The Book of the Body Politic (Volume 86) (The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The Toronto Series) 1649590512, 9781649590510

Citation preview

Christine de Pizan

Book of the Body Politic E D I TE D A ND TR A NS L ATE D BY

Angus J. Kennedy

The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The Toronto Series, 86

BOOK OF THE BODY POLITIC

The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The Toronto Series, 86

FOUNDING EDITORS Margaret L. King and Albert Rabil, Jr. SERIES EDITOR Margaret L. King SERIES EDITOR, ENGLISH TEXTS Elizabeth H. Hageman

In memory of Albert Rabil, Jr. (1934–2021)

CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

Book of the Body Politic •

Edited and translated by ANGUS J. KENNEDY

2021

© Iter Inc. 2021 New York and Toronto IterPress.org All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America 978-1-64959-051-0 (paper) 978-1-64959-052-7 (pdf) 978-1-64959-053-4 (epub) Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Christine, de Pisan, approximately 1364-approximately 1431, author. | Kennedy, Angus J., editor. Title: Book of the body politic / Christine de Pizan ; edited and translated by Angus J. Kennedy. Other titles: Livre du corps de policie. English Description: New York; Toronto : Iter Press, 2021. | Series: The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The Toronto Series ; 86 | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Summary: “Christine de Pizan’s Body Politic (1406-1407) is the first political treatise to have been written not just by a woman, but by a woman capable of holding her own in a normally male domain. It advises not just the prince, as was traditional, but also nobles, knights, and the common people, promoting the ideals of interdependence and social responsibility. Rooted in the mind-set of medieval Christendom, it heralds the humanism of the Renaissance, highlighting classical culture and Roman civic virtues. The Body Politic resounds still today, urging the need for probity in public life and the importance of responsibilities as well as rights”-- Provided by publisher. Identifiers: LCCN 2021028594 (print) | LCCN 2021028595 (ebook) | ISBN 9781649590510 (Paperback) | ISBN 9781649590527 (PDF) | ISBN 9781649590534 (ePub) Subjects: LCSH: Education of princes. | Monarchy. Classification: LCC JC393.A3 P513 2021 (print) | LCC JC393.A3 (ebook) | DDC 321.6--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021028594 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021028595

Cover Illustration Christine de Pizan, Le livre du corps de policie (1406–07). Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal ms 2681, folio 4r. Courtesy of Bibliothèque nationale de France. Cover Design Maureen Morin, Library Communications, University of Toronto Libraries.

To my beloved wife Marjory, who rejoices with me in times of good fortune, and shows such quiet resilience and selfless compassion in times of adversity. Doulce chose est que mariage, Je le puis bien par moy prouver . . .

Contents Acknowledgments

ix

Introduction Christine de Pizan and the Other Voice Christine’s Life and Works Manuscripts and Date of Composition Analysis of the Text Historical Context The Sources and Their Integration Afterlife Note on the Translation

1 1 7 15 22 22 36 45 52

Book of the Body Politic Part 1 Part 2 Part 3

55 57 115 149

Concordance

169

Bibliography Manuscripts Catalogues Dictionaries Bibliographies Texts A: Christine de Pizan Texts B: Other Texts Critical Studies

173 173 173 174 175 175 182 185

Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles

197

vii

Acknowledgments A work of this kind incurs many debts. It is a pleasure and privilege for me to express my thanks first of all to Ivan Slatkine of Editions Honoré Champion for allowing me to use my edition of the French text as the base for the present translation, namely, Le Livre du corps de policie, ed. Angus J. Kennedy, Paris: Champion, 1998, the first volume published in the series Études christiniennes; to Margaret Burrell, Judith Grant, and the University of Canterbury Press, New Zealand, I am grateful for their kind permission to use and cite from Angus J. Kennedy, “The Image of the Body Politic in Christine de Pizan’s Livre du corps de Policie,” in L’Offrande du coeur: Medieval and Early Modern Studies in Honour of Glynnis Cropp, ed. Margaret Burrell and Judith Grant, 18–29, Christchurch: Canterbury University Press in association with Massey University, 2004; my thanks are due to Paul Peeters of Peeters Publishers, for kind permission to use and cite from Angus J. Kennedy, “The Education of the ‘Good Prince’: Repetition and Variation in Christine de Pizan’s Livre du corps de Policie and the Livre de Paix,” in “Contez me tout”: Mélanges de langue et de littérature médiévales offerts à Herman Braet, ed. Catherine Bel, Pascale Dumont and Frank Willaert, 507–25 (especially 511–16), Leuven: Peeters, 2006; I am similarly grateful to Elisabeth Kempf of De Gruyter, for kind permission to use and cite from Angus J. Kennedy, “Christine de Pizan’s Epistre a la reine: A Woman’s Perspective on War and Peace?” in War and Peace, ed. Albrecht Classen and Nadia Margolis, 395–423 (in particular, 396, 402–5, 423), Berlin and Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2011. Special thanks are due to the Bibliothèque nationale de France for gracious permission to reproduce folio 4r of Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal manuscrit français 2681 as the cover of this volume. Particular gratitude is due to the following colleagues: James Laidlaw, Anne Paupert, and Bernard Ribémont have given their time and effort to solving a number of challenges and difficulties in the French text of the Livre du corps de Policie (ed. Kennedy, 16:15–21, 20:12, 79:6–13, 86:32–40, 100:30–35); and to Jane Taylor, External Reader, for countless, invaluable suggestions. I owe a large debt of gratitude to Graziella Pastore, for generously making available to me an electronic version of volume 2 of her as yet unpublished thesis “Nicolas de Gonesse et la traduction française de Valère Maxime: édition critique et commentaire.” Thèse de doctorat, Université de Paris III-Sorbonne nouvelle et Università degli Studi di Torino, 2012. Among other things, this volume has greatly facilitated the reading of that part of BnF MS. fr. 282 translated by Nicolas Gonesse. I must warmly thank the Librarian and Executive Director of Information Services of the University of Glasgow, Susan Ashworth, for very generously ferrying material to me during the Covid lockdown. To Anna Loba, Institut de Philologie Romane, ix

x Acknowledgments University Adam Mickiewicz, Poznan (Poland), my heart-felt gratitude is due for sending me (also during the Covid lockdown) a copy of the published acts of the Poznan Christine de Pizan International Colloquium. To Dominic Wilson, of Cambridge Data Recovery, my thanks are due for recovering data from (for me) inaccessible Zip disks. I am grateful to the editorial team of The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe, particularly Margaret King and Margaret English-Haskin for their expert guidance throughout. To both I owe an immeasurable debt of gratitude for the prodigious energy and commitment they have shown (following my diagnosis of untreatable cancer) in expediting the editorial and production process and making copyedited text available to me at warp speed. I wish to gratefully acknowledge the continuing practical support and advice I have received over many years from colleagues and friends. To John and Elisabeth Campbell, I owe an immeasurable debt of gratitude for their friendship, hospitality and continuing support. Sincere thanks are also due to Ros BrownGrant, Bill Craw, Jean Duffy, Liliane Dulac, Thelma Fenster, Bill Kidd, Nadia Margolis, Noël Peacock, Christine Reno, Victor Wingrove, and Kenneth Varty (who first introduced me to Christine de Pizan); for constant moral support my thanks are due to Charlie and Jan Shearer, Wallace and Barbara Shearer, Rona Gibb, Hunter Boa, Ian Campbell, my Canadian niece and nephews, Liz, Wallace and Angus Kennedy, Rolande Berninger, David Bickerton, Renée and Colin Birks, Linda Buchan, Ethel Blyth, Patrick and Maureen Byrne, Louisa Cervoni, Eva Delbourgo, Willie Dickson, Jane Greig, Elspeth Horsman, Heather Lloyd, Tony Lodge, Bénédicte Madinier, Elizabeth Moles, Ann Mackenzie, Eileen Ann Millar, Alison and Steve Rawles, Alan Rodney, Eila Smyth. To my family (Marjory, Marjory-Anne, Fiona, Iain, Aidan, Rowan) I owe more than words can say.

Introduction Christine de Pizan and the Other Voice By the time Christine de Pizan came to write the Livre du corps de policie (Book of the Body Politic) in 1406–1407,1 she had already acquired her distinctive voice as the first ever professional female writer to earn her living by her pen. Having been required to take up writing to keep body and soul together after the death of her father’s patron Charles V, king of France, in 1380, then that of her father in ca. 1389, and crucially that of her husband in 1390 (which left her as a widow with three children, a niece and her mother to look after), she embarked on a variety of literary genres and subjects into which she characteristically weaves detailed autobiographical elements that are usually absent from the work of most medieval authors. These genres and subjects either give a female perspective on the prevailing (usually misogynistic) assumptions of her age or confirm her entry into domains of intellectual activity normally deemed out of reach for women living within a completely male-dominated environment. A few representative examples from the period before 1406–1407 will suffice. In her lyric or narrative poems, Christine presents the solitariness and vulnerability of widowhood, and subverts and counters the centuries-old tradition of courtly love by warning women that they are the ones who will suffer most in any such liaisons.2 In the verse Epistre au dieu d’amours (Epistle of the God of Love) of 1399, the Dit de la Rose (Tale of the Rose) of 1402,3 and in the prose epistolary Debate on the Roman de la Rose of 1401–1403,4 the first literary quarrel on the role and status of women, she voices her criticisms of Jean de Meun’s misogyny as an instrument of female devaluation and oppression, presenting herself in rational argument as the equal both of her male supporters and opponents—ironically, her contribution to the debate unjustly earning her the reputation of prudishness among some modern male critics of the Roman de la Rose (Christine had simply deplored the use of explicit, sexual language as inappropriate in the mouth of Reason or Genius, since allegorical figures should speak and act in conformity 1. Christine de Pizan, Le Livre du corps de policie, ed. Angus J. Kennedy (Paris: Champion, 1998). Cited henceforth as Policie, ed. Kennedy. 2. Œuvres poétiques de Christine de Pisan, ed. Maurice Roy, 3 vols. (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1886–1896), 1:5–6, 12; 3:59–208 (especially 162–71). Cited henceforth as Roy. 3. Poems of Cupid, God of Love, ed. Thelma Fenster and Mary Carpenter Erler (Leiden: Brill, 1990). 4. Le Débat sur le Roman de la Rose, ed. Eric Hicks (Paris: Champion 1977); Le Livre des epistres du debat sus le Rommant de la Rose, ed. Andrea Valentini (Paris: Garnier, 2014); Debating the Roman de la Rose: A Critical Anthology, ed. Christine McWebb (New York: Routledge, 2007); Debate of the Romance of the Rose, ed. and trans. David F. Hult (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010).

1

2 Introduction with their ascribed roles and attributes).5 In the Epistre d’Othea (Epistle of Othea) of 1400–1401,6 which mingles both verse and prose, she begins her didactic career as a counsellor to the young, addressing their youthful representative Hector through the intermediary of the goddess Othea. In the verse Livre du chemin de long estude (The Path of Long Study) of 1402–1403,7 and in the prose Advision Cristine (Christine’s Vision) of 14058 she enters the domain of politics, embarking on her lifelong search for the ideal ruler who could put an end to France’s troubles, using female figures as didactic mentors or interlocutors (the Cumaean Sibyl in the Path of Long Study, Libera, Lady Opinion, Lady Philosophy in Christine’s Vision). In the Mutacion de Fortune (Fortune’s Mutability) of 1403,9 she relates her own misfortunes to the role of arbitrary Fortune in universal history, stating famously that coping with her adversities has transformed her into a man, giving her new strength to continue with life’s journey. In a quite original way, Fortune is presented here as the medieval equivalent of what modernists would regard as the Absurd in human affairs. In her Livre des fais et bonnes meurs du Sage Roy Charles V of 1404 (Book of the Deeds and Good Practices of the Wise King Charles V),10 a king who embodies all the qualities of the ideal ruler, Christine follows up her universal history by embarking on yet another path normally reserved for male authors, historical biography, which Christine innovatively adapts to her own ends, since she presents her prose biography as a “mirror for the prince,” thereby providing a model of behavior for other princes who might one day rule as king. 5. D. W. Robertson, A Preface to Chaucer (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1962), 361; John V. Fleming, The Roman de la Rose: A Study in Allegory and Iconography (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), 47, 109, 135, 237. For a spirited defense of Christine, see Rosalind Brown-Grant, Christine de Pizan and the Moral Defence of Women: Reading Beyond Gender (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 30–43. See also Angus J. Kennedy and Nadia Margolis, “The Debate on the Rose Rekindled: Helen Waddell and Christine de Pizan,” in De Christine de Pizan à Hans Robert Jauss: Etudes offertes à Earl Jeffrey Richards, ed. Danielle Buschinger and Roy Rosenstein (Amiens: Presses du centre d’etudes médiévales de Picardie, 2017), 116–22, especially 119. 6. Epistre Othea, ed. Gabriella Parussa (Geneva: Droz, 1999); Letter of Othea to Hector, trans. Jane Chance (Newburyport, MA: Focus Library of Medieval Women, 1990); Lettre d’Othéa, déesse de prudence, a un jeune chevalier, Hector, trans. Hélène Basso (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2008); Othea’s Letter to Hector, ed. and trans. Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Earl Jeffrey Richards (Toronto: Iter Press; Tempe, AZ: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2017). The verse Enseignemens moraux and Proverbes moraux of ca. 1400 were also composed for the benefit of her son. The texts can be found in Roy, 3:27–44 and 45–57. 7. Le Livre du chemin de longue étude, ed. Andrea Tarnowski (Paris: Livre de poche, 2000). 8. Livre de l’advision Cristine, ed. Christine Reno and Liliane Dulac (Paris: Champion, 2001). 9. Le Livre de la mutacion de Fortune, ed. Suzanne Solente, 4 vols. (Paris: Picard, 1959–1966). Cited henceforth as Mutacion, ed. Solente. 10. Le Livre des fais et bonnes meurs du Sage Roy Charles V, ed. Suzanne Solente, 2 vols. (Paris: Champion, 1936, 1940). Cited henceforth as Charles V, ed. Solente.

Introduction 3 In what is probably her most celebrated work today, the Livre de la cité des dames (Book of the City of Ladies) of 1404–1405,11 Christine achieved another first by completing a book on women written by a female author, its aim being to counter the negative portrayal of women by male clerkly writers; this was followed up in 1405–1406 by the Livre des trois vertus, a “mirror for princesses,” a manual of practical conduct aimed at women of every class.12 Finally, one could mention the Epistre a la reine (Epistle to the Queen) of 1405,13 in which Christine attempts directly to influence contemporary political events (potential civil war between warring dukes) by writing to Queen Isabeau, wife of King Charles VI, and imploring her to act as mediator in the crisis. What many of these works have in common is that the speaking voice presents the author as ignorant, humble, simple, and quite unworthy of addressing her distinguished patrons. While this so-called “humility topos” may well reflect a lack of confidence at the very beginning of her career, it is eventually being ironically and subtly manipulated by Christine to demonstrate that she is far from simple and ignorant, having at her command all the authority, competence, and erudition required to execute the task in hand. All of these examples, then, demonstrate that by 1406–1407 Christine had already acquired a unique voice and authority as a female author, determined as she was to influence contemporary politics for the better, to cultivate the importance of wisdom, knowledge, virtue, and peace in both her male and female princely patrons, and indeed in all her readers, and to counter misogyny and valorize the role of women. One should note too that by this date, the number of these patrons had increased substantially in line with her now established reputation. Let us now try to define more precisely the authorial voice that speaks to us in the Body Politic. The Body Politic, written for the dauphin, Louis de Guyenne, son of Charles VI,14 is a text with several claims to being regarded as “other.” It is the first political treatise to have been written not just by a woman, but by a learned woman capable of holding her own in a domain traditionally reserved for male commentators; it is a work that takes its place in the “mirror for the prince” tradition (stretching

11. La città delle dame, trans. Patrizia Caraffi, ed. Earl Jeffrey Richards, 2nd ed. (Milan: Luni Editrice, 1997). 12. Le Livre des trois vertus, ed. Charity Cannon Willard and Eric Hicks (Paris: Champion, 1989). 13. “Christine de Pizan’s Epistre à la reine (1405),” ed. Angus J. Kennedy, Revue des langues romanes 92 (1988): 253–64. 14. This information is given to us in the Livre de paix of 1412–1414, also written for the Dauphin. See The Livre de la paix of Christine de Pisan, ed. Charity Cannon Willard (The Hague: Mouton, 1958), 174; and The Book of Peace by Christine de Pizan, ed. and trans. Karen Green, Constant J. Mews, Janet Pinder, Tania Van Hemelryck, and Alan Crosier (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008),188, 314. References will be made to the Green edition unless an exception is noted.

4 Introduction from classical antiquity to Erasmus and Machiavelli),15 but this particular “mirror,” or manual of government, as elaborated by Christine, addresses not just the prince, but nobles, knights, and the common people as well, attempting to promote (against a background of civil strife) the ideals of interdependence and social responsibility among the various members of the body politic. Although thoroughly rooted in the mind-set of medieval Christendom, it is a work that heralds the humanism of the Renaissance, with its emphasis on the study of classical culture, Roman civic virtues, the importance of learning and its diffusion, the role of the writer as moral guide, and the conviction (entirely compatible with Christian faith) that human beings can improve their earthly condition by their own efforts and by the practice of virtue. It is clear, therefore, that Christine works into the “mirror” tradition quite distinctive features that reflect her own priorities as the “other voice.” Let us try now to define the various registers or inflexions of this “other voice.” 15. On “mirrors for the prince”, kingship, and court life, see Dora M. Bell, L’Idéal éthique de la royauté en France au Moyen Age d’après quelques moralistes de ce temps (Geneva: Droz, 1962), and bibliography, 187–98; Jacques Krynen, Idéal du prince et pouvoir royal en France à la fin du Moyen Age, 1380–1440 (Paris: Picard, 1981), sources and bibliography, 13–37; Kate Langdon Forhan, “Reflecting Heroes: Christine de Pizan and the Mirror Tradition,” in City of Scholars: New Approaches to Christine de Pizan, ed. Margarete Zimmermann and Dina De Rentiis (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1994), 189–96; Jacques Lemaire, Les Visions de la vie de cour dans la littérature française de la fin du Moyen Age (Paris: Klincksieck, 1994), and bibliography, 483–542; Joël Blanchard and Jean-Claude Mühlethaler, Ecriture et pouvoir à l’aube des temps modernes (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2002), and bibliography 205–23; Kate Langdon Forhan, The Political Theory of Christine de Pizan (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2002), 27–44, 76–109; Jean-Claude Mühlethaler, “ ‘Traictier de vertu au proufit d’ordre de vivre’: Relire l’œuvre de Christine de Pizan à la lumière des miroirs des princes,” in Contexts and Continuities: Proceedings of the IVth International Colloquium on Christine de Pizan, Glasgow 21–27 July 2000; Published in Honour of Lilane Dulac, ed. Angus J. Kennedy, Rosalind BrownGrant, James C. Laidlaw, and Catherine M . Müller (Glasgow: University of Glasgow Press, 2002), 2:585–601; Barry Collett, “The Three Mirrors of Christine de Pizan,” in Healing the Body Politic: The Political Thought of Christine de Pizan, ed. Karen Green and Constant J. Mews (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005), 1–18; Daisy Delogu, Theorising the Ideal Sovereign: The Rise of the French Vernacular Royal Biography (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008), and bibliography, 264–92; and Charles-Louis Morand Métivier, “Glorifier le royaume et le souverain en temps de crise: Émotions et royauté chez Christine de Pizan, les chroniqueurs de Charles VI, et Pierre de Ronsard,” Studia romanica posnaniensia 45, no. 1 (2018): 57–68. For Christine de Pizan as the servant of the French royal house, adopting the vernacular as the primary medium for the consolidation of its power and legitimacy, see Lori J. Walters, “The Royal Vernacular: Poet and Patron in Christine de Pizan’s Charles V and the Sept psaumes allegorisés,” in The Vernacular Spirit: Essays on Medieval Religious Literature, ed. Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Duncan Robertson, and Nancy Bradley Warren (New York: Palgrave, 2002), 145–82; Walters, “Christine de Pizan, Primat, and the ‘noble nation Françoise,’ ” Cahiers de recherches médiévales 9 (2002): 237–46; Walters, “Christine’s Symbolic Self as the Personification of France,” in Christine de Pizan: Une femme de science, une femme de lettres, ed. Juliette Dor, Marie-Elisabeth Henneau et Bernard Ribémont (Paris: Champion, 2008), 191–215.

Introduction 5 The text gets off to quite an arresting and paradoxical start: “If it is possible that virtue may be born of vice, I am well pleased in this part to be seen to be a passionate woman. Just as a good number of men attribute to the female sex an inability to keep in check or silence the outpourings of their heart, so now let boldness come to the fore, and let there be displayed in several clear rivers the spring and inexhaustible fountain of my heart which cannot cease from pouring forth desires for virtue” (57). What is paradoxical here is that Christine positively embraces one of the traditional misogynistic complaints against women, namely, that they are emotional creatures unable to hold their tongue.16 She is happy to accept this charge on this occasion, since her aim in this “mirror for the prince” is the passionate cultivation of virtue in her readers at all levels of society. She follows up this acceptance with the “humility topos” already referred to: “I humbly beseech their majesties not to undertake to speak of the rules for such an exalted estate; and may they recall the teaching of the philosopher who said: ‘However great you may be, never despise, just because of his lowly status, the person who gives you good advice’ ” (57–58). By this stage in her career one suspects that the deployment of this topos is at least in part ironic,17 since she is now writing at a time when the authority of her voice has been well established. Let us note too one final illuminating point about this introductory section: Christine is addressing the prince directly, dispensing with intermediate figures or interlocutors such as Othea, the Cumaean Sibyl, Libera, Dame Opinion, Dame Philosophy: in other words, she is confidently speaking to power in her own voice. Although this passionate voice is naturally seen elsewhere in the text (notably in the many highly favorable references to her adopted country France and the institution of monarchy, and in an extraordinarily lyrical passage in praise of learning, at 154:12–30), passion is not the only component of her distinctive 16. In The Book of the City of Ladies, trans. Rosalind Brown-Grant (Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1999), 27, Christine makes ironic use of woman’s alleged garrulousness: “I’ve just remembered something that makes me smile, something silly, which I’ve heard men and even foolish preachers say about Christ appearing first to a woman because he knew she couldn’t keep her mouth shut and so the news of his resurrection would spread all the faster.” On Christine’s ambivalent authorial stance in Policie, see Jennifer Monahan, “Authority and Marginal Status: Authorial Stance in Christine de Pizan’s Livre du corps de policie and Livre de la paix,” in Au Champ des escriptures: IIIe Colloque international sur Christine de Pizan, Lausanne, 18–22 juillet 1998, ed. Eric Hicks, Diego Gonzalez and Philippe Simon (Paris: Champion, 2000), 41–49. On the construction of Christine’s authority, see Liliane Dulac, “Authority in the Prose Treatises of Christine de Pizan: The Writer’s Discourse and the Prince’s Word,” in Politics, Gender, and Genre: The Political Thought of Christine de Pizan, ed. Margaret Brabant (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1992), 129–40; and Lori Walters, “Christine de Pizan as Translator and Voice of the Body Politic,” in Christine de Pizan: A Casebook, ed. Barbara K. Altmann and Deborah L. McGrady (London: Routledge, 2003), 25–41. 17. See also the final chapter of the work where she refers to herself as a “femme non moult saichant” (a not very intelligent woman).

6 Introduction voice: its various inflexions include also the compassionate, the rational, and the critical. Although for Christine neither vices nor virtues are gender-specific, she expresses on more than one occasion her conviction that women are instinctively compassionate and caring by nature. For example, in the Epistle of the God of Love, women are presented as “piteuses, doulces,” that is, “compassionate and kind,” and a woman’s nature is kind and compassionate: “car nature de femme est debonnaire, / Moult piteuse . . .” (For woman’s nature is but sweet and mild, / Compassionate . . .).18 Christine’s experience of adversity as a widow clearly made her more readily sympathetic to the plight of other disadvantaged groups. Although she did not ever countenance the participation of ordinary people in the government of the realm, she was clearly very sympathetic to the plight of the poor and the injustices they suffered, either as victims of the inequitable tax system or as victims of bands of soldiers laying waste to the countryside on which their livelihood depended (84:23–34). The rational register is best illustrated by Christine’s analytical commentary that guides the reader through one of the most rigorously structured texts she ever wrote. Christine would have been familiar with the socalled curial style19 adopted by her husband in his work as a royal secretary with its constant recourse to repetitive formulae such as “now we must distinguish,” “to return to our first topic,” etc. The critical register can be illustrated by Christine’s willingness to incur displeasure by pointing out the failings of contemporary society, whether these failings belong to the prince, particularly in the risk of his fleecing the poor in his desire to raise legitimate revenues (74:35), to the knights in their failure to protect the realm through their own self-interest in plunder (72:3–5), or to ordinary people with their insobriety and love of “la lecherie des tavernes” (the licentiousness of the taverns) (164:32). The risk of displeasing some of her readers does not therefore constitute a reason for not speaking out. Since God is truth, Christine argues (133:12), she too must speak out for the sake of and in the name of truth, “quoy que nul die” (whatever anyone may say). As I have pointed out before, that Christine managed to speak out in this multi-layered “other voice” as a woman-author living and writing within a male-dominated context is little short of miraculous. To misquote and turn Dr. Johnson’s celebrated misogynist dictum (on women preaching), it is a wonder not only that Christine did it well, but that she did it at all.20 18. Poems of Cupid, ed. Fenster and Erler, v. 178, vv. 668–69. 19. On the curial style, and its distinction from the style clergial (the use of “tu” in humanist epistolary exchanges), see J. D. Burnley, “Christine de Pizan and the So-Called style clergial,” Modern Language Review 81 (1986): 1–6. For more detail on curial style, see J. D. Burnley, “Curial Prose in England,” Speculum 61, no. 3 (1986): 593–614. Curial style is an elaborate style characteristic of notarial work in the royal chancelleries, based on complicated Latinate syntax, lexical doublets and triplets, and rhetorical devices such as anaphora. 20. See Angus J. Kennedy, “Christine de Pizan’s Epistre a la reine,” in War and Peace: Critical Issues in European Societies and Literature, 800–1800, ed. Albrecht Classen and Nadia Margolis (Berlin:

Introduction 7

Christine’s Life and Works Thanks to the autobiographical elements contained within many of Christine’s works, it is possible to trace Christine’s career from her birth as Cristina da Pizzano in the Republic of Venice ca. 1365 to her death in ca. 1430, probably in the Dominican Abbey of Poissy, northwest of Paris.21 She was the daughter of the astrologer Tommaso da Pizzano, a native of Bologna descended from rural nobility based in Pizzano, just south of Bologna,22 and his wife, a daughter of his friend Tommaso Mondino da Forlì. Christine’s father had worked as a professor of astrology and medicine at the University of Bologna, before taking up a post as councillor in the Republic of Venice. His scholarly reputation was such that he found himself obliged to accept one of two attractive offers of posts as court astrologer, one from King Charles V of France, and the other from King Louis I of Hungary. Tommaso accepted the first, travelled to France and was joined there some three years later, in ca. 1368, by his wife and family, Christine and her two younger brothers, Paulo and Aghinolfo. There they flourished under the king’s patronage, their new French identity being indicated by the switch to the French forms of their name (Thomas de Pizan, Christine de Pizan). Unusually for a young girl of her time, Christine was given a broad education by her father, who encouraged a taste for self-study and learning that was to stay with her throughout her life. At the age of about fifteen, in 1380, she married Etienne de Castel, a university graduate from Picardy and now a secretary in the Royal Chancellery, by whom Christine had three children, a daughter Marie, a son Jean, and another son whose name is not known. It was thanks to Etienne that Christine would discover the fascination of copying and preparing documents De Gruyter, 2011), 423. The text of Dr Johnson’s original quotation will be found in Boswell’s Life of Johnson, ed. George Birbeck Hill (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1887), 1:463: “Sir, a woman’s preaching is like a dog’s walking on his hinder legs. It is not done well, but you are surprized to find it done at all.” 21. The most complete self-portrait will be found in the Advision, ed. Reno and Dulac, 95–117. For modern biographies in English, see Enid McLeod, The Order of the Rose: The Life and Ideas of Christine de Pizan (London: Chatto and Windus, 1976); Charity C. Willard, Christine de Pizan: Her Life and Works (New York: Persea Books, 1984); Nadia Margolis, An Introduction to Christine de Pizan (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2011). For modern biographies in French and German, see Marie-Josèphe Pinet, Christine de Pisan, 1364–1430: Étude biographique et littéraire (Paris: Champion, 1927); Marguerite Favier, Christine de Pisan: Muse des cours souveraines (Lausanne: Editions Rencontre, 1967); Régine Pernoud, Christine de Pisan (Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1982); Margarete Zimmermann, Christine de Pizan (Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt Taschenbuch Verlag, 2002); Simone Roux, Christine de Pizan: Femme de tête, dame de cœur (Paris: Payot, 2006); and Françoise Autrand, Christine de Pizan: Une femme en politique (Paris: Fayard, 2009). 22. Nikolai Wandruszka, “The Family Origins of Christine de Pizan,” in Hicks, Gonzalez, and Simon, Au Champ des escriptures, 111–30; Wandruszka, “Familial Traditions of the de Piçano at Bologna,” in Kennedy et al., Contexts and Continuities, 3:889–907.

8 Introduction with pen and ink, and become familiar with the so-called notarial or curial style, based as it was on the complicated model of Latin syntax. Their future happiness as a loving couple must at this point have seemed assured. Fortune’s wheel, however, was about to turn relentlessly over the next decade. The death in 1380 of her father’s generous patron Charles V, and the consequent loss of favor at court, the death of her father in 1389, and most significantly of all the sudden death of her husband from plague in 1390, while in Beauvais on a diplomatic mission with the king, left her at the age of twenty-five bereft and adrift, both emotionally and financially, having to face costly lawsuits and deal with corrupt officials in her attempt to recover the monies rightfully due to her as Etienne’s widow. With great resolution she set about earning her living, at first probably as a copyist, then composing poetry to give expression to her grief. She soon became proficient in the fixed forms of the day, the ballade, rondeau and virelay, widening her repertoire to love poems and pretending for the sake of her readers to feel emotions of joy: to conceal her true feelings, she is obliged to sing joyously with a sad heart: “Et me convient, pour celer mon affaire, / de triste cuer chanter joyeusement.”23 From this point onwards, the biography of Christine is the story of her works, so closely are they interrelated. Based in her scriptorium in Paris, over the years from 1400 to 1418 (when the Burgundians entered Paris, forcing her to leave the capital), she acquired the patronage (among others) of King Charles VI, his queen Isabeau, the dukes of Orleans, Burgundy, Berry, the dauphin Louis de Guyenne, the latter’s wife, Margaret of Burgundy, Charles the Noble, king of Navarre. Outside of France, she attracted the interest of John Montague, Earl of Salisbury, and King Henry IV of England, and the court of Duke Gian Galeazzo Visconti in Milan.24 Involved in the detail of her manuscript preparation as author, editor and publisher,25 working closely with the most talented illuminators of the day such as Anastaise, whom she praises in the City of Ladies,26 Christine produced both individual manuscripts and a series of three increasingly lavish illustrated collective manuscripts that was to culminate in the 23. Roy, 1:153, Rondeau 11. 24. On patrons generally, see Willard, Christine de Pizan, 155–71; Deborah McGrady, “What is a Patron? Benefactors and Authorship in Harley 4431, Christine de Pizan’s Collected Works,” in Christine de Pizan and the Categories of Difference, ed. Marilynn Desmond (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998), 195–214; Margolis, Introduction to Christine de Pizan, 15–17; and Angus J. Kennedy, “Christine de Pizan, Orléans and Burgundy,” Medium Aevum 88 (2019): 134–39. On Salisbury and Henry IV, see James C. Laidlaw, “Christine de Pizan, the Earl of Salisbury and Henry IV,” French Studies 36 (1982): 129–43. 25. James C. Laidlaw, “Christine de Pizan: An Author’s Progress,” Modern Language Review 78 (1983): 532–50; Laidlaw, “Christine de Pizan: A Publisher’s Progress,” Modern Language Review 82 (1987): 35–75. 26. Città delle dame, trans. Caraffi, ed. Richards, 192 (Book 1, chapter 41).

Introduction 9 sumptuous Queen’s Manuscript, Harley 4431, presented to Charles VI’s Queen Isabeau in 1414.27 Two general points deserve to be borne in mind in any discussion of her works. Firstly, one should take account of Christine’s own comments on the gradual change in her subject matter and style over the years 1399 to 1405, switching from composing “chose jolies, a mon commencement plus legieres” (pretty things at the beginning of my career, in lighter vein) to “amendant mon stille en plus grant soubtilleté et plus haulte matiere” (refining my style with greater subtlety and addressing topics of more noble substance).28 While Christine was referring here no doubt to the switch from her courtly writings on love to her preoccupation with the weightier themes of politics, morals, the defense of women, education, religion, war and civil war, the frontier between these two stages of her work is not as watertight as she implies. For example, in her lyric poems, she touches on matters of state (Cent balades 95 of ca. 1394 is a prayer for the release of Charles VI from his insanity; Autres balades 42 is a lament for the death of Philip the Bold, duke of Burgundy, in 1404),29 and she still deals with courtly matters of love after 1405 (the Cent balades d’amant et de dame, a sequence of dialogues between a lover and his lady, that ends in pain and disappointment for the lady, can be dated to ca. 1406; Encore aultres balades can be dated to 1413).30 That said, the broad distinction that Christine draws between writing “in lighter vein” (courtly lyric) and addressing what she herself perceived to be more serious topics merits attention. Secondly, as will be seen in the section on Historical Context (22–36), almost all of her works engage with what she saw as the pressing issues of her day—the Hundred Years War with England, civil war within France, the Great Schism, popular revolts within France—and of course, on a more personal level, the defense of the role and status of women. Let us look now at the works composed by Christine over that part of her career that covers ca. 1400–1418, but (to avoid repetition) excluding those already referred to in the “Other Voice” section of this Introduction.

27. On the Livre de Christine, the Duke’s Manuscript and the Queen’s Manuscript, see Laidlaw, “Publisher’s Progress,” 35–75, and James C. Laidlaw, “The Date of the Queen’s MS (London, British Library, Harley MS 4431),” at . 28. Advision, ed. Reno and Dulac, 111. 29. Roy, 1:95, 255–57. 30. Roy, 3:209–317; see also Cent ballades d’amant et de dame, ed. Jacqueline Cerquiglini (Paris: Union générale d’editions, 1982); on date, see James C. Laidlaw, “Les Cent balades d’amant et de dame de Christine de Pizan,” L’analisi linguistica e letteraria 1–2 (2000): 53; and Roy, 1:271–79. The date of Encore aultres balades is established in Laidlaw, “Date of the Queen’s MS.”

10 Introduction Once again, we are struck both by the wide variety of genres and subject matter. The Lamentacion sur les maux de la France of 1410,31 like the Epistre a la reine of 1405, is an interventionist text that attempts to prevent civil war by imploring the queen, the duke of Berry, all princes of the blood, the clergy, and all French people to help dissuade the warring parties from embarking on armed conflict. Although it was probably the approach of winter rather than Christine’s intervention that led to the temporary Peace of Bicêtre of November 2, 1410, the text has several claims to fame: the eloquence of this impassioned document accords it a very special status in Christine’s works, Gianni Mombello indeed judging it to be “un de plus beaux morceaux de la prose du XVe siècle”32 (one of the finest examples of fifteenth-century prose); and the expressive, omnipresent motif of tears in the text allows us to see the distance that Christine has traveled since she became a widow in 1390: her tears now are not for herself, but for her adopted country being torn apart by the very princes who should be the steadfast guarantors of its peace and prosperity. Some texts can be grouped under the general heading of didactic “mirrors for the prince,” almost all of them written either for or with the dauphin, Louis de Guyenne, in mind. The exception is the unedited Prod’hommie de l’homme (Man’s Integrity) addressed to Louis of Orleans, although his name was removed after his death in the version of this text revised as Prudence in 1408. In addition to the already mentioned biography of Charles V, the Livre du corps de policie (Book of the Body Politic) of 1406–1407, the Livre des fais d’armes et de chevalerie (Book of Feats of Arms and Chivalry) of 1410,33 and the Livre de paix (Book of Peace) of 1412–141434 were all composed for the moral or military instruction of the 31. Angus J. Kennedy, ed., “La Lamentacion sur les maux de la France de Christine de Pisan,” in Mélanges de langue et de littérature françaises du Moyen Age et de la Renaissance offerts à Monsieur Charles Foulon par ses collègues, ses élèves et ses amis (Rennes: Institut de Français, Université de Haute Bretagne, 1980), 1:177–85. On Christine’s engagement in immediate political concerns, see Claude Gauvard, “Christine de Pizan et ses contemporains: L’engagement politique des écrivains dans le royaume de France aux XIVe et XVe siècles,” in Une femme de Lettres au Moyen Age: Etudes réunies autour de Christine de Pizan, ed. Liliane Dulac and Bernard Ribémont (Orléans: Paradigme, 1995), 105–28. 32. Gianni Mombello, “Quelques aspects de la pensée politique de Christine de Pizan d’après ses œuvres publiées,” in Culture et politique en France à l’époque de l’Humanisme et de la Renaissance, ed. Franco Simone (Turin: Academia delle scienze, 1974), 43–153, at 128. 33. Christine Moneera Laennec, “Christine ‘antygraphe’: Authorship and Self in the Prose Works of Christine de Pizan with an Edition of B. N. MS 603, Le Livre des fais d’armes et de chevallerie” (PhD diss., Yale University, 1988); The Book of Deeds of Arms and of Chivalry, trans. Sumner Willard, ed. Charity C. Willard (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999). 34. Livre de la paix, ed. Willard; Book of Peace, ed. Green et al. See also Berenice A. Carroll, “On the Causes of War and the Quest for Peace: Christine de Pizan and Early Peace Theory,” in Hicks, Gonzalez, and Simon, Au Champ des escriptures, 337–58; Forhan, Political Theory, 133–54.

Introduction 11 dauphin Louis.35 Probably commissioned by the dauphin’s guardian at this time, John the Fearless, the Book of Feats of Arms and Chivalry represents another first for Christine, a highly technical manual on warfare written by a woman, covering the just war, the qualities expected of a leader, contemporary siege practice, sea battles, the laws of war, judicial combats and heraldry. Some manuscripts and early printed editions suppress Christine’s name, perhaps reflecting disbelief that a woman could write a treatise of this kind.36 The text may well have influenced the later reform of the French army under King Charles VII (1403–1461). The Book of Peace, whose composition was interrupted by the Cabochian revolt of 1413, goes over much of the same ground as the Body Politic and represents Christine’s last vain attempt to influence the dauphin in his duties as future sovereign. Three poetic works written ca. 1400, the Debat de deux amans, the Trois jugemens, and the Dit de Poissy (Debate of Two Lovers, Three Judgments, and the Tale of Poissy)37 reflect not only the contemporary fascination with courtly love casuistry and debates, but also the ironic distance Christine maintains between herself and the subject matter, convinced as she is that illicit love inevitably leads to disaster and despair, particularly for the lady involved. To these three poems we could also link the Dit de la pastoure (The Shepherdess’s Tale) of 1403,38 a verse narrative of disappointment in love, within the courtly tradition, told significantly from the shepherdess’s perspective rather than the knight’s, and the Duc des vrais amans (The Duke of True Lovers) of 1403–1405,39 an artistic tour de force combining verse and prose, with inserted ballades, virelays and rondeaux, and representing Christine’s most explicit condemnations of courtly adulterous love, particularly in the prose letter written by Sebille de Mont Hault, the Dame de la 35. A work entitled the Avision du coq (Vision of the Cock/Rooster) also written for the dauphin, does not seem to have survived. It is referred to in the Livre de la paix, ed. Willard, 152, and Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., 164 and 293. 36. T. E. Wareham, “Christine de Pisan’s Livre des fais d’armes et de chevalerie and its Fate in the Sixteenth Century,” in Seconda miscellanea di studi e ricerche sul Quattrocento francese, ed. Franco Simone, Jonathan Beck, and Gianni Mombello (Chambéry: Centre d’etudes franco-italien, 1981), 135–42. See also Everett L. Wheeler, “Christine de Pizan’s Livre des fais d’armes et de chevalerie,” Nottingham Medieval Studies 46 (2002): 119–61, where it is argued that blanket charges of misogyny alone present too easy a solution to the alterations. 37. Roy, 2:49–109, 111–57, 159–222; The Love Debate Poems of Christine de Pizan: Le Livre du debat de deux amans, Le Livre des trois jugemens, Le Livre du dit de Poissy, ed. Barbara K. Altmann (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1998), 81–152. 38. Roy, 2:223–94. 39. Roy, 3:59–208; The Book of the Duke of True Lovers, trans. Thelma S. Fenster and Nadia Margolis (New York: Persea Books, 1991); Le Livre du duc des vrais amans, ed. Thelma S. Fenster (Binghamton: Medieval Renaissance Texts and Studies 124, 1995); Le Livre du duc des vrais amants, ed. Dominique Demartini and Didier Lechat (Paris: Champion, 2013).

12 Introduction Tour.40 Christine emerges from these works as an exponent of the positive, general values of courtliness (respect for women, elegance in language and demeanor, etc.), but as a critic of courtly love, alerting women to the pitfalls and faultlines that lie in wait for the unwary. A similarly cohesive grouping can be made of Christine’s religious writing which unusually punctuates her whole career and not just the final stages of it, as is often the case for compositions of this kind.41 This group includes the relatively early devotional poetic works Oroyson Nostre Dame (Prayer to Our Lady), Les XV joyes Nostre Dame (The Fifteen Joys of Our Lady), and Oroyson de Nostre Seigneur (Prayer to Our Lord), all from 1402–1403;42 the prose Sept psaumes allegorisés (Seven Allegorized Psalms) of 1409,43 a devotional work based on the penitential psalms usually invoked at times of challenge and crisis, was commissioned by a cousin of Charles VI, Charles III the Noble, king of Navarre. Beneath the personal devotion characteristic of all these works, one senses Christine’s characteristic concern for the fate of France: for example, in the Prayer to Our Lady, she prays for peace within the church and an end to the Schism, for a restoration to “vraye santé” (true health) of the mentally unstable Charles VI, for peace within the realm, for the “noble chevalerie” (the noble knights) to be mindful of their duty to defend France from evil, for the clergy, burghers, merchants, common people, and agricultural laborers all to play their appropriate part in working for the common good.44 This prayer for peace and the common good, addressing all estates of society, is a clear pointer to concerns that Christine will deal with in greater detail in the Body Politic. Similar concerns with contemporary issues can be detected too in the Seven Allegorized Psalms: the papal Schism, the continuing intermittent madness of Charles VI, and the conviction that the princes of the blood will act only in their own interest (the work was written during the crisis prompted by the arrest and summary execution of John of Montagu, Grand Master of the Royal Household in October 1409, on the orders of John the Fearless of Burgundy).45 The final religious work to be taken into account for the period up to 1418 is the Epistre de la prison de vie humaine (Epistle on the Prison of Human Life), written 40. Roy, 2:162–71; Duke of True Lovers, trans. Fenster and Margolis, 111–20; Duc des vrais amans, ed. Fenster, 171–80; Duc des vrais amans, ed. Demartini and Lechat, 333–50. 41. Margolis, Introduction to Christine de Pizan, 116. 42. Roy, 3:1–26; Jean-François Kosta-Théfaine, “Les XV Joies Nostre Dame rimees de Christine de Pizan,” Cahiers de recherches médiévales 16 (2008): 255–77. 43. Les Sept psaumes allegorisés, ed. Bernard Ribémont and Christine Reno (Paris: Champion, 2013). 44. Roy, 3:1–9 (vv. 19–21, 43–48, 106, 151–56, 163–68, 175). 45. Sept psaumes, ed. Ribémont and Reno, 53–55; on Montagu, see the section of this Introduction on Historical Context (32, 34), and Charity C. Willard, “Christine de Pizan’s Allegorized Psalms,” in Dulac and Ribémont, Une femme de Lettres, 317–24.

Introduction 13 between June 15, 1416 and January 20, 1417 (NS 1418),46 and addressed to Marie of Berry, the daughter of John, duke of Berry, the brother of Charles V. It is a consolatory treatise, designed to comfort not just Marie but all women afflicted by the calamities of war, in this case the disastrous French defeat at Agincourt of October 25, 1415. Christine’s consolation consists essentially in confronting Marie and all women in her position with a rhetorical question: would she prefer to see those who had died again, obliged to resume the task of living out their lives in the prison of this world, or see them (as they have been) elected emperors of a world where they will endlessly enjoy prosperity, dominion, tranquility and joy? The Epistle is important in that it reveals to us not only Christine’s continuing engagement with the plight of women in an age of almost permanent conflict, but also, on a more personal level, her attempt to come to terms with the adversities that had affected her own life. Where in previous works Christine had argued that one could escape Fortune’s power by reason, prudence and moral integrity,47 in the Epistle she goes beyond a purely rationalistic and secular approach: the remedy to the havoc caused by Fortune is faith in the ultimate sovereignty of the Christian God. It remains now to look at the final stage of Christine’s career, between 1418—when the Burgundian occupation of Paris and the consequent slaughter of the Armagnacs (as the Orleanists were now called, after their leader Bernard d’Armagnac, father-in-law of Charles of Orleans), forced Christine and her son Jean de Castel, now a royal secretary with the Dauphin Charles, to flee the capital and seek protection elsewhere—and ca. 1430, the approximate date of her death. It is possible but not certain that Christine moved to the royal Dominican Abbey of St. Louis at Poissy, where her daughter Marie had taken orders in ca. 1396, and where Christine felt she would have protection and sanctuary, no matter who controlled the area militarily;48 her son Jean de Castel followed the dauphin Charles into self-imposed exile, eventually to Bourges. Only two works were produced during this period: one religious prose composition the Heures de contemplacion 46. Epistre de la prison de vie humaine, ed. Angus J. Kennedy (Glasgow: French Department, University of Glasgow, 1984). 47. See for example, Enseignmens moraux, Roy, 3:28 (stanzas 4–5). 48. There is a marginal note in Latin in the fifteenth-century Boke of Noblesse (British Library, Royal 18 B XXII), inserted by William Worcester, secretary to Sir John Fastolf, indicating that Christine lived in the abbey ca. 1430, but flourished from 1400 onwards. See also J. Gough Nichols, ed., Boke of Noblesse (London: Roxburghe Club, 1860), 54. On Marie at Poissy, see the Dit de Poissy, Roy, 2:159–222; Love Debate Poems, ed. Altmann, 203–74; Advision, ed. Reno and Dulac, 122. See also Charity C. Willard, “The Dominican Abbey of Poissy in 1400,” in Christine de Pizan 2000: Studies on Christine de Pizan in Honour of Angus J. Kennedy, ed. John Campbell and Nadia Margolis (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2000), 209–18. For the argument that Christine did not withdraw to Poissy, see Karen Green, “Was Christine de Pizan at Poissy 1418–1429?” Medium Aevum 83 (2014): 93–103.

14 Introduction sur la Passion de Nostre Seigneur Jhesucrist (Hours of Contemplation on the Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ) of 1419–1428,49 and the verse Ditié de Jehanne d’Arc (Tale of Joan of Arc) of 1429.50 There has been speculation, based on the figure of the grieving mother in the Heures, that this text may have been written after the death of Christine’s son ca. 1425, but there is no clear evidence that this is the case. What is clear is that the Hours of Contemplation represents a continuation of the themes and priorities of the Epistle on the Prison of Human Life. Indeed, adhering to her characteristic habit of auto-citation, Christine refers explicitly to this earlier text in her opening lines: “en continuant mes autres escriptures passees autreffoiz adressans a vous au meisme propos” (continuing my previous past writings addressing you on the same topic).51 This religious work is an affective and cognitive meditation that attempts to make readers fully share in the events of Christ’s Passion; it is addressed by a woman to a primarily female audience; it gives special status to the role of women and above all to the Virgin, who (in a scene that has no counterpart in the Gospels) is seen to represent Christ as she comforts the disciples;52 it urges patience in the face of all the challenges and tribulations of life; above all, it sees the only remedy to these tribulations, not in reason or moral integrity, but in the Christian assurance of Christ’s resurrection and the Christian hope for the life to come. Having reflected throughout her life on the respective roles and status of Fortune and Providence, Christine has come to accept that it is Providence rather than capricious Fortune that is ultimately in charge of life both in the here and now and in the life to come. The same conclusion emerges from Christine’s last work, the Tale of Joan of Arc, an exuberant hymn of praise relating how Providence, through Joan’s intervention, brought back the sun and spring into her own life and that of others, by miraculously restoring the fortunes of France and the French crown. Her reaction to Joan is developed simultaneously on three levels: as a devout Christian, she wishes to express her heartfelt thanks to God for having entrusted Joan with her mission; as a lifelong patriot, she pays eloquent tribute to the French victory over the English and their Burgundian allies at the siege of Orleans, which will, she is convinced, put an end to the twin evils of foreign occupation and civil strife, and lay the foundations of peace and political stability in France; and as a lifelong advocate of the cause of women, she sees her opportunity to restate her case more eloquently than ever before. Joan’s extraordinary prowess has brought honor and glory to all womankind: “Hee! Quel honneur au feminin sexe, Que Dieu l’ayme, il 49. Heures de contemplacion sur la Passion de Nostre Seigneur Jhesucrist, ed. Liliane Dulac, René Stuip, and E. J. Richards (Paris, Champion, 2017). 50. Ditié de Jehanne d’Arc, ed. Angus J. Kennedy and Kenneth Varty (Oxford: Society for the Study of Mediaeval Languages and Literature, 1977; reprinted 2003, 2019). 51. Heures de contemplacion, ed. Dulac, Stuip, and Richards, 3. 52. Heures de contemplacion, ed. Dulac, Stuip, and Richards, 52, ll. 83–84; 53, ll. 119–26.

Introduction 15 appert . . .” (Oh! What honour for the female sex! It is perfectly obvious that God has special regard for it . . .).53 Bringing together many of her enduring themes and preoccupations, the Tale of Joan of Arc provides therefore the most appropriate coda to all of Christine’s writings. It is likely that she died ca. 1430 in Poissy, mercifully unaware that Joan was to be burned at the stake in Rouen on May 30, 1431.

Manuscripts and Date of Composition Since 1965 there has been remarkable progress made in the identification of autograph and original manuscripts of Christine de Pizan. Thanks to the work of Charity Willard, Eric Hicks, Christine Reno, Gilbert Ouy, Sandra Hindman, and James Laidlaw,54 work which was to culminate in the publication of the indispensable Album Christine de Pizan in 2012,55 it is now possible to consider some fifty manuscripts as partially or entirely autograph, or original (i.e., written at approximately the same date as the date of composition), and to distinguish the hands of three scribes who worked in Christine’s scriptorium, designated respectively as P, R, and X, the latter probably being the hand of Christine herself, though there is as

53. Ditié de Jehanne d’Arc, ed Kennedy and Varty, stanza 34. 54. Charity C. Willard, “An Autograph Manuscript of Christine de Pizan?” Studi francesi 27 (1965): 452–57; Eric Hicks, “The Second Autograph Edition of Christine de Pizan’s Lesser Poetical Works,” Manuscripta 20 (1976): 14–15; Christine Reno, “The Cursive and Calligraphic Scripts of Christine de Pisan,” Ball State University Forum 19, no. 3 (1978): 3–20; Gilbert Ouy and Christine Reno, “Identification des autographes de Christine de Pizan,” Scriptorium 34 (1980): 221–38; Sandra Hindman, “The Composition of the Manuscript of Christine de Pizan’s Collected Works in the British Library: A Reassessment,” British Library Journal 9 (1983): 93–123; Laidlaw, “Christine de Pizan: An Author’s Progress;” Gilbert Ouy, “Une énigme codicologique: Les signatures des cahiers dans les manuscrits autographes et originaux de Christine de Pizan,” in Calames et cahiers: Mélanges de codicologie et de paléographie offerts à Léon Gilissen, ed. Jacques Lemaire and Emile van Balberghe (Brussels: Centre d’etude de manuscrits, 1985), 119–31; Laidlaw, “Christine de Pizan: A Publisher’s Progress;” Christine Reno and Gilbert Ouy, “X + X’ =1: Response to James C. Laidlaw,” in Kennedy et al., Contexts and Continuities, 3:723–30; James Laidlaw, “Christine and the Manuscript Tradition,” in Altmann and McGrady, Christine de Pizan: A Casebook, 231–49; Laidlaw, “Who Copied the Queen’s Manuscript (London, British Library, Harley MS 4431)?” in Ton nom sera reluisant aprés toy par longue memoire: Etudes sur Christine de Pizan, ed. Anna Loba (Poznan: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, 2017), 15–28. 55. Gilbert Ouy, Christine Reno, and Inès Villela-Petit, Album Christine de Pizan (Turnhout: Brepols, 2012). The Album was followed by three equally important works: Olivier Delsaux, Manuscrits et pratiques autographes chez les écrivains français de la fin du Moyen Age: L’exemple de Christine de Pizan (Geneva: Droz, 2013); Inès Villela-Petit, L’Atelier de Christine de Pizan (Editions Bibliothèque nationale de France, 2020); Sarah Delale, Diamant obscur: Interpréter les manuscrits de Christine de Pizan (Geneva: Droz, 2021).

16 Introduction yet no general consensus on this view.56 This unique corpus of dateable material, in which Christine played the respective roles of author, editor and publisher, is of inestimable value to, among others, literary and linguistic scholars, lexicographers, art historians, paleographers and codicologists. There exist nine surviving manuscripts of the French text of the Body Politic, all dating to the fifteenth century, except MS D which belongs to the sixteenth (the sigla used by editor Robert H. Lucas have been retained).57 The first four of these are original or autograph manuscripts, dating from the time of composition, the earliest in the evolution of the text being F, followed by the group H, G, and E. E is probably the most effectively executed of the four manuscripts and may be slightly later than F, G, and H.58 For the edition of Policie published in 1998 on which this translation is based, F was chosen as the base manuscript, with variants presented from the other three original manuscripts (H, G, E).59 Editions and translations of the text will be dealt with fully in the Afterlife section of this Introduction. For the latest information on digitization of the manuscripts, see under works, Livre du corps de policie. F: Chantilly, Musée Condé 294, 100 fols., in two columns; 297 x 204 mm.; parchment; according to the Album (631–32), F, as the earliest manuscript, would be the one most likely to have been presented to the dauphin; copied in hand X; inserted on the first folio more than seventy years after the creation of the manuscript, the arms and monogram (A and K) of Antoine de Chourses, an official at the court of Louis XI, and of Katherine de Coëtivy (married in March 1477) conceal the title of Book 1, chapter 1; a reader has inserted several small drawings: on fol. 8r-a, in the left margin, there is the drawing of a hand pointing at the phrase aimer dieu; on fol. 9r-a, in the left margin, there is a rather melancholic profile of a face, just beside a section dealing with ministerial promotions; on fol. 14v-b, in the right margin, there is another melancholy profile; see also Chantilly: Le Cabinet des Livres: Manuscrits (Paris: Plon-Nourrit 1900), 1:xi– xviii; 2: no. 294; Album, 634–41; Delsaux, Manuscrits, 39, 448, 530. Some digitized extracts available at . 56. Album, 22, note 21. R has been identified as P. de la Croix. In her Atelier, 81–82, Villela-Petit has put forward the plausible suggestion that Christine’s son, Jean de Castel (1385–1425) is scribe P. On the scribes, see Album, 22–38, 739–40; Delsaux, Manuscrits, 33–45; and Villela-Petit, Atelier, 71–89. 57. On the manuscripts, see Christine de Pisan, Le Livre du corps de policie, ed. Robert H. Lucas (Geneva: Droz, 1967), XLIV–L; Policie, ed. Kennedy, xii–xiv, xli–xlii. 58. See Album, 631–35. 59. Policie, ed. Kennedy, xli–xlii. See also Delsaux, Manuscrits, 45.

Introduction 17 H: Paris, BnF fr. 1197, 106 fols., in two columns; 300 x 210 mm.; parchment; in format, very similar to that of Chantilly 294; the word Nota appears frequently in the margins; belonged to Charles of Orleans and his brother Jean d’Angoulême, having no doubt been presented originally to their father, Louis of Orleans (Album, 631); copied by hand P with interventions by X (Album, 646, 647); see also Catalogue des manuscrits français: Ancien fonds (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1868), 1:200; Léopold Delisle, Le Cabinet des manuscrits (Paris: Imprimerie impériale, 1868), 1:105–6; Pierre Champion, La Librairie de Charles d’Orléans (Paris: Champion, 1910), 31–32; Album, 642– 48; Delsaux, Manuscrits, 39, 287, 480, 524. Digitized text available at . G: Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal 2681, 94 fols., in two columns; 301 x 208 mm.; parchment; G is the only original manuscript with an illustration (fol. 4r), executed by the Master of the Epistle of Othea showing Christine at work in her study (Album, 634; 797 contains a reproduction in color, no. 48); copied by hand R (Album, 653) with interventions by X (Album, 654); probably commissioned by Raymond Raguier, maître de la Chambre aux deniers, i.e., a master of the king’s accounts (Album, 631), whose initials R. R. appear after the table of contents (Album, 631, note 6); the signature of a descendant Jehanne Ragnier appears on fols. 93v and 94r); a note on fol. 1r indicates that the manuscript was once in the possession of the Carmes déchaussés in Paris (Barefoot Carmelites, a religious order); see also Henry Martin, Catalogue des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal (Paris: Plon-Nourrit, 1887), 3:74; Album, 650–55; Delsaux, Manuscrits, 39, 427, 518, 519. Accessible at . E: Besançon, Bibliothèque publique 423, 81 fols., in two columns; 320 x 230mm.; parchment; the Album (660) indicates that the manuscript was copied by hand X, and that one of the owners was Cardinal Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle (1517–1586), an adviser to the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V (Album, 661); a note written in the eighteenth century on the first unnumbered folio, verso, indicates the manuscript’s provenance: ex Bibliotheca Joannis Baptista Boisot Versontini Prioris de Grandecourt et de La Loye (Jean-Baptiste Boisot, Benedictine abbot of Saint-Vincent de Besançon); there follows a note on Christine, dated “17 Ventôse, an 8e de la Rép.” (March 7, 1800); according to the Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques

18 Introduction publiques de France: Départements (Paris: Plon-Nourrit, 1897), 32: 244, Jean Mabillon, in his Iter germanicum anni 1683, 8,60 indicates that this manuscript was one of the precious items in Boisot’s collection; and in 1739, B. de Montfaucon devotes a note to the manuscript in his list of manuscripts in the abbey of Saint-Vincent de Besançon, Biblioteca bibliothecarum manuscriptorum nova (Paris: Briasson, 1739), col. 1191; see also Album, 656–62, and particularly 661, where it is suggested that, given the number of payments made to Christine in 1406–1407, this manuscript may have been offered initially to John the Fearless; the Granvelle connection may show an interest in Christine’s treatise in Burgundian circles more than a century after its date of composition (Album, 661); Delsaux, Manuscrits, 39, 286, 328. A digitized image of folio 1 is available at . A: Paris, BnF fr. 12439, fols. 46v–225; 280 x 185 mm.; parchment; on three miniatures, see Policie, ed. Lucas, XLIV–XLV; bears the arms of Philip the Good, duke of Burgundy; see Catalogue général des manuscrits français: Ancien supplément français (Paris: Leroux, 1896), 2:524. In her review of Policie, ed. Lucas, in Le Moyen Age 76 (1970): 159–60, Suzanne Solente suggests that the miniatures were executed in the atelier of Layset Liéset (ca. 1461–1468). This late manuscript is the base text for the Lucas edition. Accessible at and . B: Brussels, Bibliothèque royale 10440, 59 fols. (the fols. containing the text are numbered 140–198v), in two columns; 288 x 210 mm.; paper; figured in the library of the dukes of Burgundy, for which see François Joseph Ferdinand Marchal, Catalogue des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque royales des ducs de Bourgogne (Brussels: C. Muquardt, 1842), 1:209; and François Masai and Martin Wittek, Manuscrits datés conservés en Belgique (Brussels and Ghent: Editions scientifiques E. Story-Scientia, 1968), 1:76, A87. Not available online at present. C: London, British Library Harley 4410, 72 fols., in two columns; 322 x 241 mm.; parchment; the text is preceded by a seventeenthcentury note in Latin on Christine and some of her works; see also 60. The Iter germanicum can be read in Johannis Mabillon, Veterum analectorum (Paris: Apud viduam Edmundi Martin, et Johannem Boudot, 1685), 4:3–92.

Introduction 19 A Catalogue of the Harleian Manuscripts in the British Museum (London: printed by George Eyre and Andrew Strahan, 1808), 3:142. My thanks are due to Jeff Katterhorn of the British Library (Manuscripts and Maps References Services), who informs me that folio 1 of this manuscript can be accessed on . D. Paris, BnF fr. 1198–1199, 62 fols. and 58fols.; 305 x 205 mm.; parchment; fol. 58v of 1199 bears the signature of the copyist, Jaquet de Longueaue; from the collection of the count of Béthune; see also Catalogue général des manuscrits français: Anciens fonds (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1868), 1:200. Accessible on ; . J. New York, Public Library, Spencer Collection 17, fols. 127–86; 380 x 270 mm.; vellum; miniatures; written c. 1450 for a member of the Rohan-Visconti family, whose arms decorate the initial letters; belonged to Cardinal Charles de Bourbon, then the Duc de La Vallière and the Count of Ashburnham; see also Seymour de Ricci and W. J. Wilson, Census of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the United States and Canada (New York: H. W. Wilson, 1937), 2:1314–1315, 1338. No information on digitization. The approximate date of composition of the Body Politic can be deduced from evidence within Christine’s treatise, allowing one to determine the terminus ad quem and the terminus a quo. There are two references in Christine’s text to Louis of Orleans as still being alive: “the very prudent prince, the duke of Orleans, who is alive at the present time” (62:17–18), and “from this noble, polished eloquence his very excellent son Louis of Orleans no doubt derived much profit. As everyone knows, it is a wonderful thing to hear him speak in Council, or in another gathering hear him lay out and develop what he wants to say in such a fine and polished manner that even the venerable clerks of the University of Paris, perfect rhetoricians, were completely astonished whenever they happened to be in his presence or when the topic concerned them greatly” (104:5–11). The text was composed therefore before November 23, 1407, the date of the assassination of Louis of Orleans. The earliest start date for the composition of the text is provided by two allusions

20 Introduction in the text to Christine’s Charles V (66:7–12, 104:2–4), completed on November 30, 1404 and offered as a New Year’s gift to the duke of Berry on January 1, 1405 (NS).61 It might initially seem possible to narrow the dates of 1404–1407 down further by making use of a reference in Christine’s text (91:1) to her (still unedited) Livre de la prod’hommie de l’homme (Book of Man’s Integrity), which was therefore written before the Body Politic. The problem is, however, that the date of the Book of Man’s Integrity, which survives also in a second version, also unedited, entitled the Livre de prudence (Book of Prudence), has proved difficult to pin down conclusively and was still the subject of continuing debate in 1998, the publication date of the French text of the Body Politic. The main difference between the Book of Man’s Integrity and the Book of Prudence can be summed up as follows: the latter text omits a flattering prologue and conclusion dedicated to Louis of Orleans. To put the issue as succinctly as possible as it obtained in 1998: according to Solente and Reno,62 differing arguments could be presented for dating the Book of Man’s Integrity to 1405–1406; according to Jean-Louis Picherit and Willard,63 who develop a suggestion put forward by Marie-Josèphe Pinet,64 a case could be made for dating this text to 1402–1404. Both Willard and Picherit argued that the Book of Prudence was circulated after the assassination of Louis on November 23, 1407, while both Solente and Reno believed that both versions of the text could be dated to 1405–1406, i.e. before Louis’ death. All agreed that the Book of Man’s Integrity preceded the composition of the Book of Prudence, but opinions remained divided over the date of the Book of Man’s Integrity, arguments being advanced for the early date of 1402–1404 or the later one of 1405–1406. That said, in 1998, I suggested that there were some grounds, independently of the date of the Book of Man’s Integrity, for tipping the balance in favor of the later date.65 When Christine criticizes the hedonism of court life, simony, the corruption of the judiciary, unfair taxation, and acts of indiscriminate violence perpetrated by badly paid troops 61. Charles V, ed. Solente, 1:xxx and xcvi. 62. Suzanne Solente, “A Propos d’un livre récent sur Christine de Pisan,” reviewing Pinet, Christine de Pisan, in the Revue belge de philologie et histoire 8 (1929): 350–59; Solente, “Date de deux ouvrages de Christine de Pisan,” Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des chartes 94 (1933): 422; Solente, “Christine de Pisan,” Histoire littéraire de la France 40 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1974), 335–422, pre-print released 1969 by Imprimerie Nationale and Klincksieck, 1–88 (57 and note 5); Christine Reno, “Le Livre de prudence/Le Livre de la prod’hommie de l’homme: Nouvelles perspectives,” in Dulac and Ribémont, Une femme de Lettres, 25–37. 63. Jean-Louis Picherit, “Le Livre de la prod’hommie de l’homme et le Livre de prudence de Christine de Pisan: Chronologie, structure et composition,” Le Moyen Age 91 (1985): 381–413; and Charity C. Willard, “Christine de Pizan: From Poet to Political Commentator,” in Brabant, Politics, Gender, and Genre, 17–32. 64. Pinet, Christine de Pisan, 98. 65. Policie, ed. Kennedy, xix–xx.

Introduction 21 whose task should have been the defense of the realm, she seems to echo not only the content of manifestos calling for reform circulated by John the Fearless as from August 26, 1405,66 but also that of the celebrated sermon Vivat rex (Long Live the King) delivered by Jean Gerson in the Louvre on November 7, 1405, in the presence of the king and the court.67 If the Body Politic can be linked to this debate on the reform of the kingdom (and the thematic similarities between all the documents make this plausible), one could date its composition to the period 1406–1407. A decisive contribution in favor of the later date was subsequently made by Liliane Dulac and Christine Reno in a joint article published in 2012.68 Drawing on the latest codicological evidence made available in the Album Christine de Pizan also of 2012,69 the two scholars point out that if either the Book of Man’s Integrity or the Book of Prudence were already in existence in the early 1400s, they would have surely figured in the first two collections of Christine’s works, Chantilly, Musée Condé 492–93 and Paris, BnF fr. 12779, from which they are significantly absent.70 Even more telling is the discovery of the actual moment of the transformation of the Book of Man’s Integrity into the Book of Prudence as evidenced by changes made to BnF fr. 605 during the final moments of its completion.71 This manuscript, along with BnF fr. 835, 606, 836 and 607, was probably intended as a collection of Christine’s works for Louis of Orleans, but was acquired by the duke of Berry in about 1408, i.e. after Louis’ death.72 It has proved possible to trace in BnF fr. 605 the elimination of the dedication to Louis of Orleans in both in the prologue and conclusion, and the consistent substitution of sapience (wisdom) for prod’hommie (integrity). It is difficult to imagine that Christine would have released this transformed text if Louis had still been alive. If we accept, then, the date of the Book of Man’s Integrity as 1405–1406, the Body Politic can be plausibly dated to 1406–1407. Further confirmation will no doubt

66. L. Mirot, “L’Enlèvement du dauphin et le premier conflit entre Jean sans Peur et Louis d’Orléans,” Revue des questions historiques 95 (1914) 329–55; 96 (1914), 47–68, 369–419 (especially 399–403). 67. Jean Gerson, Vivat rex, in Œuvres complètes, ed. Palemon Glorieux (Paris: Desclée, 1968), 7:1137– 85. Cited henceforth as Jean Gerson, Vivat rex, ed. Glorieux. 68. Liliane Dulac and Christine Reno, “Rhétorique, critique et politique dans Le Livre de prudence de Christine de Pizan: Quelques aperçus,” in La Vertu de prudence entre Moyen Âge et âge classique, ed. Evelyne Berriot-Salvadore, Catherine Pascal, François Roudaut, and Trung Tran (Paris: Garnier, 2012), 193–222. 69. See Album. 70. Dulac and Reno, “Rhétorique, critique et politique,” 200. 71. Dulac and Reno, “Rhétorique, critique et politique,” 201–2; Album, 280–85. 72. Laidlaw, “Publisher’s Progress,” 52.

22 Introduction be provided by the eventual publication of the two versions of the Book of Man’s Integrity and the Book of Prudence.73

Analysis of the Text A summary of the content of each of the three parts of Christine’s treatise will be found in the section entitled Sources and Their Integration (36–45 and 40:33–41:13 of this Introduction).

Historical Context Christine’s life (ca. 1364–ca. 1430) was lived out against the calamitous backdrop of the Hundred Years War with England, civil strife within the realm resulting from Charles VI’s intermittent insanity, the Great Schism within Western Christendom (1378–1417), with rival claimants to the papacy being based both in Rome and Avignon, and popular revolts against authority in the latter years of the fourteenth century and the beginning of the fifteenth. The frontiers between these different issues, it should be noted, tended to remain fluid and porous: for example, rival popes, instead of playing the role of peacemaker, did their best to enlist English or French support for their respective claims, thus prolonging the international war for their own selfish ends; similarly, within the context of civil war, a warring duke could seek temporary alliances with England or manipulate popular revolt for partisan purposes.74 That said and allowed for, the Body Politic is concerned primarily with two of these issues, civil strife and popular rebellion, which could both come under the single heading of the search for peace and stability within the realm. Given Charles VI’s madness, hopes for the recovery of the French monarchy inevitably centered for Christine on the dauphin, Louis de Guyenne, for whom the treatise was written, and whose career will be looked at here in some detail.

73. An edition is being prepared as part of a French doctoral thesis by Barbara Falleiros. 74. Kennedy, “Christine de Pizan’s Epistre a la reine,” in War and Peace, 396. See also Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski, “ ‘Enemies Within/Enemies Without’: Threats to the Body Politic in Christine de Pizan,” Medievalia et Humanistica 26 (1999): 1–15; Blumenfeld-Kosinski, “Christine de Pizan and the Political Life in late Medieval France,” in Altmann and McGrady, Christine de Pizan: A Casebook, 9–24.

Michelle de France 1395–1422

Louis of Guyenne 1397–1415 Dauphin, for whom the Body Politic was written

Louis of Orleans 1371–1407

John of Berry 1340–1410

Charles of Orleans 1391–1465 Charles VII m. 1406 to 1403–1461 Isabelle de France m. 1410 to Bonne d’Armagnac, daughter of Bernard VII d’Armagnac

Louis of Anjou 1339–1384

Philip the Good 1396–1467 m. Michelle de France

Margaret 1393–1442 m. Louis of Guyenne, Dauphin

John the Fearless 1371–1419

Philip the Bold of Burgundy 1342–1404

This genealogical chart shows that the main participants in the civil war between the Houses of Orleans and Burgundy (Louis of Orleans and John the Fearless) were full cousins. It explains too why the Orleanists eventually became known as the Armagnacs, after the marriage of Charles of Orleans to Bonne d’Armagnac. It allows one to see the dynastic marriages arranged to strengthen the power of each of the warring factions: Margaret of Burgundy, the daughter of John the Fearless, was married to the Dauphin, Louis of Guyenne; Charles of Orleans was married to Charles VI’s daughter Isabelle de France, the widow of Richard II of England; Philip the Good, son of John the Fearless, was the spouse of Michelle de France, daughter of Charles VI.

Isabelle de France 1389–1409

Charles VI 1368–1422 m. to Isabeau of Bavaria

Charles V 1338–1380

Jean II le Bon 1319–1364

AN ABBREVIATED GENEALOGICAL CHART OF THE ROYAL AND DUCAL HOUSES AT THE TIME OF CHARLES VI

Introduction 23

24 Introduction What constitutes the immediate historical context of the Body Politic is the power struggle between the princes of the blood unleashed by the madness of Charles VI, which first appeared in 1392 and was to continue intermittently until his death in 1422.75 For a period after 1392 the rivalry between the Houses of Orleans and Burgundy76 was kept in check by the statesmanship of Philip the Bold, duke of Burgundy, Charles V’s brother. On the latter’s death on April 26, 1404, however, the conflict between Louis, duke of Orleans, and John the Fearless (son of Philip the Bold, duke of Burgundy, and therefore a cousin of Louis) impacted on every topic of the day: the question of regency, the administration of the realm, taxation, dynastic marriage, the war with England, and the Great Schism. As a chronicler noted, “Toujours y avoit quelque grommelis entre les ducs d’Orleans et de Bourgongne . . . le Roy estant malade, Monseigneur le Dauphin jeune, et les seigneurs en division et hayne les uns contre les autres” (There was always some dispute between the dukes of Orleans and Burgundy . . . the king being ill, the dauphin young, and the lords divided in hatred one against the other).77 It is interesting to note that Christine is careful not to take sides in her treatise: although she gives brief complimentary evocations of Louis of Orleans and Philip the Bold,78 and does not mention John the Fearless at all, she was probably alarmed by the actions of both dukes during the 1405 crisis.79 To judge by this treatise, if she belongs to any party it is the party of peace and reconciliation. As Claude Gauvard has pointed out, “Christine de Pisan n’est pas la femme d’un parti: elle hait les factions. Son œuvre témoigne d’un autre idéal” (Christine de Pisan is not a woman who belongs to one party: she hates factions. Her work bears witness to another ideal). 80 75. Bernard Guenée, La Folie de Charles VI roi bien-aimé (Paris: Perrin, 2004). 76. On the ducal conflicts, see Michael Nordberg, Les Ducs et la royauté: Études sur la rivalité des ducs d’Orléans et de Bourgogne, 1392–1407 (Uppsala: Svenska Bokförlaget, 1964); Françoise Autrand, Charles VI (Paris: Fayard, 1986); Richard C. Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue: Crisis at the Court of Charles VI, 1392–1420 (New York: AMS Press, 1986); Bertrand Schnerb, Les Armagnacs et les Bourguignons: La maudite guerre (Paris: Perrin, 1988); Richard Vaughan, John the Fearless: The Growth of Burgundian Power (Woodbridge, UK: The Boydell Press, 2002); Jonathan Sumption, The Hundred Years War, 4: Cursed Kings (London: Faber and Faber 2015). 77. Jean Juvénal des Ursins, Histoire de Charles VI in Nouvelle collection des mémoires relatifs à l’histoire de France, ed. J. F. Michaud and J. J. F. Poujoulat (Paris: Didier, 1857), 2:444, 447. 78. Body Politic, 1: chapter 27. Citations of Body Politic here and henceforth refer to the translation of Policie included in this volume. 79. Tracy Adams, Christine de Pizan and the Fight for France (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2014), argues that Christine remained loyal to the Orleanist cause throughout her life. For some reservations, see the review by Daniel Hobbins, Speculum 91, no. 1 (2016): 171–72; and Angus J. Kennedy, “Christine de Pizan, Orléans, and Burgundy.” 80. Claude Gauvard, “Christine de Pisan a-t-elle eu une pensée politique? A propos d’ouvrages récents,” Revue historique 250 (1973): 429. Lori J. Walters had argued that Christine encodes a call for

Introduction 25 After the death of Philip the Bold in 1404 and the accession to the duchy of John the Fearless, rivalry led very quickly to the threat of armed conflict.81 While John the Fearless was preoccupied with dealing with his succession, Louis did everything to consolidate his power in Paris and beyond. He increased his already influential status at court as brother of the king by dismissing Burgundian sympathizers from the Royal Council and distributing key positions at court to his own supporters. He fulfilled some of his territorial ambitions in the Rhineland and Luxembourg, thus threatening to isolate John’s Flemish possessions from the Duchy of Burgundy. To finance these ambitions, and his own love of pleasure, Louis was quick to levy taxes and appropriate receipts for himself, these actions, or at the very least rumors of them, making him unpopular with the people of Paris. It is likely that by 1405 the queen shared in his unpopularity because of her rapprochement with Louis.82 Above all, he arranged for the marriage of his son Charles to Isabelle of France, elder daughter of Charles VI and widow of King Richard II of England, thus counterbalancing the marriages arranged between the Dauphin Louis and Margaret of Burgundy, daughter of John the Fearless, and between Michelle of France, Charles VI’s daughter, and Philip the Good of Burgundy, son of John the Fearless. By this point Louis of Orleans enjoyed one of the most powerful positions at court. Seeing the need to act decisively if he was not to be excluded from power, John the Fearless decided to put on a deliberate show of strength in Paris in August 1405. Three respectable reasons of state justified this attempt to seize the initiative. John and his brothers were obliged at that point to do homage to Charles VI for the estates that had come to them on the death of their mother, Margaret of Flanders on March 21, 1405; in July 1405 the king had summoned all the princes to a meeting of the Council; John wished too to take the opportunity to protest against a tax to be levied to continue the war with England (with whom he wanted peace into the Queen’s Manuscript: “The Queen’s Manuscript (London, British Library, Harley 4431) as a Monument to Peace,” Le Moyen français 75 (2014): 85–117. 81. For the paragraphs that follow, see the remarkable article by Mirot, “Enlèvement;” Policie, ed. Kennedy, xxi–xxiii; Kennedy, “Epistre a la reine,” in War and Peace, 402–5; Sumption, Cursed Kings, 171–81. 82. For a revisionist view of both Louis of Orleans and Queen Isabeau, see Tracy Adams, The Life and Afterlife of Isabeau de Bavière (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010); and Adams, “A Reassessment of the Relationship between Christine de Pizan and Louis of Orléans,” in Patrizia Caraffi, ed., Christine de Pizan: La scrittrice e la città: Atti del VII Convegno Internazionale “Christine de Pizan,” Bologna, 22–26 settembre 2009 (Florence: Alinea, 2013), 17–27. Adams argues that the charge of lax morals levelled against both Queen Isabeau and her brother-in-law, Louis of Orleans, are unjustified, as they have their source in Burgundian propaganda that over the centuries influenced historical accounts of the period. See also Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue, 42–45 (and Index under Isabeau, 348–49). My own view is that proving rumors were ill-founded does not necessarily disprove the existence of the rumors themselves.

26 Introduction to remain on good terms for commercial reasons). John left Arras on August 15, 1405, and reached the outskirts of Paris at Louvres-en-Parisis on August 18, accompanied by an army large enough to intimidate through its impressive display of power. There then followed what amounted to the double kidnapping of the dauphin, Louis of Guyenne. On August 17, the day after the news of John’s approach reached Paris, fearing that the city might be supportive of John as the one person capable of reforming the administration of the realm, Louis of Orleans gave orders to his allies to raise as many troops as they could and fled the capital accompanied by the queen, under the pretext of leaving for the hunt but in fact heading for Corbeil and Pouilly-le-Fort. On Isabeau’s orders, but unknown to the princes of the blood, the dauphin, his siblings, and his child-bride Margaret of Burgundy, were to be taken the following day to Pouilly-le-Fort, where they could, if required, be used as bargaining counters in any negotiations. Louis and Isabeau had clearly calculated that if they could not stop John from entering Paris, at least they would be in control of the dauphin, the symbol of royal power. Letters revealing the kidnapping of the dauphin reached John at Louvres-en-Parisis during the night of August 18 to 19. At dawn on August 19, John left for Paris and established that none of the other royal princes had been consulted about the removal of the dauphin. John and his detachment of troops caught up with the dauphin’s escort under the command of the queen’s brother, Louis of Bavaria, at Juvisy. Outnumbered as they were, the Orleanists were forced to allow John and all the royal children to be taken back to Paris, where they were honorably welcomed by the king of Navarre, and the dukes of Berry and Bourbon—which proves that the latter had all viewed the recent actions of Louis of Orleans with considerable disquiet. When Louis of Orleans and the queen received news of John’s actions, they fled to the safety of the queen’s castle at Melun. The two sides continued to mass troops in and around the capital, engaging in a propaganda war through the circulation of pamphlets, firing off accusations and counteraccusations with a view to justifying their respective actions.83 Some eighteen days after the last of these exchanges, Christine wrote her Epistre a la reine (Letter to the Queen)84 on October 5, 1405, urging mediation and peace. Civil war must at that point have seemed inevitable, since repeated attempts in August and September by the duke of Bourbon, Guillaume de Tarcarville, Jean de Montaigu, the University of Paris, King Louis of Sicily, King Charles of Navarre, and the duke of Berry had all ended in failure. In addition, although Charles VI, in one of his lucid phases on 26 August, had forbidden “la voye de faict tant d’un costé et d’autre” (any recourse 83. The documents are printed in Mirot, “Enlèvement,” 395–419. 84. For text of the letter, see Kennedy, “Christine de Pizan’s Epistre à la reine (1405).” For a translation into Modern French of the letter, see Thérèse Moreau and Eric Hicks, “L’Epistre à la reine de Christine de Pizan (1405),” Clio 5 (1997): 177–84.

Introduction 27 to arms on either side), both dukes refused to disperse their troops, and deadlock ensued, with calamitous consequences: the whole countryside was “plein de gens d’armes qui pilloient et destroussoient tout, à la desplaisance du roy bien grande” (full of soldiers plundering and pillaging everything, to the great displeasure of the king).85 In her appeal for an end to civil strife in her Epistre a la reine of October 5, 1405, Christine, however, may have been knocking on a door that was already beginning to open. By the time the letter was received between October 5 and 16, some of the practicalities of medieval warfare were exerting pressure on both sides to negotiate for peace: the perennial difficulty of providing for standing armies and paying the participants in the conflict; the depletion of resources through pillaging on both sides; and above all the approach of winter. Peace was eventually negotiated on October 16, 1405, with the signing of the Peace of Vincennes. The queen and the duke of Orleans returned to Paris, the two rival dukes swore allegiance and loyalty to each other, the troops on both sides were disbanded, and “y eut bon accord fait entre les seigneurs, dont le peuple et toutes personnes faisoient grande joie” (there was a good agreement made between the lords, which brought great joy to the people and all persons).86 The Peace of Vincennes of course turned out to be one of these frequent, short-lived, illusory truces that simply marked a pause in hostilities, allowing time for the factions to regroup, but never really solving the problem of the civil war. Despite his popularity with the ordinary people of Paris, John the Fearless was unable to destabilize the position and authority of Louis of Orleans within the king’s Council. The only option for the duke of Burgundy was “la voye de faict” (recourse to violence), the elimination of his rival. The assassination of Louis by henchmen of the duke of Burgundy in the Rue Vieille du Temple in Paris, on the night on November 23, 1407, was the inevitable outcome of the political and military crisis of 1405 that forms the historical background to the Body Politic; it represents, too, the beginning of a new phase in the rivalry between the House of Orleans and Burgundy which was to lead eventually to a second assassination, that of John the Fearless, on the bridge at Montereau on September 10, 1419. The second aspect of the historical context that requires to be explored does not directly concern 1406–1407, but deserves to be considered since it explains the negative attitude adopted by Christine, especially in the third part of her treatise and in later works such as the Book of Peace, towards “le menu people” (the common people), whom she firmly excluded from any possible participation in government. The latter years of the fourteenth century and the beginning of the fifteenth were characterized in France and elsewhere by a series of popular

85. Juvénal des Ursins, 432. 86. Juvénal des Ursins, 433.

28 Introduction revolts87 caused by a variety of reasons: poverty, excessive taxation, resentment against the nobility for French defeats and losses in the Hundred Years War (especially Poitiers in 1356), forced labor known as corvées, and the devastation of the countryside by roving companies of soldiers. There were clusters of these revolts all over Europe, involving either peasants or dissatisfied urban artisans: one thinks, for example, of the uprising of the Ciompi (wool carders) in Italy in 1378–1382, the rebellion of Philip van Artefelde in Flanders of 1381, and the Peasants’ Revolt in England in the same year.88 The most famous of these uprisings in France was the Jacquerie of May–June 1358 in northern France,89 peasants being pejoratively known as “Jacques” (after their padded doublet called a “jaque”). The Jacquerie, consisting of a peasant uprising led by Guillaume Cale and an urban insurrection in Paris led by Etienne Marcel, involved appalling atrocities, some of which are vividly evoked by the chronicler Jean Froissart in an oft-quoted passage of his chronicles: “Mais entre les autres désordonnances et vilains faits, ils tuèrent un chevalier et boutèrent en une broche, et le tournèrent au feu et le rôtirent devant la dame et ses enfans. Après ce que dix ou douze eurent la dame efforcée et violée, ils les en voulurent faire manger par force; et puis les tuèrent et firent mourir de male-mort” ([A]mong other brutal excesses, they killed a knight, put him on a spit, and turned him at the fire and roasted him before the lady and her children. After about a dozen of them had violated the lady, they tried to force her and the children to eat the knight’s flesh before putting them cruelly to death).90 The nobility and the upper-middle classes quickly regained control and the uprisings were crushed with a ferocity that matched the earlier violence of the insurgents: Etienne Marcel’s troops were defeated at Meaux, and the Jacques at Mellon in June 1358. There then followed what Jonathan Sumption describes as “an orgy of violence on the part of the nobility” as revenge for the rebellion.91 87. Ernest Lavisse, Histoire de France, 4 (première partie; Paris: Hachette, 1911): 267–87, 343–52; Michel Mollat and Philippe Wolff, The Popular Revolutions of the Late Middle Ages, trans. A. L. LytonSells (London: Allen and Unwin, 1973); articles on “Cabochiens,” “Jacquerie,” “Maillotins,” “Tuchins,” in Jean Favier, Dictionnaire de la France médiévale (Paris: Fayard, 1993); Claude Gauvard, “Révoltes populaires au Moyen Age,” in Claude Gauvard, Alain de Libera, and Michel Zink, Dictionnaire du Moyen-Age (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2002), 1206–9; and Samuel K. Cohn, Jr, Popular Protest in Late Medieval Europe: Italy, France, and Flanders (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004). 88. Richard B. Dobson, ed., The Peasants’ Revolt of 1381 (2nd ed.; London: Macmillan, 1983); Cohn, Popular Protest, 201–60, 265–66, 285–87. 89. Françoise Autrand, Charles V: Le Sage Roi (Paris: Fayard, 1994), 318–30; Jonathan Sumption, The Hundred Years War, 2: Trial by Fire (London: Faber and Faber, 2001), 294–350; Cohn, Popular Protest, 143–200. 90. Chroniques de Sire Jean Froissart, ed. Jean Alexandre C. Buchon (Paris: A. Desrez, 1835), 1:375–76; Froissart, Chronicles, trans. Geoffrey Brereton (Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin Classics, 1978), 152. 91. Sumption, Trial by Fire, 335.

Introduction 29 The memory of the savagery which characterized both the Jacquerie and its suppression was to last for generations, and was indeed recalled by Christine de Pizan when she came to write her biography of Charles V. In Part 1, chapter 24, she evokes the return of the Regent (the future Charles V) to Paris on August 2, 1358: “Plus grant sens en debonnaireté povons dire de nostre prince, lequel, une fois, ou temps des pestillences de France, encore n’estoit couronné, entra a Paris a grant compagnie” (We can recount an even more edifying story of the king’s generosity. At a time when so many calamities had afflicted France, when he was not yet king, he once entered Paris accompanied by a large escort).92 As Solente explains in her note on “pestillences de France,” the calamities referred to are neither plague nor pestilence but the Jacquerie of 1358. Other significant uprisings in France include those of the Maillotins (the Hammermen) in March 1382 (this uprising takes its name from the lead mallets or hammers which the insurgents forcibly removed from the Hôtel de Ville in Paris);93 the Tuchins in the south of France in 1378–1384 (the “tuche” was the moorland where the insurgents sought refuge), a rebellion suppressed by the duke of Berry in 1382–1384;94 and the Cabochian revolt of 1413, led by Simon Caboche of the Grande Boucherie de Paris (Butchers’ Guild of Paris).95 Collectively, the impact of these uprisings and their suppression fully explain the fear of social anarchy that underlies the third part of the Body Politic and later texts such as the Book of Peace, the composition of which was indeed interrupted and delayed by the Cabochian revolt in 1413. It explains too Christine’s heartfelt conviction, based on her knowledge of past and present events, that the people who suffer most from any rebellion are ordinary, vulnerable people: “The reason for this is such conspiracies or machinations of the common people always badly affect those who have something to lose. It is not and never has been for their advantage, the outcome always being evil and detrimental to their cause” (158:10–13). It would be quite anachronistic, however, to deduce from this that Christine was an ultra-reactionary, servile writer, indifferent to the plight of the poor, and content with the status quo, charges that have been levelled against her.96 We know from 92. Charles V, ed. Solente, 1:66. 93. Autrand, Charles VI, 93–98; Cohn, Popular Protest, 294–303, 311–18; Jonathan Sumption, The Hundred Years War, 3: Divided Houses (London: Faber and Faber, 2012), 444–49. 94. Autrand, Charles VI, 112–15; Cohn, Popular Protest, 99–107; Sumption, Divided Houses, 687–705. 95. Autrand, Charles VI, 470–500 Sumption, Cursed Kings, 332–65. On all these revolts, see also appropriate entries in Favier, Dictionnaire de la France médiévale. 96. On Christine’s alleged servility, see the debate between Sheila Delany and Christine Reno: Sheila Delany, “ ‘Mothers To Think Back Through:’ Who Are They? The Ambiguous Example of Christine de Pizan,” in Medieval Texts and Contemporary Readers, ed. Laurie A. Finke and Martin B. Schichtman (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987), 177–97; Christine Reno, “Christine de Pizan: ‘At Best a Contradictory Figure?’ ” in Brabant, Politics, Gender, and Genre, 171–91; and Sheila Delany, “History,

30 Introduction elsewhere in the Body Politic that she was not afraid to criticize all levels of society, from the prince to the nobles to ordinary urban or agricultural laborers; and the quotation just given (and passages elsewhere in the text97) demonstrate clearly that she was genuinely concerned with the fate of the disadvantaged. The key to our understanding of Christine’s conservatism lies in the fact that, as Charity Willard has perceptively pointed out, “she was more concerned with changing attitudes than social structures.”98 Christine’s conservatism (like that of Montaigne a century later) is based on fear of fanaticism, mob rule, and social anarchy, and her aspirations towards peace and stability in what was a very tumultuous age: hence her constant preoccupation in the Body Politic with social interdependence and mutual responsibility, and the emphasis on collective responsibilities rather than individual rights. As Rigby has observed, “for Christine, the virtues of reciprocity and interdependence within society also went hand in hand with the need for inequality and hierarchy as part of the order that God has established within the world.”99 It is appropriate now to consider the career of the dauphin, Louis de Guyenne, up to his death in 1415.100 Although this takes one well beyond the date Politics, and Christine Studies: A Polemical Reply,” in Brabant, Politics, Gender, and Genre, 193–206. Reno’s article constitutes a magisterial response to Delany’s arguments. 97. See, for example, 167: 31–33: “There is no doubt whatsoever that the estate of the poor, which everyone despises, includes many good and venerable persons living a life of purity.” On Christine and the Third Estate, see Otto Gerhard Oexle, “Christine et les pauvres,” in Zimmermann and De Rentiis, City of Scholars, 206–20; Susan Dudash, “Christine de Pizan’s View of the Third Estate,” in Kennedy et al., Contexts and Continuities, 2:315–30; Dudash, “Christine de Pizan and the ‘Menu Peuple,’ ” Speculum 78 (2003): 788–831; Pierre A. Sigal, “Christine de Pizan et le peuple,” in Kennedy et al., Contexts and Continuities, 3:811–28; and Stephen H. Rigby, “The Body Politic in the Social and Political Thought of Christine de Pizan, Part 2: Social Inequality and Social Justice,” Cahiers de recherches médiévales et humanistiques 25 (2013): 559–79, at . On the emergence of an economic approach to politics, see Cary J. Nederman, “The Expanding Body Politic: Christine de Pizan and the Medieval Roots of Political Economy,” in Hicks, Gonzalez, and Simon, Au Champ des escriptures, 383–97. 98. Willard, “Christine de Pizan: From Poet to Political Commentator,” 29. See also Marie-Thérèse Lorcin, “Christine de Pizan analyste de la société,” in Zimmermann and De Rentiis, City of Scholars, 197–205. 99. Rigby, “The Body Politic, Part 2: Social Inequality and Social Justice,” 562. 100. To my knowledge, no monograph has ever been published on Louis. His career can be reconstructed from Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue, and the chronicles. Regarding the latter, I have consulted the following: Pierre de Fenin, Mémoires, ed. Mlle Dupont (Paris: Renouard, 1837); Religieux de Saint-Denys, Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys, ed. L. Bellaguet, 6 vols. (Paris: Crapelet, 1839– 1852); Juvénal des Ursins; Enguerrand de Monstrelet, Chronique, ed. L. Douët-d’Arcq, 6 vols. (Paris: Renouard, 1857–1862); Nicolas de Baye, Journal, ed. Alexandre Tuetey, 2 vols. (Paris: Renouard, 1885); and the Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris de 1405–1449, ed. Colette Beaune (Paris: Librairie générale française, 1990). For additional information on the chroniclers, see note 101. For critical

Introduction 31 of composition of the Body Politic, viewing his career as a whole allows one to see and assess Christine’s treatise in a much clearer perspective.101 Louis de Guyenne was born on January 22, 1397, the third son and eighth child of Charles VI and Isabeau de Bavière, becoming dauphin on the death of his older brother, Charles, on January 13, 1401.102 Ducal rivalry declared itself immediately over the choice of Louis’ future bride: on May 5, 1403, an agreement was signed (despite the continuing opposition of the duke of Orleans) committing Louis to marry Margaret, eldest daughter of the John the Fearless, the son of Philip the Bold, duke of Burgundy. The marriage was celebrated on August 30, 1404, and consummated in June 1409, the latter event effectively putting an end to any rival attempt to annul or change the marriage arrangements.103 As has works, see also Vallet de Viriville, “Notes sur l’état civil des princes et princesses nés de Charles VI et Isabeau de Bavière,” Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des chartes 19. DIV (1858): 473–82; Léopold Pannier, “Les joyaux du duc de Guyenne,” Revue archéologique 26 (1873): 158–70, 209–25, 306–20, 384–95; and 27 (1874): 31–42; Livre de la paix, ed. Willard, 9–33; Yann Grandeau, “Les enfants de Charles VI: Éssai sur la vie privée des princes et princesses de la maison de France à la fin du Moyen Age,” Bulletin philologique et historique du comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, 1967 vol. 2 (1969): 809–49; Policie, ed. Kennedy, xxv–xxvi; Angus J. Kennedy, “The Education of ‘The Good Prince’: Repetition and Variation in Christine de Pizan’s Livre du corps de policie and the Livre de paix,” in Catherine Bel, Pascale Dumont, and Frank Willaert, eds.,“Contez me Tout”: Mélanges de langue et de littérature médiévales offerts à Herman Braet (Louvain: Peeters, 2006), 507–25; Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., 1–31; Angus J. Kennedy, “Le thème de l’atrempance dans Livre du corps de policie and the Livre de paix,” in Liliane Dulac, Anne Paupert, Christine Reno, and Bernard Ribémont, eds., Desireuse de plus avant enquerre . . . : Actes du VIe Colloque international sur Christine de Pizan [. . .] (Paris: Champion, 2008), 15–31. The biography of the dauphin outlined here follows Kennedy, “The Education of ‘The Good Prince,’ ” 511–16. 101. This note gives additional information on the chroniclers consulted. Pierre de Fenin (died 1433) covers 1407–1427, from a Burgundian perspective. The Latin chronicle of the Religieux de SaintDenys, now identified as Michel Pintoin (1349–1421), covers 1380–1422. Written by a monk with critical views on civil strife, institutions, and historical figures, notably the Queen Isabeau de Bavière and Louis of Orleans, this chronicle offers a perspective different from that of the secular chronicles. Juvénal des Ursins (1388–1473) follows the Religieux very closely, covering 1380–1422 from a traditional moralistic viewpoint. Enguerrand de Monstrelet (1390–1453) covers 1400–1444, seeing himself as an impartial recorder of events. Nicolas de Baye (1364–1419) was clerk to the parlement de Paris, covering 1400–1417. As he was proscribed by the Burgundians in 1418 on their entry into Paris, he can be seen as an Armagnac supporter. The chronicle of the anonymous Bourgeois de Paris, a cleric rather than a bourgeois, covers daily life in Paris from 1405 to 1449, often in picturesque detail. His Burgundian sympathies dominate, though he was also critical of John the Fearless of Burgundy, particularly in 1419. See appropriate entries in Robert Bossuat, Louis Pichard, and Guy Raynaud de Lage, Dictionnaire des lettres francaises: Le Moyen Age (Paris: Fayard, 1964); revised and updated by Geneviève Hasenohr and Michel Zink (Paris: Fayard, 1992). 102. On the twelve children of Charles VI and Isabeau, see Vallet de Viriville, “Etat civil,” 473–82. 103. Religieux de Saint-Denys, 3:213; Juvénal des Ursins, 424, 450; Vallet de Viriville, “Etat civil,” 479–80; Pannier, “Joyaux,” 160; Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue, 23–24, 31–33, 37.

32 Introduction already been seen (at 26), by 1405 continuing efforts to gain control of the dauphin brought France to the brink of civil war, prompting Christine’s appeal for unity and an end to civil strife both in her Letter to the Queen and in due course her Body Politic. Peace was eventually negotiated on the signing of the Peace of Vincennes on October 16, 1405,104 one of these frequent illusory truces that simply marked a pause in the continuing strife; as will be recalled, Louis of Orleans was to be assassinated in 1407 and John the Fearless in 1419. At this point, the dauphin and his child bride Margaret of Burgundy were clearly mere pawns on the political chessboard represented by the ducal struggle for power. As for the dauphin’s private life, we know that he was brought up in the luxury and opulence that befitted his status;105 and when he was established in his own household by 1409, he rapidly gained a reputation for lavish spending, whether for himself or his very large retinue—indeed, as Maurice Rey has pointed out,106 “Personne, donc, si ce n’est le souverain, ne dépassait le duc de Guyenne par l’éclat et le nombre des gens de sa suite” (Nobody, therefore, unless it was the king, surpassed the duke of Guyenne in the splendor and number of people in his retinue). Richard C. Famiglietti has established that over his lifetime Louis was served by no fewer than 793 people.107 He was fond of riding and hunting,108 and, like his family, was extremely acquisitive, being a collector of fine gold, silver jewelry, and precious manuscripts, his collection including books borrowed but never returned to the royal library (including a copy of Gilles de Rome’s Gouvernement des rois, which confirms he was familiar with the “mirror for the prince” genre); gifts of books from his great-uncle, the duke of Berry; and manuscripts which he appropriated to himself after the execution of Jean de Montagu.109 He was fond of music and playing music, particularly the organ, and showed an interest in the theater.110 By 1414 he had acquired a mistress, the daughter of Guillaume Cassinel, known as la Cassinelle.111 Although from about 1408–1409 the dauphin was to play a more active and increasingly important role in political life—e.g., representing Charles VI in the Council during the periods of his illness, attending Jean Petit’s justification on 104. Religieux de Saint-Denys, 3:345. 105. Grandeau, “Enfants de Charles VI,” 825. 106. Maurice Rey, Les Finances royales sous Charles VI: Les causes du déficit, 1388–1413 (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1965), 304. 107. Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue, 85, 249 n. 1. 108. Pannier, “Joyaux,” 222–23; Grandeau, “Enfants de Charles VI,” 838–42. 109. Pannier, “Joyaux,” 163–70, 209–18. 110. Grandeau, “Enfants de Charles VI,” 841–42. Antoine Thomas, “Le Dauphin Louis, fils de Charles VI, amateur du théâtre,” Romania 39 (1910): 373–75, does not see his interest in theater as entirely innocent, given actors’ association with loose morals. 111. Juvénal des Ursins, 496.

Introduction 33 March 8, 1408 of the assassination of Louis of Orleans, and the abbé de Cérisy’s refutation on September 11 of the same year112—he remained until 1413 very much under the influence of his father-in-law and guardian, John the Fearless.113 His first military campaigns were in fact against the principal enemies of John the Fearless, the Orleanist confederation that had been formed at Gien-sur-Loire on April 15, 1410, grouping Louis of Orleans’ son, Charles of Orleans, Bernard d’Armagnac (Charles’s father-in-law), the dukes of Berry, Bourbon and Brittany, and the counts of Clermont and Alençon.114 After a successful campaign against the duke of Berry’s garrisons at Etampes and Dourdan in late 1411 and the siege of his city of Bourges in May–June 1412, the dauphin played an important role in the negotiation of the short-lived Peace of Auxerre on August 22, 1412, and indeed, when hostilities threatened to break out again, at the Peace of Pontoise of July–August 1413.115 By this date the dauphin’s difficulties and the tensions of the civil war were compounded by the threat of foreign invasion and the Cabochian insurrection of May 1413. Surviving the insurrection more by luck than by judgment (the worst excesses of the Cabochians alienated many of their sympathizers), the dauphin allied himself with the Armagnacs and embarked on a military campaign against his father-in-law from April to September 1414—this action involving royalist assaults on Noyon, Compiègne, Soissons, Laon, St. Quentin, Arras and Bapaume, and ending with the dauphin’s negotiation of the Treaty of Arras on September 4, 1414, yet another temporary suspension of hostilities.116 Thereafter, the dauphin was simply overtaken by events. Based with the king at Rouen as joint-commander of the French army, he was unable to do anything to counter English king Henry V’s victory at Agincourt on October 25, 1415. After a short illness, the dauphin died in Paris at the age of eighteen on December 18, 1415, leaving to his brother Jean all the problems he himself had inherited, and more.117 Let us turn now to contemporary assessments of Louis’ character, using a selection of the relevant chronicles.118 The very few of these judgments which are favorable concern his role as peacemaker, his attempts to avoid unnecessary bloodshed, impose justice, and stamp out blasphemy within his own household. For example, Pierre de Fenin regrets the dauphin’s passing because he seems to 112. Religieux de Saint-Denys, 3:755–65; 4: 93–129. 113. Pierre de Fenin, Mémoires, 25; Religieux de Saint-Denys, 4:287; Juvénal des Ursins, 437. 114. Juvénal des Ursins, 452; “Lamentacion,” ed. Kennedy, 177–85. 115. Religieux de Saint-Denys, 4:573–719; 5:95–143. These events, together with the Cabochian uprising of May 1413, form the backdrop to Christine’s Book of Peace. 116. Religieux de Saint-Denys, 5:291–445. 117. Religieux de Saint-Denys, 5:547–89. Jean was to die on April 5, 1417, at which point his brother Charles became dauphin, reigning eventually as Charles VII. 118. See note 100.

34 Introduction have earnestly wished to preserve his people in peace: “ce fut grant dommage pour le royaume; car il avoit grant désir de tenir son peuple en pais” (it was a great loss for the realm, for he had a great desire to rule his people in peace);119 and the Religieux de Saint-Denys pays tribute in particular to his role in the negotiations that led to the Treaty of Auxerre in 1412: “les négociations traînaient en longueur et eussent été sans résultat, si monseigneur le duc de Guienne . . . n’en eût hâté la conclusion.” . . . “Comme le roi venait d’ éprouver une nouvelle atteinte de sa maladie, monseigneur le duc de Guienne prit soin de faire accomplir à Auxerre ce qui avait été décidé” (The negotiations dragged on, and would have been fruitless, had my lord the duke of Guyenne not expedited the conclusion. . . . As the king had just suffered a new attack of his illness, my lord the duke of Guyenne made sure that everything that had been decided at Auxerre was carried out).120 The same chronicler records that in the campaign against John the Fearless in 1414 the king showed mercy to the inhabitants of Noyon “par condescendance pour monseigneur le duc de Guienne” (out of consideration for my lord the duke of Guyenne).121 Juvénal des Ursins (among others) notes that in 1412 the dauphin ordered the body of Jean de Montagu to be removed from the gibbet and buried in consecrated ground,122 thus correcting a previous injustice: the execution of Jean de Montagu in October 1409, on the instigation of John the Fearless. The Religieux de Saint-Denys adds that the dauphin went on to recall Jean de Montagu’s son to his service, thus completing the rehabilitation of his father’s reputation.123 Finally, Grandeau has observed that Louis made efforts to extirpate blasphemy within his own household.124 These few favorable comments, however, are far outweighed by very harsh criticisms of the dauphin’s conduct, seen to be characterized by self-will, disorder, sloth, excess, and reliance on wicked counsellors. The chronicler known as the Bourgeois de Paris records that Louis “ouvrait à sa volenté plus que de raison, et croyoit les jeunes et les fols” (behaved according to his own will rather that reason, and put his trust in the young and foolish).125 According to Juvénal des Ursins, during the Cabochian insurrection, Jacqueville and others who broke into the dauphin’s residence accused him of leading a disorderly, scandalous life: “Vinrent 119. Pierre de Fenin, Mémoires, 68. 120. Religieux de Saint-Denys, 4:693, 709. 121. Religieux de Saint-Denys, 5:297. 122. Juvénal des Ursins, 479. 123. Religieux de Saint-Denys, 4:727; Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue, 114–15. 124. Grandeau, “Enfants de Charles V,” 836–37. See also Angus J. Kennedy, “Christine de Pizan, Blasphemy, and the Dauphin, Louis de Guyenne,” Medium Aevum 83 (2014): 104–20. The Appendix (116–20) contains a new transcription of Manuscript Archives Nationales J360, item 3, a letter issued by the dauphin on January 8, 1409 (1410 NS), outlawing blasphemy within his own household. 125. Bourgeois de Paris, 54. See also 64–65, 90.

Introduction 35 un jour de nuict entre onze et douze heures au soir en l’hostel de monseigneur de Guyenne, où il s’esbatoit, et avoit-on dansé. Et vint jusques en la chambre dudit seigneur, et le commença à hautement tancer, et le reprendre des cheres qu’il faisoit, et des danses et despenses” (They came one day, between eleven o’clock and midnight, to my lord of Guyenne’s mansion, where he was passing his time agreeably, and there had been dancing. He came right into the chamber of the said lord, and began to reprove him in a loud voice, reproaching him for all the festivities he was engaged in, the dancing, and all the expenses).126 Elsewhere in the same text it is claimed that the money used to finance this extravagant lifestyle had come from taxes that should have been used for the public good: “Tailles grandes et excessives se faisoient, et levoit-on argent excessivement sur le peuple, lequel n’estoit point employé au bien de la chose publique: mais en bourses particulieres de serviteurs, specialement de monseigneur de Guyenne, et de monseigneur de Berry” (There were very high and excessive taxes, money being raised especially from ordinary people which was not used for the public good, but for private payments to the retinue of my lord of Guyenne and my lord of Berry).127 The Religieux de Saint-Denys mentions similar charges: “ce dont je suis sûr, c’est qu’ils [the revolutionaries] ne pardonnaient pas à monseigneur le duc de Guienne ses orgies nocturnes, ses débauches et ses déportements scandaleux.” . . . “Ils savaient aussi que ni les avis de sa mère, ni les conseils de ses parents, n’avaient pu mettre un frein à ces désordres.” . . . “Les habitants du royaume voient avec déplaisir qu’ils [i.e., his friends] vous ont appris à faire de la nuit le jour, à passer votre temps dans des danses dissolues, dans des orgies et dans toutes sortes de débauches indignes du rang royal” (What I am certain about is that the revolutionaries could not forgive my lord the duke of Guyenne his nocturnal orgies, his debauchery, his scandalous behavior. . . . They knew too that neither his mother’s advice nor that of his parents had been able to put a stop to this disorderly behavior. . . . The inhabitants of the realm see with displeasure that your friends have taught you to turn night into day, to devote your time to dissolute dancing, orgies, and all sorts of debauchery unworthy of royal status).128 Two lengthier appraisals, composed after the dauphin’s death by the Religieux de Saint-Denys and Nicolas de Baye respectively, can be seen as the equivalent of modern obituary notices.129 These notices do justice to his qualities as a cultivated, conventionally pious prince: his love of instrumental and choral music (he played the organ, harp and spinet), his good knowledge of Latin, his gifts of precious objects of gold and silver to churches and chapels. They also, however, list in some detail his very numerous shortcomings: sloth, his temper, his disorderly lifestyle, his taste for luxury, his 126. Juvénal des Ursins, 485. 127. Juvénal des Ursins, 502. 128. Religieux de Saint-Denys, 5:17, 29. 129. Religieux de Saint-Denys, 5:587–89; Nicolas de Baye, Journal, 2:231–33.

36 Introduction acquisitiveness and lavish spending, lack of interest in the military profession, his distaste for public and official duties and a preference for solitude, sensitivity to criticism, and neglect of his wife. His physical appearance reflected his lifestyle: according to Nicolas de Baye, he was “grant et gros de corps, pesans et tardif, et po agile” (heavily built, portly and sluggish in his movements, not very supple).130 This detailed examination of the dauphin’s career allows us to see the Body Politic (1406–1407) in much sharper historical focus, especially when we compare and contrast this text with the later Book of Peace (1412–1413) also written for the dauphin. 131 While both texts belong to the “mirrors for the prince” tradition, there are crucial differences between them regarding the circumstances of their composition. The earlier text was written to alert the dauphin to the qualities required of a ruler and the potential dangers of court life, at a time when Louis was a mere child of eight or nine years, his life still full of promise and possibilities; by the time of the Book of Peace and the dauphin’s death in 1415 at the age of eighteen, Louis had clearly ignored the bulk of Christine’s increasingly more urgent advice on the moral qualities required for public service, or the importance of appointing wise and experienced counsellors to guide him in his task. Apart from one or two exceptions already discussed, both texts, therefore, ultimately fail in their didactic aims to influence in a practical way the conduct of a future ruler. It is important to stress, however, that the importance of these texts, and indeed that of all “mirrors for the prince,” lies in the fact that they vehicle down through the ages, to the end of the Ancien Régime and beyond, an unyielding faith in the institution of monarchy despite the failings of some of its representatives.

The Sources and Their Integration A reader engaging for the first time with Christine’s Body Politic is likely to be astonished at the sheer number and variety of authors and titles that she quotes in the course of her treatise.132 She herself, however, indicates quite explicitly that in this work she is drawing her material from one principal source, which she refers to as “Valerius’s book” (156:27), and which indeed contains almost all the authorities cited. By “Valerius’s book” she means not so much the Latin compilation 130. Nicolas de Baye, Journal, 2:231. See also Sumption’s balanced portrait of the dauphin, Cursed Kings, 332–33. 131. See Kennedy, “The Education of ‘The Good Prince,’ ” 521–23; Kennedy, “Le thème de l’atrempance,” 30–31. 132. This section makes use of Policie, ed. Kennedy, xxvi–xxxvii, with bibliographical references updated as appropriate. For a discussion on the problems of identifying the sources of the Body Politic, see Angus J. Kennedy, “Christine de Pizan’s Livre du corps de policie: Some Problems in the Identification and Analysis of Her Sources,” in J. Claude Faucon, Alain Labbé and Danielle Quéruel, eds., Miscellanea Mediaevalia: Mélanges offerts à Philippe Ménard (Paris: Champion, 1998), 1:733–43. Cited henceforth as “Identification and Analysis of Her Sources.”

Introduction 37 in nine books entitled the Facta et dicta memorabilia (ca. 27–37 CE) of Valerius Maximus133 as the immense glossed translation of this text made by Simon de Hesdin and Nicolas de Gonesse between 1375 and 1401.134 Proof of this is provided not only by the fact that she alludes directly to the “translation of Valerius” (93:36) but also by the constant references to “Valerius” that do not distinguish between the original text and the extensive glosses or commentaries provided by the translators. According to information provided by the translators themselves, the glossed translation was prepared in two stages: initially, Simon de Hesdin, a doctor of theology and commander of the house of the Hospitallers of Saint John of Jerusalem at Eterpigny (Picardy), and from 1377 at Senlis, forty kilometers north of Paris, undertook the work in 1375 as a commission from Charles V, translating as far as chapter 4 of Book VII (ca. 1380–1383); later, his work was continued and completed in 1401 for Jean, duke of Berry, by Nicolas de Gonesse, a doctor of theology and confessor of Marshal Boucicaut, governor of Genoa. The two translators follow the same method: after translating a short section of Valerius (under the heading of “auteur”), they add their exhaustive commentary (under the heading of “translateur”), radically expanding the dimensions of an already immense text. To judge by the surviving sixty-three manuscripts and the five early black-letter editions printed between 1476 and 1500,135 their glossed translation enjoyed a considerable vogue of popularity right to the very end of the Middle Ages, providing Christine, her contemporaries, and her successors with a compendium of historical and moralizing anecdotes that they could exploit for their own didactic purposes. Among the sixty-three manuscripts, two merit special attention as candidates on which to base any study of sources: BnF fr 9749, the copy presented to Charles V, containing only books I–IV; and BnF fr. 282, the copy presented to Jean de Berry, containing all nine books. Although there is to date no modern critical edition of the Hesdin/Gonesse glossed translation in print, immense progress has been made over recent years in making their work more accessible.136 Pending the publication in searchable form of the complete text, all references to sources will 133. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Doings and Sayings, ed. and trans. D. R. Shackleton Bailey, 2 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000). 134. On the two translators, see the entries for “Simon de Hesdin” and “Nicolas de Gonesse” in Dictionnaire des lettres françaises: Le Moyen Age, ed. Hasenohr and Zink, 1393 and 1066–67. For detailed bibliography, see and . 135. For manuscripts and editions, see and . 136. BnF fr. 282 is available at . Alessandro VitaleBrovarone and others have made an edition of Books I–III (from BnF fr 9549) and V (from?) available at under “Testi.” Graziella Pastore has completed a doctoral thesis, based on BnF fr. 282, on “Nicolas de Gonesse et la traduction française de Valère Maxime: Édition critique et

38 Introduction therefore continue to be made to BnF fr. 282, given that it provides a complete version of the translation. It is appropriate to discuss now the handful of sources that one would have expected to find in the glossed translation, but which have not yet been found within that text. Modern critical editions or other manuscripts have been used to identify this limited number of borrowings, represented by the following alphabetical list of authors and titles: Aristotle, Aulus Gellius, Boethius, the Flores chronicorum, John of Salisbury, John of Wales’s Communiloquium, Justin, Juvenal, Ovid, Seneca, the commentary of Saint Thomas on Aristotle’s Metaphysics, and Vegetius (full bibliographical details are given in the Notes to the Body Politic and in the Bibliography). Finally, mention should be made of a few biblical quotations and proverbial matter (some of which appear also in the glossed translation), and two additional texts that cannot really be regarded as sources, but as works offering significant parallels to the subject matter of the Body Politic. These texts are the Vivat rex (Long Live the King) of Jean Gerson137 (1405) and the translation (ca. 1282) by Henri de Gauchi of Gilles de Rome’s De regimine principum (On the Government of Princes).138 In the light of what has been said earlier about the centrality of the glossed Hesdin/Gonesse translation in the study of sources, it would now be impossible to sustain a claim first put forward by Pinet that the De regimine principum was Christine’s principal source for the Body Politic.139 That there are close resemblances between the texts is hardly surprising, since Gilles de Rome’s treatise completed in 1279 for Philip the Fair was to influence all subsequent texts within the tradition of the “mirrors for the prince.” Parallels between Vivat Rex and Henri de Gauchi’s translation of Gilles de Rome, on the one hand, and Christine’s text, on the other, will be indicated in the Notes. To sum up, therefore, while Christine may have used sources other than the glossed translation completed by Hesdin/Gonesse, her debt towards the latter is massive. In 1998, I calculated that more than ninety percent of all Christine’s borrowings in the Body Politic could be attributed to this single text, while all borrowings (identified or not) constituted sixty-two percent of the whole text.140 These statistics oblige us to ask at this point whether the Body Politic should be dismissed as a mere compilation, or whether Christine’s integration and handling of her sources justifies one’s seeing the work as the product of a conscious artist, commentaire” (thèse de doctorat, Université de Paris III-Sorbonne nouvelle et Università degli Studi di Torino, 2012). 137. Jean Gerson, Vivat rex, ed. Glorieux. 138. Gilles de Rome, Li Livres du gouvernement des rois, ed. Samuel P. Molenaer (New York: Macmillan, 1899). Cited henceforth as Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer. 139. Pinet, Christine de Pisan, 358. 140. Policie, ed. Kennedy, xxxiii.

Introduction 39 fully in control of the material at her disposal.141 It will be suggested in what follows that Christine’s active, creative role is reflected in her deliberate selection of exempla,142 her commentary which subordinates the exempla to her own preoccupations and priorities, and the skillful exploitation of imagery that she has for the most part taken from her source. Given the dimensions of the manuscript and the absence of the kind of critical apparatus taken for granted in modern editions (for example, an index of proper names or themes), the selection of exempla to illustrate topics or questions which she wishes to address must seem, at first sight, to have been a complicated and time-consuming enterprise. Yet Christine shows extraordinary familiarity with her source, being able to move easily throughout the work, judiciously gathering material appropriate to her didactic intentions. Confirmation of this is provided, for example, when we look at the distribution of borrowings (in sequence) over the opening pages of each part of her text: in Part 1: 326c, 99b–d, 188d–189a, 75b, 278a, 278a–b, 7d–8a, 382c, 6b–d; in Part 2: 97d, 104a, 75a–c, 21a, 131d–132b, 132d–133a, 229a, 340a, 342d–343a, 289c; in Part 3: 83c–d, 326d, 294c, 224a, 263a–b, 324a–b, 321c–d, 322a, 332b–c, 325c–326a, 271c–d, 272b–c, 272d, 22a–b. While some of these borrowings are clearly in proximity to each other, most of them are widely separated within the manuscript, which suggests her method of selection is far from being a straightforward, mechanical, repetitive task. The most striking illustration of her very deliberate process of selection is provided by a sequence of exempla at the end of Part 2 of her text (chapters 20 and 21), which are based on the theme that military leaders can legitimately have recourse to deception in their dealings with the enemy. Christine recounts ten episodes involving, respectively, Pericles; the Boii; Alexander, king of Epirus; the Erythraeans; Lucullus; Fulvius Nobilior; Epaminondas; Scipio Africanus Minor; Sertorius; and Hannibal. Nine of these are taken from the source in the order in which they occur (284c–286a), all nine being part of the translator’s additions, in this case exempla borrowed by Hesdin/Gonesse from the Stratagemata (Strategies) of Sextus Julius Frontinus, a military treatise of the first century CE.143 What is disorientating is that this section of borrowings from Frontinus in BnF fr. 282 does offer a number of stratagems adopted by Hannibal, any one of which 141. Simone Pagot, “Du bon usage de la compilation et du discours didactique: Analyse du thème ‘guerre et paix’ chez Christine de Pizan,” in Dulac et Ribémont, Une femme de Lettres, 39–50; Joël Blanchard, “Compilation et légitimation au XVe siècle,” Poétique 74 (avril 1988), 139–57; and Bernard Ribémont, “Christine de Pizan et l’encyclopédisme scientifique,” in Zimmermann and De Rentiis, City of Scholars, 174–85. 142. An exemplum (plural exempla) is a short anecdote chosen from a variety of sources (folktales, legends, history) to illustrate either a moral point or behavior to be commended or condemned. Christine’s main source is Roman history as recounted by Valerius Maximus. 143. Frontinus, The Stratagems and the Aqueducts of Rome, ed. Charles E. Bennett (London: Heinemann, 1925).

40 Introduction Christine could have used for her tenth example (284d, 285b, 285c–d). The tenth example, however, makes no use of these, recounting as it does Hannibal’s flight to Crete and the stratagem he adopts to conceal his material possessions from the inhabitants of the island, located in the manuscript some 125 folios distant from the other nine episodes borrowed by Christine (167d–168c).144 Such deliberate selection of material does not seem to be the mark of a “mere compiler.” Christine’s active presence is visible, too, in the analytical commentary that constitutes about thirty-eight percent of her text: it is this commentary, indeed, which structures the whole work and gives it both cohesion and direction. The sequence of borrowings is determined rigorously according to the themes and questions which Christine wishes to discuss. The overall didactic context is provided by Christine’s educational program aimed at presenting a model of virtuous behavior not only for the perfect prince but also for the nobility and the Third Estate, a program that leads naturally to the tripartite division of her work. While it may come as surprise to modern readers that a political treatise should focus almost exclusively on personal virtue, it should be remembered that Christine is adhering to the Aristotelian assumption that the proper functioning of the state and the governance of the realm imply first and foremost governance of the self—hence the concentration throughout on the “introduction to virtue and good conduct” (115:11), the intention “to incline hearts to virtue and good living, whether they be princes, knights and nobles, or common people” (80:15–16). This didactic intention is indeed very similar to that expressed by Livy at the beginning of his monumental History of Rome: the education of character through historical exempla “is the best medicine for a sick mind; for in history you have a record of the infinite variety of human experience plainly set out for all to see; and in that record you can find for yourself and your country both examples and warnings; fine things to take as models, base things, rotten through and through, to avoid.”145 Each of the three parts, devoted to one section of the body politic, is tightly and logically structured, the constant linking of material being provided by rhetorical markers that Christine would have been familiar with from the so-called curial style adopted by her husband in his work as a royal secretary (e.g., repetitive formulae such as “now we must distinguish,” “to return to our first topic,” “now we must speak about the second point,” etc.). The virtues relevant to the prince are discussed in Part 1, under three broad headings: the love of God, the public good, and justice. Within these broad headings, Christine goes on to cover princely virtuous conduct that derives from these: respect for religion; the avoidance of blasphemy and irreverence; the prince as the good shepherd; liberality; compassion; clemency; the avoidance of pride; the prince as the instrument of justice; 144. See Kennedy, “Identification and Analysis of Her Sources,” 738–39. 145. Livy, The Early History of Rome, trans. Aubrey de Sélincourt (Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1971), 34.

Introduction 41 the judicious choice of counsellors; the need to avoid favoritism; the dangers of flattery and deceit; the necessity for the prince to be feared as well as loved; the importance of prudence and discreet eloquence; devotion to the affairs of state; the avoidance of concupiscence and anger; and the need for balance between work and relaxation. Part 2 is structured on the six main qualities required of virtuous knights as defenders of the realm: love of arms; courage; the ability to inspire others; the desire for honor; and the need for cunning and deception in confronting enemies). Part 3 is devoted to a discussion in turn of the virtues or failings of three constituent members of the Third Estate: the clergy; the bourgeoisie and merchants; tradesmen and agricultural workers. These areas of discussion provide the headings and sub-headings that require to be illustrated with all the material borrowed from Hesdin/Gonesse: in short, the borrowings themselves never determine the structure of Christine’s discourse. Furthermore, it is Christine’s commentary that prompts the reader to make comparative or more frequently contrastive links between the morality of the ancient world as evoked by Valerius and the contemporary world of the French court and its failings. After presenting the exempla, Christine often punctuates her comments with references to the present time (“at present,” “today,” “presently,” “nowadays”), or with short phrases such as “and this is not at all what X did,” in order to make an appropriate contrast between past and present practice. A few examples will suffice. In chapter 1.15, having illustrated the compassionate behavior of Hector towards his defeated enemy from a story in Hesdin/Gonesse, Christine observes: “And every valiant man and good prince ought to possess this trait, which is completely lacking today in many lords and men-at-arms who, when they gain the upper hand and conquer lands, fortresses, cities or other places, act like starving dogs when they enter, feeling no compassion for the horrible massacres they inflict on Christians, dishonoring women and laying waste to everything.” She follows this up by saying: “Marcus Marcellus, who was a man of great authority among the princes of Rome, did not conduct himself in this way at all (my italics, in both quotations). In Chapter 1.7, on the need for the prince to show reverence towards God and his institutions on earth, Christine draws attention to the profanation of holy places by members of all three estates who conduct meetings or negotiate dubious contracts within the sanctity of the church: “In addition, the good prince must ensure that God’s temple and house should not be polluted or soiled by the commission of various sins there, as is the case with Christians at the present time, nobles, merchants, and people of all estates, who feel no shame in holding their meetings in churches and arranging their assemblies there on secular matters, and God alone knows if many false contracts are negotiated there.” This is followed up by Christine’s observation of practice in the ancient and present world: “The discipline once maintained by these ancient pagans brings censure and damnation upon us, as Valerius recounts regarding the

42 Introduction devotion that the Romans showed towards their gods. . . . Alas, nowadays we do not remove from office those who not only hold their meetings and assemblies in churches but transform them into filthy stables for horses” (69:24–26, my italics). In line with her overall didactic aim of educating all classes “in virtue and good conduct,” Christine clearly exploits the exempla to provide a running commentary on contemporary shortcomings that need to be first censured and then corrected.146 A more subtle way in which Christine integrates her sources and aligns them creatively with her own priorities is her use of imagery, itself derived for the most part from the Hesdin/Gonesse glossed translation. While one is likely to retain from a first reading of Christine’s text only the central image of the body politic, and perhaps the image of the treatise itself as a “mirror” which sheds light on the imperfections of the real world, Christine in fact makes an extensive use of images, most of which take the form of similes or metaphors.147 For example, “for the head of the body politic to be healthy, that is, virtuous,” Christine will provide appropriate teaching that will administer appropriate “medicine,” (60:3–5) and the head will in his turn care for his poor subjects as a doctor would for his patients (82:7–8); a child will retain good or bad habits, just as an earthen pot will long retain the odor of what it once contained (64:15–17); there are no limits to the desires of the covetous, just as the gaping mouth of hell can never be sated (68:27); flattery is likened to a nail being sunk into the eye of those being flattered, rendering them blind to truth (73:31); laws are like flimsy spiders’ webs which can trap smaller insects (the weak and vulnerable), but are easily swept away by the larger, namely, the rich and powerful (96:23–25); knowledge is presented as a bright shining star (154:14), as a treasure (154:14), as delectable food, and as a clear refreshing fountain (154:15–16). These and similar images are functional rather than decorative, all designed to flesh out a didactic point, to make abstract ethical issues more concrete, more memorable, and more accessible. Let us look now more closely at the coordinating and structural role played by the central images of body politic and the mirror. While the ultimate sources of the image of the body politic are Saint Paul148 and John of Salisbury,149 the distinctive ingredients of Christine’s image were all 146. On this use of the exempla, see Liliane Dulac, “Quelques éléments d’une poétique de l’exemple dans le Corps de policie,” in Campbell and Margolis, Christine de Pizan 2000, 91–104, 316–17. 147. For a complete list, see Angus J. Kennedy, “The Image of the Body Politic in Christine de Pizan’s Livre du corps de policie in L’Offrande du cœur: Medieval and Modern Studies in Honour of Glynnis Cropp, ed. Margaret Burrell and Judith Grant (Canterbury, UK: Canterbury University Press in association with Massey University, 2004), 18–29, at 19–20. 148. 1 Corinthians 12: 14–27. 149. It is John of Salisbury who invents the authority of the so-called “Instruction of Trajan” which he attributes to Plutarch: see John of Salisbury, Policraticus, ed. Cary J. Nederman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 66, 103, 125, 137, 164, 190. Cited henceforth as Policraticus, ed. Nederman.

Introduction 43 available to her in the Hesdin/Gonesse glossed translation (326c and 83c–d): the king as the head; the knights as the arms and hands used in defense of the realm; the ordinary people as the stomach, feet, and legs whose function is to sustain the other two estates, this image inevitably imposing the tripartite division of her work. Significantly, Christine evokes the image at strategic points, right at the beginning of each part, and at the very end of the text, thus ensuring that the reader never loses sight of the central theme that the proper health of the body politic depends on the interdependence of the three estates. In addition, however, at the beginning of Part 3 devoted to the Third Estate, Christine deliberately inserts a negative image of the body politic at war with itself. This image is presented in terms of the fable, borrowed by Hesdin/Gonesse from Aesop and Livy,150 of the dissension between limbs and stomach over the relative importance of their roles. Christine evokes here the image of an unhealthy, dysfunctional body politic in which the vice of self-interest plays the predominant role. While it is true that Christine’s decision to locate an image of disruption at this point may well represent her deep-rooted fear of popular rebellion, it should be noted that this warning of the possible adverse results of civil strife is not directed only at the Third Estate: “So the limbs stopped working, and the belly was no longer nourished, it began to shrink in size, and the limbs began to weaken and no longer function properly. In this way, out of spite for one another, the whole body perished. The same thing happens when a prince exacts from his people more than they can provide, and when the people complain about the prince, and rebel out of disobedience: such discord destroys the whole” (150:13–18, my italics). The implication that mutual responsibilities are more important that individual rights emerges from Christine’s audacious comment (“The same thing happens when a prince exacts from his people more than they can provide”), and her concluding judicious remark (“such discord destroys the whole”). Finally, regarding the image of the body politic, it should be noted that Christine closes her treatise with the hope that all readers, whatever their status within society, will be mindful of her in their prayers. Her own prayer that this will be so neatly gives her one last opportunity to remind the three estates of the need to work together for the common good and avoid the corrosive vice of self-interest: “[M] ay God in his holy mercy uphold and prosper the three estates as they grow from strength to strength, attaining perfection of body and soul. Amen” (168:20–22). In the light of what has been said, therefore, all these strategically placed evocations of the image clearly provide an over-arching framework within which one can read and understand the relevance of what would otherwise seem a sequence of disparate and unrelated exempla. Whether the stories borrowed from Hesdin/ Gonesse or another source such as the Bible concern Roman disdain for personal wealth and devotion to the common good (77:7–8), Roman military discipline, and the Roman army’s devotion to defending the realm rather than advancing 150. Aesop, Babrius and Phaedrus: Fables, ed. Ben E. Perry (London: Heinemann, 1975), 446; Livy, 2.32.

44 Introduction their personal gain (77:3–6), or again the valorization of Adam as a humble worker of the soil, from whom all of humanity is descended (166:6–11), these exempla gain their significance when set within the overarching framework provided by the image of the body politic: they are all designed to project a harmonious, healthy and cohesive ideal society, with each of the three estates working together for good within the framework of God’s providence. The image of the “mirror” can be dealt with more briefly, as it functions in the same way as that of the body politic. Firstly, it coordinates and integrates all the borrowings in line with the overall didactic aims, given that “examples are more effective than simply words in inclining people to desire honor and worth and to love virtue” (80:17–18). These exempla constitute a “mirror” (61:9, 111:19) which can serve as a model for the prince, the knights, and the common people, reflecting as it does the kind of behavior that should be emulated or avoided. In that sense, the whole treatise constitutes a “mirror” for all three estates. Secondly, the image is exploited (as was the image of the body politic) to shed a light on the imperfections of Christine’s own society (in much the same way as her analytical commentary had done). For example, Roman probity, simplicity, and discipline are implicitly contrasted with the wealth of the contemporary church and the corruption of individual members of the clergy (68:21–31) and the justiciary (96:28); promotion based on patronage rather than merit (97:31–33); the profanation of churches and blasphemy (69:29–70:1); unjust taxes (75:28–76:6); acts of cruelty perpetrated by knights whose true function should consist in defense of the realm; the hedonism and excesses of the court and the vices it encourages, such as lies, flattery, and hypocrisy (14:24–15:11, 73:27–30, 74:7–20); and the immorality of certain representatives of the Third Estate (164:29–165:9). The final aspect of imagery that deserves to be highlighted is the series of oppositions generated by much of the imagery, but especially by the image of the body politic. We have seen a number of these oppositions emerging in the course of this analysis: for example, health/sickness, balance/imbalance, order/ disorder, virtue/vice. Christine is explicitly inviting us to view the sequence of terms—health, balance, order, virtue, on the one hand, and sickness, imbalance, disorder, vice, on the other—as synonymous within each set. Christine deliberately blurs the semantic frontiers between words, especially when she is dealing with oppositions deriving from the image of the body politic. Christine devotes a great deal of space to the kinds of food that are profitable or prejudicial to the body, the main threats to the health of the individual, a particular social class, the army, or the state being excessive consumption of food and drink, and the over-refinement that in turn leads to illness and moral decline (62:6–7, 76:9–13, 116:26–29, 164:29–32). It is, however, not only the avoidance of “superfluities” and the adoption of the habits of temperance that maintain the body in good health (149:24) and protect it against sickness and decline. The body, whether of the individual or the state, needs to be “fed” on a diet consisting of the most precious ingredients of all: learning, wisdom, and understanding (154:12–30). It

Introduction 45 is revealing in this respect that Christine’s remarkable passage in praise of wisdom relies to a large extent on the vocabulary (literal and figurative) of eating and drinking. The opposition between health and sickness, between what is prejudicial or profitable to the body or soul, is further developed in the opposition between exercise and repose, and the desirability of obtaining a balance between the two (62:2–5, 65:7–11, 106:3–6). All these oppositions gain in significance when they are seen and understood within the context of the image of the well-functioning, harmonious body politic. To conclude, then, on this examination of Christine’s sources in the Body Politic, it can be said that the sources are primarily important in so far as they help establish Christine’s active, creative role in the elaboration of her treatise. It has been shown that in her selection of exempla, her analytical commentary, and her skillful exploitation of imagery, Christine emerges not as a compiler enslaved to her sources, but as a creative writer who subtly adapts and integrates material according to her priorities and didactic intentions.151 It is appropriate, therefore, to leave the last word on this topic to Christine herself. In her Charles V, Christine seems to have anticipated all the questions one can raise with regard both to the quantity and variety of her borrowings. Replying to the accusation that she had completed her biography of Charles V by relying on what other authors had said, she gives a moving evocation of artistic creation that seems particularly relevant to the Body Politic.152 Like the mason, architect, or the embroiderer, to whom she compares the literary artist, she has not invented the basic material on which she and they rely (respectively stones, or threads, or subject matter). She has, however, as they have, shaped and molded it in her own distinctive way: “tout ainsi vrayement n’ai-je mie fait toutes les matieres, do quoy le traittié de ma compilacion est composé; il me souffist seulement que les sache appliquer a propos, si que bien puissent servir a la fin de l’ymaginacion” (In the same way, indeed, I am not responsible for the sources which I use to construct my treatise; it suffices me to know that I am putting them to good use and making them serve my intentions).

Afterlife “Dame Cristine / De laquelle a trompe et a cor / Le nom par tout va et ne fine” (Dame Christine, whose name, with trumpet and horn, resounds everywhere and forever):153 Martin Le Franc’s confident prediction in Le Champion des dames of 1441–1442 that Christine’s name would endure forever seems to be borne out in the current extraordinary vogue of interest in her life and works. Indeed, 151. One of the earliest critics to raise this point was E. M. D. Robineau, Christine de Pisan: Sa vie et ses œuvres (Saint-Omer: Fleury-Lemaire, 1882), 300. 152. Charles V, ed. Solente, 1:191. 153. Martin Le Franc, Le Champion des dames, ed. Robert Deschaux (Paris: Champion, 1999), 5:178.

46 Introduction Christine herself, like many early humanists who regarded fame as a legitimate aspiration, was sure that the day would come when her writings would enjoy their rightful measure of posthumous fame: “Le temps a venir, plus en sera parlé qu’ a ton vivant” (In times to come, more will be spoken of your work than in your lifetime).154 That said, Christine’s political work did not immediately come to enjoy the same level of current attention as her more celebrated writings on women, despite the fact that she was one of the most prolific writers on political matters of the later Middle Ages. While there are many general indicators of the current vogue of interest in Christine,155 let us look primarily at the fortunes and accessibility of the text itself. A translation of the text into Middle English was made in the 1470s, probably attributable to Anthony Woodville, Earl Rivers,156 who had also translated Christine’s Proverbes moraux as The Morale Prouerbes of Christyne, published by William Caxton in 1478,157 and whose signature on Harley 4431 indicates that he was once an owner of the Queen’s Manuscript.158 An early black-letter edition of a translation into English that is very similar to but not identical with that by Anthony Woodville159 was published in London by John Skot, in 1521 (a facsimile of this edition was published by Da Capo Press in 1971).160 Both the 1470 and 154. Advision, ed. Reno and Dulac, 89, ll. 63–64. 155. For example, the formation of the International Christine de Pizan Society, its colloquia held in Europe or the USA, bibliographic studies, the space made for Christine studies in the Cahiers de recherches médiévales et humanistiques, Festschriften or conferences devoted in whole or in part to Christine. The acts of the latest International Colloquium, held at Louvain-la-Neuve and edited by Olivier Delsaux and Tania Van Hemelryck, were published in Le Moyen français 75 (2014): 3–117, and 78–79 (2016): 1–309. 156. The Middle English Translation of Christine de Pisan’s Livre du corps de policie, ed. Diane Bornstein (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1977), based on Cambridge University Library MS Kk 1. 5. On the attribution to Anthony Woodville, see 31–36, and Bornstein, “Sir Anthony Woodville as the Translator of Christine de Pisan’s Livre du corps de policie,” Fifteenth Century Studies 2 (1979): 9–19. 157. For a facsimile of Caxton’s 1478 edition, see The Morale Prouerbes of Christyne (Amsterdam and New York: Da Capo Press, 1970). 158. See Album, 319–20. The Queen’s Manuscript (and others) were taken to England by the duke of Bedford, Henry VI’s regent in France, and eventually came into the possession of the duke’s widow, Jacquette of Luxembourg, Anthony Woodville’s mother by a second marriage to Richard Woodville. 159. For example, in the 1470 version, four references to France in Policie, ed. Kennedy (12.18, 48.33, 50.25, 68.21) are changed to references to England (Middle English Translation, ed. Bornstein, 55.9, 106.26, 109.14, 132.10; only one of these occurs in the 1521 edition, signature g4, corresponding to Bornstein, 109.14). The similarities and differences between the two versions probably merit reassessment. 160. The Body of Polycye (Amsterdam and New York: Da Capo Press, 1971). This facsimile, whose cover wrongly gives the date of publication as 1524, is based on two surviving copies, one in the John Rylands Library, Manchester, UK (shelfmark 15056), the other in Cambridge University Library (shelfmark Sel. 4. 38).

Introduction 47 1521 versions interestingly retain Christine’s name as author (see the respective titles of the final chapter: “Here Christine concludith her boke” / “Here Christine concludeth her booke”), which is not always the case in early printed editions. It should be borne in mind that the existence of these translations represents a small but important corner of the much wider canvas of Christine’s reception history in England, and indeed elsewhere.161 As Nadia Margolis has wryly observed, “in order for posterity to judge an author, he or she must be read.”162 Nicole Hochner makes some very interesting parallels between Christine’s views of monarchy and those of Claude de Seyssel in his La Monarchie de France published in 1519, particularly in light of the respective checks and balances both authors introduce to counter absolute rule, and plausibly suggests that Claude de Seyssel may have accessed a manuscript of Policie in the library of King Louis XII in Blois (currently, BnF fr. 1197), or even seen the 1470 translation into Middle English during one of his diplomatic missions to England. Hochner herself concedes, however, that there is no direct evidence that Claude de Seyssel ever read Christine, though the possible links and affinities remain of course worthy of attention.163 Although in the ensuing centuries up to and including the nineteenth, as reception history makes clear, Christine’s name was never completely forgotten, attracting as it did numerous short notices in dictionaries or learned journals,164 Policie was not made accessible until the twentieth century. It does not figure, for example, in Mlle de Keralio’s celebrated 1787 Collection des meilleurs ouvrages françois composés par des femmes, dédiée aux femmes françoises (Paris: Lagrange), of which volumes 2 and 3 include selections from Christine;165 and in the first 161. For the fortunes of Policie in England, see Stephanie Downes, “Manuscript and Print: The Livre du corps de policie in Sixteenth-Century England,” in Caraffi, Christine de Pizan, 141–51. Reception history is now a growth industry in Christine scholarship. See, among others, Willard, Christine de Pizan, 211–23; Glenda K. McLeod, ed., The Reception of Christine de Pizan from the Fifteenth through the Nineteenth Centuries: Visitors to the City (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 1991); Cynthia J. Brown, “The Reconstruction of an Author in Print: Christine de Pizan in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries,” in Desmond, Categories of Difference, 215–35; Nadia Margolis, “Christine at 600: The State of Christine de Pizan Studies for the Second Millennium,” in Campbell and Margolis, Christine de Pizan 2000, 31– 45; Nadia Margolis, “Modern Editions: Makers of the Christinian Corpus,” in Altmann and McGrady, Christine de Pizan: A Casebook, 251–70; The Book of the Mutability of Fortune, ed. and trans. Geri L. Smith (Toronto: Iter Press; Tempe, AZ: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2017), 253–54. 162. Margolis, “Christine at 600,” 32. 163. Nicole Hochner, “Claude de Seyssel lecteur du Corps de policie? Une filiation politique?” in Dulac et al., Desireuse de plus avant enquerre . . . , 69–86. 164. See Angus J. Kennedy, Christine de Pizan: A Bibliographical Guide (London: Grant and Cutler, 1984), items 91–113; Supplement 1 (London: Grant and Cutler, 1994), item 527. 165. See Claire Le Brun-Gouanvic, “Mademoiselle de Keralio, commentatrice de Christine de Pizan au XVIIIe siècle, ou la rencontre de deux femmes savantes,” in Dor, Henneau, and Ribémont, Christine de

48 Introduction ever critical anthology of her political works published by Raimond Thomassy, in his ground-breaking Essai sur les écrits politiques de Christine de Pisan (Paris: Debécourt, 1838), Policie gets a brief mention only (127–28), with some lines transcribed from the beginning and end of the text in manuscript Regius 7409 (now BnF fr. 1197). Lack of direct access to this text or others did not, however, prevent (primarily male) scholars from casting extremely negative, global judgments on Christine’s talents as a writer, the best known of these being Gustave Lanson’s dismissal of Christine as a pedantic, mediocre bluestocking;166 and in his lectures at Liège in 1848–1849, Charles Sainte-Beuve is just as severe (but wittier) in his then unpublished overall condemnation not just of Christine but of nineteenth-century critics attempting to rehabilitate certain medieval authors: “Ces estimables réhabiliteurs n’ont oublié qu’une chose, c’est que leurs réhabilités sont ennuyeux” (These estimable rehabilitators have forgotten one thing, the fact that those being rehabilitated are boring).167 In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a number of fulllength studies of Christine’s life appeared (notably those by E. M. D. Robineau, Ernest Nys, and Pinet)168 that showed scholars engaging with the manuscripts of as yet unpublished texts (as Thomassy had done), including Policie, though critical judgments were not as balanced as they would have been had the whole text been accessible. Modern readers now have access to two complete editions of the Middle French text: the first, edited by Robert H. Lucas in 1967; the second, edited by Angus J. Kennedy in 1998.169 Despite reservations expressed in reviews concerning the choice of base manuscript, punctuation, and misreadings,170 it is important to express heartfelt gratitude to Lucas for this first edition of Policie after five centuries of oblivion since 1521: for giving readers an overall view of the Pizan, 325–41; Karen Green, “Remembering Christine de Pizan on the Eve of the French Revolution: Louise Keralio-Robert’s Representation of Christine,” in Loba, Ton nom sera reluisant aprés toy par longue memoire, 345–54. 166. Gustave Lanson, Histoire de la littérature française (11th ed.; Paris: Hachette, 1909), 165–66. Lanson’s notorious assessment was first published in 1894. 167. Françoise Dehousse, Sainte-Beuve: Ancienne littérature (partie médiévale): Cours professé à l’Université de Liège, 1848–1849 (Paris: Société d’Edition “Les Belles Lettres,” 1971), 323–24. 168. Robineau, Christine de Pisan, 278–301; Ernest Nys, Christine de Pisan et ses principales œuvres (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1914), 41–42, 56–60; Pinet, Christine de Pisan, xv, xix, 156, 357–58, 409, 424–25, 428, 435, 437–39, 443–44. 169. Livre du corps de policie, ed. Lucas; Policie, ed. Kennedy. 170. Reviews by K. Baldinger, Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 83 (1967): 689; M. L. Cigada Lucca, Studi francesi 34 (1968): 125; C. Roth, Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des chartes 126 (1968): 248–50; J. Dufournet, Revue d’histoire littéraire de la France 69 (1969): 843–44; R. Lathuillère, Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 32 (1970): 228–31; S. Solente, Le Moyen Age 76 (1970): 156–61; H. B., Bulletin de théologie ancienne et moderne 11 (1972–1975): 542; P. Ménard, Romance Philology, 29 (1975–1976): 110–14.

Introduction 49 manuscript tradition (and printing variants not only from all the French manuscripts but also from the Middle English versions); for identifying a good number of borrowings from the glossed translation of the Facta et dicta memorabilia of Valerius Maximus; and for his suggestion that manuscript F might have been the base for Anthony Woodville’s 1470 translation. The main disadvantage of the text is the choice of base manuscript A, executed more than sixty years after the composition of Christine’s text. Since Lucas himself was aware that manuscript H (Paris, BnF fr. 1197) belonged at one point to Charles of Orleans, and could be seen therefore even in 1967 as an early copy, it is difficult to understand why Lucas decided to privilege manuscript A, especially since, in addition, it contains a curious stylist trait that belongs to the copyist and not the author (the reduplication of initial letter s when a group of words is introduced by the preposition de, for example, “une grande partie des ses ennemis” (a large part of his enemies). The essential difference between the Lucas and Kennedy texts concerns the choice of base manuscript: as we have just seen, the Lucas edition is based on a late manuscript copied about sixty years after the date of composition, while that by Kennedy is based on what we now know to be an autograph manuscript, Chantilly, Condé 294, with variants from three other original manuscripts. The Kennedy text also contains critical apparatus; a glossary; a table of proper names; a table of rubrics; and a concordance between Pierre Constant’s edition171 of Valerius Maximus and Paris, BnF fr. 282, the Hesdin/Gonesse glossed translation, identifying most of Christine’s borrowings from the latter text. While reviews are complimentary, especially on the study of sources and their integration,172 a number of issues are highlighted: suggested corrections to text and punctuation; unnecessary corrections made by the editor; the need for more detail on language and linguistic forms; desirable additions to the glossary; the need to identify, without recourse to the Constant edition of Valerius, the proper names who figure in the table. The present work addresses the points raised that may affect the translation of the text into English. In the wake of the Lucas edition, selective extracts in Modern English and one complete translation into Modern English have appeared. As has so often 171. Valère Maxime, Actions et paroles mémorables, ed. and trans. Pierre Constant, 2 vols. (Paris: Garnier, 1935). 172. Reviews by Jean-François Kosta-Théfaine, Le Moyen français 43 (1998): 150–54; Rosalind BrownGrant, Modern Language Review 94 (1999): 1098–1100; Glynnis M. Cropp, New Zealand Journal of French Studies 20 (1999): 34–36; Jean Dufournet, Le Moyen Age 105 (1999): 796–99; Marie-Jane Pinvidic, Revue de linguistique romane 63 (1999): 293–305; Karen Pratt, French Studies 53 (1999): 320–21; Gilles Roques, Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 115 (1999): 729–30; Jane H. M. Taylor, Medium Aevum 68 (1999): 349; Michel-André Bossy, Speculum 75 (2000): 679–80; Volker Mecking, Zeitschrift für französische Sprache und Literatur 110 (2000): 209–13; Gianni Mombello, Studi francesi 130 (2000): 134; Tania Van Hemelryck, Lettres romanes 54 (2000): 157–58; and Anon, Forum for Modern Language Studies 37 (2001): 109.

50 Introduction been the case in Christine studies, English readers have had earlier access to some of her central texts in translation. These will be dealt with in chronological order. In 1993, in Charity C. Willard’s Writings of Christine de Pizan,173 Diane Bornstein translated chapters 1–9 of Book 1, not, however, from the French text, but from her edition of the Middle English text to which reference has already been made. In 1994, Kate L. Forhan, who as a distinguished political scientist has made a unique contribution to Christine studies, made the first complete translation into English of Christine’s text, thus opening up a space for its inclusion, in English-language scholarship, in the study of late medieval political thought.174 While welcoming this pioneering work, reviews were critical of much of the detail of the translation.175 Some of the many slips may be attributable to the imperfections of the Lucas edition (e.g. sages, Lucas, 105, line 3, should read aages); others are not (e.g. graisse, Lucas 24, line 10, is a noun, engrais in Modern French, not an adjective); at other times the English seems muddled (e.g. Forhan 50, lines 10–14) or omits words and phrases (e.g. Forhan, 26, last 13 lines); and so on. There are suggestions at times that the translator has silently followed the Bornstein Middle English rather than the Lucas French text: e.g., where Lucas states (37, last line) that “s’en fuyt Pirrus d’Ytalie” (Pyrrhus fled from Italy), both Bornstein (67, lines 12–13) and Forhan (23, line 12) say the opposite (Pyrrhus fled to Italy); the same is true of Forhans’s references to Senola (74, line 2 of chapter) and Orosius (97, line 4), which in the Lucas text appear as Scena (133, line 3 of chapter) and Orace (179, line 2), and in the Middle English version as Senola (139, line 23) and Orose (174, line 20). Finally, Forhan’s decision to simplify Christine’s syntax conceals much of the muscular complexity of Christine’s prose style. In 1997, a second selection of chapters from the Lucas edition of Policie was admirably translated by two established Christine de Pizan scholars, Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Kevin Brownlee, covering extracts from Book 1, chapters 1, 3, 9, 11, 13; Book 2, chapter 1; and Book 3, chapters 4, 6, 9–11.176 In 2018, Ineke Hardy, a professional translator, gave a very fluent and accurate translation of Book 1, chapters 1–2, 9–11, 19–21, and Book 3, chapters 173. The Writings of Christine de Pizan, ed. Charity Cannon Willard (New York: Persea Books, 1993), 275–89. 174. Christine de Pizan, The Book of the Body Politic, ed. and trans. Kate L. Forhan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). 175. Reviews by Jane H. M. Taylor, Revue des langues romanes 99 (1995): 168–69; John France, History of European Ideas 22 (1996): 155–56; Angus J. Kennedy, French Studies 50 (1996): 442–43; Rosalind Brown-Grant, Modern Language Review 92 (1997): 461–63; and Gretchen Angelo, at . 176. Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Kevin Brownlee, The Selected Writings of Christine de Pizan (New York and London: Norton, 1997), 201–16.

Introduction 51 1–2, 6–7, 10–11, basing herself on the Kennedy edition of Policie.177 The editors Sophie Bourgault and Rebecca Kingston are both specialists, like Kate Forhan, in political studies, another welcome sign that Christine’s text is continuing to attract scholarly interest in disciplines other than French. The availability of editions of the French text and translations into English has had, of course, a very positive effect on scholarship on Policie and other political works by Christine. One notes especially, in the wake of the earlier miscellany Politics, Gender and Genre: The Political Thought of Christine de Pizan of 1992,178 Kate L. Forhan’s monograph on Christine and politics in 2002; the collection of essays on Christine’s political thought edited by Karen Green and Constant J. Mews in 2005; Françoise Autrand’s biography of 2009; Jacqueline Broad and Karen Green’s A History of Women’s Political Thought, 1400–1700, also of 2009; Claire Le Ninan’s monograph of 2013 on Charles V and related texts; and Tracy Adams’s Christine de Pizan and the Fight for France of 2014179—all of these works finally cancelling out the earlier view that Christine should be seen simply as a moralist or a fascinating witness to her times.180 An equally interesting and revisionist trend in recent scholarship, led by Tracy Adams and Karen Green and likely to produce continuing debate, has been the analysis of Christine’s attitude to regency, particularly her relationship with Isabeau, Charles VI’s queen, for centuries depicted, wrongly it is argued, as licentious, slothful, and pleasure-loving. It is suggested that once all the mythmaking is removed, Isabeau is a regent worthy of Christine’s support.181 An excellent analytical guide to these and other recent and forthcoming studies on Christine is provided by Tracy Adams in her “Etat présent: Christine de Pizan” of 2017.182 In short, then, Christine de Pizan is currently enjoying the posthumous fame that is rightfully hers, and not just for the light particular works may shed on a bygone age. The Book of the Body Politic is 177. Christine de Pizan. The Book of the City of Ladies and Other Writings, ed. Sophie Bourgault and Rebecca Kingston, trans. by Ineke Hardy (Indianapolis: Hackett, 2018), 225–50. 178. Brabant, Politics, Gender and Genre. 179. Forhan, Political Theory; Green and Mews, Healing the Body Politic; Autrand, Christine de Pizan; Jacqueline Broad and Karen Green, A History of Women’s Political Thought, 1400–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); Claire Le Ninan, Le Sage Roi et la clergesse: L’écriture du politique dans l’œuvre de Christine de Pizan (Paris: Champion, 2013); and Adams, Christine de Pizan. 180. For example, Pinet, Christine de Pisan, 427; Mombello, “Quelques aspects de la pensée politique,” 43–153. 181. Karen Green, “Isabeau de Bavière and the Political Philosophy of Christine de Pizan,” Historical Reflections 32 (2006): 247–72; Tracy Adams, “Isabeau de Bavière dans l’œuvre de Christine de Pizan: Une réévaluation du personnage,” in Dor, Henneau, and Ribémont, Christine de Pizan, 133–46; Adams, The Life and Afterlife of Isabeau of Bavaria. 182. Adams, “Etat présent: Christine de Pizan.” French Studies 71 (2017): 388–400; see also .

52 Introduction a work that is not without relevance to issues of our own day,183 notably, the enduring context of misogyny (and newer versions of discrimination), the need for probity in public life, the concept of the just war, and the importance of citizens’ responsibilities as well as rights. It is to be hoped that the present translation will encourage further scholarly interest in Christine’s political engagement.

Note on the Translation Christine’s French prose—modelled as it is on the complications of Latin syntax and the elaborate notarial or curial style of the chancelleries that would be very familiar to her thanks to her husband’s work as a royal secretary184—presents considerable challenges to the translator. Previous translators have understandably made it almost a principle to divide up Christine’s often convoluted syntax into shorter sentences that will ease the task of the modern reader. I have on occasion had recourse to this approach, but not as a matter of principle, more a concern to preserve the reader’s sanity and attention. That said, I have, however, attempted, where appropriate, to give the reader some idea of Christine’s uncompromising, labyrinthine, muscular style, apparent particularly in the commentary that accompanies the numerous exempla that she narrates. The rapid flow of ideas in the commentary can in fact on occasion outpace attention to syntactical detail, leaving the reader to untangle the thread of the argument. Happily the exempla are presented in a much brisker, simpler style that might catch the attention of the young prince to whom the text is dedicated. Two relatively minor items deserve a brief mention. Christine frequently indicates a transition to a new example by including the word “Item” at the beginning of a paragraph, with the sense of “in like manner.” I have omitted these “items,” as they may simply puzzle some readers. Secondly, given the large numbers of citations from Valerius Maximus, I decided to use quotation marks sparingly as their profusion (if used throughout) would be likely to distract readers’ attention unnecessarily. Many quotations are therefore introduced simply by a colon. In addition to an updated Introduction, Notes, and Bibliography, the translation includes two innovations that will benefit readers both of the translation and of the original French text published in 1998. A particular problem faced by the translator involves Christine’s handling of proper names, which can get distorted in their transmission from text to text. One 183. On some of the issues involved in reading medieval texts in the light of our current interests, see Liliane Dulac and Christine Reno, “Christine de Pizan, proche et lointaine,” in Lire les textes médiévaux aujourd’hui: Historicité, actualisation et hypertextualité, ed. Patricia Victorin (Paris: Champion, 2011), 35–55. 184. See Burnley, “Christine de Pizan and the So-Called style clergial.”

Introduction 53 of the new elements in this translation is the inclusion of a List of Proper Names that tries to identify the people and places concerned. Since some of the distortions would make the form used in the French text unrecognizable (e.g., Aglaus Psophidus occurs in the French text as Aganius Sophidius; Fulvius Nobilior as Aulus Nobileus; the Boii as Voieux, Voyens or Voyeux), I have listed forms likely to cause difficulty at the beginning of the List of Proper Names, in the belief that this will be of service to readers of the original French text. A separate but no less challenging issue arises when Christine herself makes a slip involving proper names (e.g., Christine states that Hellenus is the son of the Argive king Antigonus, whereas Hellenus is in fact the son of Pyrrhus).185 Slips of this kind are indicated both in the notes on the text and in the List of Proper Names. Also an innovation in this translation is the way in which I have presented the Concordance between the Facta et dicta memorabilia of Valerius Maximus and Manuscript BnF fr. 282, the immense Middle French glossed translation of Valerius that Christine used in the composition of her Body Politic. In my 1998 edition of the French text, the Concordance was tied to the Constant edition of Valerius, linking page numbers from Constant to the corresponding folio numbers in the manuscript. While I have used on this occasion the ShackletonBailey edition of Valerius, more likely to be available than that by Constant, the Concordance in this translation should allow the reader to use any edition of Valerius Maximus, as references to this text are now to book, chapter, and paragraph. It is my hope that any scholar interested in the transmission of source material from Manuscript BnF fr. 282 to Christine’s text will find it easier to identify and locate the appropriate passages. The more we know about the source, the more we are likely to understand the way in which Christine incorporates source material in her own unique and original way.

185. Policie, ed. Kennedy, 30:3.

BOOK OF THE BODY POLITIC

Book of the Body Politic Here begins the Book of the Body Politic, which speaks of virtues and conduct, the said book being divided into three parts. The first part is addressed to princes, the second to knights and nobles, the third to the whole community of ordinary people. 5

10

15

20

1.1 THE FIRST CHAPTER DESCRIBES THE BODY POLITIC If it is possible that virtue may be born of vice, I am well pleased in this part to be a passionate woman. Just as a good number of men attribute to the female sex an inability to keep in check or silence the outpourings of their heart, so now let boldness come to the fore, and let there be displayed in several clear rivers the spring and inexhaustible fountain of my heart which cannot cease from pouring forth desires for virtue. Oh virtue, noble and godlike thing, how can I dare be vain enough to speak of you, when I know that my mind cannot really understand or express you? But I am comforted and emboldened when I sense you are so favorably disposed that it will not displease you if I speak of you, not concerning the subtlest things but only those that I can conceive and understand.1 Here I shall invoke you, to the best of my ability, with a view to promoting good behavior, by speaking first of all about the activities and rules of conduct of our superiors, namely the princes, concerning which I humbly beseech their majesties not to take amiss or despise the fact that a humble creature of such limited understanding2 should dare undertake to speak of the rules for such an exalted estate; and may they recall the teaching of the philosopher who said: “However 1. General note on Textual Notes: references to a number followed by the letters a, b, c, or d (e.g. 326c) are references to the folios of MS BnF fr. 282, the glossed translation of Valerius Maximus (abbreviated henceforth to VM) made by Hesdin/Gonesse. On this opening paragraph, see Introduction, 5. These references often contain the abbreviations praef. which signifies praefatio, or preface, and ext. which signifies external (i.e. non-Roman) examples. On the figure of the writer and her alleged inferiority see Liliane Dulac, “La Figure de l’écrivain dans quelques traités en prose de Christine de Pizan,” in Figures de l’écrivain au Moyen Âge: Actes du colloque du Centre d’études médiévales de l’Université de Picardie, Amiens 18–20 mars 1988, ed. Danielle Buschinger (Göppingen: Kümmerle, 1991), 113–23; and Nadia Margolis, “Elegant Closures: The Use of the Diminutive in Christine de Pizan and Jean de Meun,” in Reinterpreting Christine de Pizan, ed. Earl Jeffrey Richards, Joan Williamson, Nadia Margolis, and Christine Reno (Athens and London: University of Georgia Press, 1992), 111–23. For a discussion of the role of virtue in the text, see Suzanne Conklin Akbari, “Death as Metamorphosis in the Devotional and Political Allegory of Christine de Pizan,” in The Ends of the Body: Identity and Community in Medieval Culture, ed. Suzanne Conklin Akbari and Jill Ross (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013), 283–313. I am grateful to Lori Walters for providing this reference. 2. See preceding note 1.

57

58 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

great you may be, never despise, just because of his lowly status, the person who gives you good advice.”3 After that I hope to speak, by the grace of God, of the rules of conduct appropriate to nobles and knights, and then, thirdly, of those appropriate to the community of ordinary people, which three estates ought to exist together within one single body politic, as though it were a real living body, as Plutarch puts it, in a letter which he sent to the emperor Trajan, comparing the state to a living body, in which the prince or princes play the part of the head, in so far as they are or ought to be the rulers; from them must come particular laws, just as from man’s mind spring forth the external actions that the limbs perform. The knights and nobles play the role of the hands and arms, for just as a man’s arms are strong to sustain toil and effort, so they must take on the task of defending the prince’s right and the state. And they can also be compared to the hands, for just as the hands turn aside things that are harmful, so must they repel and drive away all things that are malign and useless. The common people resemble the stomach, feet and legs, for just as the stomach receives into itself what the head and limbs prepare, so the actions of the prince and nobles must be directed towards the common good and mutual love, as will be shown more clearly later. And just as the legs and feet support the weight of the human body, so the laborers sustain all the other estates.4 3. The philosopher par excellence is of course Aristotle (numerous Latin quotations are often introduced by the words “Philosophus dixit” (the Philosopher said). However, one should note in this instance that a very similar quotation, this time attributed to Seneca, occurs in Christine’s Livre des fais d’armes et de chevalerie, in “Christine ‘antygrafe,’ ” ed. Laennec, 2:22; Deeds of Arms, ed. Willard, 12; and The Book of Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvalrye, ed. A. T. P. Byles (London: Oxford University Press, 1932), 7:16–18. 4. On the body politic, and Plutarch’s letter to the Emperor Trajan, see VM 8.9.1 and 326c. As has been mentioned before (Introduction, note 149), it is John of Salisbury who invents the authority of the so-called “Instruction of Trajan” which he attributes to Plutarch: see Policraticus, ed. Nederman, 66, 103, 125, 137, 164, 190. For the image of the body politic, see also Christine, Le Chemin de longue étude, ed. Tarnowski, 413–15; Christine, Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., 134, 266; Jean Gerson, Vivat rex, in Œuvres complètes, ed. Glorieux, 7:1142, 1146, 1155, 1166; and Gilles de Rome, Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 46–47, and 190: 8–15; the last cited henceforth as Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer. For a comparison between the body politic as presented respectively by John of Salisbury and Christine, see Kate Langdon Forhan, “Polycracy, Obligation and Revolt: The Body Politic in John of Salisbury and Christine de Pizan,” in Brabant, Politics, Gender, and Genre, 33–52. For “masculine” and “feminine” bodies politic, see Tsae Lan Lee Dow, “Christine de Pizan and the Body Politic,” in Green and Mews, Healing the Body Politic, 227–43. On the body politic in general, see Forhan, Political Theory, 45–75. For a comprehensive and perceptive treatment of the body politic in Christine’s work as a whole (including her debt to tradition, her originality in the importance she attaches to women’s intelligence and virtue, the tensions between interdependence and inequality, distributive justice, the various estates) see Stephen H. Rigby, “The Body Politic in the Social and Political Thought of Christine de Pizan,”  Part 1: “Reciprocity, Hierarchy and Political Authority,” Cahiers de recherches médiévales et humanistiques 24 (2012): 461–83; and Rigby, “The Body Politic, in the Social and Political Thought of Christine de Pizan,” Part 2: “Social Inequality and Social Justice,” Cahiers de Recherches

Book of the Body Politic 59 1.2 ON THE IMAGE OF VIRTUOUS FELICITY

5

10

15

20

25

And so, we must deal with virtue, for the sake of the rules of living for three different estates. Human life must be regulated in all its activities by virtue, and without it no man may attain honor. That virtue equates to the right degree of honor is shown by Valerius who says that what plentifully nourishes virtue is honor. On this topic Aristotle says that reverence is due to honor in that it testifies to virtue. This means that honor must be attributed only to the virtuous, not to the rich and powerful, but to virtue alone. For according to him, only the good are honored. And there is nothing more desired by noble hearts than honor, for he himself says in the fourth book of Ethics that power and wealth are desired only for honor.5 Now it is good that honor and consequently virtue are especially appropriate to kings and great princes. Now we must distinguish the various elements of virtue. In the twentieth chapter of the City of God, Saint Augustine explains matters in this way. He indicates that the philosophers say that virtue is the aim of human good and evil, that is, that human happiness consists in being virtuous. In felicity there must be great delight, otherwise it would not be felicity. The ancient philosophers depicted and portrayed the image of this joy and felicity in the following way: she resembled a very beautiful queen, of very delicate features, seated on a royal throne. Round about her were the virtues, who kept their gaze on her face, awaiting her commands, ready to serve and obey her. She commanded Prudence to enquire diligently how she could reign for a long time and be healthy and in a secure position. She commanded Justice to do what she should and guard the laws so that there would be peace. She commanded Fortitude to moderate any pain that might affect her body through resistant and virtuous thought. She commanded Temperance to take wines and meats and other delightful foods in such moderation that no harm would come to her by taking more than was reasonable.6 Médiévales et Humanistiques 25 (2013): 559–79. Both parts available online respectively at : and . 5. For Valerius, Aristotle and honor, see 99b–d, part of the commentary added to VM 2.6.5. This section of Policie contains the first of many references to Aristotle. On Christine and Aristotle, see Kate Langdon Forhan, “Reading Backward: Aristotelianism in the Political Thought of Christine de Pizan,” in Hicks, Gonzalez, and Simon, Au Champ des escriptures, 359–81; and Sylvie Lefèvre, “Christine de Pizan et l’Aristote oresmien,” in Hicks, Gonzalez, and Simon, Au Champ des escriptures, 231–50. See also Cary J. Nederman, “The Living Body Politic: The Diversification of Organic Metaphors in Nicole Oresme and Christine de Pizan,” in Green and Mews, Healing the Body Politic, 19–33. 6. On Augustine, the ancient philosophers, felicity, see VM 4.3.6b and 188d–89a. For a discussion of Christine’s subversion of her source, see Karen Green, “Philosophy and Metaphor: The Significance of Christine’s ‘Blunders,’ ” Parergon 22.1 (2005): 119–36. On the complexities of understanding Christine’s use of “Prudence,” see Karen Green, “On Translating Christine as a Philosopher,” in Green and Mews, Healing the Body Politic, 117–37.

60 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

Thus, by this account one can understand that to be virtuous is nothing other than to have within oneself all the things that draw you towards good and lead away from evil and vice. Therefore, to govern the body politic well, it is necessary for the head to be healthy, that is, virtuous. For if it were unhealthy, all the limbs would feel the effects. And so we shall begin to discuss the medicine for the head, that is, the king or princes, and since our work begins with the head, we shall begin at the beginning, that is, the childhood of the prince who is nurtured under the authority of his relatives. 1.3 ON THE EDUCATION OF THE CHILDREN OF PRINCES

10

15

20

25

Because we are commanded firstly and explicitly to love God, one must introduce the prince’s child to this love, as soon as he is able to understand, and encourage him to serve God through short, simple prayers appropriate to his level. For habits acquired in childhood are not easily relinquished. And as proof that such a thing is pleasing to God, the psalmist says that it is in the mouths of children and babies that God has perfected his praise,7 that is, He finds such praise pleasing to Him. And then, when he grows older, he should be introduced to reading and writing and the divine service, as the princes of France, more than is generally the case anywhere else (God be praised), have adopted the commendable custom of teaching their children to hear mass every day and say their prayers from their Books of Hours.8 And so, he should be provided with a tutor, prudent and wise more in morals than in great knowledge,9 although the children of princes were once taught by philosophers. We read of Philip, king of Macedonia and father of Alexander the Great, that he wrote to Aristotle that he was delighted a male child had been born to him, but that he was even more delighted that he had been born in Aristotle’s lifetime, so that he could be taught and tutored by him, which indeed happened later, for Aristotle was the tutor of Alexander the Great.10 However, because 7. Psalms 8:2. 8. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 193:29–195:31. 9. On the tutor, see Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 202:40–206:4. 10. On Philip of Macedon, Alexander and Aristotle, see Denis Foulechat, Le Policratique de Jean de Salisbury, 1372, Livres 1–3, ed. Charles Brucker (Geneva: Droz, 1994), 84; and Policraticus, ed. Nederman, 45. Christine alludes to the letter to Aristotle in the Chemin de longue étude, ed. Tarnowski, 5844–46, and the Mutacion, ed. Solente, 2:5832–40. In the Chemin de longue étude, 5835 (see also note 2), Christine cites “Agellius” as her source, namely, Aulus Gellius. See also Policraticus, ed. Nederman, 45, and Aulus Gellius, Noctes atticae, ed. Peter K. Marshall (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968), 1:280. One should note also Evencio Beltrans’s important article “Christine de Pizan, Jacques Legrand et le Communiloquium de Jean de Galles,” Romania 104 (1983): 208–28, where it is suggested that Christine knew and made use of, especially in her Chemin de longue étude and Policie, a hitherto unknown source, the Communiloquium composed by the Franciscan John of Wales (died ca. 1304); cited

Book of the Body Politic 61

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

princes at the present time are not so desirous of acquiring advanced learning (though may it please God that they may return to what used to be the custom), I think it best that they seek out a very discreet tutor, a reliable man who loves God (not necessarily one of the most excellent and subtlest philosophers, although it would be very commendable if they could find such a perfect person), rather than a very great scholar who was less prudent and less well-trained. And the princes should diligently enquire about these matters, for the good morals that the child sees in the tutor, his wise words and behavior, provide him with a lesson and a mirror. Thus the wise tutor must behave with great prudence in a post such as this, for although a child’s nature can be disciplined only through fear, it is nonetheless appropriate for the prince’s child that another method be found to instill fear without recourse to harsh beatings. For too severe a means of correcting this child, who is brought up in luxury and who already is becoming aware of his great status by the honor shown to him, could lead him to feel not chastised, but indignant, with regard to his lessons and especially to his tutor, which would be to the detriment of discipline, the tutor’s safety and the health of the child who has had a delicate and tender upbringing. But what must the wise tutor do? He must act towards him heeding the example provided by the lion. For just as it is usual for other small children, sons of barons, to be brought up alongside the children of princes, who are all his pupils, he must be severe towards them when they misbehave in the same way as the prince’s son, and chastise them appropriately, more by showing a threatening countenance than by beatings. Similarly, he must direct these threats at the prince’s son if he does not respond to correction, and on occasion make him feel the sting of the rod; in this way he will make him feel ashamed of his misbehavior, very fearful and obedient. And the wise tutor must beware of being too familiar or too intimate with his pupil, for the latter will fear him less, and he must ensure that the child does not see him playing silly games, laughing or speaking foolishly or being too familiar with anyone. He must act as if he enjoyed a half measure of authority over everyone. His expression should be serious and calm, his clothing clean and honorable. In front of the pupil he should not speak empty words, but ones that are profitable and provide good examples; however, he should not always adopt a severe countenance nor express himself haughtily. Rather, when the child retains what he has been taught or does something good, the tutor should greet him in a kindly manner and compliment him with gentle words. The master should please him by gifting him little things that children like, or sometimes, in a suitable manner, telling him children’s stories henceforth as Beltran, Communiloquium. On Alexander the Great in Christine’s work, see Glynnis M. Cropp, “The Exemplary Figure of Alexander the Great in the Works of Eustache Deschamps and Christine de Pizan,” in Kennedy et al., Contexts and Continuities 1:301–13; and Cropp, “Christine de Pizan and Alexander the Great,” in Campbell and Margolis, Christine de Pizan 2000, 125–34.

62 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

about some amusing matter to make him laugh, and all of this so that he will look favorably and with love both on his studies and on the master himself. The master, must prescribe, within an agreed period of time, an appropriate and wellregulated hour during which the child will devote himself to and continue his studies, and afterwards give him time to play for a while before his meal,11 which should be well balanced and not consist of foods and wines that are too rich or delicate,12 since these can on occasion corrupt or cause illness. And when the child comes to study his grammar, at that point the master should begin to use more subtle words in his teaching, depending on what he considers the child is capable of understanding, and so little by little he will give him more and more, just as the nurse increases the child’s food according to the stage of his growth. To tell the truth, I suppose that the prince would want his child to be sufficiently introduced to reading and writing so as to know the rules of grammar and understand Latin, which, may it please God, should be the usual custom for all the children of princes, at present and in the future.13 For I suppose that great good would ensue for them and their subjects, in so far as they would increase in virtue. Take the very prudent prince, the duke of Orleans, who is alive at the present time: he had his children educated even in logic, and has them continue their studies, earnestly urged to do so by his wife, the very wise, good and virtuous duchess, who appreciates and honors the value of learning and knowledge, and, as a prudent mother, does everything to ensure that her children are very welleducated and instructed in letters and in all the virtues.14 In addition, when the child’s understanding begins to develop and is able to conceive more, the above mentioned master must nourish him with wise teaching, especially in morals, either by giving examples or having him read books which explain the reasons underlying them. And he must make him understand the difference between good and evil, and teach and show him how to follow the path of good morals and virtue, as did the renowned valiant princes, his predecessors, and others, in order to demonstrate the great good that comes from being virtuous and which comes to those who are virtuous and who govern themselves well, and by contrast the evil that comes to the wicked or vicious. And if he sees him in any way inclined towards or gifted in learning, to make it more attractive to him, he should show and convey the great felicity that comes from learning, 11. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 212:37–38. 12. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 209:37; Jean Gerson, Vivat rex, ed. Glorieux, 7:1169. 13. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 197:11–202:40. 14. On Louis of Orleans (1372–1407), second son of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon and brother of Charles VI, and Louis’ wife Valentine Visconti (1364–1408), daughter of Jean-Galéas (Gian Galeazzo) Visconti and Isabelle of France, see Charles V, ed. Solente, 1:169–76. Christine, who never loses the opportunity to valorize women, praises Valentine also in the City of Ladies; see Città delle dame, trans. Caraffi, ed. Richards, 422.

Book of the Body Politic 63 and open up to him the paths of philosophy, that is to say, to make him aware and appreciate the whole range of learning. And so, by having a master of this kind right at the beginning, the prince’s son will be able, if he continues in his learning, to attain excellence in virtue and renown once he comes of age. 5

10

15

20

25

30

35

1.4 ON WHAT KIND OF MEN OUGHT TO BE GIVEN THE GOVERNANCE OF THE CHILDREN OF PRINCES 15 When the prince’s son is somewhat older, he should be separated from the women who brought him up, and be entrusted principally to the care of a mature knight of great authority, and one must ensure that this knight is wise, a loyal man of good life, and likewise any others who are with him. This knight must diligently see to the child’s morals as much as or even more than to the care of his body. He must ensure that he gets up at an appropriate time, hears mass, says his prayers from his Book of Hours, has a pleasant and confident countenance, speaks well to people, greets them in a kindly manner, and shows to everyone who speaks to him the honor that is due to their status. The knight must explain to him what constitutes honor and valor in chivalry, tell him about the good deeds accomplished by a good number of valiant men, make him aware of who is the good and the best in his father’s household and elsewhere, and whom one should honor most; he ought to show and explain to him the importance attached to arms, the rules governing battle and chivalry, how to fight, to attack, to defend, and for what conflicts one can take up arms and fight, what harness is the best, the strongest, the most secure, the most comfortable, all explanations being given, how one must adapt one’s arms according to the type of battle or feats of arms to be undertaken, what the practice was in the past and what it is now, how he must praise the good and the valiant, attract them to him, honor and love them, and all manner of things like these. And the knight should ensure that no teller of untrue tales, or none that might lead him to folly, should be in the company of the growing prince; if he knows any of this kind, he should remove them from the prince’s presence immediately. He should see to it too that the children around him should be well brought up, so that they do not lead him into wrongdoing or childish mischief. If the prince’s child misbehaves, he must correct him, pointing out that this is not an appropriate way for a prince to conduct himself, that if he does not improve, he will incur blame and shame, that a prince without honor is worth nothing, and that if he does not conduct himself differently, he the master will abandon him; he should repeat these things to the child and admonish him frequently. And the children of princes and great lords should be tutored in this way, so that they will attain honor in the years that lie ahead of them. 15. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 202:40–206.

64 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

And Valerius confirms this in his book, which describes how the ancients used to introduce young people to good behavior and make them undertake brave deeds and feats of great honor and valor, for they recounted to them the acts of chivalry and prowess of the brave, setting them a good example by telling them that no one can attain to any degree of honor except through virtue. At mealtimes they had songs sung about the deeds of the valiant dead and of the brave exploits of their predecessors, so that the determination of the young people would be strengthened even more. Thus, says Valerius, the ancients established schools of valor, chivalry, and good morals, and from these schools, he says, emerged the Caesars and noble lineages renowned for their prowess and valor.16 And there is no doubt that seeing and hearing wise admonishments in childhood can cause a man to excel in every virtue; and in the same way, by bad teaching, he may be led onto the path of perdition. For Averroës says, in the second book of Physics, that a man may acquire a second nature, that is, through long familiarity with good or evil.17 For this reason, parents must do everything in their power to prevent their children from acquiring bad habits in their youth, for, as Orosius says, the earthen pot will long retain the odor of what it once contained.18 That is why the Greeks, who governed themselves with great wisdom and cunning, were at pains to make sure that those whom they hated should take delight in wicked habits, and by encouraging them in this, they found a way of taking vengeance upon them. 1.5 ON THE EXHORTATIONS TO BE GIVEN TO THE CHILDREN OF PRINCES

25

30

35

Even while he is still a child, the prince’s son should on a number of occasions be taken to the Council where are assembled the wise men and counselors who decide on the needs of the country, all matters arising, and the order of governing the body politic well, so that from his childhood he gets used to hearing about the governance of the lordship19 which pertains to him and to which he is heir, and that he learns well in advance to speak of and reply to matters that concern him directly. The knights and wise men who have him in their charge must tell him to pay attention to what he hears and to retain it in his memory. In addition, those who have charge of him must have discussed in his presence all things that are unfamiliar, different countries, customs of men of war, battles, the government of different places, different kinds of arms, the situation of the clergy, the pope and the church. They should see to it that theologians explain to him the law of the 16. For this paragraph, see VM 2.1.9–10, and 75b. 17. On Averroës, see VM 7.2.ext.18 and 278a. 18. On Orosius and the earthen pot, see VM 7.2.ext.18 and 278a–b. 19. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 202:36–40.

Book of the Body Politic 65

5

10

15

20

25

commandments, what one should adhere to and believe as a Christian. He should on occasion hear sermons and discourses by clerics, and then at times hear about the common people, merchants, and laborers, how they provide for themselves and live, and about the poor, the rich, and thus about every topic, so that his understanding will not be ignorant of anything that should be virtuously known. For the philosopher says that he is not wise who does not understand all things.20 It is good too that at times he should exercise his body in work or participate in games such as real tennis, the martial sport known as barriers, and other similar games, but avoiding excess and keeping a sense of moderation, so that he does not become flabby, heavy and sluggish through too much ease, nor acquire superfluous humors.21 Similarly, one must speak to him about the poor and indigent, show them to him, encourage him to have pity and compassion for them, do good to them out of love for God, and thereby he will win paradise; he should have pity too for poor noblewomen, widows and orphans, and provide for their needs, out of love of God and kindness; he must do the same to the best of his ability for all poor women and men, and graciously hear their requests; one must teach him to be kind, humble, truthful, and show and demonstrate to him that, although by God’s grace and will he has been exalted to high estate, he is as mortal as any other, and will take nothing from this world but the good or evil he has done, for the greater he is, the greater account he will have to give of himself. He must not be proud or arrogant in his heart, despite great honors being shown to him, but in everything must give thanks to God, whose blessings he must acknowledge. Admonishments of this kind, and other good and virtuous advice should be given frequently to the prince’s son. Although he must be allowed to play and relax at times, as has been said, it is important that he remember and retain his lessons in virtue and good morals.

20. Aristotle, Metaphysics, ed. and trans. Hugh Tredennick (2 vols.; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1933), 1:9. Cf. Charles V, ed. Solente, 2:162: “[C]omme dit Aristote: ‘Cellui n’est mie sage qui de toutes choses savables à homme ne scet parler;’ ” and Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., 73 and 212: “Et combien que Aristote die, cellui n’estre droit sage qui de toutes choses ne scet” (And while Aristotle says he is not truly wise who does not know everything). Solente (Charles V, 2:162, note 1) indicates that the source of the quotation in Charles V is Aquinas’s commentary on Aristotle’s Metaphysics, in Saint Thomas Aquinas, Opera omnia, ed. S.-E. Fretté (Paris: Vivès, 1875), 24:344. 21. On exercise, cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 217:22–24; 223:14–26. Real tennis is royal tennis, a game played with a ball, and without racquets, the players hitting the ball with the palm of their hands. “Barriers” refers to the French game of “barres,” in which lines or “barriers” are drawn on the ground to indicate the home base of each of two teams facing up to each other. The aim of the game is for each team to venture out of their base and capture as many of their opponents as possible and place them behind the line marking the appropriate home base.

66 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN 1.6 ON WHAT THE YOUNG PRINCE MUST DO WHEN HE BEGINS TO GOVERN

5

10

15

20

25

When the prince’s son has grown up and come of age, and has reached the time when he has to rule and is already in possession of his rightful heritage, whether it be a kingdom or other lordship, then, just as the fruit appears after the flowers on the trees, there should be shown and made evident in him the perfection of virtue, after the example of the wise king of France, Charles V, who never departed from the path of virtue, for, right from his coronation, even though it was in the flower of his youth, no one could ever reproach him with anything that was inappropriate or that he devoted his time to anything but things that were proper and virtuous, just as I once wrote more fully about him in the book that deals with his deeds and good morals.22 The prince’s virtue must be displayed especially in three things, which are absolutely necessary to him and without which he cannot have or acquire the crown of praise and good renown, and consequently of honor. The first and most important one is to love God as has been said, fear and serve him with integrity, his service being based more on accomplishing good works than on spending time in lengthy prayers. Secondly, he must in particular love the good and progress of his country and people, and to this he must devote his power and application, rather than act for his own benefit. The third is that he must absolutely love, keep and maintain justice without any violation, and show equity to all people; and if he respects completely these three points, he will be a prince crowned with glory in heaven and on earth.23 So now we shall proceed further with our work in this first part, which speaks of the head, that is the prince and princes, and we shall base our approach on the three points just mentioned. We shall speak of the first of these, that is, loving God, from which we shall extract many branches of virtue that depend upon it, and every one of these will be relevant; we shall deal in the same way with the other two. 1.7 ON THE WISE ADVICE THE YOUNG PRINCE SHOULD RECEIVE

30

The good prince who loves God will fear to do anything against his sanctity and commandment and will make every effort to know all the things he should and should not do. And by learning these things, he will become aware of and recognize his fragility as a mortal man, subject to a short life, obsessed as any other 22. It is not only classical antiquity that provides Christine with a model of exemplary conduct. Her Charles V presents this king and his reign (1364–1380) as a “mirror” for all the princes of the blood. Referencing her own works is a frequent indicator of her authority as a writer. 23. On loving God, public interest, and justice, cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 26:13–14, 48:3–49:28, 64:1–3, 98:27, 99:20–21, 33–34.

Book of the Body Politic 67

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

man with mortal, natural and ephemeral things, the only difference being the gifts that Fortune has given him. But when he studies the law of God, by being well instructed about it as every good Christian ought to be, he will perceive the dangers of these gifts with regard to the soul, namely, that if he does not make good use of them, he is lost, and the grandeur of the lordship he has is really a temporary office of short duration which he has to relinquish after a brief period of time, that is, at the time of his death, a dark and terrifying transition, when he will have to render account to the judge from whom nothing is concealed or hidden, and when he will receive payment according to his merit. Therefore, by thinking about these things he will have cause to despise these gifts and honors which are so perilous and impermanent. These thoughts the good prince will retain in his heart, for they will protect him against ignorance and from being puffed up with pride. Nevertheless, since God has raised him up to the office of lordship, it is appropriate that he maintain his position in the world, through moral discretion. And so I think that he will therefore live and govern himself according to the law of a virtuous prince of good habits, and will see to the affairs of the common good of his kingdom, in peace and to the very best of his ability, and will make such discreet use of the pomp and honors which the world bestows upon him that his heart will not be separated from God nor rebel against him. This good prince, God’s representative on earth, will diligently see to the well-being of the church, so that his creator can be served appropriately, as is right and proper. And if there is any discord instigated by the enemy, he will resolve this peaceably, no matter what difficulties he may have, and he will take care, when promoting ministers, not to make any request for any of his servants or anyone else, however close a friend he may be, unless he feels certain he is a good and worthy cleric, likely to merit in God’s service the benefice which he is requesting. And the prince must diligently enquire about this before he takes action; otherwise he will greatly burden his own conscience, and be the cause of damnation of those he promoted to benefices of which they are unworthy, according to the letter of the law. But at present this rule is not being observed, which is a pity, for God knows if sufficient wisdom, integrity, and a just life now underlie the promotion of clerics. On the contrary, the opposite is often true: promotion is achieved by flattery, adulation and other evils, and the requests of great lords; a shipwreck reveals the direction of the wind which struck the vessel, for it is greed that explains their promotion. This is what keeps them in the detestable error of blindness which constitutes the state of the church today. Alas, as Jesus Christ says in the Gospel, speaking to the Pharisees: “The Queen of Sheba who came from a far-off land to witness the wisdom of Solomon will condemn you, you who possess more than Solomon and are unwilling to

68 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

recognize this.”24 And in the same way the pagans, who once kept their law without breaking any part of it, scrupulously remaining faithful to it and observing all the ceremonies with great reverence, although their law was false and reproved by God, will constitute a reproach to Christians, who have a law that is worthy and holy, yet who keep and observe it so unworthily. Is it not written about these ancient pagans that they had so much devotion to their idols and gods that in everything they were diligent and careful to ensure that the laws of their institutions were perfectly observed, and that the priests who made the sacrifices were men of good and honest life; if they were not, they punished them very harshly and reproved them so severely that they would not allow them to err or become evil minded? They demonstrated this in Rome, as Valerius says in the first chapter of his book, when simply because a garland once fell from the head of one of the priests making the sacrifice (the garland was a particular form of headdress, which we would call a miter), they deemed him to be negligent and unworthy of carrying out this task, so they removed him from office. They acted in the same way towards a virgin consecrated to the temple of one of their goddesses named Vesta, because this virgin (who was what we would call a nun) failed to ensure that her lamp, which should remain lit at all times, did not go out (and it was extinguished because of a lack of oil) was harshly punished and removed from office. I could tell you of many more examples.25 But there are a good number of our prelates and priests who have an abundance of very deplorable faults that everyone can see.26 There is no prince or any other who reproaches them for this, but some of them exonerate themselves before they are accused, saying that they are human beings and not angels, and that it is human to sin. Alas, such men are not human, for a man’s body is a small vessel which can be filled with very little, but they are real devils and constitute the infernal abyss, for just as the mouth of hell cannot be sated or filled, no matter how much it receives and takes in, the desires of these people can never be sated or fulfilled, so great is their greed for money and all delights, for which reason evildoing is second nature to them. In them Valerius’s observation finds its confirmation: what is it that avarice and the insatiable desire for gold will not make men do?27 And so the good prince must see to all of these matters, for although the correction of the clergy does not at all fall within his domain, who is a the prelate, 24. Matthew 12:42. The “queen of the south” in this verse is the Queen of Sheba, 1 Kings 10:1. 25. On the ancient pagans, Valerius, a garland, virgin’s lamp, Vesta, see VM 1.1.5–6 and 7d–8a. 26. I have adopted here the reading in manuscript E of Policie: “(prestres) voit on faire (publicquement).” 27. On this sentence, see 382c. The Hesdin/Gonesse commentary on VM 9.4.3 is in fact quoting Virgil, Aeneid, 3:56–57: “Quid non mortalia pectora cogis, / auri sacra fames?” (Accursed thirst for gold, what do you not force human hearts to do?). On avarice, see also Jean-Claude Mühlethaler, “De ira et avaritia ou les faiblesses des grands à l’épreuve de l’actualité: Des miroirs des princes à l’engagement politique sous Charles VI,” Cahiers de recherches médiévales 9 (2002): 215–35.

Book of the Body Politic 69

5

10

15

20

25

no matter how high his rank, or any other priest or cleric, who will dare to resist or murmur against the prince, if the latter rebukes him for his manifest vice and sin? In addition, the good prince must ensure that God’s temple and house should not be polluted or soiled by the commission of various sins there, as is the case with Christians at the present time, nobles, merchants, and people of all estates, who feel no shame in holding their meetings in churches and arranging their assemblies there on secular matters, and God alone knows if many false contracts are negotiated there. Nonetheless, Jesus Christ spoke of such people in the Gospel, saying: “Do you wish to make of my father’s temple, which is a house of prayer, a den of thieves and a place for worldly concerns?”28 The discipline once maintained by these ancient pagans brings censure and damnation upon us, as Valerius recounts regarding the devotion that the Romans showed towards their gods. He tells of two consuls, that is, two dukes and princes of Rome who were abroad with a large army: simply because they met to discuss their order of battle in the temple, the Roman Senate, that is, the great council of the rulers, removed them from office, despite the fact that they were very valiant men.29 And they behaved in a similar manner towards another prince called Fabius Maximus, an extraordinarily courageous man, chivalrous in arms, removing him from the highest princely office that existed in Rome, that of dictator as they called it, for according to their decrees and statutes all ranks could appeal to the dictator, but beyond the dictator there was no appeal. He was removed from office because he had addressed various questions on diverse matters in the temple. On similar grounds they removed Caius Flaminius from his high position, and he was a great leader of men-at-arms.30 Alas, nowadays we do not remove from office those who not only hold their meetings and assemblies in churches but transform them into filthy stables for horses. 1.8 ON THE OBSERVANCES THAT THE GOOD PRINCE OUGHT TO ADHERE TO WITH REGARD TO GOD AND THE LAW

30

35

The good prince who loves God will always bear in mind his commandments, and how the noble name of God must never be taken in vain. To this end he will publish an edict throughout his kingdom forbidding anyone, on pain of severe punishment, to swear abominably or curse and deny his creator. Alas, there is a great need in France at present for this edict be proclaimed, for it is shameful that throughout Christendom such irreverence is regularly shown towards our Savior, for one scarcely hears any other language, either in jest or in earnest, but horrible swearing by the torments of our Redeemer’s Passion, and cursing and 28. Matthew 21:13. 29. On Valerius, two consuls, see 6b–d on VM 1.1.3 30. On Fabius Maximus and Caius Flaminius, see 7d–8a on VM 1.1.5

70 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

denying, every time one starts to speak. I think the pagans of times past would have been reluctant to behave in this way towards their idols and gods. The good prince should proscribe all things of this kind, for they are hostile and defamatory to the Christian religion and can arouse God’s wrath and subvert kingdoms and countries where such things prevail and persist,31 as some prophecies indicate.32 And so the good prince who loves God will observe and diligently respect his divine law and holy decrees in these matters, and all others that are worthy and sacred, which I shall refrain, from discussing for the sake of brevity, and also because a good number of people find discussion of them very boring. And by worthily respecting and observing these laws, the good prince will firmly believe that God will defend, protect him, and make him more powerful in body and soul. And why would he not have faith in the living, omnipotent and just God when those pagans were confident that, through the worship of their gods and idols, their needs were met in full, as is clear from what Valerius says when he commends the city of Rome for having such a great desire to serve the gods. He makes the following observation: our city has always put all else aside for the sake of serving the gods, even things that concerned the honor and sovereign majesty of the emperors, for they firmly believe, he says, that by behaving in this way they obtained the rulership and government of the world; for this reason the emperors of our city and everyone else never grew weary of constantly carrying out their sacred duties.33 Let what has been said suffice for the first point in our first part, which tells how the prince’s virtue must be founded on and demonstrated in the love and service of God. 1.9 ON HOW THE GOOD PRINCE MUST RESEMBLE THE GOOD SHEPHERD Now we have touched on the first point on which the goodness of the prince must be mainly based. It is appropriate that we speak of the second point, namely, that he must especially love the common good and the development of this rather than his own interest, according to the teaching of Aristotle in his book entitled Politics, which says that tyranny arises when the prince seeks his own profit rather than the common good, and that this is contrary to his royal lordship which should concern itself with the profit of his people rather than that of himself.34 We must now discuss how this love will grow and be made manifest. 31. See Introduction, 33, and Kennedy, “Christine de Pizan, Blasphemy.” 32. Exodus 20:7. 33. On Valerius, the city of Rome, and the service of the gods, see 8b, commentary on VM 1.1.6. Note that in this section the ordering of material in manuscript 282, fols. 7–8, is not identical to that in editions of VM. 34. On Aristotle, Politics, tyranny, see 327d and VM 8.9.ext.2. Cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 311:33–314:13; Aristotle, The Politics, trans. T. A. Sinclair, rev. Trevor J. Saunders (Harmondsworth,

Book of the Body Politic 71

5

10

15

20

25

30

The good prince who loves his country will diligently care for his people, following the example of the good shepherd35 who guards his flock, and takes great care to defend them from wolves and wild animals, to keep them clean and in good condition so that they can grow and multiply, produce fine wool of perfect quality and manure for the soil, by which they themselves will be nourished and sustained; and so that the shepherd be well paid for their fleeces, gathered in at the proper time and season. But because the good shepherd who is rich and who has to protect his wealth could not look after his flocks completely on his own, he recruits reliable and suitable help. He takes along with him good, vigilant servants, wise and diligent in their job, whom he knows well as loyal men devoted to his cause. He orders that these servants be provided with good, strong dogs with iron collars, which have already been well-trained by having been led frequently to the fields to hunt for wolves. They leave them untied in the fold at night, so that if robbers came by stealth to take away the sheep, they will run straight at them. By day they will keep them alongside them, on a leash attached to their belt, as the sheep graze peacefully in the fields. But if it comes about that the said servants hear any noise of wolves or of a wild animal leaping towards them from woods or mountain, they then unleash the dogs and let them run, and keep urging them on eagerly; to embolden them even further, they pursue the wolf or wild animal with good staffs studded with iron. If it happens that a sheep goes astray and leaves the flock, the good dogs, who have been trained for this, run after it without doing it any harm, bark at it and return it to the flock. By these means the wise servants protect and guard them so well that they render an excellent account to the head shepherd who is observing them closely. The same is pertinent to our theme and applies to the good prince who cares for the defense and protection of his people and country, for which he, since he cannot be present in person in all places to carry out all the relevant tasks and enterprises, equips himself with very brave retainers, both for chivalric duties and other matters, that is to say, very valiant leaders with whom he is acquainted and whom he knows to be brave and loyal, and who have great love for him, such as a constable, marshals, admiral and others, whom he commands to recruit excellent men-at-arms, knowledgeable about and trained in warfare, whom they bind to themselves by oath, who cannot depart without their leave, and who are always ready for action, so that if some difficulty arises, they can sally forth against the UK: Penguin, 1992), 263–64, 344–56. 35. For the comparison between the prince and the good shepherd, cf. Jean Gerson, Vivat rex, ed. Glorieux, 7:1138, 1160; Chemin de longue étude, ed. Tarnowski, 5521–22; Charles V, ed. Solente, 1:70; and Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., 148, 278. Elsewhere in her work, Christine presents the prince as gardener rather than the prince as shepherd. On this, see Liliane Dulac, “De l’arbre au jardin, de la pastorale à la politique: Quelques transpositions métaphoriques et allégoriques chez Christine de Pizan,” in Dulac et al., Desireuse de plus avant enquerre. . . , 191–208.

72 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

enemies alongside them so that the country will not be devastated or the people killed and pillaged. This is not to imply that the men-at-arms themselves should ruin, devastate and pillage the country, as is happening at present in France, though no one would dare to do this elsewhere. It is a great mischief and a perversion of good practice that those who are in office to defend the people are themselves pillaging, robbing, and destroying them. Some of them behave so cruelly that, except for killing them and setting fire to their homes, their enemies could do no worse. This is not the right method of waging war, which should be carried out justly and without extortion. If this is not done, the men-at-arms and the princes who send them into battle are in great peril of God’s wrath falling upon them and punishing them severely, for there is no doubt that the curses of the people, justly articulated because they feel so oppressed, may prompt God to bring many dire misfortunes upon them, as for example one can find in Holy Scripture and in many other places, for everyone must know that God is just, for all this wrong-doing comes from bad practice.36 If men-at-arms were well paid, one could and should publish an edict requiring them, on pain of punishment, not to take anything without paying.37 By this means they would be able to obtain food and everything they need, cheaply and in plenty. It is truly astonishing that a people can live under such a bad arrangement, and there is no compassion for the misery of their lives. May the Holy Spirit, father of the poor, be willing to visit them. Regarding what has been said above, if a shepherd had a dog that attacked his sheep, he would hit it immediately with his staff. This is not something that the good prince, who loves God and his people, should tolerate. And just as at night one leaves the dogs unleashed in the sheepfold as protection against robbers, the leaders must place and maintain watchmen and spies on the frontiers, sending them far afield, so that that they can find out their enemies’ intentions, and that at night the country and the people are not caught out by deception or some ruse. The men-at-arms have yet another function to carry out: just as the good dog brings back the sheep that goes astray, so the men-at-arms must, if they see the common people wanting to rebel, go over to the enemy, or side with them out of fear, trepidation or ill-will, bring them back to the right path, either by threats or keeping them under close guard. And because it might displease and astonish some people that I compare the noble office of arms to the nature of the dog, it has to be said of course that the dog has naturally many qualities which the good man-at-arms ought to imitate and emulate. The dog has great love for its master, 36. On the pillaging carried out by bands of soldiers, cf. Jean Gerson, Vivat rex, ed. Glorieux, 7:1170. On Christine’s belief that limits should be set on the destructiveness of war, see Berenice A. Carroll, “Christine de Pizan and the Origins of Peace Theory,” in Women Writers and the Early Modern British Political Tradition, ed. Hilda L. Smith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 22–39. 37. Cf. Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., 81, 219; Jean Gerson, Vivat Rex, ed. Glorieux, 7:1170.

Book of the Body Politic 73

5

and is very loyal to him, and the good man-at-arms should conduct himself in the same way. The dog is brave and risks death in defense of its master, and when it is given the task of guarding some place, it listens carefully and wakes immediately to attack evildoers or robbers. It does not bite its master’s friends, but simply sniffs at them as dogs do; nor does it bite neighbors or those in the household in which it is looked after; instead, it guards them to the best of its ability. It is very brave, and fights with great strength, it has great understanding and knowledge, and is friendly to those who show it kindness. The good man-at-arms should have all these characteristics.

10

1.10 ON THE SAME SUBJECT

15

20

25

30

But to return to our first topic: just as it has been said of the good shepherd who sees to it that his sheep are properly looked after and kept in good health, so the good prince will not rely on his ministers to do everything; he himself will show such humanity towards his subjects that he will be willing to hear as many requests as he can. And he will not reject or despise the piteous supplications of the people, but rather will look kindly upon their requests out of mercy and justice.38 And he will take care that they are not unjustifiably oppressed or ruined by wicked ministers and officers. To speak clearly on this matter would require a large amount of time and leisure, and perhaps speaking the truth about many things would be displeasing to a good number of people. But without any doubt it is a great pity that the truth of this kind should be kept concealed and suppressed out of fear or favor.39 Particularly relevant is what Seneca says in the sixth book of On Benefits, in the twenty-first chapter. I will show you, he says, what those who have been raised to high estate are lacking, and what those who think they have everything require: someone to tell them the truth.40 And this judgment is true, for the servants who are around the princes do not seek the latter’s well-being but their own personal gain, and for that reason they are intent only on flattery and saying what their lords want to hear, and in this way their blandishments make them blind. That is why it is written in Policraticus, in the twentieth chapter of book three, that the flatterer is the enemy of all the virtues, and that, as it were, he plunges a nail into

38. Given Christine’s own adverse experience in the courts of justice (after expensive lawsuits following the death of her father and husband), it is hardly surprising that she readily sympathizes with the tribulations of others. 39. Christine is clearly not afraid to speak truth to power. See note 44. 40. On Seneca, see 2c, commentary on VM preface to Tiberius. Cf. Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., 90, 228.

74 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

the eye of the person he gets to know.41 And regarding these officers, namely the bad ones (leaving aside the good about whom I shall not say very much, nor about their deeds), may it please God that the princes recognize them and their deeds, that they realize what kind of people they have around them in the administration of their affairs. For I believe that there is nothing viler nor more corrupt than the conscience of some of these in all their perversities. But there are so many who, with such great deceptiveness, slyly and falsely conceal their vices under the guise and appearance of goodness. But they cannot conceal them totally: the evidence of their mendacious deeds and words, fine as these may seem, shows forth their perversity to all those who fall into their clutches and control. But this is not at all evident to the lords in whose presence they dissimulate, and no one dares raise the topic lest it displease them to hear ill of their own people. And there is a common saying circulating at present among the courtiers: “My Lord’s conduct is too good. He will never have any affection for someone who speaks ill of his people.” Alas, his conduct would be good if he were willing to hear the truth. But if someone were falsely accused out of envy, as could happen from time to time, then they would be completely justified, after proper enquiry,42 in punishing and dismissing the accuser as a jealous slanderer. By this means their people would be afraid of wrong-doing and refrain from the evils that are being done. The good prince should not tolerate such things, but should desire that each of his subjects peaceably carry out the function assigned to him by God: the nobles must do what they are required to do, the clergy attend to the pursuit of knowledge and the divine service, the merchants to their merchandise, craftsmen to their work, peasants to the cultivation of the land. And so each one may live according to his rank in a well ordered community, without being subject to extortion or excessive taxation, so that they can earn an appropriate wage and live under the prince, love him as he ought to be loved by his people, and that he can receive such lawful revenue from them as is appropriate for him to collect and reasonably impose on his country, without fleecing the common people and making them bleed to death. This is reminiscent of a reply once given by the emperor Tiberius, as Valerius recounts: to those who asked him why he did not impose higher taxes on his people, as he could easily do, he replied: “It is appropriate for the shepherd,” he said, “to shear his sheep in one season of the year, and not to skin them alive all the time and draw blood.”43

41. On Policraticus, and flattery, see 2c, commentary on VM preface to Tiberius. Cf. Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., 90–91, 228. 42. I have now adopted the reading “enquis” in manuscripts EGH rather than “acquis,” as printed in Policie, ed. Kennedy, 16:34. 43. On Valerius, Tiberius, see 2d, commentary on VM preface to Tiberius.

Book of the Body Politic 75 1.11 ON THE LOVE THAT THE GOOD PRINCE SHOULD HAVE FOR HIS SUBJECTS

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Now it is appropriate to look briefly here at the prince’s rights within the law, that is, to ask if the good prince can impose a new charge or tax on his people (additional to the usual revenues from his domain), if something unexpected arises. It seems to me that the laws permit and give him sufficient freedom to do this in particular cases, although he must delay this for as long as possible and do it with the greatest reluctance, namely, to defend his land against his enemies if war is waged against him and he needs to hire men-at-arms for the defense of the country, or else to marry his children or rescue them from prison if they happen to be there. In these particular cases and without breaking the law, the good prince can impose new taxes on his subjects that are additional to his normal revenues. But he must do this with compassion and discretion so as to lessen the burden on the poor as far as possible, not spending extra money on superfluous things, but raising only what is necessary for the war. In such a case the rich must support the poor; it is not that the rich should be exempt from tax, as is the case today, and the poor taxed more than ever. It is an astonishing law, if I dare say this with all due respect, whomsoever it may displease, that exempts the rich and the great officers of the king and the princes, who are given their exalted and powerful positions from the king and his lords, and who can quite easily bear the charge, while the poor, who receive no financial reward from the king, are obliged to pay. If I had done something good for one of my servants, given him his livelihood and a high position, and it happened that I faced some difficulty, how would it be reasonable that he should not come to my aid more readily than the man who received no recompense from me? It is a strange custom that is current today in this kingdom with regard to the taxes that are levied. But if anyone wanted to discontinue it, all the taxes should be applied equally: it should not be that some people of high social standing pay but not the others, for from this arise feelings of envy. To those who pay, this will seem like a humiliation and a kind of servitude, but if everything were uniform, there would be no grounds for reproach However, I am not implying that those who prosecute war for the defense of the country should not be exempt; and what I say about the poor is motivated by compassion for their bitter tears and lamentations that are visible to all. When many of them come to pay the tax levied upon them, they and their poor household then have to do without food, sell their bed or meagre little possessions, at a very cheap price or for nothing at all. Would that it pleased God that the king and noble princes of France were fully informed of this. There is no doubt that there is so much goodness in their noble blood that they would never be able to tolerate such harshness. But it often comes about that some of these tax collectors

76 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

become obese, fat and wealthy from their takings, and God knows (as do others) whether everything serves the purpose for which the tax is levied. Without doubt, if such money is raised just to be squandered on superfluous items, or for anything other than sheer necessity, this constitutes, in the cases already mentioned, sinful behavior on the part of those who levied it and will bring them grievous damnation.44 Regarding what has been said about the noble Romans, who were unbelievers and pagans, yet governed themselves so well that they should serve as an example for us, Valerius says that such was the law of Rome, which was established so that tax revenue should be used for wars and only for that purpose, that it proscribed not only excess in lifestyle but also excess in the consumption of wines and meat beyond what necessity requires, since these, more than the profession of arms or intellectual endeavor, make the body desire rest.45 I shall refrain at present from saying more about this issue, though a great deal could be said, but as expressing an opinion on these matters will not be pleasing to the wicked officials who have enriched themselves from their takings and who would reproach me, I can repeat without arrogance what the great poet Euripides said by way of reply to the Athenians who begged him to remove one sentence from a tragedy he had written. Tragedy, says Valerius, is a kind of literary composition that censures things that are evil within the body politic, the community or principality. He said that he did not compose his works to be blamed or to blame, but to persuade people to live well. Valerius adds that this poet would not stoop so low as to accept the opinion of the people and abandon his own. On this matter Valerius also says: it is certain that fidelity born of reason is praiseworthy, and by this he means that he who has sufficient reason to assess the truthfulness of his good work has every reason to defend it when he is not motivated by pride or arrogance but rather by the conviction of its merit, which he feels to be worthy of praise, for, he says, praising others deemed to be virtuous and wanting to be praised in return for the same reason has its source in the same inward disposition and the same wisdom.46

44. These remarks, in this and the preceding paragraph, show that Christine was not at all afraid to speak out frankly when required (cf. note 39). On taxes, cf. also Jean Gerson, Vivat rex, ed. Glorieux, 7:1178. 45. Regarding Valerius, the law of Rome, and revenues, Christine is thinking perhaps of the numerous allusions in VM and manuscript 282 to the decorum and restraint associated with Roman morals and customs; for example, VM 2.5.1, and 84a, 351a. 46. On Valerius, Euripides, see VM 3.7.ext.1a; for details that figure only in the commentary, see 166b–c.

Book of the Body Politic 77 1.12 EXAMPLES FROM THE DEEDS OF THE ANCIENTS REGARDING THE MATTER DISCUSSED ABOVE

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

To conclude what has been said, namely, that the good prince will prefer the good of his people rather than his own and will not consider wealth or anything else attributed to him as being for his own profit, we will once again take the Romans as our example. These are Valerius’s own words: the very valiant Roman princes, he says, had such great affection for the common good, and were so unconcerned about their own welfare, that they had to marry off their own daughters at the expense of the community, for they had not saved enough to give them a dowry appropriate to their great rank. Even after their death, their debts and funerals had to be paid for from the common purse: this was the case for many, even the greatest, such as the very valiant Fabricius and Scipio Africanus, who were such valiant men, other celebrated conquerors, and very noble, good princes of Rome. The people willingly consented to this, in view of, and as a reward for, the great good they had accomplished, these noble men who owned nothing but their great and glorious deeds. For although they were poor in terms of Fortune’s gifts, they were rich in terms of the justly deserved great and noble honors bestowed upon them. From this it seems, and it is in fact true, that the bravest are not always the richest, nor most smiled upon by Fortune when it comes to wealth.47 But Fortune comes to their aid in another, more dignified manner when it helps them acquire the highest renown and honor. For despite the poverty of these valiant conquerors and noble men, they were dictators or consuls, whom we would call emperors or the greatest princes, and who were often given splendid triumphs, an extraordinary honor awarded to their princes or sovereigns when they had won glorious victories, and we shall explain later what a triumph was. For their wealth consisted of beautiful virtues, and in Rome at that time the hearts of men and women were filled with great fortitude. The more virtuous one was, the more dignity one had, for no attention was paid to how much each possessed, but to how much each was worth in terms of goodness and knowledge. And the man who excelled in virtue had the greatest authority, for which reason Valerius writes these eloquent words: such things brought men together and formed links between them; such things had power within and without, for under this arrangement everyone strove to further the cause of the country rather than their own interests, as one can see from the princes who preferred to be poor in a rich empire than to have wealth and abundance in a poor country. For that reason, these noble men were given an appropriate reward: their penury was alleviated by financial aid from the state.48 47. On Valerius, Fabricius, Scipio Africanus, see VM 4.4.10, and 195b; on state help for the funeral of other great men, see VM 4.4.1–2 and 193a–b; VM 5.2.3, and 218a. 48. On Valerius and his eloquent words, see VM 4.4.9 and 194d.

78 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Since we have started to speak about these noble Roman princes, and how their noble virtues can and must provide an example and mirror to every good prince and valiant man, let us speak more of them. Valerius tells of another valiant consul called Marcus Curius, who was a great conqueror who acquired very great lordships for the Romans. When the latter was once at the siege of the city of Samnite, the Samnite spies reported that he was not very well equipped for the siege, not in terms of noble men-at-arms, for of these he had plenty, but in terms of vessels for eating and drinking and their living conditions. Then those inside the city sent messengers to him with great gifts, for they thought they could bribe him in this way. His response is recorded in writing by Valerius who emphasizes his frugality and valor, saying: Marcus Curius, who was a very clear and polished mirror of virtues thanks to his sacred rule of moderation, wanted the Samnite messengers to see what meat he ate and the manner of his eating: he sat on a bench by the fire and was served with small portions in wooden bowls. Nonetheless, he refused their gifts, great presents of gold and silver and rich vessels, replying that he preferred to be master of wealth rather than have wealth be master of him, for it seemed to him that he was indeed master because he held wealth in contempt and turned his back upon it. But if he had accepted it, it seemed to him that he would have been vanquished by it. And remember, he said, that Marcus will not be vanquished by gifts nor as far as he is able in battle. This Marcus Curius was such a valiant man that he defeated King Pyrrhus who had come to the aid of the city of Tarentum against the Romans. In his army Pyrrhus had 80,000 foot soldiers and 120,000 in his cavalry: of these 30,000 were killed and 13,000 taken prisoner. And Pyrrhus fled from Italy after being there for five years. The Romans won great booty, but the good and valiant prince did not at all want to enrich himself, preferring that everything be distributed to the knights and men-at-arms, except for what he sent to the city treasury in Rome. What he kept for himself was honor alone, and that was sufficient for him, preferring others to have the profit and the spoils of war.49 Among other Roman princes Valerius tells of the great virtue of the valiant consul called Fabricius, whom I have mentioned before, who similarly was of such great virtue that, although Fortune had not given him wealth of any kind, he nonetheless rejected very great and impressive gifts which king Pyrrhus sent to him in the belief that he could bribe him. This is the same Fabricius who was much spoken of for his great valor and honor, and of whom his great adversary king Pyrrhus so eloquently said: the sun will lose its brightness before Fabricius loses his integrity. For king Pyrrhus’s doctor had approached Fabricius, saying he would poison his master if he paid him well, but the very valiant man replied that this kind of victory was not part of Roman custom. So he took the doctor and sent him back to king Pyrrhus, who, thanks to the generosity and complete 49. For this whole paragraph, see VM 4.3.5, and 187b–c. Curius appears as Turnius in the French text.

Book of the Body Politic 79

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

integrity that had been shown, loved Fabricius so much that he sent word to him, saying that out of love for him he would make peace with the Romans and cause them no further harm, provided they allowed him to rule in peace the territory he had conquered. But the valiant man could not consent to this peace unless king Pyrrhus surrendered all that he possessed of Roman territory. King Pyrrhus did everything in his power to win over Fabricius to his side, and when he saw that he would never succeed, he praised his virtue so much that he said he would never fight him again, and although preparations had been made for battle, he withdrew to Tarentum. Valerius also recounts that on one occasion this same Fabricius said something memorable in the company of others. It was reported in his presence that there was a philosopher in Athens who adhered to a sect and a particular way of life: he said that men should do nothing except for their delight and bodily satisfaction. The valiant man despised this teaching and the judgment expressed, and considered these to be vain, foolish and dishonorable, saying that every delight, if it does not come from virtuous endeavor, must be despised; the only delight that is praiseworthy, not that of body and soul, is the one enjoyed by good people who take pleasure in doing good. This judgment was true, Valerius says, and appeared to be unequivocal. For the city of Athens, which used to govern by such diligence and the study of wisdom and virtue, lost its predominance as soon as it lapsed into the delights and pleasures of the flesh, and the city of Rome, so long as it adhered to the exercise of virtue, vanquished, conquered and triumphed over all territories. And how Athens fell away from virtue will be told in what follows.50 And still with regard to the good prince as someone devoted to the welfare of his country, a king of Thebes called Epaminondas was a prince of extraordinary virtue who was completely victorious over his enemies. In a battle he was struck through the body by a lance, and, as he lay dying, he was so delighted that his enemies had been defeated that he was completely indifferent to death. And he spoke these words to those gathered around him: “The gods have given me such happiness when I see my city of Thebes as the first city of Greece, and the strong, courageous city of Sparta brought low by our arms. I do not die without an heir, for I leave you two daughters whom I have created for you.” By this he meant the two noble cities that he had acquired, for he had no natural heirs. He was anxious that these two conquests should preserve his memory, just as fathers live on in their children. Justin heaps praise on Epaminondas. He kept acquiring many territories not for himself but for the country, for he was so indifferent to wealth that, when he died, there was not enough money found to pay for his funeral. He was no more boastful than he was greedy: he conducted himself with such self-restraint that he was not so much adorned with his honors and rank, as they with him, that 50. On this and the preceding paragraph (Valerius, Fabricius, Pyrrhus, a philosopher, Athens), see VM 6.5.1d, and 258d–59a; VM 4.3.6b, and 188b–89b.

80 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

is to say that his own virtues outshone any other adornment, and, as Valerius says, he did not lose at the moment of his death the principles that underlay his life. For when he was brought back half-dead to his lodgings, and he recovered consciousness a little, he asked those around him if his enemies had taken away his shield, when he fell in battle. And when he heard that they had not, he was filled with joy, had it brought to him and kissed it, asking about the manner of the victory. And when they told him, he said that all was well. And immediately he expired. Following his death, the Athenians, who often had experience of his virtue and strength, lapsed into laziness and inactivity, and engrossed themselves in vanities. For this reason, they fell into decline.51 1.13 ON WHY VALERIUS IS CITED SO FREQUENTLY IN THIS BOOK

15

20

25

30

Because the famous book composed by Valerius Maximus on the deeds of the Romans gives me material to carry out, through illustrations, the sole intention which I am pursuing, I cite him more than any other author. This intention is, as has been said before, to incline hearts to virtue and good living, whether they be princes, knights and nobles, or common people. For as the same Valerius points out, examples are more effective than simply words in inclining people to desire honor and worth and to love virtue, as Aristotle confirms in the tenth book of Ethics.52 So, following the approach of this noble author Valerius to make the hearts of those who deign to hear this teaching more open to virtuous works, through which one acquires true honor, I have undertaken to present various examples of things that happened to several illustrious men in past times who, through their merits, are remembered in this book. Hearing about them gives delight to noble hearts through the hope it arouses that they too may acquire honors; and for these, virtue must be desired for its own sake. For we see honor being attributed to all remarkable things of real quality, such as great courage or great knowledge or any other virtue. And because I refer to these valiant Roman conquerors I have named, and others like them, as princes, it might seem to some people that they were not nor could be princes, since they did not have great territorial possessions nor wealth. Nevertheless, following Valerius’s approach, it appears that the Romans valued the greatness of honors in terms of courage and virtue, and not in possessions. He does not just call them princes, but refers to them in his book as emperors, as appears in several chapters, when he speaks

51. On Epaminondas, his two daughters (cities), Justin, death of Epaminondas, see VM 3.2.ext.5, and 146c–47b. 52. On Valerius, examples, Aristotle’s Ethics, see 339d, commentary on VM 8.15 praef., and 230c, lines 6–9, and VM 5.4.ext.1.

Book of the Body Politic 81 of Scipio Africanus, Pompey the Great, Sulla and others. Yet they were never invested with empire.53 1.14 ON LIBERALITY IN THE PRINCE AND EXAMPLES FROM THE ROMANS 5

10

15

20

25

30

35

We shall therefore continue our discussion by proving through examples what a virtuous good prince requires. With regard still to the second of the three things necessary to him, namely, that he will be devoted to the public good, etc., liberality is not only an appropriate but necessary virtue for the good prince who loves the welfare of all his people. By possessing this he will benefit in three ways, namely: it will be to the profit of his soul, if his liberality is prudent; it will bring praise and honor to his renown; thirdly, it will win over the hearts not only of his subjects but of strangers as well. For there is no doubt that there is nothing that promotes the prince’s cause as much as discreet liberality. Oh! what benefits the Romans reaped from liberality when on one occasion the Carthaginian envoys had come to Rome to pay the ransom for their prisoners captured in battle during the wars between them! The Romans handed them over without demanding any ransom whatsoever, even though the prisoners were noble and wealthy young men of great authority, of whom there were one thousand seven hundred and forty-four. Valerius praises and glorifies this liberality in three ways, saying: “Oh what extraordinary liberality to release such a great number of the enemy, to despise so much ransom money, to forgive so many wrongs!” “I think,” he said, “that the envoys were astonished at such generosity.” He goes on to say: “Oh Roman generosity equal to the goodness of the gods, this embassy was more richly provided for than your enemies could have dared ask for!” And there is no doubt that the Romans acquired lordships and territorial possessions as much as if not more through their generosity than by arms, for many noble foreign countries, seeing the unsurpassed nobility of their customs, handed themselves over to them, not in the hope of becoming slaves but of winning their freedom.54 Bearing witness to the same point Valerius says: “The empire of Rome, or rather its lordship, did not grow so much by the strength of their bodies as by the tenacity of their spirit.” Praising liberality as a virtue that princes must possess, along with humanity and clemency, Valerius further says (and word-for-word I have gathered all the quotations from his book both for their beauty and their meaning) that he could not give liberality more fitting companions than humanity and clemency, for they deserve identical praise. Liberality is shown to those 53. Christine is not quoting a specific passage here but is referring in general terms to the muchrepeated theme in MS 282 of the Romans’ preference for honor over wealth. 54. On this paragraph, see 209a–c, and commentary on VM 5.1.1a. Cf. Chemin de longue étude, ed. Tarnowski, 5981–90.

82 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

who are poor and needy, and who require others to show largesse and generosity towards them. Humanity is shown to those who are ill or imprisoned or in bodily distress. Clemency is shown to those who through adverse Fortune have fallen into poverty and are in peril of losing their lives or possessions, and who can be pardoned or punished, subject as they are to their overlord and his authority. The prince has it within his power to pardon or alleviate all such tribulations, and he is obliged to do so, if he is willing, because of these virtues, to care for his poor subjects with kindness and compassion, whilst upholding justice not too harshly, especially in matters that are not contrary to nature. And although, says Valerius, you do not know which of these virtues is to be praised most of all, nonetheless it seems that the sovereign virtue is the one associated with God, that is liberality, which resembles divine virtue which reaches out to all and through which one acquires new friends. For this reason, since it is more in the power of princes than in that of any others to be liberal, and since it is essential for them to have friends and people well disposed towards them, I say that liberality is not only appropriate but necessary to them. It even adds to their glory, as is written of the emperor Titus in the fourteenth chapter of the third book of the Policraticus: through his liberality, he made such amends for his father’s vice of avarice that he was known by all as “the love and delight of the human race.” And Cicero says in the second book of On Duties: “There is no greater vice than avarice in a prince, or in those who govern the state.” But because we keep saying at length that the good prince must be liberal, it is necessary to explain in what manner and on what things his liberality should be extended. Seneca declares in the second book of On Benefits that the prince, or the person wishing to make a gift, must take into account the power and authority of the giver, and also the power and status of the recipient, so that he does not present a lesser gift than is appropriate for him to give, nor greater or smaller than is appropriate for the recipient. And the prince, or donor, must consider to whom and why the gift is being made, for there is a difference between making a gift for merit or as a reward for some good deed, and making a gift out of noble generosity and perfect courtesy. For if it is for merit, the prince must see to it that he cannot be accused of parsimony or excessive economy in his giving: the gift must always be made with generosity and according to merit. But when the gift is made without great desert or merit, although it befits a prince or powerful individual to make a great gift as and when appropriate, he can nonetheless give a small gift to a poor or indigent person. This liberality must also be tempered by prudence, as Cicero says in the book mentioned previously. For let us suppose that the prince or some other willingly makes a lavish gift, he must consider how he can effectively continue to do so, not like those who are prodigal with their wealth and distribute it indiscriminately. This liberality must come from his own wealth and not that of others, for, according to Saint Ambrose in the first book

Book of the Body Politic 83

5

10

15

20

25

of On the Duties of The Clergy, it is not at all liberality when you give to the one and take from others, for nothing is liberal if it is not just. Also, from what has been said, liberality is a virtue associated with God, and one that is appropriate for every good prince to have.55 It is, however, appropriate for the good prince to reward to the highest degree the good or friendship shown to him by someone else, and, if the service is great or agreeable to him, he must not take into account the lowly status of the person concerned but the great estate of him who is the beneficiary of the service and who is in a position to reward him well. This can be seen in what is written about king Darius of Persia, not the Darius defeated by Alexander the Great, but the one who gained lordship through cunning: he made his horse neigh, for the princes, unable to agree as to which of them should become the king’s heir and rule the kingdom, had decreed that they would all meet in front of the temple in the morning and whoever’s horse neighed first would be declared to be king. The night before Darius had his horse brought to the meeting place along with a mare. That was why his horse neighed, and he became king of Persia. At a time when this Darius was not very wealthy, a man called Syloson, despite being miserly, willingly and without being asked gifted him a cloak which pleased Darius greatly. It came about that when Darius became king, he did not forget this act of courtesy, and granted him the city and the whole island of Samos, an agreeable island where Pythagoras the philosopher was born. Darius thus took into account not the value of the gift, but the generosity of the donor and the power of the person making the award.56 Mithridates, the very wealthy king who ruled twelve countries, showed great generosity when he rewarded one of his brave knights called Leonicus, for, in order to extract him from the prison of his enemies who had taken him captive in battle, he handed over a very large number of his own prisoners, preferring to increase the numbers of his enemies than not reward someone who had fully deserved to be recompensed.57

55. The contents of this and the preceding paragraph, a long passage on liberality, can be found in 208b–9a, translation of and commentary on VM 5.1 praef. Cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 59:30–65:11. See also Beltran, “Communiloquium,” 220, where it is shown that the same material recurs in the John of Wales text. 56. On Darius, the horse made to neigh, Syloson (Philomites in Christine’s text), Pythagoras, see VM 7.3.ext.2 and 280c–d; VM 5.2.ext.1 and 219b–c (which contains the allusion to Pythagoras). Cf. Charles V, ed. Solente, 2:56. On Darius, see Justin 1.10; Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus, trans. J. C. Yardley (Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1994). 57. On Mithridates and Leonicus, see VM 5.2.ext.2 and 219c.

84 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN 1.15 ON HUMAN PITY IN THE PRINCE

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

We have said enough of liberality in the good prince. Now we must speak of the other two virtues which follow close upon the first and are worthy of similar merit and praise, as has been already mentioned, that is, humanity and clemency,58 which every prince ought to possess, as will be proved through examples. What humanity was shown by the valiant good Roman prince Lucius Æmilius Paullus towards King Perses whom he had defeated in battle so decisively that he was led before him as a captive! But when he knew that he was being led before him, the valiant man went out to meet him, did not allow him to kneel down before him, but rather took him by the hand in a kindly manner, walked along beside him, reassuring and honoring him greatly, seated him beside him at table and in the council, even though the king did not wish this, and treated him graciously as he would his brother.59 Ah, what a noble virtue in a prince, in any leader, in any warrior, to be compassionate and humane towards those whom they have conquered! Take the example of Hector of Troy, of whom it was said that there was no man fiercer or more cruel in battle than he was. But when he gained the upper hand, and his enemies prostrated themselves before him, pleading for mercy and surrendering to him, then no lamb could have been gentler or more generous than he was to them. He treated them with great kindness, as though they were his brothers. This turned out to be such an advantage to him that, because he was known for his humanity, many people came and surrendered to him.60 And every valiant man and good prince ought to possess this trait, which is completely lacking today in many lords and men-at-arms who, when they gain the upper hand and conquer lands, fortresses, cities or other places, act like starving dogs when they enter, feeling no compassion for the horrible massacres they inflict on Christians, dishonoring women and laying waste to everything. Ah, what hearts these men have when they are cruel enough to undo their fellowmen, which is against nature and the divine law! I do not know if they are afraid that the cruelty of the devils from hell might snatch them away to the infernal city, but there is no doubt that they are destined to go there in the end. It would certainly be better if such men had the face and shape of a horrible serpent rather than a human appearance, for under the appearance of being human they have within themselves the cruelty of a very evil and abhorrent beast. Marcus Marcellus, who was a man of great authority among the princes of Rome, did not conduct himself in this way at all. When, through his great bravery, 58. On human pity in the prince, cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 126:1–2. 59. On Lucius Æmilius Paullus, King Perses, see VM 5.1.8 and 212d. 60. On Hector, see 376c–d, commentary on VM 9.3.ext.4. In 282, the commentary begins on 375d, the head words being “sed in mulieribus.”

Book of the Body Politic 85

5

10

15

20

he had captured the city of Syracuse, which was so noble and strong, and had gone up to the highest part of the castle to survey what had become of the city, and reflected upon the power of this city which had been governed and ruled by so many noble kings and which used to hold so much sway over land and sea, and how it was now filled with sadness and brought so low, he felt such compassion for the complete destruction of his enemy that he began to weep.61 And to speak further against those who are so cruel and inhuman towards their prisoners out of greed and the desire to make them pay greater ransoms than they can afford: it is deplorable to witness this and to hear tell of the various torments inflicted upon them by many who are of such high rank, and so cruel and loathsome that the Saracens could not outdo them. And if such torturers die a good death, it seems to me that God and nature do them a great injustice, but I do not doubt that they will be punished, for God is just. Ah, such conduct was not shown by the very noble prince Pompey who had such supreme excellency in arms that he conquered almost all parts of the Orient. But when he had subjugated, among others, king Tigranes of Armenia, and had taken captive in this country forty thousand of his men, the king was brought before Pompey: Tigranes removed his crown and laid it at Pompey’s feet, intending to kneel down in sorrow before him. Pompey, however, did not allow this, but instead reassured him, and in the end reinstated his titles under obedience to the Romans, for it seemed to him just as honorable to make kings as to undo them.62 1.16 ON CLEMENCY AND GENEROSITY OF SPIRIT IN THE PRINCE

25

30

35

We have spoken of humanity in the good prince. Now we will speak of the virtue of clemency,63 which he ought to show towards his subjects especially, in order to unite and strengthen their hearts in great love. For without doubt there is nothing more agreeable or pleasurable to a subject than to see his lord and prince being kind and benign towards him; nor could the prince please the hearts of his men and entourage by his wealth more than he could by his clemency, gentleness and benevolence, provided his actions are carried out with wisdom and prudence; not that he should humble himself so much that they respect him less, but rather, retaining the honor that a sovereign ought fittingly to receive from his subjects, he should be gentle and kind with regard to their requests and petitions, responding to them in courteous language. He should not behave with great arrogance or great disdain towards any of them over some trifling matter or misdeed, for the stronger, greater and higher a tower is, and the more solid its foundations, the more it can ignore a pebble being hurled against it. 61. On Marcus Marcellus, see VM 5.1.4 and 211c–d. 62. On Pompey, Tigranes, see VM 5.1.9 and 212d–13c. 63. Cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 83:26–85:33.

86 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

Pisistratus, the duke, or king of Athens showed great generosity of spirit in what he did. He had a friend called Thrasippus. It happened at a supper that the latter, roused to anger, began to insult and hurl abuse at Pisistratus, who did not lose his temper or insult him in return. Rather he kept beseeching him not to show such anger or go away from supper in a rage. But his anger was so violent that Thrasippus spat in his face, and yet he was unable to make Pisistratus lose his temper. His sons wanted to attack him, intent as they were on avenging their father’s majesty, but he restrained them. The next day Pisistratus was informed that Thrasippus was out of his mind with shame and anger at what he had said and done, and that he wanted to kill himself. At that Pisistratus felt great compassion, came up to him immediately and embraced him, reassuring him and forgiving him in gentle words, swearing to him on his faith that he was and would be in his grace as before. To continue speaking of the generosity of spirit of this prince Pisistratus: he had a beautiful young daughter, a virgin, for whom a young man was dying of the great love he felt for her. It happened once that she was walking along the street with her mother. On meeting her, the young man in her thrall was so overcome by his love that he could not restrain himself from kissing her in public. The young girl’s mother, the wife of Pisistratus, wanted at all costs to have the young man executed for this, and repeatedly urged her lord to carry this out. But Pisistratus replied with compassion: “If we were to kill those who love us, what will we be capable of doing to those who hate us?” And this response was extremely humane.64 In the same way, it is written of the valiant Pompey, of whom we have already spoken, that he had such an equitable temperament that he was not easily roused to anger. He patiently endured many insults from people who were envious because he was so intent on protecting and increasing the public good. But he remained unwavering in his conduct,65 from which it appears that what Valerius says of patience in Book 3 chapter 1 is true : patience is so similar to strength that it seems to be born of it or with it.66 Is it not also appropriate to cite the generosity of spirit of the very chivalrous king Pyrrhus, of whom we have spoken on many occasions? He was a man of great courage and many virtues. He honored the brave and the valiant, as he often showed in his treatment of the Romans during the continual wars between them. Once, when he had conquered the Romans in battle, he did not show any arrogance towards them, which is not what often happens today after a favorable victory. This is great folly, for one must bear in mind that Fortune, which distributes such victories according to its will (this is what often happens), will on another 64. On Pisistratus (Philostratus in Christine’s text), and Thrasippus (Transipus or Transippus in Christine’s text), Pisistratus and his daughter, see VM 5.1.ext.2a–b and 214d–15a. 65. On Pompey, see VM 6.2.4 and 247c–d. 66. On Valerius and patience, see VM 3.3 praef. (not 3.1) and 149b.

Book of the Body Politic 87 occasion place its favor elsewhere. But because this Pyrrhus was well aware of the Romans’ valor, he did not fail to go out to meet their ambassadors, once he knew that they were coming to claim their prisoners, to receive them and treat them with great honor, despite being victorious over them.67 5

10

15

20

25

30

35

1.17 AGAIN ON GENEROSITY OF SPIRIT AND HOW FORTUNE CAN CHANGE Still on the subject of the prince’s wise generosity of spirit and on the fact that Fortune can change in less than no time, we have an example indeed in what happened to this king Pyrrhus, by which we can conclude that it is true that a man must not become arrogant simply because of good fortune. King Pyrrhus was a great warrior, victorious over many princes and kings, but just as Fortune helped him on several occasions to acquire many kingdoms and lordships, in the same way it frequently acted against him and caused him to lose them after calamitous defeats, eventually bringing him in battle to his final moment, that is, death. As he had waged war in many a country, the land of Greece which he had attacked was very much afraid of him because of the battles he had fought against the Romans and the Carthaginians. He marched against a Greek city called Sparta, which formerly enjoyed great renown, but on this occasion was saved from destruction more by the strength of the women rather than the men, according to Valerius. For so many women came to defend the city and the country that Pyrrhus had to retreat in shame, leaving one of his sons dead there, which weighed heavily upon him. Fortune did not smile too favorably on him then. When he left there, he went to the city of Argos where he was killed by a stone that had been hurled at him. In this way Pyrrhus, who had caused such havoc on earth, met his death.68 Alcyoneus,69 the son of Antigonus, king of Argos, rejoiced greatly at the death of Pyrrhus and separated the head from the body, bringing it with great joy to his father. But Antigonus, very wise prince that he was, reproached him for forgetting the misfortunes wrought by the fragility of all things human, and for rejoicing so much at the downfall of such a great man. So, he honored the head, removed his own head-covering that he wore after the fashion of the Macedonian kings, and used it to honor and cover Pyrrhus’s head. After having the head and body honorably removed from the battlefield and brought to him, he did the remains great honor by arranging a ceremonial funeral according to their rites; and he had Pyrrhus’s son,70 who had been brought to him as a captive, clothed in royal robes, bidding him to show a king’s courage, giving him his father’s ashes 67. On Pyrrhus, see VM 5.1.ext.3b and 215b. 68. On Pyrrhus and his death, see VM 5.1.ext.4 and 215d–16a. 69. The French text, Policie, ed. Kennedy, 30.3, mistakenly refers to this son as “Hellenus.” 70. This is a reference to Helenus, son of Pyrrhus.

88 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

in a vessel of gold, and letting him return to his own country of Epirus. And it truly seems to me that this story illustrates not only the mutability of Fortune, as in Pyrrhus’s case, but also the prince’s very great liberality, humanity and clemency, in the case of Antigonus’s praiseworthy action, which outshines all the other deeds already mentioned.71 Nonetheless, as it is written, Hannibal, the emperor of Africa, behaved in a similar way: he was a very valiant knight who won so many victorious battles against the Romans, and on occasion lost them as well. When the latter was victorious in battle, he had the battlefield searched, and he would remove any excellent princes and knights that were found dead, even if they were his enemies, and had them buried with the greatest of honor, as he did for the valiant Roman prince Æmilius Paullus who was killed during the battle of Cannae, where so many Romans were defeated and killed that Hannibal, who had the battlefield searched, sent to his own country three bushels of gold rings taken from the fingers of the dead noblemen. For it was the custom then for nobles to wear rings. And although this account may seem astonishing and difficult to believe, all the historians who have written about this bear witness to its truth. It may be, however, that the unit of measurement was not as large as it is in France and was another kind of unit but with the same name. And he had the body of Æmilius Paullus buried with great honor.72 He did the same for another Roman prince named Tiberius Gracchus who was killed in another battle, handing over his ashes to his knights in a vessel of gold that they could bring back to his country.73 He behaved in the same way towards Marcus Marcellus, slain in another battle. He had the body honorably clothed and burned, the head being crowned with the victor’s laurel, for he had won the battle against Hannibal, though he himself was killed. For such was the nobility of spirit of this prince Hannibal that he honored his enemies when they overcame him, just as he wanted to be honored when he had conquered them. Therefore, Valerius says that this humanity brought greater fame and glory to Hannibal than did his victories. For he conquered them, he says, through the guile of Africa, and honored them through Roman courtesy and clemency.74 1.18 ON HOW THE PRINCE OUGHT NOT TO BECOME PROUD WHENEVER FORTUNE IS FAVORABLE TO HIM Since we have addressed the fact that a man should not become proud because Fortune is favorable towards him and that Fortune can change, let us give 71. On Alcyoneus, Antigonus, Pyrrhus, see VM 5.1.ext.4 and 215b–16b. 72. On Hannibal, Æmilius Paullus, three bushels of gold rings, see VM 5.1.ext.6 and 216c. 73. On Hannibal, Tiberius Gracchus, see VM 5.1.ext.6 and 216c–d. 74. On Hannibal, Marcus Marcellus, see VM 5.1.ext.6 and 216d.

Book of the Body Politic 89

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

examples of how the good prince should avoid this.75 For Valerius says that the Romans were conquerors because they did not ever become arrogant in times of good fortune, as some do who lose all sense of proportion when prosperity comes to them. But the Romans, he says, profited more by sparing the conquered (that is by treating them kindly) than by conquering them.76 That the following point is true is demonstrated by other examples involving Hannibal, the prince of Carthage, already referred to above: on many occasions favorable fortune blinds men because it stirs them to such arrogance that they do not know themselves, and are unaware of the tricks she knows how to play; then afterwards she plunges them into her horrible pit. For although Hannibal possessed many fine virtues, he became so puffed up with pride after his victory over the Romans, as has already been reported, that he no longer deigned to listen to anyone who wanted to speak to him but spoke through intermediaries who reported to him. And he trusted so much in his good sense, his good fortune and happiness that it seemed to him that no one could say anything useful to him. For this reason he despised the words of a wise knight called Maharbal who stated and confirmed in his very hearing that he had worked out how Hannibal would capture Rome in a few days and dine on the Capitol, which was the main fortress of the city: although Hannibal heard what was said, he did not deign to listen or take account of his words, for it seemed certain to him that he had enough good sense to ensure against failure. But his assumptions deceived him, and he did fail, and for this reason, in matters that concern him, no prince should scorn to hear many opinions, especially those of wise people. For there is no means to bring about something that is possible, however subtle it may be, that human ingenuity cannot find and acquire. But the arrogant do not deign to make enquiries, for, as Valerius says, happiness usually does not allow the proud man to listen to the voice of the humble, though it be true and profitable to him; for that reason, he does not practice moderation or temperance. Hannibal’s end was just as it was described in the Histories of the Romans: after a long period of time spent harrying the Romans in many a battle, Fortune turned so much against him that in the end he lost his empire, his people and his possessions, and was obliged to flee in secret. But he did not find a prince in the whole world willing to give him refuge, out of fear of the Romans, for which reason he fell into despair and killed himself by drinking poison. In this way, according to the stories handed down, Hannibal died a wretched death, he who

75. On avoiding pride when Fortune is favorable, Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 79:28–81:23, Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., opening lines of Book 1, chapter 4. 76. On Valerius, Romans and the avoidance of pride, VM 5.1.1a and 209b.

90 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

in his time had been one of the most chivalrous princes and among those most favored by Fortune.77 And so, for our purposes, we have confirmation of words spoken by Solon, one of the seven sages, who argued against those who believe that happiness and felicity can be found in this world in wealth, honor and pleasure. He said that no man should be considered happy as long as he lives in this world, for until we breathe our last we are subject to Fortune which is unreliable and changeable, and because of this mutability the designation “happiness” is often put beyond the reach of every living creature.78

10

1.19 ON HOW THE GOOD PRINCE MUST LOVE JUSTICE

15

20

Within the context of my overall plan, we have sufficiently discussed, it seems to me, the subject-matter of the first two points, and the branches that derive from this, on which the legitimate good prince and not the tyrant should base his governance, as we previously promised to discuss, namely: firstly, that he must love and fear God more than anything else; secondly, that he will guard and love the public good of his land and country more than his own. Now it remains to speak of the third point, which is that he must maintain and uphold justice. On this it is appropriate firstly to discuss what justice is, and then the way in which the good prince must uphold it, what things are necessary for him to do this, and how the wise ancients maintained justice. And on these matters, we will cite relevant examples in the way that we have done before. Justice, Aristotle says, is a measure that renders every man his due,79 and this comment could be applied at greater length to the description of this virtue. But since on another occasion I have touched on this topic, especially in the book

77. On this and the preceding paragraph (Hannibal, Maharbal, Hannibal’s death, History of the Romans) see VM 9.5.ext.3 and 385a; VM 9.2.ext.2 and 363a. 78. On Solon and the mutability of Fortune, see VM 7.2.ext.2 and 270d–71a. 79. On Aristotle and justice, cf. 106:20–21, 114:1–5 and 63c, part of commentary on VM 1.8.ext.1: “justice qui est equité en toutes choses.” Charles V contains a similar quotation attributed to Saint Bernard: “Comme justice soit ordre, mesure et balance de toutes choses rendre à chascun son droit, comme dist Saint Bernard.” According to Solente (Charles V, 1.63 note 3), the source used by Christine in Charles V is the Manipulus florum of Thomas Hibernicus, BnF lat. 14990, fol. 85v. Cf. also Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., 237: “justice . . . distribue et depart a un chasun tel part et porcion qui lui est due,” and Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 43:28–31: “justice . . . est vertu especial . . . par quoi chascun a son droit.” On justice in Christine de Pizan, see Forhan, Political Theory, 110–32; and Bernard Ribémont and Earl Jeffrey Richards, “Christine de Pizan, la justice et le droit,” in Loba, Ton nom sera reluisant aprés toy par longue memoire, 169–86.

Book of the Body Politic 91

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

of the description of Man’s Integrity,80 at this juncture I shall pass over it briefly at present in order to focus quickly on examples. The good prince must maintain justice in such a way that no favor might lead him to infringe or violate it. And our ancestors loved justice so much that they did not spare even their own children, as is shown by an emperor who passed an edict stating that whoever disobeyed a certain order would lose his two eyes. But as his own son was guilty of this offence and crime, he did not wish to absolve him from the agreed penalty. But because he was to reign after him, and because blindness in both eyes would have impeded good government of the state, he found a remedy that would satisfy the punishment but not prevent him from being able to govern well. But this remedy was extremely pitiable, for he had one of his son’s eyes removed, and one of his own.81 For that reason, I say that, if at that time justice was rigorously observed, it is much diminished at the present time. Because I have spoken about this and corrupt ministers on another occasion, I shall refrain from saying more at present.82 But regarding great rigor in justice, no less was done by a valiant Roman prince called Aulus Postumius, who by his good sense, great bravery, and valor defeated a tribe called the Volsci. But before the battle took place, he issued a proclamation, under pain of death, forbidding anyone to be so bold as to begin to fight or leave his lodging without his permission. This Aulus Postumius left his army for a little while for some business or other that he had. It happened that his son knew that a large contingent of the enemy was advancing on horseback; he leapt out with a great number of men-at-arms, moved forward to engage with them, and defeated them. When his father returned and learned what had happened, he said and decreed that, despite the victory that had been won, the evil that would result from sparing someone from death who had broken the prince’s law (because others would follow his example) would be greater than any good arising from victory over a number of enemies. For that reason, he had him beheaded.83 But to move on from examples of such great rigor, we will tell how the good prince must uphold justice, indicating what things are necessary for him to do this. First and foremost, to do this, it is appropriate that he be provided with very wise men of integrity and loyal counselors who have greater love for his life and honor and the good of the country than for their own benefit. But I fear that at the present time they would be difficult to find, and by such loyal wise counselors the prince and his country, both with regard to justice and other particular laws, can 80. The Book of Prudence and the Book of Man’s Integrity are two versions of the same work. On their respective dates of composition, see Introduction, 20–22. Reference to her own works is once again a marker of Christine’s authority. 81. On the emperor and his son, see VM 6.5.3 and 260a. 82. On corrupt ministers, see 76:15–16. 83. On Aulus Postumius, the Volsci, and his son, see VM 2.7.6 and 109a–b.

92 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

advance in an orderly manner, gaining in strength, power and wealth. Oh, who is the prince who can sufficiently deserve the wise, loyal good counselor for all the great good that will ensue for him if only he follows his advice and believes him? Is it not said in the History of the Romans that the wise Scipio Nasica, who was of the lineage of the other valiant Scipios who were as brave in arms as he himself, despite the fact that he did not pursue arms in the way the others did, was so wise and prudent in the council and government of the state that he accomplished as much by his good sense as the others did by arms? Through his spirited discourse he fought against even some powerful men in Rome who wanted to destroy the Senate and also the good of the people. Valerius says of him that he deserved no less praise for wearing his coat of peace than other warriors for wearing their coat of arms. For he saved the city from many great difficulties, and through him there ensued many benefits for the citizens.84 1.20 ON WHAT COUNSELORS THE PRINCE SHOULD CHOOSE

15

20

25

30

But it is appropriate to discuss whom the prince should choose as his counselors.85 Should he choose from among the young? No, because they once gave bad counsel to King Rehoboam,86 and to many another. Rather he will choose, from among the old, the wisest and most experienced men of integrity because they are more capable and more likely to give good advice than the young, because it is necessary for the loyal counselor to be well informed about the matter before he gives advice, and because he does not easily believe in the outward appearance of something before seeking, obtaining and establishing its truth, for often things do not appear at first sight as they really are.87 In his book of Rhetoric, Aristotle says of the habits of the old and elderly that they do not easily take things on trust because in their lifetime that have been deceived on many occasions. They do not make up their minds quickly about things that are open to question, but often consider them in the worst possible light, because in their time they have seen that is the way things very often turn out, and for this reason they do not give advice on the spur of the moment. They do not build up great hope on a fragile foundation or little evidence, because they have often seen things turn out very differently from what was expected, and for this reason they do not give advice on great undertakings without great thought and deliberation. These things are generally the opposite in young people, while the 84. On Scipio Nasica, see VM 5.3.2e and 222d–23a. Cf. Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., 217. 85. Cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 330:18–335:37. 86. The French text in manuscript F reads Jerobouan (i.e. Jeroboam), which is a slip for Rehoboam. See 1 Kings 12: 8–9. Policie, ed. Lucas, 64 and note 3 gives the correct reading. 87. On the wise counsel of the old, cf. Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., Book 1, chapter 9; Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 39:26–29 and 129:24–29.

Book of the Body Politic 93

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

elderly quite naturally tend to weigh things up more carefully. But I am not saying that all old people are wise and prudent, for in addition Aristotle says that there are two kinds of old age. One follows a youth that has been based on order and moderation, and this type is praised by Cicero in his book On Old Age. The other concerns an old age that follows a youth that has been dissolute and frivolous, and this is subject to much misery and not worthy of being commended. And for that reason, I have said that the prince must choose and appoint his advisers from among the old and the wise. To speak more of them: although they do not have such great bodily strength as the young, nevertheless, as has been said, they have greater virtue and discretion in counsel, which is more useful and beneficial than bodily strength, and all the more to be praised. And the virtue of understanding, discretion and knowledge is nobler than bodily strength. For through prudence in the advice given by good elderly men, royal power, cities, the body politic, and public affairs are sustained in good order, things which are often brought low by the young, as Cicero says and as is proved clearly in several histories. Therefore, if old age is lacking in bodily strength, it abounds in ingenuity and understanding, which are more to be praised. For this reason, the elderly who look back longingly at their youth demonstrate that they are neither wise nor virtuous, for whoever does not choose the thing that is more beneficial cannot be said to be wise. With regard to those who despise old age because it is deprived of the pleasures and delights of the flesh, this constitutes not a reproach against old age but rather great praise, for it removes from us the root of all ills. For according to Archytas of Tarentum, who was a very great philosopher, there is no more notable affliction given by nature to men than carnal pleasure, which breeds treason, the subversion of cities and people, violence, and all manners of evil. Nor is there any wickedness into which sensuality does not on occasion lead men’s hearts. It is this which abolishes rational judgment and makes human beings blind, and so has no affinity or link with virtue; therefore old age is more praiseworthy and a better choice, for it has intellectual delights that youth does not in general have, and these are more noble, since they cannot be contradicted or opposed, as Aristotle says in the eighth book of Ethics. Cicero says on this matter that old age is stronger and more courageous than youth. Because of this Solon, the wise man of Athens, replied to the tyrant Pisistratus who had asked him how he was able to answer so boldly and with such confidence, saying that it was through the strength of old age. These things are contained in the translation of Valerius and I have gathered them together here,88 88. On Aristotle’s Rhetoric, the habits of old people, two kinds of old age, Cicero’s On Old Age, Archytas of Tarentum (Archica in Christine’s text), Aristotle’s Ethics, Cicero, Solon, Pisistratus, see 335b–36b, an extensive commentary on VM 8.13.ext.6–7. It should be noted that Christine does not follow the Hesdin/Gonesse order exactly, and that Hesdin/Gonesse refer to Book 7 of Ethics (336a) and not Book 8 as mentioned by Christine. For Archytas of Tarentum, see also VM 4.1.ext.1–2 and 8.7.ext.3. Cf. also Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., Book 1, chapter 9.

94 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN though I have strayed somewhat from my preface on justice and the choice of suitable counselors for the good prince. 1.21 ON HOW THE GOOD PRINCE, DESPITE BEING GOOD NATURED AND KIND, MUST WISH TO INSPIRE FEAR AND DREAD 5

10

15

20

25

30

35

The purpose of justice and to whom it applies are facts that are so well-known that it is appropriate for the good prince to punish evildoers or have them punished. I shall refrain from discussing this, as I have touched on this on another occasion, as has been said, and go on to discuss how it is appropriate for the good prince, according to the virtue of justice, to give everyone his due as far as he is able, and by upholding this rule, which is just, he will not fail to ensure equity in all things, including giving himself what is his due. For it is reasonable that he should enjoy the right that he extends to each person, namely, that he will want to be obeyed and feared by law and reason, as befits the majesty of a prince. For in the place or land where the prince is not feared, there can be no real justice. And that it is appropriate that a prince should wish to be feared is shown by the valiant Clearchus, duke of Sparta, which is a large part of Greece where there were once incredibly brave people. So that the latter would be more afraid to flee than die, this duke, who was a chivalrous man and great warrior, would say to them that men-at-arms should be more afraid of their prince than death or their enemies. This injunction, together with the punishment he inflicted on evildoers and cowards, meant they gave of themselves unstintingly, and thereby achieved astonishing things.89 So there is no doubt that the prince must be feared, despite his being gentle and kind. But this kindness should be reckoned as a thing of grace that one should take particular heed of rather than allow it to become a target of scorn. For this reason, the ancients depicted the goddess of lordship as an imperious lady sitting on a royal throne, holding in one hand an olive branch and in the other a naked sword, signifying that lordship must include kindness and mercy, justice and power. Therefore, as has been said, the good prince will conduct himself according to the advice of elderly wise people, and to the best of his ability he will render each person his due. And it will be his wish that these good people, and all those who deserve it, be honored for the merits of their virtues, according to the judgment of the wise man who said: “Rise in the presence of the man whose hair has turned white.”90 And in the past one used to greatly honor elderly worthy men: this was especially the case of the Spartans who were such honorable Greeks. They adopted this custom as a result of the introduction of the laws given them 89. On Clearchus, see VM 2.7.ext.2 and 120b–c. 90. VM 4.5.ext.2 and 198a. Hesdin/Gonesse quote the Latin text, “coram cavo capite surge” (rise in the presence of the white-haired man), and the French translation.

Book of the Body Politic 95

5

10

15

20

25

30

by Lycurgus, their valiant and wise king: there were many excellent laws among these which were maintained over a long period of time. It happened once that a very elderly man went to the theater in Athens to see the games. The theater was a specific place where young men could meet to test their physical strength against each other, with arms, in jousts or wrestling, and other such activities, but none of the citizens of Athens offered a seat to this elderly man, who continued on his way until he arrived by chance at where the Spartan legates (we would call them ambassadors) were seated. They were young men, part of an embassy to Athens, and immediately honored the elderly man according to their customs, all rising to their feet and offering an honorable seat to him among themselves. And when the people saw this, they gave their full approval to this fine custom upheld by a foreign city and said amongst themselves: “We know what is right, but we rely on foreigners to do it.”91 1.22 HOW THE PRINCE MUST MAKE USE OF THE COUNSEL OF WISE MEN We have already spoken of how the good prince will honor the wise and draw on their counsel. With regard to making use of the counsel of the wise, a knight who was captain of men-at-arms called Minucius made an interesting comment on this topic, as Valerius recounts, when Minucius wanted to thank Fabius for having saved him and his army. “My good lords,” he said to his knights, “I have often heard it said that, when a task needs to be done, the person who comes first is the man who can counsel what is to be done at a particular moment, and the person who comes second is the man who follows good advice. But the man who cannot give nor listen to good counsel is of no use whatsoever. Good lords, because nature deprives us of the first, that is, we are not wise enough to give advice, for we do not have the skill required for this, let us follow the second, that is to say, let us obey Fabius who is wise and gives good counsel.” And this they did, and for this reason and the counsel that was given, they conquered in battle, for Fabius was a very wise man.92 On the theme of believing wise men and drawing on their counsel, the great Dialectic says that one must believe each person who is an expert in his own specialty,93 that is, that the good prince must seek counsel from various people 91. On Lycurgus, the theater in Athens, see VM 4.5.ext.2 and 198a–b. 92. On Minucius and Fabius, see VM 5.2.4 and 219a–b. 93. On the very great Dialectic see the commentary on VM 8.12 praef. and 331c, where Christine’s source reads: “et pourtant dit la maxime dyaletique que un chascun expert en son art on doit croire.” It looks probable that Christine took “maxime” to be an adjective (“very great”) instead of a noun (“maxim”), and “dyaletique” as a noun and a title of a work (Dialectic), instead of an adjective (dialectic). On trusting experts, see also 127:1–2 and 164:23–24.

96 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

according to the various things he has to do. For in the case of the administration of his justice, or the various cases that can come up, he must not on any account seek counsel from his men-at-arms or his knights, but rather from lawyers and clerks skilled in these disciplines; also he must not consult clerks with regard to feats of arms; the same principle applies to other matters. Valerius says of Quintus Scaevola that, despite being a very wise lawyer and interpreter of the law, whenever someone came to ask for his counsel about certain customs regarding the offices of Rome, he would send them to Furius or Cascellius, who were experts in these customs, although he himself perhaps knew that he could give good advice. But he wanted each person to be involved only in the branch of knowledge in which he was an expert. By this, says Valerius, he enhanced his authority more by not assuming another’s office than by the greatness of his knowledge. This is so unlike the case of those who want to be involved in everything, setting themselves above everyone, out of envy of others and arrogance.94 The way in which the good prince will draw on the counsel of the wise to uphold justice and ensure equity to himself and all others is this: he will see to it that those who are appointed to offices by him are not corrupt people or of disreputable life, that his magistrates do not show more favor to one party rather than another, as has already been touched upon, and that he does not spare the great any more than the humble. And because it is usual that the rich are treated more favorably than the poor, which is contrary to God, right, and reason, the philosopher Anacharsis would compare laws to spiders’ webs, saying that spiders do not catch the big flies or fat bumblebees but easily catch little flies and delicate butterflies, often leaving strong birds to destroy the webs as they fly through them. So it is with laws, for the great and the powerful often destroy them and flout them without any fear, but the little flies that are caught and trapped are the poor and little people. This usually comes about through the greed of justice ministers.95 For this reason Pericles, who according to Cicero in his book On Duties was a wise and very virtuous man of great authority in Athens, said that it was appropriate for anyone involved in justice not only to have pure hands and a pure tongue but also undefiled eyes, which means that a man should refrain from receiving gifts that corrupt the judgment of men, from speaking too much, and from incontinence of the flesh, for the common people immediately take the life of judges and the great as their example.96

94. On Scaevola, Furius, Cascellius, see VM 8.12.1 and 331d. 95. On Anacharsis (Marthasus in Christine’s text) and spiders’ webs, VM 7.2.ext.14 and 272d–73a. 96. On Pericles, Cicero, justice, see VM 8.9.ext.2 and 327b. On judges, cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 338–39.

Book of the Body Politic 97 1.23 HOW THE GOOD PRINCE MUST OBSERVE THE CONDUCT OF HIS OFFICERS

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Because we have begun to discuss how the good prince must be careful to observe the conduct of the officers (it is extremely prejudicial to a kingdom or lordship when there are dishonest ministers and officers who can bring reproach to the prince; this often happens to princes through the evil deeds of officers, and most of the princes have no knowledge of this), let us develop this topic at greater length, as it is expedient to recall examples that are relevant to it. Because today, when men are appointed to royal offices or given the power to administer justice and govern others, no great election is made based on virtues and good sense, rather they are given positions through favor or the help of friends, it would be necessary, in order to amend practice of this kind, for Roman customs to be adopted to some extent in cases like this. These customs were as follows. It should be known, Valerius says in his Book 7, chapter 5, entitled “On Electoral Defeats” that the Romans, who governed the republic and their city according to the supreme principles of reason, had the custom of changing almost all offices on an annual basis. And they did this in order to prevent themselves from behaving inappropriately while in office, to avoid punishment afterwards, and to guard against being overtaken by overweening pride. And so every year the lords of Rome, that is, those whose task it was to distribute offices, gathered together in a great space called the Field of Mars, and there, as was the custom, came the great and the good, the middle classes, and the ordinary people to request offices, each according to his rank. And everyone wore his own white tunic, and each submitted a request for the office each wished to obtain. So that the lords would not award offices to those who did not deserve them, wise men with the necessary skills were appointed, their task being to enquire about the morals and way of life of those requesting offices and to supply written reports on how that had conducted themselves previously in office, if indeed they had served before. By this means those who were worthy were appointed, and the unworthy categorically rejected. Would to God that this was the case in all countries, for then everyone would make an effort to perform well and acquire a good reputation, and honors would be distributed according to good works and not personal favor. From this we learn that in the well-governed republic certain men should be appointed from every estate, each one according to where his interest lies, as has been touched upon before, that is, with regard to chivalry, men-at-arms and those who are fit for this profession; with regard to the clergy, students in the speculative sciences, philosophy, liberal arts, and in other specialties, as Cicero says. And the good prince should concern himself greatly with this, for the honor and glory of the kingdom, the land, or the country will be greatly increased by

98 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

having available a profusion of clerks and wise men, for, as I have said before, the prince can receive good counsel from them. For that reason, Plato said, as recounted by Boethius in the first book of The Consolation of Philosophy, that states would enjoy great happiness if they were governed by wise men, or if the tutors of princes studied wisdom, for through them the whole community would submit to the laws and rules of reason. And as I have said on a number of occasions, in order to counter the presumption of certain people who aspire to honors without being worthy of them, it would be appropriate that they be rejected, so that those who are worthy can be honored and admitted to office, and so that those who are unworthy can improve their behavior. By such judgments the good would be distinguished from the bad, as is the practice in scientific study.97 1.24 ON THE GOOD THAT ACCRUES TO THE PRINCE IF HE FOLLOWS THE COUNSEL OF THE WISE

15

20

25

30

Continuing with our topic of proving that the good prince must love the wise, we will speak about the great good that comes and can come from wise men, whether they be venerable speculative philosophers, with their particular disciplines, or moral philosophers. It is written that the philosopher Archimedes for a long time prevented the city of Syracuse from being captured by the Romans. By his skill and intelligence, he made weapons that deflected the bombardment from engines of war so that they could not do any harm to the city. Yet in the end it was conquered. And when the prince in charge of the opposing army entered the city, he gave orders that the philosopher was not to be killed. But as the men-at-arms went about pillaging the town, a knight came to the house of Archimedes, and found him drawing diagrams on the ground similar to those of geometricians and astronomers. He asked him who he was. Archimedes did not reply to his question, as he was concentrating so much on what he was doing, saying only: “I earnestly beg you not to interrupt what I am doing.” But the knight killed him. To speak more of Archimedes, he was such a great mathematician that some people say that he was the first person to square the circle, of which Aristotle says in his book of Praedicamenta that, although this was something that could be known and understood, nonetheless it was not known about in his time.98 97. On Valerius, “Electoral Defeats,” offices, the Field of Mars, Cicero, Plato, Boethius, see VM 7.5 praef. and 287c–88b. Cicero’s text referred to by Christine is quoted by Hesdin/Gonesse: “honor alit artes” (honor sustains the arts), Tusculaneae disputationes 1.2.4. On rotation of offices, cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 281:23–282:26. On Boethius in Christine’s work, see Glynnis M. Cropp, “Boèce et Christine de Pizan,” Le Moyen Age 87 (1981): 387–417. 98. On Archimedes (A[l]thimonides in Christine’s text), Syracuse, Aristotle, Praedicamenta, see VM 8.7.ext.7 and 322d–23b. On translations of the Praedicamenta or Categoriae of Aristotle attributed to Boethius, see Jacques Berlioz et al., Identifier sources et citations (Turnhout: Brepols, 1994), 52–53.

Book of the Body Politic 99

5

10

15

20

25

Some say that by astrology this philosopher had predicted his death and had foretold it well in advance, but when he was asked why he did not leave the place where he said he was to die, he said that the movement of the heavens restrained him so firmly that he could not leave, from which it appears that he thought that the influence of the heavens drives man forward to his destiny, which allows one to see that there is no clerk so great who does not err and cannot be deceived. For what he said is not true of the workings of the soul, which operates through the will, which is completely free, and has freedom and control over all its actions, in such a way that, despite any prompting or influence of the heavens, it can make any decision it pleases, as Aristotle proves in his book of Ethics. In this, one can see the perfect rationality and wisdom of Aristotle, for theology firmly decrees, in matters of our faith, that the will, which is free, cannot be constrained by any action: if it could, this would mean that sin and vice would be to some extent excusable, since human inclinations would be constrained by force. But as for the body, it is true that in some things man is subject by birth to the movements of the heavens, as in the alterations in the course of the heavenly bodies, or in the four chief qualities, that is, heat and cold, dryness and moisture. For it is not in human power not to feel heat in summer, and the same principle applies to the other seasons. But in what is subject to the soul, that is, the deliberations of the will, the influence of the heavenly bodies has no part to play, although it can be true that the movement of the heavens can inspire several inclinations in man: in some, sensual pleasure, lechery, and other natural proclivities. But despite this, man can apply the brake of reason and resist putting these inclinations into practice. And that this is true is shown by Ptolemy, the great astrologist, who said: “The wise man will overcome the power of the stars.”99 And that this judgment is true is shown by what is written of Aristotle, namely, that he was not blessed by nature with a pleasant temperament, but through his great virtue he became a moderate and well-behaved man: in this way he conquered nature.100 1.25 HOW THE ANCIENTS WERE GOVERNED BY PHILOSOPHERS

30

Continuing with our topic, namely that the good prince will be governed by wise men, the science of astrology as practiced by certain noteworthy men is not an 99. On Archimedes, astrology, free will, Aristotle, Ethics, Ptolemy, see 323b, commentary on 8.7.ext.7. 100. On Aristotle’s overcoming of nature: one of the first texts to suggest that Aristotle was “mal condicioné par nature” (not blessed by nature) is an anonymous epigram printed by Friedrich Jacobs, Anthologia graeca (Leipzig: in Bibliopolio Dyckio, 1794), 4: 233. It is important to note, however, that in his Aristotle in the Ancient Biographical Tradition (New York and London: Garland, 1987), 349, Ingemar Düring omits the details supplied by this epigram, no doubt judging them to be inauthentic. Christine is alluding perhaps to the tradition created by this epigram, or else to the fact that Aristotle was supposed to be less eloquent than Plato (see 42b–c). Diogenes Laertes, in his Lives of Eminent Philosophers, 5.1, indicates that, according to Timotheus the Athenian, Aristotle had a lisp.

100 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

obstacle to their being summoned to the prince’s privy councils, as has already been proved by the case of the philosopher Archimedes, who, over a long period of time, through his learning, saved the city of Syracuse from being captured, and many other similar histories say the same thing. But the good prince, who will base his conduct on the advice of such wise men, should be careful not to be deceived by imposters who, pretending to have wisdom but not possessing it at all, very often deceive and hoodwink princes and lay people through their guile and cunning. But when the science of astrology is true and when it can be of great value in maintaining and improving cities and kingdoms, provided there are wise philosophers who are experts skilled in this science, there can be no doubt that they render great service, though some people object to this science being used in the council of princes. For according to what Aristotle says, the world here below is governed by the action of the heavenly bodies. And Ptolemy says that the images and configurations of the world below are subject to the images and configurations of the world above.101 And if what so many writings relate about the marvels accomplished by many ancient philosophers is true, then without doubt such people, of whom there could be many, should be earnestly sought after and invited to the councils of high princes, and regarding this matter it is hardly credible that so many established authors would have spoken untruthfully about them. Nevertheless, this is not to suggest that any prince should appoint someone who, under the guise of appearing genuine, practices a wicked art forbidden by the church, for in this lies too great a peril. Rather, he must not tolerate or support them in his country, for too many disadvantages would ensue. For I am referring only to pure and perfect astrologers, whose science of astrology, however superior it may be and however it may surpass all others in subtlety, is pure and natural, devoid of any evil art or any kind of invocation, but because of the difficulty of this science, that is, the great subtlety that lies within it, there are very few people who are expert in it. For this reason many people have criticized it, because they do not understand or comprehend it, and, as is commonly said, those who do not understand things are quick to find them worthy of blame.102 But to show that it is true, and that there have been experts proficient in this science, Aristotle, in the first book of Politics, tells a story of Thales the philosopher whose parents once began to mock him because all he did was study, and who was so poor that he possessed nothing at all. And when they had sufficiently 101. On Aristotle, Ptolemy, see VM 9.14 praef. and 407b. See also, VM 8.2.1 and 313d; VM 8.7.ext.7 and 323b; VM 9.12 praef. and 399d. 102. This eloquent defense of “pure and perfect astrologers” has biographical echoes: Christine is thinking of her father, the astrologer Thomas de Pizan. Cf. also Wisdom’s portrait of the ideal ruler, whose attributes include a perfect knowledge of astrology, in Chemin de longue étude, ed. Tarnowski, 3403, and Philippe de Mezières, Le Songe du vieil pelerin, ed. G. W. Coopland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), 1:614–15.

Book of the Body Politic 101

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

argued about this point, he set out to demonstrate the virtue of his knowledge, and eventually earned a little money. He knew through the study of astrology that there would be a plentiful supply of olives that year, and that there would be a poor crop the following year. So, he held back a large quantity, which he sold the following year at a high price of his choosing, and in this manner made a very great profit. And through this, says Aristotle, he demonstrated to his parents that it was easy for a philosopher to become wealthy. But philosophers aspire to another type of happiness, that of understanding, and take no account of any other kind.103 On this topic, through his science, another astrologer called Spurinna, foresaw in Rome the death of Julius Caesar before it came to pass. It happened that, as the predicted time had already come, Julius Caesar said to Spurinna: “Are you not aware that the Ides of March have already come?” that is, the time that he had predicted. The latter replied: “Are you not aware that they have not yet passed?” And it came to pass that on the last of these thirty days Julius Caesar was killed on the Capitol by the faction of Brutus and Cassius and several other senators who inflicted twenty-two stab wounds, as Orosius testifies in the fifth book of his Histories. Thus came about the amazing and pitiful death of such a great prince.104 1.26 HOW IT IS APPROPRIATE FOR A PRINCE TO HAVE PRUDENCE AND JUDICIOUS ELOQUENCE Just as we have said that, if the good prince wants to exercise true justice and do everything that he has to do, it is necessary for him to love and attract to his side sages and philosophers, it is certainly very expedient that he, too, should be wise and sufficiently instructed in the sciences to have a reasonable understanding of them, about which topic Valerius relates that, as the science of astrology is very profitable to the common good and especially in battle, the extensive study carried out by Sulpicius Galus in every art saved his people, through his knowledge, from sudden terror. For, as he had led a very large army against King Perses, it happened on a very calm night that the moon suddenly disappeared, that is, it lost its brightness because of an eclipse, for which reason the army that he was leading was overcome with dismay and lost all hope of winning the battle. But Sulpicius very wisely demonstrated the cause in the movement of the heavens, reassured them about this, telling them and persuading them that this was a natural event.105 In the same way it is written in the History of Alexander that for a similar reason his army was filled with dismay and mutinied against him, saying that it 103. On Aristotle, Politics, Thales, see VM 7.2.ext.8 and 271d–72a. On Thales, cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 250:9–20. 104. On Spurinna (Spiro[i]ma in Christine’s text), Julius Caesar, Orosius, see VM 8.11.2 and 329d–30a. 105. On Sulpicius Galus (Suplicius G. in Christine’s text), King Perses, see VM 8.11.1 and 329c–d.

102 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

represented a punishment for the evils he had done. But Aristarchus, the wise knight who was also an astrologer, set their minds at rest on this matter.106 On this topic we can mention the wise king of France, Charles V of that name, who conducted himself in a perfect manner through his great knowledge. He particularly loved philosophers who practiced the science of astrology, and he himself, because of the love he had for the subject, eventually achieved an adequate understanding of this science.107 And that it is appropriate for the prince to be wise is shown in a remark made by Plato. Although it was brief, says Valerius, nonetheless it was of very great import and excellent perspicacity, for he said that the world would be blessed when the wise begin to rule, or kings begin to be wise.108 And just as all knowledge is part of the various branches of science, it is very fitting for a prince to learn how to speak effectively and lay out his arguments in a wise and logical manner.109 For there is no doubt that fair and wise words, presented in an orderly way and coming from the mouth of a prince, are weightier and more willingly heard than words he has another say on his behalf. And this can be of great benefit in various cases, for no one can be so hard of heart but cannot be mollified by fair words. It is written of Pisistratus that he was such an eloquent man that, although the Athenians who governed themselves through wise philosophers were used to living in complete freedom without a ruler, he achieved so much that he eventually became prince and ruler of Athens through his fine and gentle eloquence, even though he was opposed by the wise Solon who supported the cause of freedom.110 There are many other relevant examples that could demonstrate how very often graceful eloquence can be of great help. But to graceful eloquence, which belongs to a category called Rhetoric, Valerius adds the way in which the body moves while the person is speaking, saying that, when great eloquence proceeds in a logical order and with appropriate movements of the body, it affects the listeners in three ways. It captures the hearts of some, the ears of others, it makes the eyes of still others gentler and more tender. It captures hearts, he says, when through the appropriate movement of the body, the speaker represents and calls to mind things such as dangers, fortunes or misfortunes, virtues, vices, the examples of mighty men, the consequences of councils, through all of which hearts are brought round to the argument of the speaker. Secondly, the listeners’ ears are 106. On History of Alexander and Aristarchus (Aristanus in Christine’s text), see VM 8.11.1 and 329c–d. 107. On Charles V and astrology, see Chemin de longue étude, ed. Tarnowski, 5011–12; Charles V, ed. Solente, 2:15–19; Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., Book 2, chapter 18. 108. On Plato, kings and wise men, see VM 7.2.ext.4 and 271b. 109. On eloquence, cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 206:3–208:19. 110. On Pisistratus, the Athenians, Solon, see VM 8.9.ext.1 and 327b.

Book of the Body Politic 103

5

10

invaded and captured by appropriate and measured pronunciation, inspiring as it does such great pleasure and delight. Thirdly, the listeners’ eyes are captured, in so far as they see and consider the fine, honest bearing of the speaker who is doing the persuading. And just as eloquence is adorned by these things, so it is diminished, he says, in the contrary case, when speech is insipid, is lacking in power, and has much less effect.111 As an example, Valerius cites a man called Quintus Hortensius who devoted as much as or more study to the graceful movement of the body rather than to speaking itself, with the result that one did not know whether people flocked with enthusiasm to hear him or see him. And thus, says Valerius, sight was useful to the words of the orator or speaker, and words were of use to the sight of the listeners.112 1.27 HOW IT IS FITTING FOR A PRINCE TO HAVE A GOOD BEARING

15

20

25

30

35

Along with graceful speech and elegant movement of the body, it is very appropriate for a prince to possess great eloquence and an honorable bearing and deportment. And it is a very agreeable to see the prince project an image of himself that is attractive and dignified, not one based on arrogance but on discreet behavior, and this can be of great benefit to someone who possesses it naturally or acquires it by knowing how to control his conduct. It is said of the wise Pericles, of whom I have previously spoken, that he had such a noble eloquence and bearing that through this and his wise words he persuaded the Athenians to do everything he wanted, however reluctant they were to implement his orders.113 And since it is appropriate to speak of graceful eloquence in a prince, that is, a good bearing and deportment and skillful movement of the body, as we can see in the examples of foreigners in the ancient world, it is not right, it seems to me, to forget those of our French princes whom we have seen and can see with our own eyes and who are especially and excellently gifted in the art of embellishing their eloquence. This applies to the very illustrious, learned, prudent, and wise king of France, Charles V by name, whom I have mentioned before. Without any doubt it was a thing of beauty to witness, along with his great knowledge, his elegant and distinguished bearing and hear his ornate eloquence. And when in Council or elsewhere he began a speech and developed it at length, he would never fail to establish his premises in good and logical order, expand appropriately on each one by making various points, and then bring his argument to a conclusion in the most noble manner. This was demonstrated in the presence of the emperor his uncle, during his visit to Paris, when in the Council, prior to wanting to restart the 111. On Valerius, Rhetoric, three ways, see VM 8.10 praef. and 328a–b. 112. On Quintus Hortensius (Q. Orcencius in Christine’s text), see VM 8.10.2 and 328c–d. 113. On Pericles, see VM 8.9.ext.2 and 327b–c.

104 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

war, he listed at length, one after the other, all the wrongs committed by the king of England, as I have spoken about at length in the book of his deeds and good manners (which I compiled as best as I could), in the third part which is near the end of the book.114 And from this noble, polished eloquence his very excellent son Louis of Orleans no doubt derived much profit. As everyone knows, it is a wonderful thing to hear him speak in Council, or in another gathering hear him lay out and develop what he wants to say in such a fine and polished manner that even the venerable clerks of the University of Paris, perfect rhetoricians, were completely astonished whenever they happened to be in his presence or when the topic concerned them greatly. For if he firstly poses the question or topic that he wants to discuss, he never fails to stick closely to each point of his argument, in every way that is suitable, in order to reach his conclusion. And if he makes a reply to someone else, however bizarre or miscellaneous the matter raised might be, he will never fail to bring all the main points or sub-sections of the topic together, and give such a fitting response to each item that his listeners cross themselves, so astonished are they at his great memory and graceful rhetoric. Along with this, his eloquence and bodily movements are so aligned with his fine rhetoric that he can be compared to the distinguished ancients already mentioned.115 The excellent duke of Burgundy, Philip, brother of king Charles and uncle of Louis, possessed not only great and impressive knowledge, but also very fine speech and gracious eloquence.116 So I conclude that in my opinion that such eloquence and such polished language, although it comes to some by nature and not to others who are even very wise, is the sign of good understanding, firmness of thought, and a loyal heart, all of which are appropriate to a mighty prince or to every valiant man. 1.28 HOW THE GOOD PRINCE OUGHT TO BE DILIGENT AND ATTEND TO THE NEEDS OF HIS COUNTRY

30

Returning to the matter of the already mentioned third point, namely, that the good prince who will uphold justice must base his life on its pursuit, it is still necessary for us to consider what things are conducive to his living a good life. But given the sheer number of virtues which are still to be discussed and which are all appropriate to him, it would take a long time to deal with each one in turn: let us put it this way more generally that the good prince must devote himself at 114. On Charles V, his ornate language, the emperor his uncle, and the king of England, cf. Charles V, ed. Solente, 1:48–49, 59; and 2:116–21. 115. On Louis of Orleans, cf. Charles V, ed. Solente, 1:169–76. 116. On Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy and brother of Charles V, cf. Charles V, ed. Solente, 1:144–52.

Book of the Body Politic 105

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

all times to virtuous works, and although it might seem to the ignorant that only a life of leisure, ease, luxury, and honors befits the majesty of a prince, because he has plenty of officers to deal with everything, this is not at all the case, for useful activity befits no man better than it does a prince, if the latter wants to live in accordance with justice. For the high office to which God has appointed him lays many tasks upon him, provided he is wise, that is, that he should be aware of the deeds of all his ministers, for if they commit any misdeed or fault, the pain and blame revert to the prince and his negligence, as much to his soul as to his body, and that in a very negative way. Therefore, since the affairs of the kingdom and the country are so diverse and so numerous, the person who wants to attend to them properly will have no time for leisure. Ah, what a noble thing it is for a prince, and indeed all people, to engage in proper work and shun laziness! This is borne out by the words of a valiant Roman who said that it was more beneficial to Rome for its men to be engaged even in wars than to lead an easy life, for very powerful kingdoms had come to virtue through activity, while too great repose led to the vices of laziness. With regard to the fact that engagement in and preoccupation with wars can sometimes be of benefit to the morals of the young people in the country, Valerius has this to say: “Truly,” he says, “being involved in war, which has a horrible name, has maintained and sustained the walls of our city, that is, Rome. And the life of ease, which has such a sweet and soft sounding name, has filled it with many various vices.”117 On this topic Justin says in his first book that, when Cyrus the king of Persia had finally conquered those of the kingdom of Lydia who were always in rebellion against him, he believed he had no better method of subduing them than by encouraging them to lead a life of pleasure. For this reason he offered them leisure and bodily ease, forbade them access to weapons, and ordered them to play and amuse themselves in all sorts of competitive games involving money, bid against each other, and all such things, all in the pursuit of leisure. And so these people, who had been so powerful and valiant in arms before, became as soft and delicate as women. So those who in the past could not be vanquished by arms were conquered by pleasures.118 On this topic a valiant Roman knight called Quintus Metellus came out with a memorable remark. As Valerius says, when the city of Carthage had been destroyed by the Romans (and this city and the country of Africa which had such a good reputation for its chivalry and nobility had harried the Romans in war over such a long period of time), this knight stated before the Senate that he did not know whether this victory would do more harm rather than good to Rome, for it had removed from them the great knight Hannibal, whose arrival in Italy had forced the Romans, who had been deep in slumber prior to this, to take up 117. On a valiant Roman, war, and the life of ease, see VM 7.2.1 and 269b. 118. On Justin, Cyrus, Lydia, see VM 7.2.1 and 269b–c.

106 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

the profession of arms. And so, it was to be feared that, since they had been set free from such a strong and bitter enemy, their virtue would slumber once again. Vegetius says in the third book that the good duke, that is, the good commander, should desire a time of war rather than a time of peace, for ease makes knights and men-at-arms lose their ardor and turn to sloth, while the profession and practice of arms makes them proficient and hardened.119 1.29 HOW THE GOOD PRINCE MUST LOVE AND HONOR HIS NOBLES AND KNIGHTS

10

15

20

25

30

Since not everything can be said at once, it is appropriate to develop our themes one after the other. It might be a subject of astonishment to the nobles and knights, who up until now would have seen and read this present composition, divided as it is into the three points mentioned before, that, regarding the government of the good prince and how he should conduct himself and rule, I have not made any reference to their estate, as though I was ignorant of or had forgotten the honor, the good, and the great love that the good prince ought to feel for them especially. But in making my excuses to their graces, I can say in truth that this has not come about out of forgetfulness or ignorance of their dignity and reputation, but in order to reserve time and space in my volume to speak more worthily of their authority. And since our topic has led us to the subject of battle, we will relate how the good prince, if he wishes to act justly, that is, do everything in his power to render each man his due,120 as has been said, owes the estate of chivalry (that is, the valiant nobles engaged in the profession of arms) a supreme debt of love, honor, and generous recompense. Oh, what a noble, honorable, and advantageous thing it is, in a kingdom, empire or country, to have valiant knights, that is, good men-at-arms! Are they not the guardians of the prince, the country and the people, and the champions who risk life and limb and blood for the honor of the prince and the public good? Who could deserve and adequately recompense, sufficiently praise or render fitting thanks or merit for a valiant man of honor, resolute in arms, noble in manners and qualities, loyal in deed and in courage, wise in government, and diligent in the pursuit of chivalry? Alas, such people do not get their due recompense in France! For if they were honored according to their due, even if just one brave knight were so rewarded, a hundred or more would aspire to be brave. This was 119. On Quintus Metellus, Carthage, Hannibal, Vegetius, see VM 7.2.3 and 269d–70a. On Vegetius, Christine could have consulted the translation of Vegetius completed by Jean de Meun in 1284, or that of Jean de Vignay (ca. 1320). One should bear in mind also that the third book of the Gouvernement des rois contains numerous extracts from Vegetius. See also Paul Meyer, “Les Anciens traducteurs français de Végèce et en particulier Jean de Vignai,” Romania 25 (1896): 401–23. 120. Cf. 90:22, 114:1.

Book of the Body Politic 107

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

true once of the ancient Romans, for without any doubt the fair and wise customs established by those of Rome in all spheres of their life made them conquerors across the whole world. There is no doubt that their great prudence played an important role in this, along with the profession of arms. And what reason can one think of to explain how these Romans were better and more valiant than other people? Without doubt it was because they knew better than anyone else how to recognize the brave and more generously reward their deeds, and they devoted all their study to motivating people to do good. And concerning the ways in which they honored the brave, I shall begin with what Valerius relates, first with regard to princes and sovereigns, and following that I shall speak of other brave knights. When the Romans were at the height of their glory, they adopted a certain custom in Rome: when the princes of Rome, that is, the sovereign heads and leaders of very large armies, had victoriously conquered a kingdom or country that was extremely difficult to capture (for example, Scipio Africanus who subjugated Africa and the noble city of Carthage, and Pompey the Great who conquered many kingdoms, and Julius Caesar and several other noble conquerors), when these princes returned to Rome after these noble victories, the Romans had created a certain honor for them, which they called a “triumph” and which was bestowed upon them when they entered the city. And Isidore says that this triumph was awarded when the victory was one that was complete. What was this triumph? Valerius says first of all that it was called a triumph because “tri” means “three” and “ruphon” means “his power,” for before a triumph was granted three votes were required, that is, three judgments. The first who gave judgment were men-atarms who had been involved in the action and the victory, for they were familiar with what had happened and were qualified to make a judgment. Secondly, a written report was sent to the Senate, that is, to the princes of Rome who sat on the council, and they made a judgment based on the facts as to whether a triumph was merited. The third was the agreement and judgment of the people. After these judgments, and after a rich, nobly decorated chariot of gold had been prepared, they would all go out of the city to meet whoever was being given the triumph, dressed in rich robes, each according to their status, and he then took his seat in the ornately decorated chariot. The chariot signifies glory and honor. He was greeted with all due deference by the other princes and everyone did him reverence and crowned him with palms if he himself had been involved in the fight and the victory, for the palm has thorn-like tips. And the man who had vanquished with good sense and strength, and had obtained the victory without great loss of his men and had pursued and captured the enemy, was crowned with a crown of laurel which smells sweet and is always in leaf. And this can be properly called a triumph and joyous victory, for according to Isidore, a victory is not joyous when it is achieved with great losses. And for this reason, Sallust praises princes who achieve victory without soaking the flesh of their own people

108 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

in blood. Ahead of the chariot of the man awarded the triumph were the prisoners, who often included very important kings and great princes, and the packhorses carrying the booty destined for the Roman treasury. Closest to the chariot marched those who had conducted themselves best in battle and who carried the most tokens of victories and great deeds. The tokens of victory were specific jewels of various kinds awarded according to what they had accomplished, and they had to wear these as if they had fought in a battalion and achieved a great victory. They were given a specific jewel for this particular service. And if some had conducted themselves so valiantly during an assault that the castle was captured by them through their bravery or initiative, another type of jewel was awarded. If someone had fought resolutely in hand-to-hand combat or accomplished a specific feat of arms, there were jewels prescribed for all these deeds. The capture of a city meant the award of golden crowns; for other feats of arms, there were collars, headwear, belts, garters, gold bracelets, and for every deed, a particular jewel. And they had to wear them, otherwise they would be reproached for not doing so. The Romans wanted this so as to set a good example to others, and to ensure that no one could be accused of presumption or arrogance, since they were obeying a command. And wearing these things was for them a great honor, and by this everyone could see the valor of each person, and whoever had done more was honored all the more everywhere he went, and no one dared wear jewels or insignia but those who had won them by feats of arms. Would to God that such a custom existed in France, in all the earth the land most noted for great nobility! I think that some people would be less happy, and some more happy than they are now. Thus, the most valiant marched closest to the chariot, the princes of Rome by their side. The people walked in front, and the officers after them, according to their rank. Behind the chariot came the men-at-arms who had fought in the victory and who were most nobly honored and welcomed; in this way they made their entrance to the city.121 121. The general references to Scipio Africanus, Pompey, Julius Cesar introduce a discussion of the Roman triumph, Isidore, tri+ruphon, golden chariot, Isidore, Sallust, tokens of victory, all taken from VM 2.8.1 and 120d–21b. For more on the etymology of “trionphe,” see Isidore of Seville, The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville, ed. Stephen A. Barney, W. J. Lewis, J. A. Beach, and Oliver Berghof (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), Book 18:i-iii; and Robert Maltby, A Lexicon of Ancient Latin Etymologies (Leeds: Francis Cairns, 1991), 623. In their discussion of “trionphe,” Hesdin/Gonesse cite not only Isidore but also Vegetius (121a): “et est triumphe dit selon vegece de tris en grece [sic] qui vault a dire en françois trois et phon qui vault a dire son pour ce que etc.” It will have been noted that Christine explains that “trionphe” is made up of two words “tri” (three) and “ruphon” meaning “son povoir” (its / his power). One wonders if this variation can be explained by the fact that in Hesdin/Gonesse (121a) the lines are divided in the following way: “phon qui vault a dire son pour / ce que . . .” (phon which means sound because . . .). It is possible that Christine may have read “pooir” or “povoir” (power), instead of “pour . . .” (because), and read “son” as a possessive adjective. On the triumph, see also VM 3.2.24 and 144b, and Mary Beard, The Roman Triumph (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007).

Book of the Body Politic 109 1.30 HOW THE LASCIVIOUSNESS

5

10

15

20

25

GOOD

PRINCE

OUGHT

TO

ESCHEW

Therefore, in the light of what has been said, the good prince intent on justice will not indulge in idleness or excessive pleasures, and consequently will eschew lasciviousness.122 For as the authorities all say, idleness is what nourishes carnality.123 The vice of lasciviousness is very reprehensible, especially in a prince, and can cause a decline in his good fortune, may bring him great blame and dishonor and all other kinds of harm. In this respect, we can recall the example of Sardanapalus, king of the Assyrians, who lost his kingdom in shameful circumstances.124 A king of France was driven out for the same reason, and the same could be said of many others.125 On this topic Valerius relates that a city in Campania called Capua indulged excessively in pleasure and lasciviousness, which corrupted Hannibal and his army and put poison in their veins. For according to what Livy says in the third book of the third decade, after Hannibal had fought several great battles in Italy, he went to spend the winter in Capua, where he and his army gave themselves up so completely to frequenting women and indulging in the pleasures of the flesh (which he never used to enjoy to such excess), wines, meats, pleasurable entertainment, that from then on they were no longer so impatient to bear the great toils and pains to which they were so accustomed. Valerius says that this error he committed took away all the strength from his knights, through which he used to conquer, for he no longer maintained the former military discipline that was second nature to him. And so Valerius says that the man who left Capua was very different from the one who had entered the city. In this way, Valerius says, the fierceness and cruelty of Africa and Carthage, which could not be conquered by arms, was broken and brought low by the pleasures of the flesh which corrupted the victorious Hannibal and his army. For this reason, Valerius says: “Oh 122. Cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 13:30–15:20, 57:1–2. 123. See VM 9.12 praef. and 400a: “selonc ce que dist seneques oyseuse est mort et ensevelissment de l’omme vif ” (according to Seneca, idleness means the death and burial of the living person); and Livre des trois vertus, ed. Willard and Hicks, 17:105–7: “Hay! meschant creature! tu as ouÿ preschier autre foys que saint Bernart, Sur Cantiques, dist que oysiveté est la mere de toutes truffes, et la marastre des vertus” (Ha! Wicked creature! You have heard it preached before that Saint Bernard, in his sermons on the Song of Songs, said that idleness is the mother of all illusions, and the stepmother of the virtues). 124. On Sardanapalus, see VM 9.2 praef. and 354b–c. The sources cited in 282 include Justin (in the first book of the Epitome of Pompeius Trogus) and Albert the Great (on the first book of Ethics). 125. See VM 9.2 praef. and 358c: “Childerith le quart [sic] roy des francois lequel selonc ce que recite [sic] les croniques de france pour sa vie luxurieuse les francois chasserent hors de son royaume car il ravissoit les pucelles et les femmes mariees” (Childeric the fourth king of the Franks, who, according to the chronicles, was chased out of his kingdom by the Franks because of his lascivious life, for he raped maidens and married women).

110 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

what thing is more detrimental than voluptuousness and pleasures of the flesh which extinguish virtue and cancel out victories!” Seneca makes mention of the pleasures enjoyed by Hannibal in a letter he sent to Lucilius, saying: “The foods of Campania made Hannibal soft. He conquered by arms, but he was conquered by lasciviousness.”126 On this, we can consider what Valerius says of the valiant prince Epaminondas: it was after his death that the Athenians began to decline both in virtue and power. For when they had lost the person who often harried them in great wars, and beat them in battle, and whom they envied for his courage, they became lazy, devoting their funds not to soldiers on land or sea as they used to do, but to festivals and games, commemorating the deeds of their predecessors in songs. It was enough for them to recall wars, but not to be involved in them, for which reasons Greece lost its reputation for greatness until the time of Philip, the father of Alexander, who restored it once again.127 1.31 HOW THE GOOD PRINCE SHOULD REFRAIN FROM ANGER Because anger is a very natural vice which inspires hatred and sometimes cruelty in powerful men, it pleases me, by way of example to the good prince that he should avoid it as something very repugnant and unseemly, to relate what Valerius says of this vice, as if he were addressing princes. This is what he says: “On many occasions, men, especially when they are great and powerful, commit acts of great cruelty out of irrepressible hatred.” And to give a better idea of the qualities of these two passions, he distinguishes between them, saying that anger and hate resemble each other insofar as they incite violence and turmoil in the heart of the person who is full of anger and hate, and make him desire vengeance. But there are several differences between them, he says, and Aristotle touches on this matter in the second book of his Rhetoric. It suffices to speak of two of these at present. The first is that, when the angry man has been avenged, that is enough for him, he calms down, and no longer wishes to inflict more harm on the person on whom he has taken revenge. But the man inspired by hate is intent on the destruction and extirpation of everything that belongs to the man whom he hates, he can never be satisfied, and his hatred continues to grow. The second is that the angry man wants to display his anger to the person on whom he wishes revenge, and would not want to cause him any harm unless the other knew that it came from him, and for that reason the angry man does harm publicly, and not at all in secret. But the man inspired by hate prefers to cause harm secretly rather than openly. That is why hatred is worse than straightforward

126. On Capua, Hannibal, Livy, Seneca, see VM 9.1.ext.1 and 352b–d. 127. On Epaminondas, Philip the father of Alexander, see VM 3.2.ext.4–5 and 146d–47b.

Book of the Body Politic 111

5

10

15

20

anger, and why it seems to be that anger can exist without hatred, but hatred cannot exist without anger.128 Because these faults incite man to cruelty, and because there is nothing more reprehensible in a prince than cruelty, it pleases me, in order to increase the good prince’s contempt for this vice, to relate the grievous calamities that Valerius speaks of in this respect, though (to God be our thanks, and to Him be the glory) our princes of France and of the noble royal blood are completely exempt from this vice, even more so, it seems to me, than less important people in the kingdom or any other lineage of princes in the world, which is a very praiseworthy thing in this noble blood. Certainly, says Valerius, the outward clothing of cruelty is horrible, the appearance is cruel, the spirit violent, the voice terrible. Everything about it is full of threats and cruel commands. And if one wants to make a man refrain from cruelty or silence him, that makes his cruelty flame up even more. Cruelty fears no pain, and cannot be restrained, and since the cruel man wants to inspire fear and dread, other men naturally hate him; for cruelty, he says, is a disposition that is not conducive to civil conversation and the civility to which man is naturally inclined, as Aristotle observes in the first book of Politics. And everything that is against natural inclination is by its nature hateful.129 Let these things provide a mirror for the prince and for every man, so that vice can be avoided. Supposing that someone was naturally inclined to vice, a man who cannot master his heart and be in control is not worthy of being virtuous. And a man without virtue is not worthy of honor. 1.32 HOW, AFTER GREAT LABOR, IT IS LEGITIMATE FOR THE GOOD PRINCE TO SEEK RECREATION IN LEISURE ACTIVITIES

25

30

So that the expression of my intention is more clearly understood, and so that I cannot be reproached for any error in work when I said previously that the prince should at all times be hard-working, because to interpret this comment literally, just as it was expressed, would give the impression that I wanted to subject the prince to an extreme burden of work, which is not my intent, I say rather that the prince, and any man burdened similarly with great and important tasks, must on occasion cease work and seek relief in leisure. And because Valerius speaks authoritatively on this topic, and as his words must be and are more effective and more worthy of belief than mine, I will reproduce quite literally what he says on this matter.130

128. On anger and hatred, Aristotle, Rhetoric, see VM 9.3 praef. and 372b–c. Cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 108:24–112:14. See also Mühlethaler, “De ira et avaritia,” 215–35. 129. On the outward clothing of cruelty, Aristotle, Politics, see 9.2 praef. and 359a. 130. On recreation, cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 41:36–40.

112 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

There are two kinds of idleness, he says, one of which is always to be avoided. This is the one that makes virtue disappear, renders life foolish, removes from it the capacity to undertake all good works, and predisposes it to indulge in all the pleasures of the flesh. Ovid refers to this kind of idleness in his book The Remedies of Love, saying: “If you take away leisure, the arts of Cupid will lose their power.” The other kind of idleness I refer to is without vice. In fact, virtue is at times acquired through this, and is often something that nobles of high rank could appropriately enjoy for the refreshment of their inborn physical energy, so that by suspending work for a moderate period of time they will be all the more motivated to take it up again. By moderate idleness their natural strengths are renewed and energized for work. And Valerius says: “That which does not rest naturally on occasion cannot long endure.”131 Then Valerius gives the example of Scipio and Laelius who were such great and active knights, such friends, and such companions in virtue, that just as they were companions in their great labors, they were also companions in their rest, inactivity and recreation. At an opportune moment they would amuse themselves in honest, wholesome games together.132 1.33 HOW IT IS REASONABLE FOR THE GOOD PRINCE WHO IS AWARE THAT HE IS CARRYING OUT HIS DUTY IN ALL VIRTUE TO DESIRE PRAISE AND GLORY Now it is time to conclude the first part of my book, which deals with the introduction of princes to the virtuous life, for I would have drained a bottomless pit of water before I could have recounted all the virtues that are appropriate to a prince. But to speak in general about all the virtues appropriate to him, in order to avoid prolixity, it will suffice, it seems to me, for him to adhere to those already discussed and those that derive from them, and for him to have a song of praise and glory sung about him,133 as was made clear in a response once made by the very valiant and noble prince of Athens, Themistocles. For when singers of poems and ancient tales had come before him, one of his knights asked him in jest who would be the one whose voice would be very pleasing for him to hear. He replied: “The one whose voice will sing out the truth that I am a man of virtue, and that I have 131. On two kinds of idleness, Ovid, Remedies of Love, see VM 8.8 praef. and 325a–b. Hesdin/Gonesse inaccurately quote Ovid’s Latin text from Remedia 5:139: “Otia si tollas, periere Cupidinis artes [sic “artes” (arts) and not “arcus” (bow)] (If you take away the life of ease, Cupid’s bow / arts will lose its / their power). It will be seen that Christine retains the slip made by the translators. As the latter also indicate, the quotation attributed by Christine to Valerius (112:11–12) is in fact also from Ovid, Heroides 4:89: “Quod caret alterna requie durabile non est” (Whatever lacks the alternating of repose [and work] will not endure). 132. On Scipio and Laelius, see VM 8.8.1 and 325b. 133. On praise and glory, cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 75:24–77:9.

Book of the Body Politic 113

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

accomplished very brave and noteworthy deeds.”134 Thus a prince of similar good conduct will be truly worthy of praise, not the excessive praise associated with the general opinion of men who do not attach importance to virtue, but the one based on his just deserts. And it will be no cause for surprise if the person who feels so worthy and so irreproachable, and who knows he has accomplished so many good deeds, desires to be honored. For it should be borne in mind that, according to the testimony of the authors, the very excellent princes and noble men of times past coveted glory absolutely, as could be seen from the valiant deeds that they accomplished. And that it is legitimate to seek to acquire such glory through virtue is demonstrated in the fact that every single thing naturally desires its own perfection, and for this reason man who is sovereign over all worldly creatures seeks to have evidence and proof of his perfection. And as the philosopher says, glory and honor engender reverence,135 which shows that the man to whom reverence is shown should have dignity, and the desire to be honored is so rooted and ingrained in human nature that everyone wants to acquire it. But not everyone is willing to put in the effort to acquire it. By what means should honor and praise be acquired? By virtuous deeds, says the philosopher, for any other way does not lead to true glory, as is shown by Cicero in the first book of On Duties. And whatever anyone says, each person must desire to be honored for virtue and for his just deserts. As for living well, neither honor, praise, and worldly glory represent sufficient reward for virtue and excellence, according to what Aristotle says. And the virtuous man may legitimately desire this reward for the good he has merited, and to encourage others to seek similar virtues. And Cicero rightly says that one can hardly find any man who after great labor does not seek glory and honor as part of his reward. And for the sake of honor and glory of this kind, Aristotle adds in the third book of Ethics, the great moral strength in the hearts of virtuous men who by their deeds have been honored has been discovered and proven, while the unworthy men lacking virtue are despised and reprimanded. Socrates said that the former had chosen a particular path to glory, for they displayed in their deeds what each person would like to be seen as, that is, good. And Socrates earnestly exhorted in this discourse that men should cherish within themselves real virtue rather than the outward appearance of virtue that leaves good deeds unaccomplished, as do the hypocrites.136 Thus, the good prince, to gain Paradise and glory and praise in the world, will love and fear God more than anything else, and prefer the public good of his country rather than his own. He will administer justice with complete integrity, 134. On Themistocles, see VM 8.14.ext.1 and 338b. 135. On the philosopher, glory and honor, see VM 8.14 praef. and 336c–d. 136. On honor and praise, Cicero, On Duties, Aristotle, Cicero, Aristotle, Ethics, Socrates, see VM 8.14 praef. and 336d. The allusion to Socrates will be found on 270c, part of 7.2.ext.1b.

114 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

and in order to give everyone what is rightfully his due137 according to his power and as justice decrees, he will be humane, liberal, and full of mercy, and possess all the other virtues which derive from these and which we have already discussed. And in doing this, he will acquire through his merits not just fame for life, but fame in perpetuity, as Valerius says of the very excellent prince Julius Caesar that for the prestige of all his good deeds he was considered to be a god after his death. Whenever the ancients of that time, who did not yet have our faith, saw a person, man or woman, who surpassed all others in some outstanding quality, they believed that such excellence could not exist without divine power being at work. And because Julius Caesar had many very excellent virtues, among others justice and mercy especially, they said that such virtue in a man could never perish at the moment of death, and that his soul had gone to heaven and been made divine.138 Here ends the first part.

137. On justice, cf. 90:22, 106:20–21. 138. On Julius Caesar seen as a god, see VM 6.9.15 and 265d. See also the numerous allusions to the divinity of emperors, for example, 2b, 3c, 38a–b, 46c, 60c–d.

HERE BEGINS THE SECOND PART OF THIS BOOK WHICH ADDRESSES NOBLES AND KNIGHTS. 2.1 THE FIRST CHAPTER RELATES HOW THESE NOBLES REPRESENT THE ARMS AND HANDS OF THE BODY POLITIC 5

10

15

20

25

30

35

Pursuing our topic, and having concluded our previous discourse addressed to princes and dealing with their introduction to the moral life, the princes being seen as the head of the living image of the body politic as described by Plutarch as related above, it is appropriate in this second part of the present book to adhere to our promises by speaking of the arms and hands of this image, by whom, according to Plutarch, we understand the nobles and knights and all in their estate, and whose introduction to virtue and good conduct we must now discuss, in the way that we have done before, especially with regard to chivalry, whose task is to safeguard the state, according to what the authors say.139 And although the same set of virtues is just as suitable and necessary for nobles and knights and all kinds of people as they are for princes, nonetheless, because their estates differ in terms of way of life, conduct, and various other activities, it is appropriate to draw distinctions. For something that is appropriate for the prince to do is not at all appropriate for the knight or nobleman, and vice versa. But there is no doubt that it is appropriate to address nobles and princes in the same way as far as possessing the aforementioned virtues is concerned, that is, they too must love and fear God more than anything else, be concerned about the public good which they are commissioned to protect, maintain and love justice just as it is appropriate for princes to do, be humane, liberal, compassionate, love the wise and the good, govern by their good counsel, and possess all the other virtues which I do not think I will go over for them again, as it is sufficient for me to have covered this material already. May what has been said regarding the soul and virtues be useful to every estate, every individual, every single person. I shall hardly proceed much further in this manner. It will be sufficient for me to speak without further ado of the conduct that each person should adopt in any matter relevant to him, according to the status accorded to him by God, that is, the nobles should behave as nobles, ordinary people should do what is appropriate for them, and everything should be united together as one body of the same polity, living together in harmony and justice, as is proper. And that is what was implied in what I said about teaching them good conduct. So I shall now embark on my subject, and just as I spoke at the beginning of the first part about educating the children of princes, so I will begin by speaking

139. On Plutarch, see VM 8.9.1 and 326c.

115

116 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN about how the noble ancients instructed their children, according to what we know from written accounts of their deeds. 2.2 HOW THE NOBLE ANCIENTS EDUCATED THEIR CHILDREN

5

10

15

20

25

30

In the chapter that speaks of the customs to which the noble ancients introduced their sons, Valerius tells that, as soon as these youngsters had grown old enough to bear any hardship, their fathers took them away from their mothers and made them take part in challenging activities according to their age and physical condition, and as from this age their fathers got them used to bearing the weight of full armor according to their strength, and to exercise their arms in a way that was not too painful to them. They were not fed with over-refined foods or given fancy clothes, as many are today, but were nourished on a diet of plain food. As for dress, there was a particular kind of clothing which only nobles wore and nobody else, but I know full well that they did not wear garments that were embroidered or trimmed with marten. Their fathers accustomed them to sleep on a hard bed, to go to bed late and rise early, and to all other kinds of bearable hardships appropriate to the profession of arms. And the manner in which the ancients educated their children, who afterwards became such valiant men, as appears in the deeds of the ancients, leads one to approve and praise the approach of certain noblemen in Germany and others who do not permit any arrogance in their children while they are still young; rather they make them serve other noblemen as pages, traveling and enduring many hardships. And I believe that when they are grown up, they are not any the worse for this, and that noblemen brought up in this way are more competent in wartime than those who have a softer, more delicate upbringing. For, as Vegetius says of knighthood, those who have been accustomed to toil are likely to make better soldiers.140 As for food, the opinion of some people who say that the child nourished on fine wines and fine foods will have better blood, and consequently will be stronger, is without foundation, for, according to Aristotle, refined foods, more quickly than others, cause deterioration. And they do not strengthen a man’s limbs as well as the plainest foods do.141 We see this from our own experience, for the Bretons and Normans who are usually nourished on simple fare and are not refined in 140. On the way in which the ancients educated their children, and Vegetius: Christine cites as her source the “chapter that speaks of the customs to which the noble ancients introduced their sons,” which is contained in 71a–105d, corresponding to VM Book 2, chapters 1–6. The sections on the Spartans (97d) and the Lucanians (104a) echo what Christine says on the education of children (cf. also a passage describing the laws of Lycurgus, 21a, VM 1.2.ext.3). On Vegetius, see Jean de Meun, Art de chevalerie: Traduction du De re militari de Végèce par Jean de Meun, ed. Ulysse Robert (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1897), 7–8, and Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 374:34–35, 377:26–32, 378:4–8, 379:17–21. 141. On refined foods, cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 209:37.

Book of the Body Politic 117

5

10

15

20

25

30

their choice of foods, are stronger and more resilient than others usually are. For this reason, they are much sought after in warfare, as are the Burgundians and other communities who are not used to delicacies. Others, especially the Romans, brought up their children, according to Valerius, to adhere to good conduct, keeping them fearful and obedient, which is a very rational thing to do. For according to what is written in The Book of Twelve Errors, the third category of error concerns a young man with no sense of obedience, and in whom one ought to find a sense of service, submissiveness, and humility. For just as one does not find fruit on a tree that has not flowered, so a man will nor acquire true honor who has not labored in his youth in obedience and discipline.142 And of this humility to which the children of nobles were made accustomed, Valerius says that the young used to display as much honor to their elders as if they were their own fathers. And when elderly nobles went to the council and court of the princes, the young accompanied them in all humility and waited for them until they returned, remaining standing all the while, in this way getting used to enduring hardship. And the elderly also made every effort to teach them good conduct and provide an example for them, through which good advice and good practice the young became hard-working, virtuous, and well mannered. Afterwards the old people they associated with appointed them to knightly offices according to their capacities. This was the way in which the nobles brought up their children, and for their patience, their virtue, and powers of endurance they enjoyed the highest reputation. Valerius also says that when there was a festival or a great banquet at which the young were present, and it was time for everyone to take their seats at table, the young, before sitting down, diligently enquired as to who was coming, so that they were ready to serve any elderly nobleman who was due to come, before taking their own seats. And their tables were removed first, so that they could present themselves before the elderly. This makes it clear, says Valerius, that they had been taught to say little, which is a good habit for young people to have. For according to Anselm in the Book of Similitudes: “There are three things that ought to be recommended in a young man, namely, reserve in his heart, abstinence in his body, silence in his mouth (which means saying very little), for according to the sage, if a foolish man remains silent, perhaps he will be taken to be wise.”143 142. On Valerius, good conduct, Book of Twelve Errors, see VM 2.1.9 and 75a–c. On the Book of Twelve Errors, see Migne, Patrologia Latina 40, cols. 1079–87, De duodecim abusionum gradibus: “tertius abusionis gradus est adolescens sine obedientia,” col.1080 (the third category of error concerns a young man with no sense of obedience). The Catalogue des manuscrits français: Anciens fonds (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1868) indicates that BnF fr. 1543 contains a text (not consulted) entitled Les douze abusions du monde (fol. 88). 143. On this and the preceding paragraph (Valerius, young and old, Anselm’s Book of Similitudes), see VM 2.1.9. and 75b. The reference is to Saint Anselm’s De similitudinibus.

118 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN 2.3 EXAMPLES OF WHAT RESULTED FROM THE TEACHING WHICH THE ANCIENTS GAVE THEIR CHILDREN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

Now we have told how the Romans used to educate their children when they were young. It is appropriate to relate the consequences of this teaching, that is, the effects of their heroic deeds when they came of age; one example among others told by Valerius, concerning a child’s virtue, is relevant to our purpose. He says it often happens that, from a very early age, one can discern a man’s inclinations and good conduct. He tells the story of a noble Roman child called Æmilius Lepidus who took so readily to training in arms, taking such pleasure and delight in it that he wanted to be fully armed for battle, and, surpassing a child’s nature, says Valerius, which is fearful of witnessing the horrors of war, he fought so heroically that the princes of the Roman council registered his name in the annals of their noble deeds for the great marvel he had accomplished.144 As proof that the exhortation to virtue the elderly gave to the young children made their disposition more open, more inclined to compassion, affability, and more steadfast courage, Valerius speaks of another noble child who, as his master took him to school, and as they passed by Sulla, one of the Roman princes, made the child aware of Sulla’s great cruelty, for he had beheaded a good number of Romans out of sheer brutality. The child asked his master how it was that people put up with such a tyrant rather than kill him. The master replied that that there were plenty of people who really wanted to assassinate him, but he was protected by so many men-at-arms. Then the child said that he would carry this out, provided he were given a knife, for he was in his presence every day and could not fail to kill him. At this the master, noting the great courage of the child, no longer allowed him near Sulla without searching him first to make sure he had no knife.145 With regard to the great courage of a well-mannered child, Valerius also tells of a Roman nobleman who treated a son he had with great severity, always sending him away, until eventually this behavior became excessive and displayed such great harshness (everything should be done with moderation) that the child no longer dared go into his presence. It happened that another powerful man in Rome, who hated the father for reasons I do not know, found a ruse to pursue him in law, harassing him so much that he began to lose his possessions and suffer great financial loss. The good child, his son, who paid attention not to the harshness and injury meted out by his father but only to the natural love that he owed him, could no longer bear the torment being inflicted on his father, secretly took possession of a good knife, went to his father’s adversary and asked to speak to him privately. The other, who was a counselor, someone we would call an advocate, 144. On Æmilius Lepidus, see VM 3.1.1. and 131d–32b. 145. On another noble child, and Sulla (Silla in Christine’s text), see VM 3.1.2b and 132d–33a.

Book of the Body Politic 119

5

thought that the child wanted to consult him about some undertaking against his father, and was delighted. So he took him into a private chamber. When the child saw that they were alone with each other, he closed the door, threw himself on the old man and held him by the throat, saying that he would kill him immediately if he did not promise to leave his father in peace and compensate him for all the losses that he had inflicted upon him. In short, he terrified him so much that he made and kept this promise.146 2.4 HOW THE ANCIENT VALIANT KNIGHTS OF OLD ADVANCED THE CAREERS OF THE YOUNG WHOM THEY HAD TAUGHT WELl

10

15

20

25

30

35

As you have heard, the children of Rome benefited in the past from the good examples and good advice given them by the elders, whose duty it was to do so, and the ancients are greatly to be blamed who give a bad example to the young, such as foolish old men fixed in their wicked ways and unseemly customs, who do not renounce these when in the presence of young people, rather they make them conveyors of their idle gossip; it brings great dishonor when it happens that those who ought to be instructors of sound teaching provide an example of infamy. Nor is there anything in the world more unfitting to see than an old man without virtue and good sense. And as has been said, the valiant Romans, who governed themselves so wisely in everything, took such delight in the good deeds of the young that, when they saw them as being virtuous, they took no account [of their youth] nor failed to appoint them to high dignities or the honors of office, even though they were young, since they possessed good sense and virtue. This was the case of Scipio Africanus who was only twenty-four years old when they made him captain of a very large army, something that did not usually happen until the age of at least thirty. But they were not disappointed, for he conducted himself with such greatness, and brought such benefit to the Romans through his acquisition of all Africa, Carthage, and the greater part of Spain, where he accomplished marvelous deeds.147 The same was true of Pompey the Great who as a young child had given such proof of every virtue and valor that when he was twenty-two years old the Romans made him consul, that is to say, prince of a very great army. He conducted himself so well in this office and dignity that on several occasions in his time he was awarded a triumph, which was a supreme honor, as has been told and narrated above, in the first part of this book. He was given a triumph for defeating Mithridates king of Pontus, who was so powerful that he conquered twenty-two countries speaking the same number of languages who over a period of forty years had harried the Romans in various battles. He was given a triumph 146. On Roman nobleman who treated his son with great severity, see VM 5.4.3 and 229a. 147. On Scipio Africanus, see VM 8.15.1 and 340a.

120 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

too for his defeat of Tigranes, king of Armenia, as has been mentioned before, and several other kings, cities, and countries which he brought under the obedience of Rome, as many as twenty-two kingdoms, and shortly afterwards all the regions between the Caucasus mountains and the Red Sea; he also cleared the sea of a great multitude of pirates who occupied parts of Europe and Asia that were close to the coast.148 And so from the above-mentioned schooling emerged such pupils as you are hearing about. To present good examples of chivalry, I shall speak in more detail of the deeds of those students and pupils. 2.5 HOW SIX GOOD QUALITIES AMONG OTHERS ARE NECESSARY FOR CHIVALROUS NOBLES, AND OF THE FIRST It seems to me that I find in the writings of authors who have dealt with the conduct of nobles that six qualities are especially necessary for them if they wish to acquire, through their valor, the honor due to those who deserve it, and without this honor their nobility is as nothing, just a mockery.149 The first of these qualities is that they must perfectly love arms and respect the conventions of warfare and devote all their efforts to the practice of arms. The second quality is that they must be bold, and this boldness must be so firm and resolute that they must never flee or leave the battle out of fear of death, nor be unwilling to shed their blood and lose their life for the good of their prince and the protection of the country and the state; otherwise they risk being sentenced to death in a court of law and being shamed forever. The third is that they inspire courage and bravery in each other, admonish their companions to do good, and be firm and resolute. The fourth is to be truthful and uphold their oath of loyalty. The fifth is that they must love and desire honor more than anything else in the world. And the sixth is that they must be wise and cunning in the face of their enemies and in all their feats of arms. And if these six qualities are faithfully upheld, the man who respects them will not be lacking in honor. But without doubt it is more difficult to do this than to speak about it, and for this reason Aristotle says that wherever the greatest difficulty lies, there will be the greatest honor.150 On the first quality that the nobleman ought to have, which is to love and practice arms and respect the conventions of warfare, we can give the example of 148. On Pompey, Mithridates, Tigranes of Armenia, Caucasus, Red Sea, Europe, Asia, see VM 8.15.8 and 342d–43a. 149. Cf. Chemin de longue étude, ed. Tarnowski, 4227–84; Fais d’armes et de chevalerie, ed. Laennec, 2:50–52; Deeds of Arms, ed. Willard, 35–37; Charles V, ed. Solente, 1:197; Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 377:9–379:8. For a general discussion of knighthood, see Zeynep Kocabiyikoglu Çeçen, “Christine de Pizan on Knighthood: A New Ideal Based on Wisdom,” in Loba, Ton nom sera reluisant aprés toy par longue memoire, 311–29. 150. On Aristotle and difficulty, VM 7.5.3 and 289c: “vertus est vers les choses difficiles” (virtue involves difficult things).

Book of the Body Politic 121

5

10

15

20

25

30

many valiant knights. But because we have begun with the histories of the Romans, let us continue with them, for it seems to me that we can consider them as a whole to be especially devoted to arms and consequently to be very noble, that is, those brave men of whom mention is made in the writings of the classic authorities who deal with their deeds. And although they loved arms well, they respected all the conventions of war through their chivalric discipline, that is, they had rules to maintain what was right and proper, with the result that they fell short in nothing and those who broke the established rules were harshly punished. For this reason, Valerius says that chivalric discipline, that is, respect for appropriate rules and order, was the supreme honor and sure foundation of the Roman empire. He says also that by observing this discipline the Romans won great victories and secured conditions of blessed peace and tranquility.151 Valerius gives many examples of how they upheld this discipline. Among others, he tells of a great rebellion in Sicily against the Romans. A consul, that is, one of their princes, or supreme captain, was sent there with a large army. He was called Calpurnius Piso. It happened that he had sent one of his commanders with a company of soldiers to guard a pass against his enemies, but the latter was so unprepared for the sheer size of their army that he and his army were obliged to surrender and hand over their weapons. When Calpurnius the consul heard what had happened, it seemed to him that the commander had failed to keep watch properly; when the latter was led back to him, Calpurnius in consequence inflicted the following series of humiliations upon him: he made the commander put on the clothing worn by nobles, called a toga, and to signify that he had dishonored his noble status by surrendering in such a cowardly fashion, Calpurnius had the lower fringe removed, which was regarded as utter humiliation; and the commander had to go on foot till the end of the campaign, and was forbidden to associate with the company of knights, that is, the warriors on horseback of whom he was commander. And he and his men who had surrendered were placed among the slingers, who were mere valets and foot soldiers armed with catapults, and of no ransom value.152 2.6 OF THE FIRST GOOD QUALITY

35

On this topic Valerius goes on to relate how the Romans, upholding this discipline, spared no one who did wrong, no matter how good or praiseworthy he might be. He tells of a brave knight called Fabius Rullianus, the leader or captain of a large Roman army: because he had fought against an enemy army without the permission of the dictator or consul who was his overlord, he was stripped naked and beaten, even though he was victorious over the enemy. And given that he was 151. On Valerius and chivalric discipline, see VM 2.7. praef. and 106b. 152. On Sicily and Calpurnius Piso, see VM 2.7.9 and 113c–14a.

122 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

a very courageous man, they spared him a worse punishment. Valerius speaks of him in these piteous words: “Fabius Rullianus, victorious and courageous conqueror, gave his flesh and body to be torn by the torturers’ rods, which shed his blood and reopened the wounds received in his glorious victories.” The Romans adopted these measures so that they would inspire fear and dread.153 Still on this topic, Valerius speaks of a brave consul who was killed in battle. But despite the fact that his side had triumphed and won the victory, and because the Romans had been informed that the leader had been killed because not enough men-at-arms had helped him or advanced sufficiently to avoid the javelins and lances thrown by the enemy and thereby save their prince, the Roman Senate, says Valerius, gave orders that these people should not receive any wages or payment that year.154 The Carthaginians, who were such valiant soldiers, used to cruelly execute their commanders when they did not order their battle lines properly, even if, let us suppose, some good perhaps came out of it. They said that one should not have honor or praise in anything, but rather should be punished if something was done not in accord with reason.155 Having spoken of chivalric discipline, Valerius concludes his discussion of the good that came to the Romans because they never failed to uphold it: they overcame the power of kings, marched over and conquered the high Alps, and accomplished marvelous adventures, all of these impossible if they had not upheld their discipline.156 2.7 OF THE SECOND GOOD QUALITY

25

30

With regard to boldness, the second good quality necessary for a brave man-atarms, the authors who have spoken of this say that it is a virtue born of great courage, which the clerics call magnanimity, without which no company of men-at-arms would be able to accomplish great deeds. Great and mighty deeds are undertaken and often accomplished by boldness rather than sheer physical strength, as is frequently seen when a small man, weak in body and slender in girth, but bold and endowed with great courage, dares to take up arms against a tall and strong man, and sometimes overcomes him. We have an example of this in the Emperor Alexander who was the smallest man ever known and who nonetheless overcame King Porus of India in hand-to-hand combat, though the latter was supremely tall, stronger, and more handsome than other men. And through his great boldness he dared undertake to conquer the world, which he 153. On Fabius Rullianus (Rustilanus in Christine’s text), see VM 2.7.8 and 111b–13c. 154. On a valiant consul, see VM 2.7.15d and 117b–c. 155. On the Carthaginians, see VM 2.7.ext.1 and 120b–c. 156. On chivalric discipline, the high Alps, see VM 2.8. praef. and 120c.

Book of the Body Politic 123

5

10

15

20

25

30

did, accomplishing a marvelous deed.157 And many others by their boldness have accomplished many such marvelous deeds that were deemed impossible, which explains why Ovid says that the gods aid the brave. He goes on to tell in his fables and poetry of how the god Mars, wanting to help a brave knight in his fight against someone much stronger than he, threw a stone at the stronger of the two, hitting him in the face and splitting his forehead. In this way the weak conquered the strong. It may be true that perhaps someone threw the stone that hit him, and the foolish people of that time thought that Mars had thrown it to bring him succor, because no one knew where the stone had come from.158 Valerius also says that the god Mars similarly helped a Roman knight in his fight against another by sending to his aid a crow which, with its beak and claws, mutilated the enemy’s whole face. It may be that something else happened, and these things are said because it often comes about that Fortune favors the brave to such an extent and sends them so many good adventures that it truly seems that they are like miracles, so strangely do they occur in various cases.159 Nonetheless, to speak appropriately about boldness, the one which is to be commended, pure, distinctive, and honorable boldness is the one based on reason and on what is possible and reasonable to do: it does not involve embarking on an uncertain, unachievable enterprise, such as one man faced with a huge number of others, or a small number of people setting out to attack a huge force of enemies, or someone who commits many outrageous acts convinced that no one will dare to seek revenge. That kind of boldness cannot last for long. And although sometimes it perhaps seems that what he is undertaking is going well, in the end such foolhardiness destroys his master and all those who believe in him, no honor remains, and such behavior is regarded as folly and presumption. For, as has been said before about chivalric discipline in all things, where there is no order or moderation such acts cannot be praised, and even although by chance something good can occasionally emerge from them, nonetheless the end result will inevitably be bad. 2.8 MORE ON THE SAME TOPIC AND ROMAN EXAMPLES Because we have said before that boldness comes from great courage (and this is true), we must give examples according to the order in which we have proceeded in this book up until now. To some extent what was said earlier about chivalric discipline is still relevant to our theme in this part, namely, that Julius Caesar, 157. On Alexander and Porus of India, see VM 3.2.ext.9 and 148d. 158. On Ovid, the gods, Mars, see Metamorphoses 10:586: “audentes deus ipse iuvat” (the god himself favors the brave) and Ars amatoria 1:608: “audentem Forsque Venus iuvat” (both luck and love favor the brave). 159. On Mars, a Roman knight, a crow, see VM 3.2.6b and 136d; VM 8.15.5 and 342a.

124 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

the very excellent and noble conqueror, had by his great chivalric discipline instructed his knights and men-at-arms in the following lessons. With regard to the boldness and great courage which a brave man-at-arms must possess if he is not to flee the battle out of fear of death nor be found to be a coward, Valerius speaks of a valiant knight of Julius Caesar called Marcus Caesius, who in the course of a battle accomplished so many marvelous feats of arms that a large number of soldiers were sent to capture him. But he killed all those who approached him. And in an even more challenging moment he demonstrated the strength and boldness of his great courage, for he was hit by a blow to the eye which knocked it right out of his head. But he showed no trace of pain, nor did he refrain from fighting because of this injury or of any of the other extraordinary wounds inflicted upon him, not ceasing to fight until he fell down dead on top of the pile of men he had killed. His shield was found to be pierced in a hundred and twenty places, and for his valor Valerius says this: “The discipline of Julius Caesar nourished and gave instruction to such knights as these, that is, the exhortations, the example, and practice that he gave them.”160 Still on this topic, Valerius tells of another of Julius Caesar’s knights, named Acilius, saying that he was once in a great naval battle against those of Marseilles, in which his right hand was cut off, but he never faltered because of the pain nor stopped fighting; rather he took up his sword in his left hand and resumed the fight energetically.161 With regard to our previous statement that Fortune sometimes favors the brave, Valerius also tells of another of Julius Caesar’s knights, named Scaevius, who once found himself by chance all alone on an island amidst his enemies who attacked him on all sides with great ferocity. But he threw so many javelins, so thick and fast, that the quantity would have supplied five knights for a whole day, and he did this in a short space of time; and when he had no more javelins, he ran at them, with his sword drawn, and accomplished so many feats of arms that the Romans on the other side of the water watched him in absolute astonishment, unable to bring him help. And it was difficult for the enemies who were the recipients of his blows to believe that so many deeds could be accomplished and so much pain endured by a single knight: it was something quite incredible unless you had seen it for yourself. Although his enemies were completely ashamed that one single man could survive against so many people, and that they were trying with everything in their power to kill him, he accomplished so much through the force of his mighty blows that they feared he would force them back a little, away from him. Wounded as he was by a lance that pierced his thigh, his face bruised by a stone, injured in several places, he threw himself into the sea and still fully armed swam across the water, staining it with his own blood and that of those he 160. On Marcus Caesius, a valiant knight of Julius Caesar, see VM 3.2.23a and 143a. 161. On Acilius (Altilius in Christine’s text), another knight of Julius Caesar, see VM 3.2.22 and 141d.

Book of the Body Politic 125

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

had attacked on the shore, now streaming with blood. And so he escaped, and made his way to his overlord Julius Caesar, who praised him greatly, did him great honor, and generously rewarded him, as was well deserved. For he knew how to recognize the brave, and to reward them so well that others could model themselves on their courage. And he made him lord and captain of a large company of knights.162 With regard once again to the fact that Fortune helps brave knights to escape from great perils and accomplish many marvelous deeds, Valerius tells also of a noble Roman knight called Horatius Cocles, saying that the Etruscans once came to capture a bridge from the Roman army. Horatius made his way across and kept up the fight till the bridge had collapsed; still on his horse, he then jumped into the water and escaped safe and sound from all his enemies, despite all the javelins being thrown at him.163 Still on the topic of chivalric valor and extreme courage, Valerius speaks of a Roman knight who in a battle had accomplished so many feats of arms and over such a length of time that this was a marvelous sight to behold. He was so badly injured that he could no longer make use of his hands, and fully realized that his life was ebbing away. With his feet he managed to make one of his enemies fall over, placed his body on top of him, and with his teeth ripped off his nose and tore his face to pieces.164 Valerius tells again of a valiant Roman prince called Paulus Crassus. After he had fought bravely in a battle against Aristonicus, king of Asia, it happened that adverse Fortune turned against Paulus with the result that he was captured alive in the battle. When he saw this, he decided to die with honor rather than live in servitude, for it was the custom then in many places that they regarded prisoners taken in battle as their slaves and treated them with great harshness. This custom was adhered to especially in Rome, particularly with regard to those who rebelled against them or who broke their treaties. When his enemies had disarmed him, this noble prince managed to get hold of a rod which he thrust it into the eye of the person closest to him who, on feeling such pain, dispatched him with his sword. For this act Valerius praises him, saying: “Crassus demonstrated to Fortune that, although his body was conquered by her, it was not at all in her power to conquer his courageous spirit.”165 What Valerius says of another extraordinary Roman knight is confirmed by several other historians such as Varro, Livy, Solinus and others who recount his deeds. They seem almost impossible to believe, but the authority of these worthy 162. On another of Julius Caesar’s knights, Scaevius (in French text Scevola, in VM, ed. Constant, Scaeva), see VM 3.2.23b and 143c–d. 163. On Horatio (Oracius Crocles in Christine’s text), see VM 3.2.1 and 135a–b. 164. On a Roman knight who rips off his opponent’s nose, see VM 3.2.11 and 138c. 165. On Paulus Crassus and Aristonicus, see VM 3.2.12 and 138d.

126 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

witnesses adds credence to what is said. This valiant knight was called Siccius Dentatus. To be brief, in his time he accomplished so many feats of arms that he won one hundred and twenty victories for the Romans, using such strength of body and mind that the majority of these victories was always achieved by him alone. He carried away the spoils of thirty enemies he had conquered, that is to say, he nobly won their armor, or shields or tunics, spoils perhaps being usually seen then as a sign of great and total victory. Eight of these spoils came from knights who had challenged him to fight hand-to-hand in front of the two armies. He rescued twenty-four knights from death in battle. He received forty-five wounds in the chest and none in his back. And as was the very noble custom then in Rome (as I have said before, would that it pleased God that the same custom was upheld in France which is the flower of nobility in all the countries of the world), when the princes of Rome returned victorious after some great conquest, they were awarded a great honor which they called a “triumph,” and the knights who had conducted themselves best were closest to the chariot, wearing special types of jewels according to the deeds they had accomplished; and these were called “victories.” This valiant and brave knight Siccius brought back to Rome such “victories,” walking closest to the chariot at the time of his last triumph, just as he would have done in the same way on many other occasions in this same honor, but the number of his praiseworthy deeds kept on increasing so much that the number of “victories” he brought back at that time, of every kind that could be worn, rose, according to Solinus, to three hundred and twelve, while in his book Valerius gives the figure as four hundred and twelve. The result was that when he entered the city, he was looked up to more for his astonishing deeds than the wealth on display at the triumph. Solinus says of Siccius that in terms of strength and bravery he was the most excellent of Romans.166 2.9 OF THE THIRD GOOD QUALITY THAT KNIGHTS SHOULD HAVE, AND OF CAPTAINS AND MILITARY LEADERS IN BATTLE OR FEATS OF ARMS

30

35

It habitually and commonly happens that someone who is instructed or learned in an art or custom works hard and makes every effort to pass on to others his expertise in the subject he loves. For this reason, the wise people say: “Keep company with the good, and you will become like them; if you follow the wicked, you will be like them.”167 Therefore, if anyone wants to be master of an art or science, it is necessary for him to follow and keep the company of masters and workers in 166. On Varro, Livy, Solinus, Siccius Dentatus, the triumph, Solinus, see VM 3.2.24 and 143d–44b. 167. On the wise, keeping company with the good, see J. W. Hassell, Middle French Proverbs, Sentences, and Proverbial Phrases (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1982), B136. Cf. Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., 310: “Dist le Psalmiste: ‘Hante les bons, et tu seras comme eulx et des mauvais

Book of the Body Politic 127

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

whatever he wants to do, for, as will be said in the last part of this book, one must believe every expert in his own art.168 To continue with our topic, that is, the third quality that a good knight or brave man-at-arms should have, as we touched on at the beginning of this second part, every noble man who wants to take up arms must diligently associate with and follow those who are good and valiant in this science and profession. And because I call it “science,” some people might think I am making a mistake in so describing it, but it seems to me (to speak clearly, without going on to seek more subtle reasons, which is something that could be done to prove that it can be described in this way) that in all things where it is appropriate to uphold strict rules of order and measured judgment, if it is to be done properly, one can call these practices based on order “science.” And since there is nothing in which it is more necessary to respect order and wisdom than warfare (and where there is no order in a battle, everything turns to confusion, as we know from experience), Vegetius wrote a book in which he speaks of the rules that must be upheld and which is entitled the Book of the Science and Art of Chivalry. That it is true that there is no matter in which it is so necessary to act on the basis of reason, is proved by the very valiant knight Scipio Africanus who says on this topic, as Valerius recounts, that it was always very shameful in chivalric endeavors to say: “I did not believe this possible.” “For, he said, “if something has to be carried out by the sword, it must be done on such good advice and counsel and for such good reasons that the question of believing it or not is of no consequence, for when an error or fault occurs it cannot be corrected when it is committed in the heat and violence of battle.” Vegetius, the author we have just referred to, confirms this comment in the first part of the Book of Chivalry, when he says, among other things: “Generally, if one makes a mistake, the error or fault can be rectified, but the chaos of battles and feats of arms cannot be rectified, for the misdeed is immediately punished.” For it is necessary to die early, or flee dishonorably, or fall into servitude, that is, be captured and treated harshly: these things weigh more heavily than death in the eyes of the courageous. And since we have begun the chapter in which we hope to discuss how good men-at-arms must encourage each other to be valiant and good, and also the conduct they must uphold in the profession of arms, and these words are particularly and principally appropriate for the instruction of leaders and commanders of armies and battles, we will speak again of what the valiant Scipio, already mentioned, said to his knights as prince of their army. He would say that no one ought to fight his enemies, that is, rush headlong upon them, unless there is a just cause for engaging with them. But if there is a just cause, it should not semblablement.’ ” The theme of keeping good company and avoiding bad runs right through the Bible; e.g., Psalms 1:1, Proverbs 13.20. 168. Cf. 95:31–32, 164:23–24.

128 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

be assumed that the enemy will attack them first, for when the cause is just, the right one has on one’s side inspires great courage. Therefore, in such a case a man must fight with complete assurance that his cause is just, otherwise he should not get involved, unless he is forced to do so. But in the case of attack, not to defend himself would be cowardice, and show a lack of any faith in good Fortune, which would be despicable.169 On the topic of good army commanders, Vegetius says that they more than anyone else must be wise and clear-sighted in their office. For, he says, it is a serious matter to allow for the opinions of so many people, that is, to be clear-sighted enough to counter what they may think, namely, to oversee such a large number of people while respecting the will of everyone, upholding good order, self-esteem, and the interests of his sovereign. That is why the ancients of long ago, dukes and princes of battles, pretended that some of them were descended from the gods, so that their subjects, and those who were beneath them, would fear them more and show greater trust in their commands.170 And they used such stratagems when exhorting their men, as Valerius says when speaking of the very great intelligence, valor, and bravery of the noble prince of battle, Sertorius, who, in order to inspire courage and confidence in his men, pretended that the gods were revealing to him what he should do through a white hind which he took him through the mountains of Lusitania, which is part of Spain, and in his other campaigns.171 King Minos of Crete did the same, a man of very great wisdom with regard to justice and even battles, for he conquered and enslaved the Athenians whom Theseus, their duke, subsequently freed. Minos was in the habit of going in the new year to a grotto or cavern which for a long period of time had been dedicated to the god Jupiter, whose son he claimed to be, according to the writings of the poets. He used to say that in this place his father Jupiter gave him the laws and decrees which he established for the Cretans, employing this deception so that they would be even more afraid to break his commandments.172 But these issues do not imply that the good captain and the good man-atarms should make use of this, for such deception would be wrong and could set a bad example. But if the wise captain or leader of men-at-arms knows how to wisely pretend that he has more good sense than he actually has, or that he knows more than he does, and that he does what he does for a good and reasonable motive, finding good and just stratagems to carry this out, I believe that this is a good and wise outcome, as will be shown later at the appropriate point. 169. On Vegetius, Scipio Africanus, see VM 7.2.2 and 269c–d. On Vegetius, see also note 119. 170. On Vegetius, good commanders, see VM 2.7. praef. and 105d–6a, and Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 393:25–396:10. Cf. Jean de Meun, Art de chevalerie, 95–99. On lineage of the gods, see VM 9.5.ext.1 and 384a–d. 171. On Sertorius, white stag, Lusitania, see VM 1.2.5 and 20b–c. 172. On Minos of Crete, Theseus, see VM 1.3.ext.1 and 20c–d.

Book of the Body Politic 129 2.10 ON THE SAME SUBJECT, AND ROMAN EXAMPLES

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

To illustrate the good exhortations that the good leader of an army must give to his men, in every legitimate manner that he can conceive of, in order to increase their desire to conduct themselves well and be bold, and to illustrate also what each must say to the other to strengthen their resolution, Valerius says that Caius Marius, a Roman consul, leader and commander of a great army, once found himself hemmed in by his enemies in the course of a battle, leaving him in great fear that things would go badly for him and his army. He had about three cohorts of foreign soldiers with him (each cohort consisting of five hundred men). He feared greatly that they would not be very loyal to him. So to allay this fear, given that the circumstances were urgent and dangerous, he kept urging them forcefully to conduct themselves well, saying and promising to them that, if the battle were won through them, he would reward them so greatly that he would make all of them citizens of Rome. At that time what he promised them was no little thing, for it was the greatest honor and benefit that could be bestowed on a man, given the noble freedoms and liberties that came with this, and it was not usually awarded to foreigners. So, these soldiers gave the impression that they were greatly delighted at this offer, considering themselves to be well-paid. For they made such a great effort and toiled so hard in such difficult circumstances, with their enemies opposing them with great ferocity, that they triumphantly won the battle. And the consul kept the promise that he had made to them, although this was against the laws of the city, for no consul ought to do this without the permission and decree of the Senate, that is, of the whole council. But he excused himself energetically in the Senate for his misdemeanor, saying that in the peril of battle he had no better way to encourage his men than by offering them a large and unexpected reward. He did not have the time or leisure to take civil law into account, that is, to pay attention to their laws, which at that particular time were more in need of being defended than observed.173 Still on the topic of the wise advice of a captain who can exhort his men effectively, Titus Livius, in the first book on the foundation of Rome, says that the Romans once had to bring help to men-at-arms in a battle. It was necessary for them therefore to recruit foreign men-at-arms. The latter, who were neither brave nor loyal, after making the judgment that the outcome of this battle was dubious and full of danger for the Romans, left the army and took up their position on a mountain slope, so that after the battle they could move towards the victors. When the commander and prince of the army saw this and noted that his men were showing signs of fear on seeing that those who ought to be helping them 173. On Caius Marius, three cohorts, citizens of Rome, see VM 5.2.8 and 219b. On the translation of the verb “reserver” [les lois], see Alexander Souter, A Glossary of Later Latin (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1949), 352: reservare legem=observare legem.

130 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

were moving away, he took action, as a wise leader, to counter this fear. Spurring on his horse immediately, he rode through all the assembled ranks of the army, saying that everything was in good order, that he had deliberately sent the captain and his men to the mountain slope, so that they could strike their enemies in the rear when they had taken up positions, and had given them a certain signal to use. And so, this wise and valiant commander, through his wisdom and wise counsel, transformed his men’s fear into confidence and bravery. And he was victorious over his enemies.174 2.11 ON THE SAME SUBJECT AND EXAMPLES

10

15

20

25

30

35

Regarding the fact that good admonishments during a battle are worth a great deal, I can cite what is written of three knights one of whom was from Sparta, which is part of Greece, and who demonstrated his great courage both in word and deed. It happened that he found himself in a great company of men-at-arms from his country who were going to a war, he along with them. And because the latter was very lame, the others began to mock him, wondering what he would do in the battle. Then he very wisely replied that in the battle his intention was to strike out and not flee, adding that the strength of his arms was completely interlinked with the constancy of his courage, and through this he hoped to take away from the battle as fine a victory as was ever seen (otherwise he would die in distress); he said too that they should already be extremely ashamed for presuming so much of their sound and healthy limbs, if he were to win all the honor ahead of them. And the good knight said all this so that, as a result of this confrontation, they would make every effort to fight well in the battle, which is what happened, for the confrontation became so intense that they accepted the judgment of their leader that the person who conducted himself best in the battle would be awarded a prize of great honor. And because of this challenge, they all tried so hard to outdo each other that they won a great and difficult victory. The Romans had sent another Roman knight, a commander of men-atarms, along with a company of knights to the aid of one of their princes waging war in the country of Persia. He encountered an army of their men on their way back who told them that the Persians were firing arrows so thick and fast that they blotted out the sunlight. This good commander who saw clearly that they were afraid replied boldly: “You are giving us good news, for we will fight more comfortably in the shade.” And by these bold words and the wise exhortations he gave them, he made them return to the battle in which they fought with great vigor. The other knight, who was from Greece, had gone to the aid of a city along with a company of men-at-arms. When he was inside the fortress, the citizens, 174. On Livy, foreign mercenaries, see VM 7.4.1 and 282c–d, a passage that recounts the story of Tullus Hostilius and Mettius Fufetius. The reference to Livy is to be found in the last lines of 282d.

Book of the Body Politic 131

5

who did not dare venture beyond the walls for fear of their enemies, began to show him and rejoice over the high city walls and the deep ditches. He responded in this way: “If you built these for women, fine; but if you built them for men, it is shameful and abhorrent that you have more trust in being enclosed by walls and ditches than in the greatness of your own strength.” And so by these wise and good exhortations he gave them back courage and bravery enough to sally forth against their enemies, which they did not dare do before. By this they conquered them and raised the siege.175 2.12 EXAMPLES OF VALIANT KNIGHTS

10

15

20

25

30

35

Of great vigor was the valiant knight named Scaeva who was among those brave knights trained by Julius Caesar. During the war between Julius Caesar and Pompey he had been given the task of guarding, along with other knights, a fortress against Pompey’s army, and the means of access to it. It came about that Pompey’s army began to press so hard on them that they had too much to do and endure while protecting the access area. There was a great and fierce battle, for there were brave men on each side. Scaeva, as brave as a lion, conducted himself with such strength that it was a marvel to see, for he was suffering so much, having already been wounded. He said to his companions as they fought: “Advance, young knights, my dear brothers and companions! Break the javelins and arrows that have pierced your breasts! Keep the metal arrowheads stuck in your throats! We will win, for while we are dying someone will come to defend the fortress.” In short, the deeds and words of this valiant man Scaeva were of such import that they must be recorded properly. By his good exhortations and the example provided by his deeds, he increased the courage of his companions so much that they had no fear of facing any kind of death and fought with astonishing bravery. He climbed the tower and kept throwing the dead on top of the living, destroying everything. He cut off the hands at the wrists of those who were clinging on as they climbed up, and kept hurling down at them anything he could; in short, he killed so many of them that the pile of dead was as high as the wall, as is confirmed by the standard authorities who have written on the deeds of the Romans. Then he leapt into the midst of his enemies who ran at him on all sides; he struck so many blows that his sword was thick with blood and so blunted by his blows that it had no cutting edge any more. His enemies threw so many darts at him that the one deflected the path of the other. He endured for a long time until, as Lucan bears witness as he tells astonishing things of him and his incredible strength, they pressed him so hard that he could hardly survive much longer. Among all the blows he received, he was struck by one in the left eye, but he pulled out the arrow along with the eye and trod upon these underfoot. Scaeva, who realized that he 175. On the three valiant knights, see VM 3.7.ext.8 and 168d.

132 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

could hardly keep going much longer, pretended to repent of the fact that he was fighting against Roman citizens, saying that, since they were all of the same blood, they should feel pity for him too. He asked them to take him to Pompey to cry for mercy, since he wanted to die there. There was one person in that place who believed him, thinking he could trust in his good faith. Then Scaeva struck such a great blow that he killed him instantly. This marked the end of Scaeva, one of the best knights in the world.176 2.13 ON THE FOURTH GOOD QUALITY THAT A VALIANT MANAT-ARMS MUST HAVE

10

15

20

25

As the estate of nobility, that is, noblemen, is the most exalted of all the great ranks and honors of the world, it is very reasonable that it should be adorned with virtues, which together are properly called “true nobility,” and without this nothing is noble. Juvenal bears witness to this when he says that nothing ennobles man except virtue. Boethius approves this judgment in his book of Consolation which states that the term “nobility” is a useless and vain thing if it is not illuminated by virtue, and all the standard authorities generally agree with this.177 Therefore, given these judgments, it is necessary for all those who call themselves noble to be virtuous, that is, to be of good conduct, to hate and shun every vice and things that are unseemly (which constitute the opposite of nobility), to love and pursue goodness and all good qualities. And since I have already spoken of some of the virtues appropriate to nobles, I will not say more about them at this juncture. But I propose to speak in this chapter of the fourth of the six good qualities necessary for every knight and noble man-at-arms, which is, that he be true to his word, his loyalty and his oath. And since in the past, in some of my other volumes, I have taken on the task of speaking of the reprehensible nature of the abhorrent vice of lying, which is the opposite of truth, and which cannot be condemned

176. On Scaeva (Scena in Christine’s text), Julius Caesar, Pompey, Lucan, see VM 3.2.23a and 142c–d. The last five lines of this chapter are not easy to decipher. Where is “there” in the sentence ending “since he wanted to die there”? In addition, Pompey’s whereabouts are not clear. Anthony Woodville, the translator of the text into Middle English, clearly saw the hiatus between the last two sentences of this paragraph, as he added the following between them: “And than anon they fell upon him and kyllyd him”; Middle English Translation, ed. Bornstein, 141. 177. On virtue, Juvenal, Boethius, Consolation, see Juvenal, Sat. 8:20; Boethius, The Consolation of Philosophy, trans. P. G. Walsh (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 3.6.7–9: “As for noble birth, surely everyone sees how empty and worthless that title is! . . . If there is any good attached to noble birth, I think it resides in the obligation which rests on noblemen not to fall away from the excellence of their forbears” (50). See also Chemin de longue étude, ed. Tarnowski, 4115–35, and Beltran, “Communiloquium,” 220.

Book of the Body Politic 133

5

10

15

20

25

enough either by me or anybody else, I shall pass over this matter very briefly.178 But so far as nobles are concerned, without any hesitation I can now say yet again that lying is very inappropriate to them and dishonorable, that is, those who are so tarnished by this, and there are some who are, that no truth ever comes out of their mouth, nor is there any loyalty or expectation of truth in their promises and oaths, nor can one trust them more than one would the vilest people on earth. I said some of these are those who call themselves noble. If such people really considered what nobility is, and how they do not live up to the dignity of their rank, they should be troubled and ashamed, and have little cause to pride themselves on their parents’ nobility which they themselves lack. And as for the good thing that truth is, I am not worthy to speak adequately of it, nor could anyone say enough about it. Ah, it is so much praised in Holy Scripture! God is truth and calls himself truth, and the whole foundation of our faith and belief is built on this.179 The whole enterprise of philosophers and their study is the quest for and attainment of truth. Aristotle bears witness to this in his Metaphysics, which is founded on truth and in which he speaks eloquently about it.180 All moral philosophy is founded on truth, and without it everything we do in this mortal life is in vain and can be of no benefit. Alas! If the nobles of old, who had as yet no inkling of the divine law, preferred to die rather than be untrue to their promise and tell lies, what shame must be upon those who are Christians when for trivial reasons they lie and perjure themselves, as if it were a matter of no importance to them. We can put on record several examples of this. A duke of Athens was by chance taken captive in a battle, although his side did win the victory. His adversary, who kept him in prison, wanted to force him to release him from a tribute and a charge that he and his citizens had to pay to the Athenians, in such a way that, if he were willing to release him, he would let him go, otherwise he would make him die a dreadful death. But the valiant duke replied that he had promised the Athenians on his oath that he would guard and protect their territory and freedoms, without any of them being reduced, diminished, or destroyed by him 178. While Christine criticizes the “abhorrent vice of lying” in several works, e.g., Epistre au dieu d’amours, ed. Fenster, 65–66, and Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., 303 (written after Policie), she is probably thinking here of her recent Prudence / Prodhommie, which is still unpublished. Some extracts are available in Liliane Dulac and Christine Reno, “Rhétorique, critique et politique dans Le Livre de prudence de Christine de Pizan: Quelques aperçus,” in Evelyne Berriot-Salvadore, Catherine Pascal, François Roudaut, and Trung Tran, eds., La Vertu de prudence entre Moyen Âge et âge classique (Paris: Garnier, 2012), 193–222, 764–72. For specific references to lying, see London, MS Harley 4431, fols. 271d–73d, 282b–83b. 179. John 14.6. 180. On truth, Aristotle’s Metaphysics, see VM 2.2.2 and 76d–77a: “c’est la plus grant delectation que homme raisonable puet avoir que d’avoir la congnoissance de vérité (the greatest delight that a rational man may have is the knowledge of truth). Middle English Translation, ed. Bornstein, 207, refers to Metaphysics, ed. Tredennick, 3–25.

134 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

in any way, adding that he would regard the loss of one single person as less damaging than the loss of what they possessed, for, he said, they would more easily procure a prince as good as or better than himself than make good so great a loss as that of their freedoms. He showed thus such loyalty to his subjects and such dedication to keeping his promises that he preferred to choose death rather than break his word.181 Valerius tells of a valiant prince who showed great loyalty and remained completely faithful to his oath, Atilius Regulus, who defeated in battle a large army of Carthaginians. The latter, to avenge themselves, asked the Spartan king Xanthippus to come to their aid, and they resumed the fight. Fortune’s wheel turned against the consul Atilius, bringing about his defeat and captivity. Five years later, Orosius says, the Carthaginians sent their ambassadors to Rome, along with them the valiant Atilius. But they made him swear by his faith and his gods that, if there was no agreement, he would return. So they asked the Romans to hand over the prisoners who had been captured in the first battle, and they would return Atilius to them. When the Roman Senate heard this, they asked the brave Atilius on oath for his counsel and opinion. But the noble knight did not have such regard for his own person that he wished to claim that his value was so great that so many enemies of Rome should be released for him alone. He went on to say that it did not at all seem of benefit to the state if so many enemies were exchanged for him alone. So, the worthy man returned to Carthage where he knew he would be subjected to dreadful torture, for he was well aware of Carthaginian cruelty. But he preferred to die, which indeed happened, rather than be unfaithful to his promises.182 And since it is appropriate to speak of prisoners, in order to say more about the customs of Rome, it should be known that when Roman prisoners were handed back because one of the princes of Rome had achieved a complete victory over the adversary holding them prisoner, and when the consul, that is the prince, returned to Rome and entered the city in triumph, as was previously said, the prisoners walked in front of the chariot wearing a headdress of silk, as smooth as hats of beaver or felt, according to Valerius. And Livy says that their hair was close-cropped as a sign that they were no longer in servitude. Each interpretation could be true, at different times; and they said that the cap signified both authority and freedom.183 181. Source not identified. 182. On Atilius Regulus, the Carthaginians, Xanthippus (Xantiperus in Christine’s text), Orosius, death preferred to perjury, see VM 1.1.14 and 10c–d. 183. This is not an easy passage to understand, mainly because Christine has much abbreviated her source. How can silk caps be “velus,” with “shaggy” or “hairy” being possible meanings? Perhaps “smooth” is what is implied. Are there two traditions being referred to here, one involving caps of liberty, one involving shaved heads? Valerius says (218d) that each liberated prisoner was wearing a

Book of the Body Politic 135

5

10

Still on the subject of keeping one’s word and the evil that may come from breaking it: it happened that when Hannibal, the emperor of Carthage, was defeated by the Romans in the second battle, as Livy describes at the end of his tenth book, the Carthaginians were obliged to sue for peace from the Romans, for which reason they sent ambassadors to Rome. And when they had explained to the Senate why they had come, these words were spoken to them, because they had not observed the agreements and oaths that they had made and sworn on another occasion: “By what gods are you swearing peace, when you completely deceived the gods by whom you swore peace before?” Then one of the envoys called Hasdrubal replied, saying: “By the same gods as we swore it before. You must be happy with that, given that they are avenging themselves so effectively on those who deceive them.”184 2.14 THE FIFTH GOOD QUALITY THAT A VALIANT MAN MUST HAVE

15

20

25

I have said before that the fifth good quality that someone desiring to be a valiant man must have is the love of honor above everything else. And since it is obvious enough that this should be so, it will suffice to justify my reasons by giving examples from the ancients who embodied this quality, without my having to draw up or seek out other arguments. Themistocles, the valiant and noble knight of whom I have spoken elsewhere in this book, loved and coveted chivalric honors so much that this desire was like a spike piercing his heart, making him so intent on acquiring honor that it never allowed him any rest. When asked by other knights why it was that he was so active and never at rest, he replied: “Because,” he said, “the great and glorious chivalric deeds of my ancestors, and their great victories, inspire my heart to follow in their path, so that I may attain to their excellent renown by undertaking challenging tasks and pursuing the profession of arms. But seeing myself still so cap known as a “pilleur,” which the translator explains was a cap of twisted white silk, similar to the cap worn by priests as a sign of their authority, and made from the hair of a sacrificial victim (hence the reference to the cap being “hairy” and the association with “authority”). The one example of “pilleur” with this meaning in the online DMF is the one in this passage, with the relevant section printed in full. In the standard Latin Dictionary by Charlton T. Lewis and Charles Short (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), pilleus or pilleum (akin to pilus, a hair) is described as a felt cap or hat given to a slave at his enfranchisement. The translator (219a) goes on to refer to Livy as representing a different tradition: “mais toutesfoiz il [Titus Livius] ne dit pas ainsi que Valerius dit ycy,” (Livy, however, does not say the same thing as Valerius says here). Livy indicates that the liberated prisoners had their heads closecropped or shaven as a sign of slavery removed (“servitude ostee”). In short, the cap could signify both authority and freedom; for shaved heads signifying freedom regained, see Livy, 34.52. I wish to thank James C. Laidlaw for discussing this passage with me. 184. On Hannibal, Livy, Hasdrubal, see VM 5.1.1a and 209a–c.

136 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

far behind them gives me cause for unease and a continual obsession that will just not leave me.” This brave knight was not one of these who think that one small good deed will suffice for their whole life, believing that they will be exalted by this forever, for he had accomplished many great and excellent deeds, and at the time of Miltiades, duke of Athens, he was in the battle called Marathon against the Persians, as Justin bears witness in the second book of his History, which greatly praises his virtue and great chivalry, the battle being astonishingly savage and fierce. The Athenians won the victory thanks to his valor, and yet it seemed to him that he had still not done anything. Because some people maintain that there is no honor but riches, and without riches honor is worthless, though I think this opinion is false, saving their reverence, for let us suppose that honor is not given today as the ancients did for virtues, but for riches instead. Nonetheless, no one should deny a virtuous man his right to be praised or prevent him being told that he deserves greater praise and honor than he receives, this praise and renown being in my judgment more commendable and precious in the case of someone who might be poor, rather than in the case of a wicked rich man to whom one does great honor in public, and yet curses him for his vices behind his back.185 Still on the topic that in the distant past they were honored for their virtues, not their riches, for which reason they made a greater effort to obtain these than any other treasures, it is related in the History of Rome that by the will of the whole Roman Senate, that is, all the princes and the council, the valiant man Cincinnatus was named and appointed dictator (which was the highest position in Rome, rather like that of emperor). According to Livy, his story is one that deserves to be heard by those who desire bravery and honor more than riches, for he was a very noble but poor man, whose valor had been so well tested that in him lay the hope of Rome. The Romans, who had sent a great army of their men against their enemies, knew that they were hemmed in and hard pressed by their adversaries and saw that they lacked a strong enough leader, for which reason they had appointed the brave man already mentioned as dictator. So, they sent for him in his house outside Rome, where he felt no shame in being found in modest, fairly poor circumstances which did not accord with his great status. He immediately went to the army, along with a good company of men-at-arms. To be brief about what he did, he achieved so much by his wisdom and bravery that he defeated those who were hemming in the Roman army. After they were defeated, he shared the spoils and booty among the good men-at-arms who had brought about this defeat, but not among those who had allowed themselves to be trapped, upon whom he heaped blame. And he removed from his office the consul who had led them, because he had allowed his enemies to besiege him in his camp which had been strengthened with palisades and ditches. He said that the 185. On Themistocles, Miltiades (Mulciades in Christine’s text), Marathon, Justin, see VM 8.14.ext.1 and 338b.

Book of the Body Politic 137

5

10

15

20

latter was not worthy of such great office and lordship, for palisades and ditches kept him secure, not his strength and virtue, and he had felt no shame in keeping Roman arms within enclosed spaces.186 On the same topic, namely that in the distant past honors were more prized than wealth, Valerius, in the third chapter of his fourth book, says of a valiant knight of very noble lineage, that, after he had carried out many deeds of great power in many battles against the Volscians among others and captured one of their strongly fortified castles called Corioli, which gave him his surname Coriolanus, for all these merits he was offered many honors, which he did not refuse.187 As for rewards that could have been profitable to him, he attached no importance to these, for he was offered, in line with the customs of Rome to reward the deserving brave, one hundred “days” of land, that is, as much land as could be ploughed in one hundred days; his choice of ten prisoners; ten magnificent horses fully armed and harnessed; ten oxen, and as much silver as they could carry. But he wished nothing of all this, except one single prisoner who had looked after him and shown him friendship, and whom he wanted to free by way of repaying his courtesy; and a splendid horse to carry him into battle. Given this display of virtue, says Valerius, it was difficult to know what gave him the greater honor: what he chose or what he refused, that is, his acceptance of so little and his rejection of so much.188 2.15 ON THE SAME TOPIC, AND HOW IN THE PAST KNIGHTS WERE HONORED ACCORDING TO THEIR MERITS

25

To continue the topic of how the ancients preferred honor to wealth, and every valiant man ought to do the same, Valerius tells of the last Scipio Africanus (I say the last, because there were two Scipios named in this way, who were both such valiant men that one could not differentiate between them, and because both conquered Africa after mighty deeds and many battles, they were both called 186. On History of Rome, Cincinnatus (Cironatus in the French text), Livy, see VM 2.7.7 and 110a–11a. 187. There is a crux in the French text constituted by the que in Policie, ed. Kennedy, 79:8: “dit Valere . . . d’un vaillant chevalier . . . que . . .” (Valerius says of a valiant knight that . . .). Anne Paupert has suggested a solution that allows one to make sense of what initially may look like a hanging que (that) leading to no subordinate clause. Drawing attention to Christiane Marchello-Nizia, Histoire de la langue française aux XIVe et XVe siècles (Paris: Bordas, 1979), 163, where it is shown that lequel need not always be a relative pronoun, Paupert suggests that the subordinate clause introduced by que is [that] “he was offered many honours because of these merits [i.e. lesquelz merites=the ones already spoken about], honours that he did not refuse.” This elegant solution, for which I am immensely grateful, has the merit of respecting the logic of Christine’s complicated syntax. 188. On Valerius, the Volsci, Coriolanus (Tonolanus in the French text), see VM 4.3.4 and 187a–b. The variation in names (Coriolanus in the glossed translation and Tonolanus in Christine’s text) is not difficult to explain: the copyist must have confused c and t, ri and n.

138 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

Africanus; the first conquered it for the Romans, and the other recaptured it with great difficulty after it had rebelled), the last, I say, the one who destroyed the city of Carthage and also the city of Numantia, who fought against the Gauls, now called the French, and against the Lombards, whom he defeated. After these victories, it was his wish to share the honors and booty with the knights involved in the conquests. It was then recommended, as the custom, that the commander and prince of the battle should be informed of the great deeds that every knight had carried out, for there were men whom we would call heralds, whose task it was to do this and who made every effort to ensure that each person be rewarded or dishonored according to his deserts. One knight among the others had conducted himself with distinction, and some said that he fully deserved to be given a certain gold jewel, to be worn on the arm of those who had accomplished similar acts of prowess, and they called these jewels bracelets. Scipio then made enquiries about the knight’s status to find out if he had carried out any other great acts of prowess, or if this had come about by chance. It emerged that that he was as yet relatively inexperienced in warfare but seemed to be of good will. Wanting to test him, Scipio had him called him into his presence and ordered large numbers of gold coins to be handed over to him, the kind that we would call florins, saying: “We are paying your service with wealth, not honor.” When the knight who had already taken the money heard this, he was filled with shame and distress, and immediately threw down the gold he was holding at Scipio’s feet. Then he was asked whether he preferred to be honored by a token of his bravery, or to be remunerated and paid in money. He replied that he preferred honor. Scipio esteemed him more for this, but, to put his constancy to the test and to encourage him to persevere in the profession of arms, he gave him insignia of silver, which in a case like this ought to have been of gold, telling him to persevere and acquire the gold and other insignia if this was deserved. Scipio did this to prove that honor should not be bestowed for one deed alone, which may have been the result of chance, but for perseverance in good deeds.189 2.16 HOW LECHERY AND THE DELIGHTS OF THE FLESH OFTEN DEFLECT A MAN FROM ATTAINING HONOR AND VALOR If a man wants to obtain honor in the profession of arms, which is the topic of this part of this book, or likewise in any other way in which honor may be acquired, just as he must pursue all things that are appropriate to his chosen path, so he must flee and shun everything that could impede him, or deflect him from his intent. Because I find in writings that, of all the other vices, the delights of the flesh and lechery are the ones that have most undermined the deeds of those who had 189. On the two Scipios, Carthage and Numantia (Muniance in Christine’s text), a knight, a gold jewel, bracelets, gold coins, see VM 8.14.5 and 337c–d. See also Index, Scipio Africanus Minor.

Book of the Body Politic 139

5

10

15

20

25

30

begun to advance greatly in valor and honor,190 and to have persevered in this for a considerable time, I am moved to recount some examples (even though, when addressing the princes, I dealt with the fact that it is necessary for those pursuing a career in arms to refrain from too many pleasures of the flesh). The army of Antiochus, the great king of Persia and Asia, had already been victorious over the Romans on several occasions, and often inspired great fear among them. After several victories over them in Greece, they went to spend the winter in Chalcidice, where they devoted themselves to the pleasures of the flesh, lust, games and sports throughout the winter till they all became soft, whereupon, it came about, as Macrobius tells us, that when Antiochus wanted to engage with the Romans once again, he asked Hannibal, who was with him, if the strength and nobility of his army were enough for the Romans. Hannibal answered: “Yes, although they were very covetous.” But this was not the response that Antiochus wanted, for he wanted to ask if he had enough power to overcome the Romans. And Hannibal, who on several occasions had put their valor to the test and saw that the knights of Antiochus were fonder of pleasure and outward display rather than great acts of valor, replied in terms of the riches he saw in that army, which would be pleasing to the Romans, even though they were a very covetous people. Things turned out according to his assessment, for although this prince, whom the histories call Antiochus the Great, was incredibly rich and so powerful that he sent into the battle against the Romans one hundred and nine elephants, each one bearing a wooden tower holding a very large number of men-at-arms, and although his army covered mountains and valleys, yet he was in the end defeated by the Romans.191 Still on the topic that pleasure and too much ease weaken and enfeeble men’s hearts: some people say that the city of the Volsinii was rich and well-ordered in manners and possessions. It was the capital of Etruria, but by dint of its wealth it gave itself over to the pleasures of the flesh and lust, as a result of which, as soon as vices took the upper hand, it fell into decline because it was careless about defense, and found itself subjected to the rule of slaves.192 It is to be noted, therefore, that from the damaging effect of one vice, many another comes in its wake, which is something that good knights should be wary of, and we are dealing with them here to help them avoid this path, which could take away from them the chance of attaining to high honor. The same applies not just to knights but to all others.

190. On the chapter devoted to the vice of lechery, see VM 9.1 and 345b. 191. On Antiochus, Chalcidice (Calcidie in Christine’s text), Macrobius, Hannibal. Antiochus conquered, see VM 9.1.ext.4 and 353a–c. 192. On Volsinii, Etruria (Acrussie in Christine’s text), see VM 9.1.ext.2 and 352d.

140 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN 2.17 HOW THE ANCIENTS REWARDED THE DEEDS OF THE BRAVE ACCORDING TO THEIR MERITS AND NOT FAVOR, AND THE HONORS WHICH THEY ACCORDED THEM

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

To return to our first topic, the claim that brave men-at-arms must love honor more than anything else, we have shown by examples how the valiant men of the past craved for it, and how they were bestowed without favor. Valerius says that, when a nobleman of Rome called Calpurnius Piso was made consul and prince of a large army, and had delivered Sicily after great battles, the time came to distribute gifts to the men-at-arms, as was the custom of the Romans, each one according to his merits. This Calpurnius had a son, a very brave knight, and those who furnished reports of what he had accomplished in the battle awarded him a gold crown, saying that he had much deserved this honor. But the father contested this for a long time, saying that others had deserved it more. However, despite the resistance of the father, in the end the crown was awarded to him by the common agreement and judgment of everyone. I believe he preferred to be wearing this crown rather than have florins in abundance.193 Still with regard to the honor bestowed at that time on those who deserved it (and these honors were coveted more than anything else), Valerius says that when a soldier surpassed all others in excellence of valor, bravery and strength, the Romans had a noble statue made of him, and erected it in a certain worthy and beautiful place that was set aside for this, and underneath they wrote their names and surnames and the principal great deeds they had accomplished. And they did this to perpetuate their memory so that others could follow their example and make an even greater effort to become brave and be similarly honored. And they did the same with clerics, if there was a venerable philosopher or any other man or woman who greatly surpassed all others in wisdom or any branch of learning, like the wise Sibyl, and also a craftsman, the likes of whom had never been seen before, who carved statues with such skill that they seemed to be alive.194 As you can hear, the noble men of old craved glory and honor. And this covetousness is approved of by Valerius, who says that the virtuous man must desire honor, and proves that the virtuous man truly desires that honor, praise and reverence be shown to him. This is illustrated in the case of the very virtuous Scipio Africanus, who had the figure and statue of Ennius the poet placed among the statues of noble men of his lineage, because the poet had praised his glorious deeds in his writings.195 And because some people might contest this, arguing that glory and honor should not be sought after in this life but be despised, Valerius shows how those 193. On Calpurnius Piso, Sicily, the son of Calpurnius, a crown of gold, see VM 4.3.10 and 190a–b. 194. On honors, statues, the wise Sibyl, a craftsman: source not identified. 195. On Scipio Africanus, Ennius, see VM 8.14.1 and 336d–37a.

Book of the Body Politic 141

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

who in their books teach one to despise glory wish for it and desire it just like everybody else. This is what he says: “To be sure glory is not despised by those who teach that it should be, for they make sure that they put their names to the volumes and books which they have composed and written. They exalt contempt for glory by praising those who show no concern for it. And yet they want to acquire glory, because they wish to perpetuate the memory of their name by inscribing it within the titles of their books.”196 And so, to conclude this chapter, let us say that the good and valiant must and can desire glory, and really want to acquire it, even although Boethius in the third book of his Consolation, Prose 4, rebukes and reprimands those who seek worldly glory with too much ardor, and not without cause when one takes into consideration the spiritual life. But to live a moral life, in lawful activity, is not a vice, if the person engaged in doing this is acting on the basis of a just cause.197 2.18 ON THE SIXTH QUALITY THAT A VALIANT MAN-AT-ARMS OUGHT TO HAVE The sixth quality that a valiant man-at-arms ought to have, as I have said before, is that he should be wise, clear sighted, and cunning in all matters pertaining to arms and chivalry. Because (especially in such cases) recalling examples of the cunning deeds of valiant knights who carried out great conquests and mighty deeds in their time may enable those who live at the present time to be aware of them and keep them in mind, so that they can use them and not be deceived by them, we will recount in what follows what the authorities and Valerius say about them, The latter designates these subtle means of conquering and harming the enemy as “stratagems.”198 We will speak first about Pisistratus, duke of Athens. As histories recount, he was extremely subtle and shrewd in everything, especially in warfare. It was true that the inhabitants of a Greek city called Megera or Megara had been at war with the Athenians in the past, a war which they waged by dissimulating, without ever making peace. However, at the time of Pisistratus those of Megara saw one day the opportunity to avenge themselves on the Athenians, for they had not at all forgotten the hardships and damage that had been done to them. They were aware that the Athenians were in the habit of going to the isle of Euletre, where the ladies of Athens went on pilgrimage on a certain day. They prepared a fleet of ships filled with men-at-arms to surprise them when they least expected it. Pisistratus the duke of Athens, who was alerted to this plan, ordered that the ladies really should go there as was their custom, and should organize their festivities on a greater 196. On those who argue glory should be despised, see VM 8.14.3 and 339a. 197. On Boethius, worldly glory, see VM 8.14.ext.5 and 339d. 198. On stratagems, see VM 4.4. and 282c.

142 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

scale than ever before, so that those of Megara would not think that they had been forewarned. He took men-at-arms with him, went to the island, and concealed himself to reconnoiter their movements. As soon as the Megarians came ashore, they rushed at them and killed them all. Then Pisistratus took over their ships and put on board many of the most richly dressed women. They then all headed for Megara so that its citizens would think that it was their own men who were returning with the women and great booty, which is what happened, for they recognized their fleet and ensigns and rushed in great joy to the port. The Athenians killed them all, and shortly afterwards he took the city.199 Darius, who after the neighing of his horse was made king of Persia and Media, assembled 600,000 men, according to Justin in his second book, to destroy Athens and its land. The Athenians sought help from Sparta and elsewhere, but they would take too long to come. At that time Miltiades was duke of Athens. After assembling and mustering his men, he found that he had only 10,000 of his own and 1000 foreigners. Yet this valiant man had more faith in attacking his enemies boldly rather than in waiting for the help to come, despite some of his men expressing opposition to this. He attacked then with such haste that they were taken by surprise and caught completely off guard, never thinking that this would be possible. So it came about that in this battle 11,000 men defeated 600,000 Persians.200 Valerius says that Hannibal, emperor of Carthage, absolutely hated the very valiant Roman prince Fabius Maximus because in battle the latter had inflicted so much damage upon him, putting up stout resistance against his huge army. Livy says that he was the prince of Rome that Hannibal hated the most. He was a dictator, which was the highest office in Rome, and was leader of a very large army. So, Hannibal conceived of a cunning plan to do damage to Fabius. With sword and fire, he laid waste to all the fields of Italy, that is, all the flat country except the lands and manors of the dictator Fabius, so that he could arouse Roman suspicion that there might be some alliance between them. And he did more: he found a way of sending a sealed letter to Rome, addressed to Fabius from Hannibal, which came into the hands of the Roman council. Hannibal was not in the city, and the contents of the letter seemed to suggest that there was some understanding between them and promises made. For these reasons Hannibal would have been successful in his plan, if the Romans had not been fully aware of Fabius’s loyalty and Hannibal’s deceptiveness.201

199. On Pisistratus, Megera or Megara, Euletre, see VM 1.3.ext.2 and 20d. 200. On Darius, Justin, Miltiades, see VM 5.3.ext.3c and 226b–d. 201. On Hannibal, Fabius Maximus, Livy, a sealed letter, see VM 7.3.ext.8 and 281d. Cf. also Fais d’armes et de chevalerie, ed. Laennec, 2:127–28.; Deeds of Arms, ed. Willard, 100–101.

Book of the Body Politic 143 2.19 ON THE CLEVER RUSES THAT KNIGHTS MUST USE IN BATTLE

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

It appears from the examples that follow that every prince and every knight must be attentive to and be well informed about the qualities, intelligence and cunning of his adversary, and enquire if he is in the habit of using ruses and covert means in the actions he carries out. These examples must incite one to beware of the cunning man. As a wise man says: “Beware of the man who behaves with trickery. When he flatters you more, then you must be on your guard more than ever.” For the cunning man is just like the cat lying patiently in wait for the mouse: when it sees the mouse that it wants to catch and snap up, it wags its tail. In the same way, the deceiver watches and waits patiently for his opportunity, and when the hour and time have come, he smiles at the person he wants to deceive before suddenly attacking him,202 as is written about a king who ruled over part of Greece, and who was incredibly deceptive and crafty. He hated the Romans and was very envious of them, but because he would not dare embark on a direct attack against them, out of fear for their great strength, he had recourse to this ruse: he pretended to be their close friend, out of the respect he felt for their great reputation, he said. He was aware that nothing affects and surprises the hearts of men as much as fine gifts, no matter where they have come from. He would often send presents, accompanied by very friendly words, to the principal councilors of Rome, and thereby managed to find out their intentions; after that he found a means of harming the Romans in many ways. But when the Romans wanted to attack him, the good friends he had acquired in Rome were supportive of him and ensured continuing peace. On several occasions this saved him from being attacked. This duplicitous man did more, for he pretended that he was keen to go to Rome to see the magnificence of the city and offer his services to the princes. He succeeded in being well-received and greatly honored there, and for as long as he was there, he could not have done more to present himself as the close friend of the princes. But when they came to see him to show him honor, he sowed discord among them and pretended to each one that what he said was for their own good; and he did all this in great secrecy, causing great hatred to arise between them. When he had done enough and had become familiar with the conditions and lay-out of the place, he went away. As he was going out through the gates of Rome, he said, loud enough for several people to hear: “Strong is the city of Rome, but easy to capture if you have enough money.” This example is important, signifying that one must be wary of someone you know is an enemy and capable of deception, even though he gives lavish gifts, for Ovid says that even the gods can be appeased by gifts.203 202. On the wise man, trickery, cat and mouse: source not identified. 203. On a deceptive king of part of Greece, Ovid, cf. Fais d’armes et de chevalerie, ed. Laennec, 2:128; Deeds of Arms, ed. Willard, 101. On Ovid, see Ars amatoria 3:654: “Placatur donis Iuppiter ipse datis” (Even Jupiter himself can be won over by the granting of gifts).

144 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

Still on this topic: Tarquinius, the king of Rome, had kept the city of Gabii under siege for a long time, without being able to capture it. His son thought of this ruse: he inflicted wounds and injuries on himself, and then sent word to the city of Gabii saying that his father the king had beaten and mistreated him, that he wanted to avenge himself if he could, that he wanted to be their friend if they were willing, entreating them to welcome him into their city. Those who thought he was telling the truth received him with great joy as he complained loudly about his father and flattered them so much that he became master and sovereign of the city. When he saw that he was master of everything, he sent word to his father via a messenger who was to say only that trickery was overcoming force. The father did not reply, giving the impression that he was greatly preoccupied, and went into a garden accompanied by the messenger. The garden contained poppies in profusion. He took a knife and cut off the heads of the biggest poppies and kept doing this until none was left. The messenger asked the king if there was any message to be sent to his son. He replied that he would not send any word. The messenger reported to the son that the king had said nothing but seemed to be sad as he cut off the heads of the largest poppies. The son fully understood what was being said and found a way of accusing the most important men of the city that they had conspired against him and wanted to hand over the city and himself to king Tarquinius. He had all their heads cut off. When there were no leaders left to dare oppose him, he handed over the city to his father. Several authorities deal with this story, especially Livy.204 When Rome was captured by the Gauls, who are called the French nowadays, and they had besieged the Capitol, which could be captured only by starvation and not by military means, they believed that they could starve the city into submission. But the wily Romans, to rob them of this hope, took such goods as they had and threw out plentiful remains of bones, bread of poor quality, and other supplies into the rubbish pit. When the Gauls saw this, they were astounded, believing that they had a plentiful supply of grain and foodstuffs, which they did not. So, they began to seek for a peace treaty.205 204. On Tarquinius, city of the Gabii (Galbine in Christine’s text), his son’s ruse, a garden of poppies, see VM 7.4.2 and 283a. Cf. also Frontinus, The Stratagems, 8–10, and Livy 1.53–54. 205. On the Gauls, the Capitol, the wily Romans, see VM 7.4.2 and 283b. Cf. Fais d’armes et de chevalerie, ed. Laennec, 2:129; Deeds of Arms, ed. Willard, 102. The translation of “menu pain” (“pain de mauvaise qualité,” bread of poor quality, as glossed in the DMF) poses a problem in this paragraph. Why would they throw out bread of poor quality if they wished to give the impression that they were well supplied? No doubt conscious of this difficulty, in her translation of The Body Politic, Forhan (86) translates “menu pain” as “fine bread”; Willard in her Deeds of Arms (102) suggests “crumbs”; the Book of Fayttes of Armes, ed. Byles, has “small gobettis of brede” (131). I wish to thank James C. Laidlaw for the following suggestion: “The Romans wish to give the impression that they have feasted well, and that poor-quality fare would have been rejected at or before their meal.” This allows one to retain the DMF meaning of “pain de mauvaise qualité.”

Book of the Body Politic 145

5

10

15

20

25

30

Valerius says that before Hannibal fought the Romans at the great and fierce battle of Cannae, which caused such grievous loss and harm to the Romans, he had recourse to three ruses. Firstly, he made sure that he had the sun behind him, as well as the huge dust cloud which the high wind was whipping up. Along with this, he ordered that when the battle began some of his men should pretend to flee: this is indeed what happened, for when the Romans set out to pursue those who were fleeing they were caught in an ambush that he had prepared and they were all killed. He ordered too that some of his men should surrender to the Romans, quite willingly and without much resistance, which they did. According to the custom of the time, they were disarmed and sent to the rear of the battle lines. The latter had concealed close to their flesh short swords that were very sharp, and when the Romans set out to do battle, they leapt out from behind and stabbed them just behind their knees. In this way, says Valerius, Rome’s strength was conquered by African guile.206 2.20 MORE ON CLEVER MILITARY RUSES. EXAMPLES Pericles, who was the duke of Athens, was forced by the Peloponnesians into a place that was enclosed by high, forbidding mountains, from which there were only two ways out. When he saw that he was thus hemmed in, he immediately had a large and deep ditch dug at one of these exits, as if to block his enemies from coming at him from this direction. He led his men to the other exit, as though he were going to force his way out. Since his enemies did not believe that he could or would want to exit where the ditch had been dug, they took up position to defend the other exit, and there they waited and watched. At this point Pericles laid out wooden bridges that he had prepared, and by this means came out with his army safe and sound.207 The Roman army was to pass through the Litana forest to attack the Boii. When the Boii learned of this, they went into the said forest. They sawed the trees almost through, so that they just remained upright, and waited in ambush nearby. As soon as the Roman army had entered the forest, the Boii emerged on all sides, and pushed the trees nearest to them on top of the Romans. By this means they killed the whole army.208 206. On Hannibal, three ruses, see VM7.4.ext.2 and 284a–b. Cf. Fais d’armes et de chevalerie, ed. Laennec, 2:130–31; Deeds of Arms, ed. Willard, 103–4. 207. On Pericles, see 284c–d, part of the additions to VM 7.4.ext.2. This episode and the following 145:16–147:26 form part of the translator’s additions, all borrowed from Frontinus, Stratagems. Christine reuses these episodes in Fais d’armes et de chevalerie, ed. Laennec, 2:104–31 (Pericles, 110–11); Deeds of Arms, ed. Willard, 81–104 (Pericles, 84). 208. On the Boii (Voieux, Voyens, Voyeux in Christine’s text), the Litana forest (forest latine in Christine’s text), see 284d, addition to VM 7.4.ext.2. Cf. Fais d’armes et de chevalerie, ed. Laennec, 2:111; Deeds of Arms, ed. Willard, 84.

146 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

Alexander, king of Epirus, was waging a great war against the Illyrians, and thought up this ruse. He managed to collect a large amount of clothes that the Illyians wore in battle, and had his own men put them on. When he knew that his enemies were near, he had his men, wearing Illyrian clothes, set fire to all the fields in his own country. Seeing this, the Illyrians thought this was being done by their own men and came through a pass in order to reach them. Alexander had set up an ambush there: his men rushed out to attack the enemy, who were all killed or captured.209 Those who were fighting against a people called the Erythraeans captured an enemy spy and put him to death. They took all his clothes and put them on one of their men who was about the same height and build, then sending him to the top of a high mountain where he could be seen by the enemy army. He signaled to them that they should continue to advance, which they did, for they thought he was the spy they had sent. By this means they were caught in ambushes laid by their enemies; they were all killed and hacked to pieces.210 Lucius Lucullus, dealing with recruitment, hired a very large number of Macedonian mercenaries. When Lucullus and his army were getting closer to his enemies, the Macedonians, who were afraid that they perhaps might come off worse in the battle, left his army to join up with the enemy. Lucullus immediately set off with his army and followed them in battle order. When the enemies noted this, they thought that the Macedonians had come to engage in battle, because they were in the vanguard, and began to throw javelins and spears at them. And the Macedonians, who were wary of them and who saw that they were obliged to fight, attacked with all their might those to whom they were going to desert. And Lucullus won the victory.211 2.21 ON THE SAME TOPIC

30

Fulvius Nobilior was once so harried and surprised by his enemies that he was obliged to fight the Samnites who had a very large army. He had very few men, and those he had were in great fear, for they felt outnumbered by the sheer size of the enemy army. Fulvius, well aware of the fear his own men were feeling, decided on this ruse. He told his men that he had bribed a large number of his enemies who would take his side once the battle had started. And to make what he was doing seem more plausible, he borrowed from his men all the gold and money 209. On Alexander, king of Epirus, Illyrians, see 285a–b, addition to VM 7.4.ext.2. Cf. Fais d’armes et de chevalerie, ed. Laennec, 2:113; Deeds of Arms, ed. Willard, 86. 210. On the Erythraeans (Hericeos in Christine’s text), see 285b, addition to VM 7.4.ext.2. Cf. Fais d’armes et de chevalerie, ed. Laennec, 2:114; Deeds of Arms, ed. Willard, 87. 211. On Lucullus (Lentulus in Christine’s text), see 285d, addition to VM 7.4.ext.2. Cf. Fais d’armes et de chevalerie, ed. Laennec, 2:116; Deeds of Arms, ed. Willard, 89.

Book of the Body Politic 147

5

10

15

20

25

30

that he could to pay the legion he said he had bribed (a legion numbered 6,666 men). Drawing confidence from this, they began to fight with such bravery that they overcame their enemies.212 Epaminondas, the duke of Thebes, on the point of fighting the Spartans, wanted to inspire strength and bravery in his men. For this reason he brought them together in one place, and there he told them that he knew for certain that the Spartans had deliberately given orders that, if they won the victory, they would kill all the men, women, and children of the city of Thebes. Hearing this news, the Thebans were incensed, fought like madmen, and overcame their enemies.213 On the subject that it is especially fitting for a captain and leader of an army to be wise and clear sighted in word and deed, the following examples are appropriate. When Scipio Africanus Minor crossed over the sea with his army, it happened that he stumbled as he came out of the ship, falling to the ground on his hands, which caused alarm among his men who took this to be a bad omen. When the wise prince saw that his knights and men were pensive and disconsolate, he realized immediately that he had to set their minds at ease. Picking himself up, he said with great joy: “This is a sign of possession, onwards and upwards my knights, I have already taken hold of Africa.” In this way it came about that he strengthened their courage.214 Sertorius had advanced with a large Roman army to fight people who were enemies of Rome. Suddenly an astonishing sign appeared to them, for all the soldiers’ shields and the breasts of their horses seemed to be covered in blood. Seeing as a wise captain that his men were alarmed by this, Sertorius immediately said, with joy on his face: “Ah! God be praised! Without any doubt we shall be victorious, for these are the parts that are and must usually be spattered with enemy blood.”215 To speak of such intelligent people who by a clever ruse can allay any suspicions one might have about them, Valerius says that when Hannibal, the emperor of Africa and Carthage, fled for refuge to the king of Crete out of fear for the Romans, after his good fortune had turned to bad, he became aware that in that country people were envious of his great victories and his great chivalry, and held him in suspicion, fearful of all the deeds and enterprises he had accomplished. So he devised this ruse to reassure them, and prevent them taking away what he 212. On Fulvius Nobilior (Aulius Nobileus in Christine’s text), see 285d–86a, addition to VM 7.4.ext.2. Cf. Fais d’armes et de chevalerie, ed. Laennec, 2:117–18; Deeds of Arms, ed. Willard, 90–91. 213. On Epaminondas, the Spartans, see 286a, addition to VM 7.4.ext.2. Cf. Fais d’armes et de chevalerie, ed. Laennec, 2:118; Deeds of Arms, ed. Willard, 91. 214. On Scipio Africanus Minor, see 286a, addition to VM 7.4.ext.2. Cf. Fais d’armes et de chevalerie, ed. Laennec, 2:119; Deeds of Arms, ed. Willard, 91–92. 215. On Sertorius, see 286a, addition to VM 7.4.ext.2. Cf. Fais d’armes et de chevalerie, ed. Laennec, 2:119; Deeds of Arms, ed. Willard, 92.

148 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN had. He took chests and certain containers and filled them with lead, as though this was his treasure, his jewels, and his vessels, and placed them in the temple of Diana, as though this was a hiding place for his wealth, for which reasons the Cretans, now content and reassured, had their suspicions allayed.216 5

Here ends the second part.

216. On Hannibal, Crete, Diana’s temple, see VM 3.7.ext.6 and 168a.

HERE BEGINS THE THIRD PART OF THIS BOOK WHICH ADDRESSES THE COMMUNITY OF ALL THE PEOPLE. 3.1 THE FIRST CHAPTER DISCUSSES HOW ALL THE ESTATES MUST UNITE AND COME TOGETHER 5

10

15

20

25

30

35

After dealing with, as planned, the education of the prince, which is contained in the first part of this book, the prince or princes being regarded as the head of the body politic, as we have explained before, and then in the second part with the education of nobles and knights, regarded as the arms and hands, we will speak now, with God’s help, in this third part, of everything we can garner from the ancient authorities (still with regard to wise exhortations) concerning things that are appropriate to the remaining part of the body politic, that is, the whole community of the common people, which we take to be the belly, legs, and feet, the intention being that all parts will be united and joined together in one perfect, healthy, living body. For just as the human body is not at all whole, but defective and imperfect, when one of its parts is missing, so the body politic cannot be perfect, complete, or healthy, if all the estates we are dealing with do not function in harmony as a unified whole, so that they can aid and help each other, each one carrying out its appropriate role—these various roles, all things being taken into account, being designed solely for the conservation of the whole, just as the parts of the human body help to regulate and nourish the body as a whole. And as soon as one of them fails to carry out its role, the whole body inevitably feels the effects and senses its lack. Now it is appropriate to discuss the way in which these remaining parts of the body are maintained in good health and vigor, for it seems to me that they sustain the burden of the rest of the body, for which task they need the strength and power to bear the weight of the other parts; for which reason, just as we have spoken before about the love and care that the good prince must show towards his subjects and people, and about the role of the nobles, whose task is to defend and guard the people, we must now speak about the love, reverence, and obedience that good subjects should show towards the prince. We will address everyone in general on this topic, as all estates owe the prince the same love, reverence, and obedience. But afterwards, in discussing some things concerning the increase of virtue in their lives and conduct, it may be that I shall touch on three kinds of different estates which specifically make up the whole community. And because on occasion there are sometimes recriminations that arise between the three estates—that is, the princes, the knights, and the people, because it seems to some that the others are not carrying out the role to which they were appointed, for which reason

149

150 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

discord can arise between them, which, when it happens, is extremely prejudicial—it is relevant to tell this moral tale presented in the guise of an appropriate fable. There once arose serious recriminations between the belly of the human body and the other limbs. The belly complained bitterly about the limbs, saying that they thought ill of it, that they did not look after it properly, nor feed it as they should. For their part, the limbs complained bitterly about the belly, saying that they were all exhausted from their labor, and that, however hard they worked, coming and going and toiling away, the belly wanted to have everything, and still they could not satisfy it, for which reason they no longer wanted to endure such pain and hard work, which never managed to satisfy it in any case, adding that they would all cease from working and let the belly look after itself as best it could. So the limbs stopped working, and the belly, no longer nourished, began to shrink in size, and the limbs began to weaken and no longer function properly. In this way, out of spite for one another, the whole body perished. The same thing happens when a prince exacts from his people more than they can provide, and when the people complain about the prince, and rebel out of disobedience: such discord destroys the whole.217 For this reason, I conclude that harmony and concord preserve the body politic. Sallust bears witness to this when he says that concord makes little things grow, while discord makes great enterprises fail.218 3.2 OF THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN VARIOUS PEOPLES

25

30

35

Despite the fact that the writing of books, especially those concerning conduct and instruction, must be seen as a universal enterprise applicable to residents of all countries, as books are circulated and brought to diverse places and regions, it will be sufficient for us, because we are resident in France, to address our words and teaching to the people of France, although these words and this teaching will be of general use in all other regions for anyone who in all good faith wants to see them as a good example to follow. For the lands that are governed by men throughout the whole world are subject to various laws according to the ancient customs of these places. Some are governed by elected emperors, others by hereditary kings, and so on. There are also cities and countries which have lordships governed by princes elected from among themselves. Often there are those who base their choice on desire rather than reason: as a result, just as they elect them out of fickle desire, they get rid of them in the same way. Such a form 217. On this fable, see VM 2.2.7 and 83c–d. Cf. Babrius and Phaedrus, ed. Perry, 446. 218. On Sallust, see 326d, commentary on VM 8.9.1. On the notion of concord, see Michel Richarz, “Quelques pensées sur l’idée de ‘concorde’ chez Christine de Pizan,” in Kennedy et al., Contexts and Continuities, 3:767–76.

Book of the Body Politic 151

5

10

15

20

25

of government is of no benefit to the country where it is adopted, as in many parts of Italy. Others are governed by family dynasties of the city who are called nobles, and they will not allow anyone but those of this dynasty to enter their councils or assemblies, as is the case in Venice, which was governed in this way ever since its foundation in the distant past. Others are governed by elders who are called aldermen. In other places it is the common people who govern, and a number of people from each trade are appointed each year. I do not believe that government of this kind is at all beneficial, for one rarely sees it last wherever it is instituted, or any country grow or live in peace as long as it is in place, and for good reason. But I refrain from saying more about this for the sake of brevity. For a short while Bologna (known as la grassa [the fat]) was governed in this way. I would have too much to do if I were to speak about each particular people. But when it comes to electing the most suitable institution to govern the polity and community of people, Aristotle says, in the third book of his Politics, that government by one person is very good, that is, the government and lordship of one single person. The government of a few is still good, but the government of many is too difficult to be good, because of the diversity of opinions and desires.219 Therefore, with regard to our topic, I consider the people of France to be very blessed, who from their beginning as heirs to the Trojans, have not been governed by foreign princes, but by those who from generation to generation have always ruled them, as is clear from the ancient histories and chronicles which deal with these matters, the lordship of the noble French princes being regarded by the people as perfectly natural. For that reason, and by the grace of God, of all the countries and kingdoms of the world, the people of France show the most natural and best love and obedience towards their prince, which is a singular and very special virtue that bestows praise and merit upon them. 3.3. THE OBEDIENCE THAT THE PEOPLE MUST SHOW TO THE PRINCE

30

35

It pleases every good person that he be praised for his goodness. And to be praised does not give cause to those who are wise, whatever one says, as I have said before, to decrease in goodness, but rather gives them cause to rejoice even more in their goodness and take greater delight in it. Just as prudent men concerned about their health wish to follow the advice of doctors, even though they do not feel any physical pain, but so that they can live in good health they are pleased to adopt a way of life that will be conducive to their continuing well-being. Therefore, by this example, we will encourage the loyal people of France to persevere in the good and faithful love that they have always shown to their very noble, worthy 219. On Aristotle’s Politics, see VM 5.3.3 and 224a. Cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 300:18–302:7.

152 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

and revered princes, who deserve praise above all others.220 And so that they may understand and know that in doing this they are acting as good and virtuous people, this will be demonstrated here by relevant quotations from Holy Scripture and other examples. For it should be known that Holy Scripture at many points advises subjects to render themselves humble and readily obedient to their lords and sovereigns. St. Paul speaks about this in the thirteenth chapter of his Epistle to the Romans, where he says that every living creature must be subject to sovereign powers, for the powers that the princes have are ordained by God.221 For this reason, whoever resists their power, resists and rebels against what God has ordained. In the third chapter of his Epistle to Titus, St. Paul again advises those of the common people to hold themselves subject to princes and high powers.222 St. Peter, in chapter two of his first Epistle, is in agreement with this judgment, when he says: “Be subject to your masters in fear and dread.” But so that no one can excuse himself by saying that these words apply only to good princes, St. Peter makes the following crystal-clear declaration: “Even supposing that the princes were wicked, for the love of God make yourselves subject especially to the king as the most excellent of rulers, and to other leaders sent and commissioned by God for the avenging of wrongdoers and evil deeds and to the greater glory of the good and their good deeds.” Because some people might complain about the tolls and taxes that have to be paid to the princes, it should be known that this is something that is permitted and allowed by God.223 Holy Scripture gives an example of this when it shows how subjects must not refuse to pay what is decreed. In the twenty-second chapter of his Gospel, St. Matthew tells how the Pharisees asked Our Lord if they should pay tax to the Emperor Caesar. He replied to them: “Render unto Caesar what is Caesar’s and unto God what is God’s.”224 This signifies that tax is due to the prince. In the seventeenth chapter of his Gospel, the same St. Matthew gives another pertinent example when he tells how Our Lord sent St. Peter to the sea, saying that he should look into the mouth of the first fish that he caught, and he would find a coin there. He said to him that he should go and take this coin to the emperor’s tax-gatherers, in payment for the two of them. In this way, Our Lord himself gave an example to subjects, in word and deed, that they should show respect and obedience to their lords and princes.225 And still on the topic of the loyalty shown by the people of France towards their prince, for whose goodness and merit I believe God has saved them from 220. On obedience, cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 6:2–3, 299:31–33, 308:8–11, 364:27–29. 221. Romans 13:1. 222. Titus 3:1. 223. 1 Peter 2:18. 224. Matthew 22:15–22. 225. Matthew 17:24–27.

Book of the Body Politic 153

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

many perils, we will quote Valerius and other authors who demonstrate that every subject should be loyal towards his prince, and that evil would come from doing the opposite. In the eighth chapter of the sixth book, Valerius tells of the loyalty shown to his lord by one called Panopio. He knew that his lord was being spied on by some people who were consumed with a deadly hatred for him, and that his lord would not escape if they were to find him. In order to save him, he exchanged clothes and a ring with his master, whom he secretly removed from the palace, and stayed there in his place. And when the enemies arrived, he allowed himself to be killed to save his master, for which reason Valerius says that, although the narration of this event does not take long, it is no small matter for praise.226 To deal with the evils that come to people when they rebel in particular against a prince, and to discourage them from doing this, Trogus Pompeius, in the eighteenth book, tells how the people of a city in Greece rebelled against their lord, intending to kill him, and in fact they did kill his wife, his children, and all those of his lineage. Nevertheless, as it always happens that some people are less wicked than others, there was one citizen called Strato who, when he found his lord hidden away out of fear in a secret place, did not wish to kill him but had great compassion for him and wanted to save him from death. So, to save him, Strato kept him concealed, and the others believed that he had fled. After this episode, the people wanted to elect one of themselves as king. But because they were divided as to who this should be, they ordered that the next day, before sunrise, they would all assemble in a field, and whoever saw the sun first would be their king. Strato, who had saved the king from death, consulted him during the night about how he could be the first to see the sun, so that he could become king. His lord, who wanted to return the courtesy of having had his life saved, advised him that, while the others were looking towards the east, he should look towards the west, towards the city. So it happened that, when they were all assembled and looking intently towards the rising sun, Strato, who was looking in the other direction, saw the sun’s rays hit the top of a high tower, and drew the others’ attention to this, for they could still not see the sun. They were taken aback by this, asking him who had given him this advice. He went over everything with them, including how he had saved his lord. It came about, a long time after, during the reign of Alexander the Great, that the latter heard about the treason that this people had perpetrated against their lord. Wanting to seek revenge, he set off to attack the city and seized it by force and inflicted great punishment upon them. But because the king who used to reign there was dead, he installed Strato as king, ordering that his children would reign after him because of the kindness he had shown towards his lord.227

226. On Panopio, see VM 6.8.6 and 263a–b. In VM the name of the proscribed master is Urbinius Panapio. Christine’s text gives the impression that the slave is called Papinio. 227. On Trogus Pompeius, Strato (Traton in Christine’s text), Alexander the Great, see Justin, 18.3.

154 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN 3.4 THIS CHAPTER BEGINS TO SPEAK OF THE THREE ESTATES OF THE COMMON PEOPLE, AND FIRSTLY OF THE CLERGY STUDYING ALL BRANCHES OF KNOWLEDGE

5

10

15

20

25

30

There are three estates within the community of the people, that is, in Paris in particular, and in other cities: the clergy,228 the burghers and merchants, and then the common people, including tradesmen and laborers.229 Now it is appropriate to discuss what things should be said by way of providing profitable examples of good living for each of these distinct groups, for they are indeed differentiated one from the other. And because the clerical estate is high, noble, and worthy of honor among all the others, it is my intention to address it first, including the students at the University of Paris or elsewhere. Oh well advised and happy people! I say to you, as the disciples of the study of wisdom, who, by God’s grace and good Fortune or nature, are engaged in the search for the high, brilliant, and joyful star that is knowledge: take this treasure diligently, drink from this clear and healthy fountain, fill yourselves with this pleasant meal that can be so profitable to you and raise you up. For what thing is of more worth to a man than knowledge and high learning? Without any doubt, you who desire it and devote yourself to it have chosen a glorious life, for by it you can understand why you must choose virtue and avoid vice, since it counsels the one and forbids the other. There is nothing more perfect than truth and the clarity that comes from knowing and understanding things, which knowledge itself demonstrates. There is no treasure among the goods provided by Fortune that anyone who has tasted knowledge would wish to obtain if it meant losing the slightest drop of whatever wisdom remained. And in truth I dare to affirm, no matter what anyone may say, that there is no joy or treasure comparable to that of understanding. So, you champions of knowledge, do not fear any labor or pain in acquiring it! For if you have knowledge and make good use of it, you are noble, you are rich, you are all perfect. And the teachings of the philosophers are full of this: they teach and show the way to come through wisdom to the treasure of pure and perfect contentment.230 The very wise philosopher Cleanthes, having already, out of real desire, experienced the taste for knowledge, had such love for it that, because he was so poor he could not afford books or sustenance, he drew water all night for the necessary use of the scholars, so that in this way he might earn his living, and by 228. The location of the clergy in the third estate probably reflects the clergy’s declining power at this period. 229. On the configuration of the third estate, see Tracy Adams, “The Political Significance of Christine de Pizan’s Third Estate in the Livre du corps de policie,” Journal of Medieval History 35.4 (2009): 385–98. 230. This remarkable passage in praise of learning is one of the most eloquent in the whole treatise. Cf. also Chemin de longue étude, ed. Tarnowski, 4921–6108.

Book of the Body Politic 155

5

10

15

20

25

30

day he applied himself to study and the teaching of the respected philosopher Chrysippus, so that he might be filled with the latter’s knowledge, becoming in the end, through hard work and perseverance, a master himself, worthy of great praise as much for the constancy of his labor as for the great knowledge he acquired. And for that reason, Seneca says in an epistle that Cleanthes, through his labor, found within himself the means of attaining to the perfection of knowledge.231 On the subject of loving knowledge, diligence, and the effort involved in learning, for the sake of all the benefit that comes to the person that has acquired it, we will say a little about other philosophers, to whet the appetite of those who study to learn. The philosopher Plato loved knowledge so much that, through his diligence in acquiring it, he was filled with wisdom and learning. This Plato was Aristotle’s tutor, and lived at the time of Socrates the philosopher. He profited so much from learning that, for the nobility of his intellect, he was reputed to be the wisest of all mortal men. He showed clearly that he loved knowledge, for he went everywhere looking for books and all manner of learning even in Italy, about which Valerius says of his great diligence and desire for knowledge that the efforts he made in collecting books everywhere resulted in the widespread diffusion of learning throughout the world. This very respected man died at the age of eightyeight. Even at his death, the love he had for books of every kind was apparent, for beside him were found the books of a woman poet called Sappho, who, according to Horace, wrote about love in graceful, joyous verse. Perhaps he had come across them by chance, wanting to take pleasure in pleasing poems.232 Valerius’s book contains the story of the philosopher Democritus, who enjoyed a great reputation in natural philosophy, and who, according to what Aristotle says in the first book of his On Generation and Corruption, was interested in everything, that is, he wanted to speak and justify everything he said. For that reason, Aristotle commends both him and his opinions at several points in his natural philosophy. Valerius praises and greatly commends him, firstly, because he despised wealth, which often proves an impediment to acquiring wisdom, adding that Democritus could have had access to wealth that was so great that his father could easily have provided food for the whole of Xerxes’s army. Nevertheless, so that he could devote himself to the study of letters, freed in his heart from the cares and activities burdening wealthy men, he distributed everything he had, hardly retaining enough to live on. Valerius commends him, secondly, because he 231. On Cleanthes, Chrysippus, Seneca, see VM 8.7.ext.11 and 324a–b. 232. On the love of knowledge, Plato, a woman poet Sappho, Horace, see VM 8.7.ext.3 and 321c–d. It should be noted that the Latin text of Valerius says that at his death in his eighty-first year Plato had beside him the mimes of Sophron (“sub capite Sophronis mimos”). The glossed translation (321d) says that Plato “eust dessoubz son chief les menestres Sapho” (Plato had beneath his head the poetry of Sappho). The word “menestres” (321d) is glossed by the translator as “vers joyeux” (joyous verses). It is interesting too to see the translator using the term “femme poete” (woman poet) in his reference to Sappho. For Horace’s reference to Sappho, see Odes 2:13.

156 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

did not at all seek worldly honors, which are an impediment to winning the prize of wisdom. And as he remained for a long time in Athens, he devoted all his time to self-education, living unknown in the city, as he himself testifies in one of his volumes. He chose to lead a solitary life in order to avoid the bustle that hinders abstract thought. It is apparent that he had a great desire for wisdom, for to the best of his ability he avoided all things that could prevent him from acquiring it.233 Still on the topic of loving knowledge and study, Valerius says of the philosopher Carneades that he was a true and diligent knight of wisdom, for during the eighty years that he lived the philosophical life, he was so astonishingly wedded to matters of learning that often at table he would forget to eat his meal, being so distracted that Melissa, his servant, was obliged to guide his hand to the food. He attached no importance to anything except virtue.234 Much more could be said about other noble philosophers and seekers after wisdom, but I will pass over these for the sake of brevity. I have gone over the above examples to recall to students that, although they often see in their books material on how to acquire wisdom, they need in like manner to increase both goodness and virtue within themselves. For there is no doubt that all branches of knowledge perfect our conduct, except in the case of some who are so perverse that it is sufficient for them that others simply perceive them to be knowledgeable. But although they do not show the impact of wisdom within themselves, they teach it to others. These people who make an outward show of wisdom, but do not use it in a profitable way, resemble those who are dying of hunger whilst within reach of food, and while others put it to good use. There is no doubt that when such people transgress, they are more worthy of blame than others. 3.5 MORE ON THE SAME TOPIC Because the subject matter is engaging and rather appropriate to know, and because not everyone has Valerius’s book to assimilate at leisure all the topics he discusses, it pleases me to recount with regard to study (given that I have said that the student should show great diligence in acquiring wisdom) what Valerius narrates and teaches about how moderate and not too excessive diligence should be shown in this enterprise, and he gives the reasons for this. He says that Scaevola, who was a very distinguished lawyer and expert in customary law in Rome and who drafted many laws for the legal profession, would seek recreation in various games after completing his arduous work and study. Valerius justifies behavior of this kind, saying that the nature of things does not at all allow a man to work without ceasing, that is, sometimes he must rest and take his ease. Ease does not mean the cessation of all physical activity but should 233. On Democritus, Aristotle, Generation and Corruption, Xerxes, see VM 8.7.ext.4 and 322a. 234. On Carneades and Melissa, see VM 8.7.ext.5 and 322b–c.

Book of the Body Politic 157

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

involve some pleasurable relaxing diversion that will refresh the understanding, because long, concentrated study may dull man’s sensory faculties , and they cannot be restored to calm and serenity by the cessation of all activity. For, unless they turn to some pleasurable distraction, those who exhaust themselves in study all remain in a state of melancholy because of their mind being overtired, and if they fall asleep, they are troubled by bad dreams. And so the cure for such exhaustion is to refresh one’s spirit in recreation and relaxation. And just as delicious food pleases more if on occasion between two such courses one chooses simple fare, so the process of study is better nourished if occasionally between two sessions one has recourse to diversions. For this reason, Cato rightly says: “Sometimes alternate your work with distractions.” In book 3 of his Ethics, Aristotle speaks of a virtue that keeps an appropriate balance between a man’s work and play, this virtue allowing a man to indulge in each in moderation. Seneca shows his agreement with this in his book On Tranquility of Mind, which says that fertile fields are quickly exhausted by continual, uninterrupted cultivation. In the same way, continual intellectual effort breaks a man’s strength and breeds violent agitation. That is why nature gave to men the inclination to indulge on occasion in play and relaxation. And for the same reason the lawmakers instituted certain holidays so that people could gather in public, refrain from work, and celebrate together. On this topic it is said of Socrates, from whom no part of wisdom remained hidden, that he was not embarrassed when he was mocked by Alcibiades for being found playing with young children, for he did this so that, after this recreation, his mind would be clearer and sharper for study. For this reason, when he was already an old man and well advanced in years, he took up playing the harp.235 3.6 OF THE SECOND ESTATE OF THE PEOPLE, THAT IS, THE BURGHERS AND MERCHANTS I have said before that the second estate of the people are the burghers and the merchants of the cities. The burghers are those who by ancient birthright form lineages within cities, possessing a distinctive surname and an official coat of arms, and, as the principal residents and inhabitants of the cities, provided with income from inherited houses and manors which allows them to live an honorable life. The books that speak of them call them citizens. Such people should be honorable, wise, and of good appearance, dressed in appropriate clothing that avoids excess and extravagance. They must be people of genuine integrity and reliability, showing discretion in language. The estate of citizens is one that is good and honorable. And in certain places some of these ancient lineages are called noble, when over a long period of time they have been of worthy estate 235. On Scaevola (Cevola in Christine’s text), Cato, Aristotle, Ethics, Seneca, Tranquility of Mind, Socrates, Alcibiades (Alchiapedes in Christine’s text), see VM 8.8.2, 8.8.ext.1, and 325c–26a.

158 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

and reputation. One must therefore praise the good burghers or citizens of towns everywhere. It is a fine and honorable thing when there are noteworthy burghers in a city; it brings great honor to the country and great wealth to the prince. These people must address the needs of the cities to which they belong, ensuring that everything to do with commerce and the common people is well-governed. And because the common people do not usually show great discretion in either word or deed when politics is involved (and they should not interfere with laws instituted by the prince), the burghers and others of high social rank must see to it that, whatever is decided, it must not affect the common people adversely or give them cause for wicked plotting against the prince or the Council. The reason for this is such conspiracies or machinations of the common people always badly affect those who have something to lose. It is not and never has been for their advantage, the outcome always being evil and detrimental to their cause. If it arises on occasion that the common people seem to them to be burdened by some tax, they must choose from amongst themselves the wisest and most discreet in word and deed to approach the princes or the Council, present their complaint in all humility, and state their case courteously, not allowing the common people any recourse to violence, for that would entail the destruction of towns and countries.236 They must quell to the best of their ability the people’s protests, given the many sorts of evil that could result. They themselves should protect themselves more than others. And although sometimes the decrees of princes or the Council may seem in their judgment to be inappropriate in certain respects, they must not interpret these in the worst possible light but think rather that what was done was done with good intentions, although the reasons for them might not be clear to everyone. And there is danger in foolish recriminations. On the topic of wisely remaining silent, Valerius says that a remark by the philosopher Socrates was very noble and praiseworthy, for he was once in a place where many people were discussing and speaking ill of the princes’ decrees. One of the complainers approached him to ask why he alone was silent, and all the others were speaking. “Because,” he said, “I have sometimes regretted speaking but never 236. On ordinary people (“le menu peuple”), cf. Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., 271–75, 277–79. Translating “ne souffrir nullement au commun voie de fait” (Policie, ed. Kennedy, 100:34–35) has resulted in differing interpretations. The Middle English translation has: “that the common people be not hurt [For it is the distruccion of citees and townes and londes” (Middle English Translation, ed. Bornstein, 178). Taking the opposite view, in her translation of The Body Politic, Forhan suggests (100): “and not allow them [i.e. the common people] to do anything”, which suggests preventing the common people from taking any action. Given Christine’s wariness of the common people (despite feeling compassion for them), it seems likely that the phrase means: “not allowing the common people any recourse to violence.” Cf. Book of Peace, ed. Green et al., 274 and 144, “Si n’est plus grant folie a prince . . . que donner licence au menu commun de soy armer” (there is no greater foolishness for a prince . . . than to allow the common people to arm themselves). I am grateful to my colleagues Anne Paupert, James C. Laidlaw and Bernard Ribémont for corresponding with me on this point.

Book of the Body Politic 159

5

when I remain silent.” It is a very fine thing to refrain from speaking from which evil and nothing good can come, and by this you will know who is wise. That is why Cato says: “The first virtue is to hold one’s tongue.” Whoever knows how to remain silent by heeding the teaching of reason is close to God. And Seneca says, in the fifth book of the last prose, that whoever wants to be among the disciples of Pythagoras must remain silent for five years, for he used to say to them that it was appropriate to learn what one wanted to say before speaking.237 3.7 HOW THE WISE BURGHERS MUST ADVISE THE COMMON PEOPLE AS TO WHAT THEY SHOULD DO

10

15

20

25

30

35

As has been said, the wise must advise the uneducated and ignorant not to speak on matters that do not concern them, from which great peril could come and no good whatsoever. This is borne out in what is written in the twenty-second chapter of Exodus: “The law forbids such protest,” and “You will not complain about great lords, you will not curse the princes of the people.”238 This point is confirmed by Solomon in the tenth chapter of the book of Ecclesiastes which says: “Do not curse the king in your thought,” indicating that a subject must not embark on a wicked conspiracy against his lord.239 That there is also danger in protesting or complaining against the decrees of princes is shown by Justin in his twelfth book, where he says that Alexander, who had conquered Persia after many fine victories, wanted to introduce a Persian mode of salutation rather similar to worship, which we would call kneeling or speaking while kneeling, which was something that was not at all the norm in Macedonia or in other regions. But because there were protests about this, Callisthenes the philosopher, whom Aristotle had given to Alexander because he himself could no longer bear the burden of following him, reproached him sharply and spoke a lot about the matter, for which reason Alexander put him to death. It should be known, says Valerius, that when Aristotle left Alexander, he gave Alexander in his stead Callisthenes, who was his disciple and a very wise man. Aristotle urged this disciple of his not to speak of the prince’s vices behind his back, adding that there were two reasons for this. One is that it is not appropriate for a subject to speak ill of his lord; the other is that, as soon as such words are uttered out loud, the flatterers are quick to report them. In addition, he urged Callisthenes to say very little to Alexander, and that when he did speak he should do so in a cheerful manner, so that by saying as little as possible he would not say anything that could be conceived as dangerous or flattery; if his words were presented cheerfully, that 237. On Socrates, Cato, Seneca, Pythagoras, see VM 7.2.ext.6 and 271c–d. Christine must have read “Socrates” for “Sonocratis” (271c). 238. Exodus 22:28. Manuscript F errs in its reference to chapter 12; EGH give the correct reading of 22. 239. Ecclesiastes 10:20.

160 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

would make them more acceptable. However, this disciple did not obey what he had been taught and came to repent of this when it was too late.240 Still on the subject of not protesting against the prince’s decrees and of the philosopher whom Alexander had put to death for resisting his decree, Valerius relates what the philosopher Demades said to the Athenians. When, as has been said, Alexander wanted to be worshipped, he sent word to the Athenians that this was his wish. The Athenians, who were more used than other people to respecting ceremonies and lawful decrees, met in council on this matter and agreed together that they would not do Alexander this honor, which was appropriate only for the gods. Then the wise man Demades, who was fully aware of the consequences of disobeying princes, said to them: “Beware,” he said, “of being so fixed on heaven that you end up losing the earth.”241 These things may serve as an example in many lands, but, thank God, we do not have in France princes who are cruel or stained with the blood of their people. For in all the nations of the world, and I dare say this without any flattery for it is true, there are no more benevolent or humane princes than there are in France. For that reason, they should be obeyed with even more good will. And although perhaps on occasion it may seem to the people that they are burdened, they do not believe that elsewhere, that is, in other kingdoms and countries, the people are less oppressed than in France. Supposing that they are less oppressed in certain respects because of their basic liberties, they nonetheless have other greater hardships to endure, such as the acts of cruelty committed against them, or the killings that take place among themselves. And there is no justice to protect them in any way whatsoever. Whatever anyone says, and saving the grace of those who contradict me, whatever the case is in France and whoever complains about her, I declare that of all the countries in Christendom France is the best place to live together, as much because of the benevolence of her humane princes as because of the courtesy and friendliness of her people. Yet I do not say this out of favoritism, since I was not born there. But God be my witness on the Day of Judgment, I do tell the truth as I see it. And from what I have learned of government in other countries, it is clear there is no paradise on earth, for let everyone be aware that there are plenty of tribulations everywhere.242 If I wanted to speak of cruel princes in the distant or even the recent past, I would have plenty to say, but as this would not provide any good examples, I shall pass over this matter without delay. But because we have discussed the people being overburdened by their lords, let us mention an astonishing, false, and disloyal act of deceit perpetrated by Dionysius against his people. 240. On Justin, Alexander, Callisthenes, Aristotle, see VM 7.2.ext.11a and 272b–c. 241. On Demades, Alexander, the Athenians, see VM 7.2.ext.13 and 272d. 242. On this eulogistic presentation of France, see Liliane Dulac, “La représentation de la France chez Eustache Deschamps et Christine de Pizan,” Autour d’Eustache Deschamps, ed. Danielle Buschinger (Amiens: Presses du Centre d’etudes médiévales Université de Picardie-Jules Verne, 1999), 79–92.

Book of the Body Politic 161

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

As this Dionysius the tyrant was defeated in battle, afterwards he thought up a wicked scheme and ruse to recover his losses. He had an announcement made far and wide that led his subjects and citizens to believe that his defeat was due to the sin he had committed when he failed to carry out a vow he had once made to the goddess Venus. The vow was that if she helped him and granted him a favorable outcome in a battle he was about to undertake, on the solemn feast day of the goddess all the ladies and virgins of the country, in honor of the goddess, would on that day offer pleasure to all the men who requested this. He had not fulfilled his vow after victory in battle, and for that reason the goddess Venus, to avenge herself on the man who had deceived her by failing to keep his promise, had turned against him on this last occasion, for which reason he was defeated. To fulfill his vow and satisfy the goddess, he therefore ordered all the ladies and maidens, on the solemn feast day of the goddess Venus, to dress as elegantly as possible in their richest apparel—adding that those who did not have jewels should borrow them—and go to the temple, from where they would be taken to the public square. But beforehand they would make the men swear that none of them would touch the women. Because of this oath, the foolish, wicked, and lawless people of that country, who believed what the king wanted them to believe, agreed that their wives and daughters should go there, for it seemed to them that this would placate the goddess Venus for the broken vow, without any risk to the honor and chastity of their wives and daughters. So, this was agreed. All the women went to the temple, clad as elegantly and as richly as they could. But Dionysius their king, who had other things in mind and who had set up this whole deception, knew by their apparel and jewels what wealth his people and burghers possessed, for which reason it seemed to him that he could impose even higher taxes upon them. He sent his men immediately to the temple, who stripped the women of their rich clothes and jewels, beating the rich matrons to force them to reveal the treasure of their husbands.243 One can legitimately say of this Dionysius, king of Sicily, that he was a bad prince. But so that no one will feel any desire to emulate his deeds, it should be known, as often happens, that an evil life leads to an evil end. His end was very bad, for after committing many evil deeds, he was villainously slain by his own people. His son who succeeded him, also known as Dionysius, eventually met an unfortunate end, for he was expelled from his kingdom, and afterwards taught children in school in Corinth, to earn his living. In this way the child bore the burden of the misdeeds and wickedness of the father. It sometimes happens that this is the case, as Holy Scripture says: “The fathers will eat sour grapes, and the children have sore teeth.” In addition, it is written elsewhere: “Our fathers sinned, and we will bear their iniquities.”244 243. On Dionysius and his vow to Venus, see 22a–b, an addition to VM 1.4.1. 244. On Dionysius, his death, his son, Corinth, Holy Scripture, see VM 6.9.ext.6 and 266b–d; Ezechiel 18:2; Deuteronomy 5:9.

162 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

Still on the topic of bad princes, from whom may God preserve us, there was a king in Egypt called Ptolemy Physcon who among other vices sought all the sensual pleasures of the flesh. He was called Physcon, says Valerius, because, according to one interpreter, Physcon means an increase or augmentation of vice, for by his lechery he committed many crimes and an infinite number of wicked acts, for which reason in the end he died a wretched death, his memory tarnished forever.245 3.8 ON MERCHANTS

10

15

20

25

30

35

As we have said before, the people include the merchants, a very necessary estate without whom the estate of kings and princes and even the administration of cities and countries could not in any way endure. For by the skill of their labor, all manner of people, though not involved in cultivation, are supplied by these merchants who bring in from afar everything that is required by and beneficial to our human life and wellbeing, and everyone can pay for this, provided they have money. It is truly providential that human beings have found a way of fulfilling different tasks, for if things were otherwise, every person would be solely occupied in seeking his livelihood without being able to pay attention to other branches of knowledge. In this way God and reason have been generous in their provision. And for this reason, for the good that they do to everyone, this estate of people, that is, the honest merchants who buy and sell for money or who barter with some other form of exchange, is much to be loved and commended as necessary to society, and are held in high esteem in several countries . There is no great citizen in any city who is not involved in trade, although they are not reputed any the less noble for that, as in Venice, Genoa, and elsewhere where there are rich and powerful merchants who seek out goods of every kind in every country, that they then distribute throughout the world. In this way the world is supplied with a diversity of goods, and it is certain that those who do this are scrupulously honest. I hold that with the profit they make their office is meritorious, one that is accepted, permitted, and approved by God and the laws. These people must be well advised in their actions, honest in their labor, truthful in their speech, skilled in their profession, because they know how to buy goods at a price that allows them to sell them on without incurring a loss; and they should be well-informed as to where there is an abundance of goods to be sought out and purchased, and a dearth of them where they want to bring them for sale, otherwise their business would quickly end in failure. They must be honest in their work, that is, they must not, under pain of damnation and dire punishment to their body, fraudulently exaggerate the value of their goods to make them seem better than they are, in order to deceive people so as to sell them more quickly and 245. On Ptolemy Physcon (Tholomeus Phiton in Christine’s text), see VM 9.1.ext.5 and 353c.

Book of the Body Politic 163

5

10

15

20

at a higher price, for every trade is tarnished when fraud is involved. And those who commit fraud must not be called merchants, but rather outright deceivers and wicked people. Merchants must especially be truthful in speech and true to their promises; indeed, in some places and countries they are so accustomed to speaking and observing the truth that the mere promise or word of a merchant will be accorded just as much trust as a written contract elsewhere. To be sure of keeping their promises and being found honest at all times, they would suffer great hurt themselves rather than break their agreements, which is indeed a very fine, good, and laudable custom. Would to God that they would all behave in this way in France and elsewhere, although I believe that (thanks be to God), while there are some who are wicked, there are many who are good, honest, truthful, rich, honorable, and worthy of trust. May God sustain them! It is of great benefit to a country and of great profit to a prince, even to the state, when a town is involved in trade and has a plentiful supply of merchants. That is why cities on the sea or large rivers are usually wealthy and prosperous, thanks to all the goods being transported there by the merchants, by sea, from distant lands. These people must also be of honest and exemplary life, avoid pomp and pride, serve God with fear in their heart , give appropriate alms from the profit God gives them, as we find in those who gave a tenth of their earnings to the poor, and founded many chapels and places of prayer, and hospitals for the poor. And if there are still such people (may it please God that there are!), they deserve a reward in heaven, and wealth and honor in this life. 3.9 ON THE THIRD ESTATE OF THE PEOPLE

25

30

35

There then comes the third estate of the people, craftsmen and agricultural laborers, whom we regard as the last part of the body politic, namely, the legs and the feet. Plutarch says that the feet must be accorded absolute protection, so that they avoid any adverse effect or impediment, because any adverse effect on them could have very perilous consequences for the body. It is all the more necessary to protect and provide for them, as for the wellbeing of the body they tread the earth at all times, for the sake of all the diverse labors that craftsmen carry out and that are necessary to the human body, and which it could not do without, just as a human body could not function without its feet, for without them it would drag itself along, on its belly or on its hands, awkwardly and uselessly and with great difficulty. It would be exactly the same for the state: take away the laborers and craftsmen, and it will not be able to sustain itself but rather will fall into complete ruin. The office of craftsmen, which the clerics call the artisan profession, and which some people do not rate very highly, is one that is attractive, good and necessary, as has already been said.246 246. On Plutarch, the last part of the body politic, the feet, see VM 8.9.1 and 326c. Cf. John of Salisbury, Policraticus, ed. Nederman, 67, 125–26.

164 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

Along with all the other qualities in their profession, there is even more to be praised, because, of all the worldly estates, this is the one that is closest to the sciences. For they put into practice what the sciences prepare for them, as Aristotle says in his Metaphysics, for their work is the product of the sciences, such as geometry, which is the science of measurements and proportions, which every craft depends on, and the same applies to other sciences.247 This is borne out by a commentator who says that the Athenians wanted to make an extraordinary altar to the goddess of wisdom, Minerva, and, because they were particularly anxious to create a noteworthy and beautiful object, they sought the advice of the greatest master of all the sciences, the philosopher Plato, but he directed them to Euclid as the greatest master in the art of measurement, for he composed a textbook on geometry which is read every day in general studies. It can be seen from this that trades follow science, for masons, carpenters, and all other workers in whatever trade, work according to the teachings of the sciences.248 And in praise of practical knowledge, that is any art or craft, Valerius says that art wants to imitate nature. This can be seen when a craftsman wants to copy exactly something that nature has made, for example, a painter so skilled in his craft copying the human form so precisely and in such a lifelike manner that everyone will recognize it as such, or reproducing a bird or some other living creature, and a sculptor will do the same thing, as will all other craftsmen. And for that reason, some people say that art apes or imitates nature, for just as the ape copies an abundance of many human habits, art imitates an abundance of works of nature. However, they say, art cannot imitate everything. So, one should praise every craftsman skilled in his art and trust him in everything of which he has experience, for there is no doubt that no one can speak so exactly about something as the person who has a perfect understanding of it.249 There are many such skilled artisans of every kind in Paris; I believe too that there are indeed more of them there than anywhere else, which is a fine and noteworthy thing. But to speak a little about their morals, I would wish for their own sake their way of life was pleasing to God, for God would sincerely wish that their life was generally more sober and not devoted to more pleasure than is appropriate, for the licentiousness of the taverns and of the pleasures they enjoy in Paris can lead them to many evils and mishaps. Aristotle speaks of the licentious life of such people and those like them, saying that many of them become like beasts for choosing lechery as their main source of pleasure.250 Holy Scripture speaks of the 247. Aristotle’s Metaphysics: Bornstein (212) refers to Metaphysics, ed. Tredennick, 3–9. 248. On Minerva, Plato, Euclid, see 331d–32a, commentary on VM 8.12.ext.1. 249. On art and nature, see 330d–31c, commentary on VM 8.11.ext.5 and 8.12. praef. 250. On Aristotle, lechery, see 354d, addition just before VM 9.2. praef. Cf. Gouvernement des rois, ed. Molenaer, 10:29–32, 14:32–34. On taverns, see Susan Dudash, “Christinian Politics, the Tavern, and Urban Revolt in Late Medieval France,” in Green and Mews, Healing the Body Politic,” 35–59.

Book of the Body Politic 165

5

10

15

20

25

erroneous views that gluttons have: the second chapter of the Wisdom of Solomon states that they say: “Our life is short and full of great misery, and in the end we never find rest, for that reason we shall spend our youth in following our desires, we will fill ourselves with wine and food, and everywhere we will leave traces of our happiness.”251 There is no doubt that one often hears similar foolish and empty words being used, not just by those of the people who are ignorant but by others who, in view of their estate, are reputed to be wise. The people particularly must listen to preaching and sermons on God’s word, because for the most part they have not learned the teaching of Holy Scripture in written form. That good exhortations and sermons are profitable for Christians to hear is shown by Justin, when he relates, in the twentieth book of the Epitome of Pompeius Trogus, that in the city of Crotone, whose inhabitants were pagans and unbelievers, Pythagoras the philosopher, who himself was a pagan, turned them away from their wicked life by his exhortations. The people there were very corrupt and given over to the vices of gluttony and lechery, but thanks to the instruction of Pythagoras they were restored to continence and the pure life. This philosopher severely castigated the vice of lechery, demonstrating that because of this vice many cities had been brought to ruin. He passed on to women and men his teaching on purity and chastity, adding that men should be sober in lifestyle. By his wise admonitions, Pythagoras managed to get the women to abandon their pretty clothes, and to get the men to give up their gluttonous lives. Over the period of twenty years that he stayed with them, he continued his teaching, for which good deed Justin says that in the town of Metapontum in Puglia where Pythagoras was born, the people held him in such great reverence that they turned the house where he died into a temple, and worshiped Pythagoras as a god. There would be a great need in many places for someone similar, provided there were people there who knew how to put into practice what was being taught.252 3.10 ON ORDINARY AGRICULTURAL WORKERS

30

What should I say of ordinary agricultural workers? Although plenty of people despise and oppress them, of all the estates they are the most necessary in their role as cultivators of produce that nourishes and feeds every human being, and without which this mortal world would come to an end in a very short time. And in truth those who do them so much harm are not aware of what they do, for if they really thought about it, every rational creature would feel obligated to them. 251. On gluttons, see Wisdom of Solomon 2:1–9. The quotations occur on 354d, part of additions before VM 9.2. praef. 252. On Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus, Crotone, Pythagoras, Metapontum, see 320c–21c, commentary on 8.7.ext.2. At 83:20–21, Christine points out correctly that Pythagoras was born on the island of Samos.

166 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

5

10

15

20

25

30

And it is a sin to be ungrateful for all the services they do for us. They are indeed the feet that sustain the body politic, for they sustain the body of every person by their labor. That they should not be despised, and that God finds their office acceptable in his sight, is made clear above all by the fact that our two forefathers, from whom all of mankind is descended, were workers of the soil. The first forbear was Adam, the first father, of whom it is written in chapter two of Genesis: “God took the first man and placed him in a paradise of delights to work there, cultivate and protect it.”253 From this verse of Scripture one can draw two conclusions proving the value of agricultural work. The first is that God ordained it, and it was the first of all the practical crafts to be created. The second is that this craft was created in a state of innocence. The second forefather of the world was Noah, from whom, after the flood, all earthly life is descended. It is written of him, in the ninth chapter of Genesis: “Noah, who was a man of the soil, began to work the land and planted a vine.”254 All our other ancient patriarchs were also cultivators of the land and herdsmen, whose stories I shall omit for the sake of brevity. In the distant past, this was not a menial or despised profession. In the History of the Romans, Florus tells how the Roman emperor Diocletian, after winning many victories in battle, abdicated of his own free will, and went off to end his days in a village called Salona, as a worker of the land. A long time afterwards, as the lordship of Rome would have benefited from the good government of such a valiant man, they sent Lentulus and Galerius to him to beseech him to return to Rome and rule as emperor. This was his reply to them: “Ah,” he said, “if you had seen my beautiful cabbages which I planted with my own hand, you would not be asking me to become emperor.” This was to indicate that he enjoyed more peace of mind in carrying out this humble task, and that he was happier doing this than having the great and perilous burden of looking after the empire.255 In chapter three of his fourth book, does Valerius not speak of the very valiant man and noble Roman, Atilius, who was taken away from tilling the soil to become emperor? As he was plowing the fields, knights came to seek him out and made him leader and captain of the whole Roman army. He, whose hands were calloused from working the plow over the time he had been there since giving up command of the Roman armies, by his courage and the strength of his own hands 253. Genesis 2:15. 254. Genesis 9:20. 255. Florus, History of the Romans, Diocletian, Salona, Lentulus and Galerius: Christine may have confused Florus and Flores. In Charles V (1:99, note 1), Solente indicates that the Flores chronicorum (Vat. Lat. 4791, fol. 39v) contains the story of Diocletian. The Epitome de Caesaribus (39.5) usually associated with Sextus Aurelius Victor, a fourth-century historian, also includes this story, the names of the envoys being given there as Herculius and Galerius. See also Kennedy “Christine de Pizan’s Livre du corps de policie: Some Problems in the Identification of Sources,” 742–43; Kennedy, “Florus and Diocletian: A Crux in Christine de Pizan’s Livre du corps de policie,” Medium Aevum 67 (1998): 313–15.

Book of the Body Politic 167

5

10

15

20

25

30

restored the state that was heading for ruin without him. Valerius says of him: “The hands which had guided the oxen yoked to the plow began to guide chariots of war.” After achieving very noble and great victories, he felt no shame in leaving the dignified status of emperor to return to tilling the soil once again.256 One can understand from the things that have been said that the estate of ordinary laborers or others of modest estate are not at all to be held in such low esteem as some people think they should, given that those of the highest estates choose to spend the remainder of their days leading a poor and simple life, to ensure the good of body and soul. Those who are voluntarily poor have secure wealth, for they have no fear of being betrayed, imprisoned, robbed, or envied, and their wealth consists in sufficiency. No one is rich without this, nor is there any other kind of wealth. In confirmation of this I can quote what Valerius says about sufficiency with regard to a very rich man. He tells this story: There was, he says, a king in Lydia called Gyges, who held such a high opinion of himself that he went to ask the god Apollo if there was anyone happier than he was. The god Apollo replied that Aglaus Psophidius was happier than he was. This Aglaus was the poorest man in Arcadia, and although he was advanced in years, he had never left his little field and was content with what he had and the few fruits he lived on. Thus, one can see how Apollo considered poverty, not wealth, to constitute sufficiency, as in wealth there can be no sufficiency, peace of mind, or security, but rather a multitude of cares, fears, and worries. In this way king Gyges, who thought that the god ought to confirm that there was no one happier than he, was mistaken in his vain opinion, and learned where pure and secure wealth and happiness were to be found.257 Anaxagoras approves of this felicity that is sufficiency, as does Ptolemy in the prologue to the Almagest where he says: “That man is happy who does not care in whose hands the world lies.”258 That this judgment is true is shown by the fact that it is approved by all the wise men, poets, and especially the perfect who have chosen for the sake of their salvation to lead a pure and poor life. For although one can be saved in all estates, nonetheless it is nearly impossible to walk through flames without getting burned. There is no doubt whatsoever that the estate of the poor, which everyone despises, includes many good and venerable persons living a life of purity.

256. On Atilius, see VM 4.4.5 and 193c–d. 257. On Gyges, Apollo, Aglaus Psophidius (Aganius Sophidius in Christine’s text), Arcadia, see VM 7.1.2 and 268b–c. 258. On Anaxagoras, Ptolemy, the Almagest, see 268c, commentary on VM 7.1.2. The Almagest is a treatise on astronomy by Ptolemy, a Greek astronomer, mathematician, and geographer (ca. 90–168), for whom the earth was the center of the universe. The Ptolomaic system was to dominate the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, up until the age of Copernicus. Cf. Charles V, ed. Solente, 2:17.

168 CHRISTINE DE PIZAN 3.11 CHRISTINE CONCLUDES HER BOOK

5

10

15

20

God be praised, I have come to the end I have been heading towards, that is, that I should bring this present book to its conclusion, which I began with the head of the body politic described by Plutarch,259 namely, the princes, of whom I humbly ask—first of all the chief of all men, the king of France, then the princes and all those of the royal blood—that the diligent labor of writing on the part of their humble creature Christine, whether it be this present work or other works that already exist or are still to come, may be agreeable to them. If there are any faults arising out of ignorance, for she is not a very knowledgeable woman, may she be forgiven for this, and may her good intention, which aims at every good end, be given more recognition than any adverse impression her work conveys. In addition, I ask as a reward from those who are still alive, and from their noble successors, kings and other French princes, who in times to come will hear tell of my name through the memory of my writings, when my soul will have left my body, that in their prayers and devout petitions, either their own or those they have commissioned, they ask God for indulgence for me and the remission of my sins. And in the same way I ask French knights and nobles, and everyone in general from wherever they may come, that is, all those who may have taken some pleasure in reading my modest compositions or who may remember me, that they say an Our Father by way of thanks. May all the people do the same and may God in his holy mercy uphold and prosper the three estates as they grow from strength to strength, attaining perfection of body and soul. Amen. Here ends the Book of the Body Politic.

259. On Plutarch, see VM 8.9.1 and 326c.

Concordance between the Facta et dicta memorabilia of Valerius Maximus and BnF MS FR. 282* This concordance differs somewhat from the one printed in Policie, ed. Kennedy (173–77) which was based on the Constant edition of Valerius Maximus. Although the concordance below is similarly based on a specific edition (in this case, that of Shackleton-Bailey), its layout should allow users of any Valerius edition to identify the corresponding section in MS fr. 282, the glossed translation by Hesdin and Gonesse. Page numbers in the edition have been replaced by references to book, chapter, and paragraph, which in theory should facilitate consultation. Its principal aim is to allow readers to identify the Latin incipit of the successive headings of each section glossed by Hesdin and Gonesse. Readers should note the following points: a. t he incipit of each section in MS 282 does not always correspond to the first words of the relevant section in any edition; b. an asterisk indicates that the order of paragraphs is not identical in edition and manuscript; c. MS 282 on occasion omits sections of the Latin text; d. the division of material into chapters is not always identical in edition and manuscript; e. it might be useful to remind the reader here of the following abbreviations: ext. =externa (external, i.e. non-Roman examples), praef.=praefatio (preface); the following occur only in Book 8: absol.=absoluti (acquitted); damn.=damnati (condemned); amb.=ambustae (literally, scorched, of two women, neither acquitted nor condemned); and in Book 9: mil. Rom.=milites Romani (Roman soldiers).

* For the Constant and Shackleton Bailey editions of Valerius Maximus, see Bibliography, Other Texts, Valerius Maximus. For BnF MS fr. 282, see Bibliography, Manuscripts, Glossed Translation of Valerius Maximus.

169

170 Concordance Book 1=3d–71a 000=1a–d 1.praef.=2a–b 1.1.1–9=3d–7b 1.1.10–21= 8b–14d* 1.1.ext.1–9=15a–19d 1.2.1–5=19d–20b 1.2.ext.1–4=20c–21a 1.4.1–7=21c–24a 1.4.ext.1–2=24c–d 1.5.1–9=24d–30c 1.5.ext.1–2=31a–b 1.6.1–6=31c–33b 1.6.7–13=34c–37d 1.6.ext.1–3=38b–41c 1.7.1–8=45a–48d 1.7.ext.1–10=49b–54c 1.8.1–12=55c–63b 1.8.ext.1–19=63b–68a Book 2=71a–131c 2.1.1–10=71a–75b 2.2.1–9=75c–86d 2.3.1–3=89c–90c 2.4.1–7=91b–94b 2.5.1–6=94d–97c 2.6.1–17=97d–103c 2.7.1–15=105d–119d 2.7.ext.1–2=120b 2.8.1–7=120c–123d 2.9.1–9=124a–127c 2.10.1–8=128a–130d Book 3=131c–173b 3.1.1–3=131d–133a 3.1.ext.1=133a 3.2.1–12=135a–138d 3.2.13–24=138d–143d 3.2.ext.1–9=144b–148c 3.3.1–2=149b–150b 3.3.ext.1–7=150c–153a 3.4.1–6=153c–156d

3.4.ext.1–2=157a–d 3.5.1–4=158c–159d 3.6.1–7=160a–162b 3.7.1–11=162c–166a 3.7.ext.1–8=166b–168d 3.8.1–8=169a–171d 3.8.ext.1–6=172a–172d Book 4=173b–208b 4.1.1–15=173b–181b 4.1.ext.1–9=181b–184b 4.2.1–4=184b–185a 4.3.1–14=185b–191a 4.3.ext.1–4=191a–192a 4.4.1–11=192c–195c 4.5.1–6=196a–197c 4.5.ext.1–2=197d–198a 4.6.1–5=198b–200a 4.6.ext.1–3=200b–201a 4.7.1–6=201d–204d 4.7.ext.1–2a=205a–c 4.8.1–5=205d–207b 4.8.ext.1–2=207d–208a Book 5=208b–242a 5.1.1–11=208b–214a 5.1.ext.1–6=214b–216d 5.2.1–10=217a–219b 5.2.ext.1–4=219b–d 5.3.1–5=220b–224c 5.3.ext.1–3=224d–227c 5.4.1–7=228a–230a 5.4.ext.1–7=230b–232b 5.5.1–4=232c–233c 5.6.1–8=233d–236b 5.6.ext.1–4=236c–237a 5.7.1–3=237c–238a 5.7.ext.1–2=238a–b 5.8.1–5=238c–240a 5.9.1–4=240b–d 5.10.1–2=241a–241b 5.10.ext.1–3=241d–242a

Concordance 171 Book 6=242b–266d 6.1.1–8=242b–245b 6.1.ext.1–3=245c–246a 6.2.1–12=246c–248d 6.2.ext.1–3=249a–c 6.3.1–12=249d–255a 6.3.ext.1–3=255b–c 6.4.1–5=255d–257b 6.4.ext.1–5=257b–258a 6.5.1–7=258a–259b 6.5.ext.1–4=259c–260a 6.6.1–5=260b–d 6.6.ext.1–2=261a–b 6.7.1–3=261c–d 6.8.1–7=261d–263b 6.9.1–15=263c–265c 6.9.ext.1–7=265d–266d

8.7.ext.1–16=320a–324d 8.8.1–2=325a–c 8.8.ext.1–2=326a 8.9.1–3=326b–327a 8.9.ext.1–3=327b–d 8.10.1–3=328a–d 8.10.ext.1=328d 8.11.1–2=329b–d 8.11.ext.1–7=330a–331b 8.12.1=331c–d 8.12.ext.1–3=331d–332a 8.13.1–6=332b–333d 8.13.ext.1–6=334a–335a 8.14.1–6=336b–338a 8.14.ext.1–5=338b–339d 8.15.1–12=339d–343c 8.15.ext.1-4=343d–344c

Book 7=267d–302c 7.1.1–2=267d–268b 7.2.1–5=269a–270a 7.2.ext.1–18=270b–278a 7.3.1–10=278b–280b 7.3.ext.1–10=280b–282a 7.4.1–5=282c–283d 7.4.ext.1–2=283d–284a 7.5.1–6=287c–290a 7.6.1–6=290b–293b 7.6.ext.1–3=293c–294c 7.7.1–7=295c–299b 7.8.1–9=299c–302a

Book 9=345b–411c 9.1.1–9=345b–352a 9.1.ext.1–7=352b–354a 9.2.1–4=359a–362a 9.2.ext.1–11=362c–366b 9.3.1–8=372b–374b 9.3.ext.1–4=374c–375d 9.4.1–3=381d–382c 9.4.ext.1=382c 9.5.1–4=383a–384a 9.5.ext.1–4=384a–385a 9.6.1–4=387a–388a 9.6.ext.1–2=388a–b 9.7.1–4=388b–389a 9.7.mil.Rom.1–3=389b–c 9.8.1–3=390b–391c 9.8.ext.1–2=391c–d 9.9.1–3=392d–393c 9.10.1–2=393d–394a 9.10.ext.1–2=394b–395c 9.11.1–7=395d–397a 9.11.ext.1–4=397b–398a 9.12.1–8=399c–401d 9.12.ext.1–10=402a–403d

Book 8=302c–345b 8.1.absol.1–13=302c–309a 8.1.damn.1–8=309b–311a 8.1.amb.1–2=311b–c 8.2.1–4=312d–314d 8.3.1–3=315a–c 8.4.1–3=316b–d 8.5.1–6=317a–d 8.6.1–4=318a–d 8.7.1–7=318d–319d

172 Concordance 9.13.1–3=404a–b 9.13.ext.1–4=404b–406a 9.14.1–5=406c–408a 9.14.ext.1–3=408a–b 9.15.1–5=408b–409c 9.15.ext.1–2=409d

Bibliography This bibliography is neither a complete bibliography of Christine de Pizan nor of Policie, containing as it does only works cited in or consulted for the Introduction or notes. For a complete bibliography, see the works listed in the section entitled Bibliographies, particularly the bibliography provided at the website Les Archives de littérature du Moyen Âge (ARLIMA): . For the titles of the main subsections of this bibliography, see this volume’s table of contents.

Manuscripts Christine de Pizan, Livre du corps de policie. Besançon, Bibliothèque Publique 423, 81 fols. Chantilly, Musée Condé 294, 100 fols. London, British Library, Harley 4410, 72 fols. New York, Public Library, Spencer Collection 17, fols. 127–86. Paris, Arsenal 2681, 94 fols. Paris, BnF fr. 1197, 106 fols. ———. 1198–99, 62 fols. and 58 fols. ———. 12439, fols. 46v–225r. Glossed translation of Valerius Maximus, Facta et dicta memorabilia, by Simon de Hesdin and Nicolas de Gonesse. Paris, BnF fr. 282 available on . For Simon de Hesdin, see . For Nicolas de Gonesse, see . One manuscript consulted of Christine de Pizan, Livre de Prudence/Prodhommie. London, British Library, Harley 4431, fols. 268a–287c.

Catalogues Besançon. Bibliothèque publique. Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France: Départements. Paris: Plon-Nourrit, 32, 1897. Brussels. Bibliothèque Royale. Marchal, J. Catalogue des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque royale des ducs de Bourgogne. 3 vols. Brussels: C. Muquardt, 1842. 173

174 Bibliography ———. Masai, François, and Martin Wittek. Manuscrits datés conservés en Belgique. Brussels-Ghent: Editions Scientifiques E. Story-Scientia, 1968, vol. 1. Chantilly. Musée Condé. Chantilly: Le Cabinet des Livres: Manuscrits. Paris: PlonNourrit, 1900. London. British Library. A Catalogue of the Harleian Manuscripts in the British Museum. 4 vols. London: printed by George Eyre and Andrew Strahan, 1808–1812. New York. Public Library, Spencer Collection. Seymour de Ricci and W. J. Wilson. Census of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the United States and Canada. New York: H. W. Wilson, 1937. Paris: Arsenal. Martin, H. Catalogue des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal. Paris: Plon-Nourrit, 3, 1887. Paris. Bibliothèque nationale de France. Catalogue des manuscrits français: Ancien fonds. Paris: Firmin Didot, 1, 1868. ———. Catalogue général des manuscrits français: Ancien supplément français. Paris: Leroux, 2, 1896. ———. Champion, Pierre. La librairie de Charles d’Orléans. Paris: Champion, 1910. ———. Delisle, Léopold. Le Cabinet des manuscrits. Paris: Imprimerie impériale/ nationale, 4 vols., 1868–1881.

Dictionaries Blanchard, Joël, and Michel Quereuil. Lexique de Christine de Pizan. Paris: Klincksieck, 1999. Bossuat, Robert, Louis Pichard, and Guy Raynaud de Lage. Dictionnaire des lettres françaises: Le Moyen Age. Paris: Fayard, 1964. Revised and updated by Geneviève Hasenohr and Michel Zink, Paris: Fayard, 1992. Dictionnaire du moyen français, 1330–1500. Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. Nancy: Université de Lorraine. . Di Stefano, Giuseppe. Dictionnaire des locutions en moyen français. Montreal: CERES, 1991. Di Stefano, Giuseppe and Rose M. Bidler. Toutes les herbes de la Saint Jean: Les locutions en moyen français. Montreal: CERES, 1992. Du Cange, C. Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis. Paris: Firmin Didot, 1840– 1850. Favier, Jean. Dictionnaire de la France médiévale. Paris: Fayard, 1993. Gauvard, Claude, Alain de Libera, and Michel Zink. Dictionnaire du Moyen-Age. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2002. Godefroy, F. Dictionnaire de l’ancienne langue française. Vols. 1–5. Paris: Vieweg, 1881–1885. Vols. 6–10, Paris: Bouillon, 1889–1902.

Bibliography 175 Hasenohr, Geneviève and Michel Zink, see Bossuat, Robert. Hassell, James W. Middle French Proverbs, Sentences, and Proverbial Phrases. Subsidia Mediaevalia 12. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1982. Lalande, Denis. Lexique de Chroniqueurs français. Paris: Klincksieck, 1995. Lempriere, J. A Classical Dictionary. London: George Routledge and Sons, 1902. Lewis, Charlton T., and Charles Short. A Latin Dictionary. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998. Maltby, Robert. A Lexicon of Ancient Latin Etymologies. ARCA Classical and Medieval Texts, Papers and Monographs 25. Leeds: Francis Cairns, 1991. Oxford Classical Dictionary. 3rd ed. Edited by Simon Hornblower and Antony Spawforth. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999. Souter, Alexander. A Glossary of Later Latin. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1949. Tobler, A., and E. Lommatzsch. Altfranzösisches Wörterbuch. Berlin: Weidmann; Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1925–.

Bibliographies The most up-to-date bibliographical source is the ARLIMA website. Adams, Tracy. “Etat présent: Christine de Pizan.” French Studies 71 (2017): 388– 400. ARLIMA. “Christine de Pizan.” . Dulac, Liliane. “Etat présent des travaux consacrés à Christine de Pizan.” Perspectives Médiévales, numéro jubilaire (mars 2005): 167–90. Kennedy, Angus J. Christine de Pizan: A Bibliographical Guide. Research Bibliographies and Checklists, 42. London: Grant and Cutler, 1984. ———. Christine de Pizan: A Bibliographical Guide. Supplement 1. London: Grant and Cutler, 1994. ———. Christine de Pizan: A Bibliographical Guide. Supplement 2. Woodbridge: Tamesis, 2004. Margolis, Nadia, et al. The Christine de Pizan Society Newsletter (September 1991– 1999). Yenal, Edith. Christine de Pizan: A Bibliography. Scarecrow Author Bibliographies 63. Metuchen, N. J., and London: The Scarecrow Press, 1989.

Texts A: Christine de Pizan ADVISION Lavision-Christine. Edited by Mary Louis Towner. Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America, 1932. Livre de l’advision Cristine. Edited by Christine Reno and Liliane Dulac. Études christiniennes 4. Paris: Champion, 2001.

176 Bibliography The Vision of Christine de Pizan. Translated by Glenda McLeod and Charity Cannon Willard. Library of Medieval Women. Woodbridge: D. S. Brewer, 2005. La Vision de Christine. Translated by Anne Paupert. In Régnier-Bohler, Voix de femmes, 407–542. AUTRES BALADES Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 1:207–69. AVISION DU COQ The title of a lost work. BALADES D’ESTRANGE FAÇON Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 1:119–24. CENT BALADES Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 1:1–100. CENT BALADES D’AMANT ET DE DAME Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 3:209–317. Cent ballades d’amant et de dame. Edited by Jacqueline Cerquiglini. Bibliothèque Médiévale. Paris: Union générale d’éditions, 1982. COMPLAINTES AMOUREUSES Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 1:281–95. DEBAT DES DEUX AMANS Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 2: 49–109. The Love Debate Poems of Christine de Pizan: Le Livre du debat de deux amans, Le Livre des trois jugemens, Le Livre du dit de Poissy. Edited by Barbara K. Altmann. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1998. Pages 81–152. DIT DE LA PASTOURE Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 2:223–94. DIT DE LA ROSE Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 2:29–48. See Epistre au Dieu d’Amours: Poems of Cupid, ed. Fenster and Erler, 92–125. DIT DE POISSY Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 2:159–222. See Debat des deux amans: Love Debate Poems, ed. Altmann, 203–74.

Bibliography 177 DITIÉ DE JEHANNE D’ARC Ditié de Jehanne d’Arc. Edited and translated by Angus J. Kennedy and Kenneth Varty. Medium Aevum Monographs n.s. 9. Oxford: Society for the Study of Mediaeval Languages and Literature, 1977. Reprinted 2003, 2019. Ditié de Jehanne d’Arc. Translated by Margaret Switten. In Régnier-Bohler, Voix de femmes, 699–723. ENCORE AULTRES BALADES Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 1:271–79. ENSEIGNEMENS MORAUX Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 3:27–44. EPISTRE A EUSTACE MOUREL Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 2:301. EPISTRE A LA REINE “Christine de Pizan’s Epistre a la reine (1405).” Edited by Angus J. Kennedy. Revue des langues romanes 92 (1988): 253–64. Epistre a la reine. In Epistre de la prison de vie humaine: Epistle of the Prison of Human Life, ed. Wisman, 70–83. Moreau, Thérèse, and Eric Hicks, translators. “L’Epistre à la reine de Christine de Pizan (1405).” Clio 5 (1997), 177–84. EPISTRE AU DIEU D’AMOURS Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 2:1–27. Poems of Cupid, God of Love. Edited and translated by Thelma S. Fenster and Mary Carpenter Erler. Leiden: Brill, 1990. Pages 33–89. EPISTRE DE LA PRISON DE VIE HUMAINE Epistre de la prison de vie humaine. Edited by Angus J. Kennedy. Glasgow: French Department, University of Glasgow, 1984. The Epistle of the Prison of Human Life with An Epistle to the Queen of France and Lament on the Evils of the Civil War. Edited and translated by Josette A. Wisman. Garland Library of Medieval Literature A21. New York and London: Garland, 1984. EPISTRE D’OTHEA Epistre Othea. Edited by Gabriella Parussa. Textes littéraires français 517. Genève: Droz, 1999. Letter of Othea to Hector. Translated by Jane Chance. Newburyport, MA: Focus Library of Medieval Women, 1990.

178 Bibliography Lettre d’Othéa, déesse de prudence, a un jeune chevalier, Hector. Translated and adapted into Modern French by Hélène Basso. 2 vols. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2008. Vol. 2 contains a facsimile of the text, with a preface by Jacqueline Cerquiglini-Toulet. Othea’s Letter to Hector. Edited and translated by Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Earl Jeffrey Richards. The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe 57. Toronto: Iter Press; Tempe, AZ: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2017. EPISTRES SUR LE ROMAN DE LA ROSE Le Débat sur le Roman de la Rose. Edited by Eric Hicks. Bibliothèque du XVe Siècle 43. Paris: Champion, 1977. Le Livre des epistres du debat sus le Rommant de la Rose. Edited by Andrea Valentini. Paris: Garnier, 2014. Debating the Roman de la Rose: A Critical Anthology. Edited by Christine McWebb. New York: Routledge, 2007. Debate of the Romance of the Rose. Edited and translated by David. F. Hult. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010. HEURES DE CONTEMPLATION SUR LA PASSION Heures de contemplacion sur la Passion de Nostre Seigneur Jhesucrist. Edited by Liliane Dulac, René Stuip, and E. J. Richards. Études christiniennes 15. Paris: Champion, 2017. JEUX A VENDRE Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 1:187–205. LAMENTACION SUR LES MAUX DE LA FRANCE “La lamentacion sur les maux de la France de Christine de Pisan.” Edited by Angus J. Kennedy. In Mélanges de langue et de littérature françaises du Moyen Age et de la Renaissance offerts à Charles Foulon par ses collègues, ses élèves et ses amis, 1:177–85. 2 vols. Rennes: Institut de Français, Université de HauteBretagne, 1980. Lamentacion. In Epistle of the Prison of Human Life, ed. Wisman, 84–95. Cited under EPISTRE DE LA PRISON DE VIE HUMAINE. LAYS Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 1:125–45. LIVRE DE LA CITÉ DES DAMES “Le Livre de la cité des dames of Christine de Pisan: A Critical Edition.” Edited by Maureen Cheney Curnow. 2 vols. PhD diss., Vanderbilt University, 1975.

Bibliography 179 La città delle dame. Translated by Patrizia Caraffi. Middle French text edited by Earl Jeffrey Richards. Biblioteca Medievale 2. Milano: Luni Editrice, 1997. Revised edition 1998. The Book of the City of Ladies. Translated by Earl Jeffrey Richards. New York: Persea Books, 1982; London: Pan, 1983. Le Livre de la cité des dames. Translated by Thérèse Moreau and Eric Hicks. Paris: Stock, 1986. The Book of the City of Ladies. Translated by Rosalind Brown-Grant. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1999. LIVRE DE LA MUTACION DE FORTUNE Le Livre de la mutacion de Fortune. Edited by Suzanne Solente. 4 vols. Société des Anciens Textes Français. Paris: Picard, 1959–1966. The Book of the Mutability of Fortune. Edited and translated by Geri L. Smith. The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: the Toronto Series 52. Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 514. Toronto: Iter Press; Tempe, AZ: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2017. LIVRE DE PAIX The Livre de la paix of Christine de Pisan. Edited by Charity Cannon Willard. The Hague: Mouton, 1958. The Book of Peace by Christine de Pizan. Edited and translated by Karen Green, Constant J. Mews, Janet Pinder, Tania Van Hemelryck, and Alan Crosier. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008. LIVRE DE PRUDENCE/LIVRE DE LA PROD’HOMMIE DE L’HOMME Unedited. LIVRE DES FAIS D’ARMES ET DE CHEVALERIE “Christine ‘antygrafe’: Authorship and Self in the Prose Works of Christine de Pizan with an Edition of B. N. MS 603, Le Livre des fais d’armes et de chevallerie.” Edited by Christine Moneera Laennec. PhD diss., Yale University, 1988. The Book of Fayttes of Armes and Chyualrye. Edited by A. T. P. Byles. Early English Text Society 189. London: Oxford University Press, 1932. The Book of Deeds of Arms and of Chivalry. Translated by Sumner Willard and edited by Charity Cannon Willard. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999. LIVRE DES FAIS ET BONNES MEURS DU SAGE ROY CHARLES V Le Livre des fais et bonnes meurs du Sage Roy Charles V. Edited by Suzanne Solente. 2 vols. Société de l’Histoire de France. Paris: Champion, 1936, 1940. Reprinted as 1 vol. Geneva: Slatkine-Mégariotis, 1977.

180 Bibliography Le Livre des faits et bonnes mœurs du roi Charles V le sage. Translated by Eric Hicks and Thérèse Moreau. Moyen Age. Paris: Stock, 1997. LIVRE DES TROIS JUGEMENS Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 2:111–57. Le Livre des trois jugemens. In Love Debate Poems, ed. Altmann, 153–202. Cited under DEBAT DES DEUX AMANS. LIVRE DES TROIS VERTUS Le Livre des trois vertus. Edited by Charity Cannon Willard and Eric Hicks. Bibliothèque du XVe siècle 50. Paris: Champion, 1989. The Treasure of the City of Ladies. Translated by Sarah Lawson. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1985. A Medieval Woman’s Mirror of Honor: The Treasury of the City of Ladies. Translated by Charity Cannon Willard. Edited by Madeleine Pelner Cosman. New York: Bard Hall Press and Persea Books, 1989. Le Livre des trois vertus. Translated by Liliane Dulac. In Régnier-Bohler, Voix de femmes, 543–698. LIVRE DU CHEMIN DE LONG ESTUDE Le Livre du chemin de longue étude. Edited and translated by Andrea Tarnowski. Lettres Gothiques 4558. Paris: Livre de poche, 2000. LIVRE DU CORPS DE POLICIE Le Livre du corps de policie. Edited by Robert H. Lucas. Textes littéraires français 145. Geneva: Droz, 1967. Reviews: K. Baldinger. Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 83 (1967): 689. M. L. Cigada Lucca. Studi francesi 34 (1968): 125. C. Roth. Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des chartes 126 (1968): 248–50. J. Dufournet. Revue d’histoire littéraire de la France 69 (1969): 843–44. R. Lathuillère. Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 32 (1970): 228–31. S. Solente. Le Moyen Age 76 (1970), 156–61. H. B. Bulletin de théologie ancienne et moderne 11 (1972–1975): 542. P. Ménard. Romance Philology, 29 (1975–1976): 110–14. Le Livre du corps de policie. Edited by Angus J. Kennedy. Études christiniennes 1. Paris: Champion, 1998. Reviews: Jean-François Kosta-Théfaine. Le Moyen français 43 (1998): 150–54. Rosalind Brown-Grant. Modern Language Review 94 (1999): 1098–1100. Glynnis M. Cropp. New Zealand Journal of French Studies 20 (1999): 34–36.

Bibliography 181 Jean Dufournet. Le Moyen Age 105 (1999): 796–99. Marie-Jane Pinvidic. Revue de linguistique romane 63 (1999): 293–305. Karen Pratt. French Studies 53 (1999): 320–21. Gilles Roques. Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 115 (1999): 729–30. Jane H. M. Taylor. Medium Aevum 68 (1999): 349. Michel-André Bossy. Speculum 75 (2000): 679–80. Volker Mecking. Zeitschrift für französische Sprache und Literatur 110 (2000): 209–13. Gianni Mombello. Studi francesi 130 (2000): 134. Tania Van Hemelryck. Lettres romanes 54 (2000): 157–58. Anon. Forum for Modern Language Studies 37 (2001): 109. The Body of Polycye. London: John Skot, 1521. The Body of Polycye. The English Experience 304. Amsterdam and New York: Da Capo Press, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1971. Facsimile of 1521 edition. The Middle English Translation of Christine de Pisan’s Livre du corps de policie. Edited by Diane Bornstein. Middle English Texts 7. Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1977. The Book of the Body Politic. Translated by Kate Langdon Forhan. Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Reviews: Jane H. M. Taylor. Revue des langues romanes 99 (1995): 168–69. John France. History of European Ideas 22 (1996): 155–56. Angus J. Kennedy. French Studies 50 (1996): 442–43. Rosalind Brown-Grant. Modern Language Review 92 (1997): 461–63. Gretchen Angelo. . The Writings of Christine de Pizan. Edited by Charity Cannon Willard. New York: Persea Books, 1993. Pages 275–89. Extracts of Corps de policie translated from the Middle English text by Diane Bornstein, Book 1, chapters 1–9. The Selected Writings of Christine de Pizan. Translated by Renate Blumenfeld Kosinski and Kevin Brownlee. Edited by Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski. Norton Critical Editions. New York: Norton, 1997, 201–16. Extracts of Corps de policie from Book 1, chapters 1, 3, 9, 11, 13; Book 2, chapter 1; Book 3, chapters 4, 6, 9–11. The Book of the City of Ladies and Other Writings. Edited by Sophie Bourgault and Rebecca Kingston. Translated by Ineke Hardy. Indianapolis: Hackett, 2018. Pages 225–50. Extracts of Corps de policie from Book 1, chapters 1–2, 9–11, 19–21; Book 3, chapters 1–2, 6–7, 10–11. LIVRE DU DUC DES VRAIS AMANS Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 3:59–208.

182 Bibliography Le Livre du duc des vrais amans. Edited by Thelma S. Fenster. Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 124. Binghamton, NY: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1995. Le Livre du duc des vrais amants. Edited and translated by Dominique Demartini and Didier Lechat. Champion Classiques. Série Moyen Age. Paris: Champion, 2013. The Book of the Duke of True Lovers. Translated by Thelma S. Fenster and Nadia Margolis. New York: Persea Books, 1991. ŒUVRES POÉTIQUES Œuvres poétiques de Christine de Pisan. Edited by Maurice Roy. 3 vols. Société des Anciens Textes Français. Paris: Firmin Didot, 1886–1896. OROYSON NOSTRE DAME Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 3:1–9. OROYSON NOSTRE SEIGNEUR Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 3:15–26. PROVERBES MORAUX Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 3:45–57. The Morale Prouerbes of Christyne. Amsterdam and New York: Da Capo Press, 1970. Facsimile of Caxton’s 1478 edition. QUINZE JOYES NOSTRE DAME Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 3:11–14. RONDEAUX Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 1:147–85. SEPT PSAUMES ALLEGORISÉS Les Sept psaumes allegorisés. Edited by Bernard Ribémont and Christine Reno. études christiniennes 14. Paris: Champion, 2017. VIRELAYS Œuvres poétiques, ed. Roy, 1:101–18.

Texts B: Other Texts Aesop. Babrius and Phaedrus: Fables. Edited by Ben E. Perry. Loeb Classical Library. London: Heinemann, 1975.

Bibliography 183 Anthologia graeca. Edited by Friedrich Jacobs. Leipzig: in Bibliopolio Dyckio, 1794. Aristotle. The Metaphysics. Edited and translated by Hugh Tredennick. 2 vols. Loeb Classical Library. London: Heinemann, 1936. ———. The Politics. Translated by T. A. Sinclair, revised by Trevor J. Saunders. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1992. Aulius Gellius. Noctes atticae. Edited by Peter K. Marshall. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968. Boethius. The Consolation of Philosophy. In V. L. Dedeck-Héry, “Boethius’ De Consolatione by Jean de Meun.” Mediaeval Studies 14 (1952): 165–275. ———. The Consolation of Philosophy. Edited by S. J. Tester, Loeb Classical Library. London: Heinemann, 1973. ———. The Consolation of Philosophy. Translated by P. G. Walsh. Oxford World’s Classics. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999. Boswell, James. Boswell’s Life of Johnson. Edited by George Birbeck Hill. 6 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1887. De duodecim abusionum gradibus. Edited by Jacques-Paul Migne, Patrologia Latina 40, cols. 1079–87. Denis Foulechat. Le Policratique de Jean de Salisbury, 1372, Livres IV et VIII. Edited by Charles Brucker. Le Moyen français 21. Montreal: CERES, 1987. ———. Livres I–III. Edited by Charles Brucker. Publications romanes et francaises 209. Geneva: Droz, 1994. ———. Livre V. Edited by Charles Brucker. Publications romanes et francaises 242. Geneva: Droz, 2006. ———. Livres VI et VII. Edited by Charles Brucker. Publications romanes et francaises 260. Geneva: Droz, 2013. Enguerrand de Monstrelet. Chronique. Edited by L. Douët-d’Arcq. 6 vols. Société de l’Histoire de France. Paris: Renouard, 1857–1862. Frontinus, Sextus Julius. The Stratagems and the Aqueducts of Rome. Edited by Charles E. Bennett. Loeb Classical Library. London: Heinemann, 1925. Gilles de Rome, Li Livres du gouvernement des rois. Edited by Samuel P. Molenaer. New York: Macmillan, 1899. Isidore of Seville. The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville. Edited by Stephen A. Barney, W. J. Lewis, J. A. Beach, and Oliver Berghof. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. Jean de Meun. L’Art de chevalerie: Traduction du De re militari de Végèce par Jean de Meun. Edited by Ulysse Robert. Paris: Firmin Didot, 1897. Jean de Vignay. Le Livres Flave Végèce de la chose de chevalerie par Jean de Vignay. Edited by Leena Löfstedt. Annales Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae B214. Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, 1982. Jean Froissart. Chroniques de sire Jean Froissart. Edited by Jean Alexandre C. Buchon. Paris: A. Desrez, 1835.

184 Bibliography ———. Chronicles. Translated by Geoffrey Brereton. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1978; orig. 1968. Jean Gerson. Vivat rex. In Gerson, Œuvres completes, edited by Palemon Glorieux, 7:1137–85. Paris: Desclée, 1968. Jean Juvénal des Ursins. Histoire de Charles VI. In Nouvelle collection de mémoires relatifs à l’histoire de France, edited by J. F. Michaud and J. J. F. Poujoulat, 2:339–569. Paris: Didier, 1857. John of Salisbury. Policraticus. Edited and translated by Cary J. Nederman. Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris de 1405–1449. Edited by Colette Beaune. Paris: Librairie générale française, 1990. Justin. Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus. Translated by J. C. Yardley, with Introduction and explanatory notes by R. Develin. American Philological Association. Classical Resources 3. Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1994. Livy. The Early History of Rome. Translated by Aubrey de Sélincourt, with an Introduction by R. M. Ogilvie. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1971. Mabillon, Jean. Iter germanicum anni 1683. In Johannis Mabillon. Veterum analectorum. Paris: Apud viduam Edmundi Martin, et Johannem Boudot, 1685, 4:3–92. Martin Le Franc. Le Champion des dames. Edited by Robert Deschaux. 5 vols. Classiques Français du Moyen Age. Paris: Champion, 1999. Nichols, J. Gough, ed. Boke of Noblesse. London: Roxburghe Club, 1860. Nicolas de Baye. Journal. Edited by Alexandre Tuetey. 2 vols. Société de l’Histoire de France. Paris: Renouard, 1885. Philippe de Mezières. Le Songe du vieil pelerin. Edited by G. W. Coopland. 2 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969. Pierre de Fenin. Mémoires. Edited by Mlle Dupont. Paris: Renouard, 1837. Régnier-Bohler, Danielle, ed. Voix de femmes au Moyen Age: Savoir, mystique, poésie, amour, sorcellerie, XIIe-XVe siècle. Bouquins. Paris: Robert Laffont, 2006. Religieux de Saint-Denis. Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys. Edited and translated by M. L. Bellaguet. 6 vols. Collection de documents inédits sur l’Histoire de France. Paris: Crapelet, 1839–1852. Saint Thomas Aquinas. In XII libros Metaphysicorum [Aristotelis Expositio]. In Opera omnia, vols. 24–25. Edited by S.-E. Fretté. Paris: Vivès, 1875. Valerius Maximus. [Valère Maxime]. Actions et paroles mémorables. Edited and translated by Pierre Constant. 2 vols. Paris: Garnier, 1935. ———. [Facta et dicta memorabilia.] In Graziella Pastore, ed., “Nicolas de Gonesse et la traduction française de Valère Maxime: Édition critique et

Bibliography 185 commentaire.” Thèse de doctorat, Université de Paris III-Sorbonne nouvelle et Università degli Studi di Torino, 2012. ———. [Facta et dicta memorabilia.] Books 1–3 and 5 of medieval French version edited by Alessandro Vitale-Brovarone et al. from BnF 9549, at , under “Testi.” ———. Memorable Doings and Sayings. Edited and translated by D. R. Shackleton Bailey. 2 vols. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000.

Critical Studies Adams, Tracy. Christine de Pizan and the Fight for France. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2014. ———. “Isabeau de Bavière dans l’œuvre de Christine de Pizan: Une réévaluation du personnage.” In Dor, Henneau, and Ribémont, Christine de Pizan, 133–46. ———. The Life and Afterlife of Isabeau de Bavière. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010. ———. “The Political Significance of Christine de Pizan’s Third Estate in the Livre du corps de policie.” Journal of Medieval History 35, no. 4 (2009): 385–98. ———. “A Reassessment of the Relationship between Christine de Pizan and Louis of Orléans.” In Caraffi, Christine de Pizan, 17–27. Akbari, Suzanne Conklin. “Death as Metamorphosis in the Devotional and Political Allegory of Christine de Pizan.” In The Ends of the Body: Identity and Community in Medieval Culture, edited by Suzanne Conklin Akbari and Jill Ross, 283–313. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013. Altmann, Barbara K., and Deborah L. McGrady, eds. Christine de Pizan: A Casebook. London: Routledge, 2003. Autrand, Françoise. Charles V: Le Sage Roi. Paris: Fayard, 1994. ———. Charles VI: La folie du roi. Paris: Fayard, 1986. ———. Christine de Pizan: Une femme en politique. Paris: Fayard, 2009. Beard, Mary. The Roman Triumph. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007. Bell, Dora M. L’Idéal éthique de la royauté en France au Moyen Age d’après quelques moralistes de ce temps. Geneva: Droz, 1962. Beltran, Evencio. “Christine de Pizan, Jacques Legrand et le Communiloquium de Jean de Galles.” Romania 104 (1983): 208–28. Berlioz, Jacques, et al. Identifier sources et citations. L’Atelier du Médiéviste 1. Turnhout: Brepols, 1994. Blanchard, Joël. “Compilation et légitimation au XVe siècle.” Poétique 74 (avril 1988): 139–57.

186 Bibliography Blanchard, Joël, and Jean-Claude Mühlethaler. Ecriture et pouvoir à l’aube des temps modernes. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2002. Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Renate. “Christine de Pizan and the Political Life in Late Medieval France.” In Altmann and McGrady, Christine de Pizan: A Casebook, 9–24. ———. “ ‘Enemies Within/Enemies Without’: Threats to the Body Politic in Christine de Pizan.” Medievalia et Humanistica 26 (1999): 1–15. Bornstein, Diane. “French Influence on Fifteenth Century English Prose as Exemplified by the Translation of Christine de Pisan’s Livre du corps de policie.” Mediaeval Studies 39 (1977): 369–86. ———. “Sir Anthony Woodville as the Translator of Christine de Pisan’s Livre du corps de policie.” Fifteenth Century Studies 2 (1979): 9–19. Brabant, Margaret, ed. Politics, Gender, and Genre: The Political Thought of Christine de Pizan. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1992. Broad, Jacqueline, and Karen Green.  A History of Women’s Political Thought in Europe, 1400-1700. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.  Brown, Cynthia J. “The Reconstruction of an Author in Print: Christine de Pizan in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries.” In Desmond, Categories of Difference, 215–35. Brown-Grant, Rosalind. Christine de Pizan and the Moral Defence of Women: Reading Beyond Gender. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Burnley, J. D. “Christine de Pizan and the So-Called style clergial.” Modern Language Review 81 (1986): 119–40. ———. “Curial Prose in England.” Speculum 61, no. 3 (1986): 593–614. Campbell, John, and Nadia Margolis, eds. Christine de Pizan 2000: Studies on Christine de Pizan in Honour of Angus J. Kennedy. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2000. Caraffi, Patrizia, ed. Christine de Pizan: La scrittrice e la città: Atti del VII Convegno Internazionale “Christine de Pizan,” Bologna, 22–26 settembre 2009. Florence: Alinea, 2013. Carroll, Berenice A. “On the Causes of War and the Quest for Peace: Christine de Pizan and Early Peace Theory.” In Hicks, Gonzalez, and Simon, Au Champ des escriptures, 337–58. ———. “Christine de Pizan and the Origins of Peace Theory.” In Hilda L. Smith, ed., Women Writers and the Early Modern British Political Tradition, 22–39. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Çeçen, Zeynep Kocabiyikoglu. “Christine de Pizan on Knighthood: A New Ideal Based on Wisdom.” In Loba, Ton nom sera reluisant aprés toy par longue memoire, 311–29. Cohn, Samuel K., Jr. Popular Protest in Late Medieval Europe: Italy, France, and Flanders. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004.

Bibliography 187 Collett, Barry. “The Three Mirrors of Christine de Pizan.” In Green and Mews, Healing the Body Politic, 1–18. Cropp, Glynnis M. “Boèce et Christine de Pizan.” Le Moyen Age 87 (1981): 387– 417. ———. “Christine de Pizan and Alexander the Great.” In Campbell and Margolis, Christine 2000, 125–34, 320–22. ———. “The Exemplary Figure of Alexander the Great in the Works of Eustache Deschamps and Christine de Pizan.” In Kennedy et al., Contexts and Continuities 1:301–13. Dehousse, Françoise. Sainte-Beuve: Ancienne littérature (partie médiévale): Cours professé à l’Université de Liège, 1848–1849. Paris: Société d’Edition “Les Belles Lettres,” 1971. Delale, Sarah. Diamant obscur: Interpréter les manuscrits de Christine de Pizan. Geneva: Droz, 2021. Delany, Sheila. “History, Politics, and Christine Studies: A Polemical Reply.” In Brabant, Politics, Gender, and Genre, 193–206. ———. “ ‘Mothers To Think Back Through’: Who Are They? The Ambiguous Example of Christine de Pizan.” In Medieval Texts and Contemporary Readers, edited by Laurie A. Finke and Martin B. Schichtman, 177–97. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987. Delogu, Daisy. Theorising the Ideal Sovereign: The Rise of the French Vernacular Royal Biography. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008. Delsaux, Olivier. Manuscrits et pratiques autographes chez les écrivains français de la fin du Moyen Age: L’exemple de Christine de Pizan. Geneva: Droz, 2013. Delsaux, Olivier, and Tania Van Hemelryck. Acts of the International Christine de Pizan Society Colloquium of Louvain-la-Neuve. In Le Moyen français 75 (2014): 3–117, and 78–79 (2016): 1–309. Demurger, Alain. Temps de crises, temps d’espoirs. Nouvelle Histoire de la France Médiévale 5. Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1990. Desmond, Marilynn, ed. Christine de Pizan and the Categories of Difference. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998. Dobson, Richard B., ed. The Peasants’ Revolt of 1381. 2nd ed. London: Macmillan,1983. Dor, Juliette, Marie-Elisabeth Henneau, and Bernard Ribémont, eds. Christine de Pizan: Une femme de science, une femme de lettres. Études christiniennes 10. Paris: Champion, 2008. Dow, Tsae Lan Lee. “Christine de Pizan and the Body Politic.” In Green and Mews, Healing the Body Politic, 227–43. Downes Stephanie. “Manuscript and Print: The Livre du corps de policie in Sixteenth-Century England.” In Caraffi, Christine de Pizan, 141–51. Dudash, Susan. “Christine de Pizan and the ‘Menu Peuple.’ ” Speculum 78 (2003):

188 Bibliography 788–831. ———. “Christine de Pizan’s View of the Third Estate.” In Kennedy et al., Contexts and Continuities, 2:315–30. ———. “Christinian Politics, the Tavern, and Urban Revolt in Late Medieval France.” In Green and Mews, Healing the Body Politic, 35–59. Dulac, Liliane. “De l’arbre au jardin, de la pastorale à la politique: Quelques transpositions métaphoriques et allégoriques chez Christine de Pizan.” In Dulac et al., Desireuse de plus avant enquerre . . . , 191–208. ———. “Authority in the Prose Treatises of Christine de Pizan: The Writer’s Discourse and the Prince’s Word.” In Brabant, Politics, Gender, and Genre, 129–40. ———. “La Figure de l’écrivain dans quelques traités en prose de Christine de Pizan.” In Danielle Buschinger, ed., Figures de l’écrivain au moyen âge: Actes du colloque du Centre d’études médiévales de l’Université de Picardie, Amiens 18–20 mars 1988, Göppinger Arbeiten zur Germanistik 510, 113–23. Göppingen: Kümmerle, 1991. ———. “Quelques éléments d’une poétique de l’exemple dans le Corps de policie.” In Campbell and Margolis, Christine de Pizan 2000, 91–104, 316–17. ———. “La représentation de la France chez Eustache Deschamps et Christine de Pizan.” Autour d’Eustache Deschamps, ed. Danielle Buschinger, 79–92. Médiévales 2. Amiens: Presses du Centre d’etudes médiévales Université de Picardie-Jules Verne, 1999. Dulac, Liliane, Anne Paupert, Christine Reno, and Bernard Ribémont, eds. Desireuse de plus avant enquerre . . . : Actes du VIe Colloque international sur Christine de Pizan: Paris, 20–24 juillet, 2006; Volume en hommage à James Laidlaw. Paris: Champion, 2008. Dulac, Liliane, and Bernard Ribémont, eds. Une femme de Lettres au Moyen Age: Etudes réunies autour de Christine de Pizan. Medievalia 16. Orléans: Paradigme, 1995. Dulac, Liliane, and Christine Reno. “Christine de Pizan, proche et lointaine.” In Lire les textes médiévaux aujourd’hui: Historicité, actualisation et hypertextualité, ed. Patricia Victorin, 35–55. Paris: Champion, 2011. ———. “Rhétorique, critique et politique dans Le Livre de prudence de Christine de Pizan: Quelques aperçus.” In Evelyne Berriot-Salvadore, Catherine Pascal, François Roudaut, and Trung Tran, eds., La Vertu de prudence entre Moyen Âge et âge classique, 193–222. Paris: Garnier, 2012. Düring, Ingemar. Aristotle in the Ancient Biographical Tradition. New York and London: Garland, 1987. Famiglietti, Richard C. Royal Intrigue: Crisis at the Court of Charles VI, 1392– 1420. New York: AMS Press, 1986. Favier, Jean. La Guerre de Cent Ans. Paris: Fayard, 1980.

Bibliography 189 ———. Le Temps des principautés. Paris: Fayard, 1984. Favier, Marguerite. Christine de Pisan: Muse des cours souveraines. Lausanne: Editions Rencontre, 1967. Fleming, John V. The Roman de la Rose: A Study in Allegory and Iconography. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969. Forhan, Kate Langdon. The Political Theory of Christine de Pizan. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2002. ———. “Polycracy, Obligation and Revolt: The Body Politic in John of Salisbury and Christine de Pizan.” In Brabant, Politics, Gender, and Genre, 33–52. ———. “Reading Backward: Aristotelianism in the Political Thought of Christine de Pizan.” In Hicks, Gonzalez, and Simon, Au Champ des escriptures, 359–81. ———. “Reflecting Heroes: Christine de Pizan and the Mirror Tradition.” In Zimmermann and De Rentiis, The City of Scholars, 189–96. Gauvard, Claude. “Christine de Pisan a-t-elle eu une pensée politique? A propos d’ouvrages récents.” Revue historique 250 (1973): 417–30. ———. “Christine de Pizan et ses contemporains: L’engagement politique des écrivains dans le royaume de France aux XIVe et XVe siècles.” In Dulac and Ribémont, Une femme de Lettres,” 105–28. ———. “Révoltes populaires au Moyen Age.” In Gauvard, Libera, and Zink, Dictionnaire du Moyen-Age, 1206–9. Grandeau, Yann. “Les enfants de Charles VI: Essai sur la vie privée des princes et princesses de la maison de France à la fin du Moyen Age.” Bulletin philologique et historique du comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, 1967, vol. 2 (1969): 809–49. Green, Karen. “Isabeau de Bavière and the Political Philosophy of Christine de Pizan.” Historical Reflections 32 (2006): 247–72. ———. “Philosophy and Metaphor: The Significance of Christine’s ‘Blunders.’ ” Parergon 22, no.1 (2005): 119–36. ———. “Remembering Christine de Pizan on the Eve of the French Revolution: Louise Keralio-Robert’s Representation of Christine,” in Loba, Ton nom sera reluisant aprés toy par longue memoire, 345–54. ———. “On Translating Christine as a Philosopher.” In Green and Mews, Healing the Body Politic, 117–37. ———. “Was Christine de Pizan at Poissy 1418–1429?” Medium Aevum 83 (2014): 93–103. Green, Karen, and Constant J. Mews, eds. Healing the Body Politic: The Political Thought of Christine de Pizan. Turnhout: Brepols, 2005. Guenée, Bernard. La Folie de Charles VI roi bien-aimé. Paris: Perrin, 2004. Hicks, Eric. “The Second Autograph Edition of Christine de Pizan’s Lesser Poetical Works.” Manuscripta 20 (1976): 14–15.

190 Bibliography Hicks, Eric, Diego Gonzalez, and Philippe Simon, eds. Au Champ des escriptures: IIIe Colloque international sur Christine de Pizan, Lausanne, 18–22 juillet 1998. Paris: Champion, 2000. Hill, George Birbeck, ed. Boswell’s Life of Johnson. 6 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1887. Hindman, Sandra. “The Composition of the Manuscript of Christine de Pizan’s Collected Works in the British Library: A Reassessment.” British Library Journal 9 (1983): 93–123. Hobbins, Daniel. Review of Tracy Adams. Christine de Pizan and the Fight for France. Speculum 91, no. 1 (2016): 171–72. Hochner. Nicole. “Claude de Seyssel lecteur du Corps de policie? Une filiation politique?” In Dulac et al., Desireuse de plus avant enquerre . . . , 69–86. Kennedy, Angus J. “Christine de Pizan, Blasphemy, and the Dauphin, Louis de Guyenne.” Medium Aevum 83 (2014): 104–20. ———. “Christine de Pizan, Orléans and Burgundy.” Medium Aevum 88 (2019): 134–39. ———. “Christine de Pizan’s Epistre a la reine.” In War and Peace: Critical Issues in European Societies and Literature, 800–1800, edited by Albrecht Classen and Nadia Margolis, 395–423. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011. ———. “Christine de Pizan’s Livre du corps de policie: Some Problems in the Identification and Analysis of Her Sources.” In J. Claude Faucon, Alain Labbé and Danielle Quéruel, eds., Miscellanea Mediaevalia: Mélanges offerts à Philippe Ménard, 1:733–43. Paris: Champion, 1998. ———. “The Education of ‘The Good Prince’: Repetition and Variation in Christine de Pizan’s Livre du corps de policie and the Livre de paix.” In Catherine Bel, Pascale Dumont, and Frank Willaert, eds., “Contez me Tout”: Mélanges de langue et de littérature médiévales offerts à Herman Braet, 507–25. Louvain: Peeters, 2006. ———. “Florus and Diocletian: A Crux in Christine de Pizan’s Livre du corps de policie.” Medium Aevum 67 (1998): 313–15. ———. “The Image of the Body Politic in Christine de Pizan’s Livre du corps de policie.” In Margaret Burrell and Judith Grant, eds. L’Offrande du cœur: Medieval and Modern Studies in Honour of Glynnis Cropp, 18–29. Canterbury, UK: Canterbury University Press in association with Massey University, 2004. ———. “Le thème de l’atrempance dans Livre du corps de policie and the Livre de paix.” In Dulac et al., Desireuse de plus avant enquerre . . . , 15–31. Kennedy, Angus J., and Nadia Margolis. “The Debate on the Rose Rekindled: Helen Waddell and Christine de Pizan.” In De Christine de Pizan à Hans Robert Jauss: Etudes offertes à Earl Jeffrey Richards, edited by Danielle Buschinger and Roy Rosenstein, 116–22. Médiévales 63. Amiens: Presses du Centre d’etudes médiévales de Picardie, 2017.

Bibliography 191 Kennedy, Angus J., Rosalind Brown-Grant, James C. Laidlaw and Catherine M. Müller, eds. Contexts and Continuities: Proceedings of the IVth International Colloquium on Christine de Pizan, Glasgow 21–27 July 2000; Published in Honour of Lilane Dulac. 3 vols. Glasgow: University of Glasgow Press, 2002. Kosta-Théfaine, Jean-François. “Les XV Joies Nostre Dame rimees de Christine de Pizan.” Cahiers de recherches médiévales 16 (2008): 255–77. Krynen, Jacques. Idéal du prince et pouvoir royal en France à la fin du Moyen Age, 1380–1440. Paris: Picard, 1981. Laidlaw, James C. “Les Cent balades d’amant et de dame de Christine de Pizan.” L’analisi linguistica e letteraria 1–2 (2000): 49–63. ———. “Christine and the Manuscript Tradition.” In Altmann and McGrady, Christine de Pizan: A Casebook, 231–49. London: Routledge, 2003. ———. “Christine de Pizan: An Author’s Progress.” Modern Language Review 78 (1983): 532–50. ———. “Christine de Pizan, the Earl of Salisbury and Henry IV.” French Studies 36 (1982): 129–43. ———. “Christine de Pizan: A Publisher’s Progress.” Modern Language Review 82 (1987): 35–75. ———. “The Date of the Queen’s MS (London, British Library, Harley MS 4431).” . ———. “Who Copied the Queen’s Manuscript (London, British Library, Harley MS 4431)?” In Loba, Ton nom sera reluisant aprés toy par longue memoire, 15–28. Lanson, Gustave. Histoire de la littérature française. 11th ed. Paris: Hachette, 1909. Lavisse, Ernest. Histoire de France. 9 vols. Paris: Hachette, 1903–1911. Le Brun-Gouanvic, Claire. “Mademoiselle de Keralio, commentatrice de Christine de Pizan au XVIIIe siècle, ou la rencontre de deux femmes savantes.” In Dor, Henneau, and Ribémont, Christine de Pizan, 325–41. Lefèvre, Sylvie. “Christine de Pizan et l’Aristote oresmien.” In Hicks, Gonzalez, and Simon, Au Champ des escriptures, 231–50. Lemaire, Jacques. Les Visions de la vie de cour dans la littérature française de la fin du Moyen Age. Paris: Klincksieck, 1994. Le Ninan, Claire. Le Sage Roi et la clergesse: L’écriture du politique dans l’œuvre de Christine de Pizan. Études christiniennes 12. Paris: Champion, 2013. Loba, Anna, ed. Ton nom sera reluisant aprés toy par longue memoire: Etudes sur Christine de Pizan. Poznan: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, 2017. Lorcin, Marie-Thérèse. “Christine de Pizan analyste de la société.” In Zimmermann and De Rentiis, The City of Scholars, 197–205. Mann, Nicholas. “Humanisme et patriotisme en France au XVe siècle.” Cahiers de l’Association internationale des etudes françaises 23 (1971): 51–66. Marchello-Nizia, Christiane. Histoire de la langue française aux XIVe et XVe siècles. Paris: Bordas, 1979.

192 Bibliography Margolis, Nadia. “Christine at 600: The State of Christine de Pizan Studies for the Second Millenium.” In Campbell and Margolis, Christine de Pizan 2000, 31–45. ———. “Elegant Closures: The Use of the Diminutive in Christine de Pizan and Jean de Meun.” In Earl Jeffrey Richards, Joan Williamson, Nadia Margolis, Christine Reno, eds., Reinterpreting Christine de Pizan, 111–23. Athens and London: University of Georgia Press, 1992. ———. An Introduction to Christine de Pizan. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2011. ———. “Modern Editions: Makers of the Christinian Corpus.” In Altmann and McGrady, Christine de Pizan: A Casebook, 251–70. Markale, Jean. Isabeau de Bavière. Paris: Payot, 1982. McGrady, Deborah. “What is a Patron? Benefactors and Authorship in Harley 4431, Christine de Pizan’s Collected Works.” In Desmond, Christine de Pizan, 195–214. McLeod, Enid. The Order of the Rose: The Life and Ideas of Christine de Pizan. London: Chatto and Windus, 1976. McLeod, Glenda K., ed. The Reception of Christine de Pizan from the Fifteenth through the Nineteenth Centuries: Visitors to the City. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 1991. Meyer, Paul. “Les Anciens traducteurs français de Végèce et en particulier Jean de Vignai.” Romania 25 (1896): 401–23. Mirot, L. “L’Enlèvement du Dauphin et le premier conflit entre Jean sans Peur et Louis d’Orléans.” Revue des questions historiques 95 (1914): 329–55; 96 (1914): 47–68, 369–419. Mollat, Michel, and Philippe Wolff. The Popular Revolutions of the Late Middle Ages. Translated by A. L. Lyton-Sells. London: Allen and Unwin, 1973. Mombello, Gianni. “Quelques aspects de la pensée politique de Christine de Pizan d’après ses œuvres publiées.” In Franco Simone, ed., Culture et politique en France à l’époque de l’Humanisme et de la Renaissance, 43–153. Turin: Accademia delle scienze, 1974. Monahan, Jennifer. “Authority and Marginal Status: Authorial Stance in Christine de Pizan’s Livre du corps de policie and Livre de la paix.” In Hicks, Gonzalez, and Simon, Au Champ des escriptures, 41–49. Monfrin, Jacques. “Humanisme et traductions au Moyen Age.” In L’Humanisme médiéval dans les littératures romanes du XIIe au XIVe siècle, edited by Anthime Fourrier, 217–46. Paris: Klincksieck, 1964. Morand Métivier, Charles-Louis. “Glorifier le royaume et le souverain en temps de crise: Émotions et royauté chez Christine de Pizan, les chroniqueurs de Charles VI, et Pierre de Ronsard.” Studia romanica posnaniensia 45, no.1 (2018), 57–68.

Bibliography 193 Mühlethaler, Jean-Claude. “De ira et avaritia ou les faiblesses des grands à l’épreuve de l’actualité: Des miroirs des princes à l’engagement politique sous Charles VI.” Cahiers de recherches médiévales 9 (2002): 215–35. ———. “ ‘Traictier de vertu au proufit d’ordre de vivre’: Relire l’œuvre de Christine de Pizan à la lumière des miroirs des princes.” In Kennedy et al., Contexts and Continuities 2:585–601. Nederman, Cary J. “The Expanding Body Politic: Christine de Pizan and the Medieval Roots of Political Economy.” In Hicks, Gonzalez, and Simon, Au Champ des escriptures, 383–97. ———. “The Living Body Politic: The Diversification of Organic Metaphors in Nicole Oresme and Christine de Pizan.” In Green and Mews, Healing the Body Politic, 19–33. Nederman, Cary J., and Kate Langdon Forhan, Medieval Political Theory: A Reader. London and New York: Routledge, 1993. Nordberg, Michael. Les Ducs et la royauté: Études sur la rivalité des ducs d’Orléans et de Bourgogne, 1392–1407. Uppsala: Svenska Bokförlaget, 1964. Nys, Ernest. Christine de Pisan et ses principales œuvres. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1914. Oexle, Otto Gerhard. “Christine et les pauvres.” In Zimmermann and De Rentiis, The City of Scholars, 206–20. Ouy, Gilbert. “Une énigme codicologique: Les signatures des cahiers dans les manuscrits autographes et originaux de Christine de Pizan.” In Calames et cahiers: Mélanges de codicologie et de paléographie offerts à Léon Gilissen, edited by Jacques Lemaire and Emile van Balberghe, 119–31. Brussels: Centre d’etude des manuscrits, 1985. Ouy, Gilbert, and Christine Reno. “Identification des autographes de Christine de Pizan.” Scriptorium 34 (1980): 221–38. Ouy, Gilbert, Christine Reno, and Inès Villela-Petit. Album Christine de Pizan. Turnhout: Brepols, 2012. Pagot, Simone. “Du bon usage de la compilation et du discours didactique: Analyse du thème ‘guerre et paix’ chez Christine de Pizan.” In Dulac and Ribémont, Une femme de Lettres, 39–50. Pannier, Léopold. “Les joyaux du duc de Guyenne.” Revue archéologique 26 (1873): 158–70, 209–25, 306–20, 384–95; 27 (1874): 31–42. Pastore, Graziella, ed. “Nicolas de Gonesse et la traduction française de Valère Maxime: Édition critique et commentaire.” Thèse de doctorat, Université de Paris III-Sorbonne nouvelle et Università degli studi di Torino, 2012. Pernoud, Régine. Christine de Pisan. Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1982. Perroy, Edouard. La Guerre de Cent Ans. Paris: Gallimard, 1945. Picherit, Jean-Louis. “Le Livre de la prod’hommie de l’homme et le Livre de prudence de Christine de Pisan: Chronologie, structure et composition.” Le Moyen Age 91 (1985): 381–413.

194 Bibliography Pinet, Marie-Josèphe. Christine de Pisan, 1364–1430: Étude biographique et littéraire. Paris: Champion, 1927. Reno, Christine. “Christine de Pizan: ‘At Best a Contradictory Figure?’ ” In Brabant, Politics, Gender, and Genre, 171–91. ———. “The Cursive and Calligraphic Scripts of Christine de Pisan.” Ball State University Forum 19, no. 3 (1978): 3–20. ———. “Le Livre de prudence/Le Livre de la prod’hommie de l’homme: Nouvelles perspectives.” In Dulac and Ribémont, Une femme de Lettres, 25–37. Reno, Christine, and Gilbert Ouy. “X + X’ = 1: Response to James C. Laidlaw.” In Kennedy et al., Contexts and Continuities, 3:723–30. Rey, Maurice. Les Finances royales sous Charles VI: Les causes du déficit, 1388– 1413. Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1965. Ribémont, Bernard. “Christine de Pizan et l’encyclopédisme scientifique.” In Zimmermann and De Rentiis, The City of Scholars, 174–85. Ribémont, Bernard, and Earl Jeffrey Richards. “Christine de Pizan, la justice et le droit.” In Loba, Ton nom sera reluisant aprés toy par longue memoire, 169–86. Richarz, Michel. “Quelques pensées sur l’idée de ‘concorde’ chez Christine de Pizan.” In Kennedy et al., Contexts and Continuities, 3:767–76. Rigby, Stephen H. “The Body Politic in the Social and Political Thought of Christine de Pizan, Part 1: Reciprocity, Hierarchy and Political Authority.” Cahiers de recherches médiévales et humanistiques 24 (2012): 461–83. . ———. “The Body Politic in the Social and Political Thought of Christine de Pizan, Part 2: Social Inequality and Social Justice.” Cahiers de recherches médiévales et humanistiques 25 (2013): 559–79. . Robertson, D. W. A Preface to Chaucer. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1962. Robineau, E. M. D. Christine de Pisan: Sa vie et ses œuvres. Saint Omer: FleuryLemaire, 1882. Roux, Simone. Christine de Pizan: Femme de tête, dame de cœur. Paris: Payot, 2006. Schnerb, Bertrand. Les Armagnacs et les Bourguignons: La maudite guerre. Paris: Perrin, 1988. Sigal, Pierre A. “Christine de Pizan et le peuple.” In Kennedy et al., Contexts and Continuities, 3:811–28. Solente, Suzanne. “A Propos d’un livre récent sur Christine de Pisan.” Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire 8 (1929): 350–59. ———. “Christine de Pisan.” Histoire littéraire de la France 40, 335–422. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale 1974. Released also as pre-print: Paris: Imprimerie Nationale and C. Klincksieck, 1969, 1–88. ———. “Date de deux ouvrages de Christine de Pisan.” Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des chartes 94 (1933): 422.

Bibliography 195 Sumption, Jonathan. The Hundred Years War. 4 vols. to date. London: Faber and Faber, 1999 (Trial by Battle); 2001 (Trial by Fire); 2012 (Divided Houses); 2015 (Cursed Kings). Thomas, Antoine. “Le Dauphin Louis, fils de Charles VI, amateur du théâtre.” Romania 39 (1910): 373–75. Vallet de Viriville. “Notes sur l’état civil des princes et princesses nés de Charles VI et Isabeau de Bavière.” Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des chartes 19. DIV (1858): 473–82. Vaughan, Richard. John the Fearless: The Growth of Burgundian Power. Woodbridge, UK: The Boydell Press, 2002. Villela-Petit, Inès. L’Atelier de Christine de Pizan. Editions Bibliothèque nationale de France, 2020. Vitale-Brovarone, Alessandro, et al. Edition of Books 1–3 and 5 in medieval French of Valerius Maximus, Facta et dicta memorabilia, from BnF 9549, at , under “Testi.” Walters, Lori J. “Christine de Pizan, Primat, and the ‘noble nation Françoise.’ ” Cahiers de recherches médiévales 9 (2002): 237–46. ———. “Christine de Pizan as Translator and Voice of the Body Politic.” In Altmann and McGrady, Christine de Pizan: A Casebook, 25–41. ———. “Christine’s Symbolic Self as the Personification of France.” In Dor, Henneau, and Ribémont, Christine de Pizan, 191–215. ———. “The Queen’s Manuscript (London, British Library, Harley 4431) as a Monument to Peace.” Le Moyen français 75 (2014): 85–117. ———. “The Royal Vernacular: Poet and Patron in Christine de Pizan’s Charles V and the Sept psaumes allegorisés.” In The Vernacular Spirit: Essays on Medieval Religious Literature, edited by Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Duncan Robertson, and Nancy Bradley Warren, 145–82. New York: Palgrave, 2002. Wandruszka, Nikolai. “Familial Traditions of the de Piçano at Bologna.” In Kennedy et al., Contexts and Continuities, 3:889–906. ———. “The Family Origins of Christine de Pizan: Noble Lineage between City and Contado in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries.” In Hicks, Gonzalez, and Simon, Au Champ des escriptures, 111–30. Wareham, T. E. “Christine de Pisan’s Livre des fais d’armes et de chevalerie and its Fate in the Sixteenth Century.” In Franco Simone, Jonathan Beck and Gianni Mombello, eds., Seconda miscellanea di studi e ricerche sul Quattrocento francese, 135–42. Chambéry: Centre d’etudes franco-italien, 1981. Wheeler, Everett L. “Christine de Pizan’s Livre des fais d’armes et de chevalerie.” Nottingham Medieval Studies 46 (2002): 119–61. Willard, Charity C. “An Autograph Manuscript of Christine de Pizan?” Studi francesi 27 (1965): 452–57. ———. Christine de Pizan: Her Life and Works. New York: Persea Books, 1984.

196 Bibliography ———. “Christine de Pizan: From Poet to Political Commentator.” In Brabant, Politics, Gender, and Genre, 17–32. ———. “Christine de Pizan’s Allegorized Psalms.” In Dulac and Ribémont, Une femme de Lettres, 317–24. ———. “The Dominican Abbey of Poissy in 1400.” In Campbell and Margolis, Christine de Pizan 2000, 209–18, 330–31. Zimmermann, Margarete. Christine de Pizan. Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt Taschenbuch Verlag, 2002. Zimmermann, Margarete, and Dina De Rentiis, eds. The City of Scholars: New Approaches to Christine de Pizan. Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1994. Zink, Gaston. “La phrase de Christine dans Le Livre du corps de policie.” In Dulac and Ribémont, Une femme de Lettres, 383–95.

Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles It is hoped that this annotated index of proper names and titles, which attempts to identify people, places and titles to which Christine refers, will be of use to readers of the French text as well as of the English translation. For this index to be of use to readers of the French text, I have preceded the main index by a reminder of the form that occurs in the French text (the first word in the following list of pairs) followed by the form which occurs in the English translation. The following points should also be noted: i. A word in capitals within a reference indicates that that word appears elsewhere in the Index. That said, cross-references are NOT given to an entry which simply lists the occurrences of a proper name (e.g., Athens, Rome). In such cases, words such as Athens or Rome will remain in lower case within a given entry. ii. Bornstein, Constant and Shackleton Bailey are used as abbreviated forms for, respectively, the editor of the Middle English Policie, and the editors of Valerius Maximus, all listed at the appropriate point of the Bibliography. Altilius/Acilius; Acrussie/Etruria; Aganius Sophidius/Aglaus Psophidius; Alchipiades/Alcibiades; Althimonides/Archimedes; Aristanus/Aristarchus; Aulius Nobileus/Fulvius Nobilior; Chastelanus/Cascellius; Cironatus/Cincinnatus; Crocles/Horatius Cocles; Emulius Lepidus/Æmilius Lepidus; Emulus Paulus/Æmilius Paullus; Epamidas/ Epaminondas; Galbine/Gabii; Hericeos/Erythraeans; Marthasus/Anacharsis; Muniance/Numantia; Philomites/Syloson; Philostratus/Pisistratus; Scevola in French text, Scaeva in VM, ed. Constant, Scaevius in VM, ed. Shackleton Bailey, Senola in Bornstein/Scaevius; Scena, Sena/Marcus Scaeva; Silla/Sulla; Transip(p)us/Thrasippus; Traton/Straton;Tonolon/Corioli; Tonolanus/Coriolanus; Voieux, Voyens, Voyeux/Boii; Xantiperus/Xanthippus. ACILIUS 124:18. A soldier in JULIUS CAESAR’s legions. ADAM 166:6. ÆMILIUS LEPIDUS 118:8. 230 BCE–152 BCE. Consul in 187 BCE and 175 BCE, pontifex maximus in 180 BCE, censor 179. 197

198 Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles ÆMILIUS PAULLUS 88–11, 88:19. Consul in 219 BCE, slain at the Battle of CANNAE in 216 BCE. AFRICA 88:6, 88:29, 105:34, 107:15, 109:25, 119:27, 137:27, 145:14, 147:18, 147:29. AFRICANUS see SCIPIO. AGLAUS PSOPHIDIUS 167:17–18. A poor man of Psophis, a town in ARCADIA. ALCIBIADES 157:21. Athenian statesman and military commander, ca. 450 BCE–404 BCE. Pupil and friend of SOCRATES. ALCYONEUS 87:25. Son of ANTIGONUS. The French text makes a slip here, reading Hellenus, who is in fact the son of PYRRHUS. ALEXANDER, KING OF EPIRUS 146:1, 146:6. Reigned ca. 343 BCE–331 BCE. An uncle of ALEXANDER THE GREAT. ALEXANDER THE GREAT 60:23–24, 60:27, 83:10, 110:14, 122:31, 153:32– 33, 159:19, 159:26–27, 159:33, 160:4, 160:6. Alexander III of Macedonia, lived 356 BCE–323 BCE, tutored by ARISTOTLE, undefeated in battle, conqueror of Persia under DARIUS III and invaded India. See also HISTORY OF ALEXANDER 101.34. ALMAGEST 167:26. Astronomical treatise written by the Greek mathematician and astronomer PTOLEMY (ca. 90–168), presenting a geocentric model of the cosmos that was accepted as the norm until the time of Copernicus (1473–1543). ALPS 122:20. AMBROSE (SAINT) 82:41. Lived ca. 340–397. A Doctor of the Church, influential theologian and ecclesiastic, made Bishop of Milan in 374; his extensive writings include De officiis ministrorum of 386 (referred to 83.1), a treatise on the moral obligations of the clergy. ANACHARSIS 96:22. Scythian philosopher, in Athens at beginning of 6th century BCE, friend of SOLON. ANAXAGORAS 167:25. Pre-Socratic Greek philosopher (ca. 500 BCE–ca. 428 BCE). ANSELM (SAINT) 117:30. Anselm (1033–1109), of Italian birth, Archbishop of Canterbury (1093–1109), one of the great medieval philosophers and father of scholasticism; his extensive writings include De similitudinibus (On Similitudes/Likenesses), a treatise on vices and virtues, referred to in Christine’s text 117:30. ANTIGONUS 87:25, 87:27, 88:4. Antigonus Gonatas (ca. 320 BCE–239 BCE), king of ARGOS and MACEDONIA (from 277 BCE). ANTIOCHUS 139:5, 139:10, 139:13, 139:16, 139:20. Both Constant (2:418, 2. 407 n. 443) and Shackleton Bailey (2.305, 2:411) identify the Antiochus of the Latin text (VM 9.1.ext.4) as Antiochus VII Sidetes (ca. 159–129), who ruled Syria from ca. 139 BCE–129 BCE. However, the Hesdin/Gonesse

Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles 199 commentary refers to the king as Antiochus the Great (last lines of 353b). At one point, Antiochus the Great (ca. 241 BCE–187 BCE) had the fugitive HANNIBAL (297 BCE–183 BCE) at his court. That said, in Christine’s text and the Hesdin/Gonesse commentary, there may well be an echo of the reputation for feasting and drinking associated with Antiochus Sidetes and his army. APOLLO 167:16, 167:20. Greek and Roman god. ARCADIA 167.18. Central region of the PELOPONNESE, Greece. ARCHIMEDES 98:17, 98:23, 98:28, 100:2. One of the greatest Greek mathematicians and physicists (287 BCE–212 BCE). Killed during the siege of SYRACUSE by a Roman soldier under orders not to harm him. ARCHYTAS OF TARENTUM 93:23. Pythagorean philosopher, mathematician, statesman and general (ca. 427 BCE–350 BCE). ARGOS 87:23, 87:25. City in the PELOPONNESE region of Greece. ARISTARCHUS 102:1. Christine’s text reads “Aristanus,” the Hesdin/Gonesse commentary reads “Aristarcus,” and describes him as an “astronomer of Egypt.” This makes it more than likely that the astronomer concerned was Aristarchus (ca. 310 BCE–250 BCE), who was born in SAMOS but died in Alexandria, Egypt. He was known as “the ancient Copernicus,” as he argued that the sun was the center of the known universe. See also J. Lempriere, A Classical Dictionary (London: Routledge, 1902), 76. ARISTONICUS 125:22. Illegitimate son who claimed the Greek Pergamon kingdom that had been left to the Romans, took on the dynastic title of Eumenes III, defeated the Roman consul PUBLIUS (PAULUS in VM commentary 138d, and Christine’s text) CRASSUS in 130 BCE, but was eventually captured and executed by the Romans in 128 BCE. ARISTOTLE 59:6, 60:24, 60:27, 70:29, 80:18, 90:22, 92:24, 93:2, 93:31, 98:29, 99:10–11, 99:26, 100:12, 100:32, 101:6, 110:25, 111:17, 113:21, 113:26, 116:28, 120:28, 133:15, 151:14, 155:12, 155:25, 155:27, 157:11, 159:24, 159:27–28, 164:4, 164:33. Greek philosopher (384 BCE–322 BCE) who profoundly influenced almost all branches of knowledge, particularly in the Middle Ages. ARMENIA 85:16, 120:1. ASIA 120:5, 125:22, 139:5. ASSYRIANS 109:9. Inhabitants of the Mesopotamian Assyrian Empire in the ancient world. ATHENIANS 76:18, 80:8, 102:19, 103:21, 110:7, 128:22, 133:25–28, 136:8, 141:28, 141:30, 141:32, 142:8, 142:12, 160:5–7, 164:7. ATHENS 79:12, 79:19, 79:23, 86:1, 93:33, 95:3, 95:6, 95:8, 96:30, 102:21, 112:28, 133:22, 136:5, 141:25, 141:33, 141:35, 142:12–13, 145:16, 156:2. ATILIUS REGULUS 134:8, 134:11, 134:13, 134:16–17; Atilius, 166:29? Roman statesman and consul in 267 BCE and 256 BCE, regarded as emblem of Roman integrity. Constant (2.419) links the Atilius of 166:29 to Atilius

200 Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles Regulus, while Shackleton Bailey (2.414) lists this Atilius separately, leaving him unidentified. AUGUSTINE (SAINT) 59:14. Theologian, philosopher, and Bishop of Hippo in North Africa (354–430), one of the most influential of the Church fathers. His most notable works include The CITY OF GOD and his Confessions. AULUS POSTUMIUS 91:17, 91:20. Aulus Postumius Tubertus, military leader made dictator in 431 BCE during the Roman war against the Volsci. AVERROËS 64:13. Muslim philosopher (1126–1198), known for his commentaries on ARISTOTLE. BENEFITS (ON) 73:23, 82:24. SENECA the Younger’s On Benefits (completed by ca. 64 CE), a treatise on gifts and favors in Roman society. BOETHIUS 98:3, 132:14, 141:9. Roman statesman and philosopher (ca. 480–524 CE), imprisoned in 524 on charges of attempting to overthrow Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths. While in prison awaiting execution, wrote his celebrated CONSOLATION of Philosophy which was to become one of the most influential works in the Middle Ages. BOII 145:26–27. An ancient Celtic tribe who moved into northern Italy ca. 400 BCE. BOLOGNA (THE FAT) 151:11. North Italian city in the fertile, agricultural region of Emilia-Romagna, hence its accompanying epithet “la grassa” (the fat). BOOK OF CHIVALRY 127:25; BOOK OF THE SCIENCE AND ART OF CHIVALRY 127:16. These are references to the Epitoma rei militaris of VEGETIUS. BOOK OF MAN’S INTEGRITY 91.1. Moral treatise by Christine de Pizan. See Introduction 20–22. BOOK OF SIMILITUDES 117:30. Treatise by ANSELM. BOOK OF TWELVE ERRORS 117:6. For Latin text, see Migne, Patrologia Latina 40, cols. 1079-1087, De duodecim abusionum gradibus, an influential and highly popular work in the Middle Ages, attributed to various authors, including Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage (ca. 200–258). BOOK OF WISDOM 165:1. Book attributed to SOLOMON, in the Old Testament. The New English Bible prints this book as part of the Apocrypha. BRETONS 116:30. Inhabitants of Brittany, in North-Western France. BRUTUS 101:16. Marcus Junius Brutus, Roman senator (85 BCE–42 BCE), opposed the political ambitions of JULIUS CAESAR and played a leading part in his assassination on 15 March 44 BCE. After the defeat of the conspirators by Anthony at Philippi in 42 BCE, he committed suicide. BURGUNDIANS 117:2. Inhabitants of the Duchy of Burgundy, in Eastern France. BURGUNDY 104:20. See PHILIP, DUKE OF BURGUNDY.

Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles 201 CAESARS 64:10. Lineage of Roman emperors. CAIUS FLAMINIUS 69:23. Roman statesman and military leader (ca. 275 BCE–217 BCE), tribune of the plebs in 232 BCE, consul in 223 and 217, Master of the Horse 222 BCE. CAIUS MARIUS 129:5–6. Roman general, statesman, consul (ca. 157 BCE–86 BCE). CALLISTHENES 159:23, 159:28, 159:32. Greek philosopher (360 BCE–327 BCE) who, on the recommendation of ARISTOTLE, accompanied ALEXANDER THE GREAT on his campaign into Asia. CALPURNIUS PISO 121.16, 121:19, 140:7, 140:10. Lucius C.P. Frugi, Roman consul (ca. 180 BCE–112 BCE) in command in 133 BCE during the slave rebellion in Sicily against the Roman Republic. CAMPANIA 109:12, 110:4. A region in Southern Italy. CANNAE 88:12, 145:2. Site of decisive victory of HANNIBAL and the CARTHAGINIANS in 216 BCE over the Roman army under Lucius ÆMILIUS PAULLUS and Gaius Terentius Varro, near the village of Cannae, in South East Italy. CAPITOL 89:18, 101:16, 144:24. Capitolium, fortress on the Capitoline hill, one of the seven hills of Rome. CAPUA 109:12, 109:16, 109:23. City in the region of Campania, in Southern Italy. CARNEADES 156:8. Philosopher (214 BCE–129 BCE), born in Cyrene in North Africa, devoted to study, sent by the Athenians to Rome in 155 BCE where he impressed by his eloquence in defending opposing viewpoints. CARTHAGE 89:7, 105:33, 107:15, 109:25, 119:27, 134:21, 135:2, 138:3, 142:21, 147:29. Dominant city on north coast of Africa, rival of Rome during the Punic Wars (264 BCE–146 BCE), flourished under HANNIBAL. CARTHAGINIAN/S 81:15, 87:17, 122:13, 134:9, 134:12, 134:22, 135:4. Inhabitants of CARTHAGE. CASCELLIUS 96:8. Cascellius Aulus, a noted lawyer in the age of Emperor Augustus (reigned 27 BCE–14 CE). CASSIUS 101:16. Roman senator (ca. 86 BCE–42 BCE), one of the leading conspirators who assassinated JULIUS CAESAR on March 15, 44 BCE. CATO 157:10, 159:3. Roman senator and historian (234 BCE–149 BCE). The Disticha Catonis (Distichs of Cato), a work belonging to the third or fourth century CE, attributed to Dionysius Cato, and referred to by Christine, was a Latin collection of proverbs that became a standard textbook in the Middle Ages. CAUCASUS 120:4. Mountainous region between Black Sea and the Caspian Sea. CHALCIDICE 139:8. Triple peninsula projecting from Macedonia, Greece. CHARLES V 66:7, 102:3, 103:29, 104:20. Charles V of France, Charles the Wise, born 1338 and ruled 1364–1380. Christine regarded his reign as representing the perfect model of kingship.

202 Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles CHRISTINE 168:1, 168:7. Christine de Pizan. CHRYSIPPUS 155:2. Greek stoic philosopher (ca. 279 BCE–206 BCE), pupil of CLEANTHES. CICERO 82:19, 82:37, 93:4, 93:16, 93:32, 96:29, 97:38, 113:18, 113:23. Tulles in the French text. Marcus Tullius Cicero (116 BCE–43 CE), Roman statesman, orator, writer, and philosopher. Christine refers to his On DUTIES and On OLD AGE. CINCINNATUS 136:22. Lucius Quinctius C. (ca. 519 BCE–ca. 430 BCE). Roman statesman and military leader, who worked his small farm till he was called upon to assume absolute power at a time of crisis; after victory he returned to the simplicity of his farm, having become an icon of civic virtue. CITY OF GOD 59:14. See AUGUSTINE. CLEANTHES 154:31, 155:5. Greek stoic philosopher (ca. 330 BCE–ca. 230 BCE). CLEARCHUS 94:16. Spartan military leader and mercenary (ca. 450 BCE–401 BCE). COCLES see HORATIUS COCLES. CONSOLATION 98:3, 132:14, 141:9. See BOETHIUS. CORINTH 161:35. City in ancient Greece. CORIOLANUS 137:9. Gaius Marcius C. (5th century BCE). Called Coriolanus in honour of his exceptional bravery at the siege of the VOLSCIan city of CORIOLI. CORIOLI 137:8. VOLSCIan city. See CORIOLANUS. CRETE 128:21, 147:29, 148:4. CROTONE 165:12. City in Calabria, Italy. CYRUS 105:22. Cyrus the Great (ca. 590-580 BCE–529 BCE), ruler of Persian Empire. DARIUS 83:10, 83:15, 83:17–19, 83:21, 142:10. Darius the Great (ca. 550 BCE– 486 BCE), king of Persia, son of Hystaspes. In 83.10 Christine distinguishes him from Darius (III) (ca. 380–ca. 330), who was defeated by ALEXANDER THE GREAT. DEMADES 160:5, 160:10. Athenian politician and orator (ca. 380 BCE–319 BCE). DEMOCRITUS 155:23, 155:30. Greek philosopher (ca. 460 BCE–ca. 370 BCE). DENTATUS see SICCIUS DENTATUS. DIALECTIC 95:31. See note 93 on Text. DIANA 148:3. Roman goddess of hunting. DIOCLETIAN 166:18. Diocletian (244–311), Roman emperor (284–305). DIONYSIUS 160:37, 161:1, 161:23, 161:29, 161:33 (his son). Dionysius of SYRACUSE, Sicily, Greek tyrant (ca. 432 BCE–367 BCE). DUTIES (ON) 82:20, 96:29, 113:18. A reference to CICERO’s De Officiis. DUTIES OF THE CLERGY (ON) 83:1. A reference to the De officiis ministrorum of Saint AMBROSE.

Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles 203 ECCLESIASTES 159:15. EGYPT 162:2. ENGLAND 104:2. ENNIUS 140:33. Roman writer and poet (239 BCE–169 BCE). EPAMINONDAS 79:25, 79:35, 110:7, 147:4. Greek military leader of THEBES (ca. 418 BCE–363 BCE), known for his victory over Sparta. EPIRUS 88:1, 146:1. EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS 152:7. EPISTLE TO TITUS 152:11. ERYTHRAEANS 146.9. May be related to Erythrae, a town of Ionia, once the residence of a SIBYL. ETHICS 59:10, 80:19, 93:32, 99:10, 113:27, 157:11. One of ARISTOTLE’s most influential works. ETRURIA 139.27. ETRUSCANS 125:9. EUCLID 164:10. Most prominent mathematician of the ancient world (ca. 325 BCE–ca. 250 BCE), best known for his treatise on geometry. EULETRE 141:32. Greek island (unidentified). EURIPIDES 76:17. With Aeschylus and Sophocles, one of the three great dramatists of ancient Athens (ca. 480 BCE–406 BCE). EUROPE 120:5. EXODUS 159:13. FABIUS MAXIMUS 69:18, 95:19, 95:27, 142:22, 142:26, 142:28, 142:30, 142:34. Quintus F. M. Verrucosus (ca. 280 BCE–203 BCE), Roman statesman and general, appointed dictator in 221 BCE and 217 BCE, known as Cunctator (delayer), because of his guerrilla tactics in the war with HANNIBAL. FABIUS RULLIANUS 121:34, 122:2. Quintus Fabius Maximus Rullianus (4th century BCE), Roman statesman and hero of the wars on the SAMNITES. On his disobeying orders and subsequent punishment, see Livy 8.31–36. FABRICIUS 77:12, 78:31, 78:34, 78:36–37, 79:1, 79:6. Gaius F. Luscinus (3rd century BCE), Roman statesman, consul and military commander, noted for his incorruptibility, died a pauper and had to be buried by the state. FIELD OF MARS 97:22. Campus Martius, Roman meadow used for army musters, preparation of triumphs, the seeking and distribution of public offices. FLORUS 166:17. Roman historian (74–130). See footnote 255 on Text. FRANCE 60:17, 66:7, 69:33, 72:4, 75:38, 88:17, 102:3, 103:29, 106:32, 108:22, 109:10, 111:7, 126:12, 150:26–27, 151:18, 151:24, 151:36, 152:34, 160:14, 160:16, 160:20, 160:25–26, 163:10, 168:5. FRENCH 138:4, 144:23, 151:22, 168:13, 168:17. FULVIUS NOBILIOR 146:27, 146:30. Roman general, consul (189 BCE), censor with Marcus ÆMILIUS LEPIDUS (179 BCE).

204 Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles FURIUS 96:8. Real estate lawyer of Ancient Rome, dates uncertain, but probably a contemporary of CASCELLIUS. GABII 144:1, 144:4. Ancient city of Latium, to the east of Rome, city of the VOLSCI; legend has it that Romulus and Remus were raised in Gabii. GALERIUS 166:21. Roman statesman and military leader (ca. 258–311), made emperor of Rome by DIOCLETIAN from 305 to 311; although an opponent of Christianity, ended the Diocletian persecution in 311. Sent as envoy with LENTULUS to persuade Diocletian to return to power. GAULS 138:3, 144:23, 144:28. Celtic tribes, ancestors of the French. GENERATION AND CORRUPTION 155:25. A scientific treatise by ARISTOTLE. GENESIS 166:6, 166.13. GENOA 162:24. GERMANY 116:19. GOD 58:2, 59:14, 60:10, 60:12, 60.14–15, 60:18, 61:2–3, 62:14, 65:14, 65:16, 65:18, 65:23, 66:16, 66:26, 66:30, 67:2, 67:14, 67:20–21, 67:27, 67:32, 68:4, 69:3, 69:7, 69:28–30, 70:4, 70:6, 70:11–12, 70:23, 72:11, 72:13, 72:15, 72:24, 74:3, 74:22, 75:37, 76:1, 82:11, 83:3, 85:12–13, 90:15, 96:22, 97:31, 105:5, 108:21, 111:6, 113:36, 115:21, 115:31, 126:11, 133:12, 147:24, 149:9, 151:23, 152:9– 10, 152:17–18, 152:22, 152:26, 152:35, 154:13, 159:4, 160:13, 160:29, 162:1, 162:18, 162:29, 163:9–10, 163:12, 163:17–18, 163:21, 164:30, 165:8, 166:3, 166:7, 166:9, 168:2, 168:16, 168:20. GREECE 79:30, 87:15, 94:16, 110:13, 130:12, 130:36, 139:7, 143:12, 153:13. GREEK/S 64:18, 87:17, 94:35, 141:27. GYGES 167:15, 167:22. Legendary king of LYDIA. HANNIBAL 88:5, 88:12, 88:25–26, 88:28, 89:7, 89:10, 89:17, 89:29, 89:35, 105:38, 109:13, 109:15, 109:27, 110:3–4, 135:2, 139:11–12, 139:15, 142:21, 142:24, 142:26, 142:30–31, 142:33, 142:35, 145:1, 147:28. Carthaginian general and statesman (ca. 247 BCE–183 BCE), arch-enemy of Rome. HASDRUBAL 135:10. Name of Carthaginian envoy sent to Rome to secure release of prisoners. HECTOR 84:15. Mythological Trojan prince, son of King Priam and Queen Hecuba, ultimately slain by Achilles and the Greeks. HELLENUS 87:25. The French text reads Hellenus, a slip corrected in the translation to ALCYONEUS. Hellenus is the son of PYRRHUS. HISTORY (JUSTIN) 136:6. This is a reference to the Epitome of the Philippic History of POMPEIUS TROGUS by JUSTIN. See Bibliography, sub. TEXTS B. HISTORY OF ALEXANDER 101:34. This is also likely to be a reference to JUSTIN’s Epitome of the Philippic History of POMPEIUS TROGUS (mentioned

Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles 205 elsewhere in Christine’s text, 136:6, 153:12, 165:11), rather than the Historiae Alexandri Magni (Histories of Alexander the Great) by Quintus Curtius Rufus, a first-century Roman historian. HISTORY/HISTORIES OF THE ROMANS 89:29, 92:4, 166:17 (but see footnote 255 on Text), or HISTORY OF ROME 136:20. These references are all probably to the historical writings of TITUS LIVIUS (Livy), Roman historian (59 BCE–17 CE). HOLY SCRIPTURE 72:14, 133:12, 152:3, 152:5, 152:22, 161:37, 164:35, 165:9. HOLY SPIRIT 72:21. HORACE 155:21. Roman poet (65 BCE–8 BCE), celebrated author of Odes, Satires, and Epistles. HORATIUS COCLES 125:9–10. Celebrated Roman military leader (late sixth century BCE) who held back an Etruscan attack by defending a bridge across the Tiber, then throwing himself into the river in full armor and swimming to safety. ILLYRIANS 146:1, 146:3, 146:5. In classical antiquity, inhabitants of Illyria, a country on the Adriatic Sea, opposite Italy, in the western region of the Balkan peninsula. INDIA 122:32. ITALY 78:24, 105:38, 109:15, 142:27, 151:2, 155:15. JEROBOAM 92:17. A slip in the French text for REHOBOAM. See footnote 86 on Text. JESUS CHRIST 67:38, 69:8. JULIUS CAESAR 101:11–12, 101:15, 107:16, 114:5, 114:10, 123:34, 124:5, 124:14, 124:17, 124:23, 125:2, 131:11, 152:25–26. Roman general and statesman who played a leading part in the rise of the Roman empire. His ambition led to his assassination by conspirators led by BRUTUS and CASSIUS. JUPITER 128:25–26. Chief deity in Roman religion. JUSTIN 79:35, 105:22, 136:6, 142:11, 159:19, 165:10, 165:22. Marcus Junianius Justinus, historian (second century CE), author of the Epitome of the Philippic History of POMPEIUS TROGUS. JUVENAL 132:13. Roman poet and satirist, late first century and early second century CE. LAELIUS 112:13. Laelius Sapiens (The Wise), Roman soldier and statesman (ca. 190–after 129 BCE), best known for his friendship with SCIPIO Africanus Minor. LENTULUS 166:21. Sent as envoy with GALERIUS to persuade DIOCLETIAN to return to power. The Epitome de Caesaribus (39.5) names the envoys as Herculius and Galerius.

206 Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles LEONICUS 83:25. Trusted friend of MITHRIDATES VI. LITANA 145:26. A reference to the Silva Litana, a forest in northern Italy, where the BOII ambushed and destroyed a Roman army in 216 BCE. LIVY 109:14, 125:35, 129:30, 134:31, 135:3, 136:23, 142:23, 144:22. Titus Livius, known in English as Livy, Roman historian (59 BCE–17 CE), author of a monumental work on Roman history entitled Ab urbe condita (From the Foundation of the City). LOMBARDS 138:4. Inhabitants of the Italian region of Lombardy. LOUIS, DUKE OF ORLEANS 62:17, 104:5–6, 104:21. Louis of Orleans (13721407), second son of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon and brother of Charles VI; husband of Valentine Visconti (1364-1408) daughter of JeanGaléas Visconti and Isabelle of France. Assassinated in 1407 by agents of the House of Burgundy. LUCAN 131:34. Marcus Annaeus Lucanus (39–65), Roman poet noted for his epic poem Pharsalia or De bello civili, on the civil war between JULIUS CAESAR and POMPEY. LUCILIUS 110:3. The recipient of SENECA the Younger’s Epistula morales ad Lucilium (Moral Letters to Lucilius), a collection of 124 letters (ca. 65 CE), written in Seneca’s retirement. LUCIUS ÆMILIUS PAULLUS 84:6–7. Roman consul and general (ca. 229 BCE–160 BCE), conqueror of MACEDON. LUCIUS LUCULLUS 146:16–17, 146:19, 146:25. Lucius Licinius Lucullus, Roman politician and general noted for his skill as a tactician (ca. 118 BCE-ca. 56 BCE), closely connected with SULLA. LUSITANIA 128:20. Part of Ancient Spain, now corresponding more or less with Portugal. LYCURGUS 95:1. Celebrated Spartan lawgiver (800 BCE–730 BCE). LYDIA 105:23, 167:14. Kingdom in Asia Minor. MACEDONIA 60:23, 159:22. Macedon or Macedonia, ancient kingdom in Greece celebrated for its military power and prestige, especially under ALEXANDER THE GREAT. MACEDONIAN/S 87:30, 146:17–18, 146:21, 146:23. MACROBIUS 139:10. Latin writer, died 415 CE, author of a commentary on Cicero’s Somnium Scipionis (Dream of Scipio) and the Saturnalia, a miscellaneous collection of conversations and reflections associated with the Roman festival in honor of Saturn. MAHARBAL 89:16. Commander in charge of HANNIBAL’s cavalry at CANNAE (216 BCE), advised Hannibal to advance immediately on Rome after the battle. Hannibal did not heed his advice, earning himself the rebuke: “Vincere scis, Hannibal, victoria uti nescis” (You know how to win a victory, Hannibal, but you do not know how to use it).

Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles 207 MARATHON 136:5. A village in Attica, site of the Battle of Marathon won by the Athenians against the Persians in 490 BCE. MARCUS CAESIUS (or CASSIUS) SCAEVA 124:5, 131:10, 131:16, 131:22, 131:38, 132:5–6. A centurion in the army of JULIUS CAESAR, defended a fort with outstanding bravery against the army of POMPEY, at Dyrrachium in 48 BCE. MARCUS CURIUS 78:4, 78:11, 78:19–20. M. C. Dentatus (died 270 BCE) consul in 290 BCE, 275 BCE, and 274 BCE, conqueror of the SAMNITES, Lucanians, and PYRRHUS. Noted for his simplicity and frugality. MARCUS MARCELLUS 84:34, 88:23. M. Claudius M., Roman consul and military leader (ca. 270 BCE–208 BCE), conquered the fortified city of SYRACUSE after a long siege (214 BCE–212 BCE) during which ARCHIMEDES was killed. After his death in battle against the CARTHAGINIANS, he was given a proper funeral by HANNIBAL. MARS 97:22, 123:4, 123:8, 123:10. Roman god of war. MARSEILLES 124:18. MATTHEW (SAINT) 152:24, 152:27. MEDIA 142:11. Ancient kingdom in Asia (inhabitants known as the Medes), corresponding to present-day northern Iran. MEGARA 141:27, 141:29, 142:1, 142:3, 142:6; MEGERA 141:27. Megara, Greek city on the isthmus of CORINTH. MELISSA 156:11. Servant of the philosopher CARNEADES. METAPHYSICS 133:15, 164:4. Philosophical treatise by ARISTOTLE. METAPONTUM 165:23. Ancient city in Italy, part of Magna Graecia, situated on the Gulf of TARENTUM. PYTHAGORAS lived and died there. MILTIADES 136:5, 142:13. Athenian military commander (550 BCE–489 BCE), victor at the Battle of MARATHON against the Persians, in 490 BCE. MINERVA 164:8. Goddess of wisdom, war and the liberal arts. MINOS 128:21, 128:23. In Greek mythology, king of Crete, son of Zeus and Europa. MINUCIUS 95:18–19. Marcus M. Rufus, killed at Battle of CANNAE in 216 BCE. Roman consul, Master of the Horse under Quintus FABIUS MAXIMUS Verrucosus, Cunctator. MITHRIDATES 83:24, 119:35. Mithridates VI the Great, king of PONTUS and Armenia Minor (ca. 120 BCE–63 BCE). NOAH 166:11, 166:13. Old Testament patriarch, presented by Christine as validating agricultural labor (see Genesis 9.20). NORMANS 116:31. NUMANTIA 138:3. Ancient town in Spain, near the source of the river Douro. The fall of the city (133 BCE) to SCIPIO AFRICANUS MINOR resulted in the self-imposed death of the inhabitants who had survived the siege.

208 Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles OLD AGE (ON) 93:4. A work by CICERO, De senectute. ORLEANS (DUKE OF) See LOUIS. OROSIUS 64:17, 101:17, 134:12. Christian theologian and historian (ca. 380– after 418), best known for his Seven Books of History against the Pagans. Friend of AUGUSTINE. OUR LORD 152:24, 152:28, 152:31. OVID 112:4, 123:3, 143:36. Publius Ovidius Naso (43 BCE–18 CE), Roman poet, author of Heroides (Heroines), Amores (Loves), Ars Amatoria (Art of Love), Remedia Amoris (Remedies of Love), Metamorphoses, Fasti (Festivals). PANAPIO 153:4. In VM 6.8.6, the name of the proscribed master is Urbinius Panopio. In Christine’s text Panopio is the name of the slave. PARIS 103:36, 104:9, 154:4, 154:11, 164:26, 164:32. PAUL (SAINT) 152:7, 152:11. PAULUS CRASSUS 125:21, 125:23, 125:31. Publius Licinius C. Mucianus (ca. 180 BCE–130BCE). In VM commentary (138d) and Christine’s text he is named as Paulus. Defeated by ARISTONICUS, he wished to avoid the humiliation of being captured, and goaded an enemy into stabbing him. PELOPONNESIANS 145:16. Inhabitants of part of Greece known as the PELOPONNESE, south of the isthmus of CORINTH. PERICLES 96:29, 103:19, 145:16, 145:23. Athenian statesman, orator, military commander (ca. 495 BCE–429 BCE), raised Athens to the summit of its power. PERSES 84:7, 101:28. Perses or Perseus (ca. 212 BCE–166 BCE), last king of MACEDONIA. PERSIA 83:10, 83:16, 105:22, 130:30, 139:5, 142:10, 159:20. PERSIANS 130:31, 136:6, 142:20. PETER (SAINT) 152:12, 152:15, 152:28. PHARISEES 67:38, 152:24. Influential Jewish sect devoted to strict observance of the written law, antagonists of Christ. PHILIP, DUKE OF BURGUNDY 104:20. Philip the Bold (1342–1404), Duke of Burgundy, brother of Charles V of France, and youngest son of King John II the Good of France, founder of the Burgundian branch of the House of Valois. PHILIP OF MACEDON 60:23, 110:13. King of MACEDONIA, reigned 359 BCE–336 BCE. Father of ALEXANDER THE GREAT. PHYSICS 64:14. Work by AVERROËS. PISISTRATUS 86:1, 86:3, 86:6, 86:8, 86:10, 86:14, 86:19–20, 93:34, 102:18, 141:25, 141:29, 141:34, 142:4. Athenian despot (6th century BCE–527 BCE), reigned 561 BCE–527 BCE), opposed by SOLON. PLATO 98:2, 102:9, 155:10–11, 164:10. Greek Athenian philosopher (ca. 429 BCE–347 BCE) founded the Academy, a philosophical school which was

Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles 209 the first institute of higher learning in the West; along with ARISTOTLE and SOCRATES, one of the pivotal figures in the history of Western philosophy. PLUTARCH 58:6, 115:7, 115:10, 163:26, 168:4. Greek philosopher and biographer (ca. 50–after 120). POLICRATICUS 73:30, 82:17. Work of political science (ca. 1159) exploiting the image of the body politic, written by John of Salisbury (ca. 1115–1180), secretary to Theobald and Thomas Becket, Archbishops of Canterbury. Created Bishop of Chartres in 1176. His Policraticus was translated in 1372 into Middle French by Denis Foulechat, a theologian at the University of Paris. POLITICS 70:29, 100:32, 111:17, 151:14. Treatise by ARISTOTLE. POMPEIUS TROGUS 153:12, 165:11. See JUSTIN. POMPEY 81:1, 85:14, 85:17–19, 86:23, 107:15, 119:29, 131:12–14, 132:3. Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus, Pompey the Great (107 BCE–48 BCE), Roman general and statesman, political ally then the enemy of JULIUS CAESAR, consul three times, awarded three triumphs in 81 BCE, 71 BCE, and 61 BCE. Conquests included TIGRANES OF ARMENIA and MITHRIDATES; campaigned successfully against Mediterranean pirates in 67 BCE. Defeated at Pharsalus in 48 BCE in the civil war with Julius Caesar. PONTUS 119:35. Region of northern Asia Minor, including the south coast of the Black Sea. PORUS 122:32. Indian ruler (died 318 BCE), heroically opposed ALEXANDER THE GREAT, who defeated him at the battle of Hydaspes (326 BCE), but, impressed by the bravery shown by Porus, restored and expanded his kingdom. PRAEDICAMENTA 98:30. Also known as the Categories, a work by ARISTOTLE. PTOLEMY 99:24, 100:13, 167:25. Greek mathematician and astronomer (ca. 90–168), wrote in Alexandria. See ALMAGEST. PTOLEMY PHYSCON 162:2–4. King of Egypt (ca. 182 BCE–116 BCE), nicknamed Physcon (Potbelly). PUGLIA 165:23. A region of southern Italy. PYRRHUS 78:21–22, 78:24, 78:33, 78:36–37, 78:40, 79:5, 86:31, 87:1, 87:9–10, 87:20, 87:24, 87:26, 87:31, 87:34, 88:3. Pyrrhus (319 BCE–272 BCE), king of Epirus (297 BCE–272 BCE), opponent of Rome, several victories costing him grievous losses (hence the term “Pyrrhic victory). Killed by a tile thrown from a rooftop during battle within the city of ARGOS. PYTHAGORAS 83:21, 159:6, 165:12, 165:15, 165:20, 165:23, 165:25. Greek philosopher and mathematician (ca. 570 BCE–ca. 495 BCE), born on the island of SAMOS, travelled to CROTONE in 530 BCE, where he founded a sect that bore his name. Died in METAPONTUM.

210 Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles QUINTUS HORTENSIUS 103:6–7. Great orator (114 BCE–49 BCE), friend of CICERO, consul in 69 BCE. QUINTUS METELLUS 105:32. Q. Caecilius M. (ca. 250 BCE–175 BCE). Consul in 206 BCE, dictator in 205 BCE. QUINTUS SCAEVOLA 96:5–6, 156:32. Q. Mucius S., called Augur. Eminent Roman lawyer. Consul in 117 BCE. Praised by CICERO for his knowledge and virtue. RED SEA 120:4. REHOBOAM 92.17. First king of Judah, son of Solomon, grandson of David ca. 972 BCE–ca. 913 BCE). See footnote 86 on Text. REMEDIES OF LOVE 112:4–5. See OVID. RHETORIC 92:24. Work by ARISTOTLE. ROMAN/S 69:12, 69:15, 76:7, 77:5–6, 78:1, 78:5, 78:22, 78:24, 78:30, 78:39, 79:2, 79:5, 80:13, 80:27, 80:31, 81:4, 81:14, 81:16, 81:23, 81:25, 84:6, 85:20, 86:33–34, 87:2, 87:16, 88:7, 88:11–12, 88:20, 88:30, 89:2, 89:4, 89:12, 89:29–30, 89:33, 91:16, 92:4, 97:12, 97:16, 98:18, 105:13, 105:32, 105:34–35, 105:39, 107:1, 107:5, 107:11, 107:17, 108:3, 108:15, 117:3, 118:3, 118:8, 118:12, 118:17, 118:19, 118:28, 119:18, 119:26, 119:31, 119:37, 121:1, 121:10–11, 121:14, 121:32, 121:35, 122:4, 122:8, 122:10, 122:18, 123:10, 123:30, 124:29, 125:9–10, 125:15, 125:21, 125:34, 126:3, 126:26, 129:1, 129:6, 129:31, 129:34, 130:28, 131:30, 132:2, 134:14, 134:16, 134:26, 135:3–4, 136:21, 136:26, 136:34, 137:3, 138:1, 139:6, 139:11–12, 139:14, 139:18, 139:21, 139:24, 140:9, 140:20, 142:22, 142:28, 142:31, 142:34, 143:13, 143:21, 144:26, 145:1–2, 145:6, 145:9, 145:12, 145:26, 145:29–30, 147:20, 147:30, 152:7, 166:17, 166:29, 166:31, 166:33. ROME 68:11, 69:14, 69:19, 70:15, 76:9, 77:13, 77:26, 78:27, 79:21, 81:15, 81:29, 84:36, 89:18, 92:9, 96:8, 97:21, 101:11, 105:14, 105:20, 105:37, 107:2, 107:12, 107:17, 107:26, 108:24, 118:32, 119:10, 120:3, 125:27, 126:11, 126:13, 126:17, 129:14, 129:30, 134:12, 134:19, 134:26–27, 135:5, 136:20, 136:23, 136:26, 136:30, 137:11, 140:7, 142:24–25, 142:30, 143:22, 143:24, 143:32–33, 144:1, 144:23, 145:13, 147:21, 156:33, 166:20, 166:22. SALLUST 107:40, 150:20. Gaius Sallustius Crispus (85 BCE–35 BCE), Roman historian and politician. SALONA 166:19. City in Dalmatia. SAMNITE/S 78:6, 78:12, 146:28. The Samnites were an ancient people who lived in Samnium, south-central Italy. Involved in wars with Rome. SAMOS 83:20. Greek island, birthplace of PYTHAGORAS. SAPPHO 155:20. Greek lyric poet (7th century BCE), born on Lesbos. SARACENS 85:11. Synonymous with Muslims by the time of the Middle Ages. SARDANAPALUS 109:8. Assyrian king (7th century BCE), famed for his decadence and self-indulgence.

Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles 211 SCAEVA See MARCUS CAESIUS. SCAEVIUS 124:23. Publius Scaevius. Soldier of JULIUS CAESAR. SCAEVOLA See QUINTUS S. SCIPIO AFRICANUS MAJOR 119:23–25, 127:18, 127:35, 140:33. Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus (236 BCE–183 BCE), one of the greatest soldiers of the ancient world, and adoptive grandfather of SCIPIO AFRICANUS MINOR. Served at CANNAE in 216, then in Spain, capturing Cartago Nova in 209 BCE, and North Africa, defeating HANNIBAL at the Battle of Zama in 202 BCE, a victory which won him the surname Africanus. His successes led to the belief that he was divinely inspired. SCIPIO AFRICANUS MINOR 77:12, 107:14, 112:13, 137:24, 138:1–3, 138:13, 138:17, 138:21, 138:23, 138:27, 147:12. Publius Cornelius Scipio Æmilianus Africanus (Numantinus) (185 BCE–129 BCE), known for his role in the Third Punic War (149 BCE–146 BCE), and the destruction of Carthage in 146 BCE. He earned the surname Numantinus after the successful siege of NUMANTIA in 133 BCE. Re. 77.12: while the Latin text of VM 4.4.10 refers to both Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio Calvus and to SCIPIO AFRICANUS MAJOR (in connection with wedding dowries), Christine’s reference is to Scipio Africanus Minor, sourced from the commentary in that section on funerals financed by the public purse. Re. 137:23–138:27: this Scipio is named by Christine in these paragraphs as Scipio the Younger (i.e. Scipio Africanus Minor, though Constant 2:403, note 388, and Shackleton Bailey, 2:416, identify this Scipio as Quintus Caecilius Metellus Scipio, father-inlaw of POMPEY). SCIPIO NASICA 92:4. Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio (ca. 182 BCE– 132 BCE), Roman politician, consul in 138, famed for his probity. Led opposition to TIBERIUS GRACCHUS. SCIPIO/S 81:1, 92:5 (could refer to SCIPIO Major or SCIPIO Minor), 137:25– 138:4 (the two main Scipios, Major and Minor, distinguished by Christine). SENECA 73:23, 82:24, 110.2, 155:5, 157:13, 159:4. Lucius Annaeus S., known as Seneca the Younger, philosopher and dramatist (ca. 4 BCE–65 CE). His treatise On BENEFITS is referred to 73:24, 82.24. On TRANQUILITY OF THE MIND, 157:13. See also LUCILIUS. SERTORIUS 128:17, 147:20, 147:23. Quintus S., Roman general and statesman (126 BCE–73 BCE), rebelled against Roman Senate, proscribed by SULLA for failing to recover the Iberian peninsula. Accompanied by white hind which, he claimed, was a sign that he was divinely inspired. Assassinated in 73 BCE. SHEBA 67:39. The queen of Sheba (10th century BCE), ruler of a kingdom in southwestern Arabia, noted for her visit to the Israelite king SOLOMON to test his wisdom. See 1 Kings 10.1.

212 Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles SIBYL 140:27. Originally in ancient Greece a single prophetic woman inspired by the gods but became a generic term concerning different Sibyls (e.g. Cumaean, ERYTHRAEAN) noted for their wisdom. SICCIUS DENTATUS 126:1–2, 126.17, 126:25. Lucius S. D., Roman soldier (mid-5th century?), celebrated for his martial prowess. SICILY 121:14, 140:8, 161:29. SIMILITUDES 117.30. See ANSELM (SAINT). SOCRATES 113:29, 113:31, 155:12, 157:20, 158:27. Greek philosopher (470 BCE–399 BCE), along with PLATO and ARISTOTLE, pivotal founder of Western philosophical tradition. SOLINUS 125:35, 126:22, 126:25. Gaius Julius S. (3rd century CE), grammarian, geographer, historian. SOLOMON 67:39, 159:15. King of Israel, reigned ca. 970–931 BCE, having succeeded his father David. SOLON 90:3, 93:33, 102:22. Athenian statesman, poet, and lawmaker (630BC– 560 BCE), one of the Seven Sages of Greece, noted for the virtue of moderation. SPAIN 119:27, 128:20. SPARTA 79:31, 87:17, 94:16, 130:11, 142:12, 147:4. SPARTAN 95:7, 134:9. SPARTANS 94:35, 147:4, 147:7. SPURINNA 101:10, 101:12. Spurinna haruspex (soothsayer). Soothsayer who foretold the future by examining entrails, warned JULIUS CAESAR before his assassination on the Ides of March. STRATO 153:16, 153:18, 153:23, 153:28, 153:36. In Christine’s text, servant who hides his master at a time of danger. See Justin, 18.3.9, where Strato is the name of the master. SULLA 81:1, 118:17–18, 118:25. Lucius Cornelius S. Felix, Roman general and statesman (138 BCE–78 BCE), opponent of Gaius Marius, dictator (82 BCE-79 BCE), involved in cruel purge of his enemies. SULPICIUS GALUS 101:27, 101:31. Consul in 166, student of Greek literature and astronomy. Predicted lunar eclipse on night before the Battle of Pydna, fought between Rome and MACEDON in 168 BCE. SYLOSON 83:17. Syloson of SAMOS (Philomites in French text), gifted DARIUS the Great with a mantle that he was planning to sell; in return for this act of generosity DARIUS made him king of Samos. SYRACUSE 85:1, 98:18, 100:3. Strategic city in Sicily. TARENTUM 78:22, 79:9, 93:23. Now the modern city of Taranto, located on the southern coast of Apulia, Italy. Because of its excellent harbor, it was strategically important in classical antiquity.

Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles 213 TARQUINIUS 144:1, 144:20. Lucius T. Superbus, Tarquin the Proud, last king of Rome (reigned 534 BCE–510 BCE, died 495 BCE). THALES 100:32. Greek mathematician, geometer, astronomer, one of the Seven Sages of Greece. Died ca. 548 BCE. THEBES 79:25, 79:30, 147:4, 147:8. City in Beotia, central Greece, major rival of ancient Athens. THEMISTOCLES 112:28, 135:20. Athenian statesman and general (ca. 524 BCE–459 BCE). THESEUS 128:23. Mythical king, founder of ATHENS, slayer of the Cretan Minotaur. THRASIPPUS 86:2, 86:6, 86:9. Acquaintance of PISISTRATUS. TIBERIUS 74:32. Roman emperor (14–37). TIBERIUS GRACCHUS 88:20. Sempronius T. G., consul in 215 and 213. Died in an ambush. TIGRANES 85:16, 85:18, 120:1. T. of Armenia (reigned ca. 95 BCE–ca. 56 BCE), declared war on Romans encouraged by his father-in-law MITHRIDATES, surrendered to POMPEY in 66 BCE. TITUS 82:17. Roman emperor (32–81), reigned 79–81. TRAJAN 58:6. Roman emperor (53–117), reigned 98–117. TRANQUILITY OF MIND (ON) 157:14. De Tranquillitate Animi, treatise by SENECA THE YOUNGER. TROJANS 151:19. TROY 84:15. VALERIUS 59:5, 64:1, 64:8, 68:11, 68:30, 69:12, 70:14, 74:32, 76:9, 76:19, 76:22– 23, 77:6, 77:30, 78:3, 78:10, 78:30, 79:10, 79:18, 80:1, 80:11–12, 80:16, 80:19, 80:30, 81:19, 81:29, 81:32, 82:9, 86:27, 87:19, 88:28, 89:1, 89:26, 92:10, 93:36, 95:19, 96:5, 96:11, 97:15, 101:25, 102:9, 102:26, 103:6, 103:10, 105:18, 105:33, 107:9, 107:21, 109:12, 109:20, 109:23–24, 109:27, 110:6, 110:18, 111:5, 111:10, 111:31, 112:11, 112:13, 114:5, 116:5, 117:4, 117:12, 117:23, 117:28, 118:6, 118:11, 118:16, 118:27, 121:9, 121:13, 121:32, 122:1, 122:6, 122:11, 122:17, 123:9, 124:5, 124:14, 124:17, 124:23, 125:8, 125:14, 125:21, 125:31, 125:34, 126:23, 127:19, 128:16, 129:5, 134:7, 134:31, 137:5, 137:18, 137:24, 140:6, 140:18, 140:30, 140:37, 141:22, 142:21, 145:1, 145:13, 147:28, 153:1, 153:3, 153:9, 155:16, 155:23, 155:28, 155:34, 156:7, 156:27, 156:29, 156:35, 158:26, 159:27, 160:4, 162:3, 164:15, 166:28, 167:1, 167:13. Valerius Maximus, author of a Latin compilation in nine books (ca. 27–37), entitled Facta et dicta memorabilia (Memorable Deeds and Sayings), dedicated to the Roman emperor TIBERIUS, and constituting Christine’s main source for her Body Politic. A reference to Valerius is not so much a reference to the Latin text but to the glossed translation of Valerius into Middle French by Simon de Hesdin and Nicolas de Gonesse, written between 1375 and 1401.

214 Annotated Index of Proper Names and Titles Each book is divided into chapters each of which is designed to explore a certain theme (e.g. religion, bravery etc), drawing on Roman examples followed by some non-Roman ones, referred to as “external.” VARRO 125:35. Marcus Terentius V. (116 BCE–27 BCE), one of Rome’s greatest scholars, celebrated for his prolific output (not much of which has survived). VEGETIUS 106:3, 116:24, 127:14, 127:24, 128:7. Publius Flavius V. Renatus (4th century CE), celebrated for his treatise on military matters, Epitoma rei militaris. VENICE 151:4, 162:24. VENUS 161:5, 161:10, 161:13, 161:20. Roman goddess of love. VESTA 68:17. Roman goddess of hearth, home, and family. VOLSCI/VOLSCIANS/VOLSINII 91:18, 137:7, 139:26. Ancient people of Latium, central Italy. XANTHIPPUS 134:10. Referred to as a king in French text. Xanthippus of Carthage, Spartan general who fought for Carthage against ATILIUS REGULUS in 255 BCE. XERXES 155:31. Persian emperor (ca. 518–465 BCE), ruling from 486 BCE, son of DARIUS. Celebrated for his failed invasion of Greece.

The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The Toronto Series

FOUNDING EDITORS

Margaret L. King and Albert Rabil, Jr.

SERIES EDITOR

Margaret L. King

SERIES EDITOR, ENGLISH TEXTS Elizabeth

H. Hageman

Series Titles Madre María Rosa Journey of Five Capuchin Nuns Edited and translated by Sarah E. Owens Volume 1, 2009 Giovan Battista Andreini Love in the Mirror: A Bilingual Edition Edited and translated by Jon R. Snyder Volume 2, 2009 Raymond de Sabanac and Simone Zanacchi Two Women of the Great Schism: The Revelations of Constance de Rabastens by Raymond de Sabanac and Life of the Blessed Ursulina of Parma by Simone Zanacchi Edited and translated by Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Bruce L. Venarde Volume 3, 2010 Oliva Sabuco de Nantes Barrera The True Medicine Edited and translated by Gianna Pomata Volume 4, 2010 Louise-Geneviève Gillot de Sainctonge Dramatizing Dido, Circe, and Griselda Edited and translated by Janet Levarie Smarr Volume 5, 2010

Pernette du Guillet Complete Poems: A Bilingual Edition Edited with introduction and notes by Karen Simroth James Poems translated by Marta Rijn Finch Volume 6, 2010 Antonia Pulci Saints’ Lives and Bible Stories for the Stage: A Bilingual Edition Edited by Elissa B. Weaver Translated by James Wyatt Cook Volume 7, 2010 Valeria Miani Celinda, A Tragedy: A Bilingual Edition Edited with an introduction by Valeria Finucci Translated by Julia Kisacky Annotated by Valeria Finucci and Julia Kisacky Volume 8, 2010 Enchanted Eloquence: Fairy Tales by Seventeenth-Century French Women Writers Edited and translated by Lewis C. Seifert and Domna C. Stanton Volume 9, 2010

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Sophie, Electress of Hanover and Queen Sophie Charlotte of Prussia Leibniz and the Two Sophies: The Philosophical Correspondence Edited and translated by Lloyd Strickland Volume 10, 2011 In Dialogue with the Other Voice in Sixteenth-Century Italy: Literary and Social Contexts for Women’s Writing Edited by Julie D. Campbell and Maria Galli Stampino Volume 11, 2011 Sister Giustina Niccolini The Chronicle of Le Murate Edited and translated by Saundra Weddle Volume 12, 2011 Liubov Krichevskaya No Good without Reward: Selected Writings: A Bilingual Edition Edited and translated by Brian James Baer Volume 13, 2011 Elizabeth Cooke Hoby Russell The Writings of an English Sappho Edited by Patricia Phillippy With translations from Greek and Latin by Jaime Goodrich Volume 14, 2011 Lucrezia Marinella Exhortations to Women and to Others If They Please Edited and translated by Laura Benedetti Volume 15, 2012 Margherita Datini Letters to Francesco Datini Translated by Carolyn James and Antonio Pagliaro Volume 16, 2012

Delarivier Manley and Mary Pix English Women Staging Islam, 1696–1707 Edited and introduced by Bernadette Andrea Volume 17, 2012 Cecilia del Nacimiento Journeys of a Mystic Soul in Poetry and Prose Introduction and prose translations by Kevin Donnelly Poetry translations by Sandra Sider Volume 18, 2012 Lady Margaret Douglas and Others The Devonshire Manuscript: A Women’s Book of Courtly Poetry Edited and introduced by Elizabeth Heale Volume 19, 2012 Arcangela Tarabotti Letters Familiar and Formal Edited and translated by Meredith K. Ray and Lynn Lara Westwater Volume 20, 2012 Pere Torrellas and Juan de Flores Three Spanish Querelle Texts: Grisel and Mirabella, The Slander against Women, and The Defense of Ladies against Slanderers: A Bilingual Edition and Study Edited and translated by Emily C. Francomano Volume 21, 2013 Barbara Torelli Benedetti Partenia, a Pastoral Play: A Bilingual Edition Edited and translated by Lisa Sampson and Barbara Burgess-Van Aken Volume 22, 2013

François Rousset, Jean Liebault, Jacques Guillemeau, Jacques Duval and Louis de Serres Pregnancy and Birth in Early Modern France: Treatises by Caring Physicians and Surgeons (1581–1625) Edited and translated by Valerie WorthStylianou Volume 23, 2013 Mary Astell The Christian Religion, as Professed by a Daughter of the Church of England Edited by Jacqueline Broad Volume 24, 2013 Sophia of Hanover Memoirs (1630–1680) Edited and translated by Sean Ward Volume 25, 2013 Katherine Austen Book M: A London Widow’s Life Writings Edited by Pamela S. Hammons Volume 26, 2013 Anne Killigrew “My Rare Wit Killing Sin”: Poems of a Restoration Courtier Edited by Margaret J. M. Ezell Volume 27, 2013 Tullia d’Aragona and Others The Poems and Letters of Tullia d’Aragona and Others: A Bilingual Edition Edited and translated by Julia L. Hairston Volume 28, 2014 Luisa de Carvajal y Mendoza The Life and Writings of Luisa de Carvajal y Mendoza Edited and translated by Anne J. Cruz Volume 29, 2014

Russian Women Poets of the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries: A Bilingual Edition Edited and translated by Amanda Ewington Volume 30, 2014 Jacques Du Bosc L’Honnête Femme: The Respectable Woman in Society and the New Collection of Letters and Responses by Contemporary Women Edited and translated by Sharon Diane Nell and Aurora Wolfgang Volume 31, 2014 Lady Hester Pulter Poems, Emblems, and The Unfortunate Florinda Edited by Alice Eardley Volume 32, 2014 Jeanne Flore Tales and Trials of Love, Concerning Venus’s Punishment of Those Who Scorn True Love and Denounce Cupid’s Sovereignity: A Bilingual Edition and Study Edited and translated by Kelly Digby Peebles Poems translated by Marta Rijn Finch Volume 33, 2014 Veronica Gambara Complete Poems: A Bilingual Edition Critical introduction by Molly M. Martin Edited and translated by Molly M. Martin and Paola Ugolini Volume 34, 2014 Catherine de Médicis and Others Portraits of the Queen Mother: Polemics, Panegyrics, Letters Translation and study by Leah L. Chang and Katherine Kong Volume 35, 2014

Françoise Pascal, MarieCatherine Desjardins, Antoinette Deshoulières, and Catherine Durand Challenges to Traditional Authority: Plays by French Women Authors, 1650–1700 Edited and translated by Perry Gethner Volume 36, 2015 Franciszka Urszula Radziwiłłowa Selected Drama and Verse Edited by Patrick John Corness and Barbara Judkowiak Translated by Patrick John Corness Translation Editor Aldona Zwierzyńska-Coldicott Introduction by Barbara Judkowiak Volume 37, 2015 Diodata Malvasia Writings on the Sisters of San Luca and Their Miraculous Madonna Edited and translated by Danielle Callegari and Shannon McHugh Volume 38, 2015 Margaret Van Noort Spiritual Writings of Sister Margaret of the Mother of God (1635–1643) Edited by Cordula van Wyhe Translated by Susan M. Smith Volume 39, 2015 Giovan Francesco Straparola The Pleasant Nights Edited and translated by Suzanne Magnanini Volume 40, 2015 Angélique de Saint-Jean Arnauld d’Andilly Writings of Resistance Edited and translated by John J. Conley, S.J. Volume 41, 2015

Francesco Barbaro The Wealth of Wives: A Fifteenth-Century Marriage Manual Edited and translated by Margaret L. King Volume 42, 2015 Jeanne d’Albret Letters from the Queen of Navarre with an Ample Declaration Edited and translated by Kathleen M. Llewellyn, Emily E. Thompson, and Colette H. Winn Volume 43, 2016 Bathsua Makin and Mary More with a reply to More by Robert Whitehall Educating English Daughters: Late Seventeenth-Century Debates Edited by Frances Teague and Margaret J. M. Ezell Associate Editor Jessica Walker Volume 44, 2016 Anna StanisŁawska Orphan Girl: A Transaction, or an Account of the Entire Life of an Orphan Girl by way of Plaintful Threnodies in the Year 1685: The Aesop Episode Verse translation, introduction, and commentary by Barry Keane Volume 45, 2016 Alessandra Macinghi Strozzi Letters to Her Sons, 1447–1470 Edited and translated by Judith Bryce Volume 46, 2016 Mother Juana de la Cruz Mother Juana de la Cruz, 1481–1534: Visionary Sermons Edited by Jessica A. Boon and Ronald E. Surtz Introductory material and notes by Jessica A. Boon Translated by Ronald E. Surtz and Nora Weinerth Volume 47, 2016

Claudine-Alexandrine Guérin de Tencin Memoirs of the Count of Comminge and The Misfortunes of Love Edited and translated by Jonathan Walsh Foreword by Michel Delon Volume 48, 2016 Feliciana Enríquez de Guzmán, Ana Caro Mallén, and Sor Marcela de San Félix Women Playwrights of Early Modern Spain Edited by Nieves Romero-Díaz and Lisa Vollendorf Translated and annotated by Harley Erdman Volume 49, 2016 Anna Trapnel Anna Trapnel’s Report and Plea; or, A Narrative of Her Journey from London into Cornwall Edited by Hilary Hinds Volume 50, 2016 María Vela y Cueto Autobiography and Letters of a Spanish Nun Edited by Susan Diane Laningham Translated by Jane Tar Volume 51, 2016 Christine de Pizan The Book of the Mutability of Fortune Edited and translated by Geri L. Smith Volume 52, 2017 Marguerite d’Auge, Renée Burlamacchi, and Jeanne du Laurens Sin and Salvation in Early Modern France: Three Women’s Stories Edited, and with an introduction by Colette H. Winn Translated by Nicholas Van Handel and Colette H. Winn Volume 53, 2017

Isabella d’Este Selected Letters Edited and translated by Deanna Shemek Volume 54, 2017 Ippolita Maria Sforza Duchess and Hostage in Renaissance Naples: Letters and Orations Edited and translated by Diana Robin and Lynn Lara Westwater Volume 55, 2017 Louise Bourgeois Midwife to the Queen of France: Diverse Observations Translated by Stephanie O’Hara Edited by Alison Klairmont Lingo Volume 56, 2017 Christine de Pizan Othea’s Letter to Hector Edited and translated by Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Earl Jeffrey Richards Volume 57, 2017 Marie-Geneviève-Charlotte Thiroux d’Arconville Selected Philosophical, Scientific, and Autobiographical Writings Edited and translated by Julie Candler Hayes Volume 58, 2018 Lady Mary Wroth Pamphilia to Amphilanthus in Manuscript and Print Edited by Ilona Bell Texts by Steven W. May and Ilona Bell Volume 59, 2017 Witness, Warning, and Prophecy: Quaker Women’s Writing, 1655–1700 Edited by Teresa Feroli and Margaret Olofson Thickstun Volume 60, 2018

Symphorien Champier The Ship of Virtuous Ladies Edited and translated by Todd W. Reeser Volume 61, 2018 Isabella Andreini Mirtilla, A Pastoral: A Bilingual Edition Edited by Valeria Finucci Translated by Julia Kisacky Volume 62, 2018 Margherita Costa The Buffoons, A Ridiculous Comedy: A Bilingual Edition Edited and translated by Sara E. Díaz and Jessica Goethals Volume 63, 2018 Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle Poems and Fancies with The Animal Parliament Edited by Brandie R. Siegfried Volume 64, 2018 Margaret Fell Women’s Speaking Justified and Other Pamphlets Edited by Jane Donawerth and Rebecca M. Lush Volume 65, 2018 Mary Wroth, Jane Cavendish, and Elizabeth Brackley Women’s Household Drama: Loves Victorie, A Pastorall, and The concealed Fansyes Edited by Marta Straznicky and Sara Mueller Volume 66, 2018 Eleonora Fonseca Pimentel From Arcadia to Revolution: The Neapolitan Monitor and Other Writings Edited and translated by Verina R. Jones Volume 67, 2019

Charlotte Arbaleste DuplessisMornay, Anne de Chaufepié, and Anne Marguerite Petit Du Noyer The Huguenot Experience of Persecution and Exile: Three Women’s Stories Edited by Colette H. Winn Translated by Lauren King and Colette H. Winn Volume 68, 2019 Anne Bradstreet Poems and Meditations Edited by Margaret Olofson Thickstun Volume 69, 2019 Arcangela Tarabotti Antisatire: In Defense of Women, against Francesco Buoninsegni Edited and translated by Elissa B. Weaver Volume 70, 2020 Mary Franklin and Hannah Burton She Being Dead Yet Speaketh: The Franklin Family Papers Edited by Vera J. Camden Volume 71, 2020 Lucrezia Marinella Love Enamored and Driven Mad Edited and translated by Janet E. Gomez and Maria Galli Stampino Volume 72, 2020 Arcangela Tarabotti Convent Paradise Edited and translated by Meredith K. Ray and Lynn Lara Westwater Volume 73, 2020 Gabrielle-Suzanne Barbot de Villeneuve Beauty and the Beast: The Original Story Edited and translated by Aurora Wolfgang Volume 74, 2020

Flaminio Scala The Fake Husband, A Comedy Edited and translated by Rosalind Kerr Volume 75, 2020 Anne Vaughan Lock Selected Poetry, Prose, and Translations, with Contextual Materials Edited by Susan M. Felch Volume 76, 2021 Camilla Erculiani Letters on Natural Philosophy: The Scientific Correspondence of a SixteenthCentury Pharmacist, with Related Texts Edited by Eleonora Carinci Translated by Hannah Marcus Foreword by Paula Findlen Volume 77, 2021 Regina Salomea Pilsztynowa My Life’s Travels and Adventures: An Eighteenth-Century Oculist in the Ottoman Empire and the European Hinterland Edited and translated by Władysław Roczniak Volume 78, 2021 Christine de Pizan The God of Love’s Letter and The Tale of the Rose: A Bilingual Edition Edited and translated by Thelma S. Fenster and Christine Reno With Jean Gerson, “A Poem on Man and Woman.” Translated from the Latin by Thomas O’Donnell Foreword by Jocelyn Wogan-Browne Volume 79, 2021

Marie Gigault de Bellefonds, Marquise de Villars Letters from Spain: A Seventeenth-Century French Noblewoman at the Spanish Royal Court Edited and translated by Nathalie Hester Volume 80, 2021 Anna Maria van Schurman Letters and Poems to and from Her Mentor and Other Members of Her Circle Edited and translated by Anne R. Larsen and Steve Maiullo Volume 81, 2021 Vittoria Colonna Poems of Widowhood: A Bilingual Edition of the 1538 Rime Translation and introduction by Ramie Targoff Edited by Ramie Targoff and Troy Tower Volume 82, 2021 Valeria Miani Amorous Hope, A Pastoral Play: A Bilingual Edition Edited and translated by Alexandra Coller Volume 83, 2020 Madeleine de Scudéry Lucrece and Brutus: Glory in the Land of Tender Edited and translated by Sharon Diane Nell Volume 84, 2021 Anna Stanisławska One Body with Two Souls Entwined: An Epic Tale of Married Love in Seventeenth-Century Poland Orphan Girl: The Oleśnicki Episode Verse translation, introduction, and commentary by Barry Keane Volume 85, 2021