49

50

Chacón is referring to John XXI (1276–77), who was from Lisbon. He had evidently got confused with the numbering in previous Index lists which refer to John XXII and John XXIII (the numbering in Panvinio’s editions is always too high by one). 51

Platina, Vitae, p. 248. 3–5 (my italics indicate the points of reference): ‘Hic etsi docti doctissimus est habitus, tamen ignoratione rerum gerendarum et morum inaequalitate, plus detrimenti quam honoris et emolumenti pontificatui attulit. Multa enim stoliditatem et levitatem prae se ferentia egit.’ Ibid., p. 248. 15–21: ‘Pollicebatur homo stolidus sibi longam vitam, et diu se victurum omnibus praedicabat: quippe cuius vita et mores omnibus patebant, adeo erat inverecundi et secordis ingenii. Sed ecce dum hanc stultitiam omnibus praedicabat, camera quaedam nova, quam in palatio Viterbiensi extruxerat, subito corruit, atque inter ligna et lapides inventus, septima die post tantam ruinam acceptis omnibus ecclesiae sacramentis, pontificatus sui mense octavo moritur, Viterbiique sepellitur; vir, ut dixi, admodum litteratus, sed parum prudens.’ 52

Platina, Vitae, p. 368. 1–3: ‘litem componere inter comitem Adversae et Neapolionem Ursinum conatus [Petrus Barbo], paulum abfuit quin turpiter captus, in vincula coniiceretur, adeo in eum comes Aversus ob quandam verborum licentiam male animatus erat’ (my italics). 53 Chacón paraphrases a passage where Platina speaks of the quarrels of Paul II (Pietro Barbo) with Ludovico Trevisan, ibid., p. 373. 7: ‘quo cum diutius simultatibus, odiis, maledicentia certaverat’ (my italics).

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9. William Allen receives Platina’s book to be expurgated, 26 November 1587 ACDF, Index, Diari, I (ser. I, vol. 1), fols 28 v–29 r; cf. also Protocolli, B (ser. II, vol. 2), fol. 64r

Congregatio habita absente Cardinali Columna apud Veronensem, ubi interfuerunt omnes adhibitis consultoribus. […] [29r:] Distributio librorum expurgandorum 54 facta inter cardinales, et […] tradita fuit […] Platina Cardinali Alano […]. 10. Robert Bellarmine reports on the censoring of Platina, 10 December 1587 ACDF, Index, Diari, I (ser. I , vol. 1), fols 29 v–30 r

Congregatio habita apud Cardinalem Columnam, ubi interfuerunt omnes excepto Cardinali Ascanio adhibitis consultoribus. [30r :] Censuras retulerunt: […] Pater Belarminius in Platinam. Index, Protocolli, B (ser. II , vol. 2), fol. 68 r, autograph by Vincenzo Bonardo

Reverendus Pater Bellarminius retulit censuram in Platinam.

54 It is not entirely clear what this means in practice. The expression is not used in the corresponding protocol, that is, it represents a later addition by Paolo Pico; see n. 30, p. 114, above.

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A NALYSIS OF THE P ROPOSALS FOR C ENSORING P LATINA’S L IVES OF THE P OPES, 1587

I. Biographies of the Censors 1. William Allen

T

he very existence of the community of English Catholics was threatened under the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and William Allen (1532–94) was their spokesman and leader in exile.1 Having been forced to resign his fellowship at Oriel College and his post as principal of St Mary’s Hall, Oxford, he fled to Flanders in 1561. Soon after he secretly returned to England and disseminated Catholic propaganda. He found shelter with Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, but finally had to leave England for the Netherlands in 1

On him see T. F. Knox, ‘Historical Introduction’, in The First and Second Diaries of the English College, Douay, ed. by Fathers of the Congregation of the London Oratory (London: Nutt, 1878), pp. xv–cvii (cited ‘Introduction I’); idem, ‘Historical Introduction’, in The Letters and Memorials of William Cardinal Allen (1532–1594), ed. by Fathers of the Congregation of the London Oratory (London: Nutt, 1882), pp. xv–cxxii (cited ‘Introduction II’); G. Constant, ‘Allen (William)’, in Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, ed. by A. Baudrillart and others (Paris: Letouzey & Ané, 1912– ), II (1914), cols 599–607; E. Duffy, ‘William, Cardinal Allen, 1532–1594’, Recusant History, 22 (1995), 265–90; idem, ‘Allen, W illiam’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, ed. by H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison, 61 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), I, 824–31. For a biography written by a contemporary see Nicolas Fitzherbert, Vitae Cardinalis Alani epitome, in idem, De antiquitate et continuatione Catholicae religionis in Anglia et de Alani Cardinalis vita libellus (Rome: Facciotti, 1608), pp. 55–100 (republ. in Letters and Memorials of William Cardinal Allen, pp. 3–20).

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1565, never to return. Allen was ordained priest at Malines, went on a pilgrimage to Rome in 1567, and was inspired to found the English College at Douai. On his journey from Rome back to the Spanish Netherlands, one of his travelling companions was Robert Bellarmine, who was on his way to Leuven.2 The foundation of the college took place in 1568, and it was supported by Popes Pius V and Gregory XIII. Allen became Regius Professor of Divinity at Douai in 1570 and Doctor of Divinity in 1571. In 1575–76 he visited Rome again, since Gregory XIII planned to establish an English seminary there (the Venerable English College, Rome, founded in 1576).3 After the English were expelled from Douai in 1578, the Douai college moved to Rheims. On his third visit to Rome, in 1579, Allen enabled Jesuits to take part in the English mission. This sparked open political conflict with Queen Elizabeth, who passed laws against both the Jesuits and the seminaries outside England. Despite this, Allen continued to run a flourishing college at Rheims until 1585, when he left for Rome once more. He had been involved in political intrigues for several years and now increasingly became a puppet of King Philip II of Spain and his Roman ambassador, Enrique de Guzmán, Count of Olivares.4 Yielding to Spanish pressure, Sixtus V made Allen a cardinal on 7 August 1587, even though the Pope had just declared that new cardinals should only be created in Advent. Sixtus clearly saw the political necessity of giving the English mission a new leader after the death of Mary Queen of Scots on 8 February 1587. Allen was now ‘the only conceivable figurehead for a crusade’.5 Although Sixtus was deeply committed to the project

2

Roberti Bellarmini […] vita quam ipsemet scripsit (1613), in Die Selbstbiographie des Cardinals Bellarmin, ed. by J. J. I. von Döllinger and F. H. Reusch (Bonn: Neusser, 1887), pp. 25–47 (p. 32). See also Knox, ‘Introduction I’, p. xxx. 3 See M. E. Williams, The Venerable English College Rome: A History, 1579–1979 (London: Venerable English College; Associated Catholic Publications, 1979), pp. 4–24. 4

See, e.g., the instructions given to Allen by Olivares for an audience with Sixtus V, 31 March 1587, in Letters and Memorials of William Cardinal Allen, pp. 289–90. For this and the following see Knox, ‘Introduction II’, pp. lxxi–cxxi, with the corresponding documents in the same volume. 5

For this and what follows see Duffy, ‘William, Cardinal Allen’, p. 283. On the coherence of his propagandistic programmes see G. Mattingly, ‘William Allen and Catholic Propaganda in England’, in Aspects de la propagande religieuse (Geneva: Droz, 1957), pp. 325–39; R. M. Kingdon, ‘William Allen’s Use of Protestant Political Argument’, in From the Renaissance to the CounterReformation: Essays in Honor of Garrett Mattingly, ed. by C. H. Carter (New York: Random House, 1965), pp. 164–78.

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of returning the whole of Europe to Catholicism, he was aware of the dangers of a universal monarchy (as Spain was becoming) for the position of the Church. On a personal level, Sixtus was not friendly towards Allen: in an audience he ‘treated him like a negro’, as Olivares reported to Philip II in October 1588.6 Allen published a number of theological tracts, one of which, De sacramentis (1576), was ‘highly esteemed and made use of by Cardinal Bellarmin’.7 An earlier work was concerned with purgatory.8 A particular interest of Allen’s was the text of the Bible. With Richard Bristow he revised Gregory Martin’s English translation of the Holy Scriptures, known as the ‘Douai-Rheims Bible’. The New Testament was published at Rheims in 1582, the Old Testament at Douai after Allen’s death in 1609.9 During the five months that Allen spent in Rome in the winter of 1579–80, he may have been appointed to the commission charged with revising the Septuagint.10 Felice Peretti, later Pope Sixtus V, urged Gregory XIII in 1578 to undertake this task as a preliminary step towards a revision of the Latin Vulgate. If Allen was actually appointed to this commission, Peretti, who was also a member, must have made his acquaintance at the time, and so too could have Pietro Galesini, who wrote a short commentary on the new edition of the

6

Olivares to Philip II, 17 October 1588, in Letters and Memorials of William Cardinal Allen, p. 309: ‘le trató como a un negro’. 7 William Allen, De sacramentis in genere, de sacramento eucharistiae et sacrificio missae (Antwerp: Fowler, 1576; repr. Farnborough: Gregg, 1968); quotation from T. Cooper, ‘Allen, William’, in Dictionary of National Biography, ed. by L. Stephen and S. Lee, 63 vols (London: Smith, Elder, 1885–1900), I, 314–22 (p. 321). This text is included in a list of works of controversial theology drawn up by Bellarmine and Antonio Possevino in 1583, ed. by X. M. Le Bachelet, Bellarmin avant son cardinalat, 1542–98 (Paris: Beauchesne, 1911), pp. 480–86 (p. 485). See also T. McElligott, The Eucharistic Doctrine of Cardinal William Allen (1532–1594) (Rome: Università Gregoriana, 1939). 8

Allen, A Defense and Declaration of the Catholike Churchies Doctrine Touching Purgatory (Antwerp: Laet, 1565; repr. Menston: Scolar, 1970). 9

W. F. Moulton, The History of the English Bible, 5th edn by J. H. Moulton and W. F. Moulton, Jr (London: Kelly, 1911), pp. 181–89; A. Bellesheim, Wilhelm Cardinal Allen (1532– 1594) und die englischen Seminare auf dem Festlande (Mainz: Kirchheim, 1885), pp. 88–93. 10 Knox, ‘Introduction I’, pp. lxxxiii–lxxxiv. The notion (based on an unreliable source) that Allen was involved is rejected by F. Amann, ‘Die römische Septuagintarevision im 16. Jahrhundert’, Biblische Zeitschrift, 12 (1914), 116–24 (p. 121), and C. A. Kneller, ‘Neue Studien zur sixtinischen Vulgatabulle’, Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie, 59 (1935), 81–107 (pp. 88–89).

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Septuagint.11 The experts belonging to this commission were mainly taken from an earlier one, appointed in order to revise the Vulgate — a long-standing project, then presided over by Cardinal Antonio Carafa.12 Since Allen left Rome after only a few months, he cannot have made much of a contribution to this project. The revised Septuagint was finally published under Sixtus V in 1587.13 In the last years of his life, when his English political crusade had failed on account of the defeat of the Spanish Armada in 1588, Allen devoted much of his energies to the Congregation of the Index, for which he worked from 1587 until his death in 1594. Within the Congregation, opinion was split in 1587 over the question of whether the Bible should be allowed to be read in vernacular translations. While Allen and Robert Bellarmine were in favour of translations, Pietro Galesini was firmly opposed to them. All three censors agreed, however, on another important question discussed in 1587: that Erasmus should not be declared a heretic.14 Rather than being involved much in the censorship of particular books, Allen was more often engaged in discussions concerning either the revision of the rules for their expurgation or the definition of the power of the Congregation of the Index in relation to the Inquisition.15 Gregory XIV

11 For the revision see Galesini, De bibliis Graecis interpretum LXXII Sixto V […] editis commentarius (Rome: Grassi, 1587), pp. 53–56. See also G. Pani, ‘Un centenaire à rappeler: l’édition Sixtine des Septantes’, in Théorie et pratique de l’exégèse, ed. by I. Backus and F. Higman (Geneva: Droz, 1990), pp. 413–28, with further references. 12 The Council of Trent had decreed on 8 April 1546 that, of the Latin editions of the Holy Scriptures, the Vulgate alone was to be regarded as authentic. The commission appointed to correct it was established by Pius IV and was continued with various changes and additions by his successors. See F. Andreu, ‘Il teatino Antonio Agellio e la Volgata sistina’, in La Bibbia ‘Vulgata’ dalle origini ai nostri giorni, ed. by T. Stramare (Rome: Abbazia San Girolamo; Vatican City: Libreria Vaticana, 1987), pp. 68–97, with further bibliography. 13 `H palai¦ Diaq»kh kat¦ toÝj `Ebdom»konta […] /Vetus Testamentum iuxta Septuaginta, ex auctoritate Sixti V Pontificis Maximi editum (Rome: Zannetti, 1586; actually publ. in 1587). See La Bibbia: edizioni del XVI secolo, ed. by A. Lumini (Florence: Olschki, 2000), no. 98, pp. 110–11. 14 Question of Bible translations: Fragnito, Bibbia al rogo, pp. 168–69; Frajese, Nascita dell’Indice, pp. 108–12. Erasmus: ibid., pp. 112–15; for the reports by Bellarmine and Galesini (in German translation) see P. Godman and J. Brandt, Weltliteratur auf dem Index: die geheimen Gutachten des Vatikans (Berlin: Propyläen, 2001), pp. 77–78, 87–89. 15 See, for example, Allen’s statements on the rules for the Index (in his own hand), ACDF, Index, Protocolli, B, fols 331r–32r, 350r–51r, 380r–82r. See also Frajese, Nascita dell’Indice, pp. 115–16; Fragnito, Bibbia al rogo, p. 159. An example of a censorship by Allen of an individual book is that of Juan Luis Vives’ commentary on Augustine’s De civitate Dei (first publ. 1522). See ACDF, Index, Diari, I, fols 24 v (2 July 1587), 64v (6 March 1593).

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assigned Allen to co-operate in the further revision of the Latin Vulgate which Sixtus V had published just before his death. He collaborated on this definitive revision with Robert Bellarmine, Marcantonio Colonna, and others in 1591.16 Allen also took part in the correction of Augustine’s works, but death prevented him from completing this vast task.17 Recent scholarship has shown that Allen’s work for the seminaries was closely intertwined with his political ideas. The programme of teaching in his college was designed to prepare the seminarians for the English mission. Emphasis was placed, above all, on intense biblical scholarship. This led to the production of the Douai-Rheims Bible in 1582 as an answer to the successful versions of the English Bible produced by English Protestants. Greek and Hebrew were taught; and those points in the Scriptures on which Protestants and Catholics disagreed were discussed. The other main fields of study were church history, dogmatic theology (predominantly the works of Thomas Aquinas), and the Council of Trent (its decrees and its catechism).18 The key feature of Allen’s political thought

16

Biblia sacra vulgatae editionis tribus tomis distincta, ad Concilii Tridentini praescriptum emendata et a Sixto V […] recognita et approbata (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1590) (cf. Bibbia: edizioni, no. 59, pp. 67–68); definitive version: Biblia sacra vulgatae editionis Sixti V […] iussu recognita atque edita (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1592) (Bibbia: edizioni, no. 61, pp. 69–70). For literature on this revision of the Vulgate see Andreu, ‘Agellio’, pp. 76–77, n. 27. See also Bellesheim, Allen und die englischen Seminare, p. 187. 17

Fitzherbert, Vitae Alani epitome, pp. 88–89; in Letters and Memorials of William Cardinal Allen, p. 16: ‘In sacris Bibliis Sixti V nomine Clementis VIII iussu editis ac promulgatis Alani operae, iudicii, diligentiae pars non exigua fuit. Cumque Congregationis Indicis cura altera illa vel maxima fuerit, ut non modo Biblia sed veterum quoque doctorum volumina a depravationibus, quae misera recentiorum temporum caecitate et malitia irrepserunt, expurgata prodirent quam emendatissima, Alani solicitudini commissa sunt ea quae a Divo Augustino sunt scripta omnia. In quod pensum opusque vastum ac multiplex, dum omni cogitatione ac studio cum aliis quibusdam qui ei suberant incumbit, mors, quae magna conantibus semper immatura, celeriter nimis et laborum et vitae finem illi attulit.’ Allen’s work is given scant attention in P. Petitmengin, ‘A propos des éditions patristiques de la Contre-Réforme: le “Saint Augustin” de la Typographie Vaticane’, Recherches Augustiniennes, 4 (1966), 199–251 (p. 214). 18

See Allen’s letter to Vendeville, describing the history and work of the seminary, 16 September 1578 (or 1580), in Letters and Memorials of William Cardinal Allen, pp. 52–67. See also the ‘Allen-Persons Cases’ of conscience, which were part of the teaching routine, in Elizabethan Casuistry, ed. by P. J. Holmes (London: Catholic Record Society, 1981), pp. 61–126. Common elements appear in the Ratio studiorum of the Jesuits (printed from 1586 onwards); see Duffy, ‘William, Cardinal Allen’, pp. 276–77.

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was his belief in the pope’s superiority to temporal governments, in other words, the power of the pope to depose secular rulers.19 For Allen, the pope was the ‘rocke of refuge in doubtful daies and doctrines’.20 He devoted three chapters of a pamphlet to defending both the English Catholics’ loyalty to their country and the pope’s power of deposition.21 Although up until 1587 Allen pretended to have no political aims, this was a purely tactical move, designed to safeguard the English seminarians. Elizabeth, after her excommunication by Pius V in 1570, had reacted by declaring the English Catholics to be traitors. By the mid-1570s Allen had recognized that with Elizabeth on the throne, Catholicism could only be restored in England by means of foreign intervention: either through external support for an internal revolution, or through invasion by a foreign power.22 While appearing to be a religious leader in exile, Allen got involved in high-level clandestine diplomacy in order to promote this goal. In Rome in 1576, when the foundation of the English College was discussed, he also took part in a secret council of war with the Spanish ambassador, Don Juan de Zuñiga: Don John of Austria was to lead a papal force into England in order to bring Mary to power. Allen wrote a detailed document containing advice for this proposed invasion.23 In 1583, he was 19 Allen, A True, Sincere, and Modest Defense of English Catholics, in The Execution of Justice in England by William Cecil, and A True, Sincere, and Modest Defense of English Catholics by William Allen, ed. by R. M. Kingdon (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1965), pp. 51–268 (p. 141); a republication of Allen, A True, Sincere and Modest Defence of English Catholiques That Suffer for their Faith Both at Home and Abrode: Against a False, Seditious and Slaunderous Libel Intituled ‘The Execution of Iustice in England’, Wherein is Declared how Uniustlie the Protestants doe Charge Catholiques with Treason […] (Rouen: Persons, 1584). See also T. H. Clancy, Papist Pamphleteers: The Allen-Persons Party and the Political Thought of the Counter-Reformation in England, 1572–1615 (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1964), p. 49–55. 20 Allen, An Apologie and True Declaration of the Institution and Endevours of the Two English Colleges (Henault [i.e., Rheims]: [n. pub.], 1581; repr. Menston: Scolar, 1971), p. 17; Duffy, ‘William, Cardinal Allen’, p. 281. 21

This lengthy exposition of this theory is found in Allen, Modest Defense, pp. 146–214; see also the subtitle: ‘Wherein is Declared how Uniustlie the Protestants doe Charge Catholiques with Treason’. The earliest expression of such political attitudes is the memorial of Allen and other exiles, Leuven, 10 August 1572, sent to Pope Gregory XIII, in Letters of William Allen and Richard Barrett 1572–1598, ed. and trans. by P. Renold (London: Catholic Record Society, 1967), pp. 276–78. See Duffy, ‘William, Cardinal Allen’, p. 281. 22 23

Mattingly, ‘Allen and Catholic Propaganda’, p. 336.

Memorial of Allen and Sir Francis Englefield for the invasion of England, February 1576 (Letters of Allen and Barrett, pp. 284–87). For this episode and Allen’s involvement see P. O. von

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named papal legate and Bishop of Durham in the event of a successful invasion by the Duke of Guise. It was thwarted, however, by the discovery of the Throckmorton plot.24 Allen had set his heart on this plan: ‘If [the invasion of England] is not carried out this year, I give up all hope in man, and the rest of my life will be bitter to me.’ The Spanish pursued new war plans starting in 1584, which would ultimately result in the launching of the Spanish Armada in 1588.25 When Allen felt confident about the prospects of such an attack, in 1587 and 1588, he published two new books, in which he openly assailed the English regime and called for resistance.26 It was only at this point that he gave up the pretence of being nonpolitical; for he secretly expected to be made not only Archbishop of Canterbury but also Lord Chancellor ad interim.27

Törne, Don Juan d’Autriche et les projets de conquête de l’Angleterre, 1568–1578, 2 vols (Helsinki: Helsingfors Bokhandel, 1915; Åbo: Åbo Akademi, 1928), II, 69–109, 214–27. See also J. H. Pollen, The English Catholics in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth (London: Longmans, Green, 1920), pp. 197– 202; Duffy, ‘William, Cardinal Allen’, p. 282. 24

See the instructions given by the Duke of Guise to Robert Persons, 22 August 1583, to be presented to Pope Gregory XIII, in Relations politiques de la France et de l’Espagne avec l’Écosse au XVIe siècle, ed. by A. Teulet, 2nd edn, 5 vols (Paris: Renouard, 1862), V , 310: ‘Su Santidad será contento hazer obispo de Durham al señor Alano, y hazerle su nuncio, ó bien algun otro, en el armada de España para representar la persona de Su Santidad y publicar las dichas bulas’. See also Knox, ‘Introduction II’, p. lvii; P. Hughes, The Reformation in England, 3 vols (London: Hollis & Carter, 1950–54), III, 315–34. 25 Allen from Paris to Cardinal Tolomeo Gallio (responsible for foreign policy), 16 April 1584, in his Letters and Memorials, p. 233: ‘Si hoc anno non geratur, omnem humanam spem abiicio, et reliqua vita mihi acerba erit.’ See Mattingly, ‘Allen and Catholic Propaganda’, pp. 332–33. 26 Allen, The Copie of a Letter […] Concerning the Yeelding Up of the Citie of Dauentrie Unto His Catholike Maiestie by Sir William Stanley (Antwerp: Trognesius, 1587; repr. Menston: Scolar, 1970) (letter by Allen to Roger Ashton, 15 April 1587); idem, An Admonition to the Nobility and People of England Concerninge the Present Warres Made for the Execution of his Holines Sentence by the Highe and Mightie Kinge Catholike of Spain ([Antwerp]: [n. pub.], 1588; repr. Menston: Scolar, 1971). 27 Memorandum of Olivares and Allen regarding future appointments to offices in England, 1588, in Allen’s Letters and Memorials, pp. 303–05: ‘Dando Dios buen successo en las cosas, pretenderia el Cardenal Alano el arçobispado de Canturveri […]. De officios del reyno el primero es el de Gran Canciller, que presside en el consejo de estado y en el supremo de justicia, y tiene provision de muchos officios y beneficios menudos y la consulta de los gruessos y de los obispados. Este officio parezce que ynclina el Cardenal a tenerle a los principios, quando a su Magestad agradasse, mientras se hallasse persona a proposito; porque para assentar la primera vez las cosas y con el servicio de Dios el de su Magestad no se vee persona mas ynformada y obligada de su Magestad.’ See also Knox, ‘Introduction II’, pp. cvi–cviii.

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2. Robert Bellarmine Robert Bellarmine (1542–1621) was born in Montepulciano, near Siena, the nephew of Marcello Cervini, who in 1555 briefly became Pope Marcellus II.28 In 1560 Bellarmine entered the Society of Jesus, and he studied philosophy at the Collegio Romano for three years. He taught rhetoric in Florence and Mondovì (Piedmont) between 1563 and 1567, before studying theology in Padua in the years 1567–69. In 1569 he went to Leuven, was ordained priest and taught theology until 1576, drawing large audiences and acquiring considerable fame as a teacher. Before Charles Borromeo was able to lure him to Milan to teach in his college of Brera, Pope Gregory XIII called him back to Rome. From 1576 to 1588 Bellarmine was a professor of controversial theology at the Collegio Romano. He was involved in important scholarly projects carried out by the Church, including the revisions of the calendar, the breviary, and the Sistine Vulgate. He served as a consultant to the Congregation of the Index from 1587 and to the Holy Office from 1597.29 In the latter capacity he was involved in the trials of Giordano Bruno, who was eventually burned at the stake in 1600, and in the initial moves of the Inquisition against Galileo Galilei. Bellarmine became rector of the Collegio Romano in 1592, provincial of his order in Naples in 1594, and chief theologian to Pope Clement VIII two years later. In 1599 he was the first Jesuit to be made a cardinal. After spending three years, from 1602, in Capua as archbishop, he lived in Rome continuously from 1605 until his death. Bellarmine defended the interests of the Roman Church in two major disputes: one with

28 For a brief introduction see G. Galeota, ‘Belarmino, Roberto’, in Diccionario histórico de la Compañía de Jesús, 4 vols (Rome: Institutum historicum Societatis Iesu; Madrid: Universidad pontificia Comillas, 2001), I, 387–90. See also Bellarmine’s Vita quam ipsemet scripsit (as above, n. 2 on p. 124), together with the polemical ‘Anmerkungen’ by Döllinger and Reusch, ibid., pp. 73–346. Although hagiographical, J. Brodrick, The Life and Work of Blessed Robert Francis Cardinal Bellarmine, S.J., 1542–1621, 2 vols (London: Burns, Oates, and Washbourne, 1928), is still the fundamental biography. On his theology see now F. Motta, Bellarmino: una teologia politica della Controriforma (Brescia: Morcelliana, 2005). For a guide to the extensive literature see A. Mancia, ‘Bibliografia sistematica e commentata degli studi sull’opera bellarminiana dal 1900 al 1990’, in Roberto Bellarmino, arcivescovo di Capua, teologo e pastore della riforma cattolica, ed. by G. Galeota, 2 vols (Capua: Archidiocesi di Capua, Istituto Superiore di Scienze Religiose, 1990), II, 805–72. 29 See Godman, Saint as Censor, pp. 158, 168, 175. Godman discusses Bellarmine’s work for the Congregations of the Index and the Inquisition in the light of new archival evidence from the ACDF.

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Paolo Sarpi over clerical exemption in Venice and the other with King James I over the oath of allegiance for Catholics. At the elections of Leo XI and Paul V (both in 1605), he was a candidate for the papacy. He was canonized by Pope Pius XI in 1930 and declared a Doctor of the Church in 1931. His principal work, the Disputationes de controversiis Christianae fidei adversus huius temporibus haereticos (Disputations Concerning the Controversies of the Christian Faith against Present-day Heretics), grew out of his lectures on controversial theology at the Collegio Romano.30 In it he presented a systematic account of the controversies of his time, summarizing both Protestant and Catholic arguments before asserting Catholic doctrine. The book, which had an immense impact, was responsible for his reputation as the chief apologist of the Roman Church and provoked scores of replies by Protestants. It was as important a contribution to Counter-Reformation theology as the Annales ecclesiastici (1588–1607) of the Oratorian Cesare Baronio was to the field of church history. In 1590, however, when Bellarmine was on a diplomatic mission in France, Sixtus V put the Controversies on the Index; and only the Pope’s death in the same year made it possible for the book to shake off this indignity. Among those who defended Bellarmine was William Allen.31 What Sixtus had objected to was Bellarmine’s notion of the indirect power of the pope, laid out in the first volume (1586).32 In theory, he says, the pope held the highest spiritual powers and therefore also the highest temporal ones. Nonetheless, under normal circumstances — that is, as long as the beliefs of his subjects were not in danger — he was not supposed to intervene in the affairs of temporal rulers. Nor was he allowed to take part in decisions as to who should become king, or what form of government a nation might decide to adopt. Although Bellarmine’s arguments caused a storm of indignation in large parts of the Catholic Church, he had

30

Bellarmine, Disputationes de controversiis Christianae fidei adversus huius temporibus haereticos, 3 vols (Ingolstadt: Sartorius, 1586–93). 31 See Brodrick, Bellarmine, I, 269–76; Godman, Saint as Censor, pp. 100–01, 134–39; Frajese, Nascita dell’Indice, pp. 131–33. Allen also had difficult relations with Sixtus; see n. 6, above. 32

Bellarmine, Disputationes, I, 3rd general controversy: De summo pontifice, esp. Bk V : ‘De potestate pontificis temporali’, cols 1082–1111 (republ. in his Scritti politici, ed. by C. Giacon (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1950), pp. 113–61). For the following see Brodrick, Bellarmine, I, 216–68; J. C. Murray, ‘St. Robert Bellarmine on the Indirect Power’, Theological Studies, 9 (1948), 491–535; Vittorio Frajese, ‘Una teoria della censura: Bellarmino e il potere indiretto dei papi’, Studi storici, 25 (1984), 139–52; Bauer, ‘“Platina non vitas, sed vitia scripsit”’, pp. 279–89.

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merely acknowledged the realities of late-sixteenth-century Europe, combining theological argumentation with a clearheaded recognition of contemporary political conditions. The same pragmatism is also apparent, as we shall see, in his 1587 censorship of Platina’s Lives, drawn up just one year after the publication of his provocative discussion of papal power. 3. Pietro Galesini Born in or near Ancona, Pietro Galesini (c. 1520–90)33 lived mostly in Milan, where from the mid-1560s he was the chief collaborator and scholarly consultant of Archbishop Charles Borromeo (1538–84, canonized 1610).34 Galesini translated and interpreted Greek texts, and he also knew Hebrew. The first of his translations of works by Greek Church Fathers was Gregory of Nyssa’s Liber de virginitate (1562). This assignment was given to him by a group of cardinals who had been entrusted by Pope Pius IV with overseeing new patristic editions.35 His next translation was of sermons by Gregory of Nyssa, where in the dedicatory epistle

33

A proper study of Galesini is lacking; DBI has no entry on him. For a brief introduction see G. Philippart, ‘Galesini (Pietro)’, in Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, XIX (1981), cols 762–63. For a bibliography of his works and editions of 65 titles, see F. Argelati, Bibliotheca scriptorum Mediolanensium, 2 vols in 4 (Milan: Tipografia Palatina, 1745), II.2, cols 2113–19; it is revised by T. Moro, ‘Galesini (Pietro) di Ancona’, in idem and F. Vecchietti, Biblioteca Picena, 5 vols (Osimo: Quercetti, 1790–96), V , 1–14 (pp. 5–14). One ‘very affectionate great-grandson’ produced a catalogue of title pages of his finished and unfinished works (suggesting thereby that they had, in fact, all been published): Bibliognosis seu librorum notitia, quos Petrus Galesinus Anconitanus Protonotarius Apostolicus mira eruditione, scientia et labore conscripsit: in lucem edita per Dominum Ascanium Capestrellum, eius pronepotem amantissimum (Ancona, 1681); a copy of this rare item is held by the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Rome. 34

E. Cattaneo, Il Breviario Ambrosiano (Milan: [n. pub.], 1943), p. 91. See also Galesini’s dedication to Charles Borromeo, ‘patrono optimo’, of a collection edited by him: Salvian, De vero iudicio et providentia Dei; Maximus, Homiliae; Pacian, De paenitentia et confessione; Sulpicius Severus, Sacra historia; Dorotheus, De prophetis et discipulis domini; Haimo of Halberstadt, Sacrae historiae epitome: adiunctis in tres posteriores Petri Galesinii notationibus (Rome: Manuzio, 1564), sigs a2r–a5v. 35 See Galesini’s dedication to Pius IV, in Gregory of Nyssa, Liber de virginitate (Rome: Manuzio, 1562), sigs *2r–*4v (sig. *4r). On this preface see also F. Barberi, Paolo Manuzio: la stamperia del popolo Romano (1561–1570) (Rome: Cuggiani, 1942), pp. 114–15; M. Aubineau, ‘Introduction’ to his own edition of Gregory of Nyssa, Traité de la virginité (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1966), pp. 29–243 (pp. 215–16).

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to Charles Borromeo he discussed heresies in the Eastern Church.36 Although his rendering of the Liber de virginitate was included in Migne’s Patrologia Graeca, Galesini’s work as a translator did not win unanimous approval.37 Galesini also worked as a corrector for Paolo Manuzio’s press from 1563.38 In 1564 he for the first time published an edition with extensive notes, when in the Sacred Histories of Sulpicius Severus he enlarged on questions concerning Old Testament history.39 His two fields of interest — Greek patristics and the Old Testament — would come together, as we shall see, in his work on the Septuagint. From the second half of the 1560s until 1584, Galesini spent a large part of his time revising liturgical and hagiographical works under the patronage of Charles Borromeo. It appears from a letter of 1568 that his protectors in Rome were Cardinals Guglielmo Sirleto and Francesco Alciati.40 The longest and most intricate project was the revision of the Milanese breviary, which lasted with interruptions from around 1568 to 1582. Pius V (whose election to the papacy was masterminded by Borromeo) had published a revised breviary in 1568, and a similar revision was needed to suit the specific requirements of the Milanese church.41 In 1569 Galesini was in Mantua, where he was asked by the duke to 36

Gregory of Nyssa, Conciones V de oratione Domini; Conciones VIII de beata vita comparanda, (Rome: Manuzio, 1563), preface, sigs a3v–b4r. 37

In PG, 46, cols 317–416. See P. D. Huet, De interpretatione (Paris: Cramoisy, 1661), pp. 167–68, who judges Galesini a ‘verbosus interpres et diffusus neque satis pro patrum, quos exposuit, dignitate castigatus’. 38 Barberi, Paolo Manuzio, p. 43, n. 1. Other Manuzio editions with prefaces by Galesini include: Theodoret, In Canticum Canticorum explanatio (1563); Eucherius, Commentarii in Genesim et in libros Regum (1564) (cf. Barberi, Paolo Manuzio, pp. 127, 134). 39 Galesini, Notationes in Historiam Sulpicii Severi, in Salvian, De vero iudicio […], pp. 321–78. See also in the same volume his much shorter Notationes in Dorotheum, pp. 378–83, and Notationes in Haymonem, pp. 383–85.

Galesini to Sirleto, 29 September 1568, BAV, MS Vat. lat. 6184, part I, fol. 371r (qtd. in Cattaneo, Breviario, p. 92, n. 11): ‘Son tante le cagioni che continuamente mi fanno riconoscere obligatissimo servitore di Vostra Signoria Illustrissima, che volendo io alle volte ringratiarla dei favori che tutti i giorni ricevo da lei, mi fanno restare da questo dovuto officio, vedendo di non poter con alcuna sorte di parole sodisfare in parte veruna alla grandezza dei beneficii che ella mi ha fatti mentre io era in Roma et anche in absenza, degnandose di tener di me viva memoria, parlandone in tutte l’occasioni con tanta mia lode, il che mi viene ben spesso scritto de costì, et hora Monsignore Illustrissimo Alciati a bocca mi ne ha fatto pieno testimonio’. 40

41

For the project see Cattaneo, Breviario, pp. 75–89, 302–12. Galesini’s involvement in another project, the redaction of the Catechism of the Council of Trent (1566), needs to be

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help with the revision of the breviary for the local cathedral.42 In 1570, having returned to Milan in order to extricate himself from the Mantuan project, he was assigned the task of writing a catalogue of the archbishops of Milan.43 When in 1573 Silvio Antoniano was asked by Charles Borromeo to collaborate on the catalogue, he answered that he felt less qualified than Galesini, referring to him as ‘our Adamantius and a glutton for books’ (noster ille Adamantius et librorum helluo).44 The still unfinished revision of the Milanese breviary was put aside when the plague broke out in Milan in 1576. While Borromeo heroically helped to relieve the suffering of his fellow citizens, Galesini left for Rome after the outbreak. He was appointed apostolic protonotary around 1576 on the suggestion of Cardinal Francesco Alciati.45 The breviary was finally published in 1582.46 Galesini was keen to achieve recognition and success both in Milan and in Rome. This attitude provoked jealousy on the part of Milanese intellectuals, who accused him of introducing Romanizing elements into the Milanese breviary. And although Galesini was not from Milan, Borromeo gave this stranger the most important assignments and openly preferred him to local church historians for the edition of the Acts of the Milanese Church (1582).47 Galesini was also the

further investigated. See P. Paschini, ‘Il catechismo romano del Concilio di Trento: sue origini e sua prima diffusione’, in his Cinquecento romano e riforma cattolica (Rome: Pontificio Ateneo Lateranense, 1958), pp. 33–91 (p. 62). 42

Cattaneo, Breviario, pp. 77–78.

43

Galesini’s Tabulae archiepiscoporum sanctae ecclesiae Mediolanensis are in Acta ecclesiae Mediolanensis, ed. by A. Ratti, 3 vols (of this edn of the Acta, only vols II– IV were publ.) (Milan: Tipografia pontificia San Giuseppe, 1890–97), III, cols 381–401. See Ratti, ‘Praefatio’, ibid., II, pp. i–xxiv (p. xxiii); E. Cattaneo, Cataloghi e biografie dei vescovi di Milano dalle origini al secolo XVI (Milan: Nuove edizioni Duomo, 1982), p. 38. 44 Antoniano is comparing Galesini to the great biblical scholar Origen (c. 185–c. 254), who is also known as Adamantius. See the letter by Antoniano, Rome, to Borromeo, Milan, 24 January 1573, BAM, MS F 46a inf., fol. 59r–v (fol. 59 r) (quoted in Cattaneo, Cataloghi e biografie, pp. 35–36). 45

See Galesini, Martyrologium, Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae usui in singulos anni dies accommodatum (Milan: Da Ponte, 1578) (also publ. in Venice: Nicolini da Sabbio; Degli Antoni, 1578), dedication to Gregory XIII, sig. [3r]: ‘Ubi primum, Pater Sanctissime, Francisci Alciati Cardinalis amplissimi rogatu, protonotarium me creavisti’. 46

Breviarium Ambrosianum Caroli […] Archiepiscopi iussu recognitum atque editum (Milan: Da Ponte; Besozzi, 1582). 47

Acta ecclesiae Mediolanensis, ed. by Pietro Galesini (Milan: Da Ponte, 1582). On this collection see Ratti, ‘Praefatio’, pp. ii–vii; especially the letter by Borromeo to Cesare Speciano,

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author of a Martyrology which has been described as ‘the last free creation on this subject that the Catholic Church has known’.48 It was published when the plague ended in Milan in 1578, although it carried a papal privilege issued in 1574. Notwithstanding a positive assessment in Possevino’s influential Bibliotheca selecta,49 many negative judgements were pronounced on Galesini’s Martyrology. While it certainly did contain errors,50 it seems likely that another reason for the harsh criticism that it received was the offence which Galesini had given to local Milanese sensibilities.51 On the other hand, he had also offended Roman

quoted ibid., p. iii, n. 1: ‘Monsignor Galesino […] potrà fare quest’opera più piena et più compita per la cognitione che ha dell’antichità et pratica delle cose di questa Chiesa, et perché ha molte cose che non potrebbono haverle altri.’ Baronio, in a note to his own Martyrologium, appreciated the ‘tabulae Mediolanensis ecclesiae quas Reverendus Dominus Petrus Galesinus Protonotarius Apostolicus, doctus in primis ac disertus nobilissimi ingenii hac aetate scriptor quique in hoc argumenti genere magna cum laude versatus est, luculentissime illustravit’. See Martyrologium Romanum […] accesserunt notationes atque tractatio de Martyrologio Romano auctore Caesare Baronio (Rome: Domenico Basa, 1586), p. 8, n. f. 48 Galesini, Martyrologium; quotation from Philippart, ‘Galesini’, col. 762: ‘la dernière création libre qu’ait connu en la matière l’Église catholique’. See also H. Delehaye and others, ‘De Martyrologii Romani origine, fontibus, fide historica’, in their Martyrologium Romanum ad formam editionis typicae scholiis historicis instructum, Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum decembris (Brussels: [Société des Bollandistes], 1940), pp. ix–xxiii (p. xii): ‘Galesinius ultimus est martyrologorum qui a Beda Venerabili, per Usuardum, genus ducunt et sua sponte manum calamo admoverunt.’ 49

Antonio Possevino, Bibliotheca selecta, 2 vols (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana; Domenico Basa, 1593), I, 351–53. 50 S. Bäumer, Geschichte des Breviers (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1895), p. 475: ‘Dasselbe [Martyrologium] hat aber große Mängel; Galesini war in der biblischen und patristischen Literatur wohlbewandert, und seine diesbezüglichen Arbeiten verdienen alle Anerkennung, aber seine kirchenhistorischen Kenntnisse hielten damit nicht gleichen Schritt.’ See also Delehaye and others, ‘De Martyrologii Romani origine’, p. xii: ‘opus incompositum, erroribus multis deturpatum’. For copious annotations in Baronio’s hand on a copy of Galesini’s Martyrologium see Rome, Biblioteca Vallicelliana, MS Q 55. 51

See Cattaneo, Breviario, pp. 90, 92–93; and above, n. 47. Achille Ratti (later Pope Pius XI, 1922–39) still found it necessary to attack Galesini in a personal and moralizing way. See his ‘Il calendario ecclesiastico milanese del 1582, ossia S. Carlo canonizzato due anni prima della morte’, in San Carlo Borromeo nel terzo centenario della canonizzazione (Milan: Bertarelli, 1910), pp. 599–602 (p. 602): ‘Or il Galesini da una parte era nella massima confidenza col Santo Arcivescovo, dall’altra non era uomo di animo come di ingegno pienamente assennato e composto. La sua stessa confidenza, come i suoi scritti attestano, mostrava risentire quella sua tempera di spirito con un

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sensibilities because his Martyrology seemed to be aligned with the requirements of the Milanese church.52 The poor reputation of this edition lasted for centuries: at the beginning of the eighteenth century, Louis-Ellies Dupin stated in his catalogue of ecclesiastical writers that Galesini wanted to correct the Roman Martyrology by putting it into a new style and by adding many historical facts regarding the saints. […] His intention was to make it uniform for all churches. […] This work did not, however, obtain the approval of the Roman censors, to whom it seemed too long for recital in the divine office. The author is moreover accused of negligence in the quotation of his sources and in the confusion of names, dates and places which he produced.53

His Martyrology did not remain in use for long, since Gregory XIII, to whom it was dedicated, initiated an official revision of the Roman Martyrology in 1580. The commission included, most importantly, Cardinal Sirleto and Cesare Baronio.54 Despite the disapproval which he encountered, Galesini went to Rome in late 1582 or early 1583 and stubbornly managed to get involved in the production of the version that was published in May 1583. As he reported to

modo di parlare al suo Santo Padrone tra lo strisciante e il pretenzioso… stavo per dire insolente; non senza una tendenza a giustificarsi per incolpare gli altri; né manca chi lo sospetta adulatore.’ See also his ‘San Carlo Borromeo, Benedetto Arias Montano, Giovan Stefano Lainati’, ibid., pp. 382– 85 (p. 384, n. 1): ‘Pietro Galesino, che può ben dirsi esser egli stato il consulente scientifico o lo scienziato consulente alla corte del nostro Santo Arcivescovo […] fu certamente uomo di non comune ingegno e di vasta erudizione, ma farraginoso e dotato di poca critica; onde non fu sempre altrettanto buono ed illuminato che volonteroso consigliere del nostro Santo, massime in fatto di remota antichità ecclesiastica e di liturgia’. 52

Cattaneo, Breviario, p. 277; idem, Cataloghi e biografie, pp. 42–43.

53

Dupin, Nouvelle bibliothèque des auteurs ecclésiastiques, 2nd edn, 19 vols (Paris: Pralard (and others), 1690–1715), XVI (1710), p. 151: ‘[…] corriger le Martyrologe Romain en le mettant dans un style nouveau et y ajoûtant quantité de faits historiques touchant les saints. […] Son intention étoit de le rendre commun pour toutes les églises. […] Mais cet ouvrage n’eut point l’approbation des censeurs romains, à qui il parut trop long pour être recité dans l’office canonial. On accuse outre cela l’auteur de négligence dans la citation de ses garants et dans la confusion qu’il fait des personnes, des temps et des lieux.’ 54

On the official revision see now G. A. Guazzelli, ‘Cesare Baronio e il Martyrologium Romanum: problemi interpretativi e linee evolutive di un rapporto diacronico’, in Nunc alia tempora, alii mores: storici e storia in età postridentina (Atti del Convegno internazionale, Torino, 24–27 settembre 2003), ed. by Massimo Firpo (Florence: Olschki, 2005), pp. 47–89; idem, ‘Cesare Baronio ed il Martyrologium Romanum’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, Università di Roma II ‘Tor Vergata’, 2005).

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Borromeo, he succeeded in inserting a number of additional Milanese saints into the Roman Martyrology.55 In 1583, encouraged by Charles Borromeo, Galesini was also involved in the revision of further liturgical works in Rome (the ritual and the ceremonial).56 In 1584, he published an Italian-Latin dictionary which, he claimed, was derived not only from Cicero but also from classical marbles, coins, and inscriptions.57 After Borromeo’s death in 1584, Galesini stayed in Rome, where from 1585 he became a favourite of Pope Sixtus V. He edited a collection of poetry on the occasion of the erection of the obelisk in St Peter’s Square and composed a chronicle of Sixtus’s reign.58 His endorsement of Sistine policy is also apparent in his edition of the works of St Bonaventura, whose theology he wanted to become the foundation of a ‘well-equipped fortress’ of orthodoxy, while his expertise in biblical studies can be seen in the short commentary he wrote on the new edition of the Septuagint in 1587.59 In 1587 he also published an edition of St Basil, Conciones II de ieiunio.

55

Martyrologium Romanum ad novam kalendarii rationem et ecclesiasticae historiae veritatem restitutum, Gregorii XIII […] iussu editum (Rome: Domenico Basa; Zannetti, 1583). The fully approved version with the same title was published in 1584 (Rome: Domenico Basa). For Galesini’s involvement see Cattaneo, Breviario, pp. 276–81; esp. his draft letter to Gregory XIII of 22 October 1582, BAM, MS F 63 inf., fol. 132r (quoted in Cattaneo, p. 278, n. 6): ‘Pollicior enim me, pro ingenii mei tenuitate, aliquid operae atque adiumenti ad illius editionem allaturum esse.’ See also Cattaneo, Cataloghi e biografie, pp. 42–43. I thank Giuseppe Guazzelli for his advice concerning the Roman Martyrology. 56

Rituale Romanum ex veteri ecclesiae usu restitutum (Rome: Domenico Basa, 1584); Caeremoniale episcoporum iussu Clementis VIII […] novissime reformatum (Rome: Tipografia Medicea Orientale, 1600). See Galesini’s letters to Borromeo from 1583, in P. Borella, San Carlo Borromeo e il Cerimoniale dei vescovi (Varese: La Tipografica Varese, 1937), pp. 27–53. 57

Galesini, Tesoro della lingua volgar, latina […] con diligente osservatione et imitatione dei più nobili scrittori antichi latini; vi sono anco […] aggiunte voci et locutioni che si sono potute havere da marmi, medaglie et iscrittioni antiche de’ buoni tempi (Venice: Salicato; Da Ponte, 1584), preface, ‘A’ lettori’, sigs *6 r–*8r. 58

Obeliscus Vaticanus Sixti V […], ed. by Galesini (Rome: Grassi, 1587) (includes writings which were printed separately 1586). Similar works are his Sancti Didaci Complutensis canonizatio quam Sixtus V […] celebravit and his Translatio corporis Pii Papae V […] quam […] Sixtus V […] celebravit (both Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1588). See also Godman, Saint as Censor, pp. 83–84. 59 Galesini, De bibliis Graecis […] commentarius; idem, Sancti Bonaventurae vita (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1588), p. 56: ‘arx […] munitissima’. See also Godman, Saint as Censor, p. 84; Frajese, Nascita dell’Indice, pp. 109–10.

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By 1578 Galesini had composed annotations to Platina’s Lives of the Popes. He refers to these annotations in his Martyrology and he assumed that they would be published shortly in a new edition of Platina’s Lives, edited by himself.60 We possess only a few fragments of these notes.61 Perhaps Galesini had been inspired by Panvinio’s model in attempting to produce an annotated edition of Platina’s Lives.62 It seems, however, that, as with his Martyrology, Galesini was acting largely on his own initiative, and he soon abandoned the project. The content of his notes largely corresponds to what Galesini writes in his own Vitae pontificum (Lives of the Popes), probably composed in the second half of the 1570s but continued in the 1580s. Again, the work is fragmentary (but more extensive than the notes), and it does not seem that he ever completed it; however, there are four manuscripts in various stages of completion, indicating that he made a serious effort. He had a title page printed in Milan in 1577.63 The

60

See Galesini’s note on Pope Hyginus in his Martyrologium, Notationes, p. 26 (11 January): ‘De quo pluribus nos in nostris notationibus quas brevi edemus una cum Historia Platinae de vitis pontificum.” (My italics.) Further references where, in anticipation, he speaks in present or past tense can be found ibid., p. 9 (on Telesphorus, 5 January): ‘in notationibus ostendimus quas Platinae adiunximus’; p. 44 (Fabian, 20 January): ‘nosque diligentius libro notationum in Platinam’; p. 199 (Cornelius, 14 September): ‘nos praeterea admodum copiose in notationibus quas Platinae adscripsimus’; p. 244 (Silvester, 31 December): ‘atque haec quidem breviter hoc loco de Sancto Silvestro cuius res, divinitus actas, fuse explicamus libro notationum quas Platinae adiunximus’. See also the invented (or provisional) title page in Bibliognosis, fol. [7 v]: ‘Historia summorum pontificum a Bartholomaeo Platina conscripta et a P. Galesinio Protonotario Apostolico multis locis emendata notationibusque diligenter aucta atque illustrata, ad […] Sixtum V’. BAM, MS P 220 sup., fols 42 r–43 v (fragment on Linus; complete note on Cletus; fragment on Clement), 66 r–v (Anacletus, fragment) and 67r–v (Lucius III, fragment). 61

62 The proposed title Historia de vitis pontificum (above, n. 60) is the one used by Panvinio in his editions of 1562 and 1568. Galesini had once corresponded with Panvinio, who was about to send him some parts of his Church History. See his letter to Panvinio, 24 June 1567, in P. Mazzucchelli, Osservazioni intorno al saggio storico-critico sopra il rito ambrosiano (Milan: Pirotta, 1828), p. 381: ‘Accetto la promessa che mi fa di volermi donar uno o dui volumi della sua Historia ecclesiastica, et per benefitio di Santa Chiesa usi ogni diligenza di stamparla quanto prima che in vero se ne spera frutto et publico et privato.’ 63

BAM, MSS A 41 inf.; D 286 inf.; D 308 inf.; P 220 sup. Galesini’s Lives will be discussed, where relevant, in the apparatus to my edition of the censorship documents regarding Platina’s Lives. Title page (MS A 41 inf.): Vitae summorum pontificum a P. Galesinio Protonotario Apostolico pura illustrique brevitate conscriptae. Adiunctis imaginibus [Correction in Galesini’s hand: ‘P. Galesini Protonotarii Apostolici Commentarii de vitis pontificum’] (Milan: Pacifico da Ponte, 1577). This page includes Borromeo’s stemma; Da Ponte was the typographer of the Archbishop. Printer’s marks can be found in A 41 inf. on fols 19r [‘2/C’]–29v [‘24/C’], 30r [‘Pa/D’].

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work also attracted the interest of the Venetian printer Aldo Manuzio (the Younger), who in October 1583 offered to publish it, after Galesini had shown and promised it to him in Milan a year earlier.64 Galesini made another abortive attempt to publish his Lives of the Popes under Sixtus V, preparing an edition to which he added Annals of Sixtus’s pontificate. In the manuscript, he declared on the title page that he had written the work so that ‘with the obscurities of Platina’s errors dispelled, the entire truth of papal history may shine forth’.65 This manuscript may well date from 1587. It appears that Galesini acted as a consultant to the Congregation of the Index only during 1587. He became a consultant on 15 February.66 In addition to playing an important role in the discussions concerning the revision of the ten rules for the expurgation of books, he also presented his proposals for the censorship of several books, including, in July, Platina’s Lives and Étienne Dolet’s Commentaria linguae Latinae.67 After 24 September, however, Galesini’s name does not seem to

64

Aldo Manuzio, Jr, preface to Galesini, dated 1 October 1583, in Marco Antonio Majoragio, Commentarius in M. Tullii Ciceronis De partitione oratoria, in M. Tullius Cicero Manucciorum commentariis illustratus [i.e., Cicero, Opera], 10 vols (Venice: Manuzio, 1583), I, 237–422 (pp. 239–40): ‘Ego certe dum Mediolani fui (agitur autem nunc annus) multa in ea civitate praeclara vidi […] sed tuum indefessum in omnibus quae ad religionem pertinent laborem maxime admiratus sum […]. Pontificum vitas a te breviter ornatissimeque descriptas quas mihi dum istic fui ostendisti promisistique, si ad me miseris, efficiam ut in iis ornandis nihil a me desiderare possis.’ This was a republication by Manuzio of Majoragio, In Dialogum de partitione oratoria M. Tullii Ciceronis commentarius, ad Petrum Galesinium (Milan: Da Ponte, 1569). BAM, MS D 286 inf., fol. IIr: ‘De vitis pontificum libri quinque, ad Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum Sixtum V […], a Petro Galesinio Protonotario Apostolico, Ex scriptorum et Latinorum et Graecorum monimentis ex omnique ecclesiasticorum commentariorum antiquitate pure, Latine, luculente, breviter atque adeo dilucide conscripti, Ut disiectis Platinae errorum tenebris, historiae pontificalis omnis splendescat veritas. Quibus accesserunt Annales rerum eiusdem Sixti V Pontificis gestarum. Cum ad perpetuae historiae fidem, tum ad optimi sanctissimique pontificatus effigiem recte ordineque scripti.’ The Annales rerum Sixti V are on fols 209r–13r, with a dedication to Sixtus on fol. 215r. On his more extensive Annales Sixti V preserved in BAV, MSS Vat. lat. 5438–5439, see Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, X , 622–24. 65

ACDF, Index, Diari, I, fol. 16v; see also Protocolli, B, fol. 177v. Galesini had resisted, in 1583, an attempt by Sirleto to involve him in the work of the Congregation (Galesini to Borromeo, 26 February 1583, BAM, MS F 69 inf., fols 71r–73 r (fol. 73 r)). 66

67 See Galesini’s statements in ACDF, Index, Protocolli, B, fols 275r–78v, 367r–70 v. See also the records of the sessions in Index, Diari, I, fols 20v (7 May 1587), 21r (14 May 1587). For Dolet’s Commentaria see Diari, I, fol. 25r–v (30 July 1587); Protocolli, B, fol. 42r. On this work, which was first published in 1536–38, see also Index des livres interdits, IX , 176–77.

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be mentioned any longer in the papers of the Congregation.68 It is unclear whether he left at that point or instead a few months later, in January 1588, when the Congregation was reorganized by Sixtus V. If he left at the end of September, he would not have been present at the crucial sessions of November and December when the final discussions of the censorship of Platina’s Lives took place. He died in 1590.69

II. ‘Not the Lives of Popes but Their Vices’? The Censorship Proposals William Allen clearly had far more reason to take an uncompromising line on Platina than the other consultants of the Congregation. Robert Bellarmine and Pietro Galesini proved to be more moderate, carefully taking into account the critical and historical sensibilities of the Protestants. Yet, while Bellarmine made only mild criticisms of Allen, Galesini was very angry at what seemed to him not just a lack of sensitivity on Allen’s part, but outright historical ignorance. He stated at the end of his Judgement: From these points, I gather that Allen has changed many things in Platina for the worse or left out many others. Moreover, this whole matter requires a great deal of effort, especially since he has in effect left out many things on account of his lack of knowledge of the history of those times.70

68

ACDF, Index, Diari, I, fol. 27r.

69 For the final discussions, see above, p. 114. Even though Galesini had left the Congregation of the Index, he seems to have been working for the Inquisition in 1590. See Négociations diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane, ed. by A. Desjardins and G. Canestrini, 6 vols (Paris: Imprimerie Impériale, 1859–86), V (1875), 139, referring to a document of 16 June 1590: ‘Monseigneur Gallesino, au nom de l’Inquisition, rédige une réponse aux articles publiés par la Sorbonne.’ He died not long before 24 August 1590: in a letter of that date, Fulvio Orsini informed Gian Vincenzo Pinelli that Galesini had left his personal library to Cardinal Federico Borromeo. See M. Rodella, ‘Federico e i libri prima dell’Ambrosiana’, in M. Bonomelli, Cartai, tipografi e incisori delle opere di Federico Borromeo: alcune identità ritrovate (Rome: Bulzoni, 2004), pp. 19–31 (p. 23). 70 Galesini, De censura Platinae iudicium, Final Statements, G (see Documentary Appendix): ‘Ex his colligo multa vel male mutata esse in Platina ab Alano, vel multa omissa. Denique rem totam magno studio egere, cum praesertim multas pene omiserit ob historiae illorum temporum ignorantiam.’ It is not completely clear if the second sentence refers to William Allen or to Platina.

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Bellarmine had previously handed in his Judgement and Report (‘iudicium et relatio’) on the recommendations for censorship suggested by Allen.71 Bellarmine defended Platina against a bold opening statement by the English cardinal: I do not entirely approve of what the censor says in the beginning, that Platina did not so much write the lives [vitae] as the vices [vitia] of the popes. For while he writes the biographies of 220 popes, he openly praises 180 popes. He only criticizes about 40, however; and if from these you substract three or four, in which he follows Martinus Polonus or other ignorant authors, it seems that the remaining ones could have been justly rebuked, since here and there they are rebuked by other historians.72

Some of most potent material for attacking the papacy was contained in the lives of Pope Formosus (r. 891–96) and his successors up to John XII (955–64).73 Platina’s account of Formosus, Allen complains, is ‘extremely insulting’. Moreover, what he writes about in the biographies of the following popes — Stephen VI, Romanus I, Theodore II, Leo V, Sergius III, Christopher and John XII — is not their ‘lives’ but rather their ‘vices’.74 Therefore, according to Allen, the text must 71

For the chronology of the censorship documents see above, p. 113.

72

Bellarmine, De censura in Platinam iudicium et relatio, Final Statements, B: ‘Quod censor initio dicit Platinam non tam vitas quam vitia pontificum scripsisse, non omnino probo. Nam cum 220 pontificum vitas scribat, 180 pontifices simpliciter laudat. Solum autem circiter 40 reprehendit; e quibus si tres aut quatuor demas, in quorum vita sequutus est Platina Martinum Polonum aut alios imperitos scriptores, caeteri iure reprehendi potuisse videntur, cum ab aliis etiam historicis passim reprehendantur.’ Martin of Troppau, Chronica pontificum et imperatorum, ed. by L. Weiland, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, 22 (Hanover: Hahn, 1872), pp. 397–475, was a popular handbook of the late Middle Ages. According to W. Wattenbach, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter bis zur Mitte des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts, 5th edn, 2 vols (Berlin: Hertz, 1885–86), II, 427, this Dominican became ‘almost the exclusive history teacher for the Catholic world’ (‘fast der ausschließliche Geschichtslehrer für die katholische Welt’). Wattenbach saw him as quite harmful (‘durchaus schädlich’) for the development of historiography on the early Middle Ages in the thirteenth century (ibid., p. 432). Bellarmine pointed out that Martin was a simple man who took fables for historical sources (‘fuit […] vir simplex, et fabellas pro historiis obtrudit’: De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis (Rome: Zannetti, 1613), p. 206). On Martin of Troppau see also J. J. I. von Döllinger, Die Papst-Fabeln des Mittelalters, 2nd edn by J. Friedrich (Stuttgart: Cotta, 1890), pp. 10–11; A.-D. von den Brincken, ‘Martin von Troppau’, in Geschichtsschreibung und Geschichtsbewußtsein im späten Mittelalter, ed. by H. Patze (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1987), pp. 155–93. 73

See 84, Formosus (see Documentary Appendix), and the comments on the following popes up to 99 John XIII (today John XII). 74 See 84, Formosus, A1 (Documentary Appendix): ‘De Formoso contumeliosissima quaeque Platina narrat, sed aliter scribunt alii, praesertim Flodoardus in Vita Rhemensium episcoporum et Luitprandus [sic] Ticinensis. In pontificibus sequentibus: Stephano VI, Romano I, Theodoro

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be purged with the help of authors such as Flodoard of Rheims and Liutprand of Cremona. Robert Bellarmine, on the other hand, argued: So that we might not think that the stability of St Peter’s See was due to the unspoilt and blameless lives of its occupants, God in the end permitted some popes of scarce probity to occupy the throne and reign. These were Stephen VI, Leo V, Christopher I, Sergius III, John XII, and not a few others, if what was written by the historians of those times about their lives and deeds is true. It does not matter, therefore, that the heretics exert themselves so much in hunting out the vices of certain popes; for we freely acknowledge and admit that these vices were numerous enough. But, far from obscuring and lowering the prestige of the Roman See, the lives of these men served rather to emphasize its greatness.75

The papacy, Bellarmine concludes, stands not by the wisdom or prudence or strength of man, but because it is protected by God.76 Elegant as this defence is, one cannot fail to notice that he forsakes the ground of historical argumentation in order to explain why the papacy survived the grave crisis initiated by Pope Formosus. For Bellarmine, the behaviour of the popes was an isolated factor — it was uninfluenced by political or social conditions, nor did it affect the lives of the faithful.77

II, Leone V, Sergio III, Christophoro et Ioanne XIII, non vitas, sed vitia eorum Platina scripsit, ideo purgandus.’ (My italics.) 75

Bellarmine, ‘Praefatio in libros De summo pontifice, habita in Gymnasio Romano anno incorruptam et mores integerrimos summorum pontificum tam diu stetisse hanc sedem, permisit ad extremum Deus, ut etiam quidam parum probi pontifices aliquando hanc sedem tenerent et regerent. Quales sane fuerunt Stephanus VI, qualis Leo V, Christophorus I, Sergius III, Ioannes XII aliique non pauci, si vera sunt quae de eorum vita et rebus gestis apud historicos eorum temporum scripta leguntur. Itaque nihil est quod haeretici tantum laborent in quorundam pontificum vitiis conquirendis. Nos enim agnoscimus et fatemur ea fuisse non pauca. Sed tantum abest, ut iis gloria huius sedis obscuretur vel minuatur, ut i‹is›dem potius vehementer crescat et amplificetur.’

MDLXXVII’, in his Disputationes, I, 592–99 (p. 594): ‘Ac ne forte putaremus ob vitam

76 Ibid., I, 594: ‘Hinc enim intelligimus: non humano consilio, prudentia, viribus, Romanum pontificatum tam diu consistere, sed quia haec petra ita a Domino roborata, divinitus fundata, angelorum custodiis septa, singulari Dei providentia et protectione munita est, ut adversus eam portae inferorum nullo modo praevalere possint [Matthew 16. 18]’. 77 For a case study of Bellarmine’s approach to historical issues from a logical and dogmatic perspective, rather than adopting the view of an historian, see J. L. Orella Unzué, ‘Il concetto di Impero romano e il problema della “Translatio” nella polemica tra Flaccio Illirico e Bellarmino’, in Roma, Costantinopoli, Mosca (Naples: Edizioni scientifiche italiane, 1983), pp. 151–71 (pp. 166– 69). See also Bauer, ‘“Platina non vitas, sed vitia scripsit”’, pp. 287–88.

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Galesini showed a sense of pragmatism similar to that of Bellarmine. He was even less content with Allen’s proposed changes, because he removes many sentences from the author which pertain to historical truth and which involve the vices and errors of the popes. If these are not in Platina, they are found in other historians. Why, therefore, should they be tolerated in those historians, but not in this author? Platina will henceforth speak in many different ways: one way in the emended book, and another in the old, unemended one. I do not know, alas, how this can be avoided. In addition, heretics [that is, Protestants] will say that in order to safeguard deeds involving the moral conduct of popes, we adulterate books — which we complain is done by them. And if the bad deeds of the popes do not obstruct faith when they are seen, they will not do so when they are read about. For all Catholics admit that the Roman pope can behave badly, though he cannot be mistaken in matters of faith, nor can his throne fail.78

Neither Bellarmine nor Galesini was prepared to endorse the more extreme recommendations made by Allen, whose severe judgements were conditioned by his personal experience of religious struggle. 1. Moral Issues It is useful to divide the objections of the censors to Platina’s Lives into two main categories: (1) moral issues and (2) problems relating to church tradition. We shall see how Allen’s comments on moral issues were almost always seconded by the other censors, while his recommendations for dealing with problems relating to church tradition rarely received their assent. The first of the moral issues raised by Allen concerns a central theme in Platina’s Lives: the humanist’s attacks on materialism in the Church. Allen objects to the phrase tum corporis tum fortunae (‘[things] of the body or of fortune’). According to Platina, when Peter transferred his papal powers to Clement, he urged him to disregard ‘both corporeal endowments and earthly blessings’ in caring for the spiritual well-being

78

Introductory Statements, G (see Documentary Appendix): ‘Quia multas periodos ex autore demit ad veritatem historiae pertinentes, quae vitia vel errata pontificum continent. Ea si in Platina non sunt, in aliis historicis inveniuntur. Cur ergo in illis historicis tolerantur, non in hoc autore? Deinde Platina multis modis loquetur, aliter in emendato codice, aliter in antiquo non emendato; pro nescio quo modo aboleri possit. Adde quod haeretici dicent nos libros corrumpere, ut morum pontificum facta tueamur, quod nos ab illis querimur fieri. Et si male facta pontificum visa non obsunt fidei, nec oberunt lecta. Nam omnes Catholici fatentur pontificem Romanum malum esse posse, in fide errare non posse, nec sedem eius deficere posse.’

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of the community.79 Platina’s source here is Clement’s report of his conversation with Peter, as found in the Liber pontificalis, in which he is simply warned not to devote himself to secular affairs.80 Platina, however, changed the nuance of Peter’s instruction: Clement is asked to spurn and have contempt for all things of the body (health, beauty, etc.) and of fortune (wealth, fame, honour, etc.). Platina thus cleverly introduced his own moral programme into an historical episode which was central to the formation of clerical and papal self-conciousness. It was based on an interpretation of Aristotelian ethics current among Italian Renaissance humanists, according to which the goods of the soul (virtues), bona animi, were assigned a higher value than the bona corporis et fortunae.81 Platina’s historiographical approach throughout the Lives is characterized by this type of moral criticism. The censors, however, do not seem to have understood Platina’s strategy. Allen objects to the phrase bona fortunae because it ‘does not smack of Christian piety’, while Galesini maintains that the saints nevertheless used this expression, since they [the goods of fortune] do not have a definite cause dependent on human prudence. Even so, divine providence is not excluded; for Christian philosophers admit chance and fortune as the causes of things, without detracting from providence.82

The censors were more concerned here with the idea of fortuna, ‘chance’, than with Platina’s criticism of materialism in the Church. In fact, Platina’s mention

79 See 2, Peter, G10(*) (Documentary Appendix); and Platina, Vitae, p. 12. 20–24: ‘[…] Claementem episcopum consecrat, eique cathedram et Ecclesiam Dei commendat his verbis: “Eandem ego tibi potestatem ligandi et absolvendi trado, quam mihi Christus reliquit: spretis ac contemptis rebus omnibus, tum corporis, tum fortunae, oratione et praedicatione saluti hominum, ut bonum pastorem decet, consule.” (My italics.) 80 LP, I, 118: ‘Hic beatum Clementem episcopum consecravit, eique cathedram vel ecclesiam omnem disponendam commisit, dicens: “Sicut mihi gubernandi tradita est a domino meo Iesu Christo potestas ligandi solvendique, ita et ego tibi committo ut ordinans dispositores diversarum causarum, per quos actus ecclesiasticus profligetur, et tu minime in curis saeculi deditus repperiaris; sed solummodo ad orationem et praedicare populo vacare stude.”’ (My italics.) This conversation is also reported in Clement’s Epistola ad Iacobum fratrem Domini, 2 (Decretales Ps.Isidorianae, p. 31). See also Duchesne, in LP, I, 119, n. 11. 81 82

For further examples see Kraye, ‘Moral Philosophy’, pp. 330–31.

2, Peter, G10(*) (Documentary Appendix): ‘Alanus non vult dici “bona fortunae”, quod non sapiat pietatem Christianam. Sed ita tamen locuti sunt sancti, et dicuntur “bona fortunae”, quia certam causam ex humana prudentia pendentem non habent. Non tamen excluditur divina providentia; nam casum et fortunam ut causas rerum admittunt philosophi Christiani, providentiae non detrahentes.’

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of fortuna was merely incidental to his aim of promoting clerical poverty. By making a slight alteration to the description of the moral code given to succeeding popes by St Peter, he expertly played on the ethical sensibilities of his readers. His other, more open attacks on the morals of clerics were firmly condemned by the censors. In the life of Urban I (r. 222–30), for instance, Platina writes: Urban also ordained that the Church might receive estates in land or houses, bestowed on it by the faithful, however that the revenues from them should not be any one’s property, but rather for the common good to be distributed individually among the whole clergy — a practice which is obsolete today, such is man’s rapacity and covetousness.83

Allen objects to the last phrase, quod hodie obsolevit, tanta est hominum rapacitas et libido, and comments: ‘This is stated in an insulting manner and should therefore be deleted, particularly since he preferred to spew out the poison of his hatred rather than write truthfully.’ With this Ciceronian expression (virus acerbitatis suae evomere), which one might have expected him to use when speaking of a Protestant, Allen sharply reproaches Platina; and Galesini agrees that the offensive phrase should be deleted.84 This sets the tone for all further passages in which Platina reprehends churchmen for their materialism or lack of piety. Shortly after, in the life of Anterus (r. 235–36), Platina attacks the transferral of bishoprics, a subject discussed with great passion at the Council of Trent: He [Anterus] also decreed that a bishop could be translated from his first bishopric to another, not, however, for his own private need and benefit, but only for that of the flock assigned to him, and by authority of the pope — which today is commonly violated. For prelates, who have regard for their own profit, or even pleasure, are always looking out for a richer bishopric which they can pillage. They do not enquire how many sheep are to be fed there and how this can be achieved, which is the duty of a good pastor; instead, they want to know how much can be extracted from that see per year. There is little mention among them of the care of souls, but a good deal about the

83 Platina, Vitae, p. 35. 12–15: ‘Eiusdem quoque Urbani institutum fuit, ut ecclesia praedia ac fundos a fidelibus oblatos reciperet, partireturque proventus clericis omnibus viritim, nihilque cuiuspiam privatum esset, sed in commune bonum, quod hodie obsolevit; tanta est hominum rapacitas et libido.’ (My italics.) 84 18, Urban I, A1 (Documentary Appendix): ‘Contumeliose dictum, idque propterea delendum, cum praesertim maluerit virus acerbitatis suae evomere quam vere scribere.’ Cf. Cicero, De amicitia, 87: ‘evomat virus acerbitatis suae’ (speaking of Timon of Athens). For Galesini’s agreement see 18, Urban I, G1*: ‘Dele illud […]. Quod etiam notat Alanus.’

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increase of their revenues, by which they may nourish many cattle and even more sluggish and dull servants in their houses.85

Allen comments: ‘This should be removed, as he deliberately attacks not only the times, but also the men of these times, in a more hurtful manner than is appropriate and than befits a Christian.’86 Although Platina raises a question that was central for the administration of the Church, Allen objects only to his attacks on clerical morality, expressing no interest in the sources on which this tradition was based. Again Galesini agrees with Allen’s recommendation to delete Platina’s negative comments.87 A quarter of a century after the reign of Anterus, the pontificate of Dionysius provides Platina with another occasion to hurl abuse at the clerics of his own day. Writing about the Bishop of Antioch, Paul of Samosata, who was deposed at the synod of Antioch in AD 268, he describes his excessively large entourage. As a result of his affectation and arrogance, says Platina, many people came to detest Christianity. He goes on to draw a comparison with the present: But what would they do [if they lived] in our time, in which there is no limit to pride and pomp, not to mention luxury? If they saw so many young men walking in front [of the priests], dressed in silk and scarlet garments, on headstrong horses with shining ornaments? And if they perceived the crowd of priests who followed, with cloaks of all the best colours hanging down from both sides of the horses covered in gold? I know that they would curse them and say that they have nothing in common with Christ beyond a certain similarity of their religion.88

85 Platina, Vitae, p. 37. 26–33: ‘Censuit [Antherus] item episcopum omisso primo episcopatu ad alium, necessitatis causa et utilitatis non sui ipsius sed creditarum ovium, posse transferri, interposita summi pontificis auctoritate — quod hodie a plerisque contra fit. Ad utilitatem enim propriam respicientes, immo voluptatem, ut habeant unde expilent, ad huberiorem semper respiciunt; non quot oves et qua ratione pascendae sint quaerentes, quod est officium boni pastoris, sed sciscitantes quantum singulis annis inde excerpi possit. De cura animarum parva fit mentio, de augendis proventibus magna; quo multa iumenta et plures servos, ac eos quidem ignavos et stolidos, domi alant.’ See also Canon 15 of the First Council of Nicaea (ad AD 325). For the discussions at the Council of Trent see H. Jedin, Geschichte des Konzils von Trient, 4 vols (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1949–75), ad indicem s.v. ‘Residenzpflicht der Bischöfe’. 86 20, Anterus, A1 (Documentary Appendix): ‘Tollantur, quia iniuriosius quam par est et Christianum hominum decet, invehitur de industria non solum in tempora sed in homines.’ Compare Cicero, In Verrem, I. 12. 35: ‘sunt homines […] qui, quasi de industria, in odium offensionemque populi Romani inruere videantur’. 87 88

20, Anterus, G1* (Documentary Appendix): ‘Delendum est, ut notat Alanus.’

Platina, Vitae, p. 44. 5–6: ‘propter hominis arrogantiam Christianam religionem plerique detestabantur’; ibid., p. 44. 6–11: ‘Sed quid facerent nostra tempestate, qua nil vel superbiae vel

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Allen comments on this passage: ‘All this should be deleted because, trespassing over the bounds of modesty, he arrives at such insanity that he pursues with excessive fury the pomp of the cardinals, which is appropriate to such great dignity.’ Bellarmine and Galesini agree.89 In Allen’s case, it is interesting to note that he defended the habitual displays of luxury put on by the cardinals, even though he himself was the poorest of the lot.90 His real concern was that Platina’s Lives should not contain the kind of criticism put forward also by Protestants about the princely behaviour of cardinals. In the life of Marcellinus (r. 296–304), Platina continues this line of attack with a remarkable display of anger. He first reports Eusebius’s judgement that the persecutions under Diocletian and Maximian were a just punishment for the moral corruption of Christians, especially among the clergy. He then goes on to complain at length about overly ambitious churchmen in his own day.91 Allen

pompae, nolo dicere luxuriae, addi potest? Si tot adolescentes anteambulones sericatos et coccinatos in equis praeferocibus ac phaleratis viderent? Sique subsequentium presbyterorum turbam cernerent, chlamydibus optimi cuiusque coloris hinc inde ab equis deauratis pendentibus? Execrarentur eos sat scio; dicerent nil eis cum Christo praeter similitudinem quandam religionis commune esse.’ 89

24, Dionysius, A1 (Documentary Appendix): ‘Deleantur omnia, quoniam modestiae fines transiliens ad id dementiae venit, ut pompam cardinalium, quae tantae dignitati convenit, furenter nimis insectetur.’ Cicero uses the expression ‘insectantur furiae’ (‘they were pursued by the Furies’), which refers to Aeschylus’s Orestes (Cicero, De legibus, I. 14. 40); this may be relevant to Allen’s repeated accusation that Platina is ‘too tragic’ (32, Silvester I, A5; 79, Gregory IV, A1). For Bellarmine’s and Galesini’s agreement see 24, Dionysius, B1* (implicit agreement) and G1*. 90 91

Duffy, ‘William, Cardinal Allen’, p. 286; idem, ‘Allen, William’.

Platina, Vitae, pp. 48. 26–49. 2: ‘Hanc autem calamitatem, quam nostri passi sunt, a Deo permissam refert Eusebius, propter corruptos nimia libertate et indulgentia Christianorum mores; maxime vero ecclesiasticorum, quorum perversitatem divina iusticia frenare hac persecutione instituit, dum simulationem in vultu, dolum in corde, fallaciam in eorum verbis cerneret. Ii enim livore, superbia, inimicitiis, odiis inter se certantes, tyrannidem potius quam sacerdotium sapere videbantur, Christianae pietatis omnino obliti, ac divina mysteria prophanantes potius quam celebrantes. Sed quid futurum nostra aetate arbitramur? qua vitia nostra eo crevere, ut vix apud Deum misericordiae locum nobis reliquerint? Quanta sit avaritia sacerdotum, et eorum maxime qui rerum potiuntur, quanta libido undique conquisita, quanta ambitio et pompa, quanta superbia et desidia, quanta ignoratio tum suiipsius, tum doctrinae Christianae, quam parva religio et simulata potius quam vera, quam corrupti mores, vel in prophanis etiam hominibus, quos saeculares vocant, detestandi, non attinet dicere, cum ipsi ita aperte et palam peccent, ac si inde laudem quaererent. Veniet, mihi credite, utinam falsus sim vates, veniet Thurcus hostis Christiani nominis, Diocletiano et Maximiano violentior: Italiae

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protests: ‘He pursues the clerics with foul words; but there is no need for extreme language.’ Galesini agrees.92 The censors seem to have overlooked that Platina was relying on Eusebius’s Church History, in which the same complaint was expressed.93 This raises two questions. Were the censors only worried about Platina’s presentation of such criticisms in a manner which they believed was highly damaging to the Catholic Church and to the dignity of the papacy? Or were they also concerned about whether Platina’s criticisms were founded on the truth? Firstly, I would say that although Allen complains about the ‘excessive language’, what he really objects to is the content, which of course cannot be separated from the insulting language in which it is expressed. No criticism at all of the Church or its members is acceptable to him. Secondly, while Allen, on the whole, rejects such passages out of hand, the other censors in most cases (though not here) are interested in the sources on which Platina’s attacks are founded. They take a more responsible attitude to the historical facts, that is, to what could be known from the written sources. Nonetheless, they always agree with Allen’s recommendations to delete Platina’s attacks on clerical or papal immorality.94 Platina raises such moral criticisms throughout the Lives. He reproaches churchmen for their greed, ambition, and luxurious lifestyle. He expresses disdain for uneducated ‘parasites’, as well as sons of criminals who have managed to enter the ranks of the clergy; and he notices a lamentable lack of piety and discipline among clerics.95 He reports every wicked deed of the corrupt popes of the tenth century;96 and he never fails to mention when a pope was the son claustra iam pulsat! Nos desides et somniculosi interitum communem expectamus, voluptati privatae potius quam communi utilitati consulentes.’ 92

28, Marcellinus, A1 (Documentary Appendix): ‘Insectatur etiam maledictis clerum, sed nihil opus est exaggerata oratione.’ In Ciceronian rhetoric ‘exagerrata oratio’ can have a positive or negative implication, i.e., that a particular style is either ‘developed’ or ‘puffed up’. See De oratore, I. 55. 234 and III. 27. 105; Orator, LVII. 192; Brutus, XVII. 66. Galesini’s agreement: 28, Marcellinus, G1*. 93

Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica, VIII. 1 (PG, 20, cols 739–43): ‘cum pastores nostri, spreta religionis regula, mutuis inter se contentionibus decertarent […]’ (col. 742) etc. 94 The actual implementation of the suggestions of the censors in the 1592 edition is discussed below, pp. 187–92. 95

See Documentary Appendix: 32, Silvester I, A5, A6; 79, Gregory IV, A1 (greed); 34, Julius, A3; 41, Zosimus, A1 (‘parasites’); 75, Stephen III, A1 (lack of piety). 96

Ibid.: 84, Formosus, A1; 86, Stephen VI, A1; 87, Romanus, A1; 88, Theodosius, A1; 91, Leo V, A1; 92, Christopher, A1; 97, Leo VI, A1; 99, John XIII, A1.

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of another churchman or even of another pope.97 He takes particular delight in recounting how Benedict IX sold his pontificate to Gregory VI.98 The culmination of Platina’s censures of materialism are his comments on the life of John XXII (r. 1316–34), where he defends the belief, condemned by this pope, that Christ and his disciples had no private property.99 Allen’s verdict is always clear-cut in such cases and invariably wins the assent of his fellow censors: ‘Dele’. 2. Church Traditions a. The Donation of Constantine When posing the question of how Platina treated church traditions, an obvious starting point is the Donation of Constantine.100 Allen complains in his comments on Platina’s account of Constantine, included in the biography of Silvester I: ‘He plainly writes nothing on the Donation of Constantine. And this, therefore, does not seem to be in accordance with all the others who write about it correctly and clearly — just as shortly after, in the life of Mark, he openly declares his false opinion.’101 Allen continues this argument in his comments on Platina’s life of Mark: There102 he categorically denies that Constantine suffered from leprosy and was cleansed through baptism. This certainly contradicts what the Roman Church, the teacher of truth, perpetually hands down through the words of the life of St Silvester [Vita Silvestri].

97

Ibid.: 96, John XI, A1; 98, John XII, A1; 101, John XIV, A1; 105, John XVI, A1.

98

Ibid.: 112, Benedict IX, A1.

99

Ibid.: 123, John XXIII, A1. See above, p. 108.

100

Critical edition: Das Constitutum Constantini, ed. by H. Fuhrmann, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Fontes iuris Germanici antiqui in usum scholarum separatim editi, 10 (Hanover: Hahn, 1968). For printed versions in the sixteenth century (first printing: 1494) see Fuhrmann’s preface, pp. 43–45. Platina would most likely have used the abbreviated text included in the Decretum, D. 96 c. 13–14 (cols 342–45). For a reliable short introduction to the Donation and questions related to it, see H. Fuhrmann, ‘Constitutum Constantini’, in Theologische Realenzyklopädie, ed. by G. Krause and others, 36 vols (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1976–2004), VIII (1981), 196–202 (with bibliography). 101

32, Silvester I, A2 (Documentary Appendix): ‘De donatione Constantini nihil plane scribit. Idque propterea ceteris omnibus de ea recte aperteque scribentibus assentiri non videtur, ut paulo post in vita Marci falsam opinionem suam palam testatur.’ 102

Platina, Vitae, p. 58. 10–12: ‘Quod vero in lepram inciderit [Constantinus], ut vulgo dicitur, baptismoque mundatus sit […] nullo modo credo […].’ See also p. 154, below.

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Chapter 4 Therefore, what Platina writes against the everlasting and holy tradition of the Church must be deleted.103

The Vita Silvestri, to which Allen refers, is in fact thoroughly fictional.104 Why then did he defend it so vigorously against Platina? To begin to answer this question it is necessary to consider the large discrepancy between the fame of Pope Silvester I (r. 314–335) and the scanty achievements attributed to him today — or indeed the scanty facts known about him. As he reigned at the time of Emperor Constantine the Great (d. 337), church tradition demanded a pope of stature and significance. Later legend therefore assigned important achievements to Silvester.105 He was, most importantly, said to have baptized Constantine at the Lateran, thereby curing him of leprosy. Also, Silvester was the alleged recipient of the Donation of Constantine, in which dominion over the West was transferred to the pope. These two elements of the legend fed into each other. In examining the Donation (more correctly Constitutum Constantini), which was probably fabricated between 750 and 850, one must therefore first look at the fictitious biography of Silvester, Vita Silvestri (more correctly Actus Silvestri or Acts of St Silvester). The Acts were composed around four hundred years before the Donation, between c. AD 366 and 501.106 The episodes narrated in them were

103

33, Mark, A1 (Documentary Appendix): ‘Praecise hoc loco negat Constantinum e lepra laborasse baptismoque mundatum esse. Id profecto inficiatur quod ecclesia Romana, veritatis magistra, perpetuo tradidit litteris Vitae Sancti Silvestri. Quare delenda sunt quae Platina scribit contra perennem sanctamque ecclesiae traditionem.’ 104

Döllinger, Papst-Fabeln, pp. 62–63: ‘In dem ganzen Dokumente findet sich nicht Ein historischer Zug.’ 105 W. Pohlkamp, ‘Silvester I.’, in Lexikon des Mittelalters, 10 vols (Munich: Artemis; LexMA; Stuttgart: Metzler, 1977–99), VII (1995), cols 1905–08, affirms that his pontificate ‘hat kaum Spuren in der historischen Überlieferung hinterlassen’. Pohlkamp draws attention to this ‘nachträgliche Aufwertung’ (ibid.). 106 W. Pohlkamp, ‘Privilegium ecclesiae Romanae pontifici contulit: zur Vorgeschichte der Konstantinischen Schenkung’, in Fälschungen im Mittelalter: internationaler Kongreß der Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 6 vols (Hanover: Hahn, 1988–90), II (1988), 413–90 (p. 416, for the date; pp. 425–27, for the name). On the Acts, which are preserved in over 350 manuscripts (ibid., p. 419) and have a complicated textual history, see also: W. Pohlkamp, ‘Textfassungen, literarische Formen und geschichtliche Funktionen der römischen SilvesterAkten’, Francia, 19.1 (1992), 115–96; V. Aiello, ‘Costantino, la lebbra e il battesimo di Silvestro’, in Costantino il Grande dall’antichità all’umanesimo, ed. by G. Bonamente and F. Fusco, 2 vols (Macerata: Università degli studi di Macerata, 1992–93), I, 17–58; G. Fowden, ‘The Last Days of Constantine: Oppositional Versions and their Influence’, Journal of Roman Studies, 84 (1994), 146–70. On the development of the myth of Constantine in the West, particularly in the late

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transmitted in part directly, in part through the Liber pontificalis107 and the text of the Donation of Constantine. It is thus from the Acts that the story of the baptism and healing of Constantine gained widespread currency. Whereas in reality Constantine was baptized at the end of his life by Eusebius, the Arian bishop of Nicomedia,108 in the legend this event was transferred to Rome. It was supposed to have been performed by Pope Silvester in connection with the battle at the Milvian Bridge.109 Together with the Donation, this version of Constantine’s baptism became an essential part of church tradition. It was included in all chronicles of the popes starting with the sixth-century Liber pontificalis. Pius V confirmed what had become the traditional view in the Breviarium Romanum of 1568.110 The Roman baptism was recorded in the inscription on the Egyptian obelisk erected at the Lateran by Sixtus V, which received its benediction on 10 August 1588.111 The obelisk, which was first erected in the Circus Maximus in 357, had originally recorded the triumph of Emperor Constantius II (son of Constantine,

sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, see V. Aiello, ‘Aspetti del mito di Costantino in occidente: dalla celebrazione agiografica alla esaltazione epica’, Annali della Facoltà di lettere e filosofia della Università di Macerata, 21 (1988), 87–116. 107 LP, I, 170: ‘[Silvester] cum gloria baptizavit Constantinum Augustum, quem curavit Dominus a lepra’. See Duchesne’s discussion, ibid., pp. cix–cxx. 108

See Eusebius, Vita Constantini, IV . 61–63, and, following him, Socrates, Historia ecclesiastica, 39 (PG, 67, col. 178), and Sozomen, Historia ecclesiastica, II. 34 (PG, 67, col. 1029); also Jerome, Eusebii Chronicorum liber secundus, ad AD 341 (PL, 27, cols 499–500). See also the fundamental treatment by F. J. Dölger, ‘Die Taufe Konstantins und ihre Probleme’, in Konstantin der Große und seine Zeit, ed. by idem (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1913), pp. 337–447 (pp. 381–94).

I.

109

Vita Silvestri, in Bonino Mombrizio, Sanctuarium seu vitae sanctorum (first publ. Milan, c. 1477), ed. by A. Brunet and H. Quentin, 2 vols (Paris: Fontemoing, 1910; repr. Hildesheim: Olms, 1978), II, 508–31 (pp. 512–13). The text is also available in P. De Leo, Ricerche sui falsi medioevali, I (no more publ.) (Reggio Calabria: Editori meridionali riuniti, 1974), pp. 153–221. In the sixteenth century, the Vita was published in the collections of lives of saints edited by Luigi Lippomano and Laurentius Surius. 110 111

See Dölger, ‘Taufe Konstantins’, p. 378; and below, n. 120.

Avviso of 10 August 1588, in J. A. F. Orbaan, ‘La Roma di Sisto V negli Avvisi’, Archivio della R. Società romana di storia patria, 33 (1910), 277–312 (pp. 304–05). On the obelisk see M. Mercati, Gli obelischi di Roma (first publ. Rome: Domenico Basa, 1589), ed. by G. Cantelli (Bologna: Cappelli, 1981), pp. 317–23; Dölger, ‘Taufe Konstantins’, pp. 377–78; Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, X , 465–67; C. D’Onofrio, Gli obelischi di Roma, 3rd edn (Rome: Romana Società Editrice, 1992), pp. 243–59; G. Cipriani, Gli obelischi egizi: politica e cultura nella Roma barocca (Florence: Olschki, 1993), pp. 46–51.

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r. 337–61) over Magnentius and was devoid of any religious meaning.112 Sixtus V, however, transformed it into a celebration of Constantine’s Christianity; one of the new inscriptions reads: ‘Constantine, victor through the intervention of the cross, who was baptized here by St Silvester, spread the glory of the cross.’113 The giant monolith had been rediscovered in the swamp which was then the Circus Maximus, on 15 February 1587. The ensuing excavation was a major enterprise: five hundred workers were employed to dredge the area and unearth the stone pillar. On 11 November 1587 the obelisk had arrived at the Lateran.114 For Sixtus, Constantine’s Roman baptism was important enough to be recorded on Rome’s biggest obelisk, placed in front of the mother church of Western Christianity. The new inscriptions may have been composed by Silvio Antoniano.115 If so, one or more of Platina’s censors may well have been aware of their content in 1587, since Antoniano was a colleague of theirs in the Congregation of the Index. A volume edited by Galesini in the same year, celebrating the placing of a bronze statue of St Peter on Trajan’s column, contains poems by Antoniano. Galesini, as a prominent chronicler of Sixtus V’s pontificate, also described the festivities celebrating the erection of the Vatican obelisk.116 In the Congregation of the Index, one of Antoniano’s tasks was to deal with questions relating to images. Together with Galesini he played a key part in devising the iconographic 112

For the original inscriptions and a report in Ammianus Marcellinus, see Mercati, Obelischi di Roma, pp. 247–68; Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin: Reimer; de Gruyter, 1862– ), VI.1 (1876), no. 1163. 113 Still in place today: ‘Constantinus per crucem victor a S. Silvestro hic baptizatus crucis gloriam propagavit.’ 114

For the rediscovery see Mercati, Obelischi di Roma, p. 318; D’Onofrio, Obelischi di Roma, p. 243; for the excavations: Domenico Fontana, Del modo tenuto nel trasportare l’obelisco Vaticano (Rome: Domenico Basa, 1590), fol. 60v (cited in Cipriani, Obelischi egizi, pp. 46–47); Flaminio Vacca, Memorie di varie antichità trovate in diversi luoghi della città di Roma (1594), in Famiano Nardini, Roma antica, 4th edn by A. Nibby, 4 vols (Rome: De Romanis, 1818–20), IV , separate pagination, pp. 5–6. For the arrival at the Lateran, see the Avviso of 11 November 1587, in Orbaan, ‘Roma di Sisto V negli Avvisi’, p. 301. 115 This is suggested by D’Onofrio, Obelischi di Roma, p. 252, on the grounds that Antoniano supervised many inscriptions made during Sixtus V’s pontificate (ibid., p. 184). According to Frajese, Popolo fanciullo, p. 64, at the time Antoniano’s ‘abilità letteraria veniva ormai solo impiegata a scopi di decoro pubblico, precisando così quella collocazione di vate di corte, di bardo di stato, che aveva esercitato fin dagli esordi’. 116 Dedicatio columnae cochlidis Traiani Caesaris Augusti ad honorem Sancti Petri […], ed. by Pietro Galesini (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1587); Obeliscus Vaticanus, ed. by Galesini (see above, p. 137).

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programme and the inscriptions for the frescoes in the Salone Sistino in the Vatican.117 It is no wonder, then, that both Cesare Baronio and Robert Bellarmine accepted the legend (although they both doubted the historical veracity of the Donation).118 Baronio defended the Acts of St Silvester, Constantine’s Roman baptism, and his leprosy in his Annales in 1592.119 The story of Constantine’s baptism, although somewhat altered, was still included in the Roman Breviary in the twentieth century, even though both Catholic and Protestant church historians had long rejected it unanimously.120 Platina took an idiosyncratic approach to these issues. He did not believe in the healing of Constantine’s leprosy, but he thought that his Roman baptism was a valid tradition. For Platina, it was very unlikely that Constantine had received his baptism from Eusebius, the Bishop of Nicomedia, at the end of his life, since this might have implied that he had descended into the Arian heresy.121

117

Angelo Rocca, Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1591), pp. 41, 272; Frajese, Popolo fanciullo, pp. 68–88, with the documents on pp. 124–30. 118 See G. Laehr, ‘Die Konstantinische Schenkung in der abendländischen Literatur des ausgehenden Mittelalters’, QFIAB, 23 (1932), 120–81 (pp. 179–81); Aiello, ‘Aspetti del mito’, pp. 112–13; Zen, Baronio storico, pp. 229–36; V. Frajese, ‘Tendenze dell’ambiente Oratoriano durante il pontificato di Clemente VIII’, Roma moderna e contemporanea, 3 (1995), 57–80 (p. 80). For Bellarmine’s defence of the translatio of the Empire by the pope from the Greeks to the West (in the person of Charlemagne) against Flacius, see Orella Unzue, ‘Concetto di Impero’. 119 Baronio, Annales ecclesiastici, 12 vols (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1588–1607), III (1592), ad AD 324, pp. 213–56. 120

Breviarium Romanum ex decreto sacrosancti Concilii Tridentini restitutum […] Pii V […] iussu editum […] Pii Papae X auctoritate reformatum, 3rd edn ‘post typicam’ (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1923), 31 December, 9 and 18 November. Constantine’s Roman baptism is repeated, but his leprosy is interpreted as a spiritual disease: ‘baptizatus a Sancto Silvestro, ab infidelitatis lepra mundatus est’ (p. 1461, 9 November). In Breviarium Romanum ex decreto sacrosancti Concilii Tridentini restitutum, Pii V […] iussu editum (Rome: Manuzio, 1568), p. 895 (9 November), the passage reads: ‘baptizatus a Sancto Silvestro, a lepra mundatus est’. See also Döllinger, Papst-Fabeln, p. 71. For the communis opinio among church historians see Dölger, ‘Taufe Konstantins’, p. 379. 121

Platina, Vitae, p. 57. 21–29: ‘Sunt enim qui affirmant Constantinum ultimis imperii sui annis, instigante sorore, Arrium ab exilio revocasse, quod invidia damnatum hominem mulier diceret, in eiusque dogma declinasse. Hos ego deceptos similitudine nominis puto, et patri illud asscribere, quod filii scelere factum est […]. Scribunt praeterea Constantinum ab Eusebio Nicomediae episcopo, Arriani dogmatis imitatore, baptizatum esse. Quod quidem falsum esse et religio principis ostendit, et baptisterium huius rei causa Romae ab eo magnificentissimis operis aedificatum. A Sylvestro enim una cum Crispo filio baptizatur, pulsis ab Urbe tyrannis, fidemque edocetur.’

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In fact, says Platina, Constantine successfully expelled the tyrants from Rome, was baptized by Pope Silvester together with his son Crispus, and founded the baptistery at the Lateran to commemorate the event.122 Platina gives a series of reasons for maintaining that Constantine received his baptism as soon as he came to understand its value, rather than waiting until the end of his life: his fighting under the standard of the cross; his building of churches; his presence at councils; and his frequent participation in the mass. Platina thus accepted the commonly held belief (quod omnes ferme sentiunt) that Constantine was baptized in Rome. Even though he was aware of the differing accounts by Socrates and Sozomen (Historia Tripartita), he was convinced that he was following ‘the truth which is consistent with the religion and piety of this outstanding ruler’.123 Platina’s line of argument, nevertheless, shows an interesting evaluation of the written sources as measured against historical probability — though with a bias

122 This caused some confusion to the (anonymous) first Italian translator of Platina’s Lives. The phrase ‘A Sylvestro enim una cum Crispo filio baptizatur’ (Vitae, p. 57. 28–29) was turned into: ‘Fu batteggiato da Silvestro con il figliuolo di Christo.’ (Il Platina, Delle vite et fatti di tutti i sommi pontefici Romani (Venice: Michele Tramezzino, 1543), fol. 31r). The publisher of the second Italian translation, Giovan Maria Bonelli, complained about this error in his preface, citing it as an egregious example of the numerous mistakes which justified printing a new translation (Platina, Delle vite de’ pontefici (Venice: Bonelli, 1552), sig. a2v). The sentence was corrected to: ‘Fu battezato da Silvestro con Crispo il figliuolo suo.’ (fol. 59v). See below, p. 184. On the reinterpretation of the old baptisterium of Constantine’s basilica see Dölger, ‘Taufe Konstantins’, pp. 422–26. 123 Platina, Vitae, p. 58. 5–10: ‘Misceant isti, ut volunt, rem hanc: et nos, quod omnes ferme sentiunt, credamus, Constantinum qui in signo crucis toties hostes vicerat, qui tot templa in honorem Dei aedificaverat, qui sacris conciliis interfuerat, qui toties cum sanctis patribus in mysteriis oraverat, baptismatis caractere, ubi sapere coepit, muniri etiam contra hostem humani generis voluisse. Non latet me certe quid Socrates et Sozomenes in Tripartita sua velint, quidque alii plerique; veritatem sequor optimi principis religioni et pietati convenientem.’ In the Florence manuscript of the Lives (see above, p. 96), Platina had originally written (fol. 36 v): ‘Misceant isti, ut volunt, historiae fabulam: et nos, quod omnes ferme tenent, credamus […].’ In the second sentence, he had written: ‘veritatem sequor non auctorum conficta nomina et eorum maxime qui, cum Graeci sint, sibi etiam in re ficta credi volunt. Nec mihi obiiciant Ambrosii auctoritatem qui Graecorum opinionem secutus dicit Constantinum in ultimis constitu‹tu›m baptismate lotum fuisse’. He deleted the italicized passage and continued: ‘optimi principis religioni et pietati convenientem’. Cf. Ambrose, De obitu Theodosii, 40 (PL, 16, col. 1462): ‘cui […] baptismatis gratia in ultimis constituto omnia peccata remiserit’; Cassiodorus, Historia Tripartita, III. 12 (PL, 69, col. 956): ‘Nicomediae in suburbano sacri baptismatis donis initiatus est [Constantinus]’. See also Schorn, Quellen, p. 41; and above, n. 108. ‘Alii plerique’ might refer also to Enea Silvio Piccolomini; see below, p. 158.

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informed by church tradition. The same method led him, by contrast, to dismiss the story of Constantine’s leprosy as false: ‘I do not believe at all that, as is widely held, he contracted leprosy and was cured of it by baptism, some fable or other having been concocted earlier about the blood of infants.’ He continues by pointing out that neither Socrates, Orosius, Eutropius, nor Constantine’s biographers mentions his leprosy, nor indeed does any other Christian or pagan writer.124 Platina is not consistent: he names Socrates as his authority, even though shortly before, he had rejected his report that Constantine was baptized in Asia Minor.125 On the other hand, he dismisses the Acts of St Silvester, which were the main source for the Roman baptism of Constantine (and for his leprosy). Platina does not mention the Donation, that is, the transferral of temporal dominion to the pope by the emperor, in the life of Silvester.126 Allen’s assumption that Platina doubted its historical veracity therefore seems justified. Platina’s doubts may have been reinforced by his moral conviction that the pope should not occupy himself with temporal affairs. He could well have been influenced by the rejections of the Donation by Nicholas of Cusa and Lorenzo Valla. Platina would certainly have applauded the lengthy oration that Valla puts into the mouth of Silvester, in which the Pope, speaking to Constantine, rejects the proposed donation on the grounds that the Church should be poor.127 Valla was elaborating here on the brief mention, in the Donation, of Silvester refusing 124

Platina, Vitae, p. 58. 10–17: ‘Quod vero in lepram inciderit, ut vulgo dicitur, baptismoque mundatus sit, conficta prius de sanguine infantum nescio qua fabula, nullo modo credo, Socratem hac in re secutus, qui affirmat Constantinum ipsum ubi quintum et LX aetatis annum attigisset, aegritudine captum, ex urbe Constantinopoli ad aquas calidas egressum valetudinis causa, nulla de lepra mentione habita. Praeterea vero hac de re a nullo scriptorum fit mentio, non dico ab his, qui ethnici sunt habiti, sed ne a nostris quidem. Non reticuisset hoc Orosius, non Eutropius, non illi qui Constantini res gestas quam diligentissime scripsere.’ See Schorn, Quellen, pp. 31, 41–42; also n. 131, below (for Platina’s hypothesis that the leprosy story arose from the confusion of Constantine with an eighth-century Byzantine emperor). 125

Socrates, Historia ecclesiastica, I. 39 (PG, 67, col. 178), does not mention the leprosy specifically. He reports that Constantine went to the baths in Helenopolis to seek remedy for an unspecified disease [morbus]. Since he felt his death was imminent, says Socrates, he took his baptism in nearby Nicomedia, where he then died. It is interesting to note how much weight Platina gives to Socrates, which makes his inconsistency with regard to him all the more striking. 126 127

He does do so, in passing, much later in the life of John VII (705–07); see below, p. 159.

Lorenzo Valla, De falso credita et ementita Constantini donatione, ed. by W. Setz, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Quellen zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters, 10 (Weimar: Böhlau, 1976), I. 19–27, pp. 76–85.

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the crown. The Emperor, so the Donation continues, instead placed the phrygium on the Pope’s head and, like a groom, held the reins of his horse.128 Platina does refer to particular elements of the story, such as the golden diadem, which, he says, the Pope declined to wear since it was entirely unsuitable for a religious head (religioso capiti minime conveniens), and the white Phrygian mitre he chose to wear in its place.129 This detail has contemporary relevance because Paul II wore a particularly splendid tiara, for which Platina criticized him, not only in his biography of the Pope,130 but also in the life of Hadrian I (r. 772–95), where he says that Paul looked like a ‘Cybele with turrets on her

128

See Decretum, D. 96 c. 14, cols 343–44, where Constantine speaks in the first person: ‘Beato Silvestro […] contradimus palatium inperii nostri Lateranense, deinde diadema, videlicet coronam capitis nostri, simulque frigium, nec non et superhumerale, videlicet lorum quod inperiale circumdare assolet collum; verum etiam et clamidem purpuream atque tunicam coccineam et omnia inperialia indumenta […]. Ipse vero beatissimus papa, quia super coronam clericatus, quam gerit ad gloriam Beati Petri, omnino ipsa ex auro non est passus uti corona, nos frigium candido nitore splendidum, resurrectionem dominicam designans, eius sacratissimo vertici manibus nostris inposuimus, et tenentes frenum equi ipsius pro reverentia Beati Petri stratoris offitium illi exhibuimus, statuentes eodem frigio omnes eius successores singulariter uti in processionibus ad imitationem inperii nostri.’ (My italics.) Although the Decretum contains only an abbreviated version of the Donation, these two passages are given in full; cf. Constitutum Constantini, ed. by Fuhrmann, XIV . 216–24, XVI. 253–61, pp. 87–88, 91–93. 129 Platina, Vitae, p. 53. 6–8: ‘Nam et pontificibus diadema aureum distinctum gemmis concedebat [Constantinus]; quod quidem Sylvester aspernatus, tanquam religioso capiti minime conveniens, phrygia mitra et candida tantummodo contentus fuit.’ See W. Setz, Lorenzo Vallas Schrift gegen die Konstantinische Schenkung De falso credita et ementita Constantini donatione: zur Interpretation und Wirkungsgeschichte (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1975), p. 108; G. Antonazzi, ‘Lorenzo Valla e la donazione di Costantino nel secolo XV ’, Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia, 4 (1950), 186–234 (p. 222); idem, Lorenzo Valla e la polemica sulla donazione di Costantino (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1985), p. 142; M. G. Blasio, ‘Radici di un mito storiografico: il ritratto umanistico di Martino V’, in Alle origini della nuova Roma: Martino V (1417–1431), ed. by M. Chiabò and others (Rome: Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, 1992), pp. 111–24 (p. 121). Platina clearly did not pay attention to Valla’s famous philological demonstration that the forger’s use of the words ‘diadema’ and ‘phrygium’ was anachronistic. The forger thought that diadems at the time were golden crowns, and so too did Platina. Also, Platina used the term phrygium, which Valla claims was not a proper Latin word. Valla, De falso credita, IV . 50–51, pp. 116–18. 130 Platina, Vitae, p. 392. 2–7: ‘De apparatu pontificio non est cur ambigas, maiores ab hoc uno superatus, regno praesertim, sive mitram velis appellare, in quam multas opes contulit, coemptis undique ac magnis preciis adamantibus, saphiris, smaragdis, chrysolithis, hyaspidibus, unionibus, et quicquid gemmarum in precio est, quibus ornatus tanquam alter Aron in publicum forma humana augustiore prodibat. Inspici tum ab omnibus volebat et admirari.’

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head’.131 It has been suggested that Paul’s ostentatious use of the tiara and of precious gems was a ‘dramatization’ of the legend of Silvester and that this was the reason for a revival of anti-Valla propaganda, in favour of the Donation and the legend, by Antonio Cortesi, Jean Jouffroy, and others.132 If so, Platina’s questioning of the Donation may have implicitly contributed to his hostile account of Paul II. The Donation states that Silvester refused the diadem because ‘it was not permitted to use’ (non est passus uti) a golden crown on top of the clergy’s crown, that is, the tonsure, which the Pope wore in honour of St Peter. The document does not actually explain why the Pope should not wear a crown — after all, the Donation was intended as a vindication of papal temporal power. Platina, however, introduces a subtle ethical dimension when he says that the crown is inappropriate for ‘a religious head’, referring not to the tonsure, but to the pope’s role as a religious leader. His choice of words could have served to underscore a rejection of wealth and temporal power by the pope in line with the speech Valla invented for Silvester. This would reinforce what Platina wrote near the

131

Ibid., p. 137. 7–17: ‘Dum haec in Gallia gererentur, Constantinus in Oriente imperator [i.e., Constantine V, r. 741–75] elephantiae morbo correptus (unde fortasse nata est illa de lepra Magni Constantini vana opinio ob similitudinem nominis), moriens Leonem IV imperatorem reliquit, qui adeo gemmis delectatus est ut, direpto sacrario Sanctae Sophiae, coronam magni ponderis ac pretii sibi constituerit, qua quidem ita frequenter utebatur, ut aut propter pondus aut ob frigiditatem lapillorum subito morbo correptus sit. Idem quoque accidisse nostra aetate Paulo II putaverim, qui adeo his muliebribus delinimentis delectatus est, conquisitis undique magno pretio gemmis et exhausto pene Ecclesiae Romanae aerario, ut quotiescunque in publicum prodiret, Cybeles quaedam Phrygia ac turrita, non mitrata, videretur. Hinc ego ortam tum sudore praepinguis corporis, tum gemmarum pondere apoplexiam illam puto, qua correptus subito morbo interiit.’ See also Miglio, Storiografia pontificia, pp. 121–53, esp. pp. 129, 132; De Vincentiis, Battaglie di memoria, pp. 92–126, esp. pp. 101–02; S. Tarquini, Simbologia del potere: codici di dedica al pontefice nel Quattrocento (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2001), pp. 13–18. 132 See Fubini, ‘Papato e storiografia’, pp. 236–39 (quotation pp. 238–39: ‘una drammatizzazione della leggenda di Silvestro’); Miglio, Storiografia pontificia, pp. 139–40. In contrast, De Vincentiis (Battaglie di memoria, pp. 102–06, 128, 147–49) doubts that Paul II purposefully vindicated the Donation. For the latest contribution to this discussion, which remains ‘aperto’, see Modigliani, ‘Paolo II e il sogno’ (quotation from p. 126). On Cortesi’s Antivalla, see also Setz, Vallas Schrift, pp. 137–42; Antonazzi, Valla e la polemica, pp. 123–26; M. Miglio, ‘Una famiglia di curiali nella Roma del Quattrocento: i Cortesi’, Miscellanea storica della Valdelsa, 108.3 (2002), 41–48 (p. 44). On Jouffroy’s belief in the validity of the Donation (in a dialogue, BAV, MS Ottob. lat. 793), see also C. Märtl, Kardinal Jean Jouffroy († 1473): Leben und Werk (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1996), pp. 203–04, 349.

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beginning of his life of Silvester, where he says that Constantine embraced Christianity precisely because it obliges us ‘to practise frugality, to rejoice in poverty’ — an audacious claim, as there is no evidence for this insight into Constantine’s motives.133 It is not surprising that the censors let these provocative remarks pass: they were unlikely to object to Platina’s portrayal of the Pope’s highminded moral stance. Implicitly, however, his aim was rather to put Silvester forward as an example against which the clergy of his time could be measured and found wanting. As with St Peter’s instructions to his successors, Platina again adds his own ingredients to historical tradition in order to support his ethical programme. Tellingly, he ends the life of Silvester by presenting the abstemious hermit St Antony of Egypt as a model of a virtuous religious man.134 Nicholas of Cusa and Valla launched their critiques of the Donation in 1433 and 1440 respectively. Both first of all rejected the Acts of St Silvester. Nicholas of Cusa compared the Acts to the testimony of Jerome and argued: ‘Who would not rather believe Jerome, who is approved, than the writings of an unknown author that are called apocryphal when the author is not known?’135 Valla, taking up Nicholas of Cusa’s point, flatly rejected the Acts as ‘false and unworthy’.136 Enea Silvio Piccolomini also criticized the Donation (in 1443 and 1453–55),

133

Platina, Vitae, p. 52. 23–26: ‘Is igitur tantus princeps omnia circunspiciens, omnia considerans, ubi honestatem Christianae religionis intellexit, qua servare parsimoniam, paupertate gaudere, mansuetudinem colere, paci studere, simplicitate et constantia uti iubemur, eam ita complexus est, ut iturus ad bellum non alio quam crucis signo uteretur.’ (My italics.) 134

Ibid., p. 57. 11–15.

135

Nicholas of Cusa, Opera omnia (Leipzig; Hamburg: Meiner, 1932– ), XIV .3: De concordantia catholica, ed. by G. Kallen (1959), III. 304, p. 334: ‘Quis non crederet potius Hieronymo approbato quam ignoti auctoris scripturis, quae apocryphae dicuntur, quando auctor ignoratur?’; trans. by P. E. Sigmund, The Catholic Concordance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 220. 136 Valla, De falso credita, IV . 79, p. 152: ‘Ego vero, ut ingenue feram sententiam, Gesta Silvestri nego esse apocrypha quia, ut dixi, Eusebius quidam fertur auctor, sed falsa atque indigna que legantur existimo, cum in aliis tum vero in eo quod narratur de dracone, de tauro, de lepra, propter quam refutandam tanta repetii.’ The discussion of the Acts is in IV . 73–79, pp. 144–55. Earlier (IV . 36, p. 97) he says about the Acts: ‘historia illa non historia sit, sed poetica et impudentissima fabula’. For elements of fables in the Acts see Mombrizio, Sanctuarium, II, 529–30 (dragon), 525–28 (bull), and 510–13 (leprosy). For a recent discussion of Valla’s familiarity with Cusanus’s text see R. Fubini, ‘Contestazioni quattrocentesche della Donazione di Costantino: Niccolò Cusano, Lorenzo Valla’, in idem, Storiografia dell’umanesimo, pp. 249–90 (first publ. in Costantino il Grande dall’antichità all’umanesimo, I, 385–431).

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following Nicholas of Cusa and to some extent Valla.137 He did not believe in the Roman baptism even in 1461 when he had already become Pope Pius II (1458–64). In rejecting the story of the leprosy, he may well have served as Platina’s model.138 Like Nicholas of Cusa, Piccolomini came to the conclusion that although the Donation was false, this did not diminish papal rights to exercise temporal power, which came from God through St Peter.139 If Platina was inspired by such criticisms, he certainly did not follow them unquestioningly. His tactic was, rather, to sidestep the sensitive issue of the Donation. A critical discussion would have been provocative in a history of the popes; remaining silent must have had the nearly same effect. Much later in the book, however, he does mention the Donation of Constantine, though only in passing. In a passage in the life of John VII (705–07), when discussing a donation of the Lombard King Aribert II (701–12) to the Pope, Platina says: Some write, though without good authority, that Aribert, King of the Lombards, moved by religious sentiment, gave the Cottian Alps […] to St Peter. Others maintain that the donation [of Constantine] itself was only confirmed by Aribert. But since there is no certainty concerning the donation, and the canonists call it the chaff, because it yields no corn, and since it has no Constantinian elegance and dignity, how will there be agreement concerning its confirmation?140

137

Piccolomini, Pentalogus de rebus ecclesiae et imperii (1443), in B. Pez, Thesaurus anecdotorum novissimus, 6 vols (Augsburg: Veith, 1721–29), IV .3 (1723), cols 637–744; Piccolomini, Dialogus (de somnio quodam) (c. 1453–55; first publ. Rome: Schurener, 1475), in his Opera inedita, ed. by G. Cugnoni (Rome: Salviucci, 1883), pp. 234–99, esp. pp. 255–57 (trans. with notes by A. Scafi, Dialogo su un sogno (Turin: Aragno, 2004), pp. 193–202). Platina knew the Dialogus: see Vitae, p. 362. 4–6, where ‘libros in dialogo edidit […]’ refers to this text, even if the section on Constantine is not listed. See also Voigt, Piccolomini, II, 292–94; Laehr, ‘Konstantinische Schenkung’, pp. 168–70; Setz, Vallas Schrift, pp. 101–07; Modigliani, ‘Pio II e Roma’, pp. 101– 05; Scafi, ‘Il Dialogo su un sogno di Enea Silvio Piccolomini’, in his trans. Dialogo su un sogno, pp. 9–101 (pp. 59–74); and, for Biondo’s as well as Piccolomini’s treatment of the Donation, De Vincentiis, Battaglie di memoria, pp. 136–46. I thank Alessandro Scafi and Duane Henderson for their advice. 138

See Piccolomini, Cosmographia, in his Opera, pp. 281–386 (p. 338), in the section on Asia minor, written in 1461. See Döllinger, Papst-Fabeln, p. 70. Platina’s statement regarding the leprosy, ‘hac de re a nullo scriptorum fit mentio’ (above, n. 124), echoes the Dialogus, pp. 255– 56, where Piccolomini writes that Socrates, Sozomen and Theodoret ‘de lepra nusquam mentionem efficiunt’. 139 140

Piccolomini, Dialogus, p. 260.

Platina, Vitae, p. 120. 5–10: ‘Sunt qui scribant, sine auctore tamen, Arithpertum Longobardorum regem religione motum condonasse Alpes Coctias beato Petro, et quicquid a

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Aribert’s donation concerns the restitution of lands on the Ligurian coast, which had been occupied during the Lombard invasion under King Rotari (625–43).141 In the latter part of this passage Platina criticizes the Donation of Constantine, which would have given the Church title to these lands in the first place. He mentions chaff or straw (palea), since it was well known that the Donation was contained in the Paleae, that is, additions, to Gratian’s Decretum from the twelfth century. By not including the Donation in his collection, Gratian had dealt a blow to its historical veracity. Nicholas of Cusa argued that if this section had not been apocryphal, Gratian would undoubtedly have found it in the old manuscripts and collections of the canons. And because he did not find it, he did not include it. Hence whoever added it later inserted that invented story in this way as an additional title [Palea], in the same way that many other extracts from apocryphal works appear.142

According to Valla: ‘Some say that he who added this chapter was called Palea, either because that was his real name or because what he added of his own, compared with Gratian, is as straw beside grain.’143

Taurinis et Medulis Genuam usque Lygusticamque protenditur. Alii autem affirmant donationem ipsam ab Arithperto confirmatam fuisse. Verum cum de donatione nil certi habeatur, paleamque pontificii iuris periti appellent, quod sine frumento sit, nihilque Constantinianae elegantiae ac dignitatis habeat, quomodo de confirmatione constabit?’ Platina seems to have taken the first part of this passage (‘Sunt qui scribant [… ]’) from Piccolomini’s Epitome supra Decades Blondi, I. 10, p. 181, where no authority is cited. The second part (‘Alii autem […]’) could refer to LP, I, 385: ‘Aripertus […] donationem patrimonii Alpium Cutiarum, qui longa per tempora a iure ecclesiae privatum erat ac ab eadem gente detenebatur, in litteris aureis exaratam iuri proprio beati apostolorum principis Petri reformavit’. See also Bede, De temporum ratione, ad AD 708 (PL, 90, cols 569–70); and Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum, VI. 28 (PL, 95, col. 642). 141 P. Fabre, ‘Le patrimoine de l’Église romaine dans les Alpes cottiennes’, Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, 4 (1884), 383–420; E. Caspar, Geschichte des Papsttums von den Anfängen bis zur Höhe der Weltherrschaft, 2 vols (Tübingen: Mohr, 1930–33), II, 726. 142 Nicholas of Cusa, De concordantia catholica, III. 300, p. 332: ‘si non fuisset illud dictamen apocryphum, Gratianus in veteribus codicibus et canonum collectionibus invenisset. Et quia non invenit, non posuit. Unde qui postea addidit, pro Palea ita illam confictam scripturam posuit, sicut multa alia inveniuntur ex apocryphis libris nostris inscripta’; trans. by Sigmund, Catholic Concordance, p. 219. 143 Valla, De falso credita, IV . 35, pp. 95–96: ‘Nonnulli eum, qui hoc capitulum adiecit, aiunt vocatum Paleam vel vero nomine, vel ideo quod que de suo adiunxit ad Gratianum comparata instar palearum iuxta frumenta existimentur’; trans. by C. B. Coleman, The Treatise of Lorenzo Valla on the Donation of Constantine (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1922; repr. Toronto:

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After making that same pun, Platina goes on to remark that the Donation had ‘no Constantinian elegance and dignity’. This reflects what humanists thought of the document. Valla, for instance, had rebuked the author of this medieval forgery for writing in a sermo barbaries, which the humanist had used to prove its inauthenticity: ‘Let us talk to this sycophant about barbarisms of speech; for by the stupidity of his language his monstruous impudence is made clear, and his lie.’144 The Donation had no more dignity than elegance in the judgement of Valla, who said of its forger: ‘God is my witness, I find no words, no words merciless enough to stab this most abandoned scoundrel; so full of insanity are all the words he vomits forth.’145 It is worth examining — as background to the censorship proceedings — how Platina’s views on the various issues were received both north of the Alps and in Italy in the course of the sixteenth century. The first chancellor of the University of Tübingen, Johannes Nauclerus (Vergenhans, 1425–1510), was sympathetic to Platina’s ideas. Nauclerus was familiar with the environment in the Curia, since he met Pope Pius II in Mantua in 1459 and visited the Apostolic Chancery in 1466. His Chronica of 1506 has been called ‘Germany’s first critical work of history’. 146 While Platina’s Lives were an important source

University of Toronto Press; Renaissance Society of America, 1993), p. 75. Even now it is not certain why the additions are called Paleae. Possibly it is because Gratian’s first glossator was named Paucapalea. See D. Maffei, La donazione di Costantino nei giuristi medievali (Milan: Giuffrè, 1964), pp. 25–31. For further literature on the Paleae see A. Winroth, The Making of Gratian’s Decretum (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 11–12, n. 28. 144

Valla, De falso credita, IV . 43, p. 107; IV . 50, p. 116: ‘de barbarismo cum hoc sycophanta loquamur, cuius ex stultiloquio impudentissimum eius patescet sua sponte mendacium’; trans. by Coleman, Treatise, p. 105. One of Platina’s successors as Vatican librarian, Agostino Steuco (1498–1548), would later point out the substantial shortcomings of Valla’s treatise which in its methodology relied too heavily on philology and rhetoric. See R. K. Delph, ‘Valla Grammaticus, Agostino Steuco, and the Donation of Constantine’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 57 (1996), 55–77; Setz, Vallas Schrift, pp. 183–88. 145 Valla, De falso credita, IV . 60, p. 128: ‘Deum testor, non invenio quibus verbis, qua verborum atrocitate confodiam hunc perditissimum nebulonem, ita omnia verba plena insanie evomit’; trans. by Coleman, Treatise, p. 123. 146 See J. Haller, Die Anfänge der Universität Tübingen, 1477–1537, 2 vols (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1927–29), I, 14–19; P. Joachimsen, Geschichtsauffassung und Geschichtsschreibung in Deutschland unter dem Einfluß des Humanismus, I (no more publ.) (Leipzig: Teubner, 1910), pp. 91–104 (p. 92): ‘das erste kritische Geschichtswerk Deutschlands’. See also W. Goez, ‘Die Anfänge der historischen Methoden-Reflexion in der italienischen Renaissance und ihre

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for him, Nauclerus clearly demonstrated his patriotism, for example, when he took sides with the emperors against the popes in recounting the Investiture Controversy.147 He followed Platina, however, regarding the baptism and leprosy of Constantine; and he also doubted the authenticity of the Donation.148 The Bohemian humanist Gelenius (Øehoø Hrubý, d. 1514) translated some brief extracts of Platina’s Lives into Czech; and in his translation of Valla’s treatise in 1513, he denounced the forged Donation as an expression of the materialism and secularization of the Church, basing this conclusion on examples taken from Platina’s Lives, in which churchmen are frequently rebuked for availing themselves of worldly riches.149 Platina’s life of Silvester also gave food for thought to an early Swiss Reformer, the Basel theologian and first biographer of Ulrich Zwingli, Oswald Myconius (1488–1552). In a letter to Zwingli of 1521, he drew attention to Platina’s enumeration of the riches given to the Church by Constantine and his account of the popes who had followed what the Reformer

Aufnahme in der Geschichtsschreibung des deutschen Humanismus’, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 56 (1974), 25–48 (pp. 32–35). 147

Joachimsen, Geschichtsauffassung, pp. 91–104.

148

Johannes Nauclerus, Memorabilium omnis aetatis et omnium gentium chronici commentarii (1506), ed. by Nikolaus Basellius, 2 vols (Tübingen: Anshelm, 1516), II, generatio XI, fol. 39r–v: ‘[Constantinus] a Silvestro enim una cum Crispo filio invenitur baptizatus […]. Quod vero lepram inciderit baptismoque mundatum sit, quod abstinuerit a sangue infantium, Platina putat confictum, nec a veris scriptoribus de eo mentio fit: non tacuisset hoc Orosius, non Eutropius, non illi qui Constantini res gestas diligentissime scripsere.’ See Antonazzi, Valla e la polemica, pp. 142–43. Nauclerus and Platina were often cited together by Protestants in the sixteenth century. See, e.g., the ‘Magdeburg Centuries’, Ecclesiastica historia, edn supervised by Matthias Flacius Illyricus, 13 vols (Basel: Oporinus, 1559–74), centuria IV (1562), cap. X , col. 1273 (on Silvester I); Philips van Marnix, Œuvres, 8 vols (Brussels: Van Meenen, 1857–60), V – VI: De bijenkorf der H. Roomsche Kerke (1569), 2 vols (1858), II, 105, 133. 149 Setz, Vallas Schrift, pp. 177–78. On Gelenius, who also translated works by Ficino and Erasmus, see A. J. Lamping, Ulrichus Velenus (Oldøich Velenský) and His Treatise against the Papacy (Leiden: Brill, 1976), pp. 76–81 (Gelenius is not to be confused with his more famous son Sigismund, a corrector for Froben in Basel). The extracts from Platina are in Prague, National Library, MS XVII D.38, fols 509–10: see J. Truhláø, Humanismus a humanisté v Èechách za krále Vladislava II. (Prague: Èeská akademie císaøe Františka Josefa pro vìdy, slovesnost a umìní, 1894), pp. 167, 176; R. L. Lencek, ‘Humanism in the Slavic Cultural Tradition, with Special Reference to the Czech Lands’, in Renaissance Humanism, ed. by A. Rabil, Jr, 3 vols (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1988), II, 335–75 (pp. 365–66). My thanks to Vladimír Urbánek for his help.

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regarded as a pernicious precedent.150 The papalist Johannes Cochlaeus (1479–1552) in 1525 and 1537 undertook the task of reclaiming Valla for the side of the Catholic Church as a reaction to the attempts of the Bohemian humanist Ulrichus Velenus and of Martin Luther to present him as a proto-Lutheran.151 According to Cochlaeus, Valla had criticized the temporal power of the pope, but not papal primacy within the Church, which was founded on the Gospels. Cochlaeus himself (who had been ordained priest in Rome in 1518) doubted the genuineness of the Donation, stating in 1537 that no Catholic was forced to believe in it. He chose to follow Platina, ‘who explicitly recounts the gifts, churches, and benefices’ given to the Church by Constantine; as for the Donation itself, Cochlaeus thought it was a forgery.152

150

Oswald Myconius to Ulrich Zwingli, 11 July 1521, in Zwingli, Sämtliche Werke, ed. by E. Egli and others (Leipzig: Heinsius (and others), 1905– ), VII (1911), 464: ‘Venit in manus meas Platina qui Vitas pontificum scribit. Is memorat de Constantino quantis divitiis ecclesiam Romanam dotarit. Deinde pene inter optimos recensentur pontifices, qui hunc imitati nihil omiserunt quod ad templorum exornationem pertinuit. Mihi videtur nihil ab illis potuisse fieri perniciosius, et tamen eos damnare facti non audeo. Certiorem me facito quam brevissime, siquando licebit per ocium.’ See also Setz, Vallas Schrift, p. 171, n. 33. 151

Johannes Cochlaeus, De Petro et Roma, adversus Velenum Lutheranum (Cologne: Quentel, 1525); idem, Von der donation des Keysers Constantini und von bepstlichem gewalt grundtlicher bericht ([Leipzig]: [W olrab], 1537). For this and the following remarks see Setz, Vallas Schrift, pp. 173–77. See also M. Spahn, Johannes Cochläus: ein Lebensbild aus der Zeit der Kirchenspaltung (Berlin: Dames, 1898), pp. 261–62; M. Samuel-Scheyder, Johannes Cochlaeus: humaniste et adversaire de Luther (Nancy: Presses Universitaires de Nancy, 1993), pp. 297–98, 303–04; Lamping, Ulrichus Velenus, pp. 20, 118, 169. On Luther’s use of Platina’s Lives, which he found accurate, see E. Schäfer, Luther als Kirchenhistoriker (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1897), pp. 127–31. 152 Cochlaeus, De Petro et Roma, p. 13: ‘De primatu sane sedis apostolicae nemo Catholicorum dubitare debet, neque item de cathedra Petri successoribusque eius pontificibus Romanis haesitare oportet. De donatione autem Constantini Platinam potissime sequor, qui nominatim et dona et basilicas et praedia commemorat, quae princeps ille Beati Silvestri temporibus Romanae ecclesiae et religiose et magnifice donavit. Formulam vero donationis, quae in palea Decretorum habetur, confictam esse arbitror.’ Cochlaeus went on to cite Platina extensively with the aim of showing how the popes embellished the sanctuaries of Rome: see, for example, the passages from the life of Symmachus, ibid., p. 15. In Cochlaeus’s opinion, such expenditures were justified in order to draw pilgrims to Rome and deepen their faith, whereas Lutherans saw them as a sign of corruption.

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Looking at Italy in the sixteenth century, we find consistent criticism of Platina’s views. The eminent canon lawyer Domenico Jacobazzi (1443–1527), a papalist, disapproved of Platina’s attitude towards Constantine’s baptism. On the occasion of the Fifth Lateran Council, Jacobazzi composed a lengthy Tractatus de concilio (1512), at the end of which he included a well-informed discussion of Constantine’s Donation and baptism. After presenting the opinions of various historians, he focused on Platina: Platina, on the other hand, says in the life of Mark, the successor of Silvester, that he [Constantine] was baptized by Silvester; but he does not believe that he fell ill of leprosy and was cleansed through baptism. From which we see how diversely historians write, and that some of them quite often speak their minds boldly, without adducing any authority.153

In 1539 Enrico Boccella, a little-known lawyer and theologian from Lucca, also rebuked Platina for denying that Constantine was cured of leprosy.154 We know from another inquisitorial source how Platina’s remark about the Donation of Constantine was read at the time when proposals were being made for the censorship of his Lives. Criticisms of church traditions were far from acceptable in the climate of the Counter-Reformation, so that the historian Carlo Sigonio was forced by Cardinal Guglielmo Sirleto to publish a defence of the Donation in his De occidentali imperio (1578), perhaps ‘the last serious historical work to have this distinction’. The second edition of his De regno Italiae (1580) was subjected to postpublication censorship.155 We possess Sigonio’s responses to a list of censorial points, one of which concerns the objection that

153

Jacobazzi, Tractatus de concilio (Rome: Blado, 1538), X . 8, pp. 781–82: ‘Platina autem in Vita Marci successoris Sylvestri dicit eum a Sylvestro baptizatum, sed quod in lepram inciderit et baptismo mundatus sit non credit. Unde videmus quam varie scribant historici, et saepius cum audacia ex proprio sensu aliqui loquuntur, nullam adducentes authoritatem.’ On this treatise see J. Klotzner, Kardinal Dominikus Jacobazzi und sein Konzilswerk (Rome: Università Gregoriana, 1948). Jacobazzi served as a consistorial advocate from 1485 and auditor of the Rota from 1493, became a bishop in 1511 and a cardinal in 1517. See R. Gillet, ‘Jacobatius, Dominicus’, in Dictionnaire de droit canonique, ed. by R. Naz and others, 7 vols (Paris: Letouzey & Ané, 1935–65), VI (1957), cols 75–77. On Jacobazzi and the Donation see Maffei, Donazione di Costantino, pp. 327–34; Antonazzi, Valla e la polemica, pp. 140, 152. 154

Enrico Boccella, In Constantini Imperatoris donationem iuris utriusque praxis (Lucca: Faelli, 1539), sig. d4r: ‘Platina […] repraehensione non parva dignus censendus sit in eo, quod dicit sibi fabulosum videri id quod asseritur de Constantino mundato a lepra’. See also Antonazzi, ‘Valla e la donazione’, p. 222, n. 208; idem, Valla e la polemica, pp. 165–66. 155

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he did not believe that the popes had possessed temporal dominion since the time of Constantine. Sigonio defends himself by quoting the sentence from Platina which contains the criticism of Constantine’s donation.156 Platina is also referred to by Sigonio in numerous other responses.157 This indicates that, in Sigonio’s view, he could be invoked as an authority in front of the Congregation of the Index. One can only speculate as to whether Sigonio was aware that Platina’s Lives had been put on local indexes by that time. He may have seen Platina as an authority — even though his historiographical standards were primitive compared to his own. Sigonio’s intention may also have been to point out that the Donation had not only been proved a forgery, but was even ridiculed in the fifteenth century. We do not know whether any of our three censors in 1587 knew of Sigonio’s comments on Platina’s passage. But they clearly recognized that Platina’s aim was to discredit the Donation. Allen first defends the Donation and then suggests removing Platina’s passage.158 In Galesini’s abbreviated version of Allen’s

156

In historiam Caroli Sigonii De regno Italiae censurae et responsiones, in Carlo Sigonio, Opera omnia, ed. by Filippo Argelati, 6 vols (Milan: Tipografia Palatina, 1732–37), VI, cols 1111–38, ‘In Censuram XX responsio’ (col. 1125), where Sigonio speaks of himself in the third person: ‘At iampridem a Constantino, inclamat censor, dominium in Romam habebat Romanus pontifex? Verum donationem illam Constantini, quam censor urget, falsam arbitratus est Sigonius, qui haec apud Platinam in Iohanne VII legerat: Sunt qui scribant (sine auctore tamen) Arithpertum Longobardorum regem religione motum condonasse Alpes Coctias beato Petro, et quicquid a Taurinis et Medulis Genuam usque Ligusticam protenditur. Alii autem affirmant donationem ipsam ab Arithperto confirmatam fuisse. V ERUM QUUM DE DONATIONE NIL CERTI HABEATUR , PALEAMQUE PONTIFICII IURIS PERITI APPELLENT QUOD SINE FRUMENTO SIT , NIHILQUE C ONSTANTINIANAE ELEGANTIAE AC DIGNITATIS HABEAT , quomodo de confirmatione constabit?’ (italics and capitals as in Argelati’s edition). 157

Ibid., Censurae 1 (col. 1111), 4 (col. 1115), 9 (col. 1120), 21 (cols 1125–26), 41 (col. 1133). See esp. Censura 27 (col. 1127): ‘Censura XXVII: Pag. 199. Platinam, Blondum, Sabellicum in re levissima irridet, quos si in gravissimis rebus auctores habuisset, non tam graviter peccasset. In Censuram XXVII responsio: Miror a censore Sigonio Platinam, quem inter ceteros imitaretur, proponi, quum toties ea exagitet, quae Sigonius modeste et occulte innuit, Platina vero palam liberoque calamo effudit. Vae Sigonio, si Platinam voluisset imitari! Ceterum, an non ridendus error Blondi, Platinae atque Sabellici?’ See also the censures of his De occidentali imperio, ibid., cols 1077–1110, esp. Censurae 47 (col. 1101), 69 (col. 1109), 71 (col. 1110). 158 72, John VII, A2 (Documentary Appendix): ‘Immo certa est et testificata non modo Latinorum tabulis, sed Graecorum etiam ecclesiae Romanae adversantium.’ Ibid.: ‘paleamque pontificii iuris etc. dele usque ad illud: Ad Ioannem Pontificem redeo.’ See n. 140, above.

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recommendations for censoring the Lives, we find the remark (possibly added by Galesini himself ): ‘He makes a joke about the chaff, but in a serious matter one should refrain from jokes.’159 b. Church Councils Church councils were an even more dangerous issue than the Donation. The papacy had only recently survived its battle against conciliarism. Platina’s former patron Pius II had banned conciliar appeals in his bull Execrabilis of 1460; however, this bull was neither consistently evoked by the popes nor universally acknowledged beyond the circle of canonists.160 Raising the spectre of a general council was used as a political weapon, for example, by the King of Bohemia, George of Podebrady, in 1467, and by King Louis XI of France in 1468/69.161 When Platina was sacked by Paul II from his job as an abbreviator, he enraged the Pope by threatening to call a general council which would restore the

72, John VII, AG2 (Documentary Appendix): ‘De palea iocatur, sed in re gravi a ioco abstinendum.’ Platina was similarly outspoken when refuting the traditional view that the equestrian statue restored by Sixtus IV represented Constantine: this had been a strong symbol of papal power. While Sixtus was sufficiently cautious not to include any name in the inscription on the new marble base (1473–74), Platina was the first to identify the horseman as Marcus Aurelius in his life of Sixtus IV, 1474. See Platina, Vitae, p. 418. 5–7: ‘ne monumenta aeternae Urbis perirent, [Sixtus] equum illum aeneum vetustate quassum et iam collabentem cum sessore M. Aurelio Antonino restituit, quem ante aedem Constantinianae basilicae cernimus’ (my italics). For the inscription on the marble base see Francesco Albertini, Opusculum de mirabilibus novae et veteris urbis Romae (1510), in Codice topografico della città di Roma, ed. by R. Valentini and G. Zucchetti, 4 vols (Rome: Tipografia del Senato, 1940–53), IV , 457–546 (pp. 491–92): ‘Syxtus IIII Pont. Max. equum hunc aeneum vetustate quassatum collabentem cum assessore restituit’. The statue is referred to as ‘equus Constantini’ in the documents relating to the restoration by Sixtus published in E. Müntz, Les Arts à la cour des papes pendant le XV e et le XVIe siècle, 3 vols (Paris: Thorin, 1878–82), III, 176–77. Modigliani (‘Paolo II e il sogno’, pp. 132–37) shows that Sixtus only continued the restoration process begun by Paul II. 159

160 The bull is in Mansi, XXXII, cols 259–61. See G. B. Picotti, ‘La pubblicazione e i primi effetti della Execrabilis di Pio II’, Archivio della R. Società romana di storia patria, 37 (1914), 5–56; R. Bäumer, Nachwirkungen des konziliaren Gedankens in der Theologie und Kanonistik des frühen 16. Jahrhunderts (Münster: Aschendorff, 1971), pp. 136–62; H.-J. Becker, Die Appellation vom Papst an ein allgemeines Konzil: historische Entwicklung und kanonistische Diskussion im späten Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit (Cologne: Böhlau, 1988), pp. 162–95. 161

H. Jedin, ‘Sanchez de Arevalo und die Konzilsfrage unter Paul II.’, Historisches Jahrbuch, 73 (1954), 95–119 (pp. 98–99); Becker, Appellation vom Papst, pp. 196–202.

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abbreviators to their positions.162 The memory of this unruly behaviour probably played a part in the accusations against Platina four years later, when he was arrested for his alleged participation in the ‘conspiracy’ of the Roman Academy of 1468. The governor of Platina’s prison, Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo, with whom he corresponded extensively, defended Execrabilis in a treatise provoked by Louis XI’s threats of 1469.163 Yet Platina, released from prison in 1469 and writing his Lives of the Popes, did not hesitate to reiterate his conviction that councils were good for the spiritual health of the Church. Once again, he did this in the most important biography for church traditions, the life of Silvester. Discussing the decrees of the First Council of Nicaea (AD 325), Platina wrote: It was also decreed that a provincial synod should be held every year, so that no injustice [iniuria] would be done to anyone. And I do not see why this holy institution should be abolished by the pontifices of our age, unless it is because they dread the censures of right-living and right-minded people.164

Because of the wide semantic range of the term pontifex, which may indicate a local bishop or prelates in general, but also the pope, we cannot be sure if Platina was referring only to provincial synods or to general church councils as well. Perhaps he meant both. It may be mere coincidence that Platina also used the word ‘injustice’ (iniuria) — a common enough Latin term — in the letter to Paul II in which he complained about the dismissal of the abbreviators: ‘If you had the right to strip us, without a hearing, of all we had just and lawful title to, then we should have the right to complain about the disgraceful injustice [iniuria] done to us. Rejected by you, and wounded by such an extraordinary insult, we shall scatter far and wide to all the kings and princes, and urge them to convene a council, in which you will be forced to show just cause why you have stripped us of our legitimate possession.’165

162 See Zabughin, Leto, I, 87–90; Picotti, ‘Pubblicazione e i primi effetti della Execrabilis’, p. 45; Becker, Appellation vom Papst, pp. 195–96; and above, p. 34. Ironically, Platina used this threat, which went against the ruling of Pius II, to regain the job he had been given by Pius himself. 163

Jedin, ‘Sanchez de Arevalo und die Konzilsfrage’, pp. 101–02; Bäumer, Nachwirkungen des konziliaren Gedankens, p. 141. 164

Platina, Vitae, p. 54. 9–12: ‘Decernitur etiam ac quidem sancte, ne cuiquam fieret iniuria, ut singulis annis concilium in provincia habeatur. Quare hoc sanctum institutum aboleverint nostrae aetatis pontifices, non video, nisi quod censuras bene viventium ac sententium reformidant.’ (My italics.) 165

Ibid., p. 369. 12–16: ‘Si tibi licuit indicta causa spoliare nos emptione nostra iusta ac legitima, debet et nobis licere conqueri illatam iniuriam inustamque ignominiam. Reiecti a te ac tam insigni

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Paul’s reaction was, unsurprisingly, to have Platina imprisoned as a traitor.166 According to Platina, he was found guilty not only of disseminating libels against Paul, but also of mentioning a council. He defended himself against the latter charge with the following arguments, in which the same phrase used in his life of Silvester (perhaps not so coincidentally) occurs: As for my mentioning a council, [I replied] that I did not think that this was such a serious crime, since the fundamental principles of orthodox faith were established in synods by the Holy Fathers, having been sown earlier by our Saviour and his disciples, so that all, both great and small, might live according to impartial law and so that no injustice would be done to anyone. And, for this reason, a severe rule was instituted among the Romans that private individuals as well as those in office were compelled to give an account of their previous life and how they discharged their offices.167

In Platina’s opinion, churchmen, including the pope, should be held accountable, just like state officials: the fulfilment of their duties must be subject to public scrutiny. Even though he must have been aware that these notions flew in the face of the Church’s self-conception vis-à-vis lay society, he was not reluctant to draw on them, especially when his ethical convictions came together with his desire for personal revenge. Taking up Platina’s comments on the decress of the Council of Nicaea, Allen suggested that the word aboleverint should be replaced with intermiserint, so that the text would indicate that the popes had not so much abolished as interrupted the tradition of church councils. From Platina’s perspective, Pius II’s decree had called for the abolition of councils, while Allen of course knew that the Fifth Lateran Council (1512–17) and the Council of Trent (1545–63) had taken place, so that one could legitimately speak of an interruption. Yet on second thought, Allen was not entirely satisfied with his suggested amendment, for he added: ‘Or rather, delete the whole sentence, because, as usual, he dishonours the popes in

contumelia affecti, dilabemur passim ad reges, ad principes, eosque adhortabimur ut tibi concilium indicant, in quo potissimum rationem reddere cogaris, cur nos legitima possessione spoliaveris.’ See also above, p. 34. 166 167

Platina, Vitae, pp. 369. 16–370. 1: ‘Platynam reum maiestatis accersit, in carcerem trahit’.

Ibid., p. 370. 5–10: ‘Quod vero de concilio mentionem fecerim, me non adeo grave crimen id putasse, cum in synodis a sanctis patribus stabilita sint fundamenta orthodoxae fidei, prius sparsim iacta a Salvatore nostro eiusque discipulis, ut maiores cum minoribus aequo iure viverent, ne cuiquam fieret iniuria. Unde etiam apud Romanos instituta est censura, qua et qui privati et qui in magistratu fuerant, rationem habiti magistratus et vitae ante actae reddere cogebantur.’ (My italics.)

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an insulting manner.’168 Furthermore, Allen complains that Platina’s treatment of the Council of Nicaea is too brief and that he fails to mention that it was ‘presided over’ by legates of the Apostolic See.169 It has been traditionally assumed that the two priests representing Pope Silvester presided over the council together with Hosius, the Bishop of Cordoba.170 This would have been a remarkable situation, imposed by Constantine’s political will, considering that in this first ecumenical council there were only seven participants from the West out of some 250 bishops in total.171 Allen perhaps displays here the oversensitivity of a member of the Western Church. Whether or not Platina was pursuing some aim by silently passing over the presidency of the Council of Nicaea, he certainly intended to antagonize the papalists when he repeatedly wrote that one council or another ‘confirmed’ (confirmavit) a ruling of a pope. As Allen observed: ‘It is not for the council to confirm the decrees of the popes — quite the opposite.’172 He therefore suggested substituting the terms sanctioned or constituted in order to describe the councils’ dealings with previous papal rulings.173 The other censors appear to have been less worried about such distinctions, as they do not comment on this matter. Moreover, it seems questionable whether the terms put forward by Allen alter Platina’s statements in any meaningful way. Further underlining the power of

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32, Silvester I, A4 (Documentary Appendix): ‘Aut potius dele totam sententiam, quia more suo violat contumeliose pontifices.’ Galesini agrees (32, Silvester I, G4*). 169 32, Silvester I, A3: ‘De Concilio Nicaeno ieiune nimis scribit. De legatis sedis apostolicae in eo praesidentibus plane nihil: id quod vel a Graecis adversariis testatum sit.’ See Platina, 53. 21–54. 16. Galesini once again agrees (32 Silvester I. G3*): ‘Placet quod notat Alanus, de Concilio Niceno eiusque approbatione per sedem apostolicam fusius agi debere.’ 170 K. J. Hefele and H. Leclercq, Histoire des conciles d’après les documents originaux, 11 vols (Paris: Letouzey & Ané, 1907–52), I.1, pp. 411–12, 425–26. On the presidency of the two priests, Vito and Vincentius, and Bishop Hosius, see Bellarmine, Disputationes, I, 4th gen. controversy: De conciliis et ecclesia militante, Bk I, Chap. 19, cols 1175–76. 171

More recently this view has been called into question. C. Luibhéid, The Council of Nicaea (Galway: Galway University Press, 1982), p. 79, states that we do not know who the chairmen of the council were nor what functions they performed. 172

Platina, Vitae, pp. 27. 15 (Anicetus), 32. 1 (Zephyrinus). For Allen’s remark see 12, Anicetus, A1 (Documentary Appendix): ‘quod postea Nicaena synodus confirmavit: “sancivit”. Non est enim concilii pontificum decreta confirmare. Sed contra.’ 173

See my previous note and 16, Zephyrinus, A1 (Documentary Appendix): ‘quod postea in Chalcedonensi concilio confirmatum est: “constitutum est”.’ Cf. Platina, Vitae, p. 32. 1.

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councils, Platina, in the life of John XII (955–64), gives a practical example of how a pope could be deposed by a council. Emperor Otto I presided over a synod in Rome at which this egregiously immoral pope was removed. Platina states that Otto ‘made use of threats and declared a general council, convening all the bishops of Italy to pass judgement on the way of life of this extremely wicked man. Fearing the censures of these right-minded people, he fled’.174 The trial of John XII had been used in political discussions since the Investiture Controversy of the eleventh century and became particularly significant at the reforming councils of Constance (1414–18) and Basel (1431–49), because the conciliarists found that this historical example supported their claims to supremacy over the pope. In the sixteenth century, the Protestant Centuriators of Magdeburg were fully in line with Platina on this issue. Even the Catholic conciliarist Mattia Ugoni, Bishop of Famagusta in Cyprus, referred to Platina’s report in order to corroborate his own opinion, first stated in 1532, that councils had power over popes.175 On the other hand, the Dutch Catholic theologian Albert Pigge asserted in his Hierarchia ecclesiastica (1538) that a pope could not under any circumstances be deposed since he was incapable of committing heresy, a position which later influenced Bellarmine.176 As often, Cesare Baronio’s apologetic discussion of the subject — in which he maintained that the synod which deposed John XII was illegitimate for formal reasons — had the most lasting impact on Catholic opinion.177 Allen, not surprisingly, demanded that Platina’s report of this synod should be removed. He was so concerned about this topic that he returned to it in the very last point in his censorship of the Lives. When criticizing Platina’s account of Paul II, Allen writes:

174 Platina, Vitae, p. 169. 27–29: ‘ad minas conversus [Otho] concilium indicit, convocatis episcopis Italiae, quorum iudicio vita sceleratissimi hominis diiudicaretur. Is itaque iudicium bene sententium reformidans […] aufugit’. On the synod, and for what follows, see H. Zimmermann, Papstabsetzungen des Mittelalters (Graz: Böhlau, 1968), pp. 83–95, 252–72. 175

Synodia Ugonia episcopi Phamaugustani de conciliis ([Toscolano]: [Paganini], 1534), fol. 122 . See also Bäumer, Nachwirkungen des konziliaren Gedankens, p. 112. r

Albert Pigge, Hierarchiae ecclesiasticae assertio (Cologne: Neuss, 1538), IV . 8, fols 129r–36 v; Bellarmine, Disputationes, I, 3rd gen. controversy: De summo pontifice, IV . 6, cols 988–99. See also Bäumer, Nachwirkungen des konziliaren Gedankens, p. 120. 176

177 Baronio, Annales ecclesiastici, X (1602), ad AD 964, pp. 778–88. Even today the debate continues: see Zimmermann, Papstabsetzungen, pp. 271–72. For Baronio see also my discussion above, p. 153.

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The life of Paul II should be entirely removed from the book, because it is both false in many places and full of affronts. Among other things, it contains a certain letter in which he appeals from the pope to a council — which is sinful according to the decree of Pius II.178

The following chapter will deal with another plan to censor and, in addition, revise Platina’s Lives, drawn up by the Dominican friar Girolamo Giovannini in the years 1589 to 1590. I shall also explore the extent to which the recommendations made by Giovannini and by the official censors in 1587 were actually implemented in the censored Italian edition of Platina’s Lives of 1592.

178 99, John XIII, A2; 128, Paul II, A1 (Documentary Appendix): ‘Pauli II vita ab scripta delenda omnino, quia et falso multis locis scripta et plena offensionum. Est in ea praeter cetera quaedam epistola, in qua a papa appellat ad concilium: id quod nefas est ex sanctione Pii II.’

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V ENICE, 1589–92: T HE C ENSORED ITALIAN E DITION

I. Girolamo Giovannini: Introduction

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n 30 November 1589, the Congregation of the Index decided to write to the Venetian inquisitor, Stefano Guaraldi, in order to prevent the publication of a planned edition of Platina’s Lives in Venice. The Dominican Friar Girolamo Giovannini had worked on a new censored edition without explicit licence from Rome. I shall briefly introduce this industrious censor before discussing his project and his exchange of letters with the Congregation. Girolamo Giovannini, from Capugnano (today part of Porretta Terme) in the Apennines near Bologna, was professed at the Bolognese convent of San Domenico.1 At the Bolognese studium, one of his teachers was the theologian and canon lawyer Sisto Fabri, who had left the school by 1571 to continue his

1 See François Schott and Girolamo Giovannini, Itinerarium nobiliorum Italiae regionum, urbium, oppidorum et locorum, 3 parts in 1 vol. (Vicenza: Bolzetta, 1600–01), I, 166: ‘Capunianum […] in quo vitae meae primordia fuerunt’; Giovannini, Vita di Fra Paolo Costabili, maestro general dell’ordine de’ Predicatori: con due orationi et versi fatti da molti huomini illustri nella morte d’esso Reverendissimo Padre (Venice: Zoppini, 1586), p. 40: ‘convento di Bologna, nel quale ancor’io son professo’; Schott and Giovannini, Itinerarium, I, 158–59: ‘in ipsamet domo praedicatoriam togam indui, religionis fundamenta inieci et meae iuventutis annos […] transegi, in scientiarum acquisitione rudi ingenio occupatus’. On Giovannini see E. Pierazzo, ‘Un intellettuale a servizio della Chiesa: Girolamo Giovannini da Capugnano’, Filologia e critica, 23 (1998), 206–48; R. M. Ridolfi, ‘Giovannini, Girolamo’, in DBI, LVI (2001), 376–78.

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career in the ranks of the order.2 Giovannini became a lector in 15763 and graduated in November 1580 as a Master of Theology.4 In that year he was employed as secretary to Paolo Costabili, a former maestro at the school before Giovannini’s time.5 From 1573 to 1580 Costabili was Master of the Sacred Palace, that is, principal theologian to the pope. This position is described by Giovannini in his biography of Costabili: Nowadays they devote themselves to fighting heresy. They revise books, correcting those which need to be emended. Also they make sure that texts which are unpurged of what can offend the ear and the mind of a Christian are not printed in Rome, nor sold there if printed elsewhere. He acts as a consultant to the congregations which meet twice a week for matters of the Holy Inquisition: one before the pope and the other in the presence of the cardinals, i.e. the General Inquisitors and those responsible for the Index of books.6

2 Giovannini, Vita di Costabili, p. 44 (on Fabri): ‘Essendo mio precettore in Bologna, fu chiamato per suo segretario dal Padre Cavalli, Procuratore dell’ordine’. Having become secretary to Serafino Cavalli (procurator, 1569–71, master-general, 1571–78), Fabri then went on to be appointed procurator and vicar-general in 1574, Master of the Sacred Palace in 1580, and mastergeneral in 1583. He was controversially deposed from his office by Sixtus V in 1589. See P. Messina, ‘Fabri, Sisto’, in DBI, XLIII (1993), 759–62. 3

Liber officialium ac omnium studentium Bononiensis studii ab anno 1576, BAV, MS Patetta 1393, fol. 125v (1576): ‘die 14 Augusti fuit examinatus et approbatus in lectorem nostrae provinciae cum gratiis et privilegiis Venerandus Pater Frater Ieronimus de Capugnano’. See R. Creytens, ‘Il Registro dei maestri degli studenti dello Studio domenicano di Bologna (1576–1604)’, Archivum fratrum Praedicatorum, 46 (1976), 25–114 (pp. 31, 80). 4

Archivio Generale dell’Ordine dei Predicatori, Rome (AGOP), IV (Registri generalizi), 42, fol. 27 r (1580): ‘Die 22 novembris creatus fuit magister in sacra theologia Reverendus Pater Frater Hieronimus Zaninus de Capugnano Reverendissimi Patris Generalis socius.’ See also ibid., fol. 213r; and for the confirmation of his degree at the next General Chapter in 1583, see Acta capitulorum generalium, V , 253. 5

Costabili taught there in the mid-1560s. See Giovannini, Vita di Costabili, p. 35: ‘1565, nel qual fu mandato a San Dominico di Bologna, maestro di quello studio’. Costabili became a prior in Naples in c. 1567 and was inquisitor of Ferrara 1568–72. See ‘Costabili, Paolo’ (voce redazionale DBI), p. 261; A. D’Amato, I Domenicani a Bologna, 2 vols (Bologna: Edizioni Studio domenicano, 1988), ad indicem. 6

Giovannini, Vita di Costabili, p. 38: ‘Ora attendono a confutar l’eresie, a riveder libri corregendo quei che tengono necessità d’ammenda, proveder ch’in Roma non si stampi cosa et altrove stampata non si venda, che purgata non sia da ciò ch’offender può l’orecchie et la mente del Christiano. Interviene come consultore alle congregationi che due fiate alla settimana fannosi per la santa Inquisitione, una davanti ‘l pontefice, et l’altra alla presenza de’ Signori Cardinali Inquisitori Generali et di quelli sopra l’Indice de’ libri.’ See also his statement on the Master of

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Costabili was a choleric pursuer of heretics. ‘When it came to reasoning about the wickedness of the heretics, his face turned so red that it seemed he was going to spit fire’, reported Giovannini, adding that Costabili had the recurrent dream that he might be killed by heretics.7 Costabili was master-general of the Dominicans from 1580 to 1582. Giovannini became his secretary and companion (socius) most likely upon his election in May 1580. Giovannini happened to be in Rome at the time.8 In 1581 and 1582, Giovannini was appointed visitator of various convents. He surely also travelled with Costabili to visit local convents, which was one of the main tasks of the master-general.9 Costabili died in Venice on 17 September 1582. In 1586, four years after his death, Giovannini published a biography of him, to which he appended funeral speeches and poetry in his honour written by various people, including a sonnet by Torquato Tasso. Giovannini had no qualms about placing some of his own poetry in the same volume.10

the Sacred Palace, ‘è sopremo Maestro tra teologi, ch’altro non vuol dir l’esser Maestro di sacro Palazzo che teologo del sommo pontefice’ (p. 39). See also above, p. 106. 7 Giovannini, Vita di Costabili, p. 64: ‘Zelantissimo havea l’animo per mantenimento della fede catholica; e quando venivasi a raggionar della malvagità degli eretici, avampava nel viso e pareva che gettasse fuoco. E da questo credo ch’avvenisse egli sovente essersi sognato che gli pareva esser ucciso da gli eretici per la fede catholica.’ 8 Ibid., pp. 80–81: ‘Hebbe secondo l’usanza antica due compagni da lui eletti, de’ quali uno fu Maestro Paolo Isaresio dalla Mirandola che ancor prima lo serviva, e lo servì sempre nel generalato con somma diligenza e fedeltà, sendo Provincial di Terra santa […]. Io fui l’altro che lo servì l’uficio del segretario esercitando, e da lui per questo fui chiamato spontaneamente, trovandomi in Roma per altri affari. E si come figlio e servo me li trovava, così co’l dovuto amore e riverenza hollo amato e con la possibil sincerità hollo servito e fedelmente; si come nella sua morte da me è stato pianto, perché feci perdita un padre e padrone’. Ibid., pp. 73–74: ‘Quando i due compagni tolse al suo servigio, separatamente un dall’altro chiamò, et insieme ambeduo inginocchiati innanzi all’imagine di Christo crocefisso disse: “Io vi chiamo hora per quando sarem avanti il tribunal di Dio nel giorno del universal giuditio, e domando contra di voi aspra vendetta, se voi qual ho preso in aiuto di queste mie fatiche me ingannarete nelle relationi che mi dovrete fare de’ frati e de gli negotii, e se quanto in conscienza vostra saprete meco discorrendo non me lo farete manifesto.”’ On the workload of the companions, see ibid., p. 69.

AGOP, IV. 42, fols 28v (11 July 1581), 202v (4 June 1582), 203v (5 September 1582). For Costabili’s travels see Giovannini, Vita di Costabili, pp. 52–54. 9

10 Giovannini, Vita di Costabili, pp. 162 (own poetry), 233 (Tasso); cf. Tasso, Opere, ed. by B. Maier, 5 vols (Milan: Rizzoli, 1963–65), I, 866. For a table of contents of Giovannini’s book see Pierazzo, ‘Giovannini’, p. 210.

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Giovannini’s first known efforts to collaborate with the Inquisition occurred when he located a copy of Boccaccio’s Decameron with the corrections of Luigi Groto, which had been misplaced in the offices of the Congregation of the Inquisition. Groto thanked Giovannini in a letter of 1584. In the same letter, Groto asked him how long he was going to stay in Bologna.11 It remains unclear whether he spent the period from 1582 to 1589 in Bologna. When he mentions his previous involvements in a letter of 1594 (‘I have served the Inquisition of Bologna, Ferrara, Mantua, and to a lesser extent the Venetian one’), this could refer to the 1580s.12 There is no evidence for the claim that Giovannini became prior of the Bolognese convent in 1582, which would have been a very important position. It can, however, be established that he became a member of the governing body (pater a consiliis) in September 1582, a few days before the death of Costabili.13 In July 1588 he received permission to publish unnamed works, probably including his censored versions of works by Doni, Gelli, and Franco (which I discuss in the following section of this chapter).14 While his work as a censor in Venice appears to have been his main focus in the period 1589–93, it is not certain that he lived there throughout this period. He is known to have stayed

11

Luigi Groto to Giovannini, 5 March 1584, in Groto, Lettere famigliari (Venice: Brugnolo, 1601), fol. 151r–v (fol. 151v). On this episode and Groto’s censored Decameron (1588) see G. Chiecchi and L. Troisio, Il Decameron sequestrato: le tre edizioni censurate nel Cinquecento (Milan: Unicopli, 1984), pp. 85–102. 12

Appendix to this chapter, doc. 10: ‘ho servito l’Inquisitione di Bologna, di Ferrara et quella di Mantua et ancora qualche puoco quella di Venetia’. The expression ‘qualche puoco’ might be rhetorical modesty, intended really to highlight his work in Venice. No evidence for his work in the other places has yet come to light. 13

J. Quétif and J. Échard, Scriptores ordinis Praedicatorum, 2 vols (Paris: Ballard; Simart, 1719–21), II, 355; Ridolfi, ‘Giovannini’, p. 376. A prior of the Bolognese convent would certainly have been included in the prosopographical collection by D’Amato, Domenicani a Bologna. For his becoming pater a consiliis see AGOP, IV. 42, fol. 204r (11 or 12 September 1582) (a document which may have been misread by Ridolfi): ‘In conventu Bononiensi institutus fuit Pater a consiliis Reverendus Pater Frater Hieronymus Capugnanus socius Reverendissimi Generalis, et in quocumque alio conventu in quo fuerit assignatus vel deputatus etiam ad tempus et in quo se invenerit transeundo. Similiter confirmata fuit assignatio eiusdem pro dicto conventu Bononiensi alias facta per Reverendissimum Patrem Generalem.’ AGOP, IV. 45, fol. 53v (30 July 1588): ‘Die 30 fuit concessa licentia imprimendi quedam opera magistro Hieronymo Capugnano, cum requisitis de licentia superiorum et sub praecepto mandatu.’ 14

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in or near Venice in 1589–90, but, as we learn from two prefaces, he was in his native Capugnano at least temporarily in 1591 and 1592.15 In 1593 he was appointed visitator for his order in Zara in Dalmatia (modern Zadar in Croatia).16 From there he launched an initiative to have a number of works printed with his corrections, as emerges from both a letter and a petition (memoriale) which he sent to the Congregation in January 1594.17 He introduced himself to the Congregation as ‘the person who corrected Platina’, and he indicated that William Allen knew about his proposals for the Lives.18 Moreover, Giovannini was able to influence Agostino Valier through the Cardinal’s protégé, Luigi Molino, Archbishop of Zara; and Valier may have been instrumental in the Congregation’s decision to allow Giovannini’s latest censored editions to be reviewed for publication.19

15 Stefano Guaraldi to Cardinal Marcantonio Colonna in Rome, 23 December 1589 (Appendix to this chapter, doc. 2): ‘Il Padre Fra Girolamo da Capugnano stanza fuori di Venetia’. See also Giovannini’s letters from ‘Venetia’ written between December 1589 and April 1590 (docs 4, 6, 9). Indications of his stay in Capugnano: Niccolò Tartaglia, Tutte l’opere d’arithmetica, ed. by Giovannini, 2 vols (Venice: Navo, 1592–93), I, dedication to Leonardo Neri (dated Capugnano, 31 October 1591), sigs a2r–a3v; II, dedication to Giovanni Arcieri (dated Capugnano, 17 December 1592), sigs a2r–a3v.

AGOP, IV. 46, fol. 48v (6 March 1593): ‘factus est visitator provinciae Dalmatiae Reverendus Pater Magister Frater Hieronimus de Capugnano et institutus vicarius eiusdem provinciae cum omni auctoritate solita, a die absolutionis provincialis moderni usque quo fuerit electus, confirmatus et in provincia provincialis novus; et praeceptum sub poena excommunicationis omnibus illis fratribus ut ei obediant’. His move had been ordered by Master-General Ippolito Maria Beccaria, who had embarked on a programme to give particular attention to Eastern European Christians. He was the first Dominican general to visit the Bohemian and Polish convents (via Austria) during a journey lasting an entire year from March 1593. See C. Ginzburg, ‘Beccaria, Ippolito Maria’, in DBI, VII (1965), 473–75. 16

17 Memoriale by Giovannini, January 1594 (see below, n. 106, in the Appendix to this chapter). On this initiative by Giovannini see also G. Fragnito, ‘Aspetti e problemi della censura espurgatoria’, in L’Inquisizione e gli storici: un cantiere aperto (Rome: Accademia dei Lincei, 2000), pp. 161–78 (pp. 169–70). 18 Giovannini’s letter to Paolo Pico, secretary of the Congregation, 8 January 1594 (Appendix to this chapter, doc. 10): ‘Potrà raguagliare quei Signori che io sono quello che corressi il Platina’. Ibid.: ‘Il Cardinal Alano sa di quel mio Platina, però non sono a lui tutto isconosciuto.’ 19 Valier had made the first apostolic visit to Dalmatia after the Council of Trent in 1579 and took a lively interest in the area. See I. Viteziæ, ‘La prima visita apostolica postridentina in Dalmazia’, extract of a tesi di laurea, Università Gregoriana (Rome: [n. pub.], 1957); L. Tacchella, ‘Introduzione’, in San Carlo Borromeo ed il cardinal Agostino Valier (carteggio), ed. by idem (Verona: Istituto per gli studi storici veronesi, 1972), pp. 7–56 (pp. 34–40, n. 44).

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After his return from Dalmatia, Giovannini became prior of the Venetian convent of S. Domenico in 1595.20 He then served as inquisitor of Vicenza from 1596. Since the documents connected with the activities of the Inquisition in Vicenza have disappeared, we know very little about his work. There is, however, some documentation about the disciplinary measures he was involved in through his participation in the governing of the Dominican convent.21 Giovannini supported the prominent Jesuit Antonio Possevino, who had visited his patron Paolo Costabili on his deathbed, by granting him the licence to publish his Coltura de gl’ingegni, a partial Italian translation of his Bibliotheca selecta, in Vicenza in 1598.22 He remained in charge of the Inquisition in Vicenza until 1603. It seems that he died in Rome in 1604.23

II. The Self-Image of a Professional Censor Girolamo Giovannini was an industrious censor, who saw this activity as equivalent to literary production.24 He regarded himself as playing a vital role in the books which he revised and edited: these books were essentially dead after having been put on the Index, and only a censor could bring them back to life 20 AGOP, IV. 46, fol. 55v (3 February 1595): ‘confirmatus fuit Reverendus Pater Magister Frater Hieronimus de Capugnano in priorem conventus S. Dominici de Venetiis’. 21

For Giovannini as inquisitor see Vicenza, Archivio di Stato, Corporazioni religiose soppresse, Santa Inquisizione, b. 3771: a contract confirmed by him on 28 August 1596. Pierazzo, ‘Giovannini’, p. 231, n. 83, indicates archival sources for the disciplinary measures. My thanks to Maria Luigia De Gregorio for providing me with copies of several documents. Edward Chaney informed me that he visited the Dominican convent in Vicenza, but was unable to turn up anything significant regarding Giovannini. 22

See Giovannini, Vita di Costabili, p. 57; and below, n. 31.

23

Giovannini mentions his retirement in a letter to Cardinal Simone Tagliavia, 19 September 1603, ACDF, Index, Epistolae archiepiscoporum, episcoporum, inquisitorum etc., 6 (ser. III, vol. 6), fol. 373r. For more of his letters from c. 1600–03, see ibid., fols 248r, 335r, 374r, 375r, 377r. See also G. Fragnito, ‘“Li libbri non zò rrobba da cristiano”: la letteratura italiana e l’indice di Clemente VIII (1596)’, Schifanoia, 19 (1999), 123–35 (pp. 134–35, n. 70). For his date of death see G. M. Piò (Plodio), Delle vite de gli huomini illustri di San Domenico, 2 vols (Bologna: Bellagamba, 1607; Pavia: Ardizzoni; De Rossi, 1613), II.2, col. 340; A. Fernandez, Concertatio Praedicatoria (Salamanca: Cussio, 1618), p. 371. The evidence, or rather lack of it, for this discussed by Pierazzo, ‘Giovannini’, pp. 231–33. 24 For bibliographies of his editions and works see: Quétif and Échard, Scriptores, II, 355–56; G. Fantuzzi, Notizie degli scrittori bolognesi, 9 vols (Bologna: Stamperia di San Tommaso d’Aquino, 1781–94), IV (1784), 175–78, IX , 130; Pierazzo, ‘Giovannini’, pp. 240–48.

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by making new editions possible. The preface to his edition of Nicolò Franco’s Dialoghi piacevolissimi (Giovannini changed the title from Dialogi piacevoli) makes this attitude quite clear: he viewed the book almost as his own.25 This view seems inconceivable to a modern reader, given that the Dialoghi were already well known at the time. Perhaps Giovannini chose such prominent works deliberately in order to publicize his own name, since the censor was supposed to be mentioned on the title page. In some ways, nevertheless, Giovannini operated like a modern editor. Not only did he rid the text of what he thought were errors, but he also added information helpful to readers. For his edition of Doni’s La Zucca, he composed a long biographical introduction. It contains ‘molte, ma confuse notizie’ on Doni and was regarded as sufficiently useful to be reprinted in all editions of the work up to 1914.26 Giovannini again added a life of the author to his edition of Giraldi Cinthio’s Hecatommithi overo Cento novelle (1593). Another famous work targeted by him was Gelli’s Circe, for which he provided notes and discussions (argomenti).27 It has been estimated that with these three popular titles alone 25 N. Franco, Dialoghi piacevolissimi […] espurgati da Girolamo Gioannini (Venice: Salicato, 1590). See his dedication to Annibale Rucellai, Bishop of Carcassonne, sigs *2r–*3v (sig. *3r): ‘perché essendo la vita di cotal cose [i.e., literary texts] lo stare in mano di studiosi, quantunque volte da chi può ne saranno prive, con verità potrannosi chiamare non più vive, ma del tutto spente. Hora in tal conditione trovandosi questi Dialoghi e da me essendo ravivati, parmi di potere in loro haver gran parte et senza ammenda dirli quasi miei.’ On this preface and that of the 1593 edition see U. Rozzo, ‘Erasmo espurgato dai “Dialoghi piacevoli” di Nicolò Franco’, in Erasmo, Venezia e la cultura padana nel ’500, ed. by A. Olivieri (Rovigo: Minelliana, 1995), pp. 193–208 (pp. 193–94). On Giovannini’s censorship of Franco see also P. F. Grendler, Critics of the Italian World, 1530–60: Anton Francesco Doni, Niccolò Franco and Ortensio Lando (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), p. 195; F. Pignatti, ‘Invenzione e modelli di scrittura nei Dialogi piacevoli di Niccolò Franco’, in Cinquecento capriccioso e irregolare: eresie letterarie nell’Italia del classicismo, ed. by P. Procaccioli and A. Romano (Manziana: Vecchiarelli, 1999), pp. 99–129 (pp. 101–10). 26

Giovannini, Annotomia sopra la Zucca del Doni, in Anton Francesco Doni, La Zucca […] espurgata, corretta e riformata con permissione de’ superiori da Ieronimo Gioannini (Venice: Girolamo Polo, 1589), sigs a4 r–e1 v. See C. Ricottini M arsili-Libelli, Anton Francesco Doni, scrittore e stampatore: bibliografia delle opere e della critica, e annali tipografici (Florence: Sansoni Antiquariato, 1960), no. 221 (for the quotation) and s.v. ‘Zucca’ (for the editions). Pierazzo, ‘Giovannini’, p. 217, characterizes this ‘bizzarra’ Annotomia as ‘un componimento paradossale ed eccessivo, in cui il nostro censore si diverte a deridere il Doni utilizzando il suo stesso registro stilistico’. On his censorship, consisting of 350 interventions, see ibid., p. 216. For Doni’s Mondi, see below, p. 208, n. 106. 27

Giovan Battista Gelli, La Circe […] aggiuntevi le annotationi et argomenti da Maestro Girolamo Gioannini da Capugnano (Venice: Salicato, 1589). See Pierazzo, ‘Giovannini’, pp. 218–19.

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(Franco’s Dialoghi, Doni’s Zucca, and Gelli’s Circe), which went through a total of seventeen editions, he might have been responsible for the dissemination of some twenty thousand censored copies.28 Giovannini was interested in a variety of subjects. In the field of law, he summarized and commented on a section of Prospero Farinacci’s Praxis et theorica criminalis, discussing the cases in which torture could legitimately be used and revealing his knowledge about the techniques of inflicting pain.29 He moreover composed a compendium of Martín de Azpilcueta’s treatise on usury.30 On religious questions, Giovannini limited himself mainly to editorial work. He appended explanations to a handbook of the church service and translated various religious writings, among them the book of visions by Angela da Foligno (d. 1309). He selected passages from the Church Fathers for a volume of exhortations to Christian virtue. Performing a service for his own order, he edited the thirteenth-century sermons of Humbert de Romans.31 Given that he was an inquisitor, it seems bizarre that he dabbled in interpreting predictions about popes32 and that he edited Niccolò Tartaglia’s works on

28

Rozzo, ‘Erasmo espurgato’, p. 197; idem, ‘Espurgazione dei testi letterari’, p. 265.

29

Giovannini, Decisiones criminales super quaestionibus de inditiis ac tortura Prosperi Farinacii (Vicenza: Greco, 1602), appended to Giacomo Marzari, La prattica e theorica del cancelliere (Vicenza: Greco, 1602), fols 123–43. See fols 134 v–35r (ad quaest. 38) for the techniques of torture. See also N. Del Re, Prospero Farinacci, giureconsulto romano (1544–1618) (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1999), p. 73, n. 7. 30

Giovannini, Compendio delle usure e de’ cambii, in Compendio del manuale del Navarro, ed. by Paolo Calanna (Venice: Bernardo Basa, 1592). See M. Arigita y Lasa, El Doctor Navarro Don Martín de Azpilcueta y sus obras (Pamplona: Ezquerro, 1895), pp. 468–70, for the various compendia of the manual. 31

Officia hebdomadae sanctae iuxta formam Breviarii Romani Pii V […] iussu editi, with explanations in Italian by Giovannini (Venice: Misserini, 1592); Vita e conversione maravigliosa della beata Angela da Fuligno, trans. by Giovannini (Venice: Sessa, 1604); Giovannini, Pensieri cristiani, posti’nsieme sopra varii e bellissimi soggetti di Dio, dell’huomo, della virtù e del peccato […] scelti dai puri fonti de gli antichi padri, dedicated to Cardinal Giulio Antonio Santorio (Vicenza: Greco, 1600); Humbert de Romans, Sermones, ed. by Giovannini, 2 vols (Venice: Zaltieri, 1603). In a letter to Antonio Possevino (ibid., I, sig. a4r), Giovannini states that the former had encouraged him to produce this edition of the Sermones. 32 Vaticinia seu praedictiones illustrium virorum: sex rotis aere incisis compraensa de successione summorum pontificum Romanorum / Vaticini overo predittioni d’huomini illustri […], Italian and Latin, with explanations by Giovannini (Venice: Bertoni, 1600). Giovannini, for instance, interpreted pseudo-Joachimist Vaticinia about the succession of popes from Martin V onwards

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arithmetic not least because he thought they would be useful for astrologers.33 He also composed a philosophical treatise on the question of whether animals are capable of rational discourse.34 He wrote a complaint (in Italian) about the state of the Latin language,35 as well as a letter to King Henry IV of France, assuring him that King Sebastian of Portugal, commonly thought to have died in 1578, was, in fact, alive and being held prisoner in Venice.36 One of his most successful efforts remained his revision of Schott’s guidebook to Italy, first published for the Jubilee year of 1600. According to Edward Chaney, this became ‘the most influential seventeenth-century guidebook to Italy’.37

(fols 19r–22 r, 34r–v). On this book which, although it received an imprimatur in 1592/93, was not published until eight years later, see Pierazzo, ‘Giovannini’, pp. 225–29. 33

Tartaglia, Arithmetica, ed. Giovannini, vol. I, with the subtitle: ‘per utile rilevato dei mercanti et tesorieri, a capitani, e matematici, et astrologhi’. In his dedication to Leonardo Neri, Giovannini points out that mathematics is useful for anyone wishing to learn ‘la Cabala, o la geometria, o l’astrologia, o la medicina, o la musica’ (sig. a3r). See also Pierazzo, ‘Giovannini’, pp. 229–31. 34

Giovannini, Discorso del parlare, cioè come si ragioni dal grandissimo Iddio, da gli spiriti beati, da’ santi et dalle anime del purgatorio […] da gli animali e da altre creature irragionevoli (Venice: Barezzi, 1604), appended to Agnolo Firenzuola, Consigli de gli animali (Venice: Barezzi, 1604). See Pierazzo, ‘Giovannini’, pp. 233–38. 35

Giovannini, Ragionamento sopra il potere ampliare con varietà l’elocutioni latine et usare la copia delle parole artificiosamente (on the title page referred to as: Discorso intorno gli stati della smarita lingua latina), in Aldo Manuzio, Jr, Eleganze, insieme con la copia della lingua toscana e latina, scielte, with additions by Giovannini (Venice: Barezzo Barezzi, 1606), sigs a3r–c6v. For Barezzo Barezzi’s friendship with Giovannini (whose death is mentioned), see the preface, dated 1 November 1605, sig. a2r–v. 36 Letre escripte par un gentil-homme venitien à Sa Majesté tres-chrestienne, translatée d’italien en françois (Giovannini to Henry IV, Venice, 28 July 1600), in José Teixeira, Adventure admirable […] par laquelle il appert evidemment, que D. Sebastian vray et legitime roy de Portugal […] est celuy mesme que les Seigneurs de Venise ont detenu prisonnier […] ([n.p.], 1601), pp. 5–8. 37 Schott and Giovannini, Itinerarium, 1600–01 (see above, n. 1); expanded version of François Schott, Itinerarii Italiae rerumque Romanarum libri tres […] ex antiquis novisque scriptoribus iis editi, qui Romam anno Iubileii sacro visunt: ad Robertum Bellarminum (Antwerp: Plantin; Moretus, 1600)). The parts written by Giovannini are marked ‘Capug.’ in the margin. Quotation from E. Chaney, The Evolution of the Grand Tour (London: Cass, 1998), p. 201, n. 63. The book was translated into English by Edmund Warcupp as Italy in its Original Glory, Ruine and Revival (London: Twyford (and others), 1660). Editions and translations are listed by E. S. de Beer, ‘François Schott’s Itinerario d’Italia’, The Library, ser. 4, 23 (1942), 57–83 (pp. 81–83). On Giovannini’s substantial contributions see ibid., pp. 64–65; L. Schudt, ‘Das “Itinerarium Italiae” des Franciscus Schottus’, in Adolph Goldschmidt zu seinem siebenzigsten Geburtstag (Berlin: Würfel, 1935), pp. 144–52 (pp. 145–46).

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III. Giovannini’s Project and Earlier Italian Editions It was the news received from Venice that a new censored edition of Platina’s Lives was being prepared which spurred the Congregation into action. At the session of 30 November 1589, Cardinals Marcantonio Colonna, Girolamo della Rovere, Federico Borromeo, and Allen were all present. The secretary, Vincenzo Bonardo, was commissioned to write to the inquisitor of Venice, Stefano Guaraldi, ‘for the suspension of the Platina to be printed by the Reverend Father, Brother Girolamo of Capugnano’. Guaraldi was charged with ensuring that the Lives were published according to the official recommendations for censoring the text to be sent by the Congregation.38 An experienced theologian and administrator in the Dominican order, Guaraldi had assumed his position as inquisitor of Venice two years earlier.39 He was obviously embarrassed to discover that Giovannini’s plan to publish Platina’s Lives had been proceeding behind the back of the Congregation. He may have been acquainted with Giovannini. In his first letter to the Congregation on this matter, dated 23 December, Guaraldi pointed out that Giovannini had recently censored Doni’s Zucca and Gelli’s Circe, and had been given licence to publish them. Justifying himself, Guaraldi explained that the Inquisition in Venice did not think that

38

Appendix to this chapter, doc. 1: ‘Commissum secretario ut Inquisitori Veneto scriberet pro suspensione Platinae per Reverendum Patrem Fratrem Hieronimum a Capugnano imprimendi, quousque iuxta censuram per Congregationem eidem tradendam imprimeret.’ The protocol of the session notes reads: ‘Commissum fuit ut scriberetur Inquisitori Veneto quod suspenderet impraessionem Bartholomei Platinae quam moliebatur Reverendus Pater Frater Hieronymus a Capugnano Magister ordinis Praedicatorum, quousque consuleret Congregationem atque secundum censuram illi dandam imprimiretur.’ 39

After becoming a Master of Theology in 1580, Stefano Guaraldi, from Cento near Bologna, was inquisitor of Como 1581–82; prior of the Dominican convent in Bologna 1582–84 (confirmed by Paolo Costabili, 25 June 1582: AGOP, IV. 42, fol. 202v); prior provincialis of his order in Lombardy 1584–86; inquisitor of Venice 1587–91 (‘Elenco degli Inquisitori Domenicani 1560–1755’, in B. Cecchetti, La Republica di Venezia e la corte di Roma nei rapporti della religione, 2 vols (Venice: Naratovich, 1874), II, 10). One can see him at work on less harmless matters than book censorship in the Processi del S. Uffizio di Venezia contro ebrei e giudaizzanti, ed. by P. C. Ioly Zorattini, 14 vols (Florence: Olschki, 1980–99), VIII (1990), passim. He was regent of the Dominican studium in Bologna 1591; regent in Padua 1593 (AGOP, IV. 46, fol. 52r); inquisitor of Bologna 1596–1600. On him see P. M. Baumgarten, Neue Kunde von alten Bibeln, 2 vols (Rome: the author, 1922; Krumbach: Aker, 1927), II.1, 56–60 (‘Der Inquisitor von Venedig und die intimatio der Bibelbulle’), 25*–26*; D’Amato, Domenicani a Bologna, ad indicem.

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these works were concerned with religion, nor had he been aware that Sixtus V required such books to be revised only in Rome.40 After Christmas Guaraldi finally managed to see Giovannini, who was pushing ahead with his new project, which by the very nature of Platina’s book raised much more delicate issues in relation to the Congregation than the writings of Doni and Gelli. According to Guaraldi, Giovannini had already produced a rough draft of the corrections, and a publisher had arranged for the illustrations to be made. Giovannini himself simply informed the Congregation that he was ill and therefore could not comply with their wishes at present.41 It may, or may not, have been a coincidence that a friend of Giovannini, Girolamo Polo, had in this same period printed a small-format Italian edition of Platina’s Lives in 1100 copies. Polo, who ran a small business, was tried in January 1590 before the Holy Office in Venice for publishing this edition.42 In April 1590, Giovannini petitioned the Congregation to allow Polo to sell the copies, since he was impoverished. It is very unlikely, however, that the decision of the tribunal was overturned. Polo had done little more than to reprint an

40

Guaraldi to Colonna, 23 December 1589 (Appendix to this chapter, doc. 2): ‘Egli accomodò la Zucha del Doni et Circe, et li fu data licenza di ristamparli così accomodati et revisti, poiché non trattavano di religione, né si sapea che la voluntà di Nostro Signore fosse che tali libri fossero emendati solo in Roma; et quando ne fu dato un pocco di moto già erano stampati.’ This sentence is also quoted in Fragnito, ‘Aspetti e problemi’, p. 169, n. 31. On the powerful tensions between Rome, the centre of censorship, and Venice, the centre of printing, see P. F. Grendler, The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press, 1540–1605 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977); V. Frajese, ‘Regolamentazione e controllo delle pubblicazioni negli antichi stati italiani (sec. XV – XVIII)’, in Produzione e commercio della carta e del libro secc. XIII– XVIII, ed. by S. Cavaciocchi (Florence: Le Monnier, 1992), pp. 677–724. 41

Guaraldi to Colonna, 29 December 1589; Giovannini to Colonna, 30 December 1589 (Appendix to this chapter, docs 3–4). 42 Testimony by Girolamo Polo of 18 January 1590 (Appendix to this chapter, doc. 5): ‘Io ho stampato de questi libri mille cento.’ The edition is: Battista Platina, Delle vite de’ pontefici dal Salvator del mondo Giesù Christo sino a Paolo II; con l’aggionta delle vite de gli altri pontefici da Sisto IV sino a Sisto V scritte da Honofrio Panvinio e da diversi altri authori, come al suo luoco si vede; nuovamente con somma diligenza ristampate e corrette (Venice: Girolamo Polo, 1590). The brief discussion of the trial in Pierazzo, ‘Giovannini’, pp. 213–14, is inaccurate. Polo published twenty-seven editions between 1571 and 1598. See E. Pastorello, Tipografi, editori, librai a Venezia nel secolo XVI (Florence: Olschki, 1924), no. 341, pp. 68–69; idem, ‘Giunte e correzioni’, Bibliofilía, 30 (1928), 475–79 (p. 478).

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Italian translation of Platina’s Lives, which at the time must have been widely available in Venetian bookshops.43 Platina’s Lives, first published in Italian in 1543, had become a best seller in the vernacular. In the editio princeps, published by Michele Tramezzino in quarto format, the translator is not named.44 Twenty years later, in 1563, Tramezzino published an Italian version, also in quarto, of Panvinio’s edition and continuation of the Lives. The translation was done by Lucio Fauno (Giovanni Tarcagnota).45 In addition, there were at least six other editions of Platina’s Lives in Italian before 1590, all published in Venice in octavo format;46 the five which appeared after the 1552 edition by Giovan Maria Bonelli, who had revised the anonymous 1543 translation published by Tramezzino, were all

43

Giovannini to V. Bonardo, 12 April 1590 (Appendix to this chapter, doc. 9): ‘anco delli simili anco per tutte le botteghe si ritrovano e vendennosi liberamente’. Polo had acted as Giovannini’s publisher for the censored version of Doni’s Zucca in 1589. 44 Il Platina, Delle vite et fatti di tutti i sommi pontefici Romani, cominciando da Christo infino a Sisto IV; con la giunta di tutti gli altri pontefici, infino a Paulo III Pontefice Massimo (Venice: Michele Tramezzino, 1543). This edition contains brief biographies of popes Sixtus IV to Paul III (fols 237r–43r). For speculations about the translator (Fausto da Longiano?) see F. Robolotti, ‘Nota bibliografica sulle edizioni e traduzioni delle opere del Platina’, Appendix to S. Bissolati, Le vite di due illustri Cremonesi (Milan: Brigola, 1856), pp. 165–74 (p. 167). On Tramezzino see C. L. C. E. Witcombe, Copyright in the Renaissance: Prints and the Privilegio in Sixteenth-Century Venice and Rome (Leiden: Brill, 2004), pp. 111–22. 45

Battista Platina, La historia delle vite de’ pontefici dal Salvatore nostro fino a Paolo II […] con le vite de gli altri pontefici sequenti fino a Pio IV scritte dal P. F. Honofrio Panvinio da Verona; la quale opera tutta è di varie Annotationi del medesimo Panvinio illustrata; hora ultimamente in miglior forma e lingua che prima nella nostra volgare favella da Lucio Fauno tradotta (Venice: Michele Tramezzino, 1563). On Fauno, who had previously translated Biondo’s Roma instaurata, Italia illustrata and Roma triumphans, as well as Enea Silvio Piccolomini’s epitome of Biondo’s Decades, see A. Tinto, Annali tipografici dei Tramezzino (Venice; Rome: Istituto per la collaborazione culturale, 1966; repr. Florence: Olschki, 1968), p. xx and ad indicem (s.v. ‘Tarcagnota’); L. Asor Rosa, ‘Fauno, Lucio’, in DBI, XLV (1995), 377–78; M. Daly Davis, ‘Two early “Fundberichte”: Lucio Fauno and the Study of Antiquities in Farnese Rome’, in Opere e giorni: studi su mille anni di arte europea dedicati a Max Seidel, ed. by K. Bergdolt and G. Bonsanti (Venice: Marsilio, 2001), pp. 525–32. 46

Platina, Delle vite de’ pontefici, tradotto di latino in lingua volgare, et nuovamente ristampato, et tutto ricorretto et ampliato […] (Giovan Maria Bonelli, 1552); Delle vite de’ pontefici (Francesco Lorenzini, 1560); Delle vite de’ pontefici […] per fino a Papa Pio IV (Comin da Trino, 1565); Delle vite de’ pontefici […] per fino a Papa Pio V (Giacomo Leoncini, 1572); Delle vite de’ pontefici […] per fino a Papa Gregorio XIII (Giovanni de’ Picchi and brothers, and the heirs of Francesco Rampazetto, 1578); Delle vite de’ pontefici […] per fino a papa Gregorio XIII (Domenico Farri, 1583).

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apparently dependent on it.47 These editions do not include the biographies by Panvinio, but instead print ones by other authors. 48 Girolamo Polo took his text of Platina’s Lives from the 1583 edition by Domenico Farri;49 but he deviated from the previous octavo editions by using the biographies by Panvinio (Sixtus IV–Pius IV), which he took from the 1563 translation published by Tramezzino. After the life of Pius V by Tommaso Porcacchi (printed in previous octavo editions), he included a long life of Gregory XIII (1572–85) by Antonio Ciccarelli.50 Polo’s 1590 printing of Platina’s Lives was certainly not the censored and illustrated edition which Giovannini was planning to issue on his own initiative. The latter project was presented in detail by him to the Congregation on 24 March 1590. The delay from December to March in replying to the Congregation presumably gave him enough time to sort out his dealings with the unnamed publishers (perhaps including Polo, though it is not possible to prove this). Platina, Delle vite de’ pontefici (Venice: Bonelli, 1552), preface, sig. a2v: ‘Così havendo questi mesi a dietro da ristampare questo bellissimo et utilissimo volume Delle vite de’ pontefici scritte già da Platina in latino et poi da certi anni a dietro tradotte in volgare da non so chi, lo trovai di sì fatta maniera tutto dal principio al fine che, lasciando stare che la lingua non era né toscana né lombarda né altra vera d’Italia, essendo tutta piena di “amaciare” per “ammazzare” et d’altre tali infinite, vi erano poi le sentenze talmente intese che mi basterà allegarne una o due per essempio; come è quella la quale, nel fine della Vita di Pietro in quella stampa erano queste parole a punto parlando di Nerone: “che ligato publicamente, fu menato sotto la forca, et battuto con bachette fin’alla morte fu gettato nel Tevere, poi fuggendo lontano quattro miglia in una villa d’un suo liberto fra la via Salaria et Nomentana, s’amaciò”. Et nella Vita di Silvestro si legge pure in detta stampa che Costantino dotò la chiesa di San Pietro d’una possessione che rendea 80 soldi l’anno. Et vicino al principio della Vita di Marco I parlando di Costantino dice così a punto: “Fu batteggiato da Silvestro col figliuolo di Cristo.” Et di queste ne può trovar quasi infinite per tutto quel volume chi lo legge, et da esse far giuditio come stia poi nel resto.’ On the latter passage see above, p. 154. Despite Bonelli’s complaints, however, his edition is virtually a reprint of the 1543 translation. 47

48

Tommaso Porcacchi, Lorenzo de’ Pichi, ‘M. Lorenzo dal Borgo di Mugel di Toscana’. On Porcacchi, who edited Guicciardini’s Historia d’Italia (Venice: Angelieri, 1574), see A. Gerstenberg, Thomaso Porcacchis L’isole piu famose del mondo: zur Text- und Wortgeschichte der Geographie im Cinquecento (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 2004). 49

See his trial (Appendix to this chapter, doc. 5) where it appears that he lied, or at any rate was mistaken, when he said that Farri produced the last edition in c. 1588 (rather than 1583): ‘Sono doi anni incirca che non è stato stampato questo libro in Venetia, l’ultimo fu un Dominico Faris.’ 50

Antonio Ciccarelli, Gregorio XIII, in Platina, Delle vite de’ pontefici (Venice: Polo, 1590), fols 549v–74v. For Ciccarelli, a contributor to the 1592 censored edition, see below.

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Giovannini made reports to Marcantonio Colonna and William Allen.51 He also sent a corrected copy of Platina’s Lives, with his annotations entered directly onto a printed volume in quarto format.52 Since this edition lacked the biographies added by Panvinio, Giovannini listed the proposed corrections to these on separate sheets of paper. On another sheet he summed up ‘my own contributions and the additions’ (le cose mie et le aggiunte). He did not want to disclose these to the Congregation because of a contract he had made with the publishers, who had employed a writer specifically to work for him on this project.53 The edition was to be costly and lavish. Not only were portraits of all the popes commissioned, but the biographies were to be furnished with additional information on ‘councils, schisms, sacraments, imperial elections, heretics, statutes, rites, ceremonies and similar things’.54 Names of all cardinals were to be provided; and right-minded intellectuals, as well as heretics, who had been contemporaries of the various popes, were to be mentioned. At the end of the book, Giovannini planned to insert a defence of the papacy against those who had attacked it. In those cases were Platina has been too superficial and only skimmed the surface of a matter, Giovannini suggests adding more information.55 An appendix would consist of smaller ecclesiastical tracts by Panvinio, while the works by Platina which did not concern the papacy, but were normally included in (Latin) editions of the Lives, would be left out. Giovannini and the publishers planned to produce folio editions in both Latin and Italian. In addition, a compendium could be published simultaneously.56

51

Giovannini to Colonna, 24 March 1590 (Appendix to this chapter, doc. 6); Giovannini to Bonardo, 12 April 1590 (Appendix to this chapter, doc. 9): ‘Io mandai ‘l Platina corretto et scrissi alli Signori Illustrissimi Colonna et Alano quel che faceva attorno lui’. 52

It is now lost; see below, n. 66.

53

Giovannini to Colonna, 24 March 1590 (Appendix, doc. 6): ‘Le cose mie et le aggiunte quali noto in quel foglia, non le mando a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima poiché mi truovo havere impiegato la parola mia a certi mercanti, a istanza de’ quali mi ci posi a farle […].’ 54

See Giovannini’s outline of his project, ‘Quae addentur Vitis pontificum Romanorum scriptis a Platina et a Panvinio’ (Appendix to this chapter, doc. 7): ‘Annotationes etiam ad mille, super diversa loca, ut concilia, schismata, sacramentalia, electiones imperiales, haereticos, statuta, ritus, cerimonias et similia insinuata in vitis, prout occasio sese obtulerit.’ 55

Ibid., doc. 7: ‘Ubi Platina sicco pede transire vel res graves leviter attingere videbitur, alia superaddentur.’ 56 Giovannini to Colonna, 24 March 1590 (Appendix to this chapter, doc. 6): ‘Hanno determinato questi mercanti far il libro in foglio volgare, latino, et anco poi in picciolo epitomandolo, ed ogni cosa farassi presto e susseguentemente.’

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IV. The Censored Italian Edition of 1592 The text of the 1592 edition is for the most part a slightly revised reprint of the 1563 Italian translation of the biographies by both Platina and Panvinio. The translator of the 1563 edition, Lucio Fauno, had censored the book, apparently on his own initiative, omitting the most scandalous attacks on churchmen.57 In the 1592 edition the theologian Antonio Ciccarelli continued the papal biographies from the final events of the life of Pius IV (1564) onwards up to Gregory XIV.58 Ciccarelli, famous for his 1584 censorship of Castiglione’s Cortegiano, had published his own Lives of the Popes with the Roman printer Domenico Basa in 1587.59 The biographies of Pius V and Gregory XIII were taken from this work and inserted into the 1592 edition of Platina’s Lives.60

57

It is also possible that this was done on the publisher’s initiative. The changes made to Platina’s text in the 1563 edition would merit a philological study on their own. Two examples of deleted passages, which were faithfully translated in the previous quarto edition of 1543 (and in the following octavo editions until 1590 based on the latter), are: 32, Silvester I, A5 (Documentary Appendix) (deleted in Platina, Historia delle vite (1563), fol. 39v; but included in Platina, Delle vite et fatti di tutti i sommi pontefici (1543), fol. 29r; Delle vite de’ pontefici (1552), fol. 55r–v); 79, Gregory IV, A1 (Documentary Appendix) (1563, fol. 114v; but 1543, fol. 87r–v; 1552, fol. 155r–v). 58 Antonio Ciccarelli, continuation of Panvinio’s biography of Pius IV, in Platina, Historia delle vite (1592; full title below, n. 61), fol. 364 r–v; and his biographies of popes from Pius V to Gregory XIV, ibid., fols 365r–415v. These are followed by a biography of Innocent IX (fols 416 r–18r) and a brief eulogy of the current pope, Clement VIII (fol. 418v), both composed by an unnamed author (perhaps also Ciccarelli). 59 Antonio Ciccarelli, Le vite de’ pontefici […] con l’effigie di Giovanbattista de’ Cavallieri (Rome: Domenico Basa, 1587; repr. 1588). I cite the 1588 edition. Other major works by Ciccarelli (d. 1599) are Le vite degli imperatori Romani (Rome: Domenico Basa, 1590); and the Discorsi sopra Tito Livio (Rome: Ruffinelli; Paolini, 1598) which he regarded as an introduction to ancient Roman history (see his preface, sig. a3r). On him see N. Longo, ‘Ciccarelli, Antonio’, in DBI, XXV (1981), 353–55; V. Cian, ‘Un episodio della storia della censura in Italia nel secolo XVI: l’edizione spurgata del Cortegiano’, Archivio storico lombardo, 14 (1887), 661–727 (see pp. 691–95 for his Vite de’ pontefici). On the Discorsi in particular, see R. De Mattei, ‘Un cinquecentista confutatore di Machiavelli: Antonio Ciccarelli’, Archivio storico italiano, 125 (1967), 69–91. 60 Ciccarelli, Vite de’ pontefici, fols 261v–80r; Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fols 365r–85r. Ciccarelli’s coverage of the beginning of Sixtus V’s pontificate is transformed by him into full biography for the Platina edition (Ciccarelli, Vite de’ pontefici, fols 280v–81v; Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fols 385r–404v). For the further additions see above, n. 58.

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Unfortunately, there seems to be no documentary evidence for the years 1591–92 that might shed light on the actual production of the censored Italian edition of Platina’s Lives. It is tempting to assume that the return to the Congregation in 1592, under the auspices of Clement VIII, of two protagonists of the brief ‘springtime’ of 1587, Agostino Valier and Robert Bellarmine, played some part in the final publication of the censored version.61 Since, however, Clement VIII became pope on 30 January 1592, and the dedication of the edition is dated 21 March 1592, this would not have left much opportunity for Valier and Bellarmine to become involved (though it is possible that the publication of the edition took place some time after March). Another strong argument against Bellarmine’s involvement, as we shall see, is that virtually none of the points he makes in his 1587 recommendations for censorship were carried out. Girolamo Giovannini’s name is conspicuously absent from the documents of the Congregation between 1590 and 1594; and he is not mentioned in the 1592 Italian edition itself, which was dedicated to Marcantonio Colonna, the head of the Congregation.62 Nevertheless, since Giovannini presented himself as the censor of Platina’s Lives one would expect that at least part of his corrections were included in the 1592 censored Italian edition. To the best of my knowledge, the only features of his grand plan actually carried out were the illustrations and the issuing of a compendium, also published in 1592 and also including the illustrations.63 These were the first attractively illustrated editions of Platina’s

61

Frajese, Nascita dell’Indice, p. 139 (return of Valier and Bellarmine); Battista Platina Cremonese, Historia delle vite dei sommi pontefici dal Salvator nostro insino a Paolo II; illustrata con l’Annotationi del P. F. Honofrio Panvinio da Verona, et insieme dal medesimo supplita con le vite dei seguenti pontefici sino a Pio IV; nella volgar favella da Lucio Fauno tradotta; allaquale si sono anche aggiunte in questa ultima impressione le vite de gli altri papi sino a Clemente VIII, scritte dal Signor Antonio Ciccarelli da Fuligno; ornata nuovamente di bellissimi ritratti di tutti essi pontefici dal naturale; et aggiuntovi hora la Cronologia ecclesiastica del Panvinio, tradotta in Italiano et ampliata dal Reverendo Maestro Bartholomeo Dionigi da Fano, accioché più commodamente possi il lettore saper la serie et ordine dei tempi, cosi de’ papi et altri prelati ecclesiastici, come de gli imperadori romani e d’altre cose all’historia appartenenti (Venice: Bernardo Basa; Barezzo Barezzi, 1592). 62

Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), dedication by Bernardo Basa to Card. Colonna, sigs †2 –†3v. r

63 Le vite di tutti i pontefici da S. Piero in qua, ridotte in epitome da Tomaso Costo Napoletano et Accademico Fiorentino, secondo la descrizzione del Platina corretta dal Panvinio (Venice: Bernardo Basa; Barezzo Barezzi, 1592). Barezzi published Giovannini’s two treatises on language in 1604 and 1606 (see above, nn. 34–35).

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Lives.64 It appears that the rest of Giovannini’s project did not find much favour with the Congregation. It was one of the publishers, Bernardo Basa, rather than Giovannini, who wrote the dedication to Cardinal Colonna. Basa’s uncle, Domenico, had worked for the cardinal before him; in particular, Domenico had directed the Typographia Apostolica Vaticana, the official papal press, which had been founded by Sixtus V in April 1587.65 Although we do not have Giovannini’s account of his proposals for censoring Platina, it can be shown that some of his recommendations for Panvinio’s biographies, covering the pontificates from Hadrian VI to Pius IV (1522–65), were indeed implemented.66 It seems reasonable to infer that he would have censored Platina in a similar manner. While most of the words, phrases, and

64

On papal portraits in the works of Platina, Panvinio, Ciccarelli, Chacón, and others, see C. H. Clough, ‘Papa Niccolò IV nella sua iconografia’, in Niccolò IV: un pontificato tra oriente ed occidente, ed. by E. Menestò (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, 1991), pp. 171–92 (pp. 182–85 for the editions of Platina’s Lives from 1592 onwards); idem, ‘Italian Renaissance Portraiture and Printed Portrait-Books’, in The Italian Book 1465–1800: Studies Presented to Dennis E. Rhodes, ed. by D. V. Reidy (London: British Library, 1993), pp. 183–223 (p. 194). For the series of papal portraits, which served as a model for the portraits in the 1592 edition, see Giovanni Battista Cavalieri, Pontificum Romanorum effigies (Rome: Domenico Basa, 1580); G. B. Ladner, Die Papstbildnisse des Altertums und des Mittelalters, 3 vols (Vatican City: Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1941–84), III, 198–211. Earlier, the French translations of the Lives had already featured simple woodcuts. 65

See Grendler, Roman Inquisition, p. 235; Bernardo Basa, dedication Al Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Monsignor Marco Antonio Colonna, mio Signor e Padrone sempre colendissimo, sig. †3r: ‘per continoare la servitù che tiene Messer Dominico Basa, mio zio, con l’Illustrissima casa Colonna et in particulare con la persona di Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima, gli lo appresento e dedico’. Domenico Basa (c. 1510–96) was a prominent Roman publisher over several decades. See A. Cioni, ‘Basa, Domenico’, in DBI, VII (1965), 45–49. 66 The proposals for censoring Platina were written by Giovannini directly onto a quarto edition, which must have been the first Panvinio edition (Platina, Historia de vitis pontificum (Venice: Tramezzino, 1562)). See the letter by Giovannini to Colonna, 24 March 1590 (Appendix to this chapter, doc. 6): ‘mando a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima un Platina corretto et espurgato fin dove ei scrisse, et appresso ancora le vite del Panvino, il qual havendo mutatone molte nell’ultima impressione da quell’essere nel qual prima ei le compose. Et ancor io per maggior comodo del corretto havendo preso questo libro in 4o, né essendovi le dette ultime ho posto la correttione loro in quei fogli a mano col numero loro’. His proposal for censoring Panvinio’s biographies survives since it was written out on sheets, with references to the second Panvinio edition: ‘In Vitis pontificum Romanorum correctio et additio Onuphrii Panvinii impressis Coloniae 1568 apud Maternum Cholinum’ (Appendix to this chapter, doc. 8).

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sentences to which Giovannini objected in Panvinio’s biographies remain unchanged and are faithfully included in the 1592 Italian translation, a number of his suggested deletions had already been carried out in the first Italian translation of Panvinio’s biographies in 1563. The majority of passages where Giovannini had tried to cover up the vices of popes, cardinals, and other churchmen — the political intrigues, the sale of cardinalates, military exploits of spiritual leaders, and various other kinds of moral turpitude — remained unaltered in the 1592 edition, including Panvinio’s harsh criticism of the popes: his allegations, for instance, that Clement VII sold cardinalates and that Paul III was habitually deceitful in all matters (solito di dissimulare ogni cosa).67 Panvinio’s writings may have gained respect since they had recently found favour with Clement VIII; as we have seen, the commission for the publication of his works met in September 1592.68 A small number of Giovannini’s suggestions for censoring Panvinio’s text, however, can be shown to have been implemented in the 1592 edition. These concern five passages where he had objected to the word fortuna, and two others where he had wanted to delete the word fatalis and remove a reference to a portent of the stars. In addition, two suggestions by Giovannini concerning a negative reference to Venice and a complaint about a breach of curial traditions were also implemented.69 Given that so few of his own recommendations were carried out, Giovannini was surely not responsible for the 1592 edition. A similar picture emerges if we consider the implementation of the 1587 censorship proposals drawn up by Allen, Bellarmine, and Galesini. The majority of the points which they made were not implemented. Many of Platina’s attacks on churchmen, objected to by the censors, had already been deleted in Fauno’s 1563 translation; but a handful of their recommendations were executed.70 None

67 As Pierazzo (‘Giovannini’, p. 216) and others have noticed when examining the changes he made to Doni’s Zucca: ‘il modo di procedere del nostro censore non è certo sistematico’. See n. 26 on p. 179, above. For the quotation see Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 313 (‘dissimulare omnia solitus’); Historia delle vite (1592), fol. 345r; and Giovannini’s annotation to Paul III (‘ubi dicit Haec agitantem […]’) on p. 203, below. 68

See above, p. 112.

69

See below, notes 95, 96, 97, 100, 103 (fortuna); 98, 99 (fatalis, portent); 101, 102 (Venice, curial traditions). 70 See my following notes. I checked a majority of the points raised in the censorship documents and found that a only a fraction of the suggested changes were actually carried out. I report in this chapter all the changes which I have found.

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of the key passages which I discussed in Chapter 4 was censored in the 1592 edition. They were either left intact (Donation of Constantine; church councils) or had already been deleted in the 1563 edition (moral points). In the small number of passages which correspond to changes recommended by the censors in 1587, it is not always clear whose advice was followed. In one case, only Allen’s suggestion seems to have been implemented (though not fully), where he sought to underline the power of popes over councils.71 In another case, a passage which Allen alone wanted to dispose of was partly deleted.72 The famous passage, for which Platina’s Lives were originally denounced by Tommaso Bozio, was deleted in 1592; both Allen and Bellarmine had also objected to it.73 In two cases, changes recommended by both Allen and Galesini were executed; these concerned attacks by Platina on the education and background of protonotaries and other churchmen.74

71

Allen’s point in 12, Anicetus, A1 (Documentary Appendix) (‘Non est enim concilii pontificum decreta confirmare’) is reflected in Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fol. 19v: ‘Il che fu poi e dal Concilio Niceno e da altri Pontefici confermato.’ The addition (in my italics) makes it clear that the council was not independent from the popes. See also above, pp. 168–71. It is perhaps a coincidence that this point is at the beginning of the acephalous manuscript copy of Allen’s censorship (on the manuscript, see the first page of my edition in the Documentary Appendix). 72

See 113, Silvester III, A1 (Documentary Appendix), where Allen suggests deleting the following passage in Platina, Vitae, p. 182. 1–4: ‘Eo enim tum pontificatus devenerat, ut qui plus largitione et ambitione, non dico sanctitate vitae et doctrina valeret, is tantummodo dignitatis gradum bonis oppressis et reiectis obtineret, quem morem utinam aliquando non retinuissent nostra tempora. Sed hoc parum est, peiora, ni Deus caveat, visuri aliquando sumus.’ In Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fols 164v–65r, only the last part, ‘quem morem […] sumus’, is actually omitted. 73

See above, p. 108; 123, John XXIII, A1, B1* (Documentary Appendix); Platina, Vitae, p. 268. 19–25: ‘Creatis deinde septem cardinalibus secunda ordinatione, millesimo trecentesimo vigesimosecundo, [Ioannes XXII] statim edictum proposuit quo eos declaravit pertinaces et hereticos, qui affirmarent Christum eiusque discipulos nihil privati vel proprii habuisse; quod certe non multum cum sacra scriptura convenit, quae multis in locis testatur Christum eiusque discipulos ac veros imitatores nil proprii habuisse, ut illud Evangelii: “Qui non vendiderit omnia quae habet, et pauperibus dedit, non potest esse dignus me discipulus.”’ The italicized passage is deleted, as recommended by the censors, in Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fol. 241v. 74 For the protonotaries, see 34, Julius I, A3, A G3, G3* (Documentary Appendix). This passage is directed against the uneducated ‘parasites’ in the ranks of protonotaries, witnessed by Platina in his day (Vitae, p. 59. 27–32): ‘Voluit item ut omnia ad ecclesiam pertinentia, per notarios aut per primicyrium notariorum conscriberentur: hos hodie, ut arbitror, protonotarios vocamus, quorum officium est res gestas praecipue conscribere. Verum nostra aetate adeo plerique,

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Other proposals which were implemented came from Bellarmine and Galesini. They had both objected to Platina’s doubts regarding the authenticity of St Paul’s Letter to the Hebrews; and Bellarmine, additionally, complained that Allen had overlooked this. In the censored version of 1592, it was stated that ‘some’ doubted its authenticity.75 Lastly, a suggestion made only by Galesini, regarding Joseph’s return from Egypt, was followed (though not exactly).76 In conclusion, it is by no means clear who carried out the censorship of Platina’s Lives for the 1592 edition. Although it seems that more points by Allen were taken into account than by the other censors, there is insufficient evidence to indicate that Allen actually oversaw the revision. It seems unlikely that Bellarmine had a hand in the revision, while Galesini by that point was dead. It was probably someone else in the Roman Congregation — using, to a limited extent, the proposals made by Allen, Bellarmine, Galesini, and Giovannini –— who decided which of the recommendations should actually be implemented. The censored text of the 1592 edition of Platina’s Lives was used for all subsequent Italian editions. The Latin text, however, was never censored. The story of the Latin editions and of the translations into languages other than Italian will be told in the following, and final, chapter.

nolo dicere omnes, litterarum ignari sunt, ut vix sciant nomen suum Latine exprimere, nedum aliorum res gestas perscribere. De moribus nolo dicere, cum e lenonum numero et parasitorum quidam in hunc ordinem relati sint.’ The italicized passage is deleted in Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fol. 46 r. For the other churchmen, see 41, Zosimus, A1, G1*. Whereas Zosimus decreed that no servant could become a cleric, Platina (Vitae, p. 71. 36–38) protests that in his time ‘asciscuntur […] non modo servi et vulgo concepti ac nati, verumetiam flagitiosi omnes ex flagitioso quoque geniti: quorum sceleribus ecclesia Dei magnum aliquod incommodum tandem capiet’. The latter remark, as recommended by Allen and Galesini, is omitted in Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fol. 55v. See above, p. 148. 75 See 2, Peter, A G6*, B6, G6* (Documentary Appendix). Platina writes (Vitae, p. 12. 8–9): ‘[epistola] quae ad Hebraeos eius nomine fertur, incerta habebatur propter styli sermonisque differentiam’. Cf. Jerome, De viris illustribus, V (PL, 23, col. 647): ‘Epistola autem quae fertur ad Hebraeos, non eius creditur propter styli sermonisque dissonantiam […]’. Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fol. 5v, has: ‘fu dubitato da alcuni se fusse sua’ (the addition in italics). 76 See 1, Christ, G15 (Documentary Appendix), where Galesini insists that Joseph did not return to Jerusalem, as Platina wrote (Vitae, p. 7. 17). Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fol. 2v, has: ‘se ne ritornò col fanciullo e con la madre in Giudea’. Galesini’s proposal was not followed exactly, since he cited Matthew to make the point that Joseph did not even return to Judaea.

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Chapter Appendix 1. Girolamo Giovannini, a censor, is to be told to suspend his planned edition of Platina’s Lives, 30 November 1589 ACDF, Index, Diari, I (ser. I , vol. 1), fol. 37 v

Congregatio habita apud Illustrissimum Cardinalem Columnam ubi interfuerunt Cardinales de Ruvere, Alanus et Borromaeus77 cum consultoribus.78 Commissum secretario ut Inquisitori Veneto scriberet pro suspensione Platinae per Reverendum Patrem Fratrem Hieronimum a Capugnano imprimendi, quousque iuxta censuram per Congregationem eidem tradendam imprimeret. Index, Protocolli, B (ser. II , vol. 2), fol. 136 r (autograph by Vincenzo Bonardo)

Commissum fuit ut scriberetur Inquisitori Veneto quod suspenderet impraessionem Bartholomei Platinae quam moliebatur Reverendus Pater Frater Hieronymus a Capugnano Magister ordinis Praedicatorum, quousque consuleret Congregationem atque secundum censuram illi dandam imprimiretur. 2. Stefano Guaraldi da Cento, the inquisitor of Venice, informs Cardinal Marcantonio Colonna that he has not yet been able to speak to Giovannini, 23 December 1589 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, I (ser. II , vol. 8), fols 413 r, 427 v

Illustrissimo et Reverendissimo Signor mio salutem.79 Il Padre Fra Girolamo da Capugnano stanza fuori di Venetia e però non li ho potuto per anchora raggionare di quanto Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima mi impone intorno al Platina delle Vite de’ Pontefici. Dico bene

77

Federico Borromeo (card. 1587).

78

Bellarmine was absent from Rome from 2 October 1589 until shortly after Sixtus V’s death, which occurred on 27 August 1590. He went to Paris with the papal legate, Cardinal Enrico Gaetani. See Bellarmine’s Vita quam ipsemet scripsit, pp. 36–38; Döllinger and Reusch, ‘Anmerkungen’, pp. 99–104. 79 Probably in response to the letter by Cardinal Colonna mentioned in the trial of Polo (doc. 5): ‘litteris […] Cardinalis Columnae […] ad Reverendum Patrem Inquisitorem directis datis Romae die 2 Decembris 1589’.

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che io non credo l’habbi posto alla stampa perché ne saprei et io qualche cosa, et non gli l’havrebbe sopportato. Egli accomodò la Zucha del Doni et Circe, et li fu data licenza di ristamparli così accomodati et revisti, poiché non trattavano di religione, né si sapea che la voluntà di Nostro Signore fosse che tali libri fossero emendati solo in Roma; et quando ne fu dato un pocco di moto già erano stampati. […] Et idem pregarli le buone feste, chiamo sua benedittione. Di Venetia li 23 di Decembrio 1589. Minimo servitor Fra Steffano Cento Inquisitor di Venetia A tergo: Al Illustrissimo et Reverendissimo Padrone mio Colendissimo, il Cardinale Capo della Congregatione del Indice, Roma

3. Guaraldi forwards a letter by Giovannini to Cardinal Colonna (doc. 4), 29 December 1589 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, I (ser. II , vol. 8), fols 412 r, 428 v

Illustrissimo et Reverendissimo Signor mio salutem. Raggionai col Padre Mastro Fra Girolamo da Capugnano intorno al Platina et mi afferma non haver dato cosa alcuna alla stampa di questo, se ben’ vi ha fatto qualche fatica et havea animo con bona licenza de’ superiori di stamparlo, et già un librar qua ha fatto fare le figure. Scrive egli l’inclusa80 et mi ha detto che quelle sue scritture sono non in bona forma, ma essendo hora indisposto non le può riformar. Subito che sarà rihauto, l’accomodarà et le mandarà voluntieri. Et io racomandandomeli in gratia, li desidero le buone feste et aspetto sua benedittione. Di Venetia li 29 di Decembrio 1589. Di Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima minimo servitor Fra Steffano da Cento Inquisitore di Venezia A tergo: All’Illustrissimo et Reverendissimo Signor mio Colendissimo, il Cardinale Colona Capo della Congregatione del Indice, Roma

80

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4. Giovannini informs Cardinal Colonna that he is as yet unable to send his corrections, 30 December 1589 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, I (ser. II , vol. 8), fols 414 r, 426 v

Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Signore, mio colendissimo Padrone Il Reverendo Padre Inquisitore qui di Venetia m’ha fatto vedere un ordine di Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima per il quale devo mandare costà la correttione mia sopra il Platina fatta da me. Attorno che come si mi conviene prontamente ubidirò, come in cosa maggiore anco farei. Vero è che per il tempo freddo e per il luogo ventoso nel qual mi truovo, soprapreso sono da un catarro che mi tiene occupatissimo; con buona gratia di Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima sarò costretto a tardare in eseguire li suoi comandamenti. Ma se da Dio rihavrò la sanità, subito farò quanto ella mi comanda. Detta correttione da me fu fatta per servirmene in buon proposito e a tempo, quando io havea finite da mille e tante annotationi hora abozzate sopra esso Platina, acciò alcuni che m’istavano potessero stamparlo. Cosa che però sin hora non è cominciata e che dovevasi tardare per qualche tempo, e quando s’havesse havuto a fare, non si sarebbe incominciato senza saputa di costà. Con che fine humilmente le bacio la veste e a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima resto divotissimo servo e le prego maggior felicità. Venetia il penultimo del 1589. Di Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima humilissimo servo Fra Gieronimo Capugnano dell’ordine de Predicatori A tergo: All’Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo mio colendissimo Padrone, Il Signor Cardinal Collonna, Roma

5. Inquisition trial of the Venetian printer Girolamo Polo, January 1590 Venice, Archivio di Stato, Sant’Uffizio, Processi, b. 65, fols [1r]–[2 v], [4 v]

Die Sabbati 13 mensis Ianuarii 1590 Assistentibus Clarissimis Dominis Federico Contarino Procuratore et Andrea Bernardo.81 Coram Illustrissimo et Reverendissimo Domino Ioanne Trivisano 81 Federico Contarini (1538–1613), procurator of St Mark, a wealthy art collector and secret supporter of the Holy See, served as a Savio sopra l’Eresia (lay deputy) numerous times. He advocated the extradition of Giordano Bruno to Rome in 1593. See Grendler, Roman Inquisition, pp. 220–1; idem, ‘The Tre Savii sopra Eresia, 1547–1605: A Prosopographical Study’, Studi veneziani, ser. 2, 3 (1979), 283–340 (p. 329); G. Cozzi, ‘Contarini, Federico’, in DBI, XXVIII

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Patriarcha Venetiarum82 et Multum Reverendo Patre Magistro Stephano Guaraldo de Cento Inquisitore citatus comparuit Dominus Hieronymus Polus, filius Domini Benedicti Brixiensis, impressor librorum de confinio Sancti Angeli Venet‹iarum›, delato sibi iuramento de veritate dicenda. Et mostratogli83 un libro in ottavo stampato che comincia Battista Platina 1590 appresso Gierolamo Polo, finisce il fine, respondit: Io l’ho fatto stampare con li mei torcoli.84 Ei dictum se esso dell’anno 1589 li 27 d’Aprile sino li 15 di Maggio del detto anno, per il bidello o nontio dell’arte de’ stampatori li fu intimato et lasciato polizze simile a questa che se gli mostra, che comincia Al magnifico Prior de’ librari, finisce locus sigilli, respondit: Questa polizza stampata che me dite, io non l’ho havuta. ‹Ei dictum:› Ma il detto bidello disse d’haverla lasciata a casa. ‹Respondit:› Ma a me non mi è stata data. Ma mi è stato detto che, inanci che dia fuora il libro, che non lo posso dare senza ordine del Padre Inquisitore. Et cusì son andato dal Reverendo Padre Inquisitore et cusì gli ho detto: ‘Io ho stampato questo libro, et non lo darò fuora senza licentia vostra.’ [1v:] Interrogatus se esso è andato dal Reverendo Padre Inquisitore de suo moto o pur chiamato d’ordine di esso Reverendo Padre Inquisitore, respondit: Un Benedetto Bolis sei giorni incirca mi ha detto il Padre Commissario che vadi a ritrovarlo, ma per quel che ho inteso poi è stato il Padre Hieronimo Capugnano che parlò al detto Bolis, et per questo io andai per trovar il Padre Commissario. Poi mi risolvete di parlar al Padre Inquisitore et cusì io gli ho detto quanto ho detto, et Sua Reverentia me ha detto: ‘Non sapete voi che queste cose non si puono stampare, che c’è un’ordinatione che senza nostra licentia non si possono stampare?’ Et ad interrogationem dixit: Sono doi anni incirca che non è stato stampato questo libro in Venetia, l’ultimo fu un Dominico Faris.85 Ei dictum: La prohibitione de non poterse stampar le Vite del Platina per esser suspese d’ordine della Sacra Congregatione de’ cardinali sopra l’Indice de’ libri da stamparse, è inclusa

(1983), 158–60. On Andrea Bernardo (1518–91) see Grendler, ‘Tre Savii’, pp. 325–26, 329; Processi del S. Uffizio, IV , 109, n. 1. 82

Giovanni Trevisan (d. 3 August 1590). See Processi del S. Uffizio, VIII, 109, n. 9.

83

The inquisitor was generally the one who questioned the accused. The patriarch or the nuncio sometimes spoke, while the lay deputies almost never did. See Grendler, Roman Inquisition, p. 46. 84 85

Torcoli: ‘torchi’, printing presses.

This does not seem to be true, since the edition printed by Domenico Farri (Platina, Delle vite de’ pontefici) is from 1583. On him see M. Infelise, ‘Farri, Domenico’, in DBI, XLV (1995), 174–76.

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nell’ordine generale de non poterse stampar libri etiam altre volte stampati se non se riveggono, tanto più essendove nova aggiuntione. Et essendo questo ordine publicato nell’arte de’ stampatori, come appar per sede del bidello, non è scusa [2r:] lui di non esser incorso nella contraventione. Respondit: A me era incognito l’ordine del bidello, che se l’havesse saputo non l’haveria stampato. Ei dictum che questo non si presupone, anci la legge presupone la scientia quando si lascia a casa il boletino o la scrittura, respondit: Io non l’ho saputo. Sanctum tribunal, inherendo precipue litteris Illustrissimi et Reverendissimi Cardinalis Columnae capitis Congregationis super Indicem ad Reverendum Patrem Inquisitorem directis datis Romae die 2 Decembris 1589, imposuit ipsi constituto presenti, qu‹atenus› nullo pacto debeat vendere, commutare sive alias alienare predictum librum cuius titulus est Platina Delle vite de’ pontifici; immo debeat omnes et singulos dictos libros per ipsum impressos in particulari loco deponere, illos numerare et Sancto Offitio referre de illorum numero fideliter, donec86 idque sub penis ipsi Sancto Offitio bene visis.87 Die Iovis 18 mensis Ianuarii 1590 Comparuit in Sancto Offitio coram suprascripto Illustrissimo Domino Patriarcha et Reverendo Patre Inquisitore assistente Clarissimo Domino Andrea Bernardo suprascriptus Dominus Hieronymus Polus. Et dixit: Io ho stampato de questi libri mille cento.88 Ci pò esser poi il quinterno rotto che esce de libri [2v:] boni et cattivi.89 Di questi ne haveva dato al Zenaro che gli ho rihavuti.90 Ne ho dato cinquanta al Meietti et gli li ho ricercati.91 Me ha detto de rendermeli, perché gli ho detto l’impedimento del Santo Offitio et lui me ha detto de rendermeli. Fuit

86

‘Donec’ seems to be part of an abbreviated formula.

87

Another formula; cf., for example, Processi del S. Uffizio, VII, 99: ‘iniunctum […] sub penis bene visis Sancto Offitio’. 88

Crossed out: ‘et vinticinque’. The total number may have been 1125.

89

It is unclear what he means by referring to a quire spoiled in printing.

90

A year before, Girolamo Zennaro had been sentenced to three days in prison for buying books by Pierre du Moulin which were on the Index. See Venice, Archivio di Stato, Sant’Uffizio, Processi, b. 62 (9 October 1588). 91 Roberto Meietti was tried several times for trafficking in and printing prohibited books (e.g., Venice, Archivio di Stato, Sant’Uffizio, Processi, b. 62, 22 October and 8 November 1588). On him see P. F. Grendler, ‘Books for Sarpi: The Smuggling of Prohibited Books into Venice during the Interdict of 1606–1607’, in Essays Presented to Myron P. Gilmore, ed. by S. Bertelli and G. Ramakus, 2 vols (Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1978), I, 105–14.

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ipsi iniunctum ut observet, ut supra dictum, ordinem et decretum sibi ostensum in ceteris libris imprimendis. A tergo: 13 Ianuarii 1590. Contra Dominum Hieronymum Polum impressorem librorum, circa librum impressum per ipsum intitulatum Platina De vita pontificum.

6. Giovannini sends his recommendations for censoring and revising Platina’s Lives to Cardinal Colonna, 24 March 1590 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, I (ser. II , vol. 8), fols 415 r–v, 425 r–v

Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Signore, mio Signor e Padrone colendissimo Per la via ordinata di Monsignor Illustrissimo Legato mando a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima un Platina corretto et espurgato fin dove ei scrisse, et appresso ancora le vite del Panvino, il qual havendo mutatone molte nell’ultima impressione da quell’essere nel qual prima ei le compose. Et ancor io per maggior comodo del corretto havendo preso questo libro in 4o, né essendovi le dette ultime92 ho posto la correttione loro in quei fogli a mano col numero loro, come si potrà vedere. E quando non servissero, manderò ancora quegl’istessi. Io mi son sforzato di levare quelle cose che, al mio poco sapere, han parso vedervi sì disdicevoli e di niun profitto, anzi di scandalo. E quando pure io habbia lasciato cosa che anco meriti la dipennata, confesso l’ignoranza mia esser grande et affermo che non so nulla. In molti luoghi per la correttione è troncato il senso; hevvi d’aggiungnere in altri. Sonovi da porre alcune cose per dichiaratione d’alcuna parola ambigua, nei quali casi io ho notato qualche poco, come si vedrà. Le cose mie et le aggiunte quali noto in quel foglia, non le mando a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima poiché mi truovo havere impiegato la parola mia a certi mercanti, a istanza de’ quali mi ci posi a farle. E non voglio credere ch’ella mai comandar mi voglia che io mancassi della parola mia giustamente data; oltre che un scrittore m’è stato da quelli a posta mantenuto per tal servitio solo. Ho havuto ed ho il commodo di molti libri suoi, et essi hanno a questo effetto speso molti danari per le cose della stampa. Però se io fussi astretto a darle ed essi privi ne restassero, et a me scorno et a loro danno rilevante sarebbe certo. Quando la Signoria Vostra Illustrissima e Reverendissima degnare si volesse che io le scrivessi ‘l mio pensiero, humilmente glielo isporrei e con la debita riverenza

92

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sempre mai, dicendole che mi pare che quella degnare si potrebbe di vedere se altro da queste vite cancellare si dee. E fatto questo, se le piacesse che qui in Venetia si stampassero [415v:] compitamente con le dette mie fatiche, le quali tutte havendo la parola di Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima et il suo volere, di mano in mano gliele mandarei, e le vite acconcie affatto come havranno a stare. Et essa le vedrebbe et esaminerebbe, né mi moverei un passo fuor di quello ch’ella mi comandasse. E così sperarei che questo mio affaticare, dal gravissimo e prudentissimo giuditio di Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima sendo esaminato, non sarebbe fuorché sicuro e certo di dovere appresso gli huomini trovar luogo grato et accetto. Per conto della stampa di Venetia fatta quasi infame, Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima potrà esser certa che io sarò presente e procurerò che deva uscire così bene quanto che fosse stampato in Roma, perché c’andrebbe dell’interesse mio altramente facendosi, e non dovrei mai permettere che indegno ei comparisse alle sue mani. Anzi, di settimana in settimana costà si manderebbe lo stampato, tantoché finito non sarebbe quasi di stamparsi ch’ella tutto l’havrà veduto. E se dubitasse che non si stesse nell’ordine prefisso e da lei statoito, credo che Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima non stimerà huomo così temerario in questi contorni che ardisse poner mano a tanta sfacciataggine e sottentrare a una inconveniente opera, della quale molti e quella spetialmente col potentissimo suo braccio saprà e potrà gastigare. Et io che vado procurando acquistare la gratia sua, no’l permetterei per quanto stimo la propria vita. Hanno determinato questi mercanti far il libro in foglio volgare, latino, et anco poi in picciolo epitomandolo, ed ogni cosa farassi presto e susseguentemente. Io la supplico e prego con tutto il cuore a farmi favore di credermi che in questo negotio non ci ho altro utile fuorché ‘l servitio d’Iddio et il contentarmi di spendere il tempo per la Santa Chiesa. Resta che la Signoria Vostra Illustrissima et Reverendissima si voglia degnare di favorir me servo suo humilissimo [425r:] con la risposta e con la determinatione che le parerà di fare; che sapendo io quanto ella mi comanderà, seguiterò l’opera incominciata e la raguaglierò. Qui finisco di molestarla e me le inchino riverentemente restandole divotissimo servo et baciandole la veste. Venetia li 24 Marzo 1590. Di Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima humilissimo e deditissimo servo Fra Gieronimo Capugnano dell’ordine di Predicatori A tergo: All’Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Signore, mio colendissimo Padrone, Il Signore Cardinale Colonna, Roma

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7. Giovannini’s plan for a censored and revised edition of Platina’s Lives ACDF, Index, Protocolli, I (ser. II , vol. 8), fol. 418 r–v

Quae addentur Vitis pontificum Romanorum scriptis a Platina et a Panvinio Per Magistrum Hieronymum a Capugnano ordinis Praedicatorum Erunt vitae olim editae ac emendatae. Quarundam tamen aliquae ab ovo quasi ut dicitur etiam compilatae dabuntur, nihil adimentes ab eo quod est lectori expositum neque correctione dignum. Addetur vita Pii V compendiose at non mutile acta. Gregorii XIII et Sixti V nondum lectae. Cuiuslibet papae effigies ad vivum expressa. Summa brevissima cronologiae sui pontificatus. In margine annus et tempora cuiuslibet rei singularis, de qua erit sermo in vitis. Ponentur annotationes Panvinii. Deinde historia multarum rerum in qualibet vita, que erunt solum de actis a pontificibus et ad dignitatem videlicet statum ecclesiae et sedis apostolicae facientes, et suis locis assignabuntur, etiam super duo millia. Historiae vero seculares vel aliorum principum rarissime addentur, nisi ut dictum est vel pontificibus concernent, vel sint dignissimae scitu. Annotationes etiam ad mille, super diversa loca, ut concilia, schismata, sacramentalia, electiones imperiales, haereticos, statuta, ritus, cerimonias et similia insinuata in vitis, prout occasio sese obtulerit. Carpentur haeretici passim ubi modus erit pro traditionibus, sacramentis et ritibus ecclesiasticis. Respondebitur si que tacita obiectio occurerit de administratione pontificum vel de similibus, quibus potest suboriri scrupulus de dignitate ac imperio Romanorum pontificum. Ubi Platina sicco pede transire vel res graves leviter attingere videbitur, alia superaddentur. [418v:] Ponentur brevissime statuta et sanctiones cuiuslibet, prout in iure ac bullario. Viri qui sanctitate in quolibet pontificatu floruerunt. Viri deinde literati ecclesiastica doctrina et iure canonico, secularibus scientiis praetermissis. Nomina omnium cardinalium a quolibet creatorum. Tirranni et haeretici qui vexaverunt ecclesiam. In fine erit apologia contra obloquentes in summos pontifices et eorum dignitatem offendentes, cum aliquando homines fore sese fragile‹s› ostenderint. Modus eligendi papam et conclavis.

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Haec a praedicto Magistro in ordinem rediguntur, conquisita et accepta a multis praeclarissimis viris et libris illi accommodatis summa beneficentia et animi amplitudine quorundam dominorum, qui diu etiam per annos iubilei libris Vaticani et castri Sancti Angeli sunt potiti. Demum addentur opuscula ecclesiastica Panvinii que etiam leguntur, praetermissis opusculis Platinae que ad rem pontificiam non attinent. Hoc libro sic expleto, alius harum vitarum poterit compilari brevior et per compendium ut omnibus consulatur. In his vero et in omnibus aliis praedictus Magister humillimus erit servulus et cliens Illustrissimorum et Reverendissimorum Dominorum suorum. 8. Giovannini’s recommendations for censoring the papal biographies by Onofrio Panvinio ACDF, Index, Protocolli, I (ser. II , vol. 8), fols 419 r–21 r

In Vitis pontificum Romanorum correctio et additio Onuphrii Panvinii impressis Coloniae 1568 apud Maternum Cholinum93 In vita Adriani VI Folio 286 287 289

Deleatur cum ipse repugnante usque excluderentur94 Post consilia sua comunicare addatur coepit, deleatur deinde et eis non sine usque fidere Ex earum abusu dices ex earum occasione Deleatur et id genus alia usque excluderentur, et quae antecessoris usque contemptu Honestam fortunam dices conditionem Dele ex more solenni aliorum pontificum

93 Giovannini in fact did not use the edition of 1568 (Cologne: Maternus Cholinus), since his page references correspond to a reprint edition of 1572 (Leuven: Jean Bogard; Jan Maes). He was perhaps unaware that the two editions differed in their page numbers. William Allen had also used the 1572 edition for his censorship proposals. See Documentary Appendix, 12, Anicetus, A1. 94 Most suggested changes were either not implemented in the 1592 Italian edition, or a change to the same effect had already been made in the 1563 Italian edition. Implemented changes are discussed in my footnotes, where italics indicate the passages which Giovannini proposed to delete and underlining indicates those which he proposed to alter.

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Chapter 5 Celsioris fortunae dices gradus95 Dele superiorum pontificum Dele a mensae suae usque habuit quod

In vita Clementis VII 292 293

294 295 296

297

Prosperaque fortuna dic statu Dele otio et voluptatibus deditus, et Quorum dissidiis usque contentione; ibi adde unde Dele praemium et pone causa Etiam dele insatiabili Dele qui inusitata avaritia usque expleret; dele qui omnium odio flagrabat. Dele qui sperabat usque adepturum Fatali avaritia dele Dele que cum satis usque non defuere Pone post galerum dedit: et ut sibi consuleret Marinum Grimanum; dele ut milites maiore pecunia leniret Ubi dicit se caelibe, dic soluto Dele opulentissimo Prosperaque fortuna dices vitae ratione [419v :]

In vita Pauli III 298 299

300

Dele valde et / execrabili usque. Etiam dele ambiendo et praensando; loco fortunae dic electionis; adde inter numquam et defuturum: in iustis rebus. Loco fato concessisset pone obiisset; loco conspiratione dices concursu. Dele e factione sua Dele in principio verbum adversarii Fortuna sua dic statu suo Dele a quo usque videbatur

95 Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 289: ‘spe celsioris fortunae’. Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fol. 328r, implemented: ‘speranza di montare ad alto’. The word fortuna, to which Giovannini objected, is eliminated.

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302

303 304 305 306 307 310 311

312

313

203

Post nova Hierusalem adde sed mala et obsessa; loco excelso dices superbo; post novam dices post suam Hierusalem; ubi dicit montem Sion, adde montem desertum Sion. Dele et in Caesaris gratiam Apertius fortunae dic statui; dele episcopo Massiliensi Dele a Pontifex quanquam usque transferrentur, et subiunge qui Alexandri; dele tamen. Dele Et pontificis commodo usque illi vero; tunc adde dicens qui uno erepto Dele Pontifex ex quibusdam usque dimitteret Dele depravatis Dele incensos usque existimaret; dele ibi fortuna, ubi dicit Cosmo, dic Cosmus; dele favens.96 Dele fortuna et dic conditio97 Dele pontificis in Caesarem usque dicitur Ubi dicit venientibus bona subiunge tu incerta Caesar fatali: dic suo et dele fatali98 Hispanorum enim versutiis: dele versutiis et pone verbis Post triumphare adde pessime Dele speciosis et pone falso; [420r:] Caesaris conniventia pone clementia Conversa fortuna dele Malignoque dele Non ignaro aut dissimulante patre dele; iniquius pone importunius Praesulum dele Ita ut prudens usque vindicare deleatur; ubi dicit Haec agitantem, subiunge et dissimulare omnia solitum

96

Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 304: ‘sed fortuna Cosmo constantissime favens, omnes hominum conatus elusit’. Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fol. 340r, implemented: the comment on the constant good luck of Cosimo de’ Medici (‘il Grande’, r. 1537–74) is deleted. 97

Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 305: ‘Sed huius maligni saeculi fortuna aliena prorsus et infensa Christianis’. Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fol. 341r, implemented (though not exactly): instead of ‘fortuna’ the Italian text has ‘demerito’. 98 Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 307: ‘Verum Caesar fatali innixus consilio in sententia permansit’. Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fol. 342 r, implemented: ‘suo proposito’ (‘fatalis’ is deleted).

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Chapter 5 mors eum sequentem dictionem dele. Intemperanter dele; Eorum tamen usque substinuit dele

In vita Iulii III 314

315 317 320

321

Quod nimiis dic nimis et adde sibi ipsi; dele voluptatibus In partes deductorum dele; disceptationem dic discussionem; a quo fortunae suae dices exaltationis suae. Otium avidissime amplexus dele; ne legitima dele; vel imprudens dele Fato functus est dices vita functus est Et externa usque incumbebat dele; cuius insanire studio videbatur dele; conviviis usque incommodo dele; adde: quieti verbo vacabat. Qui nanque occupationibus: deleatur omnia usque in finem

In vita Marcelli II 321

Certe pater ipsius Riccardus usque fertur deleatur. Dicaturque: Certe pater ipsius Riccardus Marcellum filium maximum in Dei ecclesia virum evasurum esse sibi persuaserat, eius cognita bona indole. Astra portendebant deleatur; ponatur vero: quam sibi parare virtutibus volebat.99

99

Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 321: ‘Certe pater ipsius Ricardus astrologiae peritissimus (quamquam iudiciariam aversaretur) Marcellum filium maximum in Dei ecclesia virum evasurum esse pro certo sibi persuaserat. Qui animadverso stellarum cursu, qui tum erat, quum puer nasceretur, ex eorum coniunctione summam ecclesiasticam dignitatem filio praedixisse fertur. Cui quidem persuasioni postea Marcellus indulgens, quum post multos annos a civibus suis ad nuptias incitaretur, constanter recusavit per iocum nolle se dictitans longe clariorem status conditionem, quam sibi astra portendebant, matrimonio veluti vinculis impedire.’ Platina, Historia delle vite, (1592), fol. 351v, partly implemented: ‘E Riccardo istesso che non era di quell’arte [i.e., astrologia] ignorante, havendo osservato il corso e l’aspetto delle stelle che era in quel tempo che il fanciullo nacque, dicono che egli predicesse al figliuolo questa degnità del papato. Ond’essendo molti anni poi richiesto di dovere dare moglie al figliuolo, costantemente lo ricusò, dicendo non volere con dargli molie, quasi con catene, impedirli un più nobile stato, che pareva dovere havere.’ In the last phrase, the remark concerning the question of marriage is changed, leaving out the reference to the stars.

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205

Eique patris usque comunicavit dele; post dictionem respicerent adde et quibus incumbebat; infelicis Episcopi dele infelicis; [420v :] ob astrologiae artis peritiam dele. Post abesse adde nisi gravissimis de causis praepeditos, vel aut usquam; neque se eos Romae deleatur; nisi sacerdotiis dele nisi. Superiorum pontificum dele Illud saepe repetens / exemplum usque: deleatur Qui locum hunc altissimum tenent: subiunge facile

In vita Pauli IV 326 327

328

329

331

Ad restringendam solutam: dele hoc verbum solutam Post longas quidem adde moras; sed acerrime usque tandem deleatur; praevalente dic procurante; Quod a nonnullis usque iudicatum est dele Male et simoniace dele simoniace Multa Iulii usque coniectis deleatur; et qui militiae usque dederat Quum sibi persuasset usque prae se ferens dele Propinquorum usque petitum dele Et vetus odium revocavit dele; His addebantur usque praeterritus fuisset dele. Seseque uscisceretur dele seseque; Nec cunctata fortuna usque solita dele, et adde: Nec cunctatus est quin facilem haberet occasionem; praebuit dele.100 Fatali Cesarianorum ignavia: dele fatali, et loco ignavia dic negligentia

100 Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 329: ‘Pontifex igitur factus ab iisdem quos supra memoravi ad bellum Caesarianis inferendum solicitabatur, qui a latere eius nunquam discedentes eum veteres iniurias repetendo, novas arguendo, in dies inflammabant tempusque venisse, quo ecclesiae iniurias seseque ulcisceretur, affirmantes, belli occasiones captabant, in ipso belli ardore Neapolitanos a rege non ita bene de iis merito, ad se defecturos; et cuncta facilia futura, Gallico rege belli socio eidem bellicarum rerum imperito assidue persuadentes. Nec cunctata fortuna illudere rebus humanis solita facilem praebuit occasionem, qua et bellum legitime posset ipse pontifex indicere et Gallos in belli societatem sibi adsciscere.’ Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fol. 356 v, partly implemented: while ‘seseque’ is retained (the pope was to take personal revenge as well as revenge for injuries done to the Church), the phrase concerning ‘fortuna’ is deleted.

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Chapter 5 Paetus fato praeventus: dele fato, et pone morte Venetiae usque refugium dele101

In vita Pii IV 338

339 339 340

346

Qui in illum usque diceret dele Ob varias cardinalium dissensiones dele Quod miserabile usque relatum dele Praeter curiae usque consuetudinem dele; et usurpati dele102 Vel eorum memor usque inhians, aut dele [421r:] Instabilis fortunae dic instabilis conditionis nostrae103 Fuerunt plerique usque existimasset dele Quod per proximi usque interfecisset dele More usque recepto dele Quod superiores usque habuere dele Et haec non apostolicae usque absumi dele104

101 Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 333: ‘Venetiae tum fuere miseris, qui obtemperare ob varias causas non poterant, refugium.’ This sentence is omitted from Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fol. 359r. 102 Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 339: ‘Ante omnia igitur quaecunque Paulus IV praeter Curiae Romanae mores et iam receptam a superioribus pontificibus consuetudinem, publicis edictis vel diplomatibus novaverat, disquirens ob multorum quaerimonias qui se Pauli sanctionibus male habitos lamentabantur, mutavit caussarum cognitionem et explicationem ad rectam communis et usurpati Iuris rationem, inductis prioribus decretis, paulatim revocavit, idoneosque iudices, qui quaestionibus huiusmodi praeessent, viros graves et prudentes delegit, iudiciis ex aequo constitutis.’ Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fol. 362r, partly implemented: the phrase about Paul’s break with long-standing curial tradition and customs is deleted. 103

Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 340: ‘comites et cardines in turris novae carcere capitali supplicio affecti, maxime memorabile spectaculum, insolensque instabilis fortunae ludibrium, in publico ad pontem Aelium expositi, et paulo post ad damnatorum sepulchra relati, populo Romano attonito, et quorsum isthaec tenderent admiranti, praebuerunt; iis vero qui secundiori aura altius provecti, extra omnem sortem sese collocatos existimant documentum memorabile, quum omnes passim confluerent ad eos spectandos, qui miserabiliter ab eo pontifice [… ]’. Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), fol. 362v, implemented: the reference to the ‘insolent mockery of fickle fortune’ is deleted. 104 Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 346. The last three pages of Panvinio’s life of Pius IV (pp. 347–49) are omitted from Platina, Historia delle vite (1592), where, in their place, Ciccarelli appended a short conclusion. See above, p. 187, n. 58.

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207

XXV millium aureorum sponsione deleatur Occulte invidus dele; dominandi cupidus dele; vafer usque dissimulator dele. Etiam cum alieno detrimento dele Amicitias usque aestimabat dele Cui ex privatis odiis infensus erat dele; ita ut eximias usque viderentur dele.

9. Giovannini writes to the Congregation in favour of Girolamo Polo, 12 April 1590 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, I (ser. II , vol. 8), fols 416 r, 424 v

Molto Reverendo et colendissimo Padre105 Prima che’l Padre Inquisitore di questo stato facesse ordine a questi stampatori, per commissione di cotesta Illustrissima Congregatione dell’Indice, che i libri sospesi fossero corretti solamente per la correttione vista da Lei, un messer Girolamo Polo haveva stampato ‘l Platina piccolo volgare. E nanti che fosse publicato, venendo l’ordine e saputosi, fu intimato a lui che lo tenesse senza vendere. Hora, perché il detto Polo è povero certo e ci si truova havere posto molta sua facoltà, l’ha stampato senza la prohibitione con li ordini e licenze ordinarie di questa Republica, supplica che li possa smaltire, massimo che anco delli simili anco per tutte le botteghe si ritrovano e vendennosi liberamente. Egli è molto amico mio. Lo conosco per huomo da bene, e so ch’è quasi mendico tra li suoi artisti. Però ove la Vostra Paternità Molto Reverenda si degnerà favorirlo, io ne lo havrò molt’obligo, e la supplico a non volere che ei patisca per quello che non era colpa. E quando ci fosse qualche cosa pur pure tra le molte cattive si potrà correggere, quella si degni favorirmene, che favorirà me, ancorché non c’habbia altro interesse particolare.

105

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Vincenzo Bonardo, secretary of the Congregation and Master of the Sacred Palace.

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Io mandai ‘l Platina corretto et scrissi alli Signori Illustrissimi Colonna et Alano quel che faceva attorno lui, et ella a quest’hora ‘l dicto haver veduto. Le resto servitore et desidero le buone feste, come di tutto cuore le bacio le mani. Venetia li 12 Aprile 1590. Di Vostra Paternità Molto Reverenda ë … û ‹humilissimo servo Fra Gieronimo Capugnano› A tergo: Al molto Reverendo Padre et colendissimo Padrone mio, il Padre Bonardi Maestro del Sacro Palazzo, Roma

10. Giovannini writes to Paolo Pico, the secretary of the Congregation, 8 January 1594 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, K (ser. II , vol. 9), fols 240 r–v, 249 v

Molto Reverendo et carissimo Padre Per mille volte io non vorei già che, per esser io in Dalmatia, la Reverenda Vostra Paternità credesse che io fossi fuori del mondo et che però la non mi dovesse più amare; perché io sono vivo et fra un mese ho speranza di ritornar’ in Italia. Vostra Paternità Reverenda vedrà questo memoriale106 et quel che io dimando

106 In his memoriale sent to Cardinal Colonna, ACDF, Index, Protocolli, K (ser. II, vol. 9), fols 239r, 250v, Giovannini asked for permission to publish censored versions of the following texts: Francesco Zorzi, De harmonia mundi and In Scripturam sacram problemata; Antonio de Guevara, Oratorio dei religiosi et esercitio dei virtuosi and Monte Calvario (both trans. from Spanish); Giovanni Antonio Panthera, Monarchia del Nostro Signor Gesu Christo; Anton Francesco Doni, I marmi and I mondi; Giovan Battista Gelli, I capricci; and works by Battista da Crema. The petititon was read in the Congregation on 12 February 1594, after which Cardinal Agostino Valier wrote to the inquisitor of Venice, Giovanni Gabriele da Saluzzo, instructing him to have Giovannini’s recommendations examined and, if they were appropriate, to have the books published. See ACDF, Index, Diari, I, fol. 71r–v; Protocolli, K, fol. 239r–v (note and draft letter by Valier). It seems that two of these censored editions were printed: Doni’s Mondi (Vicenza: Greco; Perin, 1597) (without Giovannini’s name) and Antonio de Guevara’s Monte Calvario, 2 vols (Venice: Combi, 1605) (with an addition by him, Discorso della grandezza de’ dolori che patì Maria Vergine Santissima, vedendo nella passione il suo figliuolo Giesu Cristo, I, 533–55). See F. Sberlati, ‘La pia ecdotica: l’edizione censurata degli “Inferni” di Anton Francesco Doni’, Lettere italiane, 49 (1997), 3–39; Fragnito, ‘Aspetti e problemi’, p. 170.

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e ricerco da cotesti Signori Illustrissimi della Congregatione sua. […] Potrà raguagliare quei Signori che io sono quello che corressi il Platina et che ho servito l’Inquisitione di Bologna, di Ferrara et quella di Mantua et ancora qualche puoco quella di Venetia. Et se va a dire son pur stato compagno d’un Generale Constabile, et alcune mie fatiche sono fuori in stampa che non sono ingrate a tutti, e hora mi trovo qua mandato dal Padre Generale visitator di questi paesi. Il Cardinal Alano sa di quel mio Platina, però non sono a lui tutto isconosciuto. […] Ma caldamente scrive il Monsignor Illustrissimo Molino, Arcivescovo di Zara,107 servitor’ e parente stretto del Signor Cardinal di Verona,108 a esso Signor Cardinale, acciò proponga in Congregatione il suddetto mio memoriale […]. [240v:] Da Zara, agl’ 8 Gennaro 1594. Di Vostra Paternità Reverenda vero amico Fra Gieronimo Capugnano A tergo: Al molto Reverendo Padre Maestro Paolo Pico dell’ordine di Predicatori, Segretario della Congregatione dell’Indice, in Roma nella Minerva109

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107

Luigi Molino (Archbishop of Zara, 1592–95).

108

Agostino Valier.

109

I.e., the Convent of Sta Maria sopra Minerva.

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T HE F ORTUNA OF THE L IVES

I. Translations

B

etween 1519 and 1685 translations of Platina’s Lives were published in five vernacular languages: French, Italian, German, Dutch, and English. Strangely, there appears to have been no Spanish version. There is also an unpublished translation into Greek, the impact of which is too limited to be traced.1 The pre-censorship Italian translations have already been discussed in Chapter 5. I shall not deal with the Dutch and English translations, as they fall outside my time frame: the Dutch translation was published in Amsterdam in 1650, the English one in London in 1685.2 This chapter will thus focus on the French and German translations.

1

Platina, Vitae pontificum (up to 1555), trans. into demotic Greek by the Cretan Jeremias Kakabelas (c. 1700), Vienna, Nationalbibliothek, MS Suppl. Graec. 29. The manuscript was given by Nikolaos Maurokordato, Prince of Walachia, to Prince Eugene of Savoy (1663–1736). See A. F. Kollár, Ad Petri Lambecii Commentariorum de Augusta Bibliotheca Caesarea Vindobonensi libros VIII Supplementorum liber primus posthumus (Vienna: Trattner, 1790), cols 448–51; H. Hunger, Katalog der griechischen Handschriften der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Supplementum Graecum (Vienna: Notring der wissenschaftlichen Verbände Österreichs, 1957), pp. 28–29. After quoting a sample of Kakabelas’s translation, Kollár concludes (col. 450): ‘Atque vel ex his paucis facile, spero, intelligetur cuiusmodi haec nostra sit Platinae versio; vaga scilicet legibusque eruditorum interpretum minime obsequens: quaeque magis placere Graeculis, quam Platinae orationem pone sequi studeat.’ 2

Dutch translation: Platina, ‘T Leven der roomsche pauzen, van Jesus Christus onze zaligmaker af, tot aan Sixtus IV […] het eerste deel, mitsgaders een vervolg, of tweede deel van al de genen, die

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France: Propaganda and Reconciliation The first translation into any vernacular language was the French version by Jean Beaufils, published in 1519.3 We know little more about Beaufils than that he edited Jean Le Fèvre’s Le Respit de la mort (1533) and also translated into French a Spanish secular love-story (1529/33) and Marsilio Ficino’s De triplici vita (1542).4 By 1542 Beaufils had become a lawyer at the Châtelet in Paris but had continued with his humanist pursuits. His interest in Platina was perhaps sparked by Jean Lemaire’s Traicté de la différence des schismes et des conciles de l’Église (1511). Lemaire had used Platina’s Lives as one of the main sources for his treatise, in which he argues that councils called by kings had always been a useful remedy for schisms caused by popes.5 It may be mere coincidence that a part of

met Sixtus IV de pauzelijke stoel hebben bekleet […] (Amsterdam: Lodewijk Spillebout, 1650). This edition contains 220 portrait heads; no translator is named. English translation: Platina, The Lives of the Popes, from the time of Our Saviour Jesus Christ to the reign of Sixtus IV […] and the same history continued from the year 1471 to this present time; wherein the most remarkable passages of Christendom, both in church and state, are treated of and described, by Paul Rycaut (London: Christopher Wilkinson, 1685). Rycaut, the author of the continuation, does not reveal the name of the translator of Platina’s Lives. The date of this edition suggests a connection with James II’s accession to the throne (1685); three years later his overt Roman Catholicism would set off the Glorious Revolution. The second edition of 1688 (Wilkinson; Awnsham Churchill) was reprinted in 1888, ed. by William Benham, 2 vols, Ancient and Modern Library of Theological Literature, 11, 17 (London: Griffith, Farran, Okeden & Welsh). 3

Platina, Les Genealogies, faitz et gestes des saincts peres papes, empereurs et roys de France, contenant les heresies, scismes et concilles, guerres et aultres choses dignes de memoire advenues, tant en la Crestienté que aultre pays estrange et barbare, durant le regne d’ung chascun d’iceulx; composé en latin par le tresrenommé et scientifique Hystoriographe Jehan Platine, et nouvellement translatées de latin en françoys […] (Paris: Galliot du Pré; Pierre Vidoue, 1519). 4

See J. Britnell and C. Shaw, ‘A French Life of Pope Julius II, 1519: Jean Beaufils and his Translation of Platina’, Bibliothèque d’humanisme et Renaissance, 62 (2000), 103–18 (pp. 103–06). The 1519 Platina translation does not name the translator. Beaufils can be identified, however, through his motto ‘Plaisir fait vivre’, also found in the other books, and his reference to Ficino’s De triplici vita in the preface, where in addition he calls himself ‘Jehan’. 5

See J. Britnell, ‘L’Histoire des papes: Jean Lemaire de Belges lecteur de Platina’, in Actes du Ier Colloque international sur la littérature en Moyen Français, ed. by S. Cigada and others (Milan: Vita e pensiero, 1998) (= L’analisi linguistica e letteraria (1998), no. 1), pp. 85–96; idem, ‘The Antipapalism of Jean Lemaire de Belges’ Traité de la Difference des Schismes et des Conciles’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 24 (1993), 783–800 (pp. 789–95). See also P. A. Becker, Jean Lemaire: der erste humanistische Dichter Frankreichs (Strasbourg: Trübner, 1893), pp. 165–71; P. Jodogne, Jean Lemaire de Belges: écrivain franco-bourguignon (Brussels: Palais des Académies, 1972), pp. 366–78.

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the title of Lemaire’s treatise, ‘schismes et […] conciles’, is also found in the title of Beaufils’s Platina translation; but it could have been a deliberate echo, given the popularity of Lemaire’s treatise, which had attracted a large audience and which formed part of King Louis XII’s propaganda campaign against Pope Julius II, who wanted to drive the French out of Italy.6 In his treatise, Lemaire praised Platina for writing his papal biographies ‘in a beautiful, elegant style and without any flattery’ (‘en beau stille elegant et sans rien flatter’).7 He essentially agreed with Platina’s explanations of why the Church had degenerated from early times onwards, identifying a kind of original sin in its acquisition of property, as reflected in the Donation of Constantine (whether a forgery or not, Lemaire does not say).8 Avarice and ambition, the failure to call general councils and the insistence on clerical celibacy were responsible for the deterioration of the Church.9 Lemaire culled information about numerous papal scandals from the Lives, using this source so selectively for his own polemical purposes that he made Platina appear even more anticlerical than he actually was.10 Beaufils, by contrast, did not draw attention to Platina’s criticism of the popes and the clergy. In the dedication of his translation to King Francis I’s sister Marguerite d’Angoulême, he instead stressed the point that Platina’s Lives showed how the Christian faith had grown down the centuries; how heresies had been weeded out; and what good relations the French kings had with the papacy.11 This

6

See Britnell, ‘Antipapalism of Jean Lemaire’, p. 783. Lemaire was ‘the leading literary figure writing in French in the first fifteen years of the sixteenth century’ (ibid.). See also J. Britnell, ‘Antipapal Writing in the Reign of Louis XII: Propaganda and Self-Promotion’, in Vernacular Literature and Current Affairs in the Early Sixteenth Century: France, England and Scotland, ed. by eadem and R. Britnell (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000), pp. 41–61. 7

Jean Lemaire, Traicté de la difference des schismes et des conciles de l’église, ed. by J. Britnell (Geneva: Droz, 1997), p. 97. 8 On Lemaire’s view of the Donation, partly taken from Platina, see Britnell, ‘Antipapalism of Jean Lemaire’, pp. 789–93, and her ‘Jean Lemaire de Belges lecteur de Platina’, p. 88; also Jodogne, Jean Lemaire, pp. 375–78. 9 Lemaire, Traicté, p. 96: ‘Trois choses singulierement ont fait grand dommaige à l’eglise universelle, c’est-assavoir ambition, mere d’avarice, obmission des concilles generaulx, et interdition de mariage legitime aux prestres de l’eglise latine, de toutes lesquelles choses nous parlerons amplement en toute ceste oeuvre.’ 10 11

For a list see Britnell, ‘Antipapalism of Jean Lemaire’, p. 794.

Jean Beaufils, dedication to Marguerite d’Angoulême, in Platina, Genealogies, faitz et gestes, sig. aa3v: ‘Par celluy [livre] vous congnoistrez comment nostre saincte foy Crestienne a esté

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reflects the improved relations between France and the papacy after the Concordat of Bologna (1516), in which Pope Leo X conceded to Francis I the right to make appointments to major benefices.12 The biographies of Julius II and Leo X, which Beaufils appends, are, accordingly, quite tame in comparison with the French propaganda efforts against the papacy at the beginning of the decade.13 The previous four additional lives (Sixtus IV to Pius III) derive from the 1505 Paris Latin edition or the 1512 Lyons reprint.14 Interestingly, the life of Pius III is altered in the translation. Beaufils — if indeed he was responsible for the alterations — states that he himself was in Rome in 1503, which may supplement our scant knowledge about his life.15 Beaufils’s translation is on the whole reliable; however, he, or someone else involved with this edition, omitted a somewhat risqué saying of Pius II: ‘The marriage of priests was abolished for a good reason; but there seems to be an even better reason to reintroduce it’ (Sacerdotibus magna ratione sublatas nuptias, maiori restituendas videri).16

augmentee depuis la mort et resurrection de nostre seigneur, et pour icelle plusieurs sainctz peres papes ont esté mis à cruelle mort et martyrez. Vous congnoistrez les faultes et iniques heresies qui ont esté extirpees, arrachees et adnichillees par les sainctz Concilles generaulx et eglise Rommaine. Vous congnoistrez les haulx et excellens faitz des empereurs roys de France dont estes venue et yssue, et les honneurs, preeminances, dons, privileges irrevocables que les sainctz peres papes et siege apostolique leur ont donné. Et pareillement vous congnoistrez les biensfaitz que les Roys de France auroyent faitz à l’eglise Rommaine, aulx Italliens, Lombars, Venitiens et aultres nations, et les guerres que le noble sang de France auroit fait contre les infidelles, Turcz et Payens […].’ On this and other homages by intellectuals to the duchess see P. Jourda, Marguerite d’Angoulême, duchesse d’Alençon, reine de Navarre (1492–1549), 2 vols (Paris: Champion, 1930), I, 94. 12

On the Concordat, which remained in effect until the French Revolution, see R. J. Knecht, Renaissance Warrior and Patron: The Reign of Francis I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 90–103. 13

See Britnell and Shaw, ‘French Life’, pp. 108–10; the biographies appear on pp. 110–18.

14

Britnell and Shaw, ibid., p. 104, misidentify the Latin edition which Beaufils used for his translation, because they wrongly assume that the four additional lives are the ones from Raffaele Maffei’s Commentaria Urbana (found in the Latin editions of Platina’s Lives of Venice, 1511 and 1518) and therefore overlook the biographical detail pointed out in my following note. On the Latin editions see below, pp. 231–242. Platina, Genealogies, faitz et gestes, fol. 244v: ‘Et lors je estoys a Romme parquoy j’en parle, comme scavant, par la mort du pape Pie le siege de Romme fut vaccant par l’espace de XIIII jours.’ 15

16 Platina, Vitae, p. 363. 16–17. See J. C. Götze, Die Merckw F rdigkeiten der K =niglichen Bibliotheck zu Dreßden, 3 vols (Dresden: Walther, 1743–48), I, no. 438, pp. 392–93, on the 1519 translation and its reprints: ‘In diesen Editionen ist eben nichts verf(lschet oder ausgelassen

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The 1519 translation was the first book in French printed in roman characters.17 Cheaper reprints in octavo appeared in 1544 and 1551. Since Beaufils’s dedication and motto are omitted, it can be inferred that he had no hand in these reprints.18 While the 1544 edition was not updated, that of 1551 includes short lives of Clement VII (1523–34) and Paul III (1534–49).19 In 1651, the geographer Louis Coulon produced a new translation in polished seventeenth-century French, including the lives by Panvinio, Ciccarelli, and others, and updated to the reign of the present pope, Innocent X. Coulon restored Pius II’s witticism; on the other hand, he included a passage about Luke’s wife which had been altered by Panvinio, a sure sign that he based his translation on a Panvinio edition.20 After the lives by Platina, Coulon added his own ‘Observations’, in which he discusses the legend of Pope Joan and the dates of St Peter’s pontificate, defends Liberius, Honorius I, and Silvester II, and explains how the names of popes changed — all of which would have made the Lives more acceptable to Catholic readers.21

worden, ausgenommen die Stelle in Pio II von dem Heyrathen der Geistlichen. Die Ubersetzung ist ziemlich alt und ungeschickt. Der H. Petrus und Johannes werden genennet: “Monsieur Sainct Jean Evangeliste”, “Monsieur Sainct Pierre”. Von der so genannten P(bstin Johanna f(ngt sich der Artickel so an: “Jehan estoit angloys natif de l’isle de Magunce” und vir doctissimus wird “un gran clerc” F bersetzet’. 17

See N. Catach, L’Orthographe française à l’époque de la Renaissance (Geneva: Droz, 1968), p. 12, n. 6. A particularly splendid folio copy, printed on vellum and illustrated by hand, is held by the Bibliothèque nationale in Paris, Velins-686. See J. B. B. van Praet, Catalogue des livres imprimés sur velin de la Bibliothèque du roi, 6 vols (Paris: De Bure, 1822–28), V (1822), no. 23, pp. 20–21. The current catalogue of the BNF gives an incorrect publication date (1516). 18

Platina, Les Vies, faictz et gestes des sainctz peres papes, empereurs et roys de France […], was printed separately at the expense of various Parisian booksellers in 1544 and 1551. These included Maurice de la Porte, J[acques or Jean] Regnault, Ponce Roffet, Jean Ruelle (bookseller-printer), and Pierre Sergent in 1544; and Charles Langelier, Oudin Petit, and Jean Ruelle in 1551 (see the Catalogue collectif de France). Where a printer is indicated, it is Jean Real, so he may be the printer in all cases. I consulted the copies in the British Library, printed by Jean Real for Ponce Roffet in 1544, and by Jean Real for Oudin Petit in 1551. It unclear why the BL assumes that the translation was made by ‘P. Desvey’. 19 Platina, Les Vies, faictz et gestes des sainctz peres papes […] (Paris: Oudin Petit; Jean Real, 1551), sigs OO2v–OO4v. 20

Platina, Les Vies, moeurs et actions des papes de Rome […], trans. by Louis Coulon, 2 parts (Paris: Gervais Clouzier, 1651), I, 26: ‘Il mourut en Bithynie âgé de quatre-vingt ans, sans avoir esté marié.’ For this change by Panvinio see below, p. 237. 21

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2. Germany a. Kaspar Hedio (1546): Censorship in Reverse The first German translation of Platina’s Lives was commissioned by a German Renaissance prince, Count Palatine Ottheinrich (1502–59). In 1542 he publicly converted to Lutheranism and introduced the new confession into his territory of Pfalz-Neuburg.22 His concern for Lutheranism is documented not only in his political schemes but also in his patronage of art, architecture, and learning. The count expanded the library of Pfalz, the Bibliotheca Palatina, to such an extent that in the course of the sixteenth century it became the most important library in Germany. 23 Ottheinrich was a patron of scholars, translators, and publishers; but he was more of a bibliophile and collector than an educated prince. His knowledge of Latin was modest, and he certainly could not read any of the Greek, Hebrew, and Arabic books which he added to the library. He therefore corresponded with various scholars who helped him draw up lists of works which he should add to his collection. The Strasbourg Reformer Kaspar Hedio (1494–1552) was one such advisor. Together with his Platina translation of 1546, Hedio sent the count an extensive book list; and in the preface to the translation he described a programme for the library to follow over the next years.24 Hedio had met Ottheinrich the year before, in 1545, at which time he had received the commission for the translation. They had discussed the functions of the count’s library and agreed that it should not only cater to the needs of

22

B. Zeitelhack, ‘Einleitung’, in Pfalzgraf Ottheinrich: Politik, Kunst und Wissenschaft im 16. Jahrhundert, ed. by Stadt Neuburg an der Donau (Regensburg: Pustet, 2002), pp. 9–14, with further references. 23

After becoming an Elector in 1556, Ottheinrich moved from Neuburg to Heidelberg and took most of the library with him. It remained there until its forced removal to the Vatican in 1623. See W. Metzger, ‘“Ein recht fürstliches Geschäft”: die Bibliothek Ottheinrichs von der Pfalz’, in Pfalzgraf Ottheinrich, pp. 275–316 (p. 275); and for what follows, ibid., p. 278. 24 For the library programme set out by Hedio, see K. Schottenloher, Pfalzgraf Ottheinrich und das Buch (Münster: Aschendorff, 1927), pp. 5–6; H. M. Goldbrunner, ‘Humanismus im Dienste der Reformation: Kaspar Hedio und seine Übersetzung der Papstgeschichte des Platina’, QFIAB, 63 (1983), 125–42 (pp. 130–32); Metzger, ‘Bibliothek Ottheinrichs’, pp. 277–78. The translation is: Baptista Platina, Historia von der B( pst und Keiser leben, Von Petro unnd Tiberio an biß auff Carolum V und Paulum III. Des jars M .D .XLVI continuirt und zGsammen tragen [durch Caspar Hedion]; mit einer nützlichen Vorred an den Durchleuchtigen, Hochgebornen, Fürsten und Herrn, Herrn Otthainrichen Pfaltzgraven bei Rhein, Herzogen in Nidern und Obern Baiern (Strasbourg: Wendelin Rihel, 1546; repr. 1565). It is discussed by Goldbrunner.

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scholars, preachers, and theologians but should also address a broad public through the translation of essential works into German. Hedio states that this would enable young craftsmen, for instance, to spend their free time reading or listening to the contents of books, so that they would be encouraged to concern themselves with the salvation of their souls rather than drinking in pubs. With such aims in mind, Hedio had previously translated several works; and among these he believed that Platina’s Lives were especially beneficial to read, because they could help to safeguard Christ’s honour as the sole saviour and head of the Church.25 Hedio had therefore fulfilled the count’s wish, expressed at their meeting, that Platina should be translated into German.26 In a letter to Ottheinrich of 1547, Hedio admitted that he valued Platina for his attacks on the papacy. Explaining why he did not think it necessary to translate John of Salisbury’s Policraticus, he wrote: ‘Although he has got something against the pope and the clergy, it’s much sharper in other writers such as Platina.’27 Before examining what Hedio made of Platina’s attacks on the popes, it should be pointed out that he was a comparatively mild Reformer, known for his readiness to compromise.28 Hedio had become a Doctor of Theology in Mainz

25 Kaspar Hedio, ‘Vorred’ (dated 20 March 1546), in Platina, Historia von der B(pst und Keiser leben, sigs AA2r–AA5r (sigs AA3v–AA4r): ‘Damit junge manspersonen, auch junge handwercksgesellen, ein offnen zGgang hetten, auff die Sontag und feiertag, und die zeit, so sie sunst in wein und bierheüsern, auff den kegel und spilpl(tzen oder sunst an onehrlichen orten Fppig verzeren, zGr besserung unnd irer seelen heil anwendeten, in Teütschen BFchern m =chten selbs lesen oder h=ren lesen, habe ich auch ein anzal Teütscher BFcher auffzeichnet, under denen ich die xxii. jar, so ich zG Straßburg gepredigt, auch etlich so gGtt ich gem =cht inn Teütsche spraach gebracht hab. Und jüngst E‹wern› F‹ürstlichen› G‹naden› zG underthenigem gefallen disen Baptistam Platinam von Cremona, ein edlen Historicum, Vom leben der B(pst und der Keiser biß auff Platine zeit unnd von dannen biß auff dise jetzige zeit, auß Latinischen und allerhand Historien zGsamen getragen und verdeütscht habe. Ein solch bGch das zG disen unsern tagen (Christo Jesu unserm einigen heiland und haupt der Kirchen sein ehr zG retten) zG lesen hoch nützlich ist.’ Perhaps Christ was to be a contrast to the imperfections of the popes?

Hedio, ‘Vorred’, sig. AA4 r: ‘Dann als ich vergangnes sommers bei E‹wern› F‹ürstlichen› G‹naden› zG Heidelberg war […] ich vermarckt, das E‹wer› F‹ürstliche› G‹naden› sonder anm G ttung truge, das Platine Historia verdeütscht wurde.’ 26

27

Hedio to Ottheinrich, 10 May 1547, in Schottenloher, Ottheinrich und das Buch, p. 144: ‘Ob er schon etwas wider den Bapst hat und die geistlichen, so ist’s bey andern als Platina vil schärpfer.’ See also H. Keute, Reformation und Geschichte: Kaspar Hedio als Historiograph (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1980), pp. 28–29. 28

For the following see Keute, Reformation und Geschichte, pp. 16–19; and Goldbrunner, ‘Humanismus im Dienste der Reformation’, pp. 126–29.

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in 1523 and then followed his teacher Wolfgang Capito to Strasbourg. In this imperial city he became one of the key figures of the Reformation. On account of his willingness to act as a mediator, he represented the Strasbourg delegation successfully at occasions such as the Marburg Colloquy of 1529 and took part in the colloquies of Worms and Regensburg in 1540/41. With his close ties to leading Reformers, as well as to the humanist circle around Erasmus and Boniface Amerbach, Hedio was both a practical theologian and a learned translator. With Jacob Sturm he participated in the improvement of the Strasbourg school system. He lectured on the New Testament, the Church Fathers, and possibly on historical subjects as well. Hedio’s principal work, Chronica der altenn christlichen Kirchen (1530), which consists of translations from Eusebius and other Church Fathers, is regarded as one of the first works of Protestant historiography.29 After his preface to Ottheinrich, Hedio provides the reader with numerous registers and tables which are meant to guide him through Platina’s Lives and his own continuation of it.30 Hedio carefully indexed all those passages that could be used to support Protestant claims to reform, some of which were remarked on in the censorship process. For example, in the first index, a chronological list of the popes, the entry for Silvester I mentions that this pope wore a simple white Phrygian mitre: ‘Where is the threefold crown?’ asks Hedio.31 Pope Joan is introduced as ‘the pregnant pope’, and Hedio does not pass up the opportunity to

29

On all aspects of Hedio’s historiography see Keute, Reformation und Geschichte, who calls him ‘der erste Kirchengeschichtsschreiber der Reformation’ (p. 100). It is notable that Ottheinrich was also a patron of another key figure of Protestant historiography, Matthias Flacius Illyricus, the editor of the Magdeburg Centuries. He even offered him a professorship in Heidelberg in 1556, which Flacius declined. See Schottenloher, Ottheinrich und das Buch, pp. 44– 48, 168–69. On similarities between Hedio and Flacius see Keute, Reformation und Geschichte, pp. 120–23, 136–40. 30 Hedio supplied the lives of the nine popes from Sixtus IV to Paul III. Since Luther died when Hedio had just finished his work (18 February 1546), he also appended the first German translation of Philipp Melanchthon’s oration delivered on the occasion of Luther’s death. See Keute, Reformation und Geschichte, pp. 35, 155. 31 Platina, Historia von der B(pst und Keiser leben, sig. AA5v (Silvester I, r. 314–35): ‘Diser Bapst tregt ein schlechte weise hauben auß Phrygia, wo bleibt die Trifach kron?’ Hedio adds that at this time the mass was celebrated in simple garments: ‘ZGr zeit Silvestri hielt man Meß in Chorr=ck, trGg weder seiden noch samat […].’ See my section on the Donation of Constantine, above, pp. 149–66.

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mention the sedes stercorarium and its implications.32 He denounces immoral behaviour (John XII ‘ran in the forest like a senseless animal and was stabbed while committing adultery’),33 but also cites positive examples: Leo III valued learned people; Nicholas V loved the learned, supported the production of good books, helped needy members of the nobility, and assisted poor virgins to get married.34 Apart from signalling good or bad personal behaviour, Hedio brings larger issues within the Church to the reader’s attention, for instance, the practice of nepotism.35 He particularly stresses Leo VIII’s recognition of the emperor’s supremacy and acknowledged his right to elect a pope.36 A reference

Platina, Historia von der B(pst und Keiser leben, sig. AA6 v (legendary John VII (bis): ‘Der geschwengert Bapst. Ob man jedem Bapst durch den stGl das mennlich glid ersGch; vom katstGl.’ On Pope Joan see above, p. 95. 32

Platina, Historia von der B( pst und Keiser leben, sig. BB1r (John XII, 955–64; but for Hedio, John XIII): ‘Diser Bapst laufft im wald wie ein onsinnig thier, würt im Ehebruch erstochen.’ John XII fled the judgement of the synod presided over by Emperor Otto I, which deposed him (see my section on councils, above, pp. 166–71). Platina writes (Vitae, p. 169. 29, 33–35): ‘[Ioannes] in Hernicos aufugit, in silvisque more ferae aliquandiu delituit […]. Sunt qui scribant hunc sceleratissimum hominem, vel hoc monstrum potius, in adulterio deprehensum et confossum interiisse.’ In a marginal note to his life (fol. 109 r), Hedio urges Emperor Charles V to convene a council: ‘Ottho Keiser schreibt ein Concilium aus. Merck Keiser Carole V.’ 33

For Leo III (795–816) see Platina, Historia von der B( pst und Keiser leben, sig. AA6 v: ‘ein liebhaber gelerter leut’; Vitae, p. 138. 29–30: ‘doctorum virorum […] amator’. For Nicholas V see Historia von der B( pst und Keiser leben, sig. BB2r: ‘Diser Bapst liebet die gelerten, unnd hilffet gG tten bF chern herfF r, hilffet armen vom Adel, hilffet armen jungkfrawen in die Ehe’; Vitae, pp. 338. 36–38, 339. 8–10: ‘Eleemosynas quoque multas in pauperes erogavit, maxime vero in nobiles ad inopiam ob varios rerum humanarum casus redactos. Virgines inopes sua pecunia et munificentia maritis collocavit […]. Omitto tot libros sacros suo iussu descriptos, auro et argento redimitos. Licet inspicere bibliothecam pontificiam sua industria et munificentia mirifice auctam.’ 34

Platina, Historia von der B ( pst und Keiser leben, sig. BB1r (John XV, 985–96; Hedio: John XVI): ‘Under dem hats angefangen das Bapstumb den freünden nutz zG machen.’ See Platina, Vitae, p. 174. 26; the passage is included in Allen’s censorship, 105, John XVI, A2 (Documentary Appendix). The nepotism of Nicholas III is also pointed out by Hedio (sigs BB1v–BB2 r). 35

Platina, Historia von der B( pst und Keiser leben, sig. BB1r (Leo VIII, 963–65): ‘Diser Bapst ubergibt dem Keiser den gewalt ein Bapst zu erwelen.’ Leo VIII was installed through the influence of Emperor Otto I, after John XII had been expelled (see n. 33, above). Platina writes (Vitae, p. 170. 22–24): ‘Otho […] auctoritatem omnem eligendi pontificis a clero populoque Romano ad imperatorem transtulit’. Platina’s life of Leo VIII does not appear in the censorship documents. 36

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to the right of the German electors to choose the emperor is also included in this first index.37 The second index, a chronological list of the emperors, highlights their attitude towards Christianity. For the Roman emperors, their persecutions of Christians are enumerated, while for the Holy Roman Emperors, Hedio records any clerical misbehaviour. Emperor Louis the Pious is put forward as a good example, since he convened a synod in order to control the tendency of the clergy to surround themselves with luxurious status symbols.38 When Platina adds a contemptuous remark and exclaims that he wished that Louis were still alive, Hedio makes it clear that this comment applied as much to his own time as to Platina’s.39 Hedio’s registers of popes and emperors are followed by two brief paragraphs, in which he explains ‘What a true pope would be’ and ‘What kind of pope should be elected’. A true pope would be a genuine servant of the servants of Christ and would devote his energies exclusively to pastoral care and moral teaching.40 He should be elected according to the rules established by Pope

37 Platina, Historia von der B( pst und Keiser leben, sig. BB1r (Gregory V, 996–99): ‘Under disem ist geordnet worden, das allein di Teütschen ein Keiser erwelen sollen; Anfang der Churfürsten.’ See Documentary Appendix, 106, Gregory V, G1.

Platina, Historia von der B( pst und Keiser leben, sig. BB3r (Gregory IV, 827–44): ‘Synod under disem Keiser, die Clericei sol nit seiden oder guldin ring tragen.’ See Platina, Vitae, p. 146. 7–13 (with further details); for the passage which follows see the Documentary Appendix, 79, Gregory IV, A1, G1*. 38

Platina, Historia von der B( pst und Keiser leben, sig. BB3r: ‘O Pfaffheit zG r zeit Platine! O Pfaffheit zG unserer zeit M .D .XLVI!’ 39

Hedio, ibid., sigs BB3v–BB4r: ‘Was ein warer Bapst sei./ Ein warer Christlicher Bapst ist ein Oberer vatter und Bischoff der kirchen Christi, der auch andern Bischoven in Bisch = flichem ampt und dienst vorgeht und sich einen knecht der knechten Christi nit allein mit worten schreiben, sonder auch mit der that beweisen solle; verm = ge des g= tlichen gesatzes, Canonum und Legum, das ein solcher alle anderen im verstand, leben, und eifer Christi fürtreffe, und auch darfür erkennen, und zG solchen vorgohn, ordenlich, verm = g der Canonum erw = lt und kommen seie, auch aller andern geschefften frei, der seel sorge allein, erstlich in seiner gemeinden, dann auch so viel im müglich bei anderen kirchen, vor andern oblige, mit leeren ermanen, straffen und bessern, wa er kan oder mag, und mit h= chstem ernst versehe das die andern Bischove und Priester seiner seel sorg vertrawet, durch in zG recht gottseliger verrichtung ires ampts angefF ret, befürdert und angehalten werden. Das ist ein Bapst unnd Ober Bischove Christlicher gemeinden nach der lere und den gebotten unsers Ertzhirtten und Bischoven unser seelen Jesu Christ, und nach dem das S. Peter und S. Paulus, dessen gleichen auch die heiligen waren B(pst, den Martyr Cornelius, Leo, Gregorius und alle andere heiligen v(tter, gelehret, in den Canonibus verordnet, und mit der that bewisen haben.’ 40

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Nicholas II in 1059.41 These statements are particularly interesting because they show that Hedio did not categorically reject the papacy, but rather, as a conciliatory reformer, saw room for compromise. He then provides a catalogue of all the councils and synods mentioned in the book. It is followed by the most tendentious register, a list of ‘Prominent Places in this History which Sharpen the Reader’s Judgement and Reason’.42 This is the culmination of what can be regarded as censorship in reverse: Hedio directs the reader to precisely those passages in the Lives which have a bearing on Reformed ideas. Yet, surprisingly, of the forty-three passages pointed out by Hedio, only four explicitly appear in the lists of recommendations made by the censors in 1587: two passages in which Platina attacks the clergy;43 and two where he states that a newly elected pope has to be confirmed by the emperor.44 Hedio’s own interest was largely focused on two issues: his ideal of the papacy and the relationship between pope and emperor. He starts this index by underlining that the earliest popes, according to Platina, did not assume their duties out of ambition; on the contrary, they hesitated when faced with such a great responsibility. The third-century pope Cornelius, according to Hedio, was still exclusively concerned with the welfare of souls, not with the fall of the Roman Empire.45 The events of the ninth century prompt Hedio to comment that, by then, the popes had strayed from the ideals of early Christianity — a criticism

Hedio, ibid., sig. BB4r: ‘Was für ein Bapst zG w =len./ So hat man distinc‹tione› xxiii auch ein gar ernstlich Decret, so der Bapst Nicolao im Concilio Lateranensi, der erst Anno MLIX Bapst worden ist, erkent und gesetzt hat, von der wahl eines Bapsts. In dem würt erfordert das ein Bapst solle nach den alten regulen der v(tter gewehlet werden, welche alle ein solchen zG wehlen gebieten, von dem zG verhoffen das er sein unnd thGn werde alles das jetz vermeldet ist und an einem Bapst und Obren Bischoven erfordert […].’ Nicholas II (1058–61) promulgated this important electoral decree (Decretum, D. 23 c. 1, cols 77–79), which took up the ideas of church reformers such as Hildebrand, Humbert of Silva Candida, and Peter Damian, at the Lateran synod of 1059. The cardinal bishops were given a predominant role in choosing the pope. 41

Platina, Historia von der B( pst und Keiser leben, sigs BB4 r–v (councils); CC1r–v: ‘Fürneme = rter in diser Historien die dem Leser das Iudicium und den verstand sch = rpffen’. I give the latter index as an Appendix to this chapter. 42

Appendix, ‘Merck fo. xxv [25r–v]’ (see also Documentary Appendix, 24, Dionysius, A1, B1*, G1*, and above, p. 146); Appendix, ‘Merck fo. xxviii [28r]’ (Documentary Appendix, 28, Marcellinus, A1, G1*; above, p. 148). 43

44 Appendix, ‘Merck fo. lviii [58v]’ (see Documentary Appendix, 57, Pelagius II); Appendix, ‘Merck fo. lxiiii [64v]’ (see Documentary Appendix, 64, Severinus). 45

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which could still be made in his own time.46 He emphasizes that churchmen are meant to be moral examples;47 beginning with Innocent VIII in the late fifteenth century, however, popes had begun to pride themselves on their illegitimate children.48 Hedio solemnly and approvingly cites what Alexander V (r. 1409–10) said about himself: that on account of his generosity to the poor he had been a rich bishop, a poor cardinal, and a beggar as pope — not mentioning here that Platina describes the remark as a ‘quip’ (per iocum).49 In relation to the papacy starting to regain its powers from the emperors in the eleventh century, Hedio comments that those powers had been stripped from the popes because of their vices.50 He selects a large number of passages to demonstrate that the emperors had a legitimate say over who was to be elected pope.51 The emperor was the judge of the actions and moral behaviour of the pope. If there were weak emperors, this resulted in a deterioration of the Church, as happened in the tenth century.52 Church councils were the other important institution which was more powerful than the pope.53 Despite his polemics against the behaviour of individual popes, Hedio did not, as we have seen, reject the papacy out of hand as an institution. He maintained that its worldly ambitions needed to be checked by a powerful emperor, and even more so by councils, which, in his view, were the best means of reforming the Church and of dealing with the urgent problems of his time.54 Some of Hedio’s explanations of why the Church had degenerated through the centuries are strikingly similar to those put forward by Platina. Both link this development to the materialism and ambition of the clerics and their inadequate education. Both also hold the view that the early Church had set the ideal standard for Christianity. Other factors taken into account by Hedio more

46

Appendix, ‘Merck fo. cv [105v]’.

47

Appendix, ‘Merck fo. clxxxviii [188v]’.

48

Appendix, ‘Merck fo. cclviii [258r]’. This concerns the life of Innocent written by Hedio.

49

Appendix, ‘Merck fo. ccvi [206r–v]’, with the corresponding note.

50

Appendix, ‘Merck fo. cxviii [118v]’.

51 See especially Appendix, ‘Merck fo. lviii [58v]’; ‘Merck fo. lxiiii [64 v]’; ‘Merck fo. xciii [93v]’; ‘Merck fo. cix [recte 110r]’. 52

Appendix, ‘Merck fo. lxxxix [89 r]’ (judge); ‘Merck fo. ciiii [104 r]’ (deterioration).

53 Appendix, ‘Merck fo. xlix [49r]’; ‘Merck fo. ccviii [208 r]’–‘Merck fo. ccxix [219v]’; ‘Merck fo. cclvi [256 v]’. 54

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specifically reflect the outlook of a sixteenth-century Reformer, such as his complaint that tradition had come to be favoured over the word of God.55 Hedio’s register of ‘Prominent Places’ ends with a mention of Luther’s doctrine of justification.56 He also refers to his own statement in which he sums up what can be learned from ecclesiastical history: it can inform us about past quarrels and indicate how the degeneration of the Church can be reversed.57 Before the reader finally gets to Platina’s work, Hedio appends a list of popes who were sons of other churchmen and an explanation of the words which he has left in Latin and Greek, giving their meanings in German. At the end of the book, he supplies another index of subjects and names, combining material from the registers at the beginning.58 When comparing selected passages from Hedio’s translation to Platina’s original, one has the impression that, for all his tendentious objectives, he nonetheless produced a faithful version.59 An exception to this general rule is a passage from Platina’s life of Dionysius which has already been discussed above and which is noted by Hedio in his register, where he adds phrases which seem to express his own views.60

55

Ibid., pp. 226–29.

56

Appendix, ‘Merck fo. cclxvii [267v]’.

Hedio, ‘Leo X’, in Platina, Historia von der B(pst und Keiser leben, fol. 268r: ‘Wie nun, lieber Leser, zG allen zeiten von anfang der welt biß auff dise unsere zeit inn den streitten und kempffen der Kirchen von n=tten ist, das man zGmal sehe auff die Histori und auff die Leer. Dann die Histori viler ding vermanet: als was für gefehrlichkeiten seind in der Kirchen, wer die feiend der Kirchen, wie die Leer unnd Lerer m =gen beschirmet werden, wie die zerfallenen sachen widerbracht. Also inn lesung diser Religion Histori haben die jetzigen menschen unnd die Posteri, so hernaher kommen, nit geringen nutz, so sie zGmal auff die Histori und Leer schawen w = llen. Vor disem zanck waren gantz onliebliche finsternussen unnd geh (der inn der Kirchen von grossen sachen, als von der BGß, von der Gerechtigkeit des glaubens, von Vergebung der sünd umb sunst durch Christum, von warem anrFffen, von underscheid g=tlicher unnd menschlicher gebott, welche menschliche satzungen durch die Superstition sich gar gehauffet hatten. Vom gebrauch der Sacrament etc.’ See Appendix, ‘Merck fo. cclxviii [268r]’. 57

Platina, Historia von der B( pst und Keiser leben, sigs CC2r (sons of churchmen); CC2v– CC3 (words); Bb1r–Bb7v (subjects and names). 58

v

59

See Carl Benjamin Lengnichs Nachrichten zur BF cher- und M F nzkunde, 2 vols (Danzig: Flörke, 1780–82), I, 173: ‘Hedion F bersetzt getreu, ohne sich eben sclavisch an den Ausdruck seines Originals zu binden’; but also Götze, Merckw F rdigkeiten, I, no. 439, pp. 393–94: ‘Es ist von dem Ubersetzer wohl nicht zu vermuthen, daß er die harten AusdrF ckungen des Platina solle gemildert haben.’ See above, p. 146; Appendix, ‘Merck fo. xxv [25r–v]’; Platina, Vitae (Dionysius, 260–68), p. 44. 6–11: ‘Sed quid facerent nostra tempestate, qua nil vel superbiae vel pompae, nolo dicere 60

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In sum, Hedio strongly focused the reader’s attention on the critical content in Platina’s Lives. It is, however, interesting that only a few of these passages were singled out by the censors of the Congregation of the Index. Many of them, of course, could not be censored because they were based on historical facts, such as the control which certain emperors exerted over the papacy up to at least the eleventh century or the calling of reform-minded councils in the fifteenth century at Constance and Basel. Nevertheless, because of its polemical emphases, Hedio’s German translation is a valuable example of how Platina was read and used by a moderate Reformer in the mid-sixteenth century. b. Schönwetter and Bentzius (1603): A ‘Fickle Man’ and a Bare Text According to the imprint, the 1603 German translation of Platina’s Lives by Johannes Bentzius was printed in Freiburg.61 Whereas the translator’s identity is difficult to pin down and the imprint may be false (see below), it is certain that the edition was commissioned by Johann Theobald Schönwetter, a publisher from Frankfurt am Main, about whom we are well-informed. Notable for his dubious business practices and his religious ambivalence, Schönwetter (c. 1575–1657) was the son of a brewer in the Catholic city of Mainz. He received some education in the liberal arts and theology at the universities of Würzburg and Mainz in the mid1590s. In 1596 he married a daughter of the Frankfurt printer Johann Spiess and two years later was granted citizenship there. Although Schönwetter married

luxuriae, addi potest? Si tot adolescentes anteambulones sericatos et coccinatos in equis praeferocibus ac phaleratis viderent? Sique subsequentium presbyterorum turbam cernerent, chlamydibus optimi cuiusque coloris hinc inde ab equis deauratis pendentibus?’ Hedio’s translation, in Platina, Historia von der B( pst und Keiser leben, fol. 25r–v: ‘Aber was solten fromme leüt zG unseren zeiten thun, da alle ding mit den Bischoffen auffs h=chst kommen seind, unnd man zG ir hochfart und pomp nichts mehr kan hinzG thun. Ich geschweig hie der unkeüscheit, so man sehe so viel jüngling inn seiden und purpur auff m G tigen und wol geschmuckten pferden vornen her ziehen.’ (My italics.) The first addition, ‘pious people’, is probably what Platina had in mind as a subject of ‘facerent’. The second one, ‘now that everything concerning the bishops has come to a climax’, is not in Platina’s text. In the third case, Hedio begins the sentence with ‘I silently pass over the unchastity’ (of the young men walking in front of clerics in processions); this is also added to Platina’s text. 61 [Baptista Platina], P ( pstliche Chronica, Das ist, Warhafftige, GrF ndliche und außfF hrliche Beschreibung aller und jeder R =mischen P ( pst […] jetzunder jederm ( nniglich zu Nutz und Wolgefallen in unsere Teutsche Sprach verfertiget durch Ioannem Bentzium, fF rtrefflichen Historicum (‘Freyburg’: Johann Theobald Schönwetter, 1603).

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according to the Protestant rite, bought a permanent seat in a Protestant church, and had his first son baptized a Protestant, there is reason to doubt the sincerity of these religious professions. They clearly helped him set up a publishing business and obtain citizenship, neither of which was permitted to Catholics in Frankfurt.62 Outside of the city, he continued to display his Catholic loyalties, for example to the Archbishop of Mainz, Johann Schweikart. In this way, Schönwetter became the only Frankfurt publisher to produce Catholic works.63 He published a wide range of books, with an emphasis on law at the beginning, then also concentrating on medicine, politics, and history. He was shrewd enough to publish Catholic theological works outside of Frankfurt, in Mainz, where he maintained a successful ‘joint venture’ with the printer Johann Albin. Of the 156 known works published by Schönwetter, 37 can be assigned to his collaboration with Albin.64 While their partnership began with the translation of Platina’s Lives in 1603 or 1604 (see below), their most important project was a costly edition of the Vulgate in 1609. It was the first Vulgate published in Germany according to the decree of the Council of Trent and after the expiration of the ten-year ban which prohibited editions outside Italy. The Bible was impressively illustrated with 140 engravings.65 In his dedication to Archbishop Johann Schweikart, Schönwetter stresses his adherence to Catholicism. He draws attention to his period as a ‘student of the liberal arts and the Catholic religion’ in Mainz and underlines that he had

62 H. Starp, ‘Das Frankfurter Verlagshaus Schönwetter 1598–1726’, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, 1 (1958), 38–113 (pp. 39–40); F. Bothe, ‘Erzbischof Johann Schweikart von Mainz und die Frankfurter Katholiken zur Zeit des Fettmilchaufstandes’, Archiv für Frankfurts Geschichte und Kunst, ser. 5, 1.3 (1951), 9–40 (p. 19) (citing Catholic complaints of 1612).

III

63 See A. Dietz, Frankfurter Handelsgeschichte, 4 vols (Frankfurt am Main: Minjon, 1910–25), (1921), 130. 64

Starp, ‘Schönwetter’, p. 49. P. Baader, ‘Das Druck- und Verlagshaus Albin-Strohecker zu Mainz (1598–1631)’, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, 1 (1958), 513–69 (p. 544), arrives at the figure of twenty joint editions. These numbers vary because in many cases the printer is not mentioned in the imprint (as in the Platina editions of 1603/04). See the catalogues of the entire production of Albin and his heirs (1598–1631), ibid., pp. 547–68, and of Schönwetter (1598– 1632), in Starp, ‘Schönwetter’, pp. 97–103. 65 Biblia sacra vulgatae editionis Sixti V […] iussu recognita et Clementis VIII auctoritate edita (Mainz: Schönwetter; Jacob Fischer; Albin, 1609). See F. Falk, ‘Der Mainzer Vulgata-Druck von 1609’, Der Katholik (Mainz), 79 (1899), 448–55; Starp, ‘Schönwetter’, p. 65; Council of Trent, Sessio IV , 8 April 1546, Decretum secundum: Recipitur vulgata editio Bibliae […] (in Concilium Tridentinum, V , 91–92). On the engravers see Baader, ‘Albin-Strohecker’, p. 528.

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received favours from the Archbishop.66 Schönwetter and Albin also published an epitome of Baronio’s Annales ecclesiastici, works of controversial theology, Old Testament commentaries by Jesuits, and other theological works. Albin on his own had published the Liber pontificalis in 1602.67 Schönwetter had come into conflict with Duke Friedrich Wilhelm, the administrator of Saxony, in just the second year of his publishing career, when in 1599 he issued the Consultationes Saxonicae, a collection of legal discussions containing confidential documents from the court of Saxony. Schönwetter had a reputation for leading an extravagant private life. And indeed his finances were out of control: by 1604 he had piled up a mountain of debts and deceived various creditors, so that he was imprisoned for two years. In his absence the authorities were able to put his business on a sound financial footing, even though fewer books were produced.68 In 1608 the imperial and apostolic book superintendent, Valentin Leucht, a Frankfurt canon, started investigations after hearing that Schönwetter was reprinting a Bible.69 On 8 May, Leucht wrote to Jan Moretus, the son-in-law of Christophe Plantin, in Antwerp, warning him that Schönwetter was planning to reprint the Vulgate in octavo format, thus infringing on Moretus’s privilege. Leucht expressed his doubts

Biblia sacra vulgatae editionis, sig. †2 v: ‘Sunt tamen mihi et privatae causae non unae, sed multiplices, quas ob causas ad Celsitudinem Vestram confugere necessarium duxi. Nam ut illud nunc compendifaciam, quod Celsitudinis Vestrae subditus et in ea urbe ortus civitatique asscriptus sim, in qua Sancta Sedes Vestra residet; vel sola illa beneficia, quae cum in plerosque Catholicae Religionis et liberalium artium studiosos a Celsitudine Vestra profecta sunt, tum in me, cum in Patria Academia Moguntina adhuc literis operam navarem, largissime redundarunt, mihi persuaserunt, Celsitudinem Vestram non nolle hanc auctoritatem subterfugere.’ 66

67

Baronius, Annales ecclesiastici ex XII tomis […] in epitomen redacti, ed. by Henri de Sponde, 2 vols (Frankfurt; Mainz: Schönwetter; Albin, 1614); Anastasius Bibliothecarius, Historia de vitis Romanorum pontificum (M ainz: Albin, 1602). For the other works, see Starp, ‘Schönwetter’, pp. 65–66. On the fortuna of the Annales in Germany see M. Völkel, ‘Caesar Baronius in Deutschland im 17. Jahrhundert’, in Nunc alia tempora, pp. 517–43; S. Benz, Zwischen Tradition und Kritik: katholische Geschichtsschreibung im barocken Heiligen Römischen Reich (Husum: Matthiesen, 2003), pp. 43–48. 68 69

Starp, ‘Schönwetter’, pp. 43–48.

For the following see I. Heitjan, ‘Zur Arbeit Valentin Leuchts als Bücherkommissar’, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, 14 (1974), cols 123–32. The letters from the Plantin-Moretus Museum in Antwerp used in this article give us a rare insight into the activities of a book superintendent. See also the letters concerning this affair in Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland: die Kölner Nuntiatur, ed. by Görres-Gesellschaft (Paderborn etc., 1895– ), IV .2, part 1, ed. by S. Samerski (2000), nos 386, 406, 432, 455, 472, 500, 513, 518–19, 533. My thanks to Peter Schmidt for his help.

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about Schönwetter’s Catholic orthodoxy and his moral integrity: surely this ‘meddler’ (homo curiosus) would allow the text of the Vulgate to be corrupted by Protestants. On 2 June, Leucht contacted the Apostolic Nuntius at the imperial court in Prague, urging him to try and persuade Emperor Rudolf II to prohibit Schönwetter’s reprint and to issue a new privilege for Moretus. By then, however, Schönwetter had already gone ahead with the reprint. Leucht interviewed him and remained convinced that this ‘fickle man’ (vir levis), as he called him, had allowed heretics to insert mistakes into the authorized text. Moretus and Leucht then contacted Catholic printers (Anton Hierat in Cologne and Albin in Mainz) to ensure an approved reprint of the octavo Vulgate. On 3 November, Hierat informed Leucht that Schönwetter had sold one thousand copies to the Protestant publisher Vincenz Steinmeyer in Frankfurt, who on his title page had made the Bible appear Protestant, and a further three hundred copies to Zachäus Keßner in Cracow, who had added a fictitious privilege and false imprint giving Cologne as the place of publication.70 In February 1609, however, it was Schönwetter who was finally charged by the Frankfurt city authorities of illegally reprinting the Antwerp Vulgate with a false Cologne imprint and the Constitutiones Imperii under a misleading title. Schönwetter gave a bribe of 120 guilders to the public prosecutor, who dropped the case. Despite all this, six months later he managed to receive permission through the Archbishop of Mainz, Johann Schweikart, to publish the illustrated 1609 Vulgate in quarto format.71 It emerges that the book superintendent’s work was sabotaged by the Protestant city government of Frankfurt.72 In 1620 Schönwetter published a 70

Heitjan was not able to locate any of those copies, however (‘Zur Arbeit Valentin Leuchts’, col. 128, n. 13); so Anton Hierat may only have spread rumours. On Cologne as the main centre of Catholic publishing in Germany at the time, see W. Enderle, ‘Die Buchdrucker der Reichsstadt Köln und die katholische Publizistik zwischen 1555 und 1648’, in Köln als Kommunikationszentrum: Studien zur frühneuzeitlichen Stadtgeschichte, ed. by G. Mölich and G. Schwerhoff (Cologne: DuMont, 2000), pp. 167–82. 71

For the bribe see Starp, ‘Schönwetter’, p. 73. The privilege is dated 16 August 1609: Biblia sacra vulgatae editionis (Mainz, 1609), sig. †3r. 72

For this and similar cases see W. Brückner, ‘Der kaiserliche Bücherkommissar Valentin Leucht: Leben und literarisches Werk’, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, 3 (1961), cols 97–180 (cols 97–98); idem, ‘Die Gegenreformation im politischen Kampf um die Frankfurter Buchmessen: die kaiserliche Zensur zwischen 1567 und 1619’, Archiv für Frankfurts Geschichte und Kunst, 48 (1962), 67–86 (p. 78); R. Becker, ‘Die Berichte des kaiserlichen und apostolischen Bücherkommissars Johann Ludwig von Hagen an die römische Kurie (1623–1649)’, QFIAB, 51 (1971), 422–65 (p. 428). On censorship in Frankfurt and the Empire in general, see also H. Raab, ‘Apostolische Bücherkommissare in Frankfurt am Main’, Historisches Jahrbuch, 87 (1967),

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newspaper aimed at Protestants, promising them that he would reveal secrets gathered from influential Catholic circles. One of his promotional letters came to the attention of the imperial court, after which his privilege to publish the newspaper was revoked. Schönwetter nevertheless continued to issue the paper under a different name.73 Schönwetter’s thirty-second publication, a translation of Platina’s Lives, was printed in Freiburg in 1603 — or so the imprint states. Up to that point all of his books had been issued in Frankfurt, except for one printed by Cornelius Sutor in Oberursel (near Frankfurt but in the archbishopric of Mainz) in 1600.74 Commissioning printing jobs outside the Frankfurt and Mainz area would have been an odd move on Schönwetter’s part, considering that transport and custom duties made such remote printing more expensive for him.75 Freiburg im Breisgau, a Catholic city, had a small printing industry, with only two printers known to have been active at the time: Martin Böckler (1592–1615) and Johann Strasser (1603–28). Since we know that Strasser bought a copy of Platina’s Lives from Schönwetter at the Frankfurt book fair (‘Fastenmesse’) in 1604, it seems unlikely that he had printed the book.76 Böckler does not appear in any of the registers of Schönwetter’s business contacts. While it cannot be excluded that the

326–54; D. Burkard, ‘Repression und Prävention: die kirchliche Bücherzensur in Deutschland (16.–20. Jahrhundert)’, in Inquisition, Index, Zensur, pp. 305–27 (with further references, esp. on pp. 307–11). For the situation in Mainz see H. Freund, Die Bücher- und Pressezensur im Kurfürstentum Mainz von 1486–1797 (Karlsruhe: Müller, 1971); for Cologne, P. Schmidt, ‘Inquisition und Zensur in der Kölner Nuntiatur’, in Die Außenbeziehungen der römischen Kurie unter Paul V. Borghese (1605–1621), ed. by A. Koller (Tübingen: Niemeyer) (forthcoming). 73

Schönwetter’s letter of 17 July 1620 to an unknown recipient (where he mentions the ‘Secreta […] von den Catholicis’) is quoted in Starp, ‘Schönwetter’, p. 54. See also ibid., pp. 53–55. 74 Simone Maioli (Bishop of Volturara, d. 1597), Dies caniculares, hoc est colloquia tria et viginti physica […] (Oberursel: Sutor, 1600). Oberursel at that time was Protestant but returned to the Catholic fold in 1604–05. This work by Maioli was frequently reprinted by Albin in Mainz from 1607 onwards and was his next collaboration with Schönwetter after Platina’s Lives. 75 76

Starp, ‘Schönwetter’, p. 50.

See J. Benzing, Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachgebiet, 2nd edn (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1982), p. 149; and the registers of sold books at the ‘Fastenmessen’ of 1604 and 1605 in Starp, ‘Schönwetter’, pp. 84–96 (p. 87), where it is noted that Strasser bought ‘1 Platinam’, like everyone else at the full price of two guilders. Freiburg in Switzerland was also Catholic, but it is even less likely that Schönwetter commissioned a printing there. Printing was introduced in 1585, and there was one printer active at the time: Wilhelm Mäß (1597–1605). See Benzing, Buchdrucker, p. 151.

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1603 edition was printed by Strasser or Böckler, I am inclined to think that Freiburg was a false imprint.77 I suspect that the 1603 printing was actually produced by Albin in Mainz. He has been identified as the printer of the second edition of 1604, although no printer is named in the imprint.78 We know that he received 234 guilders from Schönwetter as a payment for his services. It is not entirely clear whether this payment was made in 1603 or 1604; but it seems from the context that it might be 1603.79 Even if the payment was from 1604, it could have covered both editions. Though the title pages are different, the texts of the two editions were unquestionably printed from the same plates. So, if a Freiburg printer actually produced the first edition, he must have sold his plates to Schönwetter/Albin for the second. Why would Schönwetter and Albin have used the false imprint Freiburg? Perhaps they thought that a German translation of Platina’s Lives would prove to be provocative in Frankfurt. But it is more likely that, for a translation presumably aimed at a Catholic market, a Frankfurt imprint may have aroused suspicion. 77 Since the word Freiburg has the connotation of freedom, it was often used in false imprints for political reasons. See K. K. Walther, ‘Zur Typologie fingierter Druck- und Verlagsorte des 17. bis 19. Jahrhunderts’, Zentralblatt für Bibliothekswesen, 91 (1977), 101–07 (p. 105). My thanks to Kate Lowe and Wilfried Enderle for their advice. 78 Platina, P ( bstliche Chronica, Das ist, Historische Beschreibung aller unnd jeder P ( bste, so von S. Petro an biß uff den itztregierenden Pabst Clem‹entem› VIII. den Stul zu Rom besessen […] (Mainz: Schönwetter, 1604). See Baader, ‘Albin-Strohecker’, p. 566. For the 1604 edition Schönwetter commissioned Georg Keller (1568–1634) to produce a woodcut for the title page (Starp, ‘Schönwetter’, p. 79; Baader, ‘Albin-Strohecker’, p. 566; on Keller see J. Zimmer in Dictionary of Art, ed. by J. Turner, 34 vols (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996), XVII, 885–86). Some copies were decorated with small engravings (c. 20 x 40 mm) of papal portraits, which were glued into the margin of each biography (Baader, ‘Albin-Strohecker’, p. 530). The copy I consulted in the Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel, had no such portraits; and it is not clear who produced them. It is puzzling that of the fifty-one copies of the Lives sold at two Frankfurt book fairs in 1604–05, forty-nine were sold for two guilders and one sold for slightly less (surely a discount); but Peter Aschbach from Ulm paid nearly double the price for two copies (seven guilders and ten Batzen in total), which might have been illustrated. See the sales registers in Starp, ‘Schönwetter’, pp. 84–96, esp. p. 85. 79

Starp, ‘Schönwetter’, p. 49, edits part of a calculation of costs of paper and payments to printers made by Konrad Meul, one of Schönwetter’s creditors. Meul includes a sum which he had given to Schönwetter from June 1602 to August 1603. He also notes an arrangement between him and two other creditors, who are known to have made a contract in 1 November 1603. If this calculation dates from 1603, it supports my argument; but it could also have been drawn up in relation to the law suit against Schönwetter which began in March 1604.

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The identity of the translator, referred to as ‘Ioannes Bentzius, fFrtrefflicher Historicus’ (excellent historian) on the title page of the 1603 edition, remains uncertain. The only person of that name whom I have been able to track down is a Protestant humanist. This Johannes Bentzius (1547–99), originally from Baden, studied at the gymnasium in Strasbourg from 1559. He became a teacher at the same school in 1572 and a professor of mathematics and logic at the university in 1597, two years before his death.80 His publications concern the Greek and Latin languages, grammar and rhetoric, and dialectics.81 He may not be the right Bentzius, however, since he was a Protestant and did not publish any other translations. Most importantly, he died four years before the publication of the Platina translation and one year before the publication of the Latin original on which the translation is based (Cologne 1600).82 If one were to argue the case for the Strasbourg Bentzius, it would be necessary to suppose that he made the translation before he died and that it was subsequently updated by

80

See Bentzius’s testimony of 1581, in his Thesaurus elocutionis oratoriae Graecolatinus novus (Basel: Episcopius, 1581), preface, sig. a3 v: ‘cum his annis viginti duobus, quos in hac schola [Argentinensi] discendo docendoque consumo’. For the other dates see É. Sitzmann, Dictionnaire de biographie des hommes célèbres de l’Alsace, 2 vols (Rixheim: Sutter, 1909–10), I, 120. Some remarks about his brief period as a professor can be found in A. Schindling, Humanistische Hochschule und freie Reichsstadt: Gymnasium und Akademie in Straßburg 1538–1621 (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1977), pp. 240, 261, 278. 81

Bentzius’s works, apart from the Thesaurus, include: Locorum communium, comparandae rerum, et exemplorum copiae, accomodatorum genera IV , ad usum studiosorum in Argentinensi Academia collecta (Strasbourg: Bertram, 1588); Erotemata in M. T. Ciceronis libros III De officiis, itemque De senectute et De amicitia dialogos (Strasbourg: Bertram, 1589); Epitome partitionum oratoriarum M. T. Ciceronis et Ioannis Sturmii (Strasbourg: Josias Rihel, 1593); Partitionum dialecticarum Ioannis Sturmii epitome (Strasbourg: Rihel, 1593); De figuris libri duo, in quibus autorum probatissimorum figurata et ornata locutio consignata, atque appositis est exemplis illustrata (Strasbourg: Rihel, 1594); Thesauri Latinitatis purae compendium alterum, in quo simplicibus vocabulis, natura cohaerentibus, omnes Ciceroniane loquendi formulae, eadem naturali serie subiunguntur: pro adolescentibus Latine loqui et scribere incipientibus (Strasbourg: Jobin, 1596). 82 Platina, Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum a Domino Nostro Iesu Christo usque ad Paulum II Venetum Papam, longe quam antea emendatior, doctissimarumque annotationum Onuphrii Panvinii accessione nunc illustrior reddita; cui etiam nunc accessit supplementum pontificum, primum per eundem Onuphrium usque ad Pium V et deinde per Antonium Cicarellam porro ad Clementem VIII, qui hodie Catholicae Romanae Ecclesiae praesidet; quae omnia brevi et commoda Chronologia illustrantur; accesserunt nunc demum omnium pontificum verae effigies […] (Cologne: Goswin Cholinus; Maternus Cholinus, 1600). This edition is distinguished from the Cologne 1593 edition by only minor differences, such as the Annotatio in Chronicon Romanorum pontificum, which was new in 1600 (at the end of the Chronicon, p. 57).

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someone else to bring it into line with the latest edition. As a philologist, Bentzius might have wanted to provide a more elegant and faithful text than Hedio’s. There are no prefaces because he would not have been able to see the translation through the press before his death. While Schönwetter may have been a vir levis, the translator whose work he published was certainly not. Whoever he was, he produced a version with no signs of deliberate distortion. The edition includes everything in the original Latin edition, that is, it contains the continuations of Panvinio and Ciccarelli up to Clement VIII, as well as Panvinio’s Pontificum Romanorum chronicon, Interpretatio vocum ecclesiasticarum, and De stationibus urbis Romae; however, it lacks a dedication and it is not illustrated. The later printing history of Bentzius’s translation was relatively uneventful. Johann Bringer, a Frankfurt printer frequently employed by Schönwetter, produced reprints in 1615 and 1616, seemingly without Schönwetter’s participation. The last reprint was produced by the Frankfurt publisher Johann Schmidlin in 1627.83 It is noteworthy that these editions came out in Frankfurt. Perhaps Schönwetter, printing elsewhere, had misjudged the climate in Protestant Frankfurt, wrongly assuming that Platina’s Lives would not have been acceptable there; maybe the publishers now felt that, with a Frankfurt imprint, the book could be marketed to both confessions. The differences between the Protestant and Catholic German editions nevertheless remain striking. Whereas Hedio supplied his translation with various Reformed trappings designed to influence the reader, Schönwetter presented nothing more than the bare translated text, allowing Platina’s history of the popes, devoid of any Protestant interventions, to speak for itself.

II. Latin Editions 1. Brief Summary of the Editorial History The Latin editions of the Lives are of limited interest since the text was not changed, nor are there any noteworthy prefaces. The only exceptions to this rule are the outstanding editions annotated by Onofrio Panvinio (1562 and 1568).

83 Platina, P ( pstliche Chronica (Frankfurt am Main: Johann Bringer, 1615 and 1616); Platina, Päpstliche Chronicka (Frankfurt am Main: Johann Schmidlin, 1627). On Bringer see Starp, ‘Schönwetter’, p. 49; Benzing, Buchdrucker, pp. 131–32. On Schmidlin see J. Benzing, ‘Die deutschen Verleger des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts: eine Neubearbeitung’, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, 18 (1977), cols 1077–1322 (col. 1258).

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The factual story of the Latin editions can therefore be briefly summarized. Nevertheless, certain persistent rumours concerning them will warrant some detailed attention. After the editio princeps of the Vitae pontificum, published in Venice on 11 June 1479 (Johannes de Colonia and Johannes Manthen), two other incunable editions came out in Nuremberg in 1481 (Anton Koberger) and in Treviso in 1485 (Giovanni Rosso). In 1504, the Venetian printer Filippo Pinzi packaged an attractive edition under the title Hystoria de vitis pontificum, which included six other works by Platina (De falso et vero bono; Contra amores; De vera nobilitate; De optimo cive; Panegyricus in laudem amplissimi patris domini Bessarionis; Oratio de pace Italiae confirmanda et bello Thurcis indicendo), as well as the Diversorum academicorum panegyrici in parentalia B. Platynae, a collection of poetry on the occasion of Platina’s death. This edition was reprinted in Paris (François Regnault) the following year, with four additional biographies which extended the Lives up to the pontificate of Pius III (1503).84 In 1511, Filippo Pinzi obtained four biographies by Raffaele Maffei which also continued the Lives up to Pius III.85 Other updated editions appeared in Cologne in 1529 (Gottfried Hittorp and Eucharius Cervicornus);86 in Paris in 1530 (Jean Petit and Pierre Vidoue);87 then again in Cologne in 1540 (Hittorp and Cervicornus) and 1551 (Jaspar von Gennep).88 I The first two of the additional lives (Sixtus IV and Innocent VIII, fols 347r–50r) seem to be unacknowledged adaptations of Giovanni Stella, Vite ducentorum et triginta summorum pontificum a Beato Petro Apostolo usque ad Iulium II modernum pontificem (Venice: Vitali, 1505), sigs L2r–L4r. This edition was reprinted in Lyons in 1512 (Vincent de Portonariis; Constantin Fradin; Gilbert de Villiers). 84

85

The four lives (Sixtus IV to Pius III) are from Maffei, Commentaria urbana (1506), fols 315 –19r, although the brief biography of Pius III is significantly different (altered by Maffei?). On the lives in the Commentaria see J. F. D’Amico, ‘Papal History and Curial Reform in the Renaissance: Raffaele Maffei’s Breuis Historia of Julius II and Leo X’, Archivum historiae pontificiae, 18 (1980), 157–210 (pp. 164–69). This edition was reprinted Guglielmo da Fontaneto (Venice, 1518). v

86

Under the title De vita et moribus summorum pontificum historia. The four lives from Sixtus IV to Pius III derive from the Paris 1505 edition; another four, briefly covering the pontificates from Julius II to Clement VII (pp. 282–84), are added by an unnamed author. 87

With a preface by the Minim Jean Thierry; the title as well as the additional lives are the same as in the 1529 Cologne edition. 88 The 1540 and 1551 Cologne editions (De vitis ac gestis summorum pontificum) are based on the 1529 edition but include additional continuations. In the 1540 edition, there is an extended life of Clement VII (pp. 312–13) and a new life of Paul III (pp. 313–14). The 1551 edition contains a rewritten and extended life of Paul III (pp. 314–19) and a new, brief life of Julius III, pp. 319–20.

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have not been able to establish who wrote these continuations, which, in any case, were for the most part much briefer than the final lives by Platina or the ones written by Panvinio. Next came the Panvinio editions, the first coming out in Venice and Cologne, 1562, the second in Cologne, 1568. They contain Panvinio’s annotations to many of Platina’s Lives and his own full-scale continuation of the work.89 Another feature of these editions was the addition of other texts by Panvinio, most notably his ecclesiastical chronicle.90 A Cologne reprint of the second Panvinio edition, 1593 (Goswin Cholinus and Maternus Cholinus; also Heinrich Falckenburg), was brought up to date with Latin translations of Ciccarelli’s Italian biographies.91 From then onwards, however, the six additional works of Platina were omitted, abandoning a standard feature which had lasted for almost a century.92 Seventeenth-century editions began in 1600 with reprints of the Cologne edition (Goswin Cholinus and Maternus Cholinus; also Bernhard Wolter).93 The last Latin edition, printed in pocket format (12o), came out in 1645 under the title Opus de vitis ac gestis summorum pontificium (and was reprinted in 1664). It includes only Platina’s Lives up to Paul II, with a claim on the title page that

89 The Venice 1562 edition (Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum: Michele Tramezzino) contains Panvinio’s annotations, which are absent from a Cologne edition of the same year (Opus de vitis ac gestis summorum pontificum: Maternus Cholinus) not authorized by Panvinio. The latter contains only the last five of Panvinio’s additional lives (Paul III to Pius IV). Panvinio’s second edition of 1568, under the title Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum, was reprinted in Leuven in 1572 (Jean Bogard; Jan M aes) and Cologne in 1573 and 1574 (M aternus C holinus). On Panvinio’s editions see Ferrary, Panvinio, pp. 12–13, 16–21, 207–10; A. Aubert, Paolo IV: politica, Inquisizione e storiografia, 2nd edn (Florence: Le Lettere, 1999), pp. 163–86. 90 The 1562 Venice edition contains only a skeleton version of Panvinio’s Chronicon, but the Cologne edition of the same year has a full version. All subsequent Latin editions (except for the last two), and the Italian editions from 1592 onwards, include the (complete) Chronicon. Starting with the second Panvinio edition of 1568, his De ritu sepeliendi mortuos apud veteres Christianos, Interpretatio multarum vocum ecclesiasticarum, quae obscurae vel barbarae videntur, and De stationibus urbis Romae were also included (the first of which was omitted from 1593 onwards). 91

W. Zachs, ‘The Boswells and Platina’s Lives of the Popes’, Yale University Library Gazette, 70 (1996), 143–52, discusses the ownership of a copy of the 1593 edition. 92 93

An exception is the 1562 Venice edition, which omits Platina’s other works.

Further reprints were made in 1610 and 1611 (Peter Cholinus; Goswin Cholinus), and, with minor updates, once more in 1626 (Peter Cholinus; Officina Choliniana).

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it was based on the editio princeps of 1479 and the Cologne edition of 1529. There is no indication of publisher or place of publication, but Philippe de Croy in Leiden has been suggested.94 This edition capitalized on a widespread belief that the Latin version had been altered or censored after the edition of 1479.95 2. ‘Genuine’ or ‘Castrated’? Rumours about the Latin Editions We know that the publisher of the second edition of the Lives, printed in 1481, Anton Koberger of Nuremberg, attempted to deceive his readers. The editio princeps contains a letter by Gerolamo Squarzafico to Platina, at the end of which he urges Platina to send him the manuscript of the Lives and promises to publish a correct edition in collaboration with the printers Johannes de Colonia and Johannes Manthen.96 Koberger reprinted the letter but replaced the printer’s names, so that it appeared as if he himself had produced the first edition.97 This trick successfully deceived the learned world until the eighteenth century, when

94 Platina, Opus de vitis ac gestis Romanorum Pontificum ad Sixtum IV Pontificem Maximum deductum; fideliter a litera ad literam denuo impressum, secundum duo exemplaria, quorum unum fuit vivente adhuc auctore, anno MCCCCLXXIX , alterum anno MDXXIX […] ([n.p.], 1645). See G. Berghman, Supplément à l’ouvrage sur Les Elzevier de M. Alphonse Willems (Stockholm: Iduns, 1897), no. 427, p. 118, on the 1645 edition. É. Rahir, Catalogue d’une collection unique des volumes imprimés par Les Elzevier et divers typographes hollandais du XVIIe siècle (Paris: Morgand, 1896), no. 1966, p. 215, assumes that it was printed by Philippe de Croy or his predecessor Franciscus Heger (active until 1645). For the reprint of 1664 he maintains, without indicating his reasons, that the printer was Adriaen Vlacq of The Hague (no. 2235, p. 250). It is in fact notable that the vignettes of the 1645 edition are omitted, although De Croy was active until around 1670. 95

A. Willems, Les Elzevier: histoire et annales typograpiques (Brussels: Van Trigt, 1880), no. 1639, p. 443, on the 1645 edition: ‘L’ouvrage de Platina […] renfermait certaines particularités assez compromettantes pour le prestige de la papauté, et que des éditions subséquentes avaient omises ou atténuées. Celle-ci donne le text dans son intégrité primitive, et c’est ce qui fait qu’elle conserve encore quelque prix.’ This quotation may also serve as a starting point for my following discussion. 96 Hieronymus Squarzaficus, prefatory letter to Platina, in Platina, Vitae pontificum (Venice, 1479), sig. a1v: ‘Quare age, magne vir, eius, quod tibi natura largita est fac nos participes; qui cupide Iohannem de Agripinensi Colonia et socium suum Iohannem Manthen Gheretzem, optimos quidem viros, consulemus ut scripta tua accuratissime semper imprimantur. Foelix vale. Venetiis.’ On Squarzafico see J. Allenspach and G. Frasso, ‘Vicende, cultura e scritti di Gerolamo Squarzafico, Alessandrino’, Italia medioevale e umanistica, 23 (1980), 233–92, with this letter on pp. 278–79.

Platina, Vitae pontificum (Nuremberg: Koberger, 1481), fol. [1v]: ‘[…] qui cupide Anthonium Koburger in Nurenberga, ingeniosum virum, consulemus ut scripta tua acuratissime imprimat. Semper felix vale.’ 97

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the ‘enormous fraud’ was revealed.98 It is unlikely that anyone was aware of this incident before scholars publicized it in the eighteenth century, by which time Koberger’s supposed editio princeps had traded at top prices for 250 years.99 A different set of rumours did, however, circulate from the 1570s onwards. Their main thrust was that only the editio princeps of 1479 and other early prints were reliable and that the Panvinio editions of the Lives were corrupt. The first to commit these rumours to writing appears to have been Joannes Tilius, author of a work comparing popes to ancient emperors and statesmen. His identity remains enigmatic.100 In the preface to the 1576 edition, Tilius explains his use of sources:

98

Zeno, Dissertazioni Vossiane, I, 248: ‘enorme fraude’. See also J.-P. Nicéron, Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire des hommes illustres dans la république des lettres, 43 vols (Paris: Briasson, 1729– 45), VIII (1729), 227: ‘supercherie’; J. C. Mylius, Memorabilia Bibliothecae Academicae Ienensis (Jena: Croeker, 1746), p. 211: ‘orbi eruditio persuadere conatus est’; Lengnich, Nachrichten, I, 153: ‘unrF hmlicher Kunstgriff’; G. W. Zapf, Merkw F rdigkeiten der Zapfischen Bibliothek, 2 vols (Augsburg: the author, 1787), I, 122: ‘gelehrter Diebstahl’. The deception was by 1732 still not noticed everywhere; see, for example, J. L. Bünemann, Catalogus manuscriptorum membranaceorum et chartaceorum, item librorum ab inventa typographia usque ad annum MD et inde usque ad annum MDLX et ulterius impressorum rarissimorum […] (Minden: [n. pub.], 1732), p. 17: ‘Editio haec 1481 […] quam ipse Platina per Hieronymum Squarzaficum Koburgero dedit imprimendam, ut ex praefixa eius epistula ad Platinam patet’. O. Hase, Die Koberger, 2nd edn (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1885), p. 228, defends Koberger, maintaining that the alteration of the letter was only an ‘Anpassung an die Gegenwart’ and hence ‘wohl kaum als eine historische Entstellung zu betrachten’; the reprint was ‘unbefangen’. At least one humanist from Nuremberg owned a copy of the 1479 edition, which was sold to the city government in 1486. See C. Märtl, ‘Johann Lochner il doctorissimo: ein Nürnberger zwischen Süddeutschland und Italien’, in Venezianischdeutsche Kulturbeziehungen in der Renaissance, ed. by K. Arnold, F. Fuchs, and S. Füssel, Pirckheimer Jahrbuch, 18 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2003), pp. 86–142 (p. 95). 99 Götze, Merckw F rdigkeiten, I, no. 434, pp. 390–91: ‘Weil man in dieser Edition den Betrug begangen […] so haben viele diese N F rnbergische vor die erste und beste gehalten, und sie ist vielmahl theuer genug bezahlet worden’. 100 Joannes Tilius (or Jean Du Tillet in French), Pontificum aliquot Romanorum Christi vicariorum exempla cum ethnicorum principum gestis comparata ([Basel(?)]: [n. pub.], 1576); a rare print. The only indication of the author’s name is in the heading of the preface (sigs A2 r–A4v), ‘Io. Tilius lectori sincero et docto S.P.D.’ This work had a second edition: Parallela sive Memorabilia de vita et moribus pontificum Romanorum Christi vicariorum exempla cum ethnicorum principum dictis factisque comparata; ex probatis historicis omnia bona fide depromta, nunc aucta et pluria (Amberg: Forster, 1610). Amberg in Bavaria was, like Basel, a Protestant city. It is unlikely that this Tilius was one of the two Catholic brothers named Jean du Tillet (both d. 1570), one of whom, the Sieur de la Bussière, was a royal protonotary and secretary to the French king, the other the Bishop of Meaux. Both engaged in historical research, though the former more extensively. On the protonotary see D. R. Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical

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I took the examples concerning the popes for the most part from Platina, which I have [in the edition] printed a long time ago on 11 June 1479 at the expense of Johannes de Colonia (so it says in the book) and his partner Johannes Manthen. And the reason I have said this is so that no one will allege that I have used an unreliable copy. For I hear that in those Platina editions which are printed now or shortly before, many things were cut out and many things were also altered. Then, from the point where Platina stops (since he wrote only up to the time of Paul II), I made my excerpts from Paolo Giovo, Bishop of Nocera, an author who is above suspicion in these matters. I also borrowed a couple of examples from Giovanni Stella and Battista Fregoso, either because Platina did not recount a fact or because he did not recount it clearly enough.101

While he acknowledges Platina as his main source, he apparently blames Panvinio (though he does not name him) for corrupting the editions from 1562 onwards; and he does not use any of the Lives composed by Panvinio as continuations of those by Platina. Tilius makes it clear that he has based his judgement about the recent editions on hearsay and does not cite any examples of passages deleted or altered by Panvinio. Tilius’s accusations received support from another claim, put forward by Philippe Duplessis-Mornay (1549–1623),

Scholarship: Language, Law and History in the French Renaissance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), pp. 215–38; E. A. R. Brown, ‘Introduction’, in Jean Du Tillet and the French Wars of Religion: Five Tracts, 1562–1569, ed. by idem (Binghamton, NY: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1994), pp. 1–68. On the Bishop see C. H. Turner, ‘Jean du Tillet: A Neglected Scholar of the Sixteenth Century’, in The Bodleian Manuscript of Jerome’s Version of the Chronicle of Eusebius (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1905), pp. 48–65, with additions and corrections in his ‘The Bibliography of Jean du Tillet’, Journal of Theological Studies, 12 (1911), 128–33. Turner, ‘Jean du Tillet’, p. 48, notes that the Bishop ‘must be distinguished […], it would appear, from yet a third Joannes Tilius, the author of a violent attack on the papacy, Parallela sive Memorabilia de vita et moribus pontificum’ (Turner did not know the first edition of 1576). Tilius, Pontificum […] exempla cum ethnicorum principum gestis comparata, sig. A2 r–v: ‘Exempla pontificum sumpsi potissimum ex Platina, quem penes me habeo excusum olim anno MCCCCLXXIX III. Idus Iunii, impensa Ioannis de Colonia Agrippinensis (sic est in libro) eiusque socii Ioannis Mathen [sic] de Gheretzem. Atque haec iccirco dixi, ne aliquis caussetur usum fuisse me minime fideli exemplari. Nam audio in his Platinis qui nunc vel paulo ante cuduntur, multa fuisse decurtata, multa quoque immutata. Deinde ubi Platina deficit (scripsit enim ille usque ad Pauli II tempora) excerpsi ex Paulo Iovio Episcopo Nucerino, auctore in iis non suspecto. Unum vel alterum exemplum a Ioanne Stella, et Baptista Fulgosio sum mutuatus; aut quod Platina factum non enarrat, aut quod non enarrat adeo dilucide’. See Stella, Vite ducentorum et triginta summorum pontificum; Battista Fregoso, De dictis factisque memorabilibus collectanea, a Camillo Gilino Latina facta (Milan: Ferrari, 1509). On Fregoso see A. Holcroft, ‘Sixteenth-Century Exempla Collections’ (unpublished M.Phil. dissertation, Warburg Institute, University of London, 1976), esp. pp. 6–10. 101

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a leading Huguenot statesman, in his papal history of 1611. 102 In his section on Paul II, the French Calvinist cites an array of passages from Platina’s Lives, after which he insists: ‘But Onofrio erased all these things, which can be read in the very same words in the older editions.’ Duplessis-Mornay particularly recommends the 1479 editio princeps; but he clearly never looked at any of Panvinio’s editions, in which the supposedly deleted passages invariably appear.103 It was Johann Gerhard (1582–1637), in his Loci theologici, a standard compendium of Lutheran orthodoxy, who finally cited and denounced a genuine interpolation that legitimately called into question Panvinio’s reputation as an editor. Panvinio had altered a statement in Platina’s life of Cletus regarding the wife of the Evangelist Luke, turning ‘He lived for eighty-three years; he had a wife in Bithynia’ (‘Vixit annos octuaginta tres; uxorem habuit in Bithynia’), into ‘He lived for eighty-four years, not having a wife in Bithynia’ (‘Vixit annos octogintaquattuor, uxorem non habens in Bithynia’).104 This change makes the

102 P. Duplessis-Mornay, Mysterium iniquitatis seu Historia papatus, quibus gradibus ad id fastigii enisus sit, quamque acriter omni tempore ubique a piis contra intercessum; asseruntur etiam iura imperatorum, regum et principum Christianorum adversus Bellarminum et Baronium Cardinales (Saumur: Portau, 1611). See R. Snoeks, ‘Du Plessis-Mornay (Philippe)’, in Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, XIV (1960), cols 1136–41, who labels this attack on the papacy, compared to the Frenchman’s other works, ‘assez médiocre’ (col. 1138). On his political and religious battles see H. Daussy, Les Huguenots et le roi: le combat politique de Philippe DuplessisMornay (1572–1600) (Geneva: Droz, 2002). 103

For the final example, see Duplessis-Mornay, Mysterium iniquitatis, p. 581: ‘Platina sane de Paulo in Hadriano I [Vitae, p. 137. 13–17]: Adeo his muliebribus delinimentis delectatus est, conquisitis undique magno praetio gemmis et exhausto paene Ecclesiae Romanae aerario ut quotiescumque in publicum prodiret, Cybeles quaedam Phrygia et turrita, non mitrata videretur. Hinc ego ortam tum sudore praepinguis corporis, tum gemmarum pondere, apoplexiam illam puto, qua correptus subito morbo interiit. […] Verum, Onuphrius haec omnia erâsit, quae in vetustioribus editionibus totidem verbis leguntur.’ In the margin: ‘Platina in Hadriano I, in vetustioribus editionibus. Vide eam quae prima omnium prodiit, Coloniae [sic] Anno 1479, typis Iohannis de Colonia et Iohannis Martien [sic] de Gheretzem.’ The quoted passage is both in Panvinio’s first edition of Platina, Historia de vitis (Venice, 1562), fols 91v–92 r, and in the last reprint of his second edition of 1568 (Cologne, 1626), p. 113. For the original statement see the editions of the Vitae of Venice (1479), fol. 8 v; Cologne (1529), p. 10; Leiden (1645), p. 23. Gaida’s edition has ‘tres et octoginta’ (Vitae, p. 16. 11). For the alteration, see the first Panvinio edition, Platina, Historia de vitis (Venice, 1562), fol. 10v; and the last reprint of his second edition (Cologne, 1626), p. 10. See also the comment by J. Gerhard, Loci theologici (first publ. 1610–22), 4th edn, 9 vols (Geneva: Gamonet, 1639), VI, Chap. 26: ‘De ministerio ecclesiastico’, § 345, col. 400: ‘De Luca Evangelista sic scribit Platina in Cleto: Vixit 104

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sentence absurd, as another German scholar pointed out in 1699, because we are left to wonder if Luke had a wife somewhere else but not in Bithynia.105 More importantly, however, there was no reason to modify this sentence, since the Evangelist was allowed to have a wife.106 Yet to Panvinio, who was an Augustinian hermit, restoring Luke to a state of celibacy must have been such a vital concern that he was willing to risk his reputation on it. His amendment was condemned as ‘a crude depravity’ (une dépravation grossière) in the posthumous fourth edition of Pierre Bayle’s Dictionaire (1730), a work consulted by practically every scholar of the Enlightenment.107 Panvinio was also blamed for two more putative alterations, both connected to women: removing the story of Pope Joan and deleting the saying of Pius II that ‘the marriage of priests was abolished for a good reason; but there seems to be an even better reason to reintroduce it’. But neither is, in fact, missing from any Latin edition of Platina. Pius’s sententia was, however, omitted from the first French translation; so it is not surprising that it was a French author who was responsible for the confusion regarding this point.108 In his Histoire du Concile de Pise of 1724, Jacques Lenfant, a Huguenot theologian in Berlin, refers to DuplessisMornay’s statements of 1611, where Panvinio is accused of deleting various passages.

annos 83. uxorem habuit [sic] (Onuphrius in postremis editionibus addidit negativam, uxorem non habuit contra fidem veterum librorum).’ 105 See G. Langemack, De pontificibus Romanis uxoratis et filiis patrum in pontificatu successoribus […] (Kiel: Reuther, 1699), § 8: ‘non tantum contra fidem, sed inepte quoque ac ridicule mutatem est in hanc sententiam: Vixit annos octoginta quatuor, uxorem non habens in Bithynia, quasi nempe alibi uxorem Lucas, non in Bithynia habuisset’. Eileen Dickson, New College Library, Edinburgh, very kindly sent me a transcript of this passage. 106 See (the Catholic theologian) Götze, Merckw F rdigkeiten, I, no. 437, p. 392, on the Cologne 1600 edition: ‘Warum man diese Stelle also gesetzet habe, kan ich nicht begreiffen. Es ist ja in Platina nicht die Rede von dem H. Cleto, sondern von dem Evangelisten Luca, welchem man ein Eheweib kan passiren lassen.’ See also Lengnich, Nachrichten, I, 143: ‘Die Absicht dieser Ver(nderung, von R = m. Catholischer Seite den C = libat der Geistlichen dadurch zu begF nstigen, ist sehr handgreiflich; obgleich die Ver(nderung selbst ungemein l(cherlich klingt. Mich wundert’s, daß man nicht auch zu mehrerer Beglaubigung noch hinzugefF gt hat, Lucas sey ohne Leibeserben gestorben.’ 107

P. Bayle, Dictionaire historique et critique, ed. by P. Desmaizeaux, 4th edn, 4 vols (Amsterdam: Brunel (and others); Leiden: Luchtmans, 1730), III, 756; and later editions. 108

p. 212.

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Wishing to give an example, Lenfant states that Pius’s mot was removed.109 The allegation concerning Pope Joan may have originated because Pope John VII, her official name in the incunable editions, was changed to John VIII in those printed from 1504 onwards. So if someone had looked for John VII in any of these later editions, they would not immediately have found Pope Joan.110 By the eighteenth century, these three points — Luke’s wife; Pope Joan; Pius II on marriage — were used as benchmarks to determine whether an edition was genuine or not.111 It was generally agreed that the 1479 edition was not ‘castrated’. But there were doubts about the later editions, and most scholars tended to be suspicious. Lists were drawn up to separate ‘castrated’ and ‘noncastrated’ editions, with haphazard results.112 The mist was cleared largely thanks to the efforts of

109 J. Lenfant, Histoire du Concile de Pise, 2 vols (Amsterdam: Humbert, 1724), I, preface, p. xxii: ‘A l’égard de Barthelemi Platine de Cremone, il est si connu par ses Vies des papes qu’il seroit inutile d’en parler, si son Histoire n’avoit pas été decriée par un grand nombre de partisans de siege de Rome, à cause de la liberté avec laquelle il a parlé de plusieurs papes, et entre autres par Ciaconius, qui le traite de medisant et de menteur insolent et effronté.’ He remarks that Panvinio also ‘a si mal parlé de Platine’ (p. xxiii) and maintains that he changed his text (p. xxiv): ‘Il y a longs temps que Duplessis Mornai a remarqué qu’Onuphre, qui a continué les Vies des Papes […] a retranché beaucoup de choses de ce dernier. J’en donnerai ici un exemple. Platine, dans sa premiere edition, avoit rapporté le mot d’Aeneas Sylvius, qui fut depuis Pie II, que si on avoit eu des raisons pour ôter le mariage aux prêtres, on en avoit de plus grandes de le leur restituer. Onuphre ne jugeant pas à propos que le monde sût qu’un tel mot étoit sorti de la bouche de l’Oracle, l’a retranché de l’edition qu’il en a donnée, et il ne se trouve plus dans celles qui se sont faites depuis.’ 110

Platina, who thought that Pope Joan was at best illegitimate, at worst fictional, did not give her a proper place in the apostolic succession, assigning her the same name as her predecessor, John VII (who reigned 705–07). In Platina there are therefore two popes named John VII. The next John, according to him, was John VIII (872–82), whom the sixteenthcentury and later editions refer to as John IX (872–82), with the confusing result that all subsequent popes of this name have a number which is out by one. See Götze, Merckw F rdigkeiten, I, no. 436, pp. 391–92. 111 Ibid., no. 433, pp. 389–90: ‘Es werden aber folgende drey Kennzeichen einer (chten Edition des Platina angegeben. 1) Daß in dem Leben des Cleti geschrieben wird, daß er in Bithynien ein Ehe-Weib gehabt. 2) Daß von Johanne VII. erzehlet wird, daß er eine FrauensPerson gewesen; wiewohl Platina darbey saget: haec quae dixi, vulgo feruntur, incertis tamen et obscuris auctoribus. 3) Daß von dem Pabst Pio II. vorgegeben wird, als ob er zu sagen pflegen, daß man wichtige Ursachen gehabt, den Geistlichen das Heyrathen zu verbieten, daß aber noch viel wichtigere verhanden w (ren, es ihnen zu erlauben.’ 112

To give only two examples of the use of the term castrated: J. Vogt, Catalogus historicocriticus librorum rariorum, 2nd edn (Hamburg: Herold, 1738), p. 462: ‘liber variis quidem locis

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two bibliographers, Johann Christian Götze (1692–1749), a Catholic theologian and librarian in Dresden, and Carl Benjamin Lengnich (1743–95), a Protestant archdeacon and numismatist from Danzig. Götze compared five Latin editions (the three incunabula and those published in Cologne in 1540 and 1600) and came to the conclusion that the only passage changed by Panvinio was the one concerning Luke’s wife. Lengnich examined the elusive first Panvinio edition (Venice 1562), which was hard to find outside Italy.113 He confirmed Götze’s results, adding that it was in this edition that Panvinio made the change regarding Luke’s marital status. The entire difference between genuine and corrupt editions of the Lives, he concluded, rested on this single passage.114 Panvinio was, in truth, also responsible for minor editorial interventions, such as correcting proper names and titles of works cited by Platina and modernizing punctuation and orthography — which gave no cause for complaint. While such action had already been taken by previous editors, Panvinio’s interventions are looked upon as careful and valuable by Gaida, the editor of the modern critical edition.115 After publishing his note, Lengnich felt compelled to compile an annotated list of all known editions and translations of the Lives of Platina, whom he

et temporibus excusus, cuius tamen illae editiones praecipue aestimantur quae seculo XV editae, quippe nondum castratae, sed parum obviae’; J. H. Boeckler, Bibliographia historico-politicophilologica curiosa (Frankfurt am Main: [n. pub.], 1677), sig. L1v (recommending only the French editions): ‘editiones pleraeque praeter Lugdunensem et Gallicam castratae sunt’. For the lists see Mylius, Memorabilia, pp. 210–11; T. Sincerus (G. J. Schwindel), Neue Sammlung von lauter alten und raren BF chern (Frankfurt am Main: Stein, 1733–34), pp. 410–18; J. J. Bauer, Bibliotheca librorum rariorum universalis, 4 vols (Nuremberg: Martin Jacob Bauer, 1770–72), III (1771), 213–15. 113

Lengnich, Nachrichten, I, 139–49; see pp. 140 and 145 for his statement that the existence of this edition was barely known. ‘Es ist bekannt, daß die (ltesten (chten nicht interpolirten Ausgaben dieser Geschichte, besonders die von den Glaubensgenossen der R=m. Catholischen Kirche selbst besorgten, von Kennern gesucht und fFr sehr selten gehalten werden’ (p. 140); but this ‘castrirte Ausgabe’ was, according to Lengnich, at least as rare as any pre-Reformation print. 114 Ibid., p. 143: ‘Also beruht die ganze Verschiedenheit (chter und un (chter Ausgaben des Platina auf der einzigen Stelle im Leben des Cletus’. 115

In the life of Victor I (r. 189–99), for instance, Panvinio changed Judas’s ‘Christoriographia’ (Platina, Vitae, p. 31. 10–11) to ‘Chronographia’ (Platina, Historia de vitis (1562), fol. 20 v). Panvinio’s rendering of the names ‘Herenaeus’ and ‘Bacillus’ (Vitae, p. 31. 4–5) as ‘Irenaeus’ and ‘Bacchylus’ (Platina, Historia de vitis (1562), fol. 20r) is referred to by Gaida in the critical apparatus as more correct. See Gaida, ‘Prefazione’, p. xcv, recommending the 1562 Panvinio edition for ‘la cura che n’ebbe l’editore’; and his apparatus, where most, but not all, of Panvinio’s variants are noted.

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considered the most widely printed and, consequently, most widely read historical author of modern times.116 Writing in 1780, he wondered why there had been no new Latin edition for more than a hundred years and suggested two possible answers: either this was because there had been so many editions already or because Platina was less widely read in the eighteenth century than previously. Lengnich did not come to a final decision; but his first suggestion seems quite plausible. There were more than a dozen Latin editions (including reprints), produced between 1479 and 1664, for readers to choose from — more than enough, it would seem, to supply any potential demand. The rumours about the ‘castration’ of the Latin editions circulated mostly north of the Alps and among Protestants, who would not have been reluctant to believe that the Catholic Church had tampered with the text. This conviction was engrained in scholarly opinion by that time, and the two final Latin editions, of 1645 and 1664, were deliberately based on the pre-Panvinio text. What is more, these editions were published anonymously, perhaps for fear of repraisals from the Catholic Church. They seem to have found a market because many readers were unwilling to buy Panvinio editions, despite positive judgements from various critics.117 The hostile hearsay stuck in people’s minds through the nineteenth century.118 Ludwig Pastor corroborated the rumours about the

116 Lengnich, ‘Vollst(ndiges Verzeichniß aller Ausgaben der P(bstlichen Geschichte des Platina und seiner Fortsetzer’, in his Nachrichten, I, 150–76 (p. 176): ‘Ich wFßte keinen neueren historischen Schriftsteller, der so oft gedruckt — und wie man von Rechtswegen daraus folgern sollte, so h(ufig gelesen — worden w(re, als eben dieser. Seit hundert Jahren hat man indessen eine neue Ausgabe entbehren k=nnen, entweder weil der alten so viel sind, oder weil man aufgeh=rt hat, den Platina so fleissig zu lesen, als er zu Ende des 16ten und Anfange des 17ten Jahrhunderts gelesen wurde.’ Lengnich himself collected Platina editions for this purpose (ibid., p. 150). 117

See, for example, N. Lenglet du Fresnoy, Méthode pour étudier l’histoire […] avec un catalogue des principaux historiens […], rev. edn by J. B. Mencke (Leipzig: Gleditsch, 1714), p. 185, reviewing historians of the papacy: ‘Platina quoique trop sincere peut suffire avec les additions d’Onuphrius.’ 118

A.-L. Millin, Annales encyclopédiques, 12 vols (Paris: Bureau des Annales encyclopédiques, 1817–18), VI (1817), 276, referring to J. D. Kolb, Disputatio circularis de Bartholomaeo Platina, sub praesidio D. G. Molleri […] (Altdorf: Mayer, 1694): ‘Je ne sais si Mollerus a parlé des changemens qui on été faits par quelques catholiques dans cet ouvrage [i.e., Platina De vitis pontificum] […]. Je me rappelle que j’ai vu je ne sais où une liste de quelques falsifications faites dans certaines éditions, dans laquelle on parle en particulier d’une fourberie relative au mariage de S. Pierre, si je m’en souviens bien. Je dois avoir noté une de ces supercheries sur quelques-uns des exemplaires in-4o de la Bibliothèque de Sainte-Geneviève.’

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castrated texts by citing in his own works only the 1645 edition of Platina’s Lives ‘because it is an exact reprint of the editio princeps’.119 In retrospect, this air of suspicion among the Latin-reading public may help to explain why the Roman Congregation of the Index failed to publish a censored Latin version in 1587–92, perhaps fearing the outcry from the ‘world of erudition’ which this might provoke. The calculation of the Congregation, on the other hand, that a censored Italian version would be unlikely to meet much resistance proved to be correct, since the controversy over the reliability of editions of Platina’s Lives focused entirely on the Latin text.

Chapter Appendix Kaspar Hedio Fürneme =rter in diser Historien die dem Leser das Iudicium und den verstand sch= rpffen From his translation of Platina, Historia von der B( pst und Keiser leben, sig. CC1r–v

Merck Folio vii [i.e., 7r]: Die frummen B(pst haben nit auß hochfart nach dem Bapstumb gestellt, damit sie den nachkümlingen kein b=ß exempel geben.120 Merck Folio vii. col. ii [7v]: Die alten haben den last des Bapstumbs mit onwillen angenommen.121 Merck fol. xiiii [recte 13v]: Den spruch Antonini Pii, der lieber wil einen burger bei leben behalten, dann seiner feind zehen [recte tausent] umbbringen.122 Merck fol. xv [15r ]: Philosophi hindert nit an kriegs geschefften.123 119

Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, p. liii: ‘weil derselbe ein genauer Abdruck der editio princeps […] ist’. In his article ‘Originalhandschrift’ of 1890 (p. 352), he claims that only certain unmutilated editions (‘unverstümmelt nach der editio princeps von 1479 gedruckte Exemplare’) contain the famous passage in which Platina criticizes John XXII’s condemnation of the idea of poverty. The passage can, of course, be found in all Latin editions. 120

Platina, Vitae (Linus, c. 66–c. 78), p. 14. 20–22: ‘[Claemens] tantae modestiae fuit, coegisse Linum ac Cletum ante se munus pontificatus obire, ne posteris haec principatus ambitio perniciosi exempli haberetur’. 121

Ibid. (Cletus, nonextant), p. 15. 7–8: ‘Cletus […] pontificatus onus invitus suscepit’.

On fol. 13 v, Hedio gives the correct ‘tausent’. See Platina, Vitae (Hyginus, c. 138–c. 142), p. 24. 23: ‘[Antoninus Pius] diceret malle se unum civem servare, quam mille hostes occidere’. 122

123

Platina, Vitae (Anicetus, c. 155–c.166), p. 27. 3–4: ‘philosophia nequaquam a rebus in bello gerendis retardavit’.

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Merck fol. xvi [16v]: Freiheit der speiß. Bapst Eleutherus ordnet das niemand auß aberglauben einerlei speiß solt außschlagen oder verschmehen.124 Merck fo. xvii [17v]: Wie in der Epistel Johannis staht: ‘und jetzund seind viel wider Christen’.125 Merck fo. xviii [18r]: Das die Beicht nit so alt in der Kirchen.126 Merck fo. xxi [21v]: Auß der weiber haarlock armbrust winnen flechten.127 Merck fo. xxiii [23r]: Von brieven Cornelii: Wie er dem tyrannen Decio antwort, der in der auffrGr zige, das seine brieff, so er hin unnd her schribe, seien vom lob Christi und wie die seelen sollen selig werden, und nit wie das R=misch Reich in abgang komme.128 Merck fo. xxv [25r–v]: Von wegen der hochfart Pauli Samosateni haben viel menschen ab Christlicher Religion abschewen gehabt; sagt Platina: ‘Was sollen frumme menschen jetzund thGn, da alle ding mit den Bischoven auffs h=chst kommen seind, unnd man zG ir hochfart nichts mehr kan hie zGthGn. Ich geschweig hie der onkeüscheit und geilheit so man sehe so viel jüngling etc.’ 129

124

Ibid. (Eleutherius, c. 174–89), p. 29. 22–24: ‘Idem etiam statuit, ne quis ob superstitionem cibi genus ullum respueret, quo humana consuetudo vesceretur.’ 125 Ibid. (Victor I, 189–98), p. 31. 10–15: ‘Iudas quoque Christoriographiam superiorum temporum usque ad decimum Severi annum conscripsit, in qua tamen erroris arguitur, quod adventum Antichristi suis temporibus futurum dixerit. In quem errorem ideo incurisse putamus, quod et vitia hominum et crudelitatem eo pervenisse cernebat, ut diutius tolerari humanum genus a Deo non posset, quae res et Lactantium postea et Augustinum fefellit.’ On Platina’s citation of Lactantius and Augustine here, see the Documentary Appendix, 15, Victor I, B1. For Hedio’s quotation see 1 John 2. 18: ‘Filioli, novissima hora est; et sicut audistis quia antichristus venit, nunc antichristi multi facti sunt, unde scimus quoniam novissima hora est.’ 126

Platina, Vitae (Zephyrinus, 198/99–217), p. 32. 6–9: ‘Idem praeterea instituit, ut omnes Christiani annos pubertatis attingentes singulis annis in solemni die Paschae publice communicarent. Quod quidem institutum Innocentius III [1198–1216] deinceps non ad communionem solum, verumetiam ad confessionem delictorum traduxit.’ See Documentary Appendix, 16, Zephyrinus, G3. 127

Platina, Vitae (Anterus, 235–36), p. 37. 21–23: ‘Ferunt in ea obsidione Aquileiensis foeminas funes ex capillis suos fecisse, cum nervi deessent aut funes ad emittendas sagittas. Unde in honorem matronarum templum Veneri Calvae senatus dedicavit.’ It is unclear why Hedio refers to this passage. 128

Ibid. (Cornelius I, 251–53), p. 40. 13–14: ‘Huic [i.e., Decio] Cornelius: “De laudibus Christi, de ratione redimendorum animorum, non de imminutione imperii, litteras accepi et reddidi.”’ 129

Ibid. (Dionysius, 260–68), p. 44. 5–8: ‘unde propter hominis [i.e., Pauli Samosateni] arrogantiam Christianam religionem plerique detestabantur. Sed quid facerent nostra

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Merck fol. xxvi [26r]: Die Kirchen in Gottes ehr gebawen.130 Merck fo. xxviii [28r]: Die Zeit der tyrannei Maximiani des tyrannens warnen uns zG diser zeit MDXLVI so wir liederlich leben beim frummen Evangelio, denzGmal waren geistlich und weltlich kein nütz, das erscheinet heüttigs tags.131 Merck fo. xlix [49r]: Concilium bestettiget des Bapsts gewalt: Ergo der Bapst ist nit uber das Concilium.132 Merck fo. lviii [58v]: Des Keisers bewilligung in erw=lung des Bapsts.133 Merck fo. lxi [61r–v]: Die wahl eins Bischoffs sol beschehen zGmal von den Clericken und dem volck, unnd das die wahl so krefftig sein wann sie von dem Fürsten der statt oder Keiser zG Rom bestetigt unnd confirmiert würde. Ob schon der Bapst mit disen worten, ‘Volumus, iubemus’, sein authoritet und gewalt wolt mißbrauchen.134 Merck fo. lxiiii [64v]: Das Bapstumb würt confirmiert vom Keiser oder den Hexarchis, iren statthaltern.135

tempestate, qua nil vel superbiae vel pompae, nolo dicere luxuriae, addi potest? Si tot adolescentes anteambulones sericatos et coccinatos in equis praeferocibus ac phaleratis viderent?’ See Documentary Appendix, 24, Dionysius, A1, A G1, B1*, G1*; and the discussion above, p. 146. See also above, p. 223. 130

Platina, Vitae (Felix I, 269–74), p. 45. 12: ‘basilica, quam [Felix] antea in honorem Dei condiderat’. 131 Ibid. (Marcellinus, 296–304), p. 48. 26–49. 2. See Documentary Appendix, 28, Marcellinus, A G1, G1*; and above, p. 148. 132

Platina, Vitae (Felix III, 483–92), p. 81. 4–5: ‘ex auctoritate sedis Apostolicae concilio bene sentientium approbata’. 133 Ibid. (Pelagius II, 579–90), p. 95. 21–22: ‘Nil enim tum a clero in eligendo pontifice actum erat, nisi eius electionem imperator approbasset.’ See Documentary Appendix, 57, Pelagius II. 134

Platina, Vitae (Boniface III, 607), p. 100. 9–12: ‘Voluit item electionem episcopi a clero pariter et populo fieri, eamque ita ratam fore, si a principe civitatis approbata esset; etsi summus pontifex denique his verbis auctoritatem suam interposuisset: “volumus et iubemus”. Sancta quippe institutio et pernecessaria nostris praesertim temporibus quibus in peius omnia dilabuntur.’ Hedio’s translation of ‘interponere’ as ‘abuse’ (‘mißbrauchen’) is clearly tendentious. See Documentary Appendix, 60, Boniface III, A1, A G1, G1*, for a related passage that comes shortly before (p. 100. 1–4). 135 Platina, Vitae (Severinus, 640), p. 104. 28–29: ‘Vana tunc enim habebatur cleri ac populi electio, nisi id imperatores aut eorum hexarchi confirmassent.’ See Documentary Appendix, 64, Severinus.

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Merck fo. lxxx [80r]: Etlich wort im Canon außgelassen: ‘Quorum solennitas in conspectu tuae maiestatis celebratur Domine Deus noster toto in orbe terrarum’.136 Merck fo. lxxx [80r]: Weltlicher priester und der münch heuser bei einander.137 [CC1v:] Merck fo. lxxxix [89r]: Der Keiser fragt geistlich und weltlich von dem leben und sitten des Bapsts.138 Merck fo. xciii [93v]: Der Bapst würt von Keiser bestetigt.139 Merck fo. xcv [95v]: Meß zGr versperzeit halten.140 Merck fo. xcix [99r]: Das kein Keiser oder weltlicher Fürst soll im Concilio der Pfaffen sein, es sei dann in Religion sachen.141 Merck fo. ciiii [104r]: Von was winden das schiflin Petri getriben würt sollen mercken die Christenheit, wann man tolle unnd faule Keiser gehabt; exempel in Arnolfo und Carolo simplice.142

136

Platina, Vitae (Gregory III, 731–41), p. 127. 1–4: ‘in canone celebretatis haec verba addidit […]: “Quorum solennitas in conspectu tuae maiestatis celebratur Domine Deus noster toto in orbe terrarum et cetera”. Quibus verbis nunc sacerdotes in secretis non utuntur’. 137

Ibid. (Gregory III), p. 127. 13–14: ‘et monachorum et presbyterorum secularium domicilia multis in locis contigua fuisse, qui aemulatione moti, Deo quam diligentissime serviebant’. 138 Ibid. (Leo III, 795–816), p. 139. 29–32: ‘[Karolus] in basilica Petri astante populo et clero, episcoporum omnium, qui eo ex tota Italia et Francia convenerant, sententias de vita et moribus pontificis rogat. Verum ab omnibus una voce responsum est, sedem apostolicam omnium ecclesiarum caput, a nemine, laico praesertim, iudicari debere.’ 139 Ibid. (Gregory IV, 827–44), pp. 145. 39–146. 2: ‘Ad Gregorium redeo, qui tantae modestiae fuit, ut, electus a clero populoque Romano, non prius pontificium munus obire voluerit, quam a legatis Lodovici Imperatoris ob eam causam Romam missis, qui diligenter tantam electionem discusserant, confirmatus est.’ 140 Ibid. (Leo IV, 847–55), p. 149. 4–6: ‘Instituit item pius antistes, ut quotannis a cuncto clero in basilica Pauli, ipsius apostoli natali die hora vespertina celebraretur.’ 141

Ibid. (Nicholas I, 858–67), p. 154. 25–27: ‘Postremo vero approbante Lodovico Imperatore instituit, ne princeps ullus secularis aut imperator conciliis clericorum interesse auderet, nisi de fide ageretur, licere tum ac par esse censuit.’ 142

Ibid. (John IX, 898–900; in Hedio: John X), p. 161. 29–34. John IX reacted against the partisans of Pope Stephen VI, who, in the ‘cadaver synod’ of 897, had posthumously condemned Pope Formosus. Platina, commenting on the violent clashes between the two factions which the emperor was too weak to prevent, writes: ‘Hoc idem accidisse putaverim ego, cum quia pontifices ipsi a Petri vestigiis discesserant, tum vel maxime, quia respublica Christiana ignavos et desides principes habebat, quorum maxime intererat naviculam Petri fluctibus exagitari; ne si gubernator aliquando resipisceret, principes ipsos ut malos nautas e republica deiiceret. Deditus erat voluptatibus Arnulphus, non multum distabat a suo cognomento Karolus rex Franciae, quem

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Merck fo. cv [105v]: Wie die newen B(pst so gar auß der natur unnd eigenschafft der alten B(pst geschlagen seind, dienet diß lesen wol für das jar MDXLVI.143 Merck fo. cix [recte 110r]: Der Bapst Leo VIII ubergibt dem Keiser den gewalt ein Bapst zG erw=len.144 Merck fo. cxviii [118v]: Umb der laster ist der gewalt den B(psten billich entzogen.145 Merck fo. cxxxii [132r ]: Der Antichrist geboren im jar MCC.146 Merck fo. cxliiii [144r–v]: Ob des Bapsts unnd Keisers oneinigkeit würt der Soldan gesterckt.147

Simplicem vel potius stolidum vocabant.’ This life is briefly mentioned in the censorship under 84, Formosus (Documentary Appendix). 143

Platina, Vitae (Sergius III, 904–11), p. 163. 33–37: ‘Vide quaeso quantum isti degeneraverint a maioribus suis. Illi enim, utpote viri sanctissimi, dignitatem ultro oblatam contemnebant, orationi et doctrinae Christianae vacantes; hi vero largitione et ambitione pontificatum quaerentes, et adepti, posthabito divino cultu, inimicitias non secus ac scaevissimi quidam tyranni inter se se exercebant: suas voluptates postea securius expleturi, cum nullibi extarent, qui eorum vitia coercerent.’ Hedio equates the situation in the tenth century to that of his own time, which Platina does not explicitly do. 144 Ibid. (Leo VIII, 963–65), p. 170. 23–24: ‘[Leo] Romanorum inconstantiam pertaesus, auctoritatem omnem eligendi pontificis a clero populoque Romano ad imperatorem transtulit’. 145

Ibid. (Leo IX, 1049–54), pp. 183. 35–184. 2: ‘At vero Romanus clerus suadente Ildebrando eundem Baunonem in pontificem eligunt, eo libentius quod omnem auctoritatem eligendorum pontificum ab imperatore, ut par erat, ad clerum transtulisset. Fecerant tamen vitia quorundam pontificum quemadmodum scripsimus, ut merito ipsi clero sublata potestas videretur Dei iudicio, quo in melius eorum mentes flagitiis contaminatae aliquando verterentur, ne Christiana respublica malis rectoribus commissa pessundaretur.’ Hedio’s translation of ‘ab imperatore […] ad clerum’ as ‘vom Bapst […] auff die Clerici’, fol. 118v, seems to be a slip (unless he wanted to cover up that the emperor relinquished the power to elect the pope; but it still does not make sense). He was perhaps more concerned with the second sentence, on which he comments in the margin: ‘O unser zeit!’ 146

Platina, Vitae (Paschalis II, 1099–1118), pp. 201. 44–202. 6. After a comet had appeared, Paschal ‘intellexisset Florentinum episcopum affirmare solitum Antichristum natum esse’. He therefore convened a council in Florence and, according to Platina, found that the Bishop had invented this rumour in order to gain attention. Hedio uses this story for another criticism of the situation in his own day, placed in the margin: ‘Anti Christ geporn im jar MCC . Merck lieber leser für diß zeit MDXLVI.’ 147 Platina, Vitae (Alexander III, 1159–81), p. 217. 27–35: during Alexander III’s conflict with Frederick Barbarossa, the Frankish-Egyptian siege of Alexandria in 1167 resulted in an outcome favourable to Saladin. See M. C. Lyons and D. E. P. Jackson, Saladin: The Politics of the Holy War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 16–19.

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Merck fo. clvii [157v]: Mit der Apostel heupter die burger zG Rom vom abfall erhalten.148 Merck fo. clxxvii [177r]: Wie die B(pst mit grossen herrn handlen.149 Merck fo. clxxxviii [188v]: Der Kirchen personen sollen andern zGm exempel sein, und die scheflin recht weiden staht inen zG.150 Merck fo. ccvi [206r–v]: Ein reicher Bischoff, ein armer Cardinal, Bapst ein betler.151 Merck fo. ccviii [208r]: Der Bapst würt ins Concilium citiert.152 Merck fo. ccviii [208r]: Frei reden im Concilio.153 Merck fo. cc [recte 208v]: Concilium hat sein gewalt von Christo nit vom Bapst.154

148

Platina, Vitae (Gregory IX, 1227–41), p. 234. 7–9: ‘Defecissent etiam Romani cives, ni pontifex delatis per urbem supplicando apostolorum capitibus, populum ad commiserationem movisset, habita etiam in basilica Sancti Petri oratione dignissima’. 149 Ibid. (Boniface VIII, 1294–1303), p. 260. 30–38: Hedio is referring to the famous conflict between Boniface VIII and King Philip IV of France. In 1301 Boniface demanded the release of a French bishop whom the King had imprisoned. He threatened Philip through an envoy: ‘Id si non impetraret, diceret audientibus omnibus Franciae ad ecclesiam devolvi ob contumaciam Philippi, et violatum ius gentium; adderetque anathema, et omnes Francos a iuramento regio absolveret.’ Boniface reassumed control of the French clergy, which the papacy had been forced to concede to the French secular authorities in struggles lasting over the past two centuries. Platina’s ‘immoderate’ description of Boniface’s ‘arrogance’ is mentioned briefly by Bellarmine in the censorship, Documentary Appendix, 122, Boniface VIII, B1. 150 Platina, Vitae (Innocent VI, 1352–62), p. 276. 6–11: ‘Dicebat enim oves pascuas a proprio pastore, non a mercenario custodiri debere. Impensam quoque domesticam, quae magna erat, imminuit, familiam suam ad certum et honestum redigens numerum. Nec domi voluit nisi viros habere probatissimos. Item ut facerent cardinales, acerrimo edicto mandavit, dictitans suam ac omnium ecclesiasticorum vitam ceteris exemplo esse debere, ad imitationem Salvatoris nostri, cuius tota vita ad institutionem humani generis respiciebat.’ 151 Ibid. (Alexander V, 1409–10), p. 299. 29–31: ‘Adeo enim munificus erat in pauperes et viros sua benignitate dignos, ut brevi nil sibi reliquerit. Unde per iocum dicere interdum solebat, se divitem episcopum fuisse, pauperem cardinalem, mendicum pontificem.’ 152 Ibid. (John XXIII, 1410–15; Hedio, John XXIV), p. 302. 2–3: ‘Ad concilium nanque Ioannes omnium nationum consensu citatus’. 153

Ibid., p. 302. 10–11: ‘Verum, superveniente Sigismundo, factaque omnibus dicendi quod liberet potestate, multa crimina et quidem gravissima pontifici obiecta sunt’. 154 Ibid., p. 302. 29–31: ‘Ii igitur ut abrogationem a se factam, veram et integram iudicarent, omnes synodicum decretum promulgarunt, quo affirmabant concilium generale legitime congregatum, habere statim a Christo potestatem.’

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Merck fo. ccix [209r]: Keiser Sigismundus fleiß, wie er die sach so gern gGt gesehen im Concilio zG Costentz und selbs umbher ziehet.155 Merck fo. ccxix [219v]: Keiser und Concilium ubern Bapst.156 Merck fo. ccxlv [245r]: Gelert sein ist ein schatz.157 Merck fo. ccxlv [245v]: Von der Priester Ehe. ‘Den Priester‹n› hat man auß grossen ursachen die weiber genommen, auß gr=ssern ursachen aber solle man sie widerumb zGlassen’, sagt Bapst Pius II.158 Merck fo. cclvi [256v]: Bapst Sixtus IV würt für das Concilium citiert.159 Merck fo. cclviii [258r]: Wie es under Innocentio VIII Bapst anfahet, das sie sich der banckhart und onehelichen kinder rhFmen. Merck fo. cclxvii [267 v ]: Auß dem glauben, nit auß den wercken selig zG werden.160 Merck fo. cclxviii [268r]: Wie man in den Historien auch auff die Leer sehen soll.161 Alles verzeichnet dem gGthertzigen Leser damit zG dienen.

155 Ibid., p. 303. 2–6: ‘Ut autem is [i.e., Benedictus XIII] etiam nolens abdicare se magistratu cogeretur, Sigismundus Imperator una cum oratoribus concilii ad Franciae et Angliae reges pervenit; eosque adhortatus est ut pro salute Christiani nominis iam ob scisma periclitantis, in abrogando Benedicto, sublatis aliis duobus [pontificibus], eius sequerentur sententiam.’ 156 Ibid. (Eugenius IV, 1431–47), p. 318. 4–9: ‘[Eugenius] ad tollendum concilium versus, illud primo quidem ex Basilea Bononiam transtulit cardinalium omnium qui secum aderant consensu. Sed imperator aliique principes et praelati qui tum Basileae erant non modo pontifici non obtemperarunt, verum etiam eum bis terque monuerunt, ut Basileam idoneam a Martino celebrandi concilii locum delectum, una cum cardinalibus proficisceretur, aliter se in eum acturos ut in praevaricatorem et contumacem.’ 157

Ibid. (Pius II, 1458–64), pp. 362. 32–363. 1: ‘Plebeiis argenti, nobilibus auri, principibus gemmarum loco litteras esse debere.’ 158 On fol. 245v, Hedio writes ‘Priestern’. For the quotation see Platina, Vitae, p. 363. 16–17: ‘Sacerdotibus magna ratione sublatas nuptias, maiori restituendas videri.’ 159

The biography of Sixtus IV is the first one added by Hedio.

160

In the life of Leo X (1513–21), Hedio presents Luther’s doctrine. See Keute, Reformation und Geschichte, pp. 152–55. 161

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See above, p. 223.

Ordernr. 070021 P1

E PILOGUE

W

hen I embarked on the research for this study, the fortuna of Bartolomeo Platina’s Lives of the Popes was a story which had not yet been told. This was surprising, given the historiographical importance of the book, which Horst Fuhrmann has referred to as ‘the most effective remodelling of papal history according to humanist ideals of language and values’.1 I have attempted, as far as possible, to fill in that story. Above all, I have uncovered the various layers of censorship which the Lives underwent: firstly, Platina’s own self-censorship; and, secondly, the various moves by the Roman Church to censor the book, from the first denunciation to the proceedings of the Congregation of the Index of Prohibited Books, ending in the publication of a censored Italian version of the Lives. In the biographical chapter I laid the foundation for what followed. Although most of the information was already known, it was only available in short and not always trustworthy accounts. In order to provide a reliable treatment, I had to collect a large amount of material from scattered publications and to supplement these by consulting unpublished manuscripts. Especially with regard to the more obscure early years of Platina’s life, I put together all the information which I was able to uncover, drawing in particular on letters both to and from him. For the period from the ‘conspiracy’ of 1468 onwards, his life is better known; I therefore provided summaries and referred the reader to the copious secondary literature. To understand Platina’s approach in the Lives, it was necessary

1

H. Fuhrmann, ‘Papstgeschichtsschreibung: Grundlinien und Etappen’, in Geschichte und Geschichtswissenschaft in der Kultur Italiens und Deutschlands, ed. by A. Esch and J. Petersen (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1989), pp. 141–83 (p. 142): ‘die wirkungsvollste Umformung der Papstgeschichte nach humanistischen Sprach- und Wertvorstellungen’.

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to review his other works, philological, philosophical, and historical. I tried to trace his development as a historian and to see how the moral ideas which would eventually lead him to criticize popes and other churchmen first began to appear in earlier works. Although the (re-)discovery of a manuscript of the Lives in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale in Florence was hailed as a sensational find by the Italian press in 1999, the contents were not immediately examined. As the first person to study Platina’s many autograph corrections, I was able to explain how the humanist censored himself in order to blunt some (but not all) of his sharpest criticisms of his nemesis, Pope Paul II (1464–71). My account of the later fortuna of the Lives, up to around 1600, adds an entirely new dimension to our understanding of the book’s reception. It only became possible for me to reconstruct these unknown episodes with the opening in 1998 of the Archives of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (ACDF), Vatican City, which preserves the documents of the Congregation of the Index of Prohibited Books. In 2000 I discovered that there was much more material on Platina than the list of recommendations for censorship drawn up by Robert Bellarmine which had recently been published (though unreliably) in a study on Bellarmine. The main document was a long anonymous set of recommendations, whose author I was able to identify as Pietro Galesini. The proposals of both Bellarmine and Galesini were clearly based on a third document, whose author I identified as William Allen. Unfortunately, this document was not to be found in the ACDF. Happily, however, I managed to track it down the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan among Galesini’s papers. Among the other significant new material from the ACDF which I brought to light is Girolamo Giovannini’s exchange of letters with the Congregation, though his specific proposals for censoring Platina’s Lives are now lost. My book is thus one of the first studies to give a comprehensive account of the censorship of a particular work, as a result of the opening of the ACDF. Although the censorship documents were written in Latin and concerned the original Latin text of the Lives, the changes suggested by the censors were implemented only in the Italian version printed in 1592. Moreover, they were only partially implemented, since the 1563 Italian translation by Lucio Fauno had already been censored, seemingly on the translator’s, or the publisher’s, own initiative. This translation, which I was not able to examine in detail, would merit a proper philological study. Even though the first German and the first French translations had to some extent been dealt with in the previous scholarly literature, I have filled in some important gaps and also added information on

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the second German translation. When I set out to tell the story of the Latin editions, I found that there had been a rumour for centuries that these had been censored by the Catholic Church. This rumour was false, and it is odd that it should have persisted until the late eighteenth century (and beyond), since the only editions which were in fact censored were not the Latin ones, but — as I have demonstrated in this book — those in Italian. There are various aspects of the fortuna of Platina’s Lives which I was unable to cover in this book. I did not, for instance, carry the story forward beyond the year 1600, which meant excluding the English translation edited in 1685 by Sir Paul Rycaut and entitled The Lives of the Popes from the time of our Saviour Jesus Christ to the reign of Sixtus IV. The appearance of this English version, by an unnamed translator, coincided, perhaps not accidentally, with the accession to the throne of James II, whose overt Roman Catholicism would be one of the triggers for the Glorious Revolution three years later. For the sixteenth century, an important subject which I have had to leave aside is Platina’s reception by Protestants, especially his influence on Protestant historiography. Matthias Flacius Illyricus, who put together the Madgeburg Centuries, drew on the Lives in compiling his antipapal ‘catalogue of witnesses of the truth’ (Catalogus testium veritatis, 1556). The Englishman Robert Barnes, to cite another example, used Platina as a main source for his Lives of the Roman Pontiffs (1536).2 More generally, it would be worth studying the development of the genre of papal historiography, which, apart from the article by Fuhrmann cited above, is largely uncharted territory. On the Catholic side, this would involve linking together the three landmarks of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Platina’s Lives, Onofrio Panvinio’s (still unpublished and unstudied) Church History, and Cesare Baronio’s Annales ecclesiastici. My current research project aims to make these connections and to carry the plot forward to Ludwig Pastor’s monumental History of the Popes.

2

See C. B. M. Frank, ‘Untersuchungen zum Catalogus testium veritatis des Matthias Flacius Illyricus’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, Universität Tübingen, 1990); A. Richardson, ‘Tyndale and the Ordeal of Bartolomeo Platina (1421–1481)’, Tyndale Society Journal, 23 (2002), 8–13; K. D. Maas, ‘Robert Barnes (1495–1540) as Historical Theologian’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Oxford, 2005); D. Solfaroli Camillocci, ‘Dévoiler le Mal dans l’histoire: les recueils de vies des papes dans la Genève de Calvin’, in La Papauté à la Renaissance, ed. by F. Alazard and F. La Brasca (Paris: Champion) (forthcoming).

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D OCUMENTARY A PPENDIX

The Proposals for Censoring Platina’s ‘Lives of the Popes’, 1587 A:

AG :

B:

G:

William Allen: Recommendations for the censorship of Platina’s Lives of the Popes. The document is acephalous, starting with Pope Anicetus (no. 12). Secretarial hand. BAM, MS P 220 sup., fols 68r–69v, 87r–89v. Pietro Galesini: In Platinam. Notes taken from Allen’s recommendations (also from the lost beginning). Autograph. BAM, MS B 89 sussidio, fols 55r–56v. Robert Bellarmine: De censura in Platinam iudicium et relatio. Suggestions for censorship, with an assessment of Allen’s recommendations. Autograph. ACDF, Index, Protocolli, U (ser. II, vol. 19), fols 391r–94v. The edition of this document in Godman, Saint as Censor, pp. 250–59, is unreliable. Pietro Galesini: De censura Platinae iudicium. Recommendations for censorship, with an assessment of both Allen’s recommendations and Bellarmine’s De censura in Platinam iudicium et relatio. Secretarial hand. ACDF, Index, Protocolli, U, fols 395r–405v.

Editorial Notes Where the censors refer to passages in Platina’s Lives of the Popes, the page numbers and lines in Gaida’s edition are supplied in square brackets (but only for the first occurrence in the comments on each pope).

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For ease of reference, I have numbered the Lives mentioned and, within the comments on each life, the different points. I have omitted all headings written by the censors by which they indicate the biographies; instead, I have introduced my own numbering and standard English forms for the headings. A point taken up which has already been made by another censor is indicated by *; (*) indicates comments on what can be inferred to be points by Allen, which are not in AG or, in rare cases, A, and from which lost parts of Allen’s list of recommendations can be reconstructed (only indicated for the first occurrence). The varying forms of abbreviation for the designations ‘liber’ and ‘capitulum’ have been standardized to ‘lib.’ and ‘c.’ Italicized words are direct quotations from Platina. Edition Introductory Statements A [see Final Statements, B, on p. 322, below]1 G Universe aio eam [censuram]2 mihi non placere, ob tria: 1. Quia multas periodos ex autore demit ad veritatem historiae pertinentes, quae vitia vel errata pontificum continent. Ea si in Platina non sunt, in aliis historicis inveniuntur. Cur ergo in illis historicis tolerantur, non in hoc autore? Deinde Platina multis modis loquetur, aliter in emendato codice, aliter in antiquo non emendato; pro nescio quo modo aboleri possit. Adde quod haeretici dicent nos libros corrumpere, ut morum pontificum facta tueamur, quod nos ab illis querimur fieri. Et si male facta pontificum visa non obsunt fidei, nec oberunt lecta. Nam omnes Catholici fatentur pontificem Romanum malum esse posse, in fide errare non posse, nec sedem eius deficere posse.

1 There seems to have been an introductory statement by Allen, which is lost since the document is acephalous. 2

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2. Multa omittit digniora emendatione quam quae scribit. 3. Quaedam parum caute notat.3 Quae duo ex sequentibus colligi possunt. 1.

CHRIST

AG

mors quorundam daemonum ac simulacrorum ruina: Hieronymus Esaiam 19.4 Nicephorus lib. 10 c. 3.5 Hieronymus lib. 5 et 7 Commentariorum; lib. 5 in c. 19 Esaiae.6 Accusatus quod sabatis non vacaret: Haec non consentiunt: c. 5 Evangelii Lucae 23, Ioannis 18.7 De suilla carne.8

AG 2 AG 3

3

In these documents, ‘notare’ frequently means to mark as a sign of disapproval, in the manner of the ancient Roman censors. 4

Allen refers to Platina, Vitae, p. 7. 20–23: ‘Dum autem [Dominus] in Aegypto esset, cecidere, ut Hieronymus ait, deorum omnium simulacra, cessarunt oracula, et mors quorundam daemonum subsecuta est ex vaticinio prophetae: “Ecce”, inquit, “levem nubem conscendet et movebuntur simulacra Aegypti ab eius conspectu, et cor Aegypti in eius medio tabescet” [Isaiah 19. 1].’ Platina probably followed Ptolemy of Lucca, Historia ecclesiastica, I. 5 (RIS, 11, col. 760): ‘Refert enim Beatus Hieronymus super Isaiam in suo commentario, quod in ingressu Domini in Aegyptum omnia idola ceciderunt […].’ He may also, however, have consulted Jerome directly: Commentarii in Isaiam, V . 19 and VII. 19 (PL, 24, cols 181, 249–51), both on Isaiah 19. 1. While Book V gives literal, i.e. historical, explanations of Isaiah’s prophecies, Book VII gives longer spiritual, i.e. allegorical, interpretations. The most relevant passage is in Book V : ‘ad ingressum eius omnes daemones contremuerint, tuncque prima idolorum ruina fuerit’. 5

Nicephorus Callistus, Historia ecclesiastica, X . 3 (PG, 146, cols 445–46), on the Roman emperor Julian the Apostate (r. 361–63), who rejected Christianity, became its avowed enemy and restored pagan idols. Nicephorus tells the story that Julian, encountering terrifying spectres while conjuring up magical prophecies, out of fear and ingrained habit made the sign of the cross, upon which the demons immediately fled. 6

MS has ‘Hier. lib. 5 et sept. com. [new line:] lib. 5 in c. 19 Es.’ A possible explanation for the redundancies (above, n. 4) is that Galesini first noted Allen’s reference to Jerome’s commentary. He then added the more precise references to books V and VII and, finally, indicated to himself that Book V was the most relevant. The notes (A G ) were taken for his own use. 7

Platina, Vitae, p. 8. 9–10: ‘Accusatus a Iudaeis, quod sabbatis non vacaret, saluti hominum quovis tempore consulens’. According to Luke 5. 21–23 and John 5. 18, the Pharisees accused Christ not only of healing on the sabbath, but also of comparing himself to his father in the act of healing and forgiving sins. 8

Platina, Vitae, p. 7. 14–15: ‘Iudaei enim ex lege non modo degustare sed tangere etiam suillam carnem prohibentur.’

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AG 4

De solis defectione; audita vox ‘Transmigremus ex his sedibus’: Ad ea tempora refertur quibus Hierosolyma excisa est.9 Tacitus. Ios. Ioseph. Eusebius.10 B5(*) Non putarem reprehendenda in Platina ea quae sequuntur: 1. quod Iacobum patriarcham prophetam vocet [5. 11]. Fuit enim etiam propheta. ( ) B6 * 2. quod non citaverit verba vulgatae editionis. Non enim verba ullius editionis, sed sententiam citat. Et praeterea non viderat Platina decretum Concilii Tridentini, neque tenebatur servare quod nesciebat.11

9

Ibid., p. 8. 12–16: ‘Caedis autem tam nefariae etiam caeli ipsi signa dedere. Nam et solis tanta defectio facta est hora sexta diei, ut et dies in obscuram noctem versus sit; et Bithynia etiam, licet multum ab Hierosolymis distet, terraemotu concussa; et multa Nicenae urbis aedificia corruere; et velum templi quod separabat duo tabernacula scissum; audita et vox ex adytu templi Hierosolymitani: “Transmigremus, cives, ex his sedibus.”’ Platina’s source was Jerome, Eusebii Chronicorum liber secundus, ad AD 33 (PL, 27, cols 445–46); cf. Jerome’s Commentarii in Evangelium Matthaei, IV , ad 27. 51 (PL, 26, col. 221). Platina believed, with Eusebius and Jerome, that the voice appeared at the time of the crucifixion of Christ. Originally the story comes from Flavius Josephus’s Bellum Iudaicum, who gives an account (VI. 288–300) of the seven portents which, he says, foretold, at the beginning of the war against the Romans (AD 66), the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the Second Temple (AD 70). One of these portents was that during the night of Pentecost the priests on entering the temple heard a commotion and then the voice of a multitude (of spiritual beings), ‘We are departing hence.’ 10

Tacitus, Historiae, V . 13; Flavius Josephus, Bellum Iudaicum, VI. 299–300 (old numbering: 5. 3); Jerome, Eusebii Chronicorum liber secundus, ad AD 33 (PL, 27, cols 445–46), and Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica, III. 8 (PG, 20, col. 238). What at first seems to be an otiose repetition could be explained by the fact that there were believed to be two versions of Josephus: the Greek/Latin Josephus and the Hebrew Josephus (Book of Josippon). The latter contains a free Hebrew paraphrase of Josephus’s Bellum Iudaicum, based in turn on a fourthcentury Latin adaptation called Hegesippus. Galesini read Hebrew and used ‘Iosephus Hebraeus’ as a source (see his Notationes in Historiam Sulpicii Severi, passim). The portent of the voice does not seem to be mentioned in Josippon, as Galesini may have assumed. See Josippon, sive Josephi Ben-Gorionis Historiae iudaicae libri sex, trans. by J. Gagnier (Oxford: Sheldonian Theatre, 1706) (a translation of the 1544 Hebrew edition, where one would expect the passage to be in Bk VI, Chap. 82). The voice is, however, mentioned in Hegesippus, ed. by V. Ussani (Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, 66.1) (Vienna: Hölder-PichlerTempsky, 1932), V . 44, p. 393. VI.

11

Platina, Vitae, p. 5. 10–12: ‘Nascitur Christus ex tribu Iuda […] unde propheta Iacob inquit: “Non auferetur sceptrum de tribu Iuda, quoad venerit qui mittendus est: is erit profecto expectatio gentium.”’ Compare Genesis 49. 10. Allen was involved in producing a revised edition

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B7(*) 3. quod dicat regnum Iudaeorum a Romanis Herodi traditum [5. 16]. Nam id verum est, cum Augustus Romanus et Romanorum princeps fuerit. B8(*) 4. quod paulo obscurius dicat Christum iustitiae et pacis regem a prophetis appellatum [6. 25], quasi haec nomina ad Augustum referri possint. Nam si quis paulo attentius legat, non dubitavit quin ea de Christo dicta. B9(*) 5. quod videatur dicere salvatorem nostrum Iesum vocari coeptum in die purificationis. Non enim hoc dicit Platina, sed ait dominum nostrum salvatorem et regem esse et ideo Iesum Christum nominari, quia Iesus salvatorem, Christus regem significat. Neque disputat quo tempore hoc nomen impositum fuerit.12 ( ) G5 * unde propheta Iacob: Notat Alanus13 hoc male dici, quia Iacob non est profeta sed patriarca. Imo utrumque profeta est et patriarca. Melius meo iudicio poneretur ‘prophetans Iacob’. G6(*) ‘non auferetur sceptrum de Iuda’: Queritur hic Alanus mutari vulgatam aeditionem. Sed non advertit poni sententiam non verba, ut infra in prophetia Esaia 19[.1] et in Petro Matthaeus 16[.18]: ‘tu es Petrus’.14 ( ) G7 * Herodi alienigenae regnum Iudeorum a Romanis traditur: Alanus vult dici ab Augusto traditum. Sed eo modo locutus est Eusebius in Chronica anno decimo Augusti, et post dicit ‘ab Augusto et senatu’ traditum regnum. Adde quod eo tempore Augustus cum Antonio rempublicam administrabat, ut ex chronologia colligi potest. Imo ex senatus consulto rex declaratur, Iosefus 14 Antiquitatum c. 26.15

of the Vulgate together with Cardinal Marcantonio Colonna and several other consultants in the early 1590s. See above, p. 127; and for the decree, Council of Trent, Sessio IV , 8 April 1546, Decretum secundum: Recipitur vulgata editio Bibliae […] (Concilium Tridentinum, V , 91–92). 12

Platina, Vitae, p. 6. 30–34: ‘mater purificationem sumptura […] puerum ad templum defert. Hunc autem Simeon […] regem suum et salvatorem profitetur, unde Iesu Christus appellatus est. Nam Iesus nomen salvatoris est, Christus vero regis’. 13

Abbreviated as ‘A.’ throughout the document.

14

Platina, Vitae (St Peter), p. 10. 4–7: ‘Horum itaque temporibus fuit Petrus ille, quem his verbis Christus allocutus est: “Beatus es Simon Bariona, quia caro et sanguis non revelavit tibi, sed pater meus qui in caelis est; et tu es Petrus, et super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam, ac tibi dabo claves regni caelestis potestatemque ligandi et solvendi.”’ 15

Jerome, Eusebii Chronicorum liber secundus, ad ann. 10 Augusti (PL, 27, cols 431–34): ‘Herodes […] a Romanis Iudaeorum suscipit principatum’; ‘nihil ad se pertinentem Iudaeam ab Augusto et senatu accipit’. The last reference is to Josephus, Antiquitates Iudaicae, XIV . 386–89.

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G10( *) e terra oleum erupit, ut ait Eusebius [6. 18]: Alanus dicit legendum Eutropius. Imo Eusebius in Chronica.16 Tamen non tunc nascente Christo oleum erupit, sed ante multos annos in signum Christi nascituri. Eusebius in Chronica ponit tertio anno Augusti. G11 sanctus sanctorum venerat [5. 19]: Imo ‘prope erat ut veniret’, vel ‘in proximo erat’. Cepit enim Herodes regnare 32 annis ante Christum, Augusti anno decimo. Regnavit annos 37, secundum Iosephum 17 Antiquitatum c. 10.17 Archelaus filius ei successit in Christi domini infantia, anno scilicet aetatis quarto vel quinto: Matthaeus 2[.22]. [395v:] G12 Defertur octavo die ad templum circumcisionis gratia [6. 25–26]: Ex quo probato autore colligitur Christum in templo esse circumcisum? Cum circumcisio licet sacramentum, certum tamen ministrum non haberet, et Christus natus in Bethleem esset, templum autem tantum in Hierosolymis esset. G9(*) unde Iesus Christus appellatus est: Male Alanus vult haec verba deleri. Non enim ait Christum in praesentatione dictum esse Iesum Christum. Sed ideo ait Iesum et Christum dictum, quod rex et salvator esset. G13 mystico illo chrismate unctus, quo omnes reges [6. 34]: Quid hic dicitur? Oleo materiali ungebantur reges, eo unctus non fuit Christus. Oleo spirituali unctus est Christus, non autem multi reges pessimi et idolatrae. G14 Ioseph septennio in Aegypto moratus [7. 16]: Ex chronologia verius quinquennio, si verum est quod Christus natus est anno 32 Herodis, et regnante Archelao rediit. Matthaeus 2[.19–23]. Ita etiam Jansenius.18 G15 Hierosolymam cum puero profectus, neque diu ibi moratus [7. 17]: Imo non pervenit Hierosolymam, nam Matthaeus 2[.22]: ‘Audiens Ioseph regnare Archelaum filium pro patre Herode, timuit in Iudaeam ire.’19

16

This passage is not in Eutropius’s Breviarium historiae Romanae, as Allen thought. See, rather, Jerome, Eusebii Chronicorum liber secundus, ad ann. 3 Augusti (PL, 27, cols 431–32). 17

Josephus, Antiquitates, XVII. 191. Galesini previously held that Christ was born ‘Herodis anno regni 33’, referring to Ephipanius as his source. See Galesini, Notationes in Haymonem, ad I. 4, p. 383; Epiphanius, Adversus haereses, De incarnatione, II (PG, 41, col. 275). 18

Cornelius Jansen (the Elder), Commentarii in suam concordiam ac totam historiam Evangelicam (Leuven: Zangrius; Maes, 1576), ad Matthaeum 2. 19, p. 89. Earlier Galesini had believed that Joseph ‘quo in loco triennium vel biennium mansit, ut placet Epiphanio’: Notationes in Haymonem, ad I. 4, p. 383. See Epiphanius, Adversus haereses, De incarnatione, II (PG, 41, col. 275). 19

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G4* Transmigremus ex his aedibus [sic] [8. 16]: Alanus notat male dici hoc pertinere ad passionem domini, cum pertineat ad excidium Hierosolymae. At vero Iosefus lib. 7 Belli Iudaici c. 12 dicit haec verba audita in templo ante defectionem et primi belli commotionem — quod Eusebius in Chronica refert ad annum passionis domini circiter, ut habet ‘anno 18 Tiberii’. G1* cecidere, ut ait Hieronymus, deorum simulacra [7. 20]: Hoc dicit Procopius iuxta prophetiam Esaia 19[.1]. Ubi hoc dicat Hieronymus non invenio: neque Esaiam 19 neque Matthaeum 2, neque ubi hanc profetiam exponit.20 G1* mors quorundam demonum consecuta est [7. 21]: Numquid demones sunt mortales ut nos? 2.

PETER (d. c. 64)

AG 1

Simon se in Christum credere simulavit [10. 29–30]: contra Sanctum Lucam, Acta 8[.9–25]. AG 2 ut ait Philo: An Marci mentio apud Philonem. Lactantius Firmianus.21 AG 6* Ibidem: de epistola Pauli ad Hebraeos.22

20

See Procopius, Commentarii in Isaiam, ad 19. 1 (PG, 87.2, cols 2146–47) (where, however, the verb ‘cecidere’ is not used); Jerome, Commentarii in Evangelium Matthaei, I, ad 2 (PL, 26, cols 26–29). The final reference might indicate the spiritual interpretation in Bk VII of Jerome’s Commentarii in Isaiam (PL, 24, cols 249–51). Platina’s expression was probably inspired by Ptolemy of Lucca, see above, n. 4. 21 Platina, Vitae, p. 11. 9–10: ‘Deinde vero in Aegyptum missus [Marcus], ut ait Philo Iudaeus scriptor egregius, ubi docendo et scribendo Alexandrinam ecclesiam optime constituisset’. While Philo, in fact, never mentions Mark directly, he indirectly gives evidence on him because he purportedly portrays the early Church in Alexandria in his description of the Therapeutae (a community of pre-Christian Egyptian Jewish ascetics). See Jerome, De viris illustribus, XI (PL, 23, col. 658); D. T. Runia, Philo in Early Christian Literature (Assen: Van Gorcum; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1993), pp. 217–21, 227–31; C. L. Stinger, The Renaissance in Rome (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985; repr. 1998), pp. 213–14. The point being made here is unclear; Lactantius does not seem to give any indication of a knowledge of Philo. I would like to thank David Runia for his help. 22 Platina, Vitae, p. 12. 8–9: ‘[epistola] quae ad Hebraeos eius nomine fertur, incerta habebatur propter styli sermonisque differentiam’. This point cannot be by Allen, because it is listed by Bellarmine (B6) among those overlooked by Allen. It must therefore be one of Galesini’s own notes. For the implementation of this point, see above, p. 192. It is, furthermore, doubtful whether the preceding and the following points are by Allen.

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AG 3

Adde: aliquid Romae prius an Antiochenae Petrus sedem tenuerit. Vide ‘contra’ Panvinium. B4(*) Non esset opus fortasse corrigere nomen fortunarum positum pro divitiis.23 B5 Ad haec nonnulla videntur praetermissa a censore, quae iure notari debuissent: 1. quod Platina dicit Sanctum Iacobum Apostolum filium fuisse Sancti Ioseph ex alia uxore. Delendum esset quia Sanctus Ioseph creditur virgo fuisse, licet quidam ex Graecis aliter senserint.24 B6 2. quod dicit incertam haberi epistolam ad Hebreos.25 B7 3. quod ait epistolam posteriorem Sancti Petri a plerisque eius esse negari [12. 11].26 [391v:] G8 Filius enim Drusi [9. 17]: Caius non Drusi, sed Germanici filius fuit 27. G9 humanum genus Lycaonem imitatum [10. 3–4]: Male rei tantae fabulas miscet. G1* tamdiu in Christum se credere simulavit: Alanus vult vere Simonem credidisse ex Actis 8. Potuit initio credidisse, post simulare fidem. G5* ex Ioseph et alia uxore natus erat: Hoc delerem. Credendum enim est Iosefum fuisse virginem cum Hieronymo Contra Helvidium et Matthaeum 12.28 ‹Vide› Augustinum De virginitate c. 4, Sermonem 14 Natalis domini; Rupertum Mathaeum 1; Hugonem Sancti [396r:] Victoris q. 5 Epistolam

23 Platina writes (Vitae, p. 13. 1–2): ‘incendium tempore Neronis a clivo Scauri ad Esquilias usque sex diebus vagatum multas fortunas civium consumpsisset’. See Tacitus, Annales, XV , 39–40, 44, who does not use the word fortunae. 24

Platina, Vitae, p. 11. 12–13: ‘moritur et Iacobus, cognomento Iustus, Domini frater. Nam ex Ioseph et alia uxore natus erat, vel, ut alii volunt, ex sorore Mariae Christi matris.’ This is quite literally taken from Jerome, De viris illustribus, II (PL, 23, col. 639). For the diverging traditions see below, n. 30. 25

See Bellarmine, Disputationes, I, 1st gen. controversy: De verbo Dei, I. 17: ‘De epistola ad Hebraeos’, cols 59–67. 26

See also ibid., I. 18: ‘De epistola […] secunda Petri’, col. 68. Platina again follows Jerome, De viris illustribus, I (PL, 23, col. 638): ‘[epistola] secunda a plerisque eius negatur’. 27 28

Added in another hand (neither Allen’s nor Bellarmine’s).

Jerome, Adversus Helvidium de perpetua virginitate beatae Mariae (PL, 23, cols 193–216); idem, Commentarii in Evangelium Matthaei, ad 12. 49–50 (PL, 26, cols 87–88).

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ad Galatas; Bedam Marci 6; Summam theologiae 3. p. q. 28 art. 4.29 Licet Graeci dissentiunt.30 G6* quae ad Hebraeos eius nomine fertur, incerta habebatur: Si Platina habet ‘habetur’ errat, nam canonica et Pauli est; si ‘habebatur’, addendum est eam canonicam esse.31 G7* Secunda a plerisque eius esse negatur: Hoc delendum est, nam Petri et canonicam esse constat. Sumpta quidem sunt haec verba ex Hieronymo De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, sed aliter nunc loquendum est. G10(*) tum corporis, tum fortunae:32 Alanus non vult dici ‘bona fortunae’, quod non sapiat pietatem Christianam. Sed ita tamen locuti sunt sancti, et dicuntur ‘bona fortunae’, quia certam causam ex humana prudentia pendentem non habent. Non tamen excluditur divina providentia; nam

29

I have supplied ‘vide’ because the following references are in the accusative; also, this word is used by Galesini in his comments on 48, Anastasius II. In future, however, I shall not supply such words. The references here are to Augustine, De sancta virginitate, IV , on the birth of Christ (PL, 40, col. 398); idem, Sermo 186: In natali Domini III (PL, 38, cols 999–1000) (old numbering: Sermo 18 de tempore: In natali domini XIV , in his Opera, 10 vols (Antwerp: Plantin, 1576), X , 219–20); Rupert of Deutz, De gloria et honore filii hominis super Mattheum, I (PL, 168, col. 1317); Hugh of St Victor, Quaestiones in Epistolam ad Galatas, V (PL, 175, col. 555); Bede, In Marci Evangelium expositio, VI. 3 (PL, 92, cols 184–85); and Thomas Aquinas discussing Augustine’s De sancta virginitate. 30 Interestingly, Galesini had not always thought Joseph to be a virgin. See his Notationes in Haymonem, ad II. 2, p. 384: ‘Iacobus enim Ioseph filius ex alia uxore susceptus, quoniam una cum Iesu Christo educatus, hac educationis societate habitus est frater Domini, non natura certe; ut rem totam explicat Epiphanius lib. 3 Contra Haereses’. For similar statements see his Notationes in Dorotheum, p. 379, and his Martyrologium, Notationes, p. 121 (1 May). This was the position of the Greek patristic tradition and the Eastern Church (known as the Epiphanian view). The Latin Western and Roman Catholic tradition, on the other hand, held that they were not half brothers from Joseph’s first marriage, but rather cousins; and Joseph’s virginity was defended at the same time (Hieronymian view). Protestants believe that Mary did not remain a perpetual virgin after the birth of Jesus (Helvidian view). See Epiphanius, Adversus haereses, III. 2, haer. 78 (PG, 42, cols 699–740); Jerome, as in n. 28, above. On the diverse traditions see T. Zahn, ‘Brüder und Vettern Jesu’, in Forschungen zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons und der altkirchlichen Literatur, ed. by idem, 10 vols (Erlangen; Leipzig: Deichert, 1881–1929), VI (1900), pp. 225–364; H. von Campenhausen, Die Jungfrauengeburt in der Theologie der alten Kirche (Heidelberg: Winter, 1962), esp. pp. 58–59; J. McHugh, The Mother of Jesus in the New Testament (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1975), pp. 200–33. 31 See above, n. 22. While Platina writes ‘incerta habebatur’, Bellarmine uses the present tense (‘incertam haberi’, point B6), which seems to have led Galesini to offer two comments here. 32

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casum et fortunam ut causas rerum admittunt philosophi Christiani, providentiae non detrahentes. G11(*) Sepultus est in Vaticano via Aurelia [12. 27–28]: Alanus vult dici ‘via Aurea’, quia in monte Aureo cruci affixus est. In quo multipliciter videtur labi. Nam Pontificale Damasi dicit Petrum sepultum via Aurelia, et Hieronymus in Catalogo iuxta viam Triumfalem, quae tamen proxima erat viae Aureliae. Adeo quod Procopius lib. 2 De bello Gotthico dicit portam Aureliam proximam fuisse moli Adriani, et eo tempore Sancti Petri dictam, ob vicinitatem loci et via Aurea apud antiquos non reperitur; nec mons Aureus, sed Ianiculum; nunc pars eius dicitur Montorio ab arenis aureis. Rursus Sanctus Petrus non est cruci affixus in monte Aureo, sed secundum Pontificalem Damasi iuxta locum sepulturae ad palatium Neronianum. Et Tacitus dicit Christianos a Nerone variis cruciatibus occisos in hortis suis vel in suo circo, quae loca proxima erant Basilicae Sancti Petri.33 Constat autem Petrum et Paulum principes Christianorum habitos. G12 in Proculum quendam Cataphrygum [12. 31]: Lege ‘Cataphrygam’, quae est haeresis apud ecclesiasticos scriptores.34 G13 vel offensus deformitate veterum aedificiorum [13. 6–7]: Lege ‘offenso’. 3.

LINUS (c. 66–c. 78)

G1

in Iberia imperator a militibus creatus [13. 29]: Melius ‘in Hispania’. Nam alia Iberia est ad Pontum Euxinum.35 Hic declarandum esset quomodo Linus et Cletus fuerint Petri successores, cum aperte Pontificale Damasi dicat [396v:] fuisse tamen coadiutores. Et Ioannes III in Epistola decretali dicat Clementem successorem fuisse Petri, et numquam Linum et Cletum ius pontificium ligandi et solvendi accepisse.36 Et secundum Damasum Linus ante Sanctum Petrum sit

G2

33

LP, I, 118; Jerome, De viris illustribus, I (PL, 23, col. 639); Procopius, History of the Wars, 22. 12; Tacitus, Annales, XV . 44; on the circus (‘clausum valle Vaticana spatium’), see also ibid., XIV . 14. V.

34

The Cataphrygians are more commonly known as Montanists (an apocalyptic movement in the 2nd century AD ). 35 36

The country of Iberia near the Caucasus (part of present-day Georgia).

LP, I , 118: ‘Hic ordinavit duos episcopos, Linum et Cletum, qui praesentaliter omne ministerium sacerdotale in urbe Roma populo vel supervenientium exhiberent; Beatus autem Petrus ad orationem et praedicationem, populum erudiens, vacabat.’ See also Galesini’s

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martyrio affectus,37 et Cletus ante Clementem, ut ex consulibus et fastis certo colligitur.38 Et anni pontificum Platinae usque ad Evaristum, in quo omnes consentiunt, annis imperatorum non adaequentur. Sed excedant annis decem, quod multum est in tam exiguo annorum spatio. 4.

CLETUS (nonextant)

G1

[see 3, Linus, G2]

5.

CLEMENT I (c. 91–c. 101)

AG 1 G2

tertio Traiani anno [18. 7]: Hieronymus. Sed contra: Panvinius.39 quod etiam epistola ad Iacobum Hierosolymitanum episcopum plane significat [17. 12–13]: Videndum est quaenam sit huius epistolae fides; si Clemens scribit ut Petri successor, et Iacobus saltem sex annis ante Petrum martyrio est coronatus, 30 annis post Christum, Petrus vero 36 vel 37. et confirmavit ea, quae a Matthaeo, Marco, Luca scripta fuerant: Ioanni par erat Matthaeus, et Petrus autor Evangelii secundum Marcum, apud Hieronymum in Catalogo.40 Confirmare est maioris; ergo ‘vidit et probavit’.

G3

Notationes in Haymonem, ad III. 12, p. 384: ‘post illius [Petri] obitum unus et item post alter ad sedis Romanae gubernacula sedit; itaque Linus secundus et Cletus tertius in pontificibus Romanis numeratur. Noloque de Clemente quidquam commemorare, nam multi illum secundum numerant, alii quartum scribunt, quae opinio probabilior plerisque videtur’. For John III’s Epistola see Decretum, C. 8 q. 1 c. 1 (col. 590); John III, Decreta (Decretales Ps.Isidorianae, p. 716). 37

LP, I, 118, 121. Both death dates (Peter and Linus) seem to be placed in the year AD 67 by the LP: St Peter was buried on 29 June, Linus on 23 September. See ibid., p. 119, n. 12. 38 Ibid., pp. 122–23: Cletus was buried on 26 April 83 (‘Domitiano VIIII et Rufo consulibus’); Clement on 24 November 76/79 (‘Vespasiano VIIII [or: VI] et Tito’) or AD 100 (‘Traiano III’). Galesini rightly criticizes the confusion in the LP, which arose partly because, since the fourth century AD , Anacletus (c. 79–91) had been turned into two popes, Cletus and Anacletus. Cletus is, in fact, merely a shortened form of the name Anacletus. For the fasti see e.g. Onofrio Panvinio, Fastorum libri V […]; In Fastorum libros commentarii [… ] (Venice: Valgrisi, 1558), pp. 3, 318–19. 39

Jerome, Eusebii Chronicorum liber secundus, ad ann. 3 Traiani (PL, 27, cols 461–62). See Panvinio’s annotation in his edition of Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 9. For another instance of ‘sed contra’, see 12, Anicetus, A1, below. 40

Platina writes (Vitae, p. 17. 23–24): ‘[Ioannes] omnium novissimus Evangelium scripsit ac ea confirmavit, quae a Matthaeo, Marco, Luca conscripta fuerant’. See Jerome, De viris illustribus, IX (PL, 23, col. 655): ‘[Ioannes] cum legisset Matthaei, Marci et Lucae volumina,

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G1*

anno tertio Traiani principis: Si Clemens secundum Damasum41 fuit tempore Vespasiani et Galbae et obiit consulibus Vespasiano nono et Tito sexto, id est anno octavo Vespasiani — quomodo 22 annos post primum, anno tertio Traiani, mori potuit? Adde quod successor Clementis, Anacletus, sedit annos novem; Anacleti Evaristus, qui sedit vel anno 14 Domitiani, vel secundo Traiani.

6.

ANACLETUS (c. 79–c. 91)

G1

Periit eo tumultu [19. 14–15]: ‘Occisus est’ vel ‘martyrio consumatus est’. Nam sancti non pereunt.

7.

ALEXANDER I (c. 109–c. 116)

AG 1

De eucharistia in pane fermentato: an ante Alexandrum. Vide de oblatione puriore: aliquo modo purior quia sine fermentato.42 [55v :] Praeter id quod notavit censor de azymo, duo sunt alia quae mihi videntur in Platina corrigenda: 1. quod tribuat Alexandro institutum, ut in sacrificio vinum aqua misceatur; et ut benedicatur aqua ad effugandos daemones. Istos enim ritus Alexander servari iussit, sed non primus instituit, ut ex eius Epistola colligitur.43

B1* B2

probaverit quidem textum historiae et vera eos dixisse firmaverit’; ibid., VIII (col. 654): ‘Marcus discipulus et interpres Petri, iuxta quod Petrum referentem audierat, rogatus Romae a fratribus breve scripsit Evangelium. Quod cum Petrus audisset, probavit et ecclesiis legendum sua auctoritate edidit’. 41

LP, I, 123.

42

Platina writes (Vitae, p. 21. 21–22): ‘Oblationem quoque ex azymo, non autem ex fermentato, ut antea, fieri mandavit: quia hoc modo purior ac potior haberetur.’ See Allen, De eucharistiae sacramento, I. 12: ‘De azymo et fermentato’, in his book De sacramentis, pp. 266–77. See also McElligott, Eucharistic Doctrine of Cardinal William Allen. 43

Platina, Vitae, p. 21. 17–21: ‘Instituit item ut aqua, quam sanctam appellamus, sale admixta interpositis sacris orationibus, et in templis et in cubiculis ad fugandos daemones retineretur. Voluit quoque aquam admisceri vino in consecratione sanguinis et corporis Iesu Christi, quo significatur Christum ecclesiae coniunctum esse.’ See Alexander I, Ep. 1, IX (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, p. 99): ‘ut a patribus accepimus’. For the relevant passages in Justin, Irenaeus, and Cyprian, see J. A. Jungmann, Missarum sollemnia, 5th edn, 2 vols (Freiburg: Herder, 1962), II, 48–49. The point was vital, since the Protestants denied the validity of tradition which was not based on scripture. Martin Luther wrote in a classic statement: ‘Neque alia doctrina in Ecclesia tradi et audiri debet quam purum verbum Dei’ — i.e., the Holy Scripture. See Luther, Werke: kritische Gesamtausgabe (Weimar: Böhlau, 1883– ), XL .1: In

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2. quod illa verba: Qui pridie quam pateretur etc. [21. 16–17] velit in sacrificio recitari ex Alexandri institutione. Nam neque Damasus in Pontificali neque ipse Alexander horum verborum meminit; sed Damasus scribit Alexandrum miscuisse passionem domini in precibus sacerdotum, et idem ex Epistola Alexandri colligimus.44 Porro illa verba habentur in Liturgia Clementis et Iacobi.45 Neque est ullo modo credibile ullo umquam tempore sine illis verbis sacrificium celebratum.

epistolam Sancti Pauli ad Galatas commentarius (1535), ed. by A. Freitag (1911), ad 1. 9, p. 120; the passage is quoted by Bellarmine, Disputationes, I, 1st gen. controversy: De verbo Dei, Bk IV : ‘De verbo Dei non scripto’, Chap. 3, col. 201. Bellarmine’s subsequent comments in the censorship can also be found among his criticisms of Martin Chemnitz (ibid., col. 203): ‘“Alexander”, inquit [Kemnitius], “aquam vino esse admiscendam in celebratione eucharistiae statuit; idem aquam et salem benedictum instituit. Igitur falso isti ritus ad apostolorum traditionem revocantur.” Mendacium. Audi enim Alexandri verba in Epistola 1: “Repulsis”, inquit, “opinionibus superstitionum, panis tantum, et vinum aqua permixtum in sacrificio offerantur. Non debet enim (ut a patribus accepimus, et ipsa ratio docet) in calice Domini aut vinum solum, aut aqua sola offerri.” Itaque verum est quod dicit Cyprianus lib. 2 ep. 3 hanc esse divinam traditionem. Alexander enim satis aperte significat non a se incepisse hunc usum, cum eum se a patribus accepisse dicat. De aqua etiam benedicta non dicit se primum eam iussisse benedici, sed indicat se facere quod est antiquae consuetudinis. Sic enim ait: “Aquam”, inquit, “sale conspersam populis benedicimus” etc. Itaque merito dicitur esse apostolica traditio a Clemente lib. 8 Apostolicarum constitutionum cap. 35 et a B. Basilio lib. de spiritu sancto, cap. 27.’ See Martin Chemnitz, Examen Concilii Tridentini, 4 parts in 1 vol. (Frankfurt am Main: Fabricius, 1574), I, 97. Luther was against the addition of water to the wine in as much as it symbolized the unity of Christ with the believer (but Platina says ‘unity of Christ with the Church’, Vitae, p. 21. 20): Martin Luther, Formula missae et communionis (1523), in idem, Werke, XII (1891), 205–20 (pp. 211–12). The Council of Trent expressly sanctioned and protected this ritual: Sessio sexta [XXII], 17 September 1562, cap. 7 and can. 9 (Concilium Tridentinum, VIII, 961–62); see Jungmann, Missarum sollemnia, II, 50. 44 45

LP, I, 127.

Liturgia quae dicitur Clementina, in Constitutiones Apostolorum, VIII. 12. 37–39: ‘Similiter calicem ex vino et aqua mixtum sanctificavit et dedit iis dicens: “Bibite ex eo omnes, hoc est sanguis meus, qui pro multis effunditur”’ (Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum, ed. by F. X. Funk, 2 vols in 1 (Paderborn: Schöningh, 1905), I, 509–10). The Clementine Liturgy, written around AD 400 in Antioch, Syria, is part of the Apostolic Constitutions (i.e., Ordinances of the Holy Apostles through Clement), which is the largest collection of ecclesiastical law surviving from early Christianity; they were supposedly drafted by the apostles and transmitted by Pope Clement I. The second reference is to the Liturgy of Saint James, ed. and trans. by F. E. Brightman, in his Liturgies Eastern and Western, I (no more publ.) (Oxford: Clarendon, 1896), pp. 31–68 (p. 87), another text from Antioch which also belongs to the oldest group of Christian liturgies.

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G3*

in sacrificio addidit primus ‘Qui pridie quam pateretur’ [21. 16–17]: Idem Breviarium Romanum et Rationale lib. 4 c. 41 § 1, sed videndum est ex quo autore probato hoc sumptum est. Damasus non dicit. Epistola 1 decretali § 4 Alexander praecipit misceri passionem domini in sacrificio quod multipliciter fieri potest, et in‹n›uit fieri dum dicitur ‘quod pro vobis tradetur’, ‘qui pro vobis effundetur’. Hugo 2 De sacramentis p. 8 c. ultimo dicit institutum esse a Sancto Petro.46 G2* Voluit quoque aquam vino misceri in consecratione: Idem Breviarium Romanum. Sed haec non est prima eius institutio, sed [397r:] traditio apostolica, ut ipsemet Alexander dicit in 1 Decretali § 4: ‘a patribus’, inquit, ‘accepimus’. Et 6 Synodus can. 37 vocat morem divinitus traditum et apostolorum praeceptum. Forte hanc traditionem Alexander scripto sanxit.47 G1* Oblationem quoque ex asimo, non fermentato ut ante, fieri mandavit [21. 21]: Unde hoc habet Platina, nam nec Damasus ponit, nec in Decretalibus eius habetur? Alanus vult esse institutionem Christi. Sed errat; nam aliud est Christum sic fecisse — nam etiam post cenam et lotionem pedum eucharistiam fecit, non tamen sic fieri instituit — aliud sic fieri instituisse.48 Si instituisset sic fieri Christus, Graeci non conficerent rite in fermentato; conficiunt tamen. Est ergo traditio apostolica secundum Regulam Augustini: cum aliquid bene institutum est in ecclesia et initium non scitur, ab apostolis est.49

46

See Breviarium Romanum ex decreto Sacrosancti Concilii Tridentini restitutum, Pii V […] iussu editum (Rome: Manuzio, 1568), p. 741 (3 May); Guillaume Durand, Rationale divinorum officiorum (Lyons: Rouillé, 1612), IV . 41. § 1, pp. 163–64; Hugh of St Victor, De sacramentis Christianae fidei, II. 8. 14 (PL, 176, col. 472). 47

Breviarium Romanum […] Pii V […] iussu editum, p. 741 (3 May).

48

Galesini correctly points out that although Christ used unleavened bread in the Last Supper, he did not prescribe its eucharistic use. The custom of using only unleavened and unsalted bread began in the West in the ninth century and was ubiquitous by the eleventh. The Council of Florence decreed, as a gesture towards the Greeks, that the sacrament could be executed both ‘in azymo sive fermentato pane triticeo’: Bull of union with the Greeks, Laetentur caeli, 6 July 1439 (Mansi, XXXIII.B, col. 1697). See also Jungmann, Missarum sollemnia, II, 40–44. 49

He may be referring to Augustine’s views on what constitutes ‘apostolic tradition’ (rather than to the Regula Augustini as a rule for monks); see, e.g., Augustine, De baptismo, contra Donatistas, V . 23[31] (PL, 43, col. 192): ‘sunt multa quae universa tenet ecclesia, et ob hoc ab apostolis praecepta bene creduntur, quanquam scripta non reperiantur’. See also Bellarmine’s

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SIXTUS I (c. 116–c. 125)

AG 1 B2

commemoratio mortuorum [23. 4]: ante Pelagii aetatem. Hic etiam quaedam omisit censor. Platina enim falso scribit [23. 1–5]: 1. Kirie eleison ex Gregorii institutione recitari in missa. Id enim falsum esse ex ipso Gregorio colligitur, lib. 7 ep. 63.50 B3 2. collectas a Gelasio institutas. B4 3. ut legantur Evangelia et Epistolae a Hieronymo. B5 4. ut thus adhibeatur a Leone III. B6 5. ut osculum pacis detur ab Innocentio I. B7 6. symbolum in Niceno Concilio. Haec omnia esse multo antiquiora facile demonstrari potest. Vide Valfridum c. 22.51 G2* Multa Platina hic dicit de ceremoniis missae non bene fundata. 1. de Chirieleison: ante Gregorium Graeci etiam canebant, sed aliter quam Gregorius, ut habes 7 Registro c. 63. G3* 2. de collectis: erant ante Gelasium, sed ipse primus eas ordinavit. G4* 2. [sic] de evangelio et epistola: ante Hieronymum antiquissima est haec institutio. G7* 3. de symbolo: Concilium Nicenum fecit, sed non ordinavit in missa dici. Imo a Concilio Niceno perfectum non fuit, sed incoatum; completum a Constantinopolitano.

definition (Disputationes, I, 1st gen. controversy: De verbo Dei, IV . 2, col. 199): ‘Apostolicae traditiones proprie dicuntur illae quae ab apostolis institutae sunt, non tamen sine assistentia spiritus sancti, et nihilominus non extant scriptae in eorum epistolis: quale est ieiunium quadragesimae et quatuor temporum et alia multa’. This view is formulated in a decree of the Council of Trent of 8 April 1546, entitled Recipiuntur libri sacri et traditiones apostolorum (Concilium Tridentinum, V , 91). For Protestant criticism of this concept — in turn attacked by Bellarmine (above, n. 43) — see Chemnitz, Examen Concilii Tridentini, I, 68–98. See also, e.g., E. F. Klug, From Luther to Chemnitz: On Scripture and the Word (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1971). 50

Gregory I, Ep. IX . 26, ad Ioannem Episcopum Syracusanum, in his Registrum epistularum, ed. by D. Norberg, Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina, 140–140A, 2 vols (Turnhout: Brepols, 1982), II, 586–87. For the contemporary numbering see e.g., Gregory, Epistolae ex registro, VII. 63, in his Opera (Paris, 1542), fol. 210 r. An index to Gregory’s letters made by Galesini is in BAM, MS G 112 inf. 51

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G1*

4. de mortuorum commemoratione: quod etiam notat Alanus, cum sit traditio apostolica secundum Dionysium 7 c. Ecclesiasticae hierarchiae, Damascenum De defunctis, Chrysostomum Omilia 69.52 G5* 5. de thure: nam ante Leonem III, qui Carolum magnum coronavit, crebra est eius mentio. G6* 6. de osculo pacis: non videtur Innocentius hoc instituisse, sed ordinasse dari post confecta mysteria, non ante, ut aliqui faciebant. Habes Epistola eius prima c. 1, et De consecratione dist. 2 can. ‘pacem’.53 9.

TELESPHORUS (c. 125–c. 136)

B1(*) Quod Platina scribit, excepto natali domini non consuevisse veteres ante horam tertiam missas celebrare [23. 32–33], ex Damaso sumptum est.54 Proinde non videtur mutandum. ( ) B2 * Quod autem censor dicit institutum esse Telesphori, ut non ante horam tertiam missa celebretur, habetur etiam apud Valfridum Strabonem c. 23 De rebus ecclesiasticis, sed nescio an sit verum.55 Nullus enim talis canon Telesphori nomine, quod sciam, usque extat. Quare non putarem id ad Platinam esse addendum. G3 septem ebdomadis ante Pasca ieiunaretur [23. 29]: Idem Damasus, sed ex eius 1 Decretali apparet hoc solis clericis eum praecepisse, cum laici sex ebdomadas ex apostolica institutione ieiunarent.56 52

Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De ecclesiastica hierarchia, VII (PG, 3, cols 551–69); John of Damascus, De iis qui in fide dormierunt (PG, 95, cols 247–78); John Chrysostom, Homiliae in Epistolam ad Philippenses, I. 3 (PG, 62, col. 204). 53

Innocent I, Ep. ad Decentium, I (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, p. 527); Decretum, De consecratione D. 2 c. 9 (col. 1317), inc. Pacem igitur. 54

LP, I, 129.

55

Walafrid Strabo, De rebus ecclesiasticis, XXIII (PL, 114, col. 951).

56

LP, I, 129; Telesphorus, Ep., I (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, p. 109); Decretum, D. 4 c. 4 (col. 6). See Bellarmine, Disputationes, I, 1st gen. controversy: De verbo Dei, IV . 3: ‘Explicatur status quaestionis et mendacia quaedam adversariorum deteguntur’, cols 203–04, against Chemnitz: ‘“Telesphorus ieiunium quadragesimale instituit” [inquit Kemnitius]. Mendacium. Telesphorus enim in epistola sua non dicit se instituisse quadragesimam, sed tantum ut clerici ad solitum ieiunium omnium Christianorum adderent tres dies, id est, inciperent a carnibus abstinere in Dominica quinquagesimae: “Cognoscite”, inquit [Telesphorus], “a nobis et a cunctis episcopis in hac sancta et apostolica sede congregatis statutum esse, ut septem hebdomadas plenas ante sanctum Pascha omnes clerici a carne ieiunent.” Quibus verbis optime cohaeret quod dicit Hieronymus in Epistola ad Marcellam, de erroribus Montani, quadragesimam ad apostolis

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G2(*) cum omni reliquo tempore ante tertiam celebrare interdictum esset [23. 32–33]: Est quidem praeceptum Telesphori de non celebranda [397v:] missa ante tertiam: Epistola 1 decretalis c. 2, ex qua sumptum est can. ‘nocte’, De consecratione dist. 1.57 Male ergo Bellarminus58 dicit canonem hunc non haberi. Sed cum Platina hoc sumpserit ex Damaso, non videtur delendum — ut vult Alanus potius, dicamus, Telesforum morem antiquum exolescentem scripto renovasse. 10.

HYGINUS (c. 138–c. 142)

G1

instituit ne templa sine celebratione dedicarentur [24. 30–31]: Cuius rei celebratione? Missae sine dubio, ut habes De consecratione dist. 1 can. ‘omnes basilicae’.59 Sed non tam instituit quam iussit. Est enim traditio apostolica. G2 ne ligna, reliquave materies ad aedificanda templa congesta [25. 1]: Ligna et materies, ex qua constat ecclesia dicata, non potest ad profanos usos converti iussu. Higini De consecratione dist. 1 can. ‘ligna’.60 Non autem ligna et materies congesta ad edificanda templa ante dedicationem, quae profana est ante consecrationem. Ergo Platina male loquitur. G3(*) patrimum unamque matrimam:61 Bene notat Alanus ‘patrinum et matrinam’ legi debere. Ita in Damaso scholion et De consecratione dist. 4 can. ‘in cathechismo’.62

institutam traditione non scripta.’ See Chemnitz, Examen Concilii Tridentini, I, 97; Telesphorus, Ep., I; Jerome, Ep. 41 (PL, 22, cols 474–76). 57

Telesphorus, Ep., I, p. 110; Decretum, De consecratione, D. 1 c. 48 (col. 1306).

58

Abbreviated ‘B.’ throughout the document.

59

Decretum, De consecratione, D. 1 c. 3 (col. 1293).

60

Ibid., D. 1 c. 38 (col. 1303).

61

Platina writes (Vitae, p. 25. 3–6): ‘Voluit item unum saltem patrimum unamve matrimam baptismo interesse: sic enim eos appellant, qui infantes tenent dum baptizantur; licet re vera patrimus et matrima aliud significent. Est enim patrimus, teste Festo, qui cum pater sit, patrem adhuc habeat: idem de matrima dicetur.’ 62

LP, I, 131 is silent on this subject. ‘Scholion’ does not seem to correspond to the well-known glosses by Pietro Bohier (d. 1388), which are edited in vol. III of: Liber pontificalis, redaction of Card. Pandolfo, revised and continued by Pietro Gulielmo, with glosses by Pietro Bohier, ed. by U. Pøerovský, 3 vols (Rome: Libreria Ateneo Salesiano, 1978). In the Decretum, see De consecratione D.4 c.100 (col. 1394): ‘In catecumino et in baptismo et in confirmatione unus patrinus fieri potest, si necessitas cogit. Non est tamen consuetudo Romana; sed singuli per singulos suscipiunt.’

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AG 1 B2

Vide de Iudaeo haeretico [26. 9–10]. Nescio unde habuerit Platina a Sancto Pio dedicatum templum in honorem Sanctae Pudentianae sororis Sanctae Praxedis [26. 10–12]. Certe falsum videtur; constat enim solos martyres primis ecclesiae temporibus publice coli solitos. Unde etiam in canone missae nulla fit mentio confessorum. Hoc igitur corrigi posset B1* una cum eo, quod [392r:] censor recte notavit de baptismo. G3 consuetudinem magnam cum Hermete habuit [26. 6–7]: Imo frater eius fuit. Damasus,63 omnes. G1* ne haereticus ex Iudaeorum haeresi susciperetur: Imo ‘ut suspiceretur statuit’, ut bene notat Alanus. Ita Damasus.64 Opposita est haeresis Novatiana. G2* Rogatu Praxedis sanctissimae feminae: Nescio quanta sit huius historiae fides: quod thermae publicae eo tempore quo abiecti erant Christiani dedicarentur; quod rogatu sororis Praxedis in honorem Pudentianae; quod non martyri, eo enim tempore tantum martyribus templa erigebantur. 12.

ANICETUS (c. 155–c. 166)

A1

fol. 18.65 quod postea Nicaena synodus confirmavit [27. 15]: ‘sancivit’. Non est enim concilii pontificum decreta confirmare. Sed contra.66 Hi autem merito patriarchae vocantur [27. 20]: Aliud est esse primatem, aliud patriarcham: dist. 99 can. ‘nulli’, ex Epistola Aniceti § 2.67 Hispania, Gallia, Germania primates habent, non patriarcas. Cur Platina confundit?

G2

Bellarmine evidently did not object to the sentence; see his Disputationes (I, 1st gen. controversy, IV . 3, col. 204): ‘[Hyginus] statuit unum et eundem esse posse eum, qui suscipit baptizatum et qui confirmatum, id est, patrinum, etsi melius sit ut sint diversi.’ It is not clear what Allen and Galesini are objecting to. Perhaps it is merely the spelling; Platina’s ‘patrimus’ (‘that has a father living’) is classical: Livy, XXXVII. 3. 6; Tacitus, Historiae, IV . 53. 63

LP, I, 132, n. 4.

64

Ibid., p. 132: ‘Hic constituit hereticum venientem ex Iudaeorum herese suscipi et baptizari.’ See also Schorn, Quellen, p. 37. 65

Allen clearly used the edition: Platina, Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum (Leuven: Bogard; Maes, 1572). The folio numbers given by him correspond to it, and so does the marginal remark cited by him under 70, Conon, A1.

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66

For the implementation of this point see above, p. 191.

67

Decretum, D. 99 c. 2 (col. 350); Anicetus, Ep., III (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, p. 121).

KATERN 10

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G3

Variantur hoc loco tempora [27. 28–29]: Non est dubium et Pium pontificem fuisse — licet omittit Eusebius in Chronica et 4 Historiae [398r:] c. 10 et 19 — et Pium Aniceto priorem fuisse, secundum Damasum et consules qui in eorum Decretalibus ponuntur.68 Niceforum 3 Historiae c. 25, Irenaeum lib. 3 c. 3; alios iuniores: Scotum, Massaeum, Genebrardum. Licet postponit Augustinus, Epistola 165.69 Ergo Platina, narrata controversia, statuere debebat veritatem.

13.

SOTER (c. 166–c. 174)

B1

In vita Sancti Soteris Platina scribit institutum ab eo pontifice fuisse, ut non haberetur uxor legitima, cui sacerdos de more ecclesiae non benedixisset, et quam parentes marito non collocassent etc. [28. 17–19]. Quod decretum cum Tridentino Concilio pugnare videtur.70 Et ideo si nobis obiiciatur,

68

Jerome, Eusebii Chronicorum liber secundus (PL, 27, cols 469–70); Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica, IV . 11 and 19 (PG, 20, cols 327, 378); LP, I, 132–34; Pius I, Epp. I– II, VI, X (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, pp. 118, 120); Anicetus, Ep., V (ibid., p. 122). 69

Nicephorus, Historia ecclesiastica, III. 25 (PG, 145, cols 946–47); Irenaeus, Adversus haereses, III. 3 (PG, 7, col. 851); Marianus Scotus, Chronicon, III (PL, 147, cols 666–68); Christianus Massaeus, Chronicorum multiplicis historiae utriusque Testamenti […] libri viginti (Antwerp: Crinitus, 1540), IX , 117–18; Gilbert Génébrard, Chronographia (Paris: Martin le Jeune, 1580), p. 198; and Augustine, Ep. 53, II, in idem, Epistulae, ed. by A. Goldbacher, Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, 34.1–2, 44, 57–58, 5 parts (Vienna: Tempsky, 1895–1923), I, 153: ‘Aniceto [successit] Pius’. For the old numbering of this letter, see Augustine, Opera, II (1576), Ep. 165 (p. 287); for a concordance of the old and new numberings, see Goldbacher’s edition, V , 9–11. 70

At the Council of Trent it was decreed that although clandestine marriages were recognized by the Church, they should nevertheless be avoided. See the decree Tametsi of Session VIII [XXIV ], 11 November 1563, in Concilium Tridentinum, IX , 968: ‘Tametsi dubitandum non est clandestina matrimonia, libero contrahentium consensu facta, rata et vera esse matrimonia, quamdiu ecclesia ea irrita non fecit […] nihilominus sancta dei ecclesia ex iustissimis causis illa semper detestata est atque prohibuit.’ See also Hefele and Leclerq, Histoire des conciles, X , 554–55. In his ‘controversies’ on the sacrament of marriage, Bellarmine defended the position taken by the Council against the Spanish Dominican Melchior Cano, who maintained that a marriage without the benediction of a priest was not a sacrament but a mere contract. Bellarmine feared that the Protestants (who categorically rejected clandestine marriages) could damage the Catholic Church by making use of such arguments (‘argumentis [… ] quibus haeretici nostri temporis ecclesiam vexare possent’). See Bellarmine, Disputationes, II (1588), 4th gen. controversy: De extrema unctione, ordine et matrimonio, Bk III: ‘De matrimonii sacramento’, Chaps 6–7, cols 1260–67 (citation from col. 1260). For an overview

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G2 G1*

G3

Documentary Appendix ut passim obiicitur ab haereticis, explicandum est de matrimonio legitimo in foro exteriore, non autem de absolute legitimo. Sed in historiam referendum non esset. Eius extabat epistola hac de re [28. 17]: Imo extat, et est secunda.71 Instituit item, ne legitima uxor haberetur: Sine dubio Evaristi est constitutio, non Soteris, in eius 1 Decretali ad episcopos Africanos § 2.72 Bellarminus non vult hoc in historiam referri, quia videtur esse contra Concilium Tridentinum quod legitima non sint matrimonia sine benedictione ecclesiae, sine parentum licentia. Sed non video cur. Certum enim est haec matrimonia olim suspecta haberi debuisse, nisi voluntas propria suffragetur et vota accedant legitima, id est, nisi constaret de consensu partium, ut expresse dicit Evaristus. Neque verba sunt mutanda, quia sic loquitur papa. Vult Platina tempore Commodi sedatam sitim Germanicam a Christianis militibus [27. 2–10]. Sed constat id factum prius tempore Marci Aurelii. Ita Tertullianus Apologetico c. 5, Eusebius 4 Historiae c. 9, 12, Orosius lib. 7 c. 15, Niceforus lib. 4 c. 12, Paulus Diaconus lib. 12, Iustinus Apologia secunda in fine, et est Epistola imperatoris hoc testificans.73

of the discussions between Catholics and Protestants see the substantial article by G. Le Bras, ‘La doctrine du mariage chez les theólogiens et les canonistes depuis l’an mille’, in Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, ed. by A. Vacant and others, 15 vols (Paris: Letouzey & Ané, 1903–50), IX (1927), s.v. ‘Mariage, III’, cols 2123–2317 (cols 2224–57; 2256–57 on Bellarmine and Cano). See also J. F. Harrington, Reordering Marriage and Society in Reformation Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). 71

Soter, Ep. 2 (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, pp. 124–25).

72

Evaristus, Ep. 1, II (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, pp. 87–88). Platina follows Ptolemy of Lucca, Historia ecclesiastica, III. 7: De Sothero I (RIS, 11, col. 788) in expressing doubts about this attribution: ‘Gratianus tamen hoc decretum Evaristo asscribit. Utri vero sit attribuendum, legentes diiudicent.’ (Platina, Vitae, p. 28. 21–22). See Schorn, Quellen, p. 7. 73

Tertullian, Apologeticum, V . 6 (PL, 1, cols 345–46); Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica, IV . 9 and 12 (PG, 20, cols 326–27, 331–34), who quotes Tertullian, ibid., V . 5 (cols 442–43); Orosius, Historiae, V II . 15 (PL, 31, cols 1097–98); Nicephorus, Historia ecclesiastica, IV . 12 (PG, 145, col. 1006); and Paul the Deacon (Warnefridus), Historia Romana, X (PL, 95, cols 887–88), for which I also give references to the edition by A. Crivellucci, Fonti per la storia d’Italia, 51 (Rome: Tipografia del Senato, 1914), as it has the standard numbering of chapters (here VIII. 13, p. 120). Justin, Apologia prima pro Christianis, LXXI (PG, 6, cols 435–40), gives Marcus Aurelius’s letter to the senate.

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14.

ELEUTHERIUS (c. 174–89)

A1

fol. 19. Protoflaminum vero loco patriarchas primitiva ecclesia instituit [29. 22]: Hoc minime verum constat ex canonibus conciliorum, praesertim Niceni I. An protoflaminum loco archiepiscopi [29. 22]. ‘Eleutherum’ vult dici Onuphrius, et ita vocat Eusebius 5 Historiae c. 4, Niceforus lib. 3 c. 24. Tamen ‘Eleutherium’ Augustinus Epistola 165, Irenaeus lib. 3 c. 3.74 Protoflaminum loco: Negat hoc verum Alanus ex Concilio Niceno. Sed nihil ibi contra hoc invenio, nisi quod protoflamen potius est primas quam patriarcha ex vi nominis.

AG 1 G2

G1*

15.

VICTOR I (189–98)

B1

In vita Sancti Victoris Platina scribit Lactantium et Augustinum in eo errore fuisse, ut crederent Antichristum suis temporibus futurum [31. 12–15]. Quod falso, quantum ego legere potui, his auctoribus tribuitur et praesertim Divo Augustino. Ideo corrigi posset, licet censor id minime notaverit, ut etiam quod proxime observavi. Appion Exameron fecit [31. 8]: ‘Exaemeron’, id est opus sex dierum. Sic etiam alibi.75 quae res Lactantium postea et Augustinum fefellit: Negat hoc verum Bellarminus, sed non est omnino falsum. Lactantius [398v:] enim sex mille annorum durationem mundi vult esse, lib. 7 c. 14, et dicit tantum 200 annos superesse. Hanc sententiam probabilem putat Augustinus 20 Civitatis c. 7. Verius tamen Gregorius vicinum iudicium credidit, Omilia 1 Evangelia.76

G2 G1*

74

Onofrio Panvinio, in his edition of Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 20; Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica, V . 5 (PG, 20, col. 443); Nicephorus, Historia ecclesiastica, III. 25 (PG, 145, col. 947); Augustine, Ep. 53, II (PL, 33, col. 196); Irenaeus, Adversus haereses, III. 3 (PG, 7, col. 851). 75

Galesini, as a scholar of Greek, is concerned with the correct spelling of the word Hexaemeron, which had become corrupted during the Middle Ages. Appion’s work on Genesis (E„j t¾n ˜ca»meron) is lost. See also Jerome, De viris illustribus, XLIX (PL, 23, cols 695–96): ‘Appion, sub Severo principe […] Hexaemeron tractatus fecit.’ This obscure author should not be confused with the better-known Apion against whom Flavius Josephus wrote Contra Apionem. 76

Lactantius, Divinae institutiones, VII. 14 (PL, 6, col. 781); Augustine, De civitate Dei, XX . 7 (PL, 41, col. 668); Gregory I, Homiliae in Evangelia, I. 1 and 4 (PL, 76, cols 1077–80, 1090).

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16.

ZEPHYRINUS (198/99–217)

A1

fol. 20. quod postea in Chalcedonensi concilio confirmatum est [32. 1]: ‘constitutum est’. Mirum est ab hoc pontifice institutum ut fideles semel in anno in pascha communicarent [32. 7–8], cum adhuc ferveret religio. Et post Fabianus Papa XXIV ter in anno praeceperit, in pascha, pentecoste, natali. De consecratione dist. 2 can. ‘etsi non’; Concilium Agathensem ibidem, can. ‘seculares’; Eliberitanum, ibidem can. ‘omnis’.77 Mirum etiam est quod addit ab Innocentio III hoc institutum extensum ad confessionem [32. 8–9]. Nam vel fidelis habet tantum veniale peccatum et sic non tenetur confiteri etiam post Innocentium, vel mortale et sic semper tenebatur ante communionem confiteri. Et hoc est praeceptum Apostoli secundum Concilium Tridentinum ses. 13 c. 7 de eucharistia.78 Paulum abfuit quin Pauli II Pontificis iussu lapicidae partem Septizonii [31. 28–30]: Delenda periodus scripta in odium pontificis.

G2

G3

G4

17.

CALLISTUS I (217–22)

B1

In vita Sancti Callisti, de qua nihil censor scribit, tribuit Platina huic pontifici primo: institutionem trium temporum ieiunandi; secundo: quatuor temporum [33. 17–19]. Sed cum Sanctus Leo I in Sermone 2 De ieiunio pentecostes et Sermone 8 De ieiunio septimi mensis constanter affirmet ieiunium quatuor temporum esse apostolorum institutum, et ipse Sanctus Callistus in Epistola prima dicat iam ante sua tempora in ecclesia usum fuisse ieiunandi tribus anni temporibus et se solum unum tempus addidisse,79 constat non satis fideliter haec a Platina esse narrata. In eadem vita libros Origines perˆ arcwn, libros de principatu non recte interpretatur.80

B2

77

Fabian, in Decretum, De consecratione, D. 2 c. 16 (col. 1319); ‘ex Concilio Agatensi’, ibid., c. 19 (col. 1320); ‘ex Concilio Elibertano’, ibid., c. 21 (cols 1320–21). 78

Council of Trent, Session

XIII,

11 October 1551, Chap. 7 (Mansi, XXXIII, col. 83).

79

Leo I, Sermo 76: De pentecoste II, IX (PL, 54, col. 411); and his Sermo 93: De ieiunio septimi mensis VIII, III (ibid., col. 457); Callistus I, Ep. 1, I (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, p. 135). 80

Platina, Vitae, p. 34. 14–16: ‘Erravit tamen [Origenes], ut eidem [Hieronymo] et Augustino placet, in plerisque, maxime vero in libro de principatu, quem Periarchon appellavit. Hunc vero et Pamphilus martyr et Eusebius et Ruffinus Aquileiensis presbyter mirifice commendant.’ It seems that Bellarmine objected only to Platina’s translation of the title, not

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G3

Dicit a Geta occisum Papinianum iuris asylum [33. 5–6]. Imo a Caracalla occisus fuit, quod Getam excusaret, quasi particeps coniurationis. G1* Addit ab hoc pontifice constitutum ut ter in anno ieiunaretur, die sabati praesertim. Sed primo: non solum sabato, sed feria quarta et sexta indictum fuit illud ieiunium, ut patet ex consuetudine. Secundo: ante Calistum erat haec consuetudo, ut ipse docet in Epistola sua; extensa est ab eo ad quattuor anni tempora. Tertio: Leo, Sermone 2 De ieiunio pentecostis et Sermone 8 De ieiunio septimi mensis, dicit esse traditionem apostolicam, quod etiam notat Bellarminus.81 G2* in libro de principatu, quem Periarchon: Melius ‘De principiis’. 18.

URBAN I (222–30)

A1

quod hodie obsolevit; tanta est hominum rapacitas et libido [35. 14–15]: Contumeliose dictum, idque propterea delendum, cum praesertim maluerit virus acerbitatis suae evomere quam vere scribere.82 G A 1 tanta est hominum rapacitas: Notat male tempora. B2 Non recte collocatur Urbanus tempore Marci Aurelii Heliogabali [34. 21], nam eo occiso pontificatum iniit. G2* Negat Bellarminus Urbanum sedisse tempore Eliogabali, quod affirmat Platina. Tamen haec controversia facile solvi non potest, ob scriptorum varietatem. Alii enim sub Eliogabalo ponunt, alii sub Alexandro. Epistola eius decretalis scripta est Antonino et Alexandro consulibus, qui cadunt in

to his mentioning the divergent opinions. Perhaps the most scandalous affair at the time of the Church Fathers was the controversy between Jerome and Rufinus over the translation of Origen, which took place nearly a century and a half after his death, in AD 393. Jerome had followed a contemporary trend in turning against Origen and declaring him a heretic. Rufinus, however, took Origen’s side and criticized what he saw as an opportunistic volte-face by Jerome. When Rufinus translated Origen’s most important theological work, De principiis, he censored the objectionable passages with the aim of saving the latter’s standing. Jerome reacted by giving a full exposition to the controversial passages in his own, faithful translation. A bitter exchange of accusations between the two eminent translators ensued. For a brief but poignant account see M. Fuhrmann, Rom in der Spätantike, 3rd edn (Munich: Artemis & Winkler, 1998), pp. 193–94 (‘diese wohl skandalöseste Affäre der ganzen Kirchenväterzeit’, p. 194). 81

Galesini in his life of Callistus, however, states that this rule was newly instituted by him: ‘Ieiunia quattuor tempora, quibus ordines sacri conferrentur, instituit, cum antea semel tantum in anno, mense Decembri, clerici initiarentur.’ (BAM, MS D 286 inf., fol. 34 r). Cf. the other manuscripts of Galesini’s Vitae pontificum: A 41 inf., fol. 21r–v; D 308 inf., fol. 149 r. 82

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See the discussion above, p. 145.

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G3

G1* G4

Documentary Appendix tertium annum Eliogabali.83 Alii legunt Alexandro et Marcello consulibus, qui cadunt in tertium annum Alexandri. Res dubia est, igitur Platina in hoc non est mutandus. [399r:] Dicit Platina institutum Urbani fuisse ut ecclesia fundos et predia possideret ad clericos alendos [35. 12–13]. Sed Urbanus in sua Decretali dicit hoc ante se iam constitutum.84 Item ex fructibus horum annorum non solum alendi erant clerici, sed etiam pauperes, et quotquot vitam communem agere volebant. Dele illud: quod hodie obsolevit; tanta est hominum rapacitas et libido. Quod etiam notat Alanus. Breviarium habet sedisse annos octo, Damasus et Platina quattuor [35. 23]: videndum est utrum verius; alii annos septem.85

19.

PONTIAN (230–35)

B1

In vita Sancti Pontiani, in quam etiam nihil censor notavit, scribit Platina inter Heliogabalum et Alexandrum tres imperatores fuisse: Macrinum, Diadumenum et Albinum [36. 1]. Sed aperte fallitur. Nam Albinus aemulus fuit Severi, cui Caracalla successit, post quem imperavit Macrinus cum filio Diadumeno; et iis tandem interfectis imperavit Heliogabalus et proxime Alexander. Albinum, Macrinum, Diadumenum ponit Platina inter Eliogabalum et Alexandrum. Sed Albinum in Gallia tumultuantem occidit Severus, qui Caracallam praecessit. Macrinus et Diadumenus secuti sunt Caracallam anno uno imperantes. Ita Volaterranus, alii.86 Hoc etiam notat Bellarminus.

G1*

20.

ANTERUS (235–36)

A1

fol. 24. quod hodie a plerisque contra fit: ad utilitatem enim propriam respicientes, immo voluptatem, ut habeant unde expilent, ad uberiorem semper respiciunt et cetera quae sequuntur usque ad Huius autem temporibus [37. 28–38. 1]: Tollantur, quia iniuriosius quam par est et Christianum 83

Urban I, Ep., XI (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, p. 146).

84

Ibid., I– II (pp. 143–44).

85

See Breviarium Romanum […] Pii V […] iussu editum, p. 747 (25 May); LP, I, 143. Galesini follows the LP and Platina in his life of Urban I (BAM, MSS D 286 inf., fol. 34 v; A 41 inf., fol. 22 v ; D 308 inf., fol. 155r). 86

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Raffaele Maffei (Volaterranus), Commentaria Urbana (1506), fol. 323r.

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hominum decet, invehitur de industria non solum in tempora sed in homines.87 A2 Ibidem. qua ostendit fabulam Susannae etc. [38. 4]: Perperam dictum, ideo emenda: ‘historiam Susannae’. AG 1 Invehitur nimis acerbe in sua tempora. AG 2 fabulam Susannae male dictum. G3 Transferri posse episcopatum de una civitate in aliam declaravit Anterus [37. 26–27]. Sed non declaravit in sua Epistola id fieri debere apostolica auctoritate, licet meminit cuiusdam apostolica auctoritate translati. Imo dicit episcopos posse transferre episcopatum de una sede in aliam, sicut eum possunt consecrare.88 G1* quod hodie a plerisque usque illud stolidos domi alant [37. 28–33]: Delendum est, ut notat Alanus. G2* fabulam Susannae: Alanus vult deleri et dici ‘historiam’. Sed, ni fallor, fabulam vocat ex Africani persona, maxime cum Hieronymus in prologo Danielis hac voce utatur.89 Dici ergo posset tutius ‘narrationem Susannae quam fabulam dicebat’. Deinde veritas catholica subtexenda est, quod est historia canonica. 21.

CORNELIUS (251–53)

B1

Non recte Platina scribit Cornelium iussu Decii occisum [40. 21], cum ex historiis constet Decium ante Cornelium obiisse. [392v:] Cornelium vult Platina, ex Damaso, passum martyrium sub Decio. Idem in Breviario et Martyrologio Romano 14 Septembris. Bellarminus tamen vult eum Decio supervixisse, Onufrius in Annotatione passum sub Gallo et Volusiano qui secuti sunt Decium. Pontius Cipriani diaconus ait eum

G1*

87

See the discussion above, p. 146.

88

Anterus, Ep., II (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, p. 152).

89

The story of Susanna is narrated in the Greek versions of the Bible and in the Latin Vulgate; but Julius Africanus, Ep. ad Origenem de historia Susannae (PG, 11, cols 41–48), disputed its authenticity, defending the Hebrew canon. Platina refers to him. See also Jerome, Commentaria in Danielem, Prologus (PL, 25, col. 492): ‘Susannae fabula’. In the Septuagint published in Rome 1587 and the Latin translation of it printed a year later, the expression used is ‘Susannae historia’: `H palai¦ Diaq»kh kat¦ toÝj `Ebdom»konta […] /Vetus Testamentum iuxta Septuaginta, ex auctoritate Sixti V […] editum, p. 723, n. a; Vetus Testamentum secundum LXX , Latine redditum et ex auctoritate Sixti V […] editum (Rome: Stamperia del Popolo Romano; Ferrari, 1588), p. 1315.

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Documentary Appendix passum sub Valeriano et Galieno.90 Probabilius tamen iudico passum sub Decio, tum quia multi historici sic sentiunt, tum quia Lucius Cornelii successor scribit [399v :] suam Decretalem91 Gallo et Volusiano consulibus, qui secuti sunt Decium, et ille fuit primus annus imperii. Sunt etiam ad hoc alia argumenta.

22.

LUCIUS I (253–54)

A1

fol. 26. Ante vero quam moreretur Cyprianus, venerat in sententiam ecclesiae Romanae, non esse rebaptizandos haereticos [41. 17–18]: Imo vero a sententia sua Cyprianum non discessisse testatur Sanctus Augustinus: qui in spe erat, fere, ut si superstes fuisset, sententiam mutasset. [68r:] A2 fol. 27. Hac enim de re inter Cornelium et Cyprianum magna fuit contentio [41. 19–20]: Hoc falsum, quia nulla Cypriano cum Cornelio, sed cum Stephano fuit ea de re contentio, ut ex Epistolis animadverti potest.92 G A 2 An inter Cyprianum et Cornelium contentio de haereticis rebaptizandis. AG 1 An Cyprianus a sententia discesserit. B1–2* In vita Sancti Lucii, praeter ea quae recte annotavit censor, B3 falso scribit Platina Sanctum Cyprianum occisum fuisse temporibus Galli et Volusiani, antequam Sanctus Lucius occideretur [41. 15–17]. Nam Sanctus Cyprianus Sancto Lucio supervixit, ut ex Epistolis ad Stephanum Lucii successorem datis constat. G3* Dicit Platina Ciprianum sub Gallo et Volusiano martyrio affectum. Cum constat ex Pontio eius diacono,93 occisum in persecutione Valeriani et Galieni paulo ante Xistum II, qui fuit 25 papa. G1* Ciprianum revocasse sententiam ante mortem de rebaptizandis filiis hereticorum, bene dicit Platina. Sed quia res non erat adeo clara, Augustinus

90

See LP, I, 150–51; Breviarium Romanum […] Pii V […] iussu editum, p. 860; Galesini, Martyrologium, pp. 301–02; Martyrologium Romanum […] accesserunt notationes [… ] auctore Caesare Baronio, p. 414 (on the Martyrologies see above, p. 136); Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 28 (note on Sixtus II); and, rather than Pontius, Vita Cypriani (PL, 3, cols 1537–58), see the anonymous Acta Cypriani, I (ibid., col. 1557). Pontius’s Vita is mentioned by Platina, Vitae, p. 41. 16–17. 91

Lucius I, Ep., VIII (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, p. 180).

92

Cyprian, Ep. 67 (PL, 3, cols 1023–32; cf. PL, 4, col. 412); and his Ep. 72 (PL, 3, cols 1083–90; cf. PL, 4, col. 425). 93

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lib. 2 De baptismo c. 4 dicit ignorari an revocaverit; tamen Epistola 48 ad Vincentium Donatistam dicit esse probabile quod revocaverit. Hieronymus Contra Luciferianos dicit episcopos de rebaptizatione revocasse sententiam, at inter illos erat Ciprianus. Beda lib. 8 q. 5 affirmat revocasse.94 Quid ergo Alanus dicit secundum Augustinum non revocasse, sed si superviveret revocaturum? G2* De rebaptizatione hac Cipriano fuit controversia non cum Cornelio, ut dicit Platina, sed cum Stephano qui Lucio huic successit: Epistola 1 libri 2. Et Concilium Carthaginiensem de hoc sub Stephano factum esse autor est Hieronymus, Contra Luciferianos. Vincentius Lyrinensis, Contra haereses.95 Hoc etiam animadvertit Alanus. 23.

SIXTUS II (257–58)

B1

In vita Sancti Sixti II, de qua nihil censor scripsit, videtur Platina haeresim Cherinti sub hoc pontifice exortam dicere [42. 27–28]; quod si ita est, aperte fallitur. B2 Ibidem scribit Sanctum Vincentium martyrem huius Beati Sixti discipulum fuisse [43. 12–13]. Quod non est probabile, cum Sanctus Vincentius temporibus Diocletiani martyrium subierit adhuc iuvenis, Sanctus autem Sixtus temporibus Valeriani et Gallieni sit occisus. Intercesserunt autem inter imperium Valeriani et Diocletiani anni circiter 50. G1* Loquitur de Cherinto quasi huius tempore fuerit, sed fuit tempore apostolorum. Hoc etiam notat Bellarminus. G2* Vincentius levita sub Diocletiano passus est in Breviario Romano96 — quomodo ergo discipulus Sixti fuit, cum iuvenis sit passus utpote levita? Et inter Valerianum et Diocletianum sint saltem anni 30. G3 Sedem vacasse Sixto occiso ait Platina dies 35 [43. 17] ex Damaso. Tamen advertendum est Damasum dicere presbyteros Romae ob atrocitatem

94

Augustine, De baptismo, II. 4. 5 (PL, 43, col. 129); idem, Ep. 93, IX . 38 (PL, 33, col. 340); Jerome, Contra Luciferianios, XXIII (PL, 23, col. 186); Bede, Variae quaestiones, q. 5 (PL, 93, col. 458). 95

See Cyprian, Ep. 72 (PL, 3, cols 1083–90; PL, 4, col. 425); Jerome, Contra Luciferianos, 23, col. 186); Vincent of Lérins, Commonitorium primum, VI (PL, 50, cols 645–47). In AD 255 and 256, Stephen I held two synods in Africa, which reaffirmed his position that heretics did not need to be rebaptized but only to receive absolution by the laying on of hands.

XXIII (PL,

96

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Breviarium Romanum […] Pii V […] iussu editum, p. 702 (22 January).

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Documentary Appendix persecutionis gubernasse a Glabrione et Maximo consulibus, qui fuit annus secundus Valeriani, usque ad Bassum et Tuscum consulibus, qui fuit annus quartus. Onuphrius in Annotatione hinc colligit sedem vacasse fere duos annos. Hic ergo nodus solvendus est.97

24.

DIONYSIUS (260–68)

A1

fol. 28. Sed quid facerent nostra tempestate, qui nil vel superbiae, vel pompae etc. usque ad Is enim instatus [44. 6–12]: Deleantur omnia, quoniam modestiae fines transiliens ad id dementiae venit, ut pompam cardinalium, quae tantae dignitati convenit, furenter nimis insectetur.98 AG 1 Invehitur in luxum: qua in re desideratur modestia. B1* Praeter ea quae censor notavit, B2 scribit Platina Gregorium Caesariensem virum sanctissimum in Concilio Antiocheno Samosatenum damnasse ac postea martyrio coronatum vitam finivisse [44. 13–16]. At ille Gregorius non Caesariensis, sed Neocaesariensis fuit et in pace ac domi suae, non martyrio occubuit.99 G1* Sed quid facerent usque ad similitudinem quandam religionis commune esse: Dele. G2* Gregorius de quo loquitur non est Caesariensis, sed Neocaesariensis. De quo Eusebius 7 Historiae c. 25, Niceforus lib. 6 c. 17.100 [400r:] Taumaturgus vel ‘mirabilium operum patrator’. Hic non martyrio, sed confessor migravit ad dominum.

97

LP, I, 155. All seven deacons had died together with Sixtus II. See also Panvinio, in Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 28: ‘annum I, menses XI et dies XV ’. Galesini, in his own life of Sixtus II, follows Panvinio: ‘Vacavit sedes pene annis duobus’ (BAM, MSS A 41 inf., fol. 29 v; D 308 inf., fol. 203 v; unfinished in D 286 inf., fol. 40 r–v ). 98

See above, p. 147.

99

Platina, Vitae, p. 44. 13–16: ‘[Paulus Samosatenus] in concilio Antiocheno omnium episcoporum qui aderant consensu publice damnatus est; maxime vero Gregorii Caesariensis episcopi viri sanctissimi sententia, qui tanto concilio interfuit et postea pro fide Christi martyrii poenam subiit.’ St Gregory Thaumaturgus (the Wonderworker) from Neocaesarea (now Niksar, Turkey), was Bishop of Antioch. He played a prominent part in the first Synod of Antioch in 264, at which Paul of Samosata was condemned. Platina’s information that Gregory died a martyr may come from Ptolemy of Lucca, Historia ecclesiastica, IV . 20 (RIS, 11, col. 811). 100

VI.

Page 298

Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica, VII. 28 (PG, 20, col. 706); Nicephorus, Historia ecclesiastica, 17 (PG, 145, cols 1162–63).

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281

FELIX I (269–74)

A1

fol. 29. sacrificium, quod missam appellant [45. 1–2]: ‘quod missam appellamus’. B1* In vita Felicis nimis scrupulose censor reprehendere videtur Platinam dicentem quod missam vocant. B2 Illud autem merito in Platina reprehendi potest, quod scribat Manicheum se Christum profiteri ausum [45. 3–6]. Non enim ille Christum, sed apostolum eius profitebatur, ut patet ex Epistola fundamenti apud Augustinum.101 Sed nomine apostoli spiritum sanctum intelligi volebat. G3 statuit sacrificia quotannis martyrum nomine celebrari [44. 34–45. 1]: Non est assecutus sententiam. Felix in 2 sua Decretali (et Damasus ex ea) dicit se statuisse super memorias, id est sepulcra martyrum, missas celebrari.102 G4 nisi in loco sacro et a viris sacris initiatis [45. 1–2]: Videndum esset ex quo autore hoc desumpsit Platina, nam missam a non sacerdote celebrari non posse ius divinum est. G1* missam appellant: Alanus vult aliter: ‘missam appellamus’. Utrovis modo dici potest. G2* Bellarminus arguit Platinam dicentem Manichaeum se fecisse Christum, cum spiritum sanctum 103 se fecerit apud Augustinum in Epistola fundamenti. Imo etiam Christum se finxit, ideoque natum de virgine et 12 discipulos elegit. Ita Eusebius 7 Historiae c. 28, Nicephorus 6 Historiae c. 31.104 26.

EUTYCHIAN (275–83)

G1

se nesciente praesertim [45. 21]: Non est assecutus Damasum.105 Iussit sine collobio martyrem non sepeliri, si modo huius edicti notitia ad sepelientem pervenerit.

101

Augustine, Contra epistolam Manichaei quam vocant fundamenti, VI. 7 (PL, 42, col. 177).

102

Felix I, Ep. 2, XVI (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, p. 203); LP, I, 158.

103

This seems to be an autograph intervention by Bellarmine in Galesini’s text.

104

VI.

Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica, VII. 31 (PG, 20, col. 719); Nicephorus, Historia ecclesiastica, 32 (PG, 145, col. 1194). 105

Platina, Vitae, p. 45. 19–21: ‘Constituit item ne qui martyres sepellire vellent, sine dalmatica colobiove purpureo id facere auderent, se nesciente praesertim’; LP, I, 159.

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27.

CAIUS (283–96)

B1

In vita Caii falso scribit Platina Pamphilum martyrem Apologiam scripsisse pro Origene [46. 28–29]. Nam Apologiam illam non Sancti Pamphili, sed Eusebii esse Sanctus Hieronymus demonstrat.106 A Caio septem ordines ecclesiasticos distinctos esse ait Platina [46. 16–17]. Sed aliter loquitur Damasus, eum statuisse ut ordinum distinctio servaretur ab eo qui futurus est episcopus. Et clarius ipse pontifex in sua Decretali § 6 praecipit servari distinctionem ordinum ab apostolis traditam.107 Dicit Pamphylum martyrem scripsisse Apologiam pro Origene. Hoc ex Ruffino habet Platina. Sed factam a Ruffino, ementito Pamphyli nomine ut autoritatem haberet, vel ab Eusebio, convincit Hieronymus to. 2 ad Pammachium et Oceanum et Apologia Ruffini.108 Hoc etiam Bellarminus. [400v :]

G2

G1*

28.

MARCELLINUS (296–304)

AG 1

Insectatur etiam maledictis clerum [48. 26–49. 2], sed nihil opus est exaggerata oratione.109 Hi enim livore usque ad communi utilitati consulentes [48. 29–49. 2]: Delendum est. Platina ait sedem hic vacasse dies 25 at Damasus annos septem, menses sex, dies 25. Res consideranda est.110

G1* G2

106

Rufinus translated Pamphilus’s Apologia pro Origene into Latin (PG, 17, cols 542–616). It is the only surviving part of that work, now generally held to be written by Pamphilus with the help of Eusebius. See also below, n. 108. 107

LP, I, 161; Gaius, Ep., VII (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, p. 218).

108

Jerome, Ep. 84 ad Pammachium et Oceanum, XI (PL, 22, cols 751–52); idem, Apologia adversus libros Ruffini, I. 8 (PL, 23, cols 421–22). 109 110

See above, p. 148.

LP, I, 162. The difference of seven years needed to be explained. Galesini does not address this in his life of Marcellinus (BAM, MSS D 286 inf., fols 44v–45r; A 41 inf., 33r–v; D 308 inf., fol. 227r–v; P 220 sup., fols 13r–14r). According to today’s chronology, the see was vacant for over three years.

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283

29.

MARCELLUS (306–08)

A1 A2 G1* G2*

fol. 32. impulisset [49. 19]: ‘hortatus esset’ aut ‘suasisset’. in cacabulum inclusit [49. 30]:111 ‘in catabulum’. Sic ubique. impulisset: Alanus vult legi ‘suasisset’, sed nimis severe. cacabulum: Ita non semel. Legendum ‘catabulum’, id est stabulum iumentorum, unde ‘catabulenses’ apud Cassiodorum, id est iumentorum ductores.112 Hoc etiam Alanus.

30.

EUSEBIUS (310?)

B1

In vita Eusebii non recte ponitur a Platina inventio sanctae crucis temporibus eiusdem Eusebii [50. 20–22], cum postea contigerit, ut etiam animadvertit Onuphrius.113 [393r:] Dicit Platina huius tempore ab Helena crucem inventam. Sed repugnat historiae profanae et sacrae, nam hoc tempore Maximinus Christianorum inimicus occupabat Orientem. Et hoc factum videtur ab Helena circa tempora Concilii Niceni, ut habes in Ruffino, 10 Historiae c. 7; Tripartitam.114 Idem notat Onufrius.

G1*

31.

MILTIADES (311–14)

B1

Recte notavit Onuphrius Sanctum Miltiadem non potuisse occidi iussu Maximini, ut Platina scripserat [52. 7]. Vide Annotationem Onuphrii ad Platinam.115 quia hos dies ut sacros pagani celebrant [52. 5]: Non est assecutus Damasum et Decretalem Miltiadis.116 Iussit die dominica et feria quinta non ieiunari, quia nostra ieiunia debent esse distincta a ieiuniis gentilium, qui his diebus solemniter ieiunabant.

G2

111

Platina has ‘in cacabulum redegit’.

112

Cassiodorus, Variae, III. 10 (PL, 69, col. 581).

113

Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 33.

114

Rufinus, Historia ecclesiastica, I. 7 (PL, 21, col 475); Cassiodorus, Historia Tripartita, II. 18 (PL, 69, cols 936–37). On the legend of the inventio crucis see J. W. Drijvers, Helena Augusta: The Mother of Constantine the Great and the Legend of her Finding of the True Cross (Leiden: Brill, 1992).

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115

Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 34.

116

LP, I, 168; Miltiades, Ep., VIII (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, p. 246).

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G1*

G3

Vult Miltiadem occisum a Maximino. Verius est, ut notat Onufrius, obiisse confessorem, quia tunc Romae non grassabatur persecutio et Maximinus Romae nihil habebat tantum in Oriente. Idem fatum subiere [52. 7–8]: Mallem ‘martyrio affecti sunt’.

32.

SILVESTER I (314–35)117

A1

fol. 34. principem tam humanum Silvester nactus, relicto Soracte, Romam veniens [53. 3–4]: Non sponte venit, sed a Constantino accersitus, ut omnium fere annalium litteris proditum est. Ibidem. De donatione Constantini nihil plane118 scribit. Idque propterea ceteris omnibus de ea recte aperteque scribentibus assentiri non videtur, ut paulo post in vita Marci falsam opinionem suam palam testatur.119 De Concilio Nicaeno ieiune nimis scribit [53. 21–54. 16]. De legatis sedis apostolicae in eo praesidentibus plane nihil: id quod vel [69r:] a Graecis adversariis testatum sit. fol. 35. Quare hoc sanctum institutum aboleverint:120 ‘intermiserint’. Aut potius dele totam sententiam, quia more suo violat contumeliose pontifices. Ibidem. Postremo vero etc.:121 Totus est in maledicendo. Tragiceque nimis loquitur de episcopatuum translatione, quam avaritiae et ambitionis causa fieri dictitat. Desideratur igitur hoc loco modestia scribentis, quae in Platina irato fere nulla videtur. Ideo delenda est tota haec clausula. Ibidem. Gradus quoque in ordinibus ecclesiasticis constituit, ut unusquisque uno tantum ordine contentus sit [54. 24–25]: Canonis sensum Platina non est assecutus. Eo enim canone Silvester praescripsit tempus omnibus, qui ordinibus initiati essent, exercendi singulos ordines in ecclesia, anteaquam quisque ad altiorem gradum ascenderet. Ideo emendandus est Platina.

A2

A3

A4 A5

A6

117

It is interesting to note that Bellarmine does not comment on Platina’s life of Silvester I.

118

MS: ‘plale’.

119

See 33, Mark, A1, below (on the baptism of Constantine).

120 121

See my discussion above, p. 169.

Platina, Vitae, p. 54. 13–17: ‘Postremo vero decernitur ne quis de minore ecclesia ad maiorem transeat ambitionis et avaritiae causa; quod certe non observatur, cum siccis faucibus, tanquam lupi famelici, precibus, pollicitationibus, muneribus, largitione huberiores episcopatus, omissis primis, omnes quaerant et efflagitent.’

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A8

AG 1 AG 3 AG 4 AG 5 AG 6 AG 7 G1*

G4* G5* G9 G6*

G10

fol. 36. In una inscriptio illa legebatur tribus linguis: ‘Iesus Nazaraenus Rex Iudaeorum’ [55. 28–29]: Immo seorsim inventus est crucis dominicae titulus, ut ex annalibus et Breviario romano122 constat. Ibidem. tertium in mare admirativum [sic, for adriaticum], ut ait Ambrosius, deiecit [55. 34–35]: Dele ‘ut ait Ambrosius’, qui ne verbum quidem de tertio loquitur. An Silvester e Soracte sponte Romam venerit. Ieiune de Concilio Nicaeno. institutum aboleverunt: ‘intermiserunt’. De decreto translationis: requiro modestiam scribentis. Gradus in ordinibus: non assecutus est sensum canonis. De sancta cruce: universaliter narratur in Breviario romano. Silvester non venit Romam motus benignitate principis, sed vocatus a Constantino divino monitu Petri et Pauli, quos etiam ex effigia a Silvestro producta recognovit. Ita Constantinus in suo edicto, 7 Synodus act. 2.123 Quare hoc tam sanctum usque ad reformidabunt: Dele. quod certe non observiat usque ad quaerant et efflagitent [54. 15–17]: Dele, nam stomacatur ut solet. [401r:] celebraturus neque serico [54. 22]: Non est assecutus Damasum.124 Statuit ne in serico vel panno tincto consacretur eucharistia, sed in lino. ut unusquisquam uno tantum ordine contentus sit: Neque in hoc est assecutus Damasum.125 Statuit certa tempora pro ordinibus suscipiendis et administrandis Silvester alioquin vel nemo presbyter fieret, vel nullo ordine praemisso presbyter fieret, si unus tantum ordo suscipiendus est. unius uxoris vir: Declarandum hoc videtur propter haereticos. Qui scilicet fuerit unius uxoris vir? Nam ecclesia occidentalis celibatum sacerdotum semper coluit.126

122

See Breviarium Romanum […] Pii V […] iussu editum, p. 739 (3 May): ‘Itaque loco crucis purgato, alte defossae tres cruces erutae sunt, repertusque seorsum ab aliis crucis Dominicae titulus’. For the inventio crucis cf. above, 30, Eusebius. 123 See the letter of Hadrian I, in Concilium Nicaenum II, actio 1056–72); also below, 76, Hadrian I, A1, A G 1. 124

LP, I, 171.

125

Ibid. I, 171.

126

II

(Mansi,

XII,

cols

Platina writes (Vitae, p. 54. 24–25): ‘Gradus quoque in ordinibus ecclesiasticis constituit, ut unusquisque uno tantum ordine contentus sit, et unius solum uxoris vir.’ Galesini is wrong

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Documentary Appendix

G11

‘Omusion’ semper dicit, cum communiter sancti dicant ‘Omousion’, et historiae ecclesiasticae.127 G7* Non bene narrat historiam inventionis sanctae crucis [55. 22–39]. Nulla enim inventa est cum titulo, sed miraculo crux Christi cognita est sanati aegri. Ruffinus 10 Historiae c. 7, Nicephorus lib. 8 c. 39, Socrates lib. 1 c. 13, Theodoretus lib. 1 c. 18. Tamen Ambrosius De obitu Theodosii dicit crucem Christi ex titulo agnitam. Et Ado in Martyrologio pene idem, scilicet cum titulo inventam.128 G8* De tertio clavo in mare proiecto nihil dicit Ambrosius. Sed Gregorius Turonensis lib. 1 c. 1 De gloria martyrum ait ab Elena proiectum in mare Adriaticum antea pene innavigabile et ex eo tempore placidum fuisse.129 G3* Placet quod notat Alanus, de Concilio Niceno eiusque approbatione per sedem apostolicam fusius agi debere. G2* De donatione Constantini nihil dicerem, quod difficile sit historias veteres conciliare.130

here: the early Church even ordained men who had married for a second time or had married a widow. Silvester required prospective priests to be married only once. See L. Duchesne’s note, LP, I, 191, n. 26. 127

Platina, Vitae, p. 53. 27–29: ‘Tandem vero re ipsa in concilio [Nicaeno] diligenter discussa, concluditur ÐmoÚsion scribi debere, id est, eiusdem cum patre substantiae filium confiteri.’ See also below, 72, John VII, G3. 128

Rufinus, Historia ecclesiastica, I. 8 (PL, 21, cols 476–77); Nicephorus, Historia ecclesiastica,

VIII. 29 (PG, 146, cols 110–11); Socrates, Historia ecclesiastica, I. 17 (PG, 67, col. 119); Theodoret,

Historia ecclesiastica, I. 17 (PG, 82, col. 959); Ambrose, De obitu Theodosii, XLV – XLVI (PL, 16, col. 1464); Ado, Martyrologium, 3 May (PL, 123, col. 258). 129 130

Gregory of Tours, Miraculorum libri duo, I: De gloria martyrum, VI (PL, 71, col. 710).

Galesini is much less cautious in his own life of Silvester I, where he vigorously defends the historical truth of the Donation of Constantine: ‘Urbem Romam certasque provincias et alia, quorum donationem augustissimo diplomate edictoque in perpetuum constare voluit [Constantinus], Silvestro et ceteris qui deinceps succederent pontificibus pro suae piae liberalitatis studio cessit, donavit, vel restituit potius atque reddi‹di›t. Neque id fictum commentitiumque est, ut plerique opinati sunt, sed plane verum, quod ex obsignatis sacrorum pontificum tabulis luculentisque testimoniis non modo veterum Latinorum sed Graecorum etiam […] perspicuum est.’ (BAM, MSS D 286 inf., fols 46 v–47 r; A 41 inf., fol. 37 v; P 220 sup., fol. 2 r–v). See also above, pp. 149–66.

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287

MARK (336)

A1

fol. 38. Quod vero in lepram inciderit, ut vulgo dicitur, baptismoque mundatus sit etc. [58. 10–12]:131 Praecise hoc loco negat Constantinum e lepra laborasse baptismoque mundatum esse. Id profecto inficiatur quod ecclesia Romana, veritatis magistra, perpetuo tradidit litteris Vitae Sancti Silvestri. Quare delenda sunt quae Platina scribit contra perennem sanctamque ecclesiae traditionem. [69v:] AG 1 De baptismo Constantini. B2 Nescio unde acceperit Platina, quod scribit symbolum Nicenum in missa post evangelium decantari ex decreto huius Marci [58. 20–22]. Nam id neque Damasus scribit neque alius, quod sciam, ex veteribus. G2* Unde habet Platina symbolum iussu Marci post evangelium dici in missa — imo tempore Benedicti VIII anno domini 1030 non canebatur: Berno Augiensis in libro De rebus ad missam spectantibus — cum non sit in Damaso. Nec symbolum quod dicitur sit Nicenum, sed Constantinopolitanum post confectum sub Damaso.132 G3 Placet quod ait Constantinum baptizatum a Silvestro [57. 28–29], sed vellem de eo plenius disputari.133 G1* De lepra Constantini quod ait Alanus non item sentio. Vel relinquatur Platina ut est, vel deleatur quod ait de eius lepra nulla facta mentione.134

131

See above, pp. 149–50; and below, 76, Hadrian I.

132

See Berno of Reichenau, De quibusdam rebus ad missae officium pertinentibus, II (PL, 142, cols 1060–61); Jungmann, Missarum sollemnia, I, 601. The Nicene Creed of AD 325 was enlarged at the Council of Constantinople of 381 under Pope Damasus I (r. 366–84) and is therefore more correctly called the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed. There is a clear contradiction here to what Galesini writes in his own life of Mark: ‘Is pontifex [… ] instituit Symbolum Nicaenum a clero diebus solemnibus in missae sacrificio clara voce cani’ (BAM, M SS D 286 inf., fol. 47 v; A 41 inf., fol. 38 r; P 220 sup., fol. 77 r). Perhaps Galesini was only alerted to this by Bellarmine’s note. 133

Galesini defends the Roman baptism in his Notationes in Haymonem, ad IX . 7, p. 385, and his life of Silvester I (BAM, MS D 286 inf., fol. 46 r–v). See also his Martyrologium, Notationes, p. 244 (on Silvester, 31 December). 134

Galesini, in his life of Silvester, accepts the leprosy as historical fact: ‘Is [Silvester] lepra laborantem Constantinum, qui nulla alia ratione sanari potuerat, Romae baptizavit eoque morbo divinitus liberavit.’ (BAM, MSS D 286 inf., fol. 46 r; A 41 inf., fol. 37 r; P 220 sup., fol. 2r).

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288 34.

Documentary Appendix JULIUS I (337–52)

A1 A2

fol. 38. post menses decem ab exilio rediit [59. 16–17]: ‘annos decem’. fol. 39. Confutabant id orientales, non sine ironia [59. 21]: Dele ironiam Orientalium. A3 Ibidem. Verum nostra aetate adeo plerique etc. usque ad nomen Constantini [59. 29–32]: plane delenda sunt, quoniam petulanter nimis invehitur contra protonotarios.135 AG 2 Omittenda ironia orientalium. AG 3 De protonotariis acriter nimis invehitur. [56r:] B1* Sanctum Iulium in exilio fuisse non est conforme antiquis historiis. B2* Quod vero censor iubet deleri illud: non sine ironia, non assequor unde sit motus. Nam Orientales ironice ad Iulium scripsisse indicat verbis disertis ipsemet Iulius initio Epistolae suae ad Orientales.136 G1* Platina ait eum exulasse decem menses, secutus Damasum. Alanus vult poni ‘decem annos’, sed unde habet, imperante Constante catholico?137 Bellarminus negat exulasse ob eandem causam. Sed cur non est credendum Damaso, cum multis ex causis id [401v :] fieri posset? G3* Verum nostra aetate usque ad ordinem relati sint: Dele, quia stomacatur ut solet. G2* non sine ironia: Alanus vult deleri. Male, quia Graecos cum ironia scripsisse indicat Iulius ad eosdem scribens. 35.

LIBERIUS (352–66)

A1

Ibidem. cum haereticis in rebus omnibus, ut quidam volunt, sentiens [60. 26]: Sed Liberium haud quaquam cum haereticis sensisse ex monumentis cognosci potest: Basilii Epistola 27, Ambrosii lib. 3 De virginibus, Epiphanii lib. 3 tom. 1 Haeresi 75, Optati Contra ‹Do›natistam lib. 2, Augustini Epistola 165, Socratis lib. 4 c. 11 et 12, ex libris praeterea manuscriptis et ex defensione multorum.138 Delenda sunt igitur et verba: tametsi cum Arianis 135

For the implementation of this point see above, p. 191.

136

Julius I, Ep. ad episcopos orientales, II (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, pp. 457–58).

137

LP, I, 205. See also Galesini, Iulius I (BAM, MSS D 286 inf., fol. 48 v; A 41 inf., fol. 39 v; P 220 sup., fol. 78 r): ‘decem post mensibus revocatus’. The emperor referred to is Constans I (r. 337–50). 138

Basil, Ep. 263, III (PG, 32, col. 979); Ambrose, De virginibus, III. 1 (PL, 16, col. 231); Epiphanius, Adversus haereses, III. 1, haeresis 75 (PG, 42, col. 506); Optatus, De schismate

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AG 1 AG 2 B1*

G1*

289

sentiebat [60. 34]. Dele, cum aliter etiam ostendant illius Epistolae ad Sanctum Dionysium episcopum Mediolanensem scriptae.139 An Liberius haereticus [60. 26–61. 1]: Syri contra sentiunt. Platina gravia oscitanter nimis tractat.140 De Liberio et Felice. Scribit Platina satis fideliter, quae in Pontificali Damasi et aliis quibusdam auctoribus reperit.141 Sed quia magna controversia est de schismate inter Liberium et Felicem, ea primum componenda videtur, deinde corrigendus Platina. Non declinasse Liberium in Arianismum ullo tempore praeclara sunt testimonia plura. Falsum rumorem de eo dissipatum quod Arianis subscripsisset ab Eudoxio, ait Sozomenus lib. 4 c. 7 et 14. Huic credidit Hieronymus in Chronica et in Catalogo et Athanasius in Epistola ad solitariam vitam agentes et Damasus vel Anastasius Bibliothecarius. Semper tamen fuisse catholicum habet Sozomenus ibidem, Socrates lib. 4 c. 11.142 Quare Felix II inter pontifices numerandus non est, et vita eius est Platina tollenda. Forte Damasus hoc scripsit de Liberio, quia electus fuit a parte Felicis, ut habet Platina in Annotatione.143

Donatistarum, adversus Parmenianum (= Contra Parmenianum Donatistam), II– III (PL, 11, cols 946–50) (MS has ‘opt. cont. ornat.’); Augustine, Ep. 53 (PL, 33, cols 195–99); Socrates, Historia ecclesiastica, IV . 12 (PG, 67, cols 483–95). 139

One such letter is the Ep. ad Eusebium, Dionysium et Luciferum in exilio constitutos (AD 355) (PL, 8, cols 1356–58). 140

It is uncertain whether this comment is by Allen or Galesini.

141

LP, I, 207–11.

142

Sozomen, Historia ecclesiastica, IV . 7 (PG, 67, cols 1126–27); IV . 15 (col. 1151) (on the ‘rumour’ spread by Eudoxius); Jerome, Eusebii Chronicorum liber secundus, ad AD 354 (PL, 27, cols 501–02): ‘Liberius taedio victus exsilii et in haeretica pravitate subscribens’ (see Caspar, Geschichte des Papsttums, I, 190); Jerome, De viris illustribus, XCVII (PL, 23, cols 737–38); Athanasius, Ep. ad omnes ubique solitariam vitam agentes (= Historia Arianorum ad monachos), XLI (PG, 25, col. 742); LP, I, 207: ‘Hic exilio deportatur a Constantio eo quod noluisset heresi arrianae consentire’. On Anastasius Bibliothecarius, see Arnaldi, ‘Come nacque la attribuzione’. The last two references are to Sozomen, Historia ecclesiastica, IV . 15 (PG, 67, col. 1154); Socrates, Historia ecclesiastica, IV . 12 (ibid., col. 486). 143

Panvinio, in Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 41: ‘Hi vero qui Felici adhaeserant, Damasum in schismate etiam ipsi pontificem Romanum renuntiant’.

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36.

FELIX II (antipope, 355–65)

B1 G2 G3

[see 35, Liberius, B1*] Eusebium ponit [62. 26–27] pro Ruffino lib. 10. c. 22.144 Occisum fuisse [63. 10] non est probabile.

37.

DAMASUS I (366–84)

G1 G2

Biblia Hieronymi legi cepta est [65. 15–16]: ‘cepta sunt’. Ecclesia numquam legit psalmos ex interpretatione Hieronymi, sed tantum ex 70.145

38.

SIRICIUS (384–99)

G1

Non instituit Siricius bigamos non ordinari; est enim traditio apostolica. Unde Apostolus: ‘unius uxoris vir’.146 Sed servari et retineri voluit hunc morem.

39.

ANASTASIUS I (399–401)

B1 G2

In vita Anastasii Papae bis Platina Eusebium pro Ruffino citat [68. 13, 17]. Gregorii extabant aliqua volumina [68. 16–17]: Imo extant Gregorii Nisseni, fratris Basilii magni.147

40.

INNOCENT I (401–17)

B1

Tribuit Innocentio Platina institutionem ieiunii sabbathini [69. 23–24]. At Innocentius ieiunium illud non primum instituit, sed antiquum morem defendit.

144

According to Platina, Eusebius affirmed that Felix was elected pope by heretics. This is the opinion of Rufinus in his continuation of Eusebius’s Historia ecclesiastica, I. 22 (PL, 21, col. 495). See Gaida’s note in Platina, Vitae, p. 62, n. 2. 145

Platina maintains, Vitae, p. 65. 14–17: ‘Primus etiam Hieronymi scriptis auctoritatem dedit, cum prius LXX interpretum scripta tantummodo in pretio essent. Nam et Biblia Hieronymi legi coepta est, et psalmi eiusdem fideliter ex Hebraico traducti, cum antea apud Gallos potissimum incomposite legerentur.’ Galesini, not surprisingly, defends the Septuagint: see above, 20, Anterus, G2*. 146 I Timothy 3. 2: ‘oportet ergo episcopum inreprehensibilem esse, unius uxoris virum’. See above, 32, Silvester I, G10. 147

Page 308

Galesini edited works of Gregory of Nyssa and Basil. See above, pp. 132, 137.

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G1*

G3

291

Non bene narrat historiam Theodosii et Ambrosii [69. 9–18], sed confundit omnia. Ob caedem Thessalonicensium eum aditu ecclesiae privat, etiam penitentem per aliquot menses. Et statuit imperator non per triduum [69. 17], sed per 30 [402r:] dies executionem sententiae imperatoris irati differri. Nicephorus 12 Historiae c. 40, 41; Theodoretus 5 Historiae c. 18; Tripartita.148 Constituit sabato ieiunium celebrari: Idem Damasus id est Bibliothecarius. Sed verius antiqua erat haec consuetudo Romae, ex Augustino Epistola 19 ad Hieronymum et Epistola 86 ad Casulanum; Hieronymo ad Lucinium. Et Innocentius ipse Epistola prima § 4 hunc morem non inducit, sed retinendum censet.149 Huius temporibus fuit Apollinarius [70. 10]: Verius tempore Damasi, sub quo iam damnatus erat. Theodoretus lib. 5 c. 10.150

41.

ZOSIMUS (417–18)

A1

fol. 47. Asciscuntur nunc non modo servi, et vulgo concepti etc.: More suo Platina insectatur mores cleri, ideoque delenda sunt ea verba usque ad Ferunt tum [71.36–38].151 Clamitat more suo. Bibere in publico clericis vetuit [71. 34]: Non bibere, sed propinare; nam hoc aliud est. Ita Damasus.152

AG 1 G2

148 Nicephorus, Historia ecclesiastica, I. 40–41 (PG, 146, cols 887–900); Theodoret, Historia ecclesiastica, V . 17 (PG, 82, cols 1231–38); Cassiodorus, Historia Tripartita, IX . 30 (PL, 69, cols 1144–47). Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, refused the Emperor Theodosius access to his church after a massacre of the population in Thessalonica (AD 390). For Galesini’s own account of this story, see his life of Innocent I (BAM, MS D 286 inf., fols 52 v –53 v). 149

LP, I, 222; Augustine, Ep. 82, XIV (PL, 33, col. 281); idem, Ep. 36 (ibid., cols 136–51); Jerome, Ep. 71, VI (PL, 22, col. 672); Innocent I, Ep. 1, IV (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, p. 528). In Galesini’s life of Innocent I, the question is not raised; he merely states: ‘Die Sabbato ieiunium servari iussit’ (BAM, MS D 286 inf., fol. 52 v). 150

Theodoret, Historia ecclesiastica, V . 10 (PG, 82, cols 1219–22).

151

For the implementation of this point see above, p. 192, n. 74.

152 LP, I, 225: ‘Et praecepit ut nullus clericus in poculum publicum propinaretur’. Zosimus and the preceding synods did not actually make a distinction between drinking (bibere) and drinking a toast (propinare): see Duchesne’s note, ibid., p. 226, n. 3. In his own Vitae pontificum Galesini was not concerned about this question: in his life of Innocent I he mentions the decree ‘[…] ne in publico biberent’ (BAM, MS D 286 inf., fol. 52 v).

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Documentary Appendix

G1* G3

Adsciscuntur nunc usque ad incommodum tandem capiet: Dele. Chrysostomum sub hoc ponit [72. 8]. Verius sub Innocentio, qui eum defendit excommunicatis persecutoribus. Sozomenus lib. 8 c. 26, Nicephorus lib. 13 c. 32.153

42.

BONIFACE I (418–22)

A1

patre Iucundo presbytero [72. 25]: Dele ‘presbytero’ quia Ivo, qui epistola quadam pontifices recenset Romanos,154 Bonifacium non numerat in iis, qui fuerint episcoporum et155 presbyterorum filii; nec vero ceteri, nisi Polonus quem Platina sequitur.156 Delendum censerem hic quod dicit eum filium Iocundi presbyteri. Satis esset dici filium Iocundi. Non quod hoc falsum sit, ut vult Alanus (ponitur enim a Damaso et Gratiano dist. 56 can. 2,157 non tantum a Martino Polono ut dicit Alanus), sed ne quis putet in ecclesia romana fuisse licita connubia clericorum, vel spurios passim ad pontificatum assumptos. Idem dico de omnibus aliis locis, ubi ponuntur filii vel presbyteri vel episcopi. Hieronymum sub hoc ponit [73. 9], sed verius sub Damaso floruit. Ponit eum 91 anno aetatis obiisse [73. 13], ex Prospero et Paulo Diacono. Res non est certa. Sigebertus et Beda 98 annos ei tribuunt, alii centum excessisse. Hoc certum: decrepitum obiisse, ut ipse dicit Epistola 89 ad Augustinum.158 Sub hoc ponit Cassianum [73. 21], verius spectat ad Leonem I quo hortante scripsit De incarnatione.159 [402v :]

G1*

G2

G3

153

Sozomen, Historia ecclesiastica, VIII. 26 (PG, 67, cols 1583–90); Nicephorus, Historia ecclesiastica, XIII. 32 (PG, 146, cols 1030–34). 154

MS: ‘qui epistolae quadam pontificis recenset Romanos’, which makes no sense.

155

MS: ‘at’.

156

The first reference seems to be to Ivo of Chartres’ letters (PL, 162); the second is to Martin of Troppau, Chronicon pontificum et imperatorum, p. 418. 157

LP, I, 227; Decretum, D. 56 c. 2 (col. 220). Galesini, Bonifacius I, writes: ‘Iocundi filius’ (BAM, MSS D 286 inf., fol. 54 r; A 41 inf., fol. 42 r; P 220 sup., fol. 23 r). 158

Prosper of Aquitaine, Chronicum integrum (PL, 51, col. 592); Paul the Deacon, Historia Romana, XIV (PL, 95, col. 954; Fonti per la storia d’Italia, 51, XIII. 4, p. 178); Sigebert of Gembloux, Chronica, ad AD 421 (PL, 160, col. 77): ninety-eight years; but Bede, De temporum ratione, ad AD 426 (PL, 90, col. 560), has ninety-one years (cf. Bede’s Martyrologia, 30 September: PL, 94, col. 1058b); Jerome, Ep. 112, XXII (PL, 22, col. 931). 159

Page 310

John Cassian, De incarnatione Christi, preface to Leo I (PL, 50, cols 10–12).

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293

43.

CELESTINE I (422–32)

G1 G2

Augustinus apud Possidonium [sic] vixit annos 76.160 Ergo cur Platina ponit [74. 6–8] eum obiisse anno 77? Perlecta epistola et evangelio, finis sacrificio imponebatur [74. 17–18]: Hoc verum non est, nam recitabatur canon, consecrabatur hostia, sumebatur, recitabatur Oratio dominica.

44.

LEO I (440–61)

G1

Acephali vocati sunt, quia sine cerebro [77. 40]: Imo ideo Acephali, vel quia autor Severus Acephalus dicebatur, vel quia eo mortuo sine episcopo et capite manserunt.

45.

HILARIUS (461–68)

G1

‘Hilarum’ dici debere constat antiquissimis litteris Lateranensis Basilicae: Onuphrius.161

46.

SIMPLICIUS (468–83)

G1

quae sepe flendo inspexi ob incuriam eorum, quibus ipsa templa iam ruinam minantia commissa sunt [79. 26–27]: Dele.162

47.

FELIX III (483–92)

A1 G1*

fol. 53. patre Felice presbytero [80. 27]: Dele ‘presbytero’. Felice presbytero: Dele ‘presbytero’.163

160

Possidius, Vita Augustini, XXXI (PL, 32, col. 63).

161

Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 52. In Galesini’s own Vitae pontificum, the name is still ‘Hilarius’ (BAM, MSS D 286 inf., fol. 60 v; P 220 sup., fol. 65 v; see also A 41 inf., fol. 46 r, where ‘Hilarus’ is corrected to ‘Hilarius’). 162

Platina laments that the churches founded by Simplicius, S. Stefano Rotondo on the Celio and S. Andrea in Catabarbara near S. Maria Maggiore (the former Basilica of Junius Bassus) — ‘in qua adhuc vestigia quaedam antiquitatis apparent’ — were near collapse because of neglect. S. Stefano still survives, but S. Andrea was destroyed after the fifteenth century, as Platina had predicted. 163

Page 311

See Galesini’s comment above, 42, Boniface I, G1*.

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Documentary Appendix

48.

GELASIUS I (492–96)

G1

Erat autem consuetudo primitivae ecclesiae [82. 4–5]: Dele totam hanc periodum.

49.

ANASTASIUS II (496–98)

A1

fol. 54. tametsi postea ipse ab Acacio seductus etc.: Tota haec narratio falsa est, quoniam [87r:] Acacius ante obierat, tempore scilicet Felicis III. Sed rem totam explodit Albertus Pighius lib. 4 c. 8 Hierarchiae ecclesiasticae.164 Facile quam valde plurima aberrat. Platina ex Pontificali vult Anastasium communicasse Acacio et Photino haereticis. Sed eius Decretalis vult eum deleri de catalogo, et Acacius tempore Felicis III iam obierat in Evagrio lib. 3 c. 23. Vide Pighium 4 Ecclesiasticae hierarchiae c. 8, Osium 2 Fidei catholicae.165 Addit Platina ideo hunc pontificem Dei nutu subito percussum [83. 5–6]. Sed falsus est similitudine nominis. Imperator enim Anastasius fulmine ictus periit apud Paulum Diaconum in eius Vita.166

AG 1 G1*

G2

164

Platina, Vitae, p. 83. 1–3: ‘Anastasius vero, ut quidam scriptores referunt, Anastasium imperatorem excommunicavit, quod Acatio faveret, tametsi postea ipse ab Acatio seductus, dum eum revocare clanculum tentat, clerum a se graviter alienavit’. Anastasius II expressed a more or less conciliatory attitude towards the late patriarch Acacius of Constantinople, whom Pope Felix III had excommunicated in 484, thus initiating the Acacian schism between the Eastern and Western Churches (484–519). See the letter of Pope Anastasius II to Emperor Anastasius I, in Pigge, Hierarchiae ecclesiasticae assertio, IV . 8, fols 132 v–33 r. 165

LP, I, 258; Anastasius I, Decreta (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, pp. 525–26); Evagrius Scholasticus, Historia ecclesiastica, III. 23 (PG, 86, cols 2643–46); Pigge (as in previous note); Stanislaus Hosius, Propugnatio verae Christianae Catholicaeque doctrinae, adversus Ioannem Brentium, II, in his Opera (Paris: Gorbin, 1562), fols 147 r–235 v (fol. 176 r). Although closer to Galesini’s short title (the MS has ‘fid. cathol.’), Hosius’s famous Confessio Catholicae fidei Christiana (ibid., fols 1r–146 v) does not seem to be what he is referring to here. This GermanPolish cardinal, who died near Rome in 1579, was a strenuous defender of papal authority. He was a member of the curial commission charged with refuting the Protestant Ecclesiastica historia (‘Magdeburg Centuries’) together with Cardinal Sirleto, Baronio, and Bellarmine. See Zen, Baronio storico, pp. 69, 97, n. 1, 129; Orella y Unzué, Respuestas católicas, pp. 138–307. 166

Paul the Deacon, Historia Romana, XV (PL, 95, col. 976, n. d; Fonti per la storia d’Italia, 51, XVI. 5, p. 227). Galesini wants to rehabilitate Anastasius II, implying that he died naturally. Platina reports the claim that the Pope died from a sudden disease, which was the result of divine intervention, in response to his supposed plans to reinstate the heretic Acacius: ‘Hanc ob rem

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50.

SYMMACHUS (498–514)

B1

G1*

In vita Symmachi laudat Platina Gennadium Massiliensem — quem episcopum vocat cum solum esset praesbyter — quod multum iuverit ecclesiam Dei [84. 24–27]. Nescio an hanc laudem Gennadius mereatur, cum reliquiis Pelagianorum, quae illo tempore in Galliis inveniebantur, favisse videatur, ut ex libro eius De viris illustribus cognosci potest, ubi de Augustino, Prospero et Fausto agit. Anteponit etiam Ruffinum Sancto Hieronymo, ubi de Ruffino tractat.167 Gennadius non fuit episcopus, sed presbyter. [403r:]

51.

JOHN I (523–26)

B1

Quod scribit Platina Sanctum Iohannem pontificem legationem suscepisse ad imperatorem Iustinum pro ecclesiis Arianis restituendis, delendum putarem [86. 5–8]. Nam repugnat Epistolae ipsius Sancti Iohannis pontificis. Neque ullo modo credibile est summum pontificem et talem pontificem, id est tam sanctum et pium, operam daturum fuisse, ut ecclesiae Arianis restituerentur. Scio Platinam sequutum esse Librum pontificalem Anastasii Bibliothecarii, sed pluris facio epistolam Ioannis quam librum Anastasii.168 [393v:] Theodoricus rex misit Ioannem ad imperatorem, ut exercitum ab Italia summoveret. Simul addidit minas, nisi ecclesias Arianis restitueret. Platina hic ex Pontificali vult missum pro Arianis. Et Paulus Diaconus ait a Iustino rem hanc impetrasse. Sed repugnat eius [i.e., Ioannis] sanctitati miraculis probatae apud Gregorium 3 Dialogorum c. 2 et Decretali 2, qua dicit non timendum Theodoricum ob minas, nec ecclesias Arianis restituendas.169

G1*

ferunt divino nutu hominem subito morbo correptum interiisse. Sunt qui dicant eum in latrinam effudisse intestina, dum necessitati naturae obtemperat.’ (Vitae, p. 83. 5–7). See also LP, I, 258: ‘Qui nutu divino percussus est.’ According to later medieval tradition, this pope — or the emperor of same name — was struck by lightning: see Döllinger, Papst-Fabeln, p. 150, n. 1. 167

Gennadius of Marseilles, De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, 38, 84–85 (PL, 58, cols 1079–80, 1107–10); ibid., 17 (cols 1069–71). Bellarmine expresses a similar criticism in his De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, p. 130. 168 169

John I, Ep. ad episcopis Italiae (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, p. 696); LP, I, 275.

Theoderic the Great, the Gothic king of Italy and himself an Arian, was alarmed by the efforts of Emperor Justin I (r. 518–27) to suppress Arianism. He therefore sent Pope John I on a

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52.

BONIFACE II (530–32)

A1

fol. 57. Quem quidem imperatorem tanti constat ingenii, tantaeque doctrinae:170 Immo omnis doctrinae rudem fuisse plerique fere omnes narrant, usque adeo ut ne alphabetum quidem illum scisse affirment. Vide de ingenio imperatoris. Iustinianus scribitur fuisse analphabitos. Libri legum collecti sunt eius iussu a viris doctis. in honorem dei patris [88. 6]: Imo filii, qui sophia et sapientia est. Non instituit ut nemo sibi successorem deligeret [88. 11]. Imo Vigilium elegit successorem. Sed chirographum scidit post ductus poenitentia, quod fecisset contra canones.171

AG 1 G1* G2 G3

53.

JOHN II (533–35)

B1

In vita Ioannis Papae II Platina scribit ab hoc pontifice damnatum Anthemium ob haeresim Arianam [88. 22–23]. Sed Anthemius non Arianus, sed Eutichianus fuit. Neque a Ioanne, sed ab Agapeto primum deprehensus et damnatus est, ut constat ex Epistola Agapeti ad Anthimum [sic] et ex Pontificali.172 Antemium ab hoc damnatum esse negat Bellarminus, quia post damnatus fuit a successore Agapeto. Sed potuit prius a Ioanne damnari, et innuitur in Breviario 5 Synodi c. 21.173 Non fuit Arianus, sed Eutychianus, ut in Agapeto [89. 14–15] dicitur.

G1*

mission to Constantinople in order to convince the emperor to change his policies. The references are to LP, I, 275; Paul the Deacon, Historia Romana, XV (PL, 95, col. 978; Fonti per la storia d’Italia, 51, XVI. 8, p. 229); Gregory I, Dialogi, III. 2 (PL, 77, cols 221–24); John I, Ad episcopos Italiae (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, pp. 695–97). 170

Platina, Vitae, pp. 87. 25–26, 88. 3–5, about Justinian: ‘Quem quidem imperatorem tanti constat ingenii, tantaeque doctrinae fuisse, ut mirum non sit, si leges Romanas sparsas et incompositas in ordinem […] redegerit […]. Sunt praeterea qui dicant Iustinianum ipsum libros de incarnatione Domini eleganter scripsisse’. 171

See LP, I, 281.

172

Agapitus I, Ep. ad Antemium (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, pp. 706–08); LP, I, 287 (Agapitus I). 173

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Liberatus, Breviarium causae Nestorianorum et Eutychianorum, XXI (Mansi, IX , 695).

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54.

AGAPITUS I (535–36)

A1 G1*

fol. 58. Gordiano presbytero [89. 2]: Dele ‘presbytero’. Gordiano presbytero: Dele ‘presbytero’. Sic etiam in Silverio.

55.

SILVERIUS (536–37)

G1

Ormisda episcopo [89. 20]: Dele ‘episcopo’, etiam si habetur in Pontificali et Breviario 5 Synodi c. 22.174

56.

VIGILIUS (537–55)

B1

Valde suspicor non esse vera quae dicuntur de contemptu Papae Vigilii et de iniuriis illi illatis in urbe Constantinopolitana [91. 25]. Constat enim ex 5 Synodo Vigilium Constantinopoli fuisse in magno honore.175 Non est canonice ingressus vi deiecto Silverio, ut habes in Silverii Epistola; sed eo mortuo vere fuit pontifex per consensum suffragiorum.176 Bellarminus suspicatur falsum quod ait Platina Vigilium Constantinopoli tam inhumane tractatum, quia ex 5 Synodo fuit honorifice exceptus. Et verum quidem est eum primo honorifice fuisse exceptum. Sed cum [403v:] turpiter promissis dum esset apocrisarius177 sedis apostolicae stare nollet iam pontifex, male tractatus fuit a Theodora Augusta. Ita Pontificale, Paulus Diaconus in Iustiniano, Aimoinus lib. 2 De gestis francorum c. 32, Scotus, Blondus, Sabellicus, alii.178

G2 G1*

174

LP, I, 290: ‘Silverio […] ex patre Hormisda episcopo Romano’; Liberatus, Breviarium causae Nestorianorum et Eutychianorum, XXII (Mansi, IX , 695). 175

The fifth ecumenical council was the Second Council of Constantinople, AD 553 (see Mansi, IX , cols 171–658). During the course of the council, Vigilius came to oppose it. 176

Silverius, Rescriptum (Decretales Ps.-Isidorianae, pp. 708–09). Silverius was deposed by force and banished; and Vigilius was elected in his place before the death of his predecessor, whom he prevented from returning to Rome. Galesini’s distinction, therefore, is deliberately conciliatory. 177 178

That is, nuncio.

LP, I , 297–98; Paul the Deacon, Historia Romana, XV I (PL, 95, cols 987–88; Fonti per la storia d’Italia, 51, XV I. 21, p. 236); Aimoin, De gestis Francorum, XV II and XXXII (PL, 139, cols 678–79, 687–89); M arianus Scotus, Chronicon, ed. by G. W aitz, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, 5 (Hanover: Hahn, 1844), pp. 481–568 (p. 540); Biondo

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57.

PELAGIUS II (579–90)

A1

fol. 63. Nihil tum a clero in eligendo pontifice actum erat, nisi eius electionem imperator approbasset [95. 21–22]: Non erat cleri electio irrita sine approbatione imperatoris. Sed electus consecrationem suscipere non poterat, nisi ab imperatore confirmatus. Vide de electione pontificis Platinam in vita Severini I, Paschalis I, Gregorii IV, Clementis II, Gregorii ‹V›:179 An irrita cleri populique Romani electio sine confirmatione imperatoris. Non loquitur accurate et exacte de electione pontificis. Erat enim legitima electio, sed sine imperatore consecrari non poterat. Legatur Annotatio Onuphrii.180

AG 1

G1*

58.

GREGORY I (590–604)

B1

Scribit Platina monitum fuisse Sanctum Gregorium ab imperatore Mauritio, ut Ioanni episcopo Constantinopolitano, qui se oecumenicus appellari volebat, obtemperaret [97. 25–26]. Id nusquam alibi legi, nec puto esse verum. Episcopi enim Constantinopolitani affectabant aequalitatem cum Romano pontifice, non superioritatem. Praeterea Sanctus Gregorius lib. 7 ep. 63 testatur imperatorem fateri solitum ecclesiam Constantinopolitanam apostolicae Romanae sedi esse subiectam.181 Quomodo igitur credibile est, ab eodem imperatore Sanctum Gregorium admonitum ut episcopo Constantinopolitano pareret? Nimis ieiune vitam tanti pontificis scribit.182

G2

Flavio, Historiarum ab inclinatione Romanorum imperii decades (1453), I . 5, in his De Roma triumphante [… ] (Basel: Froben; Herwagen; Episcopius, 1531), separate pagination, pp. 57– 58; Marcantonio Coccio (Sabellico), Rapsodiae historicae enneadum XI (first publ. 1504), 2 vols (Basel: Herwagen, 1538), V III. 4 (vol. II , 363–64). Sabellico comments on the accounts of Platina and Biondo. 179

MS has ‘VII’. The passages are: Platina, Vitae, pp. 104. 28–29 (Severinus), 142. 14–17 (Paschal I), 142. 15–18 (Gregory IV), 183. 1–2 (Clement II), 175. 24–25 (Gregory V). 180

Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 63.

181

Gregory I, Ep. IX . 26, ad Ioannem Episcopum Syracusanum, in his Registrum epistularum, II, 587: ‘Nam de Constantinopolitana ecclesia quod dicunt, quis eam dubitet sedi apostolicae esse subiectam? Quod et piissimus imperator et frater noster eiusdem civitatis epicopus assidue profitentur.’ Contemporary numbering: Ep. VII. 63 (Opera (1542), fol. 210r). 182

Panvinio in his annotation (Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 65) gives a list of the subjects which Platina had not treated. Even though his biography did non consider all aspects

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299

ut antiphonae canerentur:183 Clarius: ‘ut solo psalmorum quos instituerat Celestinus versus canerent, qui dicitur Introitus’. quem quidem ordinem usque ad compositioni additam [97. 2–4]: Dele.184 monuissetque Gregorium Mauritius, ut Ioanni obtemperaret: Bellarminus putat hoc falsum, quia Ioannes nomine oecumenici vel universalis tantum paritatem cum Romano pontifice volebat. Addo ego: neque paritatem, sed pompam nominis.185 Nam Ioannes se papae Romano subditum fatebatur apud Gregorium 7 Registro c. 64 et lib. 4 Epistola 36.186 Sed pompam nominis affectabat. At vero qui legerit 4 Registro c. 76 ad Mauritium Augustum et Epistolam 78 ad Augustam inveniet aliquid Mauritium praecepisse Gregorio, ut pacem cum Ioanne haberet, id est ut sineret eum uti ea voce, neque vexaret.187

of Gregory’s pontificate, Platina did have high praise for this pope (Vitae, p. 96. 20–22): ‘usque ad tempora nostra neminem ex successoribus parem habuerit nedum superiorem, vel sanctitate vitae, vel diligentia in rebus agendis, vel doctrina et scriptis’. 183

Platina, Vitae, p. 96. 26–28: ‘Instituit […] ut Antiphonae canerentur: haec vulgo Introitus vocant.’ Platina does not mention Gregory’s important improvements in music (Gregorian Chant). 184

Platina regrets (Vitae, p. 97. 3–4) that in his day the ancient ecclesiastical offices were no longer followed: ‘Non abhorrerent hodie a lectione officii viri docti, quemadmodum faciunt propter barbariem, nescio quam, illi Latinitati et compositioni additam.’ 185

See Galesini’s sharp criticism of John’s ‘arrogantia’ in the preface to his translation of Gregory of Nyssa, Conciones V de oratione domini, sig. a3r. In his own life of Gregory, however, Galesini avoids all discussion of this matter, making only a brief statement: ‘Ioannis Constantinopolitani, sibi oecumenici nomen arrogantis, audaciam fregit [Gregorius].’ (BAM, MS D 286 inf., fol. 75 r; MS A 41 inf. does not include Gregory). 186

Gregory I, Ep. IX . 27, ad Ioannem Episcopum Syracusanum, in his Registrum epistularum,

II, 588 (contemporary numbering: Ep. VII. 64, in his Opera (1542), fol. 210 v); idem, Eulogio Episcopo

Alexandrino et Anastasio Episcopo Antiocheno, V . 41, in his Registrum epistularum, I, 320–25 (contemporary numbering: idem, Epistole ex registro, IV . 36 (Venice: Soardi, 1504), fols 57r–58 r). John, Bishop of Constantinople, claimed the title ‘ecumenical patriarch’ (‘patriarcha universalis’). Gregory objected, and the controversy continued throughout his papacy. See A. Tuilier, ‘Grégoire le Grand et le titre de patriarche oecuménique’, in Grégoire le Grand, ed. by J. Fontaine, R. Gillet, and S. Pellistrandi (Paris: Éditions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1986), pp. 69–82. 187

Gregory I, Ep. V . 37, ad Mauricium Augustum, in his Registrum epistularum, I, 308–11; idem, Ep. V . 39, ad Constantinam Augustam, ibid., pp. 314–18 (contemporary numbering: Epp. IV . 76 and IV . 78, in his Opera (1542), fols 180 r–81 v ).

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59.

SABINIAN (604–06)

A1 A2 G3

fol. 66. ac merito quidem [98. 29]: Dele. obscurior moribus [98. 30]: Dele.188 adeo in Gregorium ira et invidia exarserat homo malevolus [98. 34]: Dele. Tota haec vita corrigenda est, ut scilicet eius vitia mitius describantur, sine satyra et verborum licentia.

60.

BONIFACE III (607)

A1

fol. 68. Romanae sedi tantummodo concessisse [100. 3]: Non principes, sed Christum Dominum.189 Romanae sedi concessisse: Id non ab imperatore, sed a Christo Domino ecclesia Romana habet. Tantum prone principes id agunt. Romanae sedi tantum concessisse: Alanus notat hoc male dici, quia Christus hanc autoritatem dedit pontifici Romano, non Constantinus. At mens Platinae alia est, scilicet principes hanc potestatem tantum in Romano episcopo agnovisse [404r :] eaque ipsum solum uti permisisse. Iam enim supra dictum est, claves caeli datas episcopo Romano. sub anathematis culpa [100. 6–7]: Melius ‘pena’. Anathema enim ob culpam infertur. nostris praesertim temporibus, in quibus in peius omnia dilabuntur [100. 12]: Dele. Licet revera usque ad de his satis [100. 15–18]: Delenda sunt.190

AG 1 G1*

G2 G3 G4

188 Platina, Vitae, p. 98. 29–30: ‘Sabinianus, cuius patria ignoratur, ac merito quidem, Gregorio successit. Homo enim obscuro loco natus, obscurior moribus, rebus gestis Gregorii viri sanctissimi adversatus est.’ 189

Platina writes that Boniface III obtained a statement by Emperor Phocas regarding the primacy of the Roman Church over Constantinople. Emperor Justinian (r. 527–65) had issued such a decree before. The claim of the Roman bishops was founded on St Peter handing over the keys to heaven to his successors (Vitae, pp. 99. 32–100. 1): ‘Omitto quod Petrus apostolorum princeps successoribus suis pontificibus Romanis regni caelorum claves postestatemque a Deo sibi concessam reliquerit, non Constantinopoli, sed Romae.’ Platina then sharply points out (ibid., p. 100. 1–4): ‘Illud tantum dico, multos principes, maxime vero Constantinum, comparandae synodi ac dissolvendae, confutandi vel confirmandi ea quae in synodis decreta erant, Romanae sedi tantummodo concessisse.’ 190

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Most bishops of his day, Platina complains, have only a material interest in their dioceses.

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61.

DEUSDEDIT (later Adeodatus I, 615–18)

A1

fol. 71. patre Stephano subdiacono [101. 18]: Dele ‘subdiacono’.

62.

BONIFACE V (619–25)

B1

G2*

Illa sententia Platinae in vita Bonifacii V: Vereor ne secta Maumethi reliquias Christiani nominis penitus extinguat [102. 29–30], non bene sonat. Non enim extingui potest nomen Christianum, nisi Christi verba nos fallant; Matthaeus 16[.18]: ‘et portae inferi non praevalebunt adversus eam’. Ibidem illa reprehensio generalis clericorum, quod sint Dei et hominum contemptores et quod Deum sola utilitate colant [103. 4–5], scandalum gignere potest. vereor ne reliquias extinguat: Dele quia ecclesia deficere non potest. adeo tepescimus usque ad ad Mahometem redeo [102. 30–103. 5]: Dele.191

63.

HONORIUS I (625–38)

G1

Saracenos ait dici a Sara [103. 31–32]. Verum est quo ad nomen revera sunt Agareni ab Agar ancilla, et Ismaelitae a filio. Sed ipsi nomen honorificum sibi usurpant. Damnatur in 6 Synodo ut Monotelita, sed Graecorum fraude insertus est haereticis. Nam vere catholicus fuit, ut patet ex eius Epistola quae in 6 Synodo ponitur, ubi duas voluntates in Christo natura, unum conformitate.192 Quare hoc non est praetereundum.

B2

G1*

G2

191

Platina warns about Muhammad (Vitae, p. 102. 29–31): ‘verear ne eius secta nostra potissimum aetate, reliquias Christiani nominis penitus extinguat: adeo tepescimus, et animo ac corpore languidi interitum nostrum expectantes concidimus.’ The clergy, continues Platina, waits for the laity to fight the war, while the laity expects the clergy to provide the money for equipping an army. 192

Concilium Constantinopolitanum III (AD 680–81), actio XII (Mansi, XI, cols 546–50); Honorius I, Ep. ad Sergium (ibid., cols 538–43): ‘unum nobiscum Dominum Iesum Christum Filium Dei vivi, Deum verissimum, in duabus naturis operatum divinitus atque humanitus, fide orthodoxa et unitate catholica praedicetis’ (col. 543). Monothelitism, to which Honorius I (r. 625–38) adhered, was the belief that Christ had only one will. The sixth ecumenical council condemned this belief and accepted a definition of two wills, divine and human, in Christ. See also Galesini’s remarks on monothelitism in the preface to his translation of Gregory of Nyssa’s Conciones V de oratione domini, sig. a3v.

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64.

SEVERINUS (640)

A1

Vana tunc habebatur cleri electio [104. 28–29]: Emenda ut supra in vita Pelagii II.

65.

JOHN IV (640–42)

G1

Idem contigit usque ad fortunam erexerat [105. 29–32]: Dele.193

66.

THEODORE I (642–49)

A1 G1*

fol. 72. patre Theodoro episcopo [106. 13]: Dele ‘episcopo’. [87v:] Theodoro episcopo: Dele ‘espiscopo’.

67.

AGATHO (678–81)

A1 G2

fol. 76. Niceae habita est pontifice Iulio [112. 34]: ‘Silvestro’. sola divina contentum esse [113. 6]: Euthyces quid senserit dubium est. Unam naturam voluit in Christo, quod potuit esse tripliciter: vel ex utraque facta una tertia; vel deitate aut parte eius conversa in carnem, ut in Epistolis pontificum dicitur et in Symbolo Athanasii;194 vel carne in deitatem.

68.

LEO II (682–83)

G1

in celebratione [113. 23]: Adde ‘missae’. Si ipse instituit pacem populo dari, quomodo hoc prius tribuit Innocentio I in Xisto?195 [404v :]

193

Platina reports here that in his time the grave of Cardinal Ludovico Trevisan was robbed ‘ab his […] quos ipse ex infima sorte hominum ad dignitatem sacerdotalem et meliorem fortunam erexerat’. In Vitae, p. 373. 9–11 (Paul II), he specifies further: ‘Ab ipsis enim, quibus ipse beneficia Sancti Laurentii in Damaso dederat, noctu aperto sepulchro, annulo et vestibus spoliatus est.’ See also P. Paschini, Lodovico Cardinal Camerlengo († 1465) (Rome: Pontificio Ateneo Lateranense, 1939), p. 211. 194 195

God, meaning divine essence, becomes human in Christ (Athanasian Creed).

Platina maintains: ‘instituit ut in celebratione pax populo daretur’. See Galesini’s comments on the life of Sixtus I, above, p. 268.

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69.

BENEDICT II (684–85)

G1

Non video cur ille cometes sub Virgiliis non potuerit apparere, dum sol esset in Capricorno et tribus signis, id est quarta celi, distaret a Vergiliis.196 Sunt autem Vergiliae in Tauro, non in Ariete. Et quidem cosmice oriuntur cum sole in Maio, sed Eliace aliis temporibus oriuntur, cum noctu ita distat ab eis Sol ut videri possint.

70.

CONON (686–87)

A1

fol. 78. Dele notationem marginalem: Archidiaconus Paschalis pecunia sollicitat pro pontificatu.197

71.

JOHN VI (701–05)

G1

De Beda et scriptis eius nimis ieiune.

72.

JOHN VII (705–07)

A1 A2

fol. 81. sine auctore tamen: Dele, quia huius historiae extat auctor. Verum cum de donatione nihil certi habeatur: Immo certa est et testificata non modo Latinorum tabulis, sed Graecorum etiam ecclesiae Romanae adversantium. paleamque pontificii iuris etc. dele usque ad illud: Ad Ioannem Pontificem redeo. De palea iocatur, sed in re gravi a ioco abstinendum.198 Neque tamen, ut par erat usque ad decuisset [120. 3–5]: Dele.199

AG 2 G3

196

Platina writes (Vitae, p. 114. 27–32): ‘Sunt qui scribant Benedicti temporibus stellam iuxta Vergilias per aliquot dies et noctes apparuisse, sereno caelo, inter Natalem Domini et Epiphaniam. Stellam ipsam apparuisse non negaverim, et quidem crinitam atque aliquid protendentem. Sed de ortu Vergiliarum non coheret, nisi id quoque prodigiose factum arbitremur. Aequinoctio enim verno oriuntur Vergiliae, cum Sol Arietis signum ingreditur; quod fieri consuevit nono kalendas aprilis, occidereque incipiunt aequinoctio autumnali.’ Cf. Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum, VI. 9 (PL, 95, col. 630). 197

See Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), fol. 78v (margin).

198

See my discussion above, pp. 159, 166. It is unclear whether this comment was added by Allen or Galesini. 199

Platina maintains that John VII was too lenient on the Byzantine emperor and the Eastern Church concerning the question of the consubstantiality of the Son with the Father (homusion). See also above, 32, Silvester I, G11.

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G1* Item illud: sine autore tamen, imo autor est. G2* Verum cum de donatione usque ad constabit: Dele. 73.

CONSTANTINE (708–15)

G1 G2

odio pontificii nominis [121. 1–2]:200 Quomodo odio prosequitur pontificem Iustinianus, si veneratur in hac ipsa vita; et quid hoc factum contra pontificem? pecuniam Romam mittere [121. 11]: Delendum puto, quia sapit Simoniam.201

74.

STEPHEN II (today Stephen II [III], 752–57)

G1

Cur Stephanus ille [129. 18], qui triduo tantum vixit, non annumeratur pontificibus, si vere fuit?202

75.

STEPHEN III (today Stephen III [IV], 768–72)

A1

fol. 91. Nunc vero adeo refrixit pietas ac religio etc. omnia plane deleantur, usque ad versum cuius initium est: Ad Stephanum virum sanctissimum.203

200

Though the passage is paraphrased from E. S. Piccolomini, Epitome supra Decades Blondi, I. 10, p. 181, the remark about Justinian II’s hatred seems to be inserted by Platina. 201

Felix, the newly consecrated archbishop of Ravenna (709), refused to send money to Rome and to acknowledge papal superiority. See again Piccolomini, ibid. 202

In the life of the pope now known as Stephen II (‘III’ until 1960), both Platina and LP (I, 440) refer to a ‘Stephanus quidam’, meaning his predecessor, also called Stephen, who was pope for three days in March 752. Although that Stephen was elected and duly installed, he died before he could be consecrated. He was therefore not considered a pope during the Middle Ages. Panvinio seems to have been the first to rehabilitate this pope on the grounds that ‘et legitime creatus fuerit et vir ingentis spiritus et animi semper existimatus sit’. He referred to him as Stephen II; see Panvinio, Epitome pontificum Romanorum a Sancto Petro usque ad Paulum IV (Venice: Strada, 1557), p. 37. As Duchesne points out, ‘cette façon de compter est étrangère au moyen-âge’ (LP, I, 456, n. 3). After Baronio adopted this practice, the popes named Stephen received dual numberings. In 1961 Stephen, the pope for three days, was again removed from the Annuario pontificio, while the dual numberings for the other Stephens remain. See R. L. Poole, ‘The Names and Numbers of Medieval Popes’, English Historical Review, 32 (1917), 465–78 (pp. 476–77); J. N. D. Kelly, The Oxford Dictionary of Popes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 90–91. 203 Platina laments (Vitae, p. 134. 8–15) that during processions or celebrations of the mass in his age even bishops do not behave with due piety: ‘Nunc vero adeo refrixit pietas et religio, non dico nudis pedibus, sed caligati et coturnati vix supplicare dignantur. Non flent inter eundum, vel dum sacrificatur, ut illi sancti patres, sed rident et quidem impudenter; de his etiam loquor, quos purpura insigniores facit, non hymnos canunt, id enim servile videtur, sed

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305

G1*

Multis enim verbis notat ac violat cardinales. Non est cur notat cardinales. Si Constantinus, non ordinatus, non potuit episcopos consecrare, presbyteros, diaconos ordinare, ut hic dicitur [133. 38–45] — quomodo crisma eius ut validum admittitur?204 Nunc vero adeo usque ad in peius labitur: Dele.

76.

HADRIAN I (772–95)

AG 1 G2

A1

fol. 93. unde fortasse nata est illa de lepra Magni Constantini vana opinio: Dele, quia vera est opinio, ut apparet ex actis Synodi Nicenae Secundae.205 A2 qui adeo gemmis delectatus est, ut direpto sacrario etc. delenda videntur usque ad versum Leone itaque, quoniam ea verborum specie notat Paulum II.206 G A 1 Refutat historiam de lepra Constantini. Quam falso; vide Nicaenum Synodum II. AG 2 Contra Paulum II: sed inique facit. B1–2* Paulo post ea verba quae censor annotavit, B3 idem Platina scribit in Synodo quadam Franci‹s›ca damnatam synodum quam Graeci septimam vocant [137. 30]. Quo loco addendum putarem: damnatam synodum ‘quam Graeci iconomachi septimam Synodum falso vocabant’.207 Non enim 7 Synodus vera damnata fuit.208

iocos et fabulas ad risum concitandum inter se narrant. Quid plura? quo quis dicatior est et petulantior, eo maiorem in tam corruptis moribus laudem meretur. Severos et graves viros reformidat hic noster clerus. Quid ita? quia in tanta licentia malunt vivere, quam bene monenti aut cogenti obtemperare, et ob eam rem Christiana religio quotidie in peius labitur.’ 204

Constantine (antipope, 767–68) was a layman who was hastily ordained a priest only to be acclaimed pope. In 769 his successor Stephen III (IV) held a synod in which all consecrations made by Constantine were declared invalid, with the exception of baptism and extreme unction (‘praeter sacrum baptisma atque sanctum chrisma’: LP, I, 476). 205

Platina, Vitae, p. 137. 7–9: ‘Constantinus in Oriente imperator elephantiae morbo correptus, unde fortasse nata est illa de lepra Magni Constantini vana opinio ob similitudinem nominis’. See the letter of Hadrian I, in Concilium Nicaenum II, actio II (Mansi, XII, cols 1056–72); and above, p. 157, n. 131. 206 207

Platina, Vitae, p. 137. 10–17; see above, p. 157, n. 131.

Platina, Vitae, p. 137. 28–31: ‘[…] Theophylatius et Stephanus episcopi insignes Hadriani nomine synodum Francorum Germanorumque episcoporum habuere; in qua et synodus, quam septimam Graeci appellabant, et haeresis Feliciana de tollendis imaginibus abrogata est.’ Compare Piccolomini, Epitome supra Decades Blondi, II. 1, p. 191: ‘[…] synodum congregarunt, in qua haeresim Felicianam et synodum de imaginibus deponendis, quam Graeci falso appellant

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G1*

vana opinio: Dele ‘vana’. Vana enim non est, quae multis gravibus testimoniis nititur. G2* Idem quoque accidisse usque ad morbo interiit: Dele. G3* quam septimam Graeci appellabant: Quia septima pro imaginibus sancta fuit, claritatis gratia adde ‘falso appellabant’. 77.

LEO III (795–816)

A1

fol. 96. ne‹c›non institutis trium dierum supplicationibus [141. 18–21]: Quae supplicationes ante ascensionem prius institutae sunt, ut apparet ex Sermone Sancti Augustini 173 de tempore.209 An Leo III instituerit supplicationem triduanam. [56v :] Platina dicit ab hoc institutas triduanas litanias ante ascensionem. Negat Alanus, quia Augustinus Sermonibus 172 et 173 de tempore [405r:] earum meminit. Sed neque illi sermones probantur ut Augustini, neque consuetudo Ecclesiae Hipponensis probat in Ecclesia Romana eandem fuisse. Constat enim in diversis episcopatibus diversas litanias fuisse, et Romae etiam a diversis pontificibus. Has ante ascensionem videtur primus Mamercus instituisse vel restituisse, circa annum domini 454. Quando ab Ecclesia Romana sint receptae, adhuc non repperi. Platina et Polidorus Virgilius tribuunt Leoni III.210

AG 1 G1*

septimam, damnaverunt’. Piccolomini, Platina’s source here, had already done exactly what Bellarmine and Galesini wanted. The passage refers to the synod of Frankfurt called in 794 by Charlemagne, at which a proposition (that images must be venerated) from the Second Council of Nicaea (787), also known as the Seventh General Council, was condemned. Bellarmine discusses the synod in detail in his Disputationes, I, 7th gen. controversy: De ecclesia triumphante, Bk II: ‘De reliquiis et imaginibus sanctorum’, Chap. 14, cols 2134–40 (col. 2137): ‘Multi autem historici recentiores dicunt in Synodo Francofordiensi damnatam Synodum de tollendis imaginibus, quam Graeci VII generalem dicebant. Ita Platina in vita Adriani, Blondus Decadis 2 lib. 1’. On discussions about this synod in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see H. J. Sieben, Studien zur Gestalt und Überlieferung der Konzilien (Paderborn: Schöningh, 2005), pp. 363–83; on Bellarmine’s treatise concerning holy images, H. Feld, Der Ikonoklasmus des Westens (Leiden: Brill, 1990), pp. 211–16. 208

See Bellarmine, Disputationes, I, 4th gen. controversy: De conciliis et ecclesia militante, 5, col. 1132; H. J. Sieben, ‘Robert Bellarmin und die Zahl der Ökumenischen Konzilien’, Theologie und Philosophie, 61 (1986), 24–59. I.

209 210

II

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Augustine, Sermo 174: De letania

II

(PL, 39, Appendix, cols 2078–79).

Idem, Sermo 175: De letania III (PL, 39, Appendix, cols 2079–80); Sermo 174: De letania (ibid., cols 2078–79) respectively. Old numeration and titles: Sermo 172 de tempore: Feria

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307

PASCHAL I (817–24)

fol. 97. In electione Paschalis dic ut supra in Pelagio II.211 [88r:] Scribit Platina ab hoc pontifice templum extructum Sanctae Praxedi martyri [143. 11–12]. Corrigi posset ‘virgini’, non enim martyrio vitam finivisse legitur Sancta Praxedis. [394r:] G2* Praxedis martyris: Pro ‘martyris’ pone ‘virginis’. A1 B2

79.

GREGORY IV (827–44)

A1

fol. 99. Utinam nostris temporibus et cetera quae sequuntur delenda sunt usque ad ea verba: Redeo ad Lodovicum [146. 13–22]. Quia more suo tragice nimis exagitat pompam cardinalium et cleri.212 Tragice nimis more suo. Instituit ne Christi servi ulli servituti humanae subiecti essent [146. 4–5]: Quid hoc sibi vult? Nam secundum Apostolum Christianus servus esse potest.213 Utinam nostris usque ad in celum ponam: Dele. Transtulit corpus beati Gregorii [146. 30]: Dicere debebat quo loco erat, quo loco reposuit. Vide in Onuphr‹ii Annotatione› in Gregorio I.214

AG 1 G2

G1* G3

tertia in rogationibus and Sermo 173 de tempore: In vigilia ascensionis domini, in Augustine, Opera, X (1576), pp. 337–39. The last reference is to Polydore Vergil, De rerum inventoribus (first publ. 1499) (Basel: Bebel, 1532), VI. 11, pp. 416–18 (‘De primo usu vovendi vota deo et qui primitus invenerint litanias’). 211 Platina, Vitae, p. 142. 14–17: ‘Paschalis, patria Romanus, patre Bonoso, nulla interposita imperatoris auctoritate pontifex creatur; hanc ob rem ubi pontificatum iniit, statim legatos ad Lodovicum misit, qui eius rei culpam omnem in clerum et populum reiicerent, quod ab his vi coactus esset pontificium munus obire.’ See also above, 57, Pelagius II. 212

This is another passage in which Platina sharply criticizes the luxurious lifestyle of churchmen in his own day. 213 214

I

Corinthians 7. 21–22.

MS: ‘Vide in Onuphr. in Gregorio I’. In his annotation (Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 65), Panvinio, in turn, mentions his own papal biographies: ‘Multa de hoc pontifice dicenda essent a Platina vel omissa, vel leviter tacta, quae ego in meis Romanorum pontificum vitis accurate et copiose describam’. This may be a reference to his unpublished Church History, on which see above, p. 111.

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80.

JOHN VIII (legendary ‘Pope Joan’, in Platina John VII [bis])

A1

fol. 103. Mentitus enim sexu‹m› etc. [151. 17–152. 19]: Hanc fabellam accepit a mendaci scriptore Martino Polono, ideo ut falsa firmissimis rationibus explosa est a sapientissimis viris. Ideo tota deleatur, aut falsa pluribus demonstretur.215 De Ioanne VIII: not‹at?›. Fabula huius feminae delenda est, et deinceps numerus corrigendus, ut qui post hunc dicitur Ioannes IX sit VIII, qui X sit IX etc.216

AG 1 G1*

81.

HADRIAN II (867–72)

A1

fol. 108. Haberi synodum Constantinopoli passus est [155. 25–26]: ‘voluit’. Sed quam ieiune et inepte ac leviter de re gravi hic more suo loquitur. Talaro episcopo [154. 34]: Dele ‘episcopo’. Synodum haberi passus est: Haec est 8 Synodus oecumenica, de qua ieiune agit.217 Ideoque non passus est, sed voluit eam haberi.

G2 G1*

82.

JOHN IX (in Platina and today John VIII, 872–82)

A1 G1*

fol. 109. Ioannes IX [156. 2]: ‘Octavus’.218 Ioannes IX: Lege ‘VIII’, sic Platina etiam in sequenti pontifice.219

215

Martin of Troppau, Chronicon pontificum et imperatorum, p. 428. On Platina’s discussion of Pope Joan see above, p. 95. Bellarmine, who does not comment here, refuted the story in his Controversies, even though he admitted that Panvinio had already done this sufficiently. See his Disputationes, I, 3rd gen. controversy: De summo pontifice, III. 24, cols 964–69 (‘fabulam [… ] de Ioanna Papa foemina […] satis accurate refellit Onuphrius in additione ad Platinam’, col. 964). 216

See below, n. 218.

217

This Council of Constantinople (869–70) is recognized as the eighth ecumenical council only by the Roman Church; the Eastern Church accepts only the first seven. 218

The reference to him as John IX was introduced in the Venice, 1504 edition of Platina’s Lives and was kept from then onwards. In the manuscripts and the incunable editions, he is referred to as John VIII. 219

n. 1.

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Platina, Martinus II (Vitae, p. 157. 16–17): ‘Ioanne VIII’. See Gaida’s note, ibid., p. 156,

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309

83.

MARTIN II (today Marinus I, 882–84)

G1

‘Marinum’ vocandum esse probat Onuphrius;220 ideo non ‘II’ sed ‘I’ dici debet. Neque Gallus est [157. 13], sed ex Galesio oppido.

G2 84.

FORMOSUS (891–96), with comments on the next popes up to 99, John XIII

A1

fol. 111. De Formoso contumeliosissima quaeque Platina narrat, sed aliter scribunt alii, praesertim Flodoardus in Vita Rhemensium episcoporum et Luitprandus Ticinensis.221 In pontificibus sequentibus: Stephano VI, Romano I, Theodoro II, Leone V, Sergio III, Christophoro et Ioanne XIII, non vitas, sed vitia eorum Platina scripsit, ideo purgandus. In vita Formosi et sequentibus multa praetermittit. In Stephano ‹VI›: de Paulo II nimis acerbe.222 In vita Romani. In Theodoro II. In Benedicto IV. In Ioanne X. In Christophoro. In Sergio III. In Ioanne XIII. Platina non vitas, sed vitia scripsit. Dignitas pontificalis perpetuo veneranda. De Formoso et sequentibus multis. Placet quod censor monet, ut vitae istae corrigantur. Possent autem corrigi ex Liuthprando Ticinensi, ex Gulielmo Bibliothecario, ex Sigeberto, Othone Frisingensi et aliis historicis.223 Sed nescio an expediat omnia pontificum istorum vitia, ac si falsa essent, expungere, ut censor iudicat. Pleraque enim vera sunt, etsi

AG 1

B1*

220

Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 109.

221

Flodoard, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, IV . 1–2 (PL, 135, cols 266–69); idem, De Christi triumphis apud Italiam, XII. 6 (ibid., col. 829); Liutprand of Cremona, Antapodosis, I. 28–31 (PL, 136, cols 803–04). 222

MS has ‘VIII’. Platina writes (Vitae, p. 160. 21–25): ‘Paulum certe abfuit, quin nostra tempestate Paulus II Venetus Formosi nomen, ut fit, sibi inderet, quod id nomen ei maxime convenire videretur propter proceritatem corporis et maiestatem. Quo minus autem id faceret, deterruere eum cardinales quidam historiae non ignorari, ne post mortem id accideret, quod olim Formoso. Tulit id aegre Paulus, quia nil ei praeter hoc nomen ad summam felicitatem deesse videbatur.’ 223 Liutprand of Cremona (as below, n. 224); LP, II, from p. 227 onwards (Gulielmus Bibliothecarius was thought to be one of its authors); Sigebert of Gembloux, Chronica, from AD 900 onwards (PL, 160, col. 173); Otto of Freising, Chronica sive Historia de duabus civitatibus, ed. by A. Hofmeister, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi, 45, 2nd edn (Hanover: Hahn, 1912), from p. 272 onwards.

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G1*

non omnia. Narrantur enim scelera Sergii III qui Formosum exhumavit etc. a Liuthprando lib. 1 c. 8, et scelera Ioannis X ab eodem lib. 2, et scelera Ioannis XI qui filius fuit Sergii Papae III ex Marozia impudicissima femina ab eodem lib. 3. Et denique lib. 6 fuse narrantur horribilia scelera Ioannis XII in publica synodo recitata.224 Vixit autem Liuthprandus illo ipso tempore, ut ipse in suo opere indicat. In Formoso I: in hac vita verborum licentia corrigenda est in pontificem. Sicut etiam, et multo magis, in sequentibus: in Bonifatio VI, Stephano VI, Romano I; Theodoro II, ubi fit mentio monasterii Carthusiensium, qui tamen ordo est plus quam centum annis hoc pontifice recentior; Ioanne X, Benedicto IV, Leone V, Christo[405v:]phoro I; Sergio III, qui non est delendus de numero pontificum, ut vult Alanus – quia licet non cepit canonice, mortuo tamen Christophoro legitime prosecutus est, ut Vigilius supra et hic ipse Christophorus.225 Item in Anastasio III, in Lando I.

85.

BONIFACE VI (April 896)

G1

[see 84, Formosus, G1*]

86.

STEPHEN VI (today Stephen VI [VII], 896–97)

A1

AG 1 G2

fol. 112. tanto odio persecutus et cetera quae narrat, plena contumeliis et maledictis, omnia delenda sunt usque ad ea verba: pontificatus sui anno primo etc. [160. 7–30].226 [see 84, Formosus, AG 1] [see 84, Formosus, G1*]

87.

ROMANUS (897)

A1

Ibidem. Neminem siquidem unquam etc. tollantur usque ad: Commemora‹re› tamen.227 224

Liutprand of Cremona, Antapodosis, I. 30, II. 47–52, III. 43–45 (PL, 136, cols 804, 827–29, 852–54); idem, Historia Ottonis (ibid., cols 897–910). The pope whom Bellarmine here calls John XII is referred to as John XIII by Allen and Galesini. See below, 99, John XIII. 225

See above, 56, Vigilius I.

226

This includes virtually the whole of Platina’s life of Stephen VI.

227

Platina, Vitae, p. 161. 2–6: ‘Neminem siquidem unquam invenies alienae famae invidere, nisi qui omnibus probris contaminatus, desperat suum apud posteros celebre nomen aliquando futurum: ii sunt qui fraude, malitia, dolo, maledicentia de humano genere bene meritos mordent,

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311

G2

[see 84, Formosus, G1*]

88.

THEODORE II (897)

A1

G2

fol. 113. vestigia seditiosorum sequitur etc. omnia delenda videntur usque ad ea [88v :] verba: vigesimo pontificatus etc. [161. 10–21].228 Ita ut tantum brevi dicatur: Theodorus II, patria Romanus, pontifex creatus, vigesimo pontificatus sui die moritur, nulla propterea de se relicta memoria ob brevitatem temporis [161. 10, 21–22]. [see 84, Formosus, G1*]

89.

JOHN X (in Platina and today John IX, 898–900)

AG 1 G1*

[see 84, Formosus, AG 1] [see 84, Formosus, G1*]

90.

BENEDICT IV (900–03)

AG 1 G1*

[see 84, Formosus, AG 1] [see 84, Formosus, G1*]

91.

LEO V (903–04)

A1 G2

fol. 114. Quantae enim auctoritatis etc. dele usque in finem [162. 33–163. 4].229 [see 84, Formosus, G1*]

92.

CHRISTOPHER (antipope, 903–04)

A1

Ibidem. Quid ‹v›ero postea Christophoro etc. tollantur usque in finem [163. 17–18].230 [see 84, Formosus, G1*]

G2

lacerant, accusant, corrodunt, tanquam ignavi canes et inutiles, nec feris sese obiicientes ob timiditatem, sed vinctas et caveis inclusas mordentes.’ 228

This includes the entire life of Theodorus II. Allen wants to retain only the opening and closing remarks. 229

Once again Allen suggests deleting practically the entire life, on the grounds that the less said about these corrupt popes the better. 230

Platina, Vitae, p. 163. 17–18: ‘Quid vero postea Christophoro acciderit, e pontificatu deiecto, in Sergio dicetur.’

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93.

SERGIUS III (904–11)

A1

B2 G3

Sergius III, quoniam papa schismaticus fuit, non est ascribendus in ordine pontificum. Tollenda igitur videtur tota narratio vitae eius. Quod censor scribit hunc schismaticum fuisse et ideo omnia acta eius delenda, non probo. Nam etsi initio schismaticus fuerit, tamen post mortem praedecessoris, quo adhuc vivente ipse pontifex dictus fuerat, potuit iure et legitime sedere, ut etiam Vigilio et aliis nonnullis accidit. Certe omnes scriptores hunc Sergium pro vero pontifice habuerunt. [see 84, Formosus, B1*] [see 84, Formosus, G1*]

94.

ANASTASIUS III (911–13)

G1

[see 84, Formosus, G1*]

95.

LANDO (913–14)

G1

[see 84, Formosus, G1*]

96.

JOHN XI (in Platina and today John X, 914–28)

A1 B2 G1*

G3

Tolle patre Sergio pontifice [164. 31].231 [see 84, Formosus, B1*] patre Sergio pontifice: Imo Ioanne quodam, secundum Bibliothecarium.232 Ioannes dictus XII Sergii papae filius fuit, ut etiam habet ibi Platina [166. 30]. quam religioni deditos [165. 1]: Dele.

97.

LEO VI (928)

A1

fol. 116. temeritate et stultitia priorum pontificum adhuc tumultuantes [165. 29–30]. temeritate et stultitia priorum pontificum: Dele.

B1*

G1*

231 Allen added this remark to his notes on John XII (today John XI), from where I have moved it to here. 232

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98.

JOHN XII (in Platina and today John XI, 931–35/36)

A1 B2 G1*

Ibidem. patre Sergio pontifice, ut quidam volunt [166. 30]: Dele ut supra. [see 84, Formosus, B1*] patre Sergio pontifice: Dele ‘pontifice’.233

99.

JOHN XIII (in Platina and today John XII, 955–64)234

A1 A2

fol. 118. Octavianus is quidem etc. deleantur usque ad Erant tum Romae.235 Otho autem composito aliquantulum et reliqua tollenda sunt usque ad Ferunt multa prodigia [169. 24–39].236 fol. 119. vir omnium qui unquam et reliqua dele usque ad pontificatus sui anno. Ita ut dicatur: Ioannes autem pontificatus sui anno etc. [170. 3–5].237 [89r:] [see 84, Formosus, B1*] Ioannes XIII: Imo ‘XII’, et post ‘XII’ vocat Platina.238 Et tota haec vita corrigenda ob verborum intemperantiam.

A3

B4 G5 G6

100. BENEDICT V (964) G1

Delendus est de catalogo, quia schismaticus.

101. JOHN XIV (in Platina and today John XIII, 965–72) A1 G2

fol.119. patre Ioanne episcopo [170. 27]: Dele ‘episcopo’. Ioannes XIV: Lege ‘XIII’, nam sub hoc numero ponitur etiam infra a Platina. 233

See also above, 96, John XI, G1*.

234

The last in the series of extremely corrupt popes beginning in 891 with Formosus, he was deposed by a synod presided over by Emperor Otto I in 963. 235

Platina, Vitae, pp. 168. 35–169. 2: ‘Octavianus is quidem primo vocabatur, homo sane ab adolescentia omnibus probris ac turpitudine contaminatus, venationibus magis, si quid temporis a libidinibus supererat, quam orationi deditus.’ 236

This passage concerns the trial of John XII, presided over by Emperor Otto I (see above, p. 170). 237

After this point the scribe mistakenly jumped to the notes on John XVI (under the heading John XIV) and then continued with those on Silvester II. He then crossed out both these annotations. The correct text continues on fol. 89r. 238

Panvinio complains in his annotation (Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 119): ‘Ioannem hunc XII ab omnibus scriptoribus, praeter unum Platinam, appellari observavi. Quem primum esse inveni, qui nomen in pontificatu mutarit.’

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102. BENEDICT VI (973–74) A1

fol. 120. Sed vereor ne talia fuerint Benedicti merita et reliqua delenda sunt usque ad verbum Crediderim.239 G A 1 In Benedicto VI. B2 In ipso initio vitae Benedicti vocat Platina arcem Sancti Angeli custodiam noxiorum vel potius innocentium [171. 35–36]. Quae ultima verba delenda videntur. G3 Benedictus VI [171. 34]: Lege ‘V’, nam qui praecessit schismaticus non debet poni in catalogo. G4 Multa praetera sunt delenda in hac vita, G2* ut illud: vel potius innocentium. 103. BONIFACE VII (antipope, 974; 984–85) A1 AG 1 G2

Ibidem. Platina non est sequendus, qui hunc pontificem sacrilegii damnat. Non enim habet aliquem eius rei testem neque auctorem. In Bonifacio VII. Multa in hac vita sunt delenda.

104. JOHN XV (today called John XIV, 983–84) B1

G1*

Nimis laudat Platina Berengarium haeresiarcham a sanctitate et doctrina [174. 14], quorum utrumque illi defuisse Lanfrancus, Guitmundus et alii testantur.240 Berengarius haeresiarca non est tantopere commendandus.

239

An invective against Paul II (Platina, Vitae, p. 172. 1–6): ‘Sed vereor ne talia fuerint Benedicti merita, quale praemium a Cynthio consecutus est. Male tamen a Cynthio est actum: neque enim ad se pertinebat, etiam si Benedictus graviter deliquisset, pontifici manus iniicere. Sed heus, ut rerum omnium vicissitudo est. Nam Romani pontifices nostra aetate Romanos cives, aut delinquentes, aut ob potentiam suspectos, eo loci tanquam in Tullianum carcerem includunt et macerant.’ 240

Lanfranc, De corpore et sanguine Domini: adversus Berengarium Turonensem (PL, 150, cols 407–42); Guitmundus, De corporis et sanguinis Christi veritate in eucharistia, passim (PL, 149, cols 1427–94). On these famous criticisms of the eucharistic teaching of Berengar of Tours (c. 1010–88), see J. de Montclos, Lanfranc et Bérenger: la controverse eucharistique du XI e siècle (Leuven: Spicilegium sacrum Lovaniense, 1971). Platina does mention in the same sentence that Berengar’s theses were criticized (‘sunt qui dicant Berengarium amplitudine doctrinae confisum […] in fide errasse’).

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105. JOHN XVI (in Platina and today John XV, 985–96) A1 A2 AG 1 G3 G1*

fol. 122. patre Leone presbytero [174. 20]: Dele ‘presbytero’. miro odio exarsit in clericos etc. delenda sunt usque ad Moritur [174. 21–29].241 In Ioanne XVI. Multa in hac vita corrigenda, ut illud: Leone presbytero: Dele ‘presbytero’.

106. GREGORY V (996–99) G1

Electores Imperii Gregorius X statuit, non hic [175. 35–176. 12], ait Onuphrius.242 Non propterea mutandum putarem Platinam, cum eo enim plerique sentiunt: Blondus Decade 2 lib. 3, Aeneas Sylvius in Epitome Blondi, Cromerus De rebus Polonorum, Alvarus Pelagius lib. 1 c. 41, alii.243 divina officia celebrabat, ac si sacris initiatus esset [176. 19]: Hoc declarandum est, neque enim Robertus officia sacerdotum usurpabat.

G2

107. JOHN XVIII (today antipope John XVI, 997–98; 1001) G1

Non debet huius vita describi [176. 27–177. 10], cum non fuerit verus papa.

108. SILVESTER II (999–1003) A1

fol. 124. Omnia falsa de hoc pontifice narrat Platina, fabellam Martini Poloni secutus.244 Nam virum magnum omnique summo honore dignissimum, annales certissimi narrant.

241

In other words, the entire life of this pope.

242

Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 123. See Bellarmine, De translatione Imperii Romani a Graecis ad Francos, adversus Matthiam Flaccium Illyricum (Antwerp: Plantin, 1589), Bk III: ‘Septem electores Imperii a Romano pontifice constitutos’, where Chap. 2 (pp. 285–95) is devoted to the refutation of Panvinio’s view. 243

Biondo, Historiarum ab inclinatione Romanorum imperii decades, II. 3, p. 189; Piccolomini, Epitome supra Decades Blondi, II. 3, p. 202; Marcin Kromer, De origine et rebus gestis Polonorum, 3rd edn (Basel: Officina Oporiniana, 1568), III, 37; Alvarus Pelagius, De planctu ecclesiae (Venice: Sansovino, 1560), XLI, 19. 244

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AG 1 G1*

In Silvestro II. Fabulosa sunt quae de vita eius et morte narrat [177. 12–36]. Ideo emendanda.245

109. JOHN XIX (today John XVII, 1003) Hic ‘Ioannes XVIII’ dici debet, et sic alii deinceps,246 nam qui praecessit papa non fuit. [406r:]

G1

110. JOHN XX (today John XVIII, 1003–09) G1

ad otium conversus, nihil dignum memoria gessit [178. 15]: Melius diceret: ‘nihil de eo proditum est memoria dignum’.

111.

BENEDICT VIII (1012–24)

G1

Examinanda est fides illius historiae, quam narrat de apparitione eius facta episcopo [180. 11–16].

112.

BENEDICT IX (1032–44; 1045; 1047–48)

A1

fol. 127. vel quidam affirmant, vendidit: Dele. Hanc ob rem merito etc. quae sequuntur, delenda videntur usque ad versum Sunt qui scribant.247

245

Platina seems to enjoy telling the story of Silvester II (Gerbert of Rheims) and his pact with the devil. He refers to Martin of Troppau as his source, as he did for the tale of Pope Joan (see above, p. 95). The final detail in Martin’s account (in Platina’s words) is that ‘tam ex collusione ossium quam ex sudore ipsius sepulcri, vel humectatione potius, deinceps morituri pontificis signa, et quidem manifestissima, colligi; idque ipsius sepulcri epitaphium indicare.’ Platina concludes with the provocative remark (Vitae, p. 177. 35–36): ‘Verum ne sit an secus, ipsi pontifices viderint, ad quos pertinet’. Panvinio rehabilitates Silvester II in his annotation, assuming that his reputation for occult practices must have derived from his remarkable, and perhaps frightening, knowledge of geometry, mathematics and astronomy. See Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 124. 246 247

See Panvinio’s annotation to John XX, in Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 125.

Platina, Vitae, p. 181. 21–30: ‘[Benedictus] Ioanni archidiacono Sancti Ioannis ad portam Latinam, qui postea Gregorius VI appellatus est, pontificium munus libere cessit, vel, ut quidam affirmant, vendidit. Hanc ob rem merito ab omnibus Benedictus ipse accusatus est et iudicio divino damnatus. Constat enim simulachrum eius admodum monstruosum post mortem cuidam apparuisse; interrogatumque quid ille horrida imago prae se ferret, cum antea pontifex

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G1*

317

Hunc pontificem ob avaritiam cessisse Gregorio VI testantur Hermannus Contractus in Chronico et Otho Frisingensis lib. 6 c. 32.248 Hermannus autem illo ipso tempore vixit et vir admodus pius et nobilis fuit: quare non est credibile esse mentitum. Non videntur autem esse delenda in Platina, quae vera sunt et in probatis auctoribus leguntur. Haec vita emendanda est, ut illud de venditione pontificatus et quae sequuntur. Quis enim dubitat eum in pontificatu ditiorem quam pontificatu dimisso? Neque verum est Gregorio VI eum pontificatum vendidisse. Vide Othonem Phrisingensem lib. 6 c. 32.

113.

SILVESTER III (1045)

A1

Ibidem. Eo enim tunc pontificatus devenerat et reliqua delenda sunt usque ad ea verba: Ad Silvestrum redeo etc.249 Hic delendus est de numero pontificum, utpote schismaticus.

G2

114. GREGORY VI (1045–46) B1 G1* G2

Recte notavit Onuphrius fabulas esse quas narrat Platina de obitu Gregorii [182. 22–30]. Ex Othone Frisingensi emendari posset vita Gregorii.250 Non probatur historia de eius morte viris doctis, ideo delenda est. Neque verum est a Benedicto IX eum pontificatum accepisse [182. 11–12], sed rite electus fuit apud Othonem Frisingensem loco citato.

115.

CLEMENT II (1046–47)

G1

Scribunt autores usque ad appellatus est [183. 9–10]: Dele.251

fuisset: “Quia”, inquit, “in vita sine lege et ratione vixi, ideo volente Deo et Petro, cuius sedem omnibus probris foedavi, simulachrum meum plus feritatis quam humanitatis in se habet.” Nam cum annis decem, mensibus quatuor, diebus IX per intervalla sedem Petri occupasset, tandem moritur. Nec vacasse tum sedes dici potest, cum pontificatum vendiderit.’ 248

Hermannus Contractus, Chronicon, ad AD 1044 (PL, 143, cols 243–44); Otto of Freising, Chronica sive Historia de duabus civitatibus, VI. 32, p. 299. 249

For the implementation of this point, see above, p. 191.

250

Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 128; Otto of Freising, Chronica sive Historia de duabus civitatibus, VI. 32–33, pp. 297–302. 251

This concerns the claim that Clement II was poisoned by Benedict IX, who was reinstalled after Clement’s death.

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116. DAMASUS II (1048) A1

AG 1 G2

fol. 129. Adeo enim inoleverat et reliqua dele usque ad Sed cum brevi etc. [182. 16–22].252 Non autem audiendus est Platina qui, repudiatis bonis auctoribus, malos mendacesque sectatus, violat famam optimi pontificis. In Damaso II. De Damaso II et tribus sequentibus pontificibus videnda est Annotatio Onuphrii ante Damasum II.253

117.

BENEDICT X (antipope, 1058–59)

A1

fol. 130. Benedictus X [185. 34]: Huius pontificis ratio a Platina non erat habenda, quoniam [89v :] per vim atque iniuriam pontificatum occupavit, ut Petrus Damianus in quadam Epistola scribit.254 Non est annumerandus pontificibus, quia non legitime creatus, sed per vim paucorum.

G1*

118.

GREGORY VII (1073–85)

G1

In Gregorio VII usque ad finem nihil occurrit, quod alii non annotarint.255

119. HONORIUS II (1124–30) A1

AG 1

fol. 149. Verum non adeo eius ingressus laudatur [209. 37]: Platina narrat culpam, quam hic pontifex in adipiscendo pontificatu commisit: tacitam autem relinquit poenitentiam, qua adductus, decimo post electionem die, coram cardinalibus insignia nomenque pontificis deposuit. Quamobrem errati poenitens, novis ac liberis suffragiis legitimus pontifex declaratus est. In Honorio II.

252

In other words, the greater part of this life.

253

Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 128.

254

Allen took the vague reference ‘in quadam Epistola’ from Panvinio’s annotation (Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 131). See Peter Damian, Ep. 4 (PL, 144, cols 290–92). 255

Galesini concludes his censorship here, remarking that the brief notes by the other censors were sufficient for the following period covered in the Lives. For Platina’s heavy reliance on three main accounts for this period, see above, pp. 91–92.

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120. JOHN XXII (in Platina and today John XXI, 1276–77) A1 A2 AG 1

fol. 181. Hic etsi doctissimus etc. delenda sunt usque ad Vexabant tum Veneti.256 Pollicebatur homo stolidus et reliqua usque ad Multa257 deleantur. Ioanne XXII.

121.

CELESTINE V (1294)

B1

Non recte Platina vocat superstitionem et feditatem actionem illam Sancti Coelestini, qua summo pontificatui renunciavit, cum se ad tantum onus ferendum ineptum iudicasset.

122. BONIFACE VIII (1294–1303) B1

Falso scribit Platina in fine vitae Bonifacii VIII eum captum Romae perductum. Nam ut Ioannes Villanus scriptor eius temporis refert, captus fuit Anagniae Bonifacius, sed post triduum liberatus Romam sponte sua venit occurrente ei tota nobilitate Romana. Multa praeterea scribit Platina de arrogantia Bonifacii quae moderanda videntur. [394v :]

123. JOHN XXIII (in Platina and today John XXII, 1316–34) A1

AG 1

fol. 195. quod certe non multum cum sacra scriptura convenit etc. delenda omnino sunt usque ad illud: Praeterea vero.258 Nam is haeresim defendit, quam ipse Papa Ioannes XXIII damnat. Ioanne XXIII.

256

Platina, Vitae, p. 248. 3–7: ‘Hic etsi docti doctissimus est habitus, tamen ignoratione rerum gerendarum et morum inaequalitate, plus detrimenti quam honoris et emolumenti pontificatui attulit. Multa enim stoliditatem et levitatem prae se ferentia egit. In uno tantum commendatione dignus, quod adolescentes litterarum studiosos, inopes maxime, beneficiis ecclesiasticis et pecunia iuvit.’ 257

Ibid., p. 248. 15–21: ‘Pollicebatur homo stolidus sibi longam vitam, et diu se victurum omnibus praedicabat: quippe cuius vita et mores omnibus patebant, adeo erat inverecundi et secordis ingenii. Sed ecce dum hanc stultitiam omnibus praedicabat, camera quaedam nova, quam in palatio Viterbiensi extruxerat, subito corruit, atque inter ligna et lapides inventus, septima die post tantam ruinam acceptis omnibus ecclesiae sacramentis, pontificatus sui mense octavo moritur, Viterbiique sepellitur; vir, ut dixi, admodum litteratus, sed parum prudens.’ 258

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Documentary Appendix

B1*

De Ioanne XXIII seu potius XXII. Non solum in eo errat Platina, ut censor notavit, quod reprehendere audet definitionem summi pontificis circa Christi et apostolorum paupertatem. Sed etiam in eo quod non recte proposuit ipsam pontificis definitionem: non enim Ioannes Papa nihil proprii vel privati Christum et apostolos habuisse haeresim esse definivit, sed non habuisse dominium rerum, quae ipsis donabantur, saltem in communi.

B2

124. URBAN VI (1378–89) B1

Scribit in fine vitae Urbani VI Platina ab Urbano creatos Romae ad finem sui pontificatus 29 cardinales, ac fere omnes Neapolitanos, tribus Romanis exceptis [288. 13–17]. At Onuphrius in libro De cardinalibus istam creationem cardinalium non Romae, sed Luceriae factam scribit, et cardinales 18 creatos, non 29; et ex iis sex tantum Neapolitanos.259

125.

BONIFACE IX (1389–1404)

B1

In vita Bonifacii IX illa verba ad marginem tolli possent: ‘Indulgentias vendere lusus erat’.260

126. INNOCENT VII (1404–06) B1

Illa verba Platinae post epitaphium Innocentii: Interim autem cum et vero pontifice et optimo imperatore carerent Itali [296. 24–25], non videntur bene sonare, si id significent successores Urbani VI non fuisse veros pontifices.

127. JOHN XXIV (antipope, in Platina: John XXIII, 1410–15) B1

De Ioanne XXIV seu potius XXIII. Prope finem vitae Ioannis Platina scribit Ioannem Hus Constantiae combustum, quod inter caeteros errores diceret ecclesiasticos pauperes esse debere ad imitationem Christi, cum ex tanta

259 260

Panvinio, Romani pontifices et cardinales (Venice: Tramezzino, 1557), pp. 246–47.

Platina writes (in the main body of the text, Vitae, p. 293. 12–13): ‘Indulgentiae vero et quidem plenariae ita passim vendebantur, ut iam vilesceret clavium et litterarum apostolicarum auctoritas.’ The remark in the margin reads (see, e.g., Platina, Historia de vitis (1572), p. 212): ‘Indulgentias vendere lusus erat, quare vilescebant.’ For another remark concerning marginalia, see above, 70, Conon, A1.

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rerum copia et luxu populi omnes scandalizarentur [303. 23–24]. Non placet quod ex tot erroribus Ioannis Hus eum solum exempli causa Platina recitari voluerit, qui plausibilior vulgo videri solet. Itaque delenda mihi videntur verba huius exempli. 128. PAUL II (1464–71) A1

AG 1

fol. 252. Pauli II vita ab scripta delenda omnino, quia et falso multis locis scripta et plena offensionum. Est in ea praeter cetera quaedam epistola, in qua a papa appellat ad concilium: id quod nefas est ex sanctione Pii II. Atque hactenus de Platina, qui huc usque vitas pontificum litteris mandavit. Reliquas scribendo persecutus est Panvinius. In Paulo II.

Final Statements AG261 VII notarii.262 Bibliothecarii Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Pont‹ificales› libri. Annales. Scriptores pont‹ificum?› Platina nimis prolixus in vitis imperatorum. Brevis admodum in narrandis gestis pontificum. Properanter. Multa praeterit. Multa strictim attingit. Suboscure et involute multa. Calumniandi occasionem capit, et si‹militer?› [57r:] conciliorum historia uberrime in vitis pontificum. An de virtutibus. An de aedificationibus.

261 These notes are most likely to be Galesini’s own. They are added under a new heading, De vitis pontificum, after the end of the censorship in A G . 262

The seven regional notaries of the Roman Church, each representing one ecclesiastical district, allegedly recorded the acts of martyrs since the first century. They were therefore regarded as a main source for martyrologies. See Galesini’s note on the septem notarii in his own Martyrologium (Notationes, p. 48, on Pope Fabian): ‘Extant monimenta actorum quae litteris per hos consignata in Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae codicibus antiquis, manu exaratis, leguntur: cuiusmodi acta sunt beatissimorum martyrum Fabiani, Sebastiani, Marcelli et innumerabilium, quorum res gestas Ado praesertim ab horum notariorum industria accepit.’ Perhaps Galesini liked to refer to them not least because he himself was an apostolic protonotary; in the same note, he traced the origin of his office back to early Christianity. For other references to notaries see ibid., pp. 33, 39, 40, 214. See also LP, I, 123, 147; Platina, Vitae, pp. 18. 8–9, 37. 24–25. The notion that the acts of the martyrs were officially recorded by notaries from early on is, in fact, unfounded: see R. Aigrain, L’Hagiographie: ses sources, ses méthodes, son histoire (Paris: Bloud & Gay, 1953; repr. Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 2000), pp. 291–92.

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B

Quod censor initio dicit Platinam non tam vitas quam vitia pontificum scripsisse,263 non omnino probo. Nam cum 220 pontificum vitas scribat, 180 pontifices simpliciter laudat. Solum autem circiter 40 reprehendit; e quibus si tres aut quatuor demas, in quorum vita sequutus est Platina Martinum Polonum aut alios imperitos scriptores, caeteri iure reprehendi potuisse videntur, cum ab aliis etiam historicis passim reprehendantur. Ex his colligo multa vel male mutata esse in Platina ab Alano, vel multa omissa. Denique rem totam magno studio egere, cum praesertim multas pene omiserit ob historiae illorum temporum ignorantiam. Ad marginem poni deberent autores, unde singula in historia utraque tam sacra quam profana excerpta sunt, ut plenior esset fides dictorum.

G

263

It appears that Allen’s lost introductory statement (above, p. 254) had contained this idea, which he repeated in 84, Formosus, A1, above.

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B IBLIOGRAPHY

I. Platina’s Works 1. Vitae pontificum (c. 1471–75) Manuscripts: Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Conventi soppressi, C.4.797 (first version, numerous autograph corrections); BAV, Vat. lat. 2044 (presentation MS); Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, 222 Editio princeps: Vitae pontificum (Venice: Johannes de Colonia; Johannes Manthen, 11 June 1479) Manuscript translation: Vitae pontificum (up to 1555), demotic Greek translation by Jeremias Kakabelas (c. 1700), Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS Suppl. Graec. 29 Critical edition: Platynae historici Liber de vita Christi ac omnium pontificum, ed. by Giacinto Gaida, RIS, ser. 2, 3.1 (Città di Castello: Lapi, 1913–32) Partial publication (not included in any printed editions before the critical edition): (Anonymous author), Vita Sixti IV, ed. by Lodovico Antonio Muratori, in RIS, 3.2 (1734), cols 1053–68. MS: e.g., BAV, Urb. lat. 1023

2. Other Works (in chronological order) I usually list the best edition. Manuscripts are only included when a work is unpublished or when I have referred to them in the text; these are not necessarily the most authoritative manuscripts. Translations are only included when I have referred to them in the text. Divi Ludovici Marchionis Mantuae somnium (c. 1454–56), ed. by Attilio Portioli (Mantua: Eredi Segna, 1887) Oratio de laudibus illustris ac divi Ludovici Marchionis Mantuae (c. 1457–60?), in Federigo Amadei, Cronaca universale della città di Mantova (1745), ed. by Giuseppe Amadei, Ercolano Marani, and Giovanni Praticò, 5 vols (Mantua: CITEM, 1954–57), II (1955), 226–34

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Bibliography

Vita Nerii Capponi (c. 1457–60?), ed. by Lodovico Antonio Muratori, in RIS, 20 (1731), cols 478–516 Vocabula Bucolicorum/Vocabula Georgicorum (c. 1460–61), Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preußischer Kulturbesitz, MS lat. qu. 488, fols 58r–59v, 59v–65r Epitome ex primo [–quinto] C. Plinii Secundi libro De naturali historia (c. 1462–66?), London, British Library, Harley MS 3475, 40 fols Commentariolus de vita Victorini Feltrensis (c. 1462–65?), ed. and trans. by Eugenio Garin, in Il pensiero pedagogico dello umanesimo (Florence: Giuntine; Sansoni, 1958), pp. 668–99. Another edition: Vita di Vittorino da Feltre, ed. and trans. by Giuseppe Biasuz (Padua: Editoria Liviana, 1948). MS: BAV, Urb. lat. 915 Oratio de laudibus bonarum artium, ad Pium II (c. 1463–64), ed. by Tommaso Agostino Vairani, Cremonensium monumenta Romae extantia, 2 parts in 1 vol. (Rome: Salomoni, 1778), I, 109–18 Vita Pii Pontificis Maximi (1464–65), in Le Vite di Pio II di Giovanni Antonio Campano e Bartolomeo Platina, ed. by Giulio C. Zimolo, RIS, ser. 2, 3.3 (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1964), pp. 89–121. MSS: BAV, Urb. lat. 402; Ottob. lat. 2056; Sotheby’s, Western Manuscripts and Miniatures, London, 6 July 2006, lot 65 De falso ac vero bono, dedicated to Paul II (1464–65), Milan, Biblioteca Trivulziana, MS 805. De amore ad Iohannem Iacobum Plumbeum Parmensem (1465–66), Bergamo, Biblioteca Civica, MS ).II.17 De flosculis quibusdam linguae Latinae ad Laelium (c. 1465–66), ed. by Pietro Agostino Filelfo (Milan: Giovanni da Legnano; Antonio Zarotto, 18 August 1481). MS: Toledo, Archivo y Biblioteca Capitolares, 99.35 De amore ad Lodovicum Agnellum (1466–68?), in Platina, De flosculis […], sigs h1r–i7v. MS: Cracow, Biblioteka Czartoryskich, 3896 De honesta voluptate e valitudine (1466–67?), ed. and trans. by Mary Ella Milham, On Right Pleasure and Good Health: A Critical Edition and Translation of De honesta voluptate et valetudine (Tempe: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1998). Italian translation: Il piacere onesto e la buona salute, trans. by Emilio Faccioli (Turin: Einaudi, 1985) Historia urbis Mantuae Gonziacaeque familiae (1466–69), ed. by Peter Lambeck (first publ. Vienna: Cosmerovius, 1675), repr. in RIS, 20 (1731), cols 617–862. MS: BAV, Urb. lat. 955 Oratio de pace Italiae confirmanda et bello Thurcis indicendo (1468), ed. and trans. by Wolfram Benziger, Krieg und Frieden, II, 95–105, III, 75–83 De laudibus pacis (1468), ed. and trans. by Benziger, Krieg und Frieden, II, 6–21, III, 5–19 Panegyricus in laudem amplissimi patris domini Bessarionis (1470), in PG, 161 (1866), cols ciii–cxvi De principe (1470), ed. by Giacomo Ferraù (Palermo: Il Vespro, 1979). Partial translation: On the Prince (Selections), trans. by Nicholas Webb, in Cambridge Translations of Renaissance Philosophical Texts, ed. by Jill Kraye, 2 vols (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), II, 88–108 De falso et vero bono, dedicated to Sixtus IV (c. 1471–72), ed. by Maria Grazia Blasio (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1999)

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Contra amores ad Lodovicum Stellam (1471–72?), in Platina, Hystoria de vitis pontificum (Venice: Pinzi, 1504), sigs B8 r–C5r. Critical edn: Platina, ‘Contra amores’, ed. by Laura Mitarotondo (unpublished doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Messina, 2002) De vera nobilitate (c. 1472–77), in Platina, Hystoria de vitis pontificum (1504), sigs C5v–D3v. Translation: Albert Rabil, Jr, Knowledge, Goodness, and Power: The Debate over Nobility among Quattrocento Italian Humanists (Binghamton, NY: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1991), pp. 269–98 De optimo cive (1474), in Matteo Palmieri, Della vita civile; Platina, De optimo cive, ed. and trans. by Felice Battaglia (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1944), pp. 179–236, 239–85 A polemical treatise or letter against Battista de’ Giudici (1477); lost, but partly cited in the latter’s reply Invectiva contra Platinam, in De’ Giudici, Apologia Iudaeorum; Invectiva contra Platinam, ed. and trans. by Diego Quaglioni (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 1987), pp. 94–127 De ira sedanda (c. 1477), ed. by Vairani, Cremonensium monumenta, I, 119–35 Vita amplissimi patris Ioannis Milini (c. 1478), BAV, MS Vat. lat. 3406, 29 fols. Published by Andrea Vittorelli (unreliably) in his 2nd edn of Alfonso Chacón, Vitae et res gestae pontificum Romanorum et Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae cardinalium (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1630), cols 1285–92 Liber privilegiorum (c. 1476–80), 3 vols, ASV, MSS A. A. (= Archivum Arcis, i.e., Archivio di Castel S. Angelo), Arm. I–XVIII, 1288, 1289, 1290

Letters: Platinae custodia detenti epistulae (1468–69), ed. by Vairani, Cremonensium monumenta, I, 29–66 Platina, Milan, to Niccolò Michelozzi, Florence, 26 May 1480, New York, Pierpoint Morgan Library, Department of Literary and Historical Manuscripts

Books Edited by Platina: Josephus, Historiarum libri numero VII (Rome: Arnold Pannartz, 25 November 1475)

II. Short-Title List of Editions of Platina’s ‘Lives’ 1. Latin Vitae pontificum (Venice: Johannes de Colonia; Johannes Manthen, 1479) Vitae pontificum (Nuremberg: Koberger, 1481) Vitae pontificum (Treviso: Rosso, 1485) Hystoria de vitis pontificum (Venice: Pinzi, 1504)

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Hystoria de vitis pontificum (Paris: Regnault, 1505) De vitis maximorum pontificum historia (Venice: Pinzi, 1511) Hystoria de vitis pontificum (Lyons: De Portonariis; Fradin; Gilbert de Villiers, 1512) De vitis maximorum pontificum historia (Venice: Guglielmo da Fontaneto, 1518) De vita et moribus summorum pontificum historia (Cologne: Hittorp; Cervicornus, 1529) De vita et moribus summorum pontificum historia (Paris: Petit; Vidoue, 1530) De vitis ac gestis summorum pontificum (Cologne: Hittorp; Cervicornus, 1540) De vitis ac gestis summorum pontificum (Cologne: Jaspar von Gennep, 1551) Opus de vitis ac gestis summorum pontificum (Cologne: Maternus Cholinus, 1562) Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum (Venice: Tramezzino, 1562) Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum (Cologne: Maternus Cholinus, 1568) Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum (Leuven: Bogard; Maes, 1572) Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum (Cologne: Maternus Cholinus, 1573) Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum (Cologne: Maternus Cholinus, 1574) Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum (Cologne: Goswin Cholinus, 1593) Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum (Cologne: Falckenburg, 1593) Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum (Cologne: Goswin Cholinus, 1600) Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum (Cologne: Wolter, 1600) Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum (Cologne: Peter Cholinus, 1610) Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum (Cologne: Peter Cholinus, 1611) Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum (Cologne: Peter Cholinus, 1626) Opus de vitis ac gestis Romanorum pontificum ([Leiden]: [n. pub.], 1645) Opus de vitis ac gestis Romanorum pontificum ([Leiden]: [n. pub.], 1664) Liber de vita Christi ac omnium pontificum (Città di Castello: Lapi, 1913–32) Epitome: Vitae Romanorum pontificum (Liège: Hovius, 1597)

2. Italian The 1563 edition, and all those from 1592 onwards, are censored. All printed in Venice. Delle vite et fatti di tutti i sommi pontefici Romani (Tramezzino, 1543) Delle vite de’ pontefici (Bonelli, 1552) Delle vite de’ pontefici (Lorenzini, 1560) La historia delle vite de’ pontefici (Tramezzino, 1563) Delle vite de’ pontefici (Comin da Trino, 1565) Delle vite de’ pontefici (Leoncini, 1572) Delle vite de’ pontefici (Picchi; Rampazetto, 1578) Delle vite de’ pontefici (Farri, 1583) Delle vite de’ pontefici (Polo, 1590) Historia delle vite dei sommi pontefici (Bernardo Basa; Barezzi, 1592) Historia delle vite dei sommi pontefici (Bernardo Basa, 1594)

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Historia delle vite dei sommi pontefici (Isabetta Basa; Zanetti, 1600) Historia delle vite dei sommi pontefici (Giunti, 1607) Historia delle vite dei sommi pontefici (Giunti, 1608) Historia delle vite de’ sommi pontefici (Vecchi, 1608) Historia delle vite de’ sommi pontefici (Vecchi, 1611) Historia delle vite de’ sommi pontefici (Vecchi, 1612) Historia delle vite dei sommi pontefici (Giunti, 1613) Historia delle vite de’ sommi pontefici (Giunti, 1622) Delle vite de’ pontefici (Barezzi, 1643) Delle vite de’ pontefici (Barezzi, 1650) Le vite de’ pontefici (Turrini; Brigonci, 1663) Le vite de’ pontefici (Ginami, 1663) Delle vite de’ pontefici (Brigonci, 1666) Le vite de’ pontefici (Menafoglio, 1674) Le vite de’ pontefici (Brigna, 1685) Le vite de’ pontefici (Bortoli, 1701–03) Le vite de’ pontefici (Monti, 1715) Le vite de’ pontefici (Savioni, 1730) Le vite de’ pontefici (Compagnia, 1744) Storia delle vite de’ pontefici (Ferrarin, 1760–65) Epitome: Le vite di tutti i pontefici (Basa; Barezzi, 1592)

3. French All printed in Paris. Les Genealogies, faitz et gestes des saincts peres papes (Du Pré; Vidoue, 1519) Les Vies, faictz et gestes des sainctz peres papes (Roffet; Real (and others), 1544) Les Vies, faictz et gestes des sainctz peres papes (Petit; Real (and others), 1551) Les Vies, moeurs et actions des papes de Rome (Clouzier, 1651)

4. German Historia von der Bäpst und Keiser leben (Strasbourg: Rihel, 1546) Chronica von der Bäpst und Keyser leben (Strasbourg: Rihel, 1565) Päpstliche Chronica (Frankfurt am Main; ‘Freyburg’ [i.e., Mainz(?)]: Schönwetter; [Albin(?)], 1603) Päbstliche Chronica (Frankfurt am Main; Mainz: Schönwetter; Albin, 1604) Päpstliche Chronica (Frankfurt am Main: Bringer, 1615) Päpstliche Chronica (Frankfurt am Main: Bringer, 1616) Päpstliche Chronicka (Frankfurt am Main: Schmidlin, 1627)

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5. English All printed in London. The Lives of the Popes (Wilkinson, 1685) The Lives of the Popes (Wilkinson; Churchill, 1688) The Lives of the Popes (Griffith, Farran, Okeden & Welsh, 1888)

6. Dutch ‘T Leven der roomsche pauzen (Amsterdam: Spillebout, 1650)

III. Manuscripts and Archival Sources (excluding Platina’s works) Florence Archivio di Stato Mediceo avanti il principato, no. 30, 229 (Filippo Martelli to Lorenzo de’ Medici, 1 April 1474)

Biblioteca Laurenziana Acquisti e doni 227, fol. 63 r–v (Giorgio Valagussa to Platina, 1453) Plut. 39.42, fol. 34 v (Ugolino Verino, Flametta, II. 24, poem to Platina)

Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale Guicciardini, 11-10-43 (an undated Index list, appended to: Index auctorum et librorum qui ab officio Sanctae Romanae et universalis Inquisitionis caveri ab omnibus et singulis in universa Christiana republica mandantur […] (Rome: Blado, 1558)) Magl. VI 166, fols 105r–06 v (Pierfilippo Pandolfini to Platina, 14 September 1459); 106v–07v (Pandolfini to Platina, October–November 1459?) Magl. VIII 1390, fol. 62v (Donato Acciaiuoli to Platina, 5 May 1474)

London British Library Add. 16426, fol. 25r (Ugolino Verino, Flametta)

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Mantua Archivio di Stato Archivio Gonzaga (ASMAG) b. 842, fols 345r (Giovan Pietro Arrivabene to Barbara of Brandenburg, 15 October 1464); 346r (Arrivabene, ‘Postscripta’ to a letter to Barbara, 18 October 1464); 385r (Giacomo d’Arezzo to Barbara, 16 October 1464) b. 1099, fol. 695r (Platina, Florence, to Ludovico Gonzaga, 1 November (1460/61)) b. 2885, liber 29, fol. 16v (Ludovico to Bianca Maria Sforza, 8 November 1456) b. 2886, liber 37, fol. 17v (Ludovico to Platina, 18 December 1459)

Milan Biblioteca Ambrosiana (BAM) A 41 inf.; D 286 inf.; D 308 inf.; P 220 sup. (Pietro Galesini’s Vitae pontificum) B 89 sussidio, fols 55r–56 v (Galesini, In Platinam: autograph notes taken from William Allen’s recommendations for censoring Platina’s Lives of the Popes) F 46a inf., fol. 59r–v (Silvio Antoniano to Charles Borromeo, 24 January 1573) F 63 inf., fol. 132r (Galesini’s draft letter to Gregory XIII, 22 October 1582) F 69 inf., fols 71r–73r (Galesini to Borromeo, 26 February 1583) P 220 sup., fols 42 r–43 v, 66 r–67 v (Fragmentary annotations by Galesini to Platina’s Lives of the Popes); 68r–69v , 87 r–89 v (William Allen’s recommendations for censoring Platina’s Lives of the Popes) The three letters cited here are available as photographs on the website of the Biblioteca Ambrosiana (Epistolario di San Carlo).

Biblioteca Trivulziana 873, fols 467v–468r (Francesco Filelfo to Platina, 15 June 1474)

Munich Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Kloster Aldersbach, Urkunde 1077 (a document concerning the monastery issued by Sixtus IV on 18 May 1476, with Platina’s name on the plica)

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Rome Archivio Generale dell’Ordine dei Predicatori (AGOP) IV (Registri generalizi) 42, fols 27 r (22 November 1580), 28 v (11 July 1581), 202 v (4 and 25 June 1582), 203 v (5 September 1582), 204r (11 or 12 September 1582) 45, fol. 53v (30 July 1588) 46, fols 48 v (6 March 1593), 52 r (1593), 55v (3 February 1595) (all concerning Girolamo Giovannini and Stefano Guaraldi)

Biblioteca Vallicelliana N 77, fols 4r–6v (Tommasio Bozio, Questio et dubitatio an aliquando concilium sit supra papam) Q 55 (Cesare Baronio’s annotated copy of Pietro Galesini’s Martyrologium)

Vatican City Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (BAV) Chigi R. II 62, fols 306 r–09r, 310r (Index compiled by Paolo Costabili and Damiano Rossi da Cento, September 1576) Patetta 1393 (Liber officialium ac omnium studentium Bononiensis studii ab anno 1576) Vat. lat. 2222, fols 46r–76v (Paolo Pompilio, De vero et probabili amore, 1487) Vat. lat. 6105, fols 5 r–6 v (Silvio Antoniano to Giacomo Savelli, 3 September 1584); 8r (protocol of a commission for the revision of Onofrio Panvinio’s works, 29 September 1592); 8r, 9r–19r (Robert Bellarmine, Censura in primum tomum Historiae ecclesiasticae Fratris Onuphrii Panvinii) Vat. lat. 6184, part I, fol. 371r (Galesini to Guglielmo Sirleto, 29 September 1568)

Archivio Segreto Vaticano (ASV) A. A., Arm. I–XVIII, 6464, fols 20r, 23r (Card. Marcantonio Colonna to Gregory XIII, 22 February 1584) Penitenzieria Ap., Reg. Matrim. et Div., 27, fol. 500r (bull issued by Sixtus IV in which Platina is mentioned among the scutiferi, 15 May 1479)

Archivio della Congregazione per la dottrina della fede (ACDF) Index Diari, I (= ser. I, vol. 1) Protocolli, A, B, G, I, K, O, U (= ser. II, vols 1, 2, 6, 8, 9, 13, 19). Epistolae archiepiscoporum, episcoporum, inquisitorum etc., 6 (= ser. III, vol. 6), fol. 373r (Giovannini to Cardinal Simone Tagliavia, 19 September 1603) XIV (Index compiled by Giovanni di Dio, 1576)

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Venice Archivio di Stato Sant’Uffizio, Processi b. 62 (9 October 1588) (Girolamo Zennaro) b. 62 (22 October and 8 November 1588) (Roberto Meietti) b. 65 (13 and 18 January 1590) (Girolamo Polo)

Vicenza Archivio di Stato Corporazioni religiose soppresse, Santa Inquisizione b. 3771 (contract confirmed by Girolamo Giovannini as inquisitor on 28 August 1596)

IV. Bibliography of Printed Sources (excluding Platina) and Secondary Literature Accame Lanzillotta, Maria, ‘Le annotazioni di Pomponio Leto ai libri VIII– X del De lingua Latina di Varrone’, Giornale italiano di filologia, 50 (1998), 41–57 —— L’insegnamento di Pomponio Leto nello Studium Urbis’, in Storia della Facoltà di lettere e filosofia de ‘La Sapienza’, ed. by Lidia Capo and Maria Rosa Di Simone (Rome: Viella, 2000), pp. 71–91 Acta capitulorum generalium ordinis Praedicatorum, ed. by Benedikt Maria Reichert, 9 vols, Monumenta ordinis fratrum Praedicatorum historica, 3–4, 8–14 (Rome: Curia Generalitia; Stuttgart: Roth; Rome: Tipografia della Sacra Congregazione De Propaganda Fide, 1898–1904) Acta ecclesiae Mediolanensis, ed. by Achille Ratti, 3 vols (only vols II– IV were publ.) (Milan: Tipografia pontificia San Giuseppe, 1890–97) Aiello, Vincenzo, ‘Aspetti del mito di Costantino in occidente: dalla celebrazione agiografica alla esaltazione epica’, Annali della Facoltà di lettere e filosofia della Università di Macerata, 21 (1988), 87–116 —— ‘Costantino, la lebbra e il battesimo di Silvestro’, in Costantino il Grande dall’antichità all’umanesimo, ed. by Giorgio Bonamente and Franca Fusco, 2 vols (Macerata: Università degli studi di Macerata, 1992–93), I, 17–58 Aigrain, René, L’Hagiographie: ses sources, ses méthodes, son histoire (Paris: Bloud & Gay, 1953; repr. Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 2000)

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Albertini, Francesco, Opusculum de mirabilibus novae et veteris urbis Romae (1510), in Codice topografico della città di Roma, ed. by Roberto Valentini and Giuseppe Zucchetti, 4 vols (Rome: Tipografia del Senato, 1940–53), IV , 457–546 Aliprandi, Bonamente, Aliprandina o Cronaca di Mantua, in Breve Chronicon […] di Antonio Nerli, ed. by Orsini Begani, RIS, ser. 2, 24.13 (Città di Castello: Lapi, 1908–10), pp. 19–180 Allen, William, De sacramentis in genere, de sacramento eucharistiae et sacrificio missae (Antwerp: Fowler, 1576; repr. Farnborough: Gregg, 1968) —— An Apologie and True Declaration of the Institution and Endevours of the Two English Colleges (Henault [i.e., Rheims]: [n. pub.], 1581; repr. Menston: Scolar Press, 1971) —— A True, Sincere, and Modest Defense of English Catholics (Rouen: Persons, 1584) (repr. in William Cecil, The Execution of Justice in England, and William Allen, A True, Sincere, and Modest Defense of English Catholics, ed. by Robert M. Kingdon (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1965), pp. 51–268) —— The Letters and Memorials of William Cardinal Allen (1532–1594), ed. by Fathers of the Congregation of the London Oratory (London: Nutt, 1882) —— Letters of William Allen and Richard Barrett 1572–1598, ed. and trans. by P. Renold (London: Catholic Record Society, 1967) Allenspach, Josef, and Giuseppe Frasso, ‘Vicende, cultura e scritti di Gerolamo Squarzafico, Alessandrino’, Italia medioevale e umanistica, 23 (1980), 233–92 Almain, Jacques, Libellus de auctoritate ecclesie seu sacrorum conciliorum eam representantium […] contra Thomam de Vio (Paris: Granjon, 1512) Altieri, Marco Antonio, Li nuptiali, ed. by Enrico Narducci (Rome: Bartoli, 1873); repr. ed. by Massimo Miglio and Anna Modigliani (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 1995) Amann, Fridolin, ‘Die römische Septuagintarevision im 16. Jahrhundert’, Biblische Zeitschrift, 12 (1914), 116–24 Ammannati Piccolomini, Jacopo (Iacobus Picolominus), Epistolae et commentarii (Milan: Minuziano, 1506) —— Lettere (1444–1479), ed. by Paolo Cherubini, 3 vols (Rome: Ministero per i beni culturali e ambientali, Ufficio centrale per i beni archivistici, 1997) Andreu, Francesco, ‘Il teatino Antonio Agellio e la Volgata sistina’, in La Bibbia ‘Vulgata’ dalle origini ai nostri giorni, ed. by Tarcisio Stramare (Rome: Abbazia San Girolamo; Vatican City: Libreria Vaticana, 1987), pp. 68–97 Andreucci, Chiara, ‘La tradizione del carteggio di Lorenzo Valla: le fonti’, Italia medioevale e umanistica, 15 (1972), 180–213 ‘Anguillara, Francesco’ (voce redazionale), in DBI, III (1961), 304–05 Anselmi, Gian Mario, ‘La storiografia delle corti padane’, in La storiografia umanistica: convegno internazionale di studi, Messina 22–25 ottobre 1987, 2 vols (Messina: Sicania, 1992), I, 205–32 —— ‘Spazialità e identità della narrazione storica tra Mantova e Firenze’, in Storiografia repubblicana fiorentina (1494–1570), ed. by Jean-Jacques Marchand and Jean-Claude Zancarini (Florence: Cesati, 2003), pp. 141–51 Antognoni, Oreste, Appunti e memorie (Imola: Galeati, 1889)

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Antonazzi, Giovanni, ‘Lorenzo Valla e la donazione di Costantino nel secolo XV ’, Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia, 4 (1950), 186–234 —— Lorenzo Valla e la polemica sulla donazione di Costantino (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1985) Argelati, Filippo, Bibliotheca scriptorum Mediolanensium, 2 vols in 4 (Milan: Tipografia Palatina, 1745) Arigita y Lasa, Mariano, El Doctor Navarro Don Martín de Azpilcueta y sus obras (Pamplona: Ezquerro, 1895) Arnaldi, Girolamo, ‘Come nacque la attribuzione ad Anastasio del “Liber Pontificalis”’, Bullettino dell’Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, 75 (1963), 321–43 Ascari, Tiziano, ‘Calcagnini, Francesco’, in DBI, XVI (1973), 498–99 Asor Rosa, Laura, ‘Fauno, Lucio’, in DBI, XLV (1995), 377–78 Aubert, Alberto, Paolo IV: politica, Inquisizione e storiografia (Florence: Le Lettere, 1999) (first publ. as Paolo IV Carafa nel giudizio dell’età della Controriforma (Città di Castello: Tiferno Grafica, 1990)) Aubineau, Michel, ‘Introduction’ to his edition of Gregory of Nyssa, Traité de la virginité (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1966), pp. 29–243 Augustine, Opera, 10 vols (Antwerp: Plantin, 1576) —— Epistulae, ed. by Alois Goldbacher, Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, 34, 44, 57–58, 5 parts (Vienna: Tempsky, 1895–1923) Avesani, Rino, ‘Per la lettera di Giovanni VIII a Bertario di Montecassino: frammento conservato da Leodrisio Crivelli’, Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia, 28 (1974), 525–33 —— ‘Una fonte della “Vita” di Pio II del Platina’, in Bartolomeo Sacchi, il Platina, pp. 1–7 Baader, Peter, ‘Das Druck- und Verlagshaus Albin-Strohecker zu Mainz (1598–1631)’, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, 1 (1958), 513–69 Ballistreri, Gianni, ‘Bonisoli, Ognibene’, in DBI, XII (1970), 234–36 Barberi, Francesco, Paolo Manuzio: la stamperia del popolo Romano (1561–1570) (Rome: Cuggiani, 1942) Barnaba da Celsano, Preface to Athanasius, Contra haereticos et gentiles, trans. by Ognibene da Lonigo (Vicenza: Achates, 1482) (repr. in PG, 25, p. xlvi) Baron, Hans, ‘Franciscan Poverty and Civic Wealth as Factors in the Rise of Humanistic Thought’, Speculum, 13 (1938), 1–37 Baronio, Cesare, Annales ecclesiastici, 12 vols (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1588–1607) Bartolomeo Sacchi, il Platina (Piadena 1421–Roma 1481): atti del Convegno internazionale di studi per il V centenario (Cremona, 14–15 novembre 1981), ed. by Augusto Campana and Paola Medioli Masotti (Padua: Antenore, 1986) Bauer, Johann Jacob, Bibliotheca librorum rariorum universalis, 4 vols (Nuremberg: Martin Jacob Bauer, 1770–72) Bauer, Stefan, ‘Platina, Bartolomeo’, in Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon, XXII (2003), cols 1098–1103

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—— ‘“Platina non vitas, sed vitia scripsit”: le censure sulle Vite dei papi’, in Nunc alia tempora, alii mores: storici e storia in età postridentina (Atti del Convegno internazionale, Torino, 24–27 settembre 2003), ed. by Massimo Firpo (Florence: Olschki, 2005), pp. 279–89 —— ‘Platina e le “res gestae” di Pio II’, forthcoming in Enea Silvio Piccolomini: Pius Secundus, Poeta Laureatus, Pontifex Maximus, ed. by Arianna Antoniutti (Rome: Associazione culturale ‘Shakespeare and Company 2’; Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana) —— ‘Grabmäler in der Papstgeschichtsschreibung der Renaissance: zur Konkurrenz erinnerungsstiftender Gattungen’, forthcoming in Grab, Kult und Memoria (provisional title), ed. by Carolin Behrmann, Arne Karsten, and Philipp Zitzlsperger (Cologne: Böhlau) Bäumer, Remigius, Nachwirkungen des konziliaren Gedankens in der Theologie und Kanonistik des frühen 16. Jahrhunderts (Münster: Aschendorff, 1971) Bäumer, Suitbert, Geschichte des Breviers (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1895) Baumgarten, Paul Maria, Neue Kunde von alten Bibeln, 2 vols (Rome: the author, 1922; Krumbach: Aker, 1927) Bausi, Francesco, ‘La lirica latina di Bartolomeo della Fonte’, Interpres, 10 (1990), 37–132 Bayle, Pierre, Dictionaire historique et critique, ed. by Pierre Desmaizeaux, 4th edn, 4 vols (Amsterdam: Brunel (and others); Leiden: Luchtmans, 1730) Becker, Hans-Jürgen, Die Appellation vom Papst an ein allgemeines Konzil: historische Entwicklung und kanonistische Diskussion im späten Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit (Cologne: Böhlau, 1988) Becker, Philipp August, Jean Lemaire: der erste humanistische Dichter Frankreichs (Strasbourg: Trübner, 1893) Becker, Rotraut, ‘Die Berichte des kaiserlichen und apostolischen Bücherkommissars Johann Ludwig von Hagen an die römische Kurie (1623–1649)’, QFIAB, 51 (1971), 422–65 Bellarmine, Robert, Disputationes de controversiis Christianae fidei adversus huius temporibus haereticos, 3 vols (Ingolstadt: Sartorius, 1586–93) —— De translatione Imperii Romani a Graecis ad Francos, adversus Matthiam Flaccium Illyricum (Antwerp: Plantin, 1589) —— De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis (Rome: Zannetti, 1613) —— Roberti Bellarmini […] vita quam ipsemet scripsit, in Die Selbstbiographie des Cardinals Bellarmin, ed. by Johann Joseph Ignaz von Döllinger and Fr. Heinrich Reusch (Bonn: Neusser, 1887), pp. 25–47 —— Scritti politici, ed. by Carlo Giacon (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1950) Bellesheim, Alphons, Wilhelm Cardinal Allen (1532–1594) und die englischen Seminare auf dem Festlande (Mainz: Kirchheim, 1885) Benporat, Claudio, Cucina italiana del Quattrocento (Florence: Olschki, 1996) Bentzius, Johannes, Thesaurus elocutionis oratoriae Graecolatinus novus (Basel: Episcopius, 1581) Benz, Stefan, Zwischen Tradition und Kritik: katholische Geschichtsschreibung im barocken Heiligen Römischen Reich (Husum: Matthiesen, 2003) Benzi, Fabio, Sisto IV Renovator Urbis: architettura a Roma 1471–1484 (Rome: Officina Edizioni, 1990)

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Benziger, Wolfram, Zur Theorie von Krieg und Frieden in der italienischen Renaissance: die Disputatio de pace et bello zwischen Bartolomeo Platina und Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo und andere anläßlich der Pax Paolina (Rom 1468) entstandende Schriften; mit Edition und Übersetzung, 3 parts in 1 vol. (Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 1996) Benzing, Josef, ‘Die deutschen Verleger des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts: eine Neubearbeitung’, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, 18 (1977), cols 1077–1322 —— Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachgebiet, 2nd edn (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1982) Berghman, Gustaf, Supplément à l’ouvrage sur Les Elzevier de M. Alphonse Willems (Stockholm: Iduns, 1897) Berti, Ernesto, ‘Manuele Crisolora, Plutarco e l’avviamento delle traduzioni umanistiche’, Fontes, 1 (1998), 81–99 Bianca, Concetta, ‘La terza edizione moderna dei Commentarii di Pio II’, Roma nel Rinascimento (1995), 5–16 —— ‘L’accademia del Bessarione tra Roma e Urbino’, in idem, Da Bisanzio a Roma: studi sul cardinale Bessarione (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 1999), pp. 123–38 —— ‘Roma e l’accademia bessarionea’, ibid., pp. 19–41 —— ‘Bartolomeo Fonzio tra filologia e storia’, Medioevo e Rinascimento, 18/n.s. 15 (2004), 207–40 Bianchi, Rossella, Intorno a Pio II: un mercante e tre poeti (Messina: Sicania, 1988) —— ‘Bartolomeo Platina, Pomponio Leto e il vitulus di Menecmo: note sul De flosculis del Platina (con una testimonianza di Pomponio sulle rovine di Paestum)’, in Confini dell’umanesimo letterario: studi in onore di Francesco Tateo, ed. by Mauro De Nichilo, Grazia Distaso, and Antonio Iurilli, 3 vols (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2003), I, 127–54 Biasuz, Giuseppe, Introduction to his edition of Platina, Vita di Vittorino da Feltre (Padua: Editoria Liviana, 1948), pp. vii–xiv La Bibbia: edizioni del XVI secolo, ed. by Antonella Lumini (Florence: Olschki, 2000) Biblia sacra vulgatae editionis tribus tomis distincta, ad Concilii Tridentini praescriptum emendata et a Sixto V […] recognita et approbata (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1590) Biblia sacra vulgatae editionis Sixti V […] iussu recognita atque edita (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1592) Biblia sacra vulgatae editionis Sixti V […] iussu recognita et Clementis VIII auctoritate edita (Mainz: Schönwetter; Fischer; Albin, 1609) Bibliognosis seu librorum notitia, quos Petrus Galesinus Anconitanus Protonotarius Apostolicus mira eruditione, scientia et labore conscripsit: in lucem edita per Dominum Ascanium Capestrellum, eius pronepotem amantissimum (Ancona, 1681) (very rare; available in Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Rome) ‘Pro bibliotheca erigenda’: manoscritti e incunaboli del vescovo di Trento Iohannes Hinderbach (1465–1486) (Trent: Provincia autonoma di Trento, Servizio beni culturali, Ufficio beni librari e archivistici; Biblioteca comunale, 1989) Bignami Odier, Jeanne, La Bibliothèque Vaticane de Sixte IV à Pie V (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1973)

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INDEX

Abbreviators, College of, 16, 27n, 30–35, 40, 81n, 86, 166–67, 168n Acacius, Patriarch of Constantinople, 294 ‘Academy’, Roman, 49n, 50, 52, 55–56, 61– 66, 71, 75, 78, 82–84, 167 (see also ‘conspiracy’) Acciaiuoli, Donato, 19, 20n, 22, 31 Acciaiuoli, Jacopo, 20, 71n Acciaiuoli, Piero, 19, 31 Ado, St, 286 Aeschylus, 9, 147n Aesop, 9 Agapitus I, Pope, 296–97 Agatho, Pope, 302 Agnelli, Ludovico, 46–48 Aimoin, 297 Albano, 37, 54, 70 Albin, Johann, 225–29 Albinus, Clodius, Emperor, 276 Alciati, Francesco, Cardinal, 133–34 Alexander the Great, 29n Alexander, Severus, Emperor, 275–76 Alexander I, Pope, 264–66 Alexander III, Pope, 246n Alexander V, Pope, 222, 247n Alexander VI, Pope, 99n

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Alexandria, 246n, 259 Aliprandi, Bonamente, 60–61 Allen, William, Regius Professor of Divinity, Cardinal, xviin, xviii, 113–14, 121, 123–29, 131, 140–50, 155, 165–66, 168–71, 177, 182, 186, 187n, 190–93, 201n, 208–09, 219n, 220n, 221n, 244n, 250, 253–322 Almadiano, Giovanni Battista, 68 Almain, Jacques, 107–08, 115 Altieri, Marco Antonio, 49 Amberg, 235n Ambrose, St, Bishop of Milan, 90, 92, 154n, 285–86, 288, 291 Amerbach, Boniface, 218 Ammannati Piccolomini, Jacopo, Cardinal, 30–31, 39, 41–43, 55, 61n, 65, 66n, 99n, 100n Amsterdam, 211, 212n Anacletus, Pope, 100, 138n, 263n, 264 Anagni, 319 Anastasius Bibliothecarius, see Liber pontificalis Anastasius I, Emperor, 294 Anastasius I, Pope, 290 Anastasius II, Pope, 294, 295n Anastasius III, Pope, 310, 312 Ancona, 132

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374 Angela of Foligno, 180 Anguillara, Francesco, 66 Anicetus, Pope, 114n, 169n, 191n, 242n, 253, 263n, 270–71 Anterus, Pope, 145–46, 243n, 276–77, 290n Anthimus, Patriarch of Constantinople, 296 Antioch, 260, 265n (see also church councils) Antiochus of Ascalon, 76n Antoniano, Silvio, 111–12, 134, 152 Antoninus Pius, Emperor, 242 Antony, Mark, 257 Antony of Egypt, St, 158 Antwerp, 226–27 Apicius, 54, 94n, 95n Apollinarius, Bishop of Laodicea, 291 Appion, 273 Archimedes, 5 Archives of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, see Vatican Argyropulos, John, 14–15, 17–19, 21, 22n, 39n, 68n, 85 Arianism, 151, 153, 288–89, 295–96 Aribert II, King of the Lombards, 159–60, 165n Ariccia, 56n Aristophanes, 9, 12 Aristotle, 15, 18–19, 39n, 73–74, 144 Arnulf, Emperor, 245 Arrivabene, Giovan Pietro, secretary to Cardinal F. Gonzaga, 4n, 34n, 35n, 36, 86– 87 Athanasius, St, 9, 289, 302 Atumano, Simone, 22n Augustine, St, 90, 92, 126n, 127, 243n, 260, 261n, 266, 267n, 271, 273, 274n, 278–79, 281, 288, 289n, 291, 293, 295, 306 Augustinians, 238 Augustus, Emperor, 257–58

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Index Baden, 230 Balbi, Pietro, 6n Bandini-Piccolomini, Francesco, 43n Barbara von Hohenzollern, of Brandenburg, Marchesa of Mantua, 2n, 4–7, 10–11 34n, 35n, 36, 61, 67, 86–87 Barbo, Marco, Bishop of Vicenza, then Cardinal, 34n, 38–40, 65, 67, 75, 89n, 90n Barbo, Pietro, see Paul II Barezzi, Barezzo, 181n, 188n Barnes, Robert, 251 Baronio, Cesare, xviii, 107, 112, 131, 135–36, 153, 170, 226, 237, 251, 278n, 294n, 304n Barozzi, Pietro, Bishop of Belluno, 57 Basa, Bernardo, 188n, 189 Basa, Domenico, 187, 189 Basel, 162, 235n (see also church councils) Basil, St, 137, 265n, 288, 290 Basso della Rovere, Girolamo, Cardinal, 83 Battista da Crema, 208n Beaufils, Jean, 212–15 Beccaria, Antonio, 6 Beccaria, Ippolito Maria, Master-General of the Dominican Order, 177n, 209 Becchi, Gentile, 31n, 75n Bede, St, 135n, 160n, 261, 279, 292, 303 Bellarmine, St Robert, Professor of Theology, Cardinal, xviii, 106, 112–14, 121, 124– 27, 130–32, 140–43, 147, 152, 169n, 170, 181n, 188, 190–92, 193n, 221n, 237n, 243n, 244n, 247n, 250, 253–322 Benedict II, Pope, 303 Benedict IV, Pope, 309–11 Benedict V, Pope, 313 Benedict VI, Pope, 314 Benedict VIII, Pope, 287, 316–17 Benedict IX, Pope, 149, 316 Benedict X, Antipope, 318

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Index Benedict XIII, Antipope, 248n Bentzius, Johannes, 224, 230–31 Berengar of Tours, 314 Berlin, 238 Bernardo, Andrea, 195, 196n, 197 Berno of Reichenau, 287 Bessarion, Cardinal, 9, 65, 67–70, 75, 232; his ‘Academy’, 68–70 Bethlehem, 258 Bible, 24, 89n, 99n, 108, 125–27, 130, 133, 137, 163, 191n, 218, 225–27, 244, 256–57, 264n, 265n, 267, 277n, 287, 290, 293 Biondo Flavio, xvi, 2n, 60–61, 68n, 92, 95, 159n, 160n, 165n, 184n, 297, 298n, 304n, 305n, 306n, 315 Bithynia, 237–38, 256n Blado, Antonio, 3n Boccaccio, Giovanni, 176 Boccafuoco, Costanzo, Cardinal, 113 Boccella, Enrico, 164 Böckler, Martin, 228–29 Bogard, Jean, 96n, 201n, 233n Bohemia, 162–63, 166, 177n Bolis, Benedetto, 196 Bologna, 68n, 71, 173–74, 176, 182n, 209, 214 Bonardo, Vincenzo, Master of the Sacred Palace, secretary of the Congregation of the Index, 106n, 119, 120n, 121, 182, 184n, 186n, 193, 207–08 Bonaventure, St, 137 Bonelli, Giovan Maria, 154n, 184–85 Bonelli, Michele, Cardinal, 111n Boniface I, Pope, 292, 293n Boniface II, Pope, 296 Boniface III, Pope, 244n, 300 Boniface V, Pope, 301 Boniface VI, Pope, 310 Boniface VII, Antipope, 314

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375 Boniface VIII, Pope, 247n, 319 Boniface IX, Pope, 320 Borgia, Rodrigo, Cardinal Vice-Chancellor, 35, 65–66, 71n (see also Alexander VI) Borromeo, Federico, Cardinal, 140n, 182, 193 Borromeo, St Charles, Archbishop of Milan, 113, 130, 132–37, 138n, 139n Bozio, Tommaso, 107–09, 115, 191 Bracciolini, Poggio, xvi, 50, 53, 73n, 93, 94n Brandolini, Aurelio Lippo, 83–84 Breviary, Roman, 130, 151, 153, 180n, 266, 276–79, 285 Bringer, Johann, 231 Bristow, Richard, 125 Brunacci, Giovanni, 37 Bruni, Leonardo, xvii, 101n Bruno, Giordano, 130, 195n Bussi, Giovanni Andrea, 6, 77–78 Caesar, Julius, 8, 29n, 59 Caetani, Antonio, Apostolic Nuntius in Prague, 227 Cagnola, Giovanni Andrea, 76 Caius, Pope, 282 Cajetan (Tommaso de Vio), Master-General of the Dominican Order, 107, 115 Calcagnini, Francesco, 11–12 Caligula (Gaius), Emperor, 260 Callimachus (Buonaccorsi, Filippo), 50, 55– 57, 63n, 64, 81n, 97–98 Callisto, Andronico, 69n Callistus I, Pope, 274–75 Callistus III, Pope, 16n, 31, 38n Calvinism, see Huguenots Campana, Augusto, 3 Campano, Antonio Settimuleio, 56n, 63, 64n Campano, Giovanni Antonio, xvi, 42–43, 45, 49, 56–57, 68n, 75

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376 Canensi, Michele, xvi, 93, 99n, 101, 102n Cano, Melchior, 271n, 272n Capito, Wolfgang, 218 Capocci, Giovanni, 66 Capponi, Gino, 15, 38n Capponi, Neri, 15 Capponi, Piero, 38n, 41n, 45n Capponi, Tommaso, 38n, 41n, 45n Capranica, Domenico, Cardinal, 31 Capranica, Niccolò, 68 Capua, 130 Capuchins, 109, 118 Capugnano (Porretta Terme), 173, 177 Caracalla, Emperor, 275–76 Carafa, Antonio, Cardinal, 111, 126 Careggi, 17, 21 Carneades, 76n Carthage, see church councils Casa Giocosa, see Vittorino Cassian, John, 292 Cassino, 74n Cassiodorus, 92, 154, 283, 291 Castiglione, Baldassare, 187 Catiline, 10n, 28, 30, 97–99, 100n Cato, 54 Cavalieri, Giovanni Battista, 187n, 189n Cavalli, Serafino, Procurator, Master-General of the Dominican Order, 174n Cavriani, Galeazzo, Bishop of Mantua, 37 Celestine I, Pope, 293, 299 Celestine V, Pope, 319 censorship, see Index Cento, 182n Cerinthus, 279 Cervicornus, Eucharius, 232 Chacón, Alfonso, xvin, xviin, 80n, 113–14, 120, 189n Chalcedon, see church councils

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Index Chaney, Edward, 178n, 181 Charlemagne, Emperor, 153n, 268, 306n Charles the Simple, King of France, 245, 246n Charles V, Emperor, 216n, 219n Chemnitz, Martin, 265n, 267n, 268n, 269n Cholinus, Goswin, 233 Cholinus, Maternus, 201, 233 Christ, see Jesus Christopher, Antipope, 141–42, 148n, 309–11 Chrysostom, St John, 9–10, 268, 292 church councils, 111, 112n, 118, 186, 200, 321; Platina’s threat against Paul II, 34–35, 64, 86, 167–68, 321; conciliarism versus papal authority, xvi, 41, 44, 72, 107, 108n, 115, 166–71, 191, 212–13, 214n, 220–22, 244–45, 247–48, 270, 300, 321; synods of Antioch (c. AD 264–68), 146, 280; councils of Carthage under Bishop Cyprian, 279; Council of Elvira, 274; councils under Constantine, 154; First Ecumenical Council (Nicaea I), 146n, 167–69, 191n, 267, 270, 273, 283–87, 302; Second Ecumenical (Constantinople I), 267, 287; Fourth Ecumenical (Chalcedon), 274; Council of Agde, 274; Fifth Ecumenical (Constantinople II), 296– 97; Sixth Ecumenical (Constantinople III), 266, 301; synod under Stephen III (IV) against antipopes, 305n; Seventh Ecumenical (Nicaea II), 285, 305–06; synod of Frankfurt, 305–06; Eighth Ecumenical (Constantinople IV), 308; ‘cadaver synod’ against Formosus, 245n; synod which deposes John XII, 118n, 170, 171n, 219n, 310, 313n; Lateran synod under Nicholas II, 220–21; synod under Paschal II, 246n; Council of Constance, 108, 115, 170, 224, 248, 320–21; Council

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Index of Basel, 115, 170, 224, 248n; Council of Florence, 266n; Pius II’s bull Execrabilis, 166–68, 171, 321; Fifth Lateran Council, 164, 168; Council of Trent, 64, 105, 107n, 109, 126–27, 133n, 145, 146n, 168, 177n, 225, 256, 257n, 265n, 267n, 269n, 271– 72, 274 Ciccarelli, Antonio, 185, 187, 188n, 189n, 215, 231, 233 Cicero, 6n, 8–10, 12–13, 19, 29n, 39, 48–50, 54n, 59, 67, 69, 90, 97–98, 137, 139n, 145, 146n, 147n, 148n, 230n Claudius, Emperor, 73n, 100, 101n Clement I, Pope, 138n, 143–44, 262–65 Clement II, Pope, 298, 317 Clement V, Pope, xvi Clement VII, Pope, 99, 190, 202, 215, 231, 232n Clement VIII, Pope, 106, 127n, 130, 187n, 188, 190, 231 Cletus, Pope (nonextant), 138n, 237, 238n, 239n, 240n, 242n, 262–63 (see also Anacletus) Cochlaeus, Johannes, 163 Collenuccio, Pandolfo, 84n Colleoni, Bartolomeo, 66n Cologne, 189n, 201, 226n, 227, 228n, 230, 232–34, 237n, 240 Colonna, Ascanio, Cardinal, 113, 121 Colonna, Marcantonio, Cardinal, head of the Congregation of the Index, 111, 113, 119, 121, 127, 177n, 182, 183n, 186, 188– 89, 193–95, 197–99, 208, 257n Columella, 54 Commodus, Emperor, 272 conciliarism, see church councils Congregation of the Index, see Index

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377 Congregation of the Inquisition, see Inquisition Conon, Pope, 270n, 303, 320n ‘conspiracy’ of 1468, xvii, 26, 37, 55–58, 61– 67, 75, 80–81, 89, 97–99, 101, 167, 249 Constance, see church councils Constans I, Emperor, 288 Constantine I, Emperor, 149–66, 169, 284–85, 287, 305; Donation of Constantine, 80, 95, 149–66, 191, 213, 218n, 284, 286, 300 Constantine V, Emperor, 157n, 305n Constantine, Pope, 304 Constantine, Antipope, 305 Constantinople, 12, 155n, 296n, 297–98, 299n (see also church councils) Constantius II, Emperor, 151–52 Contarini, Federico, Procurator of St Mark, 195 Contrario, Andrea, 69n Coppini, Francesco, 42n, 45n Cornelius, Pope, 138n, 220n, 221, 243, 277–79 Correr, Gregorio, 6n Corsi, Giovanni, 21 Cortesi, Antonio, 157 Cortesi, Paolo, 83n Cosmico, Niccolò Lelio, 50–51, 56n Costabili, Paolo, Master of the Sacred Palace, Master-General of the Dominican Order, 106, 116n, 117n, 173n, 174–76, 178, 182n, 209 Cotta, Franciscus, 110, 119 Coulon, Louis, 215 Cracow, 227 Crassus, M. Licinius, 97, 98n Cremona, 2, 76 Crispus Caesar, 154 Croy, Philippe de, 234

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378 Cyprian, St, Bishop of Carthage, 90n, 264n, 265n, 277–79 (see also church councils) Cyprus, 76, 170 Da Ponte, Pacifico, 138n Dal Piombo, Giovan Jacopo, 46 Dalmatia, 177–78, 208–09 Damasus I, Pope, 287, 290–92 (see also Liber pontificalis) Damasus II, Pope, 318 Danzig, 240 De’ Basini, Basinio, 6n Decius, Emperor, 243, 277–78 Decretals, Pseudo-Isidorian, 144n, 262–64, 266, 268–72, 274–78, 281–83, 288, 291, 294–97 Decretum, see Gratian De’ Giudici, Battista, Bishop of Ventimiglia, 49, 81–83 Del Monte, Pietro, Bishop of Brescia, 99n Della Rovere, Girolamo, Cardinal, 113, 182, 193 Dello Mastro, Paolo, 93n Demosthenes, 9 Deusdedit (Adeodatus I), Pope, 301 Diadumenian, Emperor, 276 Diocletian, Emperor, 147, 279 Diogenes Laertius, 19 Dionysius, Pope, 146, 147n, 221n, 223, 243n, 244n, 280 Dionysius, the Pseudo-Areopagite, 268 Diversorum academicorum panegyrici in parentalia B. Platynae, 68n, 83, 232 Dolet, Étienne, 139 Dominican Order, 107, 110, 141n, 173–78, 182, 271n Donation of Constantine, see Constantine I Doni, Anton Francesco, 176, 179–80, 182– 83, 184n, 190n, 194, 208n

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Index Douai, 124–25 Dresden, 240 Dupin, Louis-Ellies, 136 Duplessis-Mornay, Philippe, 236–38, 239n Durand, Guillaume, 266 Edward IV, King of England, 42 Egypt, 192, 255n, 258, 259n Elagabalus, Emperor, 275–76 Eleutherius, Pope, 243, 273 Elizabeth I, Queen of England, 123–24, 128 England, 42, 45, 123–29, 212n, 251 Enoch of Ascoli, 94n Epicureanism, 39, 48, 53, 64, 75 Epiphanius, St, 258n, 261n, 288 Equicola, Mario, 48n, 61 Erasmus, 126, 162n, 218 Eudoxius, 289 Eugene, Prince of Savoy, 211n Eugenius IV, Pope, 80, 93, 115, 248n Euripides, 9 Eusebius of Caesarea, 92, 147–48, 218, 256– 59, 271–73, 280–82, 290 Eusebius, Bishop of Nicomedia, 151, 153 Eusebius, Pope, 283, 285n Eutropius, 92, 155, 162n, 258 Eutychian, Pope, 281 Eutychianism, 296, 302 Evagrius Scholasticus, 294 Evaristus, Pope, 263–64, 272 Fabian, Pope, 138n, 274, 321n Fabri, Sisto, Master of the Sacred Palace, Master-General of the Dominican Order, 106n, 173–74 Facchinetti, Giovanni Antonio, 111n Falckenburg, Heinrich, 233 Famagusta, 76, 170 Farinacci, Prospero, 180

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Index Farri, Domenico, 185, 196 Fasolo, Andrea, 6n Fauno, Lucio, 184, 187, 190, 250 Faustus of Riez, St, 295 Fazini, Marco Lucido, 49n, 63, 64n, 65n, 66, 71 Felix I, Pope, 114n, 244n, 281 Felix II, Antipope, 289–90 Felix III, Pope, 244n, 293–94 Felix, Archbishop of Ravenna, 304 Ferrante, King of Naples, 27n, 30 Ferrara, 11–12, 14, 174n, 176, 209 Ficino, Marsilio, 21–22, 48n, 162n, 212 Fieschi, Urbano, Bishop, Protonotary, 79–80 Filelfo, Francesco, 41, 43, 53, 68n, 77 Flacius Illyricus, Matthias, 153n, 218n, 251 (see also Magdeburg Centuries) Flanders, 123 Flodoard of Rheims, 141n, 142, 309 Florence, 13–25, 31, 38, 39n, 41, 45, 55, 66n, 73, 76–77, 83–85, 96, 130, 246n, 250 (see also church councils) Fonzio, Bartolomeo, 19, 82n Formosus, Pope, 141–42, 148n, 245n, 246n, 309–10, 313n, 322n (see also church councils) Forteguerri, Niccolò, Cardinal, 41, 42n France, 1n, 131, 166, 181, 212–15, 247n Francesco da Castiglione, 6n Francis I, King of France, 213–14 Franciscan Order, 71, 73, 75, 108 Franco, Nicolò, 176, 179–80 Frankfurt am Main, 224–29, 231 (see also church councils) Frederick Barbarossa, Emperor, 246n Fregoso, Battista, 236 Freiburg, 224, 228–29

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379 Friedrich Wilhelm I, Duke of Saxe-Weimar, 226 Fubini, Riccardo, xv Fuhrmann, Horst, 249 Gabriele da Concoreggio, 6n Gaetani, Enrico, Cardinal, 193n Gaida, Giacinto, 102, 240, 253 Galesini, Pietro, Apostolic Protonotary, xviii, 113–14, 119, 125–26, 132–40, 143–48, 152, 165–66, 169n, 190–92, 250, 253–322 Galilei, Galileo, 130 Gallienus, Emperor, 278–79 Gallio, Tolomeo, Cardinal, 129n Gallus, Trebonianus, Emperor, 277–78 Gaspare da Verona, xvi, 101 Gatti, Giovanni, 69n Gaza, Theodore, 6, 9, 68n, 69, 75 Gelasius I, Pope, 267, 294 Gelenius (Hrubý, Øehoø), 162 Gelli, Giovan Battista, 176, 179–80, 182–83, 208n Génébrard, Gilbert, 271 Gennadius of Marseilles, 295 George of Podebrady, King of Bohemia, 166 George of Trebizond, 5n, 6, 9, 68n Gerhard, Johann, 237, 238n Geta, Emperor, 275 Gherardi, Jacopo, 82n, 83n Giacomo d’Arezzo, 35n, 36n Gian Pietro da Lucca, 6n Giovanni di Dio, 109n, 116 Giovanni Gabriele da Saluzzo, Inquisitor of Venice, 208n Giovannini, Girolamo, from Capugnano, censor, inquisitor, xviii, 171–209, 250 Giovio, Paolo, 3n, 68, 236

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380 Giraldi Cinthio, Giovan Battista, 179 Gonzaga (family), 13, 26, 58–61 Gonzaga, Federico, Marchese of Mantua, 3, 13, 17n, 70, 99 Gonzaga, Francesco, Cardinal, 4n, 10, 14, 24– 26, 30–31, 35n, 36–37, 46–47, 51–54, 57, 59, 63, 65–67, 70–71, 81n, 86 Gonzaga, Gianfrancesco, Marchese of Mantua, 5–6, 12, 58 Gonzaga, Ludovico, Marchese of Mantua, 2n, 5, 7, 10–16, 23–24, 37, 41n, 58–61, 67–68, 70, 71n Götze, Johann Christian, 238n, 240 Gratian (Decretum), 149n, 156n, 160, 163n, 221n, 263n, 268–69, 272n, 274, 292 Greece, 10, 13–14 Gregorio da Napoli, 109–10, 118 Gregory I, Pope, 90n, 220n, 267, 273, 295, 296n, 298–300, 307 Gregory III, Pope, 245n Gregory IV, Pope, 147n, 148n, 187n, 220n, 245n, 298, 307 Gregory V, Pope, 220n, 298, 315 Gregory VI, Pope, 149, 316n, 317 Gregory VII, Pope (Hildebrand), 221n, 318 Gregory IX, Pope, 247n Gregory X, Pope, 315 Gregory XIII, Pope, 106, 109n, 110–11, 115n, 124–25, 128n, 129n, 130, 134n, 136, 137n, 185, 187, 200 Gregory XIV, Pope, 126–27, 187 Gregory of Nyssa, St, 132–33, 290, 299n, 301n Gregory of Tours, St, 286 Gregory Thaumaturgus, St, 280 Groto, Luigi, 176 Guaraldi, Stefano, from Cento, Inquisitor of Venice, 173, 177n, 182–83, 193–98

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Index Guarino da Verona, 6n, 9, 11–12, 14, 26, 31 Guarino, Battista, 6n, 31 Guazzelli, Demetrio, Platina’s assistant, 3n, 63, 64n, 78, 82–84 Guevara, Antonio de, 208n Guicciardini, Francesco, xv, 185n Guise, Henry, Duke of, 129 Guitmund, Bishop of Aversa, 314 Gulielmus Bibliothecarius, 309 Guzmán, Enrique de, Count of Olivares, 124–25, 129n Hadrian I, Pope, 156, 237n, 285n, 287n, 305–06 Hadrian II, Pope, 308 Hadrian VI, Pope, 189, 201–02 Hagar, 301 Hedio, Kaspar, 216–24, 231, 242–48 Heger, Franciscus, 234n Hegesippus, 256n Heidelberg, 216n, 217n, 218n Helena, St, 283, 286 Helenopolis, 155n Henry IV, King of France, 181 Hermannus Contractus, 317 Hermas, 270 Herod the Great, 257–58 Herod Archelaus, 258 Hesiod, 9 Hierat, Anton, 227 Hilarius, Pope, 293 Hinderbach, Johannes, Bishop of Trent, 81 Historia Augusta, 92 Hittorp, Gottfried, 232 Homer, 9–10, 22 homosexuality, 64–65 Honorius I, Pope, 215, 301 Honorius II, Pope, 318

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Index Horace, 8, 54n, 94n Hosius, Bishop of Cordoba, 169 Hosius, Stanislaus, Cardinal, 294 Howard, Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, 123 Hugh of St Victor, 260–61, 266 Huguenots, 237–38 (see also Protestantism) Humbert de Romans, 180 Humbert of Silva Candida, 221n Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester, 6 Hus, John, 320–21 Hyginus, Pope, 138n, 242n, 269, 270n Index of Prohibited Books, xviii, 105–21, 126, 130–31, 139–40, 152, 164–65, 173–209, 221, 224, 227n, 228n, 242, 249–51, 253–322 Innocent I, Pope, 267–68, 290–92, 302 Innocent III, Pope, 243n, 274 Innocent VI, Pope, 247n Innocent VII, Pope, 320 Innocent VIII, Pope, 222, 232n, 248 Innocent IX, Pope, 187n Innocent X, Pope, 215 Inquisition (Holy Office), 105–07, 112, 116n, 117n, 126, 130, 140n, 164, 173–84, 193– 209, 228n Irenaeus, St, 264n, 271, 273 Isaiah, 255, 257, 259 Ishmael, 301 Isidore of Seville, St, 92 Islam, 301 Isocrates, 6n, 9, 69n Ivo, St, Bishop of Chartres, 292

381 Jacob, Hebrew patriarch, 256–57 Jacobazzi, Domenico, 164 Jacopo da S. Cassiano, 5–6 Jacopo di Portogallo, Cardinal, 16, 84–85 James, St, the Lord’s brother, 260–61, 263, 265 James I, King of Great Britain, 131 James II, King of Great Britain, 212n, 251 Jansen, Cornelius, the Elder, 258 Jaspar von Gennep, 232 Jerome, St, 90, 92, 151n, 158, 192n, 255–63, 267, 268n, 269n, 273n, 274n, 275n, 277, 279, 282, 289–92, 295 Jerusalem, 256, 258–59 Jesuits, 124, 127n, 130–31, 178, 226 Jesus Christ, 168, 175n, 192n, 220, 223n, 243, 247, 255–61, 264n, 265n, 266, 281, 285–86, 300–02; poverty of, 108, 115, 144n, 149, 191n, 320–21; as a model of virtue, 75–76, 99n, 144n, 146, 147n, 168, 217, 247n Joan, legendary female Pope, 95–96, 109–11, 116–18, 141, 215, 218–19, 238–39, 308–09, 316n Johannes de Colonia, 52n, 232, 234, 236, 237n John, St, 243, 255, 263, 264n John I, Pope, 295, 296n John II, Pope, 296 John III, Pope, 262, 263n John IV, Pope, 302 John VI, Pope, 303 John VII*, Pope, 155n, 159, 165n, 166n, 239n, 286n, 303–04

* Pope John VII (r. 705–07). In Platina’s Lives there are two popes named John VII: the legendary Pope Joan is John VII (bis). The sixteenth-century editions of the Lives, however, refer to Joan as John VIII, with the confusing result that all subsequent popes of this name have a number which is out by one. Most censors (except Bellarmine) follow the numbering of the sixteenth-century editions. See also above, pp. 239, 308.

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382 John VIII, Pope, 239n, 308 John IX, Pope, 245n, 310–11 John X, Pope, 149n, 310, 312–13 John XI, Pope, 149n, 310, 312–13 John XII, Pope, 118n, 141–42, 148n, 169–70, 171n, 219, 309–10, 313 (see also church councils) John XIII, Pope, 149n, 313 John XIV, Pope, 314 John XV, Pope, 149n, 219n, 315 John XVI, Antipope, 315 John XVII, Pope, 316 John XVIII, Pope, 316 John XXI, Pope, 120, 319 John XXII, Pope, 108–10, 115–18, 149, 191n, 242n, 319–20 John XXIII, Pope, 108, 247n, 320–21 John, Bishop of Constantinople, 298–99 John of Austria, Don 128 John of Damascus, St, 268 John of Salisbury, 217 Joseph, St, 192, 258, 260–61 Josephus, Flavius, 78–79, 256–59, 273n Josippon, 256 Jouffroy, Jean, Cardinal, 93, 157 Judaea, 192n, 257n, 258 Julian the Apostate, Emperor, 255n Julius Africanus, 277 Julius I, Pope, 148n, 191n, 288, 302 Julius II, Pope, 212n, 213–14, 232n Julius III, Pope, 204, 232n Justin Martyr, St, 264n, 272 Justin, Emperor, 295 Justinian, Emperor, 296–97, 300n Justinian II, Emperor, 304 Juvenal, 8, 54n Kakabelas, Jeremias, 211n Keller, Georg, 229n

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Index Keßner, Zachäus, 227 Koberger, Anton, 232, 234–35 Kristeller, Paul Oskar, 21–22 Kromer, Marcin, 315 Lactantius, 243n, 259, 273 Lambeck, Peter, 2n, 58n Landino, Cristoforo, 39n Lando, Pope, 310, 312 Lanfranc, 314 Langemack, Gregor, 238 Lauro, Vincenzo, Cardinal, 113 Lazio, 74 Le Fèvre, Jean, 212 Leiden, 234 Lelli, Teodoro, Bishop of Treviso, 35n, 36, 38–40, 46, 51, 75, 86 Lemaire, Jean, 212–13 Lenfant, Jacques, 238–39 Lengnich, Carl Benjamin, xix, 239–41 Lentulus, P. Cornelius (Sura), 97, 98n Leo I, Pope, 90n, 220, 232n, 274–75, 292–93 Leo II, Pope, 302 Leo III, Pope, 219, 245n, 267–68, 306 Leo IV, Pope, 245n Leo IV, Emperor, 157n Leo V, Pope, 141–42, 148n, 309–11 Leo VI, Pope, 148n, 312 Leo VIII, Pope, 219, 246 Leo X, Pope, 214, 223n, 246n, 248n Leo XI, Pope, 131 Leto, Giulio Pomponio, 49–52, 54–56, 61– 62, 64–66, 71, 74n, 81n, 83 (see also ‘Academy’, Roman) Leucht, Valentin, 226–27 Leuven, 114n, 124, 128n, 130, 201n, 233n Liber pontificalis, xvi, 2n, 73, 90–92, 96, 144, 151, 160n, 226, 262–66, 268–71,

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Index 276–83, 285, 287–89, 291–92, 294–97, 304n, 309, 312, 321 Liberius, Pope, 215, 288–89 Liguria, 160, 165n Linus, Pope, 100, 138n, 242n, 262–63 Liutprand of Cremona, 141n, 142, 309–10 Livy, 8, 10, 60n, 187n, 270n Lodi, Peace of, 15–16 Lolli, Goro, 41–43 Lombards, 2n, 159–60, 165n Lombardy, 2, 182n London, 211, 212n Louis the Pious, Emperor, 220 Louis XI, King of France, 166–67 Louis XII, King of France, 213 Lucan, 8, 10n Lucca, 76n, 164 Lucius I, Pope, 278–79 Lucius III, Pope, 138n Luke, St, 215, 237–40, 255, 259, 263 Luther, Martin, 163, 218n, 264n, 265n Lutheranism, 163, 216, 223, 237, 248n (see also Protestantism) Lycaon, 260 Lyons, 214, 232n Machiavelli, Niccolò, 70n, 99, 107, 187n Macrinus, Emperor, 276 Maes, Jan, 96n, 201n, 233n Maffei, Agostino, 26, 51n, 63, 64n, 71, 87–88 Maffei, Raffaele, 4, 82n, 214n, 232, 276 Magdeburg Centuries, xviii, 162n, 170, 218n, 251, 294n Magnentius, Emperor, 152 Mainz, 215n, 217, 224–29 Malatesta, Sigismondo, Signore of Rimini, 27n, 30, 44 Malines, 124

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383 Mamertus, St, 306 Manes, 281 Manetti, Giannozzo, xvi, 93–94, 95n Manfredi, Bartolomeo, 82n, 83n Manna, Pietro, 6n Manthen, Johannes, 52n, 232, 234, 236, 237n Mantua, 2, 4–14, 16–17, 23n, 24–25, 29, 37, 46, 55, 58–61, 67–69, 77n, 133–34, 161, 176, 209; Congress of Mantua, 16, 29, 42–44, 45n, 85 Manuzio, Aldo the Younger, 139, 181n Manuzio, Paolo, 132n, 133 Marasca, Bartolomeo, Master of the household of Cardinal F. Gonzaga, 14, 36–37, 63n Marburg, 218 M arcellinus, Pope, 147, 148n, 221n, 244n, 282 Marcellus I, Pope, 283 Marcellus II, Pope (Cervini, Marcello), 130, 204–05 Marcus Aurelius, Emperor, 72, 166n, 272 (see also Rome) Marguerite d’Angoulême, 213, 214n Marino, 37, 47, 52 Mark, St, 259, 263, 264n Mark, Pope, 149–50, 164, 185n, 284, 287 Marmirolo, 4 Marozia, 310 Marsi, Paolo, 56n Marso, Pietro, 63, 64n Martelli, Filippo, 20n Martin II (Marinus I), Pope, 308n, 309 Martin V, Pope, xvi, 91, 115, 180n, 248n Martin, Gregory, 125 Martín de Azpilcueta, 180 Martin of Troppau (Martinus Polonus), 141, 292, 308, 315, 316n, 322

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384 Martino de’ Rossi, 54 Martorello, Baldo, 6n martyrologies, 134–38, 261, 277, 278n, 286, 287n, 292, 321n Mary, the Blessed Virgin, 260n, 261n Mary Queen of Scots, 124, 128 Mäß, Wilhelm, 228 Massaeus, Christianus, 271 Matthew, St, 256n, 257–60, 263, 301 Maurice, Emperor, 298–99 Maurokordato, Nikolaos, Prince of Walachia, 211n Maximian, Emperor, 147, 244 Maximinus Daia, Emperor, 283–84 Medici, Cosimo de’, ‘il Vecchio’, 2n, 14–15, 17–19 Medici, Cosimo de’, Duke of Florence, Grand Duke of Tuscany, 203n Medici, Lorenzo de’, ‘il Magnifico’, 17–20, 22, 77, 84n Medioli Masotti, Paola, 62 Meietti, Roberto, 197 Melanchthon, Philipp, 218n Melozzo da Forlì, 74n, 79 Meul, Konrad, 229n Michelozzi, Niccolò, 20n Migne, Jacques-Paul, 133 Milan, 10–11, 13, 20n, 41, 62, 76, 113, 130, 132– 39, 250, 291n Millini (family), 80 Millini, Celso, 80 Millini, Giovanni, Cardinal, 80–81 Miltiades, Pope, 283–84 Miranda, Bartolomeo de, Master of the Sacred Palace, 106n Mistra, 13n Molino, Luigi, Archbishop of Zara, 177, 209 Mondovì, 130

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Index Monothelitism, 301 Montanism, 262 Montefeltro, Federico da, Duke of Urbino, 5, 69 Montepulciano, 130 Monthabur, Georgius, 47n Moretus, Jan, 226–27 Morosini, Pietro, 65, 66n Moulin, Pierre du, 197n Muhammad, Prophet, 301 Muratori, Lodovico, 61, 102 Myconius, Oswald, 162–63 Naples, 6, 20n, 27n, 30, 44, 57, 62n, 63n, 70, 109, 117n, 118, 130, 174n, 320 Nauclerus, Johannes (Vergenhans), 161–62 Negroponte, 68n Neocaesarea (Niksar), 280 nepotism, xvii, 41, 45, 79, 219 Neri, Filippo, 115n Nero, Emperor, 56n, 100, 101n, 185n, 260n, 262 Netherlands, 123–24 Nicaea, see church councils Niccolò della Tuccia, 93n Nicephorus Callistus, 255, 271–73, 280–81, 286, 291–92 Nicholas I, Pope, 245n Nicholas II, Pope, 220–21 (see also church councils) Nicholas III, Pope, 219n Nicholas V, Pope, xvi, 5n, 77n, 80, 93–94, 95n, 219 Nicholas of Cusa, 155, 158–60 Nicomedia, 151, 153, 155n Novatianism, 270 Nuremberg, 232, 234, 235n Oberursel, 228

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Index Ognibene da Lonigo (Bonisoli, Ognibene), 4–14, 34, 52, 86 Olivares, Count of, see Guzmán Optatus, St, 288 Oratorians, 107, 115, 131 Origen, 134n, 274–75, 282 Orosius, 92, 155, 162n, 272 Orsini, Fulvio, 140n Orsini, Giovanni, Archbishop of Trani, Abbot of Farfa, 73–74, 80n Orsini, Latino, Cardinal, 71n Ostia, 72, 73n Ottheinrich, Count Palatine, 216–18 Otto I, Emperor, 170, 219n, 313 Otto of Freising, 309, 317 Ovid, 8, 23n Oxford, 123 Padua, 50, 130, 182n Palmieri, Niccolò, 93 Pamphilus, St, 274n, 282 Pandolfini, Pandolfo, 19 Pandolfini, Pierfilippo, 16–19, 84–85 Pannartz, Arnold, 78–79 Panthera, Giovanni Antonio, 208n Panvinio, Onofrio, xv, 110–12, 138, 186, 190, 200, 231, 233, 251, 304n, 307n, 320; his editions of Platina’s Lives, 120n, 138, 198, 215, 231, 233, 184, 189n, 236–41; annotations to Platina, 96, 110, 138, 200, 233, 260, 263, 273, 277, 278n, 280, 283– 84, 289, 293, 298, 307, 308n, 309, 313n, 315–18; biographies in continuation of Platina, 99n, 184–90, 198, 200–07, 215, 231, 233, 236 Panvinio, Paolo, 112 Papinianus, Aemilius, 275 Paris, 129n, 193n, 212, 214–15, 232

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385 Paschal I, Pope, 298, 307 Paschal II, Pope, 246n (see also church councils) Pastor, Ludwig, 39, 62, 86n, 102, 241–42, 251 Patrizi, Agostino, Master of Ceremonies, 64 Paul, St, 192, 220n, 259–62, 265n, 285, 307 Paul II, Pope (Barbo, Pietro), xvi–xvii, 9n, 32–41, 43n, 46–47, 54, 61–67, 70–71, 75, 81, 86–87, 89, 95–103, 108n, 120, 156–57, 166–68, 170–71, 233, 236–37, 250, 274, 302n, 305, 309, 314n, 321 (see also church councils) Paul III, Pope, 184n, 190, 202–04, 215, 216n, 218n, 232n, 233n Paul IV, Pope, 205–06, 304n Paul V, Pope, 131 Paul of Samosata, Bishop of Antioch, 146, 243, 280 Paul the Deacon, 92, 160n, 272, 292, 294– 97, 303n Pelagianism, 295 Pelagius I, Pope, 267 Pelagius II, Pope, 221n, 244n, 298, 302, 307 Pelagius, Alvarus, 315 Pellevé, Nicolas de, Cardinal, 119 Peretti, Felice, see Sixtus V Perotti, Niccolò, 6, 68–69 Persius, 8 Persons, Robert, 129n Peter, St, 100, 143–45, 152, 157–59, 185n, 192n, 215, 220n, 257, 259–63, 264n, 266, 300n Peter Damian, St, 221n, 318 Petit, Jean, 232 Petrarch, 39 Petriolo, 61, 67 Pfalz-Neuburg, 216 Philip II, King of Spain, 124–25

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386 Philip IV, King of France, 247n Philo of Alexandria, 259 Phocas, Emperor, 300n Photinus, deacon of Thessalonica, 294 Piadena, 1–2, 13n Piccinino, Jacopo, 44 Piccinino, Niccolò, 3 Piccolomini, Enea Silvio, see Pius II Piccolomini faction, 30–31, 39, 41–45 Pichi, Lorenzo de’, 185n Pico, Paolo, secretary of the Congregation of the Index, 114n, 121n, 177n, 208–09 Pienza, 61 Pigge (Pighius), Albert, 170, 294 Pindar, 9 Pinelli, Gian Vincenzo, 140n Pinzi, Filippo, 232 Pius I, Pope, 270–71 Pius II, Pope (Piccolomini, Enea Silvio), xvi, xviin, 2n, 16, 25, 27–35, 38, 40n, 41–45, 46n, 48, 53, 58–61, 92–93, 95, 98, 99n, 154n, 158–61, 166–68, 171, 184n, 214–15, 238–39, 248, 304n, 305n, 306n, 315, 321 (see also church councils; Mantua, Congress of; Platina) Pius III, Pope (Todeschini-Piccolomini, Francesco), 214, 232 (see also Todeschini) Pius IV, Pope, 105, 126n, 132, 185, 187, 189, 206–07, 233n Pius V, Pope, 111, 124, 128, 133, 151, 185, 187, 200 Pius XI, Pope (Ratti, Achille), 131, 134n, 135n, 136n Plantin, Christophe, 226 Platina (Sacchi, Bartolomeo), moral stance, xvii–xviii, 18, 39–40, 48–49, 53–57, 59, 73–76, 95–96, 98–99, 108–09, 115, 141–49, 155–58, 162, 167–70, 190–91, 217–24, 242–

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Index 48, 250, 254, 261–62, 275–77, 280, 282, 284–85, 288–89, 291–94, 299–301, 303–05, 307, 309–21; ideas on history, xvi–xix, 28– 30, 58–61, 72–73, 89–91, 95–96, 154–55, 158; on religion, 18, 40, 62, 67, 75–76, 80, 89, 91, 95–96, 108, 115, 143–45, 168, 261–62; Latinus, Platina’s son, 82; De amore, Contra amores, 37n, 46–49, 50n, 53, 232; De falso ac vero bono, De falso et vero bono, 37–41, 46, 53, 69n, 74–76, 232; De flosculis, 50–52, 54; De honesta voluptate, 25, 50, 52–58, 66n, 91n, 95n; De laudibus bonarum artium, 25, 27–31, 98; De laudibus pacis, 67; De optimo cive, 17–21, 46n, 70n, 77, 99n, 232; De principe, 3, 4n, 17n, 19n, 70, 71n, 74n, 99; De vera nobilitate, 18n, 46n, 73–74, 80, 232; Divi Ludovici somnium, 13, 15–16, 23; Historia urbis Mantuae, 2n, 37, 44n, 58–61, 67, 90; Liber privilegiorum, 79–80; Oratio de laudibus Ludovici, 13–15; Oratio de pace Italiae confirmanda, 66–67, 232; Panegyricus in laudem Bessarionis, 68–70, 232; Pliny’s Natural History, epitome of, 4n, 25–28, 54, 87–88; Plutarch’s De ira sedanda, translation of, 22, 81–82; treatise or letter against Battista de’ Giudici, 49, 81–82; Vita Ioannis Milini, 80–81; Vita Nerii Capponi, 15–16, 38n; Vita Pii II, xvi, 30, 38n, 41–45, 46n, 58n, 95; Vita Sixti IV, 19n, 72–73, 74n, 89–90, 95, 102, 166n; Vita Victorini Feltrensis, 4–9, 13, 18n, 25–28, 69n; Vocabula Bucolicorum/ Georgicorum, 22–24 Plato, 9, 13n, 15, 17–19, 21, 28, 48, 57, 65, 85 Platyn, John, Exarch, 2 Plautus, 8 Pletho, George Gemistus, 13n, 68n

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Index Pliny the Elder, see Platina Pliny the Younger, 26n, 87n, 88n Plutarch, 9, 22, 81–82 Poland, 177n Poliziano, Angelo, 19, 83–84 Pollio, Asinius, 59n, 74n Polo, Girolamo, 179n, 183–85, 193n, 195–98, 207 Pompey, 29n Pompilio, Paolo, 49 Pontano, Giovanni, 57 Pontian, Pope, 276 Pontius, St, 277–78 Porcacchi, Tommaso, 185 Porcari, Stefano, 80, 99n Porcelli, Giovanni Battista, 117n Porphyrio, Pomponius, 94n Portugal, (Jayme) Cardinal of, see Jacopo di Portogallo Possevino, Antonio, 125n, 135, 178, 180n Possidius, St, 293 Prague, 227 Praxedes, St, 270, 307 Prendilacqua, Francesco, 26 Procopius of Caesarea, 262 Procopius of Gaza, 259 Propertius, 23n Prosper of Aquitaine, St, 292, 295 Protestantism, xviii, 103, 127, 131, 140, 142– 43, 145, 147, 153, 162–63, 170, 174–75, 216–31, 235–48, 251, 254, 261n, 264n, 267n, 271–72, 294n (see also Lutheranism, Calvinism, Zwingli, England) Ptolemy, 5n Ptolemy of Lucca, 92, 255n, 259n, 272n, 280n Pudentiana, St, 270 Pythagoreanism, 55–56

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Querini, Angelo Maria, Cardinal, 102 Quintilian, 8–10, 50, 94n Ravenna, 2, 304n Real, Jean, 215n Regensburg, 218 Regnault, François, 232 René of Anjou, 30 Rheims, 124–25 Rimini, 27n Rinuccini, Alamanno, 19, 22, 31 Romanus I, Pope, 141, 148n, 309–11 Rome (see also Vatican), Acqua Vergine, 71, 79n; Capitoline Hill, 71; Castel S. Angelo, 36–38, 47, 63–67, 79, 94n, 201, 262, 314; Circus Maximus, 151–52; Confraternita del Salvatore ad Sancta Sanctorum, 82; English College, 124, 128; Esquiline Hill (Platina’s house), 51, 81, 83 (see also Quirinal); Gianicolo, 262; Hospital of S. Spirito in Sassia, 72; jubilee of 1450, 31; jubilee of 1475, 71, 79, 90, 94; jubilee of 1600, 181; Lateran Basilica, baptistery, 71–72, 150, 154, 166n, 293; Lateran obelisk, 151–52; Lateran Palace, 94n; Marcus Aurelius, statue of, 72, 166n; Palilia, 83n; Pantheon, 94n; Ponte Milvio, 94n, 151; Ponte Sisto, 72, 73n; Quirinal Hill, 68n, 83n; S. Andrea in Catabarbara, 293n; SS. Apostoli, 68n, 72; S. Lorenzo in Damaso, 302n; S. Maria Maggiore, 3, 83, 93n, 94n; S. Prassede, 307; S. Pudenziana, 270; S. Stefano Rotondo, 93n, 94n, 293n; S. Teodoro, 93n, 94n; Tiber, 56, 185n; Trajan’s column, 152; Via Aurelia, 262; Via Triumphalis, 262

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388 Rossi, Damiano, 116n, 117n Rosso, Giovanni, 232 Rotari, King of the Lombards, 160 Roverella, Bartolomeo, Cardinal, 52–53, 59, 61n Rubinstein, Nicolai, xvii Rucellai, Annibale, Bishop of Carcassonne, 179n Rudolf II, Emperor, 227 Rufinus, 275n, 282–83, 286, 290, 295 Rupert of Deutz, 260, 261n Rycaut, Paul, 212n, 251 Sabellicus (Coccio, Marcantonio), 165n, 297, 298n Sabinian, Pope, 300 Sacchi, Bartolomeo, see Platina Sacchi, Giacomo, Platina’s uncle, 13 Saladin, 246n Sallust, 8, 10n, 30, 97–99, 100n Salutati, Coluccio, 22 Sánchez de Arévalo, Rodrigo, Bishop of Oviedo, Prefect of Castel S. Angelo, 38, 40, 65n, 66–67, 74, 167 Sannazaro, Jacopo, 57–58 Sanvito, Bartolomeo, 82n Saracens, 301 Sarah, 301 Sarpi, Paolo, 131 Sassolo da Prato, 6n Savelli, Giacomo, Cardinal, 111–12 Saxony, 226 Scala, Bartolomeo, 20, 31n Schmidlin, Johann, 231 Schönwetter, Johann Theobald, 224–31 Schott, François, 181 Schweikart, Johann, Archbishop of Mainz, 225–27

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Index Scotus, Marianus, 271, 297 Sebastian, King of Portugal, 181 Seneca, 9, 19, 54n Sergius III, Pope, 141–42, 246n, 309–12 Severinus, Pope, 221n, 244n, 298, 302 Severus, Septimius, Emperor, 273n, 276 Sforza, Bianca Maria, Duchess of Milan, 10–11 Sforza, Costanzo, Lord of Pesaro, 84n Sforza, Francesco, Duke of Milan, 3–4, 13, 41 Sforza, Galeazzo Maria, Duke of Milan, 62, 63n, 64n, 76n, 77n Siena, 35, 42, 61n, 130 Sigebert of Gembloux, 292, 309 Sigismund, Emperor, 247n, 248 Sigonio, Carlo, xv, 164–65 Silverius, Pope, 297 Silvester I, Pope, 138n, 147n, 149–69, 185n, 187n, 218, 284–87, 290n, 302, 303n Silvester II, Pope, 111–12, 215, 315–16 Silvester III, Pope, 317 Simon Magus, 259–60 Simonelli, Valerio (Flacco), 69n, 75 Simonetta, Cicco, 11 Simplicius, Pope, 293 Siricius, Pope, 290 Sirleto, Guglielmo, Cardinal, 105–106, 109n, 110–11, 115n, 119, 133, 136, 139n, 164, 294n Sixtus I, Pope, 267–68, 302 Sixtus II, Pope, 278–80 Sixtus IV, Pope (della Rovere, Francesco), xvii, 19n, 22n, 40, 46, 71–84, 89–90, 94– 95, 97, 101–02, 166n, 184n, 185, 214, 218n, 232n, 248 Sixtus V, Pope (Peretti, Felice), 106, 110, 113– 14, 124–27, 131, 137–40, 151–53, 174n, 183, 187n, 189, 193n, 194, 200 Socrates, 17–18, 28, 85

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Index Socrates Scholasticus, 151n, 154, 155, 159n, 286, 288–89 Sophocles, 9 Soter, Pope, 271–72 Sozomen, 151n, 154, 159n, 289, 292 Spain, 124–29, 262 Spiess, Johann, 224 Squarzafico, Gerolamo, 234, 235n Steinmeyer, Vincenz, 227 Stella, Giovanni, 232n, 236 Stella, Lodovicus, 46, 47n Stephen I, Pope, 278–79 Stephen (II), Pope, 304 Stephen II (III), Pope, 304 Stephen III (IV), Pope, 148n, 304–05 (see also church councils) Stephen VI (VII), Pope, 141–42, 245n, 309–10 Steuco, Agostino, 161n Stoicism, 39, 73, 90n Strasbourg, 216, 218, 230 Strasser, Johann, 228–29 Sturm, Jacob, 218 Suetonius, 59 Sulla, 29n Sulpicius Severus, 132n, 133 Susanna, Book of, 277 Sutor, Cornelius, 228 Sweynheym, Konrad, 78 Symmachus, Pope, 163n, 295 Tacitus, 92, 256, 262 Tagliavia, Simone, Cardinal, 178n Tartaglia, Niccolò, 180–81 Tasso, Torquato, 175 Telesphorus, Pope, 138n, 268–69 Terence, 8 Tertullian, 272 The Hague, 234n

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389 Theocritus, 9 Theoderic the Great, King of the Ostrogoths, 295, 296n Theodora, Empress, 297 Theodore I, Pope, 302 Theodore II, Pope, 141, 142n, 309–11 Theodoret, 133n, 159n, 286, 291 Theodosius, Emperor, 291 Thessalonica, 291 Thierry, Jean, 232n Thomas Aquinas, St, 127, 261 Tiberius, Emperor, 100, 101n, 216n, 259 Tibullus, 23n Tilius, Joannes, 235–36 Tillet, Jean du, Bishop of Meaux, 235n, 236n Tillet, Jean du, Sieur de la Bussière, Protonotary, 235n, 236n Tivoli, 74n Todeschini-Piccolomini, Francesco, Cardinal, 41–42, 44, 45n, 99n (see also Pius III) Tolomei, Jacopo, 66 Tortelli, Giovanni, 23 Trajan, Emperor, 73n, 152, 263–64 Tramezzino, Michele, 184–85 Trent, see church councils Trevisan, Giovanni, Patriarch of Venice, 195–97 Trevisan, Ludovico, Patriarch of Aquileia, Cardinal, 54, 102, 120n, 302n Treviso, 39, 232 Turks (Ottoman Empire), 29–30, 35, 41– 42, 62, 66–67 Ugolini, Baccio, 23n Ugoni, Mattia, Bishop of Famagusta, 170 Urban I, Pope, 145, 275–76 Urban VI, Pope, xvi, 320 Urbino, 5, 69

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390 Vairani, Tommaso Agostino, 66 Valagussa, Giorgio, 11–13 Valerian, Emperor, 278–80 Valerius Maximus, 8, 10n Valier, Agostino, Cardinal, 106, 113, 119, 177, 188, 208n, 209 Valiscara, Bartolomeo, 65–66 Valla, Lorenzo, 5–6, 39, 50–53, 68n, 91n, 95, 155–63 Varchi, Benedetto, 99n Varro, 51–52, 54, 74n Vatican, 65, 262 (see also Rome); Archives, 79–80; Archives of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, 250; Library, 21, 71, 77–81, 82n, 83n, 111, 112n, 161n, 216n, 219n; obelisk, 137, 152; Palace, 94n; press (Typographia Apostolica), 189; Registers, 111, 112n; Salone Sistino, 152–53; Sistine Chapel, 71–72; St Peter’s Basilica, 72, 94n, 185n, 245n, 247n, 262; walls, fortifications, 94n Velenus, Ulrichus, 162n, 163 Venice, 9–10, 52, 64–65, 66n, 114, 131, 139, 173–99, 207–09, 232–33 Vergil, Polydore, 306, 307n Verino, Ugolino, 22, 31n Vicenza, 10–11, 38–39, 178 Victor I, Pope, 240n, 243n, 273 Vidoue, Pierre, 232 Vienna, 58n Vigevano, Andrea, 6n Vigilius, Pope, 296–97, 310, 312

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Index Villani, Giovanni, 319 Vincent of Lérins, St, 279 Vincent, St, deacon, 279 Vinciguerra, Antonio (Cronico), 50n Virgil, 7, 11n, 12–13, 17, 22–24 Vittorino da Feltre, 4–14, 18, 23, 25–28, 52, 69, 75, 77n Vives, Juan Luis, 126n Vlacq, Adriaen, 234n Volusianus, Emperor, 277–78 Vossius, Gerhard Johann, 1–2, 57–58 Walafrid Strabo, 267–68 Wars of the Roses, 42 Wolter, Bernhard, 233 Worms, 218 Würzburg, 224 Xenophon, 9 Zara (Zadar), 177, 209 Zennaro, Girolamo, 197 Zeno, Apostolo, 2n, 57–58 Zeno, Jacopo, Bishop of Padua, xvi Zephyrinus, Pope, 169n, 243n, 274 Zobbia, Tommaso, M aster of the Sacred Palace, 106n, 118–19 Zorzi (Giorgio), Francesco, 208n Zosimus, Pope, 192n, 291–92 Zuñiga, Juan de, 128 Zwingli, Ulrich, 162–63 (see also Protestantism)

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L ATE M EDIEVAL AND E ARLY M ODERN S TUDIES

All volumes in this series are evaluated by an Editorial Board, strictly on academic grounds, based on reports prepared by referees who have been commissioned by virtue of their specialism in the appropriate field. The Board ensures that the screening is done independently and without conflicts of interest. The definitive texts supplied by authors are also subject to review by the Board before being approved for publication. Further, the volumes are copyedited to conform to the publisher’s stylebook and to the best international academic standards in the field. Titles in Series Contextualizing the Renaissance: Returns to History, ed. by Albert H. Tricomi (1999) Sparks and Seeds: Medieval Literature and Its Afterlife. Essays in Honor of John Freccero, ed. by Dana E. Stewart and Alison Cornish (2000) Nirit Ben-Aryeh Debby, Renaissance Florence in the Rhetoric of Two Popular Preachers: Giovanni Dominici (1356–1419) and Bernardino da Siena (1380–1444) (2001) Ian Robertson, Tyranny under the Mantle of St Peter: Pope Paul II and Bologna (2002) Stephen Kolsky, The Ghost of Boccaccio: Writings on Famous Women in Renaissance Italy (2005) Rituals, Images and Words: Varieties of Cultural Expression in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. by F. W. Kent and Charles Zika (2006) Russell, Camilla, Giulia Gonzaga and the Religious Controversies of Sixteenth-Century Italy (2006)

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