The Bloomsbury Handbook of Gender and Educational Leadership and Management 9781350173156, 9781350173187, 9781350173170

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The Bloomsbury Handbook of Gender and Educational Leadership and Management

ALSO AVAILABLE FROM BLOOMSBURY Academic Women: Voicing Narratives of Gendered Experiences, edited by Michelle Ronksley-Pavia, Michelle Neumann, Jane Manakil and Kelly Pickard-Smith Early Career Teachers in Higher Education: International Teaching Journeys, edited by Jody Crutchley, Zaki Nahaboo and Namrata Rao Gender in an Era of Post-truth Populism: Pedagogies, Challenges and Strategies, edited by Penny Jane Burke, Rosalind Gill, Akane Kanai and Julia Coffey Hannah Arendt on Educational Thinking and Practice in Dark Times: Education for a World in Crisis, edited by Wayne Veck and Helen M. Gunter Preparation and Development of School Leaders in Africa, edited by Pontso Moorosi and Tony Bush Race, Education and Educational Leadership in England: An Integrated Analysis, edited by Paul Miller and Christine Callender School Leadership and Education System Reform, edited by Toby Greany and Peter Earley Strengthening Anti-Racist Educational Leaders: Advocating for Racial Equity in Turbulent Times, edited by Anjalé D. Welton and Sarah Diem The Bloomsbury Handbook of Culture and Identity from Early Childhood to Early Adulthood: Perceptions and Implications, edited by Ruth Wills, Marian de Souza, Jennifer Mata-McMahon, Mukhlis Abu Bakar and Cornelia Roux The Bloomsbury Handbook of Rural Education in the United States, edited by Amy Price Azano, Karen Eppley and Catharine Biddle Transforming Education: Reimagining Learning, Pedagogy and Curriculum, by Miranda Jefferson and Michael Anderson Understanding Educational Leadership: Critical Perspectives and Approaches, edited by Steven J. Courtney, Helen M. Gunter, Richard Niesche and Tina Trujillo

The Bloomsbury Handbook of Gender and Educational Leadership and Management Edited by Victoria Showunmi, Pontso Moorosi, Charol Shakeshaft and Izhar Oplatka

BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK 1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA 29 Earlsfort Terrace, Dublin 2, Ireland BLOOMSBURY, BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in Great Britain 2022 Copyright © Victoria Showunmi, Pontso Moorosi, Charol Shakeshaft, Izhar Oplatka and Bloomsbury, 2022 Victoria Showunmi, Pontso Moorosi, Charol Shakeshaft, Izhar Oplatka and Bloomsbury have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work. For legal purposes the Acknowledgements on p. xxi constitute an extension of this copyright page. Cover image © Marco Bottigelli / Getty Images All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or responsibility for, any third-party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given in this book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher regret any inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist, but can accept no responsibility for any such changes. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

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Contents

List of Illustrations viii List of Contributors x Acknowledgements xxi Foreword  Helen M. Gunter xxii Overview of the Editorial Process xxv Introduction  Victoria Showunmi and Pontso Moorosi 1 Part I: Understanding Gender and Educational Leadership  Victoria Showunmi 9 1

Reflections on the Social Relations of Gender and Educational Leadership and Practice: The Case of Australia  Jill Blackmore 13

2

Reframing Constructive Spaces for Women in Educational Leadership: A Transatlantic Study  Maureen K. Porter and Claudia Fahrenwald 24

3

Women Publishing on South African Educational Leadership Research: A Gender(ed) Topographical Literature Analysis  Janine Joan Le Roux and Juliet Perumal 38

4

Gender, Leadership and Positional Power  Saeeda Shah 56

5

The Soul Work of a Womanist Ethical Critical Servant Leader: An Authentic and Delicate Balance  Judy A. Alston 66

Part II: Intersectionality and Social Justice  Victoria Showunmi 75 6

Social In/justice and Double Marginality in Educational Leadership: Trajectories of Three Female School Principals from the Middle East  Khalid Arar, Deniz Örücü and Julia Mahfouz 79

7

Gender, Educational Leadership and Social Justice: An Intersectional Lens  Jane Wilkinson and Katrina MacDonald 90

8

Intersectionality and Social Justice: Knowing Intersectional Discrimination When You Feel It  Kay Fuller 101

9

Disrupting Narratives of Women in Educational Leadership  Rosemary Campbell-Stephens MBE 114

10 Developing Leadership Acts: A Way to Reclaim Power Which Can Harness Actions and Resources  Sigal Oppenhaim-Shachar 127

Contents

11 Black Women Headteachers of the Windrush Generation  Lauri Johnson 138 12 Intersectionality or Double Difference: Learning and Leading with Deaf Black Women in Brazil  Laudiléa Aparecida de Lourdes Laudino and Rosangela Malachias 151 Part III: Gender and Women’s Ways of Leading  Charol Shakeshaft 161 13 Black Women’s Leadership Skills and Practices  Portia Newman 165 14 Mastering the Art of Fixing the Ethical Dilemma: Women Leading Schools in India  N. Mythili 175 15 Promoting a Gender-Sensitive Learning Environment among Primary and Secondary School Leaders in Zimbabwe  Irene Muzvidziwa 190 16 Women’s Way of Leading: Inappropriate Essentialism or Critical Question?  Jacky Lumby 202 Part IV: Gender, Career and Leadership Development  Pontso Moorosi 213 17 Gender and Career: Constraints and Facilitators for Women in Accessing Educational Leadership in the UK  Marianne Coleman 219 18 National and District Support for Women Aspiring to Careers in School Leadership in Ethiopia  Turuward Zalalam Warkineh, Tizita Lemma Melka and Jill Sperandio 230 19 Leading Post-primary Education for STEM Careers: The Gendered Perspectives in an Irish Context  Mary Cunneen 243 20 Women in Educational Leadership in Afghanistan, Costa Rica and Rwanda: Reifying Sociocultural Capital  Elizabeth C. Reilly 257 21 Women of Colour Creating Careers as Superintendents of US School Districts  Angel Miles Nash and Margaret Grogan 272 Part V: Emotional Well-Being of Educational Leaders  Izhar Oplatka 287 22 The Missing Statistic in Initial Teacher Education: Experiences and Support Needs of Student Teachers Who Are Mothers   Joan Woodhouse and Laura Guihen 291 23 An Insight into the Professional Journey of Pakistani Women Academics   Afifa Khanam, Asma Kazi, Fakhra Aziz, Saira Taj, Aishah Siddiqah, Victoria Showunmi and Uzma Quraishi 305 24 Women’s Educational Leadership and the (Not So) Hidden Toll of Emotional Labour: The Vomit in My Handbag  Rachel McNae 319

vi

Contents

25 Black Academic Invisibility: Intersectionality, Resiliency and the Complexity of Being Seen  Mary F. Howard-Hamilton, Kandace G. Hinton and Kelsey Bogard 333 Notes 343 References 346 Index 396

vii

Illustrations

Figures 3.1 Number of Publications of Key South African Authors in Education Leadership and Management Literature 3.2 Distribution of Articles Published Annually from 2000 to 2019 3.3 Distribution of Authors 3.4 Research Origins and Funding Sources 5.1 Soul Work: Ethical Critical Servant Leadership Model 14.1 Analytical Framework 14.2 Profile of Women Principals 14.3 Consolidated Analysis of Effect of Ethical Sensitivity and Moral Reasoning on Ethical Decision Making 14.4 Ethical Sensitivity and Moral Reasoning on Ethical Decision Making 14.5 Paths Traversed for Resolving Ethical Dilemmas by Women Principals in India

41 42 51 53 72 178 178 185 186 188

Tables 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 19.1 21.1 21.2 21.3 21.4 21.5 21.6 21.7 21.8

Table of Department of Basic Education 2019 Statistics per Management Post Level Table of Distribution of Journal Articles across Source Regions Table of Matrix of Topic and Subtopic Intersections Table of Google Scholar™ Citation Indices for Top Five Female Authors Table of the Number of Publications of Key Authors Table of the Distribution of Research Designs across Qualitative Articles Table of Data Elicitation Techniques of Qualitative Articles Principal Gender and Teaching Background Women Respondents by Race and Ethnicity Percentage of Women of Colour across Geographic Locations Percentage of Women of Colour across District Sizes WOC Superintendents Representation by Percentage of District’s Student Population in Racial and Ethnic Minority WOC Superintendents by Percentage of District’s Student Population Eligible for Free or Reduced Lunch WOC Superintendents by Percentage of District’s Student Population Qualified for Special Education WOC Superintendents by Percentage of District’s Student Population Who Are Emergent Bilingual Learners WOC Superintendents Who Indicated Reasons School Board Hired Them among All Women Respondents

39 44 45 50 51 52 52 249 277 278 279 280 280 281 281 281

Illustrations

21.9 WOC Superintendents Who Indicated Time Spent on Task among All Women Respondents 282 21.10 WOC Superintendents’ Assessment of Importance of Leading Conversations Regarding Race 282 21.11 Preparation for Leading Conversations Regarding Race for WOC Superintendents 282 21.12 WOC Superintendents’ Relationships with Largest ‘Minority’ Community in Districts 283 21.13 WOC Superintendents’ and Partners’ Accommodating Changes for Job Demands 283 21.14 Years as a Classroom Teacher for WOC Superintendents 284 21.15 Former Full-time Professional Experiences (at least one year) of WOC Superintendents 284 21.16 WOC Superintendents Employed at Hiring District 285 21.17 Individuals Instrumental in Journey to Superintendency for WOC Superintendents 285 23.1 Influence of Work on Personal Life and Vice Versa 312 23.2 Factors Affecting Career Development 313 23.3 Experience in Academia 315 23.4 Role of Research in Career Development 316

ix

Contributors

Judy A. Alston is Professor and Director of the EdD in Leadership Studies at Ashland University, USA. In 2010, Alston became the first Black woman to be promoted to Full Professor in the history of Ashland University, USA. She earned her PhD in Educational Administration from the Pennsylvania State University, USA; a MDiv from Methodist Theological School in Ohio, USA; a MEd in Educational Administration; a MEd in Secondary Education both from the University of South Carolina, USA; and a Bachelor of Arts in English from Winthrop College, USA. She is the author of many articles, book chapters and books including Herstories: Leading with the Lessons of the Lives of Black Women Activists, Multi-leadership in Urban Schools, and School Leadership and Administration: Important Concepts, Case Studies, & Simulations (7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, editions). She is co-editor of Purveyors of Change: School Leaders of Color Share Narratives of Student, School, and Community Success. Khalid Arar is Associate Professor of Educational Leadership and Policy at the College of Education, Texas State University, USA, and an associate editor of the International Journal of Leadership in Education. For the past two decades, he conducted studies in the Middle East, Europe and North America on the issues of equity, diversity and social justice in K–12 and higher education.  Fakhra Aziz is a tenured associate professor with a decade of experience in teaching and research. Aziz specialized in educational leadership and management and regularly presents in national and international conferences, webinars and training sessions to share her research and get exposure to others. She is a strong believer in the power of positive thinking in the workplace and women empowerment. She has a number of publications focusing on gender-based issues related to leadership, new trends in educational leadership and technology assistance for leadership in authentic national and international journals. Aziz is Editor of the research journal, the Journal of Arts and Social Sciences, and a member of editorial boards of many national and international journals. Jill Blackmore is Alfred Deakin Professor of Education in the Faculty of Arts and Education at Deakin University, Australia. Her research interests include, from a feminist perspective, globalization, education policy and governance; international and intercultural education; educational restructuring, leadership and organizational change; spatial redesign and innovative pedagogies; teachers’ and academics’ work. Kelsey Bogard is a doctoral candidate at Indiana State University, USA, where she studies Higher Education Leadership in the Educational Leadership PhD program. Her research focuses on Black women college presidents’ experiences with a primary focus on Willa Beatrice Player,

Contributors

who served as Bennett College’s first women president. The purpose of her current study is to investigate how Black women college and university presidents perceive the multiplicity of roles they are called upon to fulfil. She is intrigued to know more about the presidential career trajectory, personal and professional experiences, leadership and decision making as a Black woman president. Rosemary Campbell-Stephens MBE received her professional training in the UK, but her breadth of experience is international. Campbell-Stephens is a veteran educator of forty years standing. Among her accomplishments, she designed and led a groundbreaking leadership preparation programme, ‘Investing in Diversity’, for the UCL Institute of Education, University College London, UK, as a key part of the London Challenge initiative 2003–11. The programme subsequently extended across England and, in 2009, was adopted as the Leading for Equity programme in the Ontario Institute of Education at the University of Toronto, Canada. More recently, as the former Director Principal of the National College for Educational Leadership in Jamaica, Campbell-Stephens has developed her thinking and writing further. Particular interests include decolonising leadership preparation, blending global leadership paradigm, and transformational system leadership. In 2015, Campbell-Stephens was awarded an MBE for thirty-five years’ service to education. Marianne Coleman is Reader Emerita in Educational Leadership at the UCL Institute of Education, University College London, UK. Prior to her retirement, she served as Assistant Dean of Research. Her research interests lie in educational leadership, with a particular interest in leadership and diversity and she has an outstanding record of funded research and publications relating to gender and leadership. Prior to the UCL Institute of Education, she worked at the University of Leicester, UK, and in both universities has had a strong record of supervising research students at doctoral and master’s levels. She has also taken part in comparative research projects with international partners. Prior to her career in higher education, she taught in the secondary sector. Mary Cunneen is Acting Assistant Professor in the School of Mathematics and Statistics at University College Dublin, Ireland. She was previously a post-primary teacher of mathematics and is acting director of the BSc in Mathematics, Science and Education. Her research interests are in teacher education and gender in educational leadership, especially in the field of STEM education. Claudia Fahrenwald, PhD is Professor of Organizational Education and School Development at the University of Education Upper Austria in Linz. Previously, she was a Visiting Professor for School Development at the University of Hamburg and as an Assistant Professor for Adult Education at the University of Augsburg. Her current research areas are civic engagement education in schools, universities and adult education, intercultural education, leadership, and gender. She has published multiple articles and chapters and has authored, co-authored, or edited books including gender and education, narrative within new learning cultures, social innovation in education, and organizational education.

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Contributors

Kay Fuller is Associate Professor of Educational Leadership and Management in the Centre for Research in Educational Leadership and Management at the University of Nottingham, UK. Her research centres on social justice in education and educational leadership focusing on gender in educational leadership. She draws on a variety of feminist theories, including intersectionality theory. Her new book is Feminist Perspectives on Contemporary Educational Leadership (2021). She is a member of the international Women Leading Education and #WomenEd networks. Fuller was an elected member of BELMAS Council for five years and remains a founding co-convenor of the Gender and Leadership Research Interest Group. She is a former English teacher and Deputy Headteacher, Initial Teacher Educator and currently teaches on the MA in Educational Leadership and Management course at the University of Nottingham, UK. Margaret Grogan is Professor of Leadership Studies in the Attallah College of Educational Studies. She served as Attallah College’s dean for five years, until 2020. Among the various leadership positions she has held at her institutions and professional organizations, she served as Dean of the School of Educational Studies at Claremont Graduate University from 20082012, Chair of the Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Analysis at the University of Missouri-Columbia, 2002-2008, and President of the University Council for Educational Administration in 2003/2004. A frequent keynote speaker, she has also published many articles and chapters and has authored, co-authored, or edited six books including Women and Educational Leadership (with Charol Shakeshaft, 2011). Her current research focuses on women in leadership, gender and education, the moral and ethical dimensions of leadership, and leadership for social justice. Helen M. Gunter is Professor of Educational Policy in the Manchester Institute of Education, University of Manchester, UK. She is a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences, and recipient of the BELMAS Distinguished Service Award 2016. Her work focuses on the politics of education policy and knowledge production in the field of school leadership. Her most recent books are: An Intellectual History of School Leadership Practice and Research (Bloomsbury, 2016); Consultants and Consultancy: The Case of Education (co-authored with Colin Mills, 2017) and The Politics of Public Education (2018). Laura Guihen is Lecturer in Education at the University of Leicester, UK, and a former secondary school English teacher. Her PhD study focused on the career histories and professional aspirations of women deputy headteachers. Her research interests include the careers of women teachers and leaders, maternity and motherhood. Mary F. Howard-Hamilton is Coffman Distinguished Research Professor and Chair of the Department of Educational Leadership at Indiana State University, USA. She received the National Association for Student Personnel Administrators (NASPA) George Kuh Award for Outstanding Research in 2021, the Presidential Medal from the Association for the Study of Higher Education in 2018, and was a recipient of the Contribution to Knowledge Award from the American College Personnel Association in 2017. Indiana State University awarded her the Presidential Medal for Exemplary Teaching and Scholarship and the Theodore Dreiser Distinguished Research and Creativity Award in 2015. Howard-Hamilton has published over ninety articles and book chapters xii

Contributors

and is co-author of Multicultural and Diversity Issues in Student Affairs Practice: A Professional Competency-Based Approach (2019). Kandace G. Hinton is Professor of the Higher Education Leadership Program in the Educational Leadership Department at Indiana State University, USA. She has also served as Special Assistant to the Provost for the Diversifying the Faculty Initiative and is Chair of the Diversity, Inclusion, and Global Engagement Task Force for the Bayh College of Education at Indian State University, USA. Hinton holds a master’s and PhD in Higher Education Administration from Indiana University, Bloomington, USA, and a Bachelor of Arts degree from Jackson State University, USA. Her research interests include African American women leaders in higher education, multicultural identity development and institutional support of community-based programs. Hinton’s teaching areas include the history of higher education, philosophy of education, academic leadership and research methods. She has published in pathways to higher education administration for African American women and multiculturalism in higher education, along with several other book chapters and journal articles. Hinton co-edited Unleashing Suppressed Voices on College Campuses (2nd edition, 2021). She has presented her work at thirty-five national higher education professional conferences. She is a consultant for colleges and universities as well as community groups interested in leadership development of their staff and around issues of diversity and inclusive excellence. Hinton currently serves as chair of the Council on Ethnic Participation for the Association for the Study of Higher Education. She holds membership in several professional organizations and Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, Inc. Lauri Johnson is Associate Professor and Chair of the Department of Educational Leadership and Higher Education at Boston College, USA. Her research interests include culturally responsive and anti-racist leadership in international contexts, the life histories of school leaders, historical studies of school-community activism in urban school reform and successful school leadership in high-poverty schools. She is an Honorary Associate Professor at the University of Nottingham, co-convenor of the World Educational Research Association (WERA) International Research Network on “Families, Educators, and Communities as Educational Advocates,” and a former Fulbright scholar to the United Kingdom. Her national study on the lives and identities of Black and South Asian headteachers (1968–2015) won the 2017 Best Paper award from BELMAS (British Educational Leadership, Management, and Administration Society). Asma Shahid Kazi holds a doctorate in Education, specializing in Curriculum and Instruction, with research focused on EFL Learning Strategies. Besides teaching and supervising research up to doctoral level, she has been involved in curriculum development, accreditation, faculty development and initiation of new programs. She is the organizer of TEDxLCWU and recipient of Skoll Foundation scholarship for training in TEDWomen Conference 2019, USA. She was the project manager of Gender Equity Program with Aurat Foundation/USAID on Institutionalization of Gender Sensitization and Gender Training Materials in Public Sector Universities, and conducted a series of tutorials and workshops on Gender Based Violence with faculty, students and non-teaching staff of the university. She has published extensively, is an assistant editor and also serves as a reviewer of prestigious research journals. She is currently xiii

Contributors

Assistant Professor and Chairperson of the Department of Professional Studies at Lahore College for Women University, Pakistan. Afifa Khanam is Incharge Faculty in the Department of Research Evaluation in the Faculty of Education, Lahore College for Women University, Pakistan. She was awarded a PhD in Education from the University of the Punjab, Pakistan. Her research interests include moral psychology, instructional technology and assessment in education. She has published several research articles in national and international journals, contributed book chapters and wrote a book, Reflective Practice. She has completed an HEC-funded project and have been part of international projects as well. She has supervised eight doctoral candidates and forty-five MS research theses. She is editor of IJEER and reviewer of several reputed national and international journals. Laudiléa Aparecida de Lourdes Laudino is Adjunct Professor of Early Childhood Education at the Rio de Janeiro County (PMRJ), Brazil. She has a degree in pedagogy from the Faculty of Education from Rio de Janeiro State University, Baixada Fluminense, Brazil. Laudino has presented on the Black Deaf theme in the National Congress on Social Inclusion of the Black Deaf (VI CNISNS) in Florianópolis, Brazil, the International Colloquium on Education, Citizenship and Exclusion (CEDUCE) in Niteroi, Brazil, the 7th Women Leading Education on the Continents (WLE) in Nottingham, UK, and in the X Latin American Association of Communication Researchers (ALAIC) in Niteroi, Brazil. Jacky Lumby is Emeritus professor of Education at the University of Southampton, UK. She has researched and published extensively on the leadership of schools, colleges and universities in many parts of the world. She is concerned to understand how power works through leadership of education to privilege some and disadvantage others. She was an expert contributor and evaluator for the European Policy Network on School Leadership and co-edited international handbooks for the preparation and development of leaders on behalf of professional associations in the United Kingdom, the Commonwealth and the United States. Her most recent book is Leading for Equality: Making Schools Fairer, co-authored with Marianne Coleman. Katrina MacDonald is Post-Doctoral Research Fellow in the School of Education at Deakin University, Australia. Her research and teaching interests are in educational leadership, social justice, educational research history and the sociology of education through a practice lens (feminist, Bourdieu, practice architectures). MacDonald is a former anthropologist, archaeologist and primary and secondary teacher in Victoria, Australia. MacDonald is Assistant Editor of the International Journal of Leadership in Education. Rachel McNae is Director of the Centre for Educational Leadership Research at the University of Waikato, New Zealand. Her extensive and internationally recognized research portfolio stems from a critical foundation of social justice with a specific focus on issues of equity, inclusion and diversity in educational leadership. Her work is underpinned by the exploration of relational sensemaking and the sociocultural dimensions of educational leadership. Her current research agenda involves surfacing the lived experiences of social justice leaders; women’s leadership; and examining the nature of innovation and community partnerships in the development of strengthxiv

Contributors

based, culturally and contextually responsive leadership learning encounters. McNae is involved in numerous international research groups which support the field of social justice leadership research globally. In 2018 and 2016, she was awarded the position of New Zealand Educational Leadership Society Visiting Scholar and was the recipient of the International Emerald-European Foundation for Management and Development Outstanding Research Award for Leadership and Strategy. Julia Mahfouz is Assistant Professor in the Leadership for Educational Organizations Program in the School of Education and Human Development at the University of Colorado-Denver, USA. Her research explores the social, emotional and cultural dynamics of urban and rural educational settings and their effects on school climate and school improvement utilizing qualitative and mixed methodologies. Her work seeks to deepen our understanding of social-emotional learning (SEL) through lenses of intervention implementation, school improvement efforts and preparation of school leaders to create spaces equitable for all where all could flourish utilizing policy as a lever for change and as a powerful context, which shapes education at multiple levels of the system. Rosangela Malachias is Adjunct Professor in the Department of Sciences and Education Fundamentals in the College of Education from Baixada Fluminense at Rio de Janeiro State University, Brazil. She has a PhD in Communication Sciences from the University of São Paulo, Brazil. She is also a full member of the Graduate Program of Education and People’s Demands and Contemporary Contexts from Federal and Rural University from Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Malachias is Researcher of Periferias Periphery Research Center at IEA-USP (Institute of Advanced Studies at the University of São Paulo, Brazil); Coordinator of AFRODIÁSPORAS Research Center on Black Women, Visual Culture, Educommunication and Policies in Urban Peripheries linked to the Directory of Research Groups from National Council of Research (CNPq). She is a member of Women Leading Education Network, Ryoichi Sasakawa – SYLFF (Japan) Alumni, Fulbright Foundation – Hubert H. Humphrey Program (USA) Alumni., John T and Catherine D. MacArthur Foundation Alumni (USA). Tizita Lemma Melka is Assistant Professor in the Department of Psychology at Bahir Dar University, Ethiopia. She focuses her research and professional interests on the broad fields of education and psychology. Melka collaborated in researches studying child cognitive development in Ethiopia and cross-national research exploring the social-psychological factors that predict men’s interest in taking on care-oriented roles and occupations. She is also a researcher on the UNESCO Chair GRTA family literacy project. Her fields of enquiry include culture and psychology, social behaviour, gender, informal learning, primary/secondary education and higher education. Pontso Moorosi is Associate Professor of Educational Leadership and Management in the Department of Education Studies, University of Warwick, UK. She is also a Research Associate at the University of Johannesburg, South Africa. Her research interests include gender in educational leadership, leadership preparation and development, and leadership identity construction. She researches African contexts and is passionate about bringing marginalized voices to the mainstream. xv

Contributors

N. Mythili is currently working as Associate Professor in the Indira Mahindra School of Education at Mahindra University, Hyderabad, India. Here, she is working with the Ph.D. programme in Education. Before joining Mahindra University, she worked as Assistant Professor at National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration, New Delhi, India till recently. Her published books “Women in School Leadership”, “Pedagogical Leadership: A handbook for leading learning in schools” are one of the earliest works on school leadership in India. The handbook on pedagogical leadership has been chosen by the Ministry of Education for the web portal called DIKSHA to reach out to all principals in India. She has researched and published on several aspects of school leadership such as regional diversity, governance, leadership for student learning, leadership development and Legitimacy of women school leaders. She has designed and implemented Post Graduate Diploma in School Leadership and Management. She is involved in the design and implementation of School Leadership Development Programme and is a core member of NISHTHA (National Initiative for School Heads and Teachers for Holistic Advancement), the two major initiatives funded by the Government of India. Her recent capacity development programmes on pedagogical leadership for school principals at Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) and Navodaya Vidyalaya Samiti (NVS) have received very high appreciations creating a sort of records.  Irene Muzvidziwa is Associate Professor and Acting Director of the Gender Institute Midlands State University, USA, and holds a PhD in Gender and Educational leadership from Rhodes University, South Africa, MEd and BEd degrees from University of Waikato, New Zealand, and a Diploma in Education from the University of Zimbabwe, Zimbabwe. Her areas of interests include gender, educational leadership and the creation of gender-responsive environments, women empowerment, gender mainstreaming and school community partnerships. Muzvidziwa’s early experiences have had a strong bearing on her interest in understanding gender and the forces that deny women educational opportunities, leading to her passion on the creation of gender-responsive environments. She has researched and published book chapters and articles in scholarly journals both local and international on gender and educational leadership. Muzvidziwa has researched in New Zealand, South Africa and Zimbabwe. She presented papers on teenage pregnancies, discipline in schools, approaches to empowering women and men, and many others on equity issues. She is an Editorial Board Member for the Annals of Modern Education, reviewer of several peer-reviewed journals and has supervised a number of master’s and PHD students who successfully completed their thesis and projects through her supervision and mentorship. Angel Miles Nash is Assistant Professor of Leadership Development in the Donna Ford Attallah College of Educational Studies at Chapman University, USA. Nash taught and led in K–12 schools in Washington, DC, California, and Virginia, USA, which galvanized her research endeavours examining the emboldening of Black girls and women in the K–20+ educational pipeline, the professional intersectional realities of Black women in education, the ways that educators and educational leaders support underserved students in STEM education, and parent engagement. She has published in peer-reviewed journals and books, and her research has been sponsored by the Spencer Foundation, the Kay Foundation and the American Educational Research Association. Her research, teaching and service commitments collectively and xvi

Contributors

intentionally reify her belief in educators’ influence on the historically underserved communities on whose behalf she champions. Portia Newman is a doctoral candidate in the PhD in Educational Leadership, Policy, and Justice Program at Virginia Commonwealth University, USA. Her research focuses on leadership development at the intersection of race, gender and culture and on how leadership theory and practice informs organizational culture, change and opportunity for Black women. She earned her BA in Education from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, USA, before earning her MEd in Instructional Leadership and Education Policy from the University of Illinois at Chicago, USA. Newman’s background in child development and instruction compliments her work with innovative programming and informs her service as an educator, researcher and learning and leadership development professional. Izhar Oplatka is Professor of Educational Administration and Leadership in the School of Education at Tel Aviv University, Israel. His research focuses on the lives and career of schoolteachers and principals, gender and education, emotions and educational administration, educational marketing and the foundations of educational administration as a field of study. He has published many books and papers in leading refereed journals in the areas of gender and education, teaching, administration and leadership. Deniz Örücü is Associate Professor of Educational Leadership and Policy in the Faculty of Education at Başkent University, Ankara, Turkey. Her research interests include epistemological underpinnings of educational administration and leadership field, refugee schools and leadership, emotion management in education, multicultural education, higher education, educational policy and change management and qualitative research methodology. Her latest research covers education policy and educational leadership in refugee schools, school leaders’ policy mediation styles in different countries, educational leadership within complex and challenging settings and privatization of education. She is the co-convenor for Turkey in Network 26 (Educational leadership) of European Educational Research Association (EERA). Juliet Perumal is Professor in the Department of Education Leadership and Management at the University of Johannesburg, South Africa. She is a Visiting Professor at the University of Nsukka, Nigeria. Perumal has taught at various schools and universities throughout South Africa and has published in the field of critical and feminist pedagogies; transformative curriculum, educational leadership and qualitative research methodologies. Perumal is a South African National Research Foundation Rated Researcher and the recipient of the Joyce Cain Award for outstanding research on peoples of African descent. Maureen K. Porter, PhD is an anthropologist of education in Social and Comparative Analysis of Education at the University of Pittsburgh. She is the Associate Director of the Institute for International Studies in Education. Her global educational leadership and policy analysis was recognized by the Portlock Distinguished International Educator Award. Porter’s scholarship centers equity and justice for women and girls, decolonizing museums, intercultural exchanges, ethnographic research, and culturally and gender-responsive pedagogies for professional xvii

Contributors

development. She co-edited Indigenous Education: Language, Culture, and Identity and publishes multilingually on metaphor in policy discourses, intercultural civic engagement, peace education, and critical museum curation. Janine Joan Le Roux is a master’s in Education Leadership and Management candidate at the University of Johannesburg, South Africa. She received a Higher Diploma in Education from the University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa, and an Honours Degree in Education in the field of curriculum studies from the University of Johannesburg, South Africa. Her current research is based on South African women education leaders navigating social justice challenges and is part of a larger Pan Africanist project entitled ‘Women Leading Education in Africa’. She is particularly interested in women’s servant leadership traits, understanding factors that influence their career aspirations and social justice advocacy. She currently occupies the position of Deputy Chief Education Specialist at the Department of Education in the Gauteng province of South Africa. Her role involves monitoring and supporting school library service and reading promotion activities conducted by educational district offices. Elizabeth C. Reilly is Professor of Educational Leadership in the School of Education at Loyola Marymount University, USA. As a TK-12 classroom teacher and administrator, Reilly principally served in urban schools and school districts. An internationally recognized scholar investigating women in educational leadership, Reilly presents, publishes and researches globally. Sigal Oppenhaim-Shachar completed her PhD at Bar-Ilan University, Israel, in 2011. Since then, she has been teaching and researching at the Gender Studies Programme in the Sociology and Anthropology Department in the School of Education at Bar-Ilan University, Israel. Her interests include girlhood studies, feminist pedagogy and feminist leadership. Her works have been published in American, British and Israeli academic journals, and her book We Were Counting on You: A Second Look at an Intervention for Girls from Stigmatized Communities was recently published in Hebrew by the Mofet Institute, Tel Aviv, Israel. Saeeda Shah is an internationally recognized scholar in the field of educational leadership, gender and Islam, with a focus on Muslims and cultural contexts. She is passionate about equality and inclusion, critiquing the discourses, the cultural and belief systems, and power relations that marginalize people across multiple divides, including gender, religion and race. Shah is Honorary Professor at the University of Derby, UK. She recently retired as Reader/Associate Professor from the University of Leicester, UK. Prior to that, she was Professor/Dean in Pakistan. She has experience of living and working in two highly different country cultures and education systems. She engages with important educational themes related to contexts and challenges of changing character of communities. She has a strong and established research profile, with publications in highly prestigious international journals, books/book chapters, and keynotes, conference papers and presentations. She is on editorial boards of numerous journals and acts as reviewer for prestigious publishing houses. Charol Shakeshaft has been studying equity in schools for over three decades and currently teaches graduate courses in research design, policy research methods, and gender and race equity xviii

Contributors

in the Department of Educational Leadership at Virginia Commonwealth University, USA. Shakeshaft is Fellow of the American Educational Research Association and is the author of four books and over 200 referred articles and papers. Her research focuses on three strands: gender and leadership, sexual abuse of students by adults employed in schools and the effectiveness of technology for learning, particularly for students of colour. Shakeshaft is an AERA fellow and received the 2015 AERA Distinguished Contributions to Gender Equity in Education Research Award and the AERA Division A Excellence in Research Award in 2020. Shakeshaft is currently working on a study of prevention of school employee sexual misconduct, supported by a fouryear research grant from the Centre for Disease Control. Victoria Showunmi is Associate Professor at UCL Institute of Education, University College London, UK, and has a passion for teaching and learning, research and community engagement, and is driven by determination to pursue ways in which cutting-edge research can be shared and understood by the wider community. Her contribution to the academy has always been to find innovative methods to include the silent voices of the community. Her leadership and networking skills have enabled her work on gender, education and leadership to be showcased locally, nationally and internationally. Aishah Siddiqah completed her MA at the Institute of Education and Research (IER), University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan, in 2003 and received Gold Medal from the president of Pakistan for being the topper of the session. She completed her PhD in June 2010, focused on educational psychology. She has been working as Assistant Professor at Lahore College for Women University, Lahore, Pakistan, since 2010. Before that, she also served at the University of Education and University of Management and Technology. She has published a number of research papers in national and international peer-reviewed journals, with more than 100 citations. She has also written two book chapters and presented papers in several conferences. She has been teaching at MS and BS levels. She has supervised forty-four dissertations including two PhD-level (one co-supervised), twenty-four MS-, three postgraduate- and fifteen BS-/BEd-level theses. Jill Sperandio is Emeritus Professor at Lehigh University, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, USA, teaching graduate courses in educational administration and leadership, and comparative education in the College of Education. Her research interests have focused on women in education and the education of girls worldwide and international education at both the school and university levels. She has published widely on these topics, receiving funding and support from the Spencer Foundation for research in Uganda, the International Baccalaureate Organization for research on the international middle school program, a Fulbright scholarship for Azerbaijan, and most recently was selected for the Ambassador’s Distinguished Scholar’s Program for Ethiopia, based at Bahir Dar University, Ethiopia. She currently serves on the School Board of a charter school in Allentown, Pennsylvania, USA. Saira Taj earned her PhD degree in Education from the Institute of Education and Research, University of the Punjab, Pakistan. She is working as Assistant Professor in Lahore College for Women University, Lahore, Pakistan. She is teaching at postgraduate level, and her areas of interest are curriculum studies, sustainable development, environmental education and science xix

Contributors

education. She is a keen researcher and working on various topics as an expert and educationist. She is supervising a number of doctoral researches. Her articles are published in various national and international journals. She is the part of editorial board of IJEER and working as a reviewer for international conferences and journals. She has organized an international conference and workshops. Turuward Zalalam Warkineh is Assistant Professor in the Department of Adult Education and Community Development (AECD) in the College of Education and Behavioral Sciences, Bahir Dar University, Ethiopia. Working with Alan Rogers and Anna Robinson-Pant, she has developed experience in qualitative research. She has been involved in various national adult education research studies as well as conducting research for an international IFAD-UNESCO project as a member of country research team. Her research interest areas include adult education, curriculum and instruction, gender and education, adult literacy, informal learning and indigenous knowledge systems. She is currently coordinating the UNESCO Chair (for Adult Literacy and Learning for Social Transformation) activities at Bahir Dar University, Ethiopia. Jane Wilkinson is Professor of Educational Leadership in the Faculty of Education at Monash University, Australia. Her research and teaching interests are in the areas of educational leadership for social justice, refugee education, women and leadership and practice theory. Wilkinson has conducted extensive research with principals and schools in Australia and Finland on leading change in schools and educational districts, refugee education in schools and universities and the role of schools in building social cohesion. Wilkinson is currently chief investigator for a study examining social justice and school autonomy, funded by the Australian Research Council. She has recently completed a study of key social issues impacting public school principals in a time of Covid-19. Joan Woodhouse is Associate Professor of Education at the University of Leicester, UK. A former teacher, teacher educator and school leader, she has a research interest in teachers’ lives and careers. Her work has included studies focusing on women teachers’ and headteachers’ lives and career decisions, student teachers’ professional aspirations and the experiences of early career teachers, older teachers and student teachers who are mothers. She is currently leading a team in a wider-scale investigation of the challenges faced by student teacher mothers, with a view to considering how schools and universities might better support this overlooked group. Uzma Quraishi is Vice Chancellor at Women University Multan, Pakistan. She has Post-Doctorate in Gender Equity in Higher Education in Pakistan, from University of Cambridge, UK, Doctorate in Educational Management and Planning from University of Birmingham, UK, Master of Education (Mass Media & Education) from the University of Manchester, UK and Bachelor of Fine Arts from National College of Arts, Lahore, Pakistan. She has a number of publications and projects on diverse topics addressing women empowerment, entrepreneurship, leadership and harnessing technology for mitigating digital gaps. She has supervised several doctoral and postgraduate scholars.

xx

Acknowledgements

As editors, we wish to acknowledge and thank the authors in this volume for their contributions and their willingness to share their material and expertise. Without these contributions this volume would not exist. A special gratitude goes to the anonymous peer reviewers who gave initial feedback on the proposal for this Handbook. Their helpful comments helped crystalize the ideas behind this volume. The Bloomsbury editorial team has also been very supportive and understanding. This manuscript was produced during one of the most difficult times in living memory of the Covid-19 pandemic. The willingness of the Bloomsbury editorial team to grant an extension from the initially agreed submission date is acknowledged with deep gratitude. Finally, we are thankful to the assistance of the blind peer reviewers of the chapter drafts, some of whom were also contributors to the volume. Thank you, Helen Gunter, for your feedback and for writing the Foreword. Thank you all for being part of this important project.

Foreword Helen M. Gunter

The Educational Management, Administration, and Leadership (EMAL) field has a problem with social justice issues such as gender. While women are murdered and raped each day, the EMAL field conducts itself as if such events outside of schools and universities is not an issue for schools and universities. While qualified women in professional educational roles in schools and universities do not get promoted, do not get paid a fair salary and experience the microaggressions of misogyny and the humiliation of sexual harassment, the EMAL field conducts itself as if this is an esoteric matter for someone else to busy themselves with. We experience training, we read books and journal articles, and we attend conferences, where matters of social justice tend to be missing, and even if included in a sentence or chapter then it tends to be an ‘and women’ addendum. Thirty years ago I attended a ‘women into management’ day conference where the key message was that if you want to be taken seriously by your boss then you should not wear sandals but you should wear lipstick. There are days when I think back to this and realize that while the situation is much improved, it remains the case that the EMAL field still needs to do better. Why is gender and the intersectionality with other social justice barriers, such as race, ethnicity, class, disability, and sexuality, still a problem for the ELMA field? Addressing such a question requires engagement with field history, and notably the dominance and enduring legacy of the Theory Movement from the 1950s onwards. For example, Halpin (1966) presents the case for a scientific approach to the organization as a rational and unified reality, where values and facts are separated. The focus is on the fact of human behaviours regarding how the leader efficiently and effectively delivers outcomes through structures, tasks and groups. The search for an objective and predictive all-encompassing theory was based on measurement through the ‘Leader Behavior Description Questionnaire’ (LBDQ). As Halpin (1966) explains the approach: Fads and styles in education, like the length of women’s skirts, have had their ups and downs and have been pursued accordingly. We would like to hope that our pursuit of theory in educational administration is based upon appeals of less transitory revelation. Our task deserves a stronger commitment than this. (15) It is highly unlikely that such a statement would get past a peer or editor review process these days, but relating values issues and the processes of debate to gendered fashion demonstrates the barriers to social justice within and for the EMAL field. While the Theory Movement was discredited from the 1960s and certainly by Greenfield from the 1970s (Greenfield and Ribbins 1993), the underlying ontology and epistemology remain in play and are evident in the ubiquitous transformational leadership model (and its hybrids such as distributed and instructional).

Foreword

Transformational leaders are required to behave in prescribed and trained ways in order to control and unify followers to deliver and perform. Hence social justice is conceptualized as both individual and corporate: it is the individual who must produce data to demonstrate employability, and it is the corporate company of individuals who must perform in unison in order to demonstrate achievement and prestige in the market place. Consequently, the EMAL field is dominated by the technologies of relational privatization, whereby social justice is individualized and corporatized through the production of data-determined facts that enable comparison of status and acclaim with others as others. Being a leader, doing leading and exercising leadership is achieved by adopting ‘best practice’ as a competent given, where the contracted professional (and student) must demonstrate and secure fidelity with the school or university brand and vision. Potential interruptions are handled through cultural norms and team rituals and by adopting more coercive tactics around team regulation and possible contractual exclusion. In summary, research in the ELMA field is less about the problem-posing that requires debates about values and the purposes of education and is more about problem-solving for organizational harmony. Conceptualizing ELMA differently is regarded as disruptive and dangerous. Nevertheless, the field is plural in regard to knowledge production and has produced a range of significant articles, monographs and edited collections over time that have set out to demonstrate that we can and do think differently than the functional and behaviourist norms that we are presented with as essential for teaching and learning (Gunter 2016). Indeed, much of what is produced as leadingedge research and theorizing in the ELMA field is based on an imagined world where there is no war, no genocide, no pandemics, no poverty, no racism and no refugees. Engaging with the realities of teaching and learning, and the necessity of activism, suggests the need for valuesoriented research with and for the profession (and students, families, communities). Importantly, as Smyth (1989) argues: ‘if schools are to be the critical and inquiring communities necessary for a democratic way of life, then the leadership within them will have to be more educative and pedagogical in various ways’ (5). Such thinking means that leadership is not the property of an elite role but is a shared resource for all to access and deploy (Foster 1989) in order to ‘unmask the unquestioned and oppressive managerialist modes that have come to constrain them’ (Smyth 1989: 5). Hence social justice is conceptualized as relationally educative, whereby opportunities are created ‘to reflect upon institutional arrangements, to reveal the “taken-for-granted” features of institutional life, and to allow for commentary on the ways and means that the institution either restrains or promotes human agency’ (Foster 1989: 54). Visioning is restored to its central purpose of telling stories, generating meaning through stories and telling new stories: ‘it is here in particular that one can see how leadership is a shared, communitarian role, one in which different narratives are presented by different individuals, each presenting a possibility for a new narrative and interpreting the previous narratives in their own fashion’ (Foster 1989: 54). This Handbook is part of the educative process for the ELMA field: it is a resource of ideas, it displays the processes and outcomes of thinking and provides an account of stories with new agendas for storytelling and recording. Taking this relational educative approach to the ELMA field is deeply rooted in our shared history, and it is within this context that this Handbook needs to be engaged with educatively. There are a number of key messages: first, it is the first international Handbook on gender and educational leadership and management, and so the reader needs to ask questions about field historiography: what is the antecedence of this book in previously published outputs, and why did xxiii

Foreword

it take so long to legitimize the idea that ELMA knowledge production required such a project? Second, this Handbook includes research that is local but is also global, as it speaks to shared issues of how power is located and exercised, and so the reader needs to ask questions about context: What are the knowledge production traditions and agendas within national systems, and what can this research do to help us think about and conceptualize field practices? Third, this Handbook is a collaboration by scholars from around the world, and those scholars are at different stages in their careers, from doctoral students through to professors, and so the reader needs to ask questions about the ELMA research community: Who is doing research into social justice issues and who is funding it, and what are the underlying ontologies and epistemologies of knowledge claims? The Handbook enables the reader to enter into such questions about and for knowledge production, and in doing so the reader can draw on their own research memoires and make new demands for the research agenda: Part I presents accounts about understanding gender as a social relational matter through field historiography; Part II examines gender as intersectional with other structural injustices; Part III considers what it means to engage in educational practice as a gendered female, and how biology has been conflated with stereotyped behaviours that are used to segregate; Part IV reviews conceptualizations of careers and professional development, and the issue of missing women; and Part V is concerned with the complexities of a working and lived life. Reading each chapter individually and then all chapters as a whole, the Handbook enables access to evidence and ideas regarding how gender is not biological but is a social practice: Gender is not something that people are, in some inherent sense . . . Rather, for the individual and the collective, it is a daily accomplishment . . . that occurs in the course of participation in work organisations as well as in many other locations and relations. (Acker 1992: 250) Reading and digesting this account and rereading it based on the twenty-five chapters in this book enable the educative process regarding how all can and should engage with the stories. For example, EMAL researchers have shown that gender and what it means to be a man matters, where Hall (1999) focuses on who researches who and how that has tended to be done at ‘separate tables’ (164). So, it is important to think with and against the accounts in the Handbook in order to ask about the stories that could be missing. Not everything can be included, but the agenda for how the Handbook is built upon and developed as a dynamic text does matter. I return to where I began. The EMAL field has a problem, and this will remain as long as field members as professional researchers and researching professionals accept that it is not their problem. Returning to footwear and lipstick reminds me of Eleanor Roosevelt, who helped us to think about how we exercise educative agency: ‘no one can make you feel inferior without your consent.’ Hence reading and thinking differently are integral to knowledge production for the field as a person, and collectively as persons. As this Handbook demonstrates, this is not easy work, but it is necessary if we are to do what the EMAL field sets out to do: to enable ALL students to become educated persons. Helen M Gunter University of Manchester, UK

xxiv

Overview of the Editorial Process

In keeping with the academic requirements of the editorial process, the editors of the Handbook enlisted a blind peer-review of all chapters submitted. The reviewers were drawn from seasoned scholars in the field who had substantive knowledge and were active researchers in the field. Some of the reviewers were also contributors in the volume and care was taken to invite reviewers from different parts of the volume. Authors were initially invited to submit an abstract of their chapter as a proposal to which initial feedback was given by the editors to ensure a focus on gender and educational leadership. Authors were then invited to submit their chapter drafts which were initially read by the respective section editors who, only where necessary, gave initial feedback to ensure relevance and depth of content on gender and educational leadership as well as a structure that matches an agreed frame between the section editors and the publisher. Each chapter draft was then sent to a minimum of two reviewers as a standard process for all contributors. Reviewers were provided with a standard form that asked them to comment on relevance of material to an international audience, theoretical depth, readability and other ways in which the manuscripts could be improved. Reviewers were also asked to recommend publication or rejection of the chapter draft. At least one chapter was not recommended publication and subject to the degree of feedback, some chapters went through several drafts. The final review of the chapters was overseen by the section editors. As a final process, the chapters were all read by one of the editors to ensure consistency and alignment throughout the volume. The whole manuscript was then sent for anonymous review.

xxvi

Introduction Victoria Showunmi and Pontso Moorosi

Since the work of Charol Shakeshaft in the 1980s and others later (e.g. Blackmore 1999; Hall 1996) who brought the under-representation of women in educational administration to the researchers’ attention, the field has seen some significant developments, with women’s representation in leadership increasing and more policies being developed to prevent some of the most blatant forms of discrimination that curtail women’s progression in leadership. Although there has been a plethora of equal opportunity legislation in some contexts, in many regions women have yet to attain leadership positions within their chosen professions in any comparable numbers to their male counterparts. As Kellerman and Rhode (2007: 1) observed, ‘despite half a century of equal opportunity legislation, women’s opportunity for leadership is anything but equal.’ Being white, male and middle class is much more of a guarantee of career advancement than possessing attributes which do not conform to the accepted cultural stereotype of what leadership looks like and how leadership is executed (Showunmi 2018). Organizational cultures and practices ensure that the gatekeepers reproduce the status quo (Eagly and Carli 2007), disadvantaging women who are as committed to their professional goals as men, and who graduate in higher numbers and enter the workforce in abundance. Yet their decreasing visibility on the loftier rungs of the career ladder (Lumby 2006) is testament to the fact that women’s participation in positions of power is still a phenomenon less than ordinary. Thus, researchers have committed to examining the inequality of outcome in progression through organizational hierarchies. This has typically been spearheaded through the use of metaphors explaining the barriers contributing to the under-representation of women in educational leadership. The so-called ‘glass ceiling’ phenomenon (often associated with Marilyn Loden in the 1970s), in which women in middle management perceive an invisible barrier to reaching the top, and the ‘glass cliff’, whereby many women are appointed to leadership positions during difficult organizational circumstances and are therefore more precariously placed as leaders (Ryan and Haslam 2006) can be named as examples. While this body of work has predominantly focused on women in leadership to the exclusion of men, in this volume our intention was to adopt a more gendered perspective that considers femininities, masculinities as well as sexualities as problematic normative structures and discourses that shape experiences in educational leadership in different locations. We recognize the consideration of diverse experiences as an act of ‘doing gender’ (West and Zimmerman 1987) and part of activist scholarship that showcases commitment towards gender equality and social justice. While we acknowledge that use of earlier metaphors of the glass ceiling had a place in explaining barriers in a field predominantly led by men, we acknowledge and align ourselves with recent advancements in research that suggest women experience leadership progression in more labyrinthine ways (Eagly and Carli 2007). In this frame, the once elusive route to the principalship of schools and universities is now attainable to

The Bloomsbury Handbook of Gender and Educational Leadership and Management

many women in different contexts. However, it is still not a straightforward path, but one full of known and unknown twists and turns, that may or may not lead to the top. Thus, we acknowledge that a great deal of work still needs doing to make the field more equitable and accessible to women and men of different backgrounds and identities. Although the past three decades have seen women occupying roles and holding responsibilities that hitherto had been the prerogative of the male, change has been glacial slow in some arenas despite the introduction of equality legislation in a variety of jurisdictions. The introduction of a neoliberal policy agenda by successive governments in the Anglophone world has promoted schools to be understood as organizations, employing and adopting organizational practices which have implications for social interpretation of who occupies leadership positions and the resulting consequential reproduction of the hegemonic norm. After colonialism disrupted its traditional systems, the postcolonial world is still struggling to assert its space in global discourses in getting to be understood from their own perspective, and particularly the notion that gender oppression cannot be isolated from other forms of oppression (Nkomo and Ngambi 2009). The commonality, regardless of context or region, is that women’s relationship with teaching has a complex historical legacy; viewed initially as being a continuation of their nurturing roles, the so-called caring dimension which teaching requires and provides has been the focus of considerable scrutiny by scholars. Despite a plethora of initiatives by a variety of stakeholders, women continue to be marginalized at leadership level – the further along the promotional ladder they travel, the less likely they are to meet a counterpart. This Handbook was intended to attract current research, theories and methods that illuminate different ways in which gender as a multidimensional construct shapes experiences in educational leadership in different contexts. Defining Leadership and Gender Leadership is a complex phenomenon that has been understood differently depending on ‘culture, geography, ethnicity, history, character or the goal pursued’ (Keohane 2010: 35), and its effectiveness ‘varies by the degree of formality or informality of the setting and the public and private nature of the enterprise’ (ibid). Leadership practice is widely accepted as a complicated and multifaceted phenomenon with demanding and onerous responsibilities for those who take up the mantle, and who often forfeit much in terms of their personal lives. As a contrast, the ‘who’ of leadership presents a much more problematic issue, lacking agreement and acceptance of its representation in a multiplicity of jurisdictions. Although a large amount of work in the field focuses on the role of leadership within position, and attracts gender and women in leadership positions, our intention is to advance a more encompassing definition of leadership – one that not only treats leadership as position, but one that recognizes leadership as a social practice of influence regardless of its locus. In this sense, as Sinclair (2014) puts it, leaders are not always at the front telling people what to do, but they are ‘likely to be in groups, working from within, between, sometimes on the edge or from below’ (p. 19). Indeed, critical feminist scholarship problematizes the notion of positional leadership (as does critical leadership studies), arguing that traditional leadership is defined on competences and traits that stereotypically serve and benefit men, such as ‘performativity’ (Watson 2016), ‘competitiveness, measurability and individuality’ (Airini et al. 2011: 45). This understanding of leadership presupposes that in order for women to gain better representation and for a more 2

Introduction

equitable gender scenario to exist, it is women who need to be fixed so that they fit the work culture of institutions and not the other way round. In this sense, leadership development is mostly linked to instrumental learning based on technical skills that shape and define how work is done (Watson 2016). This conception is presumed valid in mainstream leadership because it is based on objectivity and value-neutrality in leadership, but it is arguably problematic as it overlooks inequality, power and domination (ibid.). Critical feminist scholarship is committed to disrupting manifestations of power and privilege (Sinclair 2014); hence, it starts with a definition of leadership that holds transformative implications for both men’s and women’s leadership; a definition that does not confine leadership to the positions of authority within educational institutions, but a relational one that recognizes contributions that enable leaders to lead, regardless of their position. It is this definition of leadership that arguably holds prospects for dismantling structural barriers that undermine women and devalue their work in educational institutions. It is not just leadership whose definition is riddled with controversy and ambiguity. Gender, as a foundational concept in this Handbook, deserves some engagement, particularly as intended for purposes of this volume. As Henderson (2019) contends, gender as a concept ‘is resistant to definition’ (p. 2), and as such, we do not attempt to provide a universal definition, but merely how we want readers to understand where we were coming from and where we wanted to go in our conceptualization of the title for this Handbook. We acknowledge that in the discourse of educational leadership and management, gender has been used to denote women and the two have sometimes been used interchangeably. Scholars in the field (e.g. Fuller 2013; Moorosi 2019; Oplatka 2016; Shakeshaft 1989) have noted the problematic nature of such use, with Shakeshaft (1989) remarking that this is ‘unfortunate because it has led to some confusion about both the direction and importance of research that examines the influence of gender on organisational dynamics’ (p. 326). As a consequence, research on gender and women is still not part of the mainstream but a peripheral speciality that is researched mostly by women. Showunmi (2021) is, however, optimistic that growth in the gender and educational leadership interest in the past decade might be signalling that the field is becoming the norm. Nonetheless, it should perhaps not be surprising that over 95 per cent of the contributors in this volume are female, despite our attempts to be more inclusive. What is even more unsettling, however, is that this body of research, even when branded gender and leadership, tends to focus on women, excluding men and non-binary individuals. This might explain, arguably, the absence of LGBTQ+ in the volume and the limited focus on subjects that include men, such as masculinities and how they shape the educational leadership discourse. Thus, we adopted the term gender as a tool to accommodate the differing experiences of women, men and all those who are marginalized and are peripheral to the mainstream discourse in educational leadership. We wanted to use gender more broadly to denote a range of identities that are not only aligned to established ideas of male and female and hoped to be more inclusive in what is being captured. However, we acknowledge that most chapters in the volume are underpinned by the female and male binaries, which is largely indicative of the field as it stands. Although we encourage that this conception be troubled going forward, we expect that each use of the term gender in this volume will be understood within the context of its usage in the relevant chapter. The strength of the book is the way it considers and refers to social and cultural differences rather than biological ones. In addition to using the term gender we have adopted intersectionality 3

The Bloomsbury Handbook of Gender and Educational Leadership and Management

as a lens to focus and better acknowledge and capture differences across a broader spectrum of interconnected social identities of educational leaders. We loosely define intersectionality as an interconnected approach pulling social categories such as race, class and gender as they apply to a given group, creating an overlapping and interdependent system of discrimination or disadvantage. While we believe that doing gender is inherently intersectional, we acknowledge not all authors adopt intersectionality as a lens of analysis; hence, we have a dedicated section on intersectionality. Intersecting Gender and Ethnic Identities Notwithstanding, the intersection of multiple identities has become central to the work we do in educational leadership. Ethnic and gender identities are both central to our self-concepts (Abrams and Hogg 1988), yet in research they are often considered independently as the determining features of individuals’ experiences, in isolation from other identity strands. Leadership studies on diversity often focus on single categories, limiting our understanding of the complexity of individuals’ experiences (Coleman 2012). However, it can be argued that asking people to account for experiences based on one category (e.g. ethnicity) to the exclusion of the other (e.g. gender) is an invalid conceptualization of reality when membership of both is confounded in individuals (Cole 2009). Such essentialism categorizes individuals’ cognitive processes, personalities and experiences in relation to single identity categories (such as gender) without considering how other factors (such as other identities, historical and current social context) influence them (Bohan 1993; Gunaratnam 2003). Such essentialist assumptions parallel previously discussed critiques of universalism in leadership research. One response to essentialist critiques is the use of intersectionality as a framework. Intersectionality is the ‘idea that social identities such as race, class, and gender interact to form qualitatively different meanings and experiences’ (Warner 2008: 454). The term is often attributed to Crenshaw (1991), who drew attention to African American women’s invisibility resulting from their minority status in gender and race scholarship. Consequently, ethnic minority women became subsumed into categories that did not accurately reflect their perspectives and experiences. In the thirty years since Crenshaw’s work, leadership researchers have adopted the concept of intersectionality to examine how multiple identity dimensions such as sexual orientation, social class, nationality and others influence women’s leadership and work experiences across the globe (e.g. Essers 2009; Hite 2007; Pompper 2007). Intersectional perspectives integrate feminist and multiculturalist perspectives to understand women’s experiences from a more nuanced perspective (Ali et al. 2008; Silverstein 2006). They highlight how all identity categories depend on each other for meaning and significance. Intersectionality also draws attention to Whiteness as a privileged ethnicity, whose privilege is often ignored in educational leadership and management research, with a few notable exceptions (Blackmore 2010; Showunmi, Atewologun and Beddington 2016). We understand intersectionality to be important to social justice, which has itself occupied a prominent role within the debate on gender and educational leadership and management. The considerable scholarship, which over the last thirty years has attempted to understand the challenges and opportunities that women encounter as they navigate their career pathways in the ‘marginalized zone’, has been dominated by women who are white and middle class. Thus, as noted, gender is but one marginalizing feature – there are many others 4

Introduction

such as race, ethnicity, class, sexual orientation, religion, all operating to highlight ‘otherness’, to point out difference (Lumby and Coleman 2012). Alston’s (2012) work is a reminder of how stories of women who are not white hardly make it to the mainstream literature. Exercising leadership in contexts which challenge and disrupt traditional understandings of what leaders look like, how they act and what they do can be problematic. Our inclusive approach in the selection of contributors is therefore on point. The educational leadership literature is abounded with theoretical models that help explain practice and leadership development. However, existing models hardly explain women’s specific ways of leading and or how they should be prepared. Yet, the question of leadership styles was one of the early topics for feminist scholars to engage comparing men and women and their specific behaviours (e.g. Hall 1993; Skrla and Young 2003). This earlier scholarship was concerned with whether women do indeed have a distinct style of leadership, putting them in a slightly compromised position, given the association of leadership with power (Showunmi, Atewologun and Beddington 2016). This token representation most often translates into isolation, heightened visibility and expectations to act within predefined gender roles, all of which are conditions which interact with leadership. Some have noted that women often adopt male styles of leadership to blend in and restore the gender order that is disrupted by their entrance (Showunmi 2018). Early research suggested that women in leadership often divest themselves of feminine behaviours in order to adopt a more masculine approach to their leadership style which often resulted in gatekeepers only appointing those whose practices imitate their own. Minorities work within organizational cultures that pressure them to adopt the status quo, suggesting ‘that the acquisition of power within organisations results in women playing out their gendered identity in significant different ways to those realised in normative, socially subordinate femininities’ (Reay and Ball 2000: 146). As more women have entered leadership roles, the gender role expectations have been challenged. Grogan and Shakeshaft (2011) argue that while women demonstrate a preference for styles that forefront relational engagement, it is not to say that women lead differently from men. Rather, priorities differ from the traditional ‘organizational man’. Why the Handbook The Bloomsbury Handbook on Gender and Educational Leadership and Management is an edited volume focusing on gender in educational leadership and management capturing diverse perspectives and experiences of scholars and practitioners across the globe. The focus is on understanding how gendered leadership works in different countries and in different cultures, including particular issues that women educational leaders are grappling with. The Handbook addresses issues of educational leadership and management across the sectors including early years, primary and secondary schooling, otherwise known as K–12 sector, as well as post-16 (further education and training) and higher education (universities). The Handbook provides a useful global contribution to the field of gender and educational leadership wherein contributors draw from their own research and or practices. It is co-edited by four experts in the field who server as section editors and were strategically invited to represent different parts of the world. Contributors are drawn across the globe from well established to emerging scholars, bringing together a wealth of knowledge written by forty-one authors across eighteen countries from almost all continents. Significantly, this includes scholars from areas that are often excluded 5

The Bloomsbury Handbook of Gender and Educational Leadership and Management

from such volumes such as the continent of Africa, South America and Asia, in particular the Middle East region. This wide representation is a particular strength of the Handbook, which makes it a key text in libraries, educational courses for graduate and undergraduate programmes across the globe. As a Handbook, the volume provides a collection of current research, issues and theoretical perspectives concerning the practice of educational leadership. We noticed a gap, as such a handbook with focus on schools, did not exist. The nearest collection includes Longman and Masden’s (2014) Women and Leadership in Higher Education, which, as the title suggests, focuses on women in higher educational leadership, excluding schools. More recently Masden’s (2017) Handbook of Research on Gender and Leadership covered gender and leadership more broadly but not in the education sector. Handbooks of educational leadership tend to focus on general educational leadership and management issues with hardly a focus on gender and/or diversity. Bogotch and Shields’s (2014) International Handbook on Educational Leadership and Social (In)Justice also comes close, but not dedicated to gender and or women’s issues. Thus, a gap existed that is being addressed by this Handbook with its ambitious attempt to provide a global perspective on gender and educational leadership across different sectors. The Handbook sets out the gender and educational leadership field, drawing together different research and theoretical perspectives from international contributors and providing a snapshot of the field as it stands, signalling its development and directions for future development. The book is written from diverse perspectives and theoretical underpinnings, covering conceptual analyses, focused reviews of empirical research on particular aspects of the field as well as presenting new insights from research findings and methodological approaches. The notion of a book on gender and educational leadership evolved from a conversation several years ago between two of us (authors of this introduction) at a conference – great space for new ideas which has temporarily been set back by the global pandemic caused by the coronavirus. Our encounter on that particular occasion illustrates the experience of many women leaders as some contributions will clearly demonstrate. Rather than listening to what they have to say, others explore how they say it and consider their appearance, not least in relation to ‘race’. On this occasion, our not so quiet breakfast was interrupted by a delegate who wanted to know where one of us came from as they clearly did not ‘sound English’. Something we both found baffling as the person in question has never lived in any other place except Britain. We found ourselves in fits of laughter later about the incident as we wondered what that could have possibly meant. But such occurrences have only become regular efforts to investigate ‘our authenticity’ as black academic women in elite institutions in Britain and as members of renowned academic associations. In the minds of many, women leaders and particularly those who are minoritized should be seen and not heard. Thus, the invitation by two different publishers separately to work on a collection reflecting on the work of scholars who research gender and leadership was particularly welcome. We sketched a rough plan and put together a proposal. This volume is the result. The recruitment of a range of writers was essential, and we were lucky enough to persuade Charol and then Izhar to join us as editors. We much appreciate their knowledge and experience and their contacts together with the writers who contributed to this Handbook. Our aim was to include a range of issues which arise when women become leaders, because of the conflict between the stereotypical roles of women and the traditional image of leaders as associated with a particular sex and race. The bias towards male leaders has been highlighted 6

Introduction

by the pandemic, with women more likely to lose their jobs and suffer from stress because of the disproportionate coping with work and caring responsibilities including homeschooling. The rationale for this Handbook was to bring together a collection of the writings of both established and emerging scholars who research gender and leadership in educational contexts. It was important for us to include an eclectic mix of international researchers who could contribute different perspectives on gender and leadership. This is such an important moment. The need to bring together conceptual papers and research which highlight the predicament of women across the world is acute, so keeping the community of writers engaged and enthusiastic was vital.

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Part I

Understanding Gender and Educational Leadership Victoria Showunmi

Today, educational leadership research appears somewhat more committed to addressing issues of equality, diversity and justice within educational organizations than it was several decades ago. The chapters (1–5) in this section set out the scope of the gender and educational leadership field, drawing together different research and theoretical perspectives from international contributors and providing a snapshot of the field as it stands, signalling its development and directions for future development. The chapters have been written from diverse perspectives and theoretical underpinnings, covering focused reviews of empirical research on particular aspects of the field as well as presenting new insights and research findings as well as fresh methodological approaches The numerical advantage enjoyed by women in the teaching profession is not reflected in the number of women in leadership positions in education. Despite their proliferation within schools across a wide variety of social, political and cultural contexts, female teachers have yet to accede to educational leadership in the same numbers as their male colleagues. This lack of comparable representation has led many scholars to explore this issue from a variety of contextually informed perspectives, thus offering insight into the myriad of complexities which operate to deter, disrupt and dissuade many women from occupying leadership positions within their professional organizations. This introduction will set the stage for the book chapters by outlining a brief historical account of the scholarship about gender in educational administration and leadership and providing an overview of major conceptual and empirical perspectives. The past thirty years have seen women occupying roles and responsibilities that hitherto had been the prerogative of the male. Yet change has been glacially slow in some arenas, despite the introduction of equality legislation in a variety of jurisdictions. The introduction of a neoliberal policy agenda by successive governments in the anglophone world has promoted the view

The Bloomsbury Handbook of Gender and Educational

that schools are organizations, employing and adopting organizational practices which have implications for the social interpretation of who occupies leadership positions. As a consequence, the hegemonic norm has been reproduced. Women’s relationship with teaching has a complex historical legacy; viewed initially as being a continuation of their nurturing roles, the so-called caring dimension which teaching requires and provides has been the focus of considerable scrutiny by scholars. Despite a plethora of initiatives by a variety of stakeholders, women continue to be marginalized at leadership level – the further along the promotional ladder they travel, the less likely they are to meet a counterpart. This section has attracted chapters that illuminate different ways in which gender as a multidimensional construct shapes experiences in educational leadership in different contexts. This section begins with Jill Blackmore’s chapter, ‘Reflections on the Social Relations of Gender and Educational Leadership and Practice’, seeking to reconceptualize theories of gender and leadership using Australia as a case study. This is against a background of, on the one hand, increased gender diversity in leadership and, on the other hand, the changing nature of the field of education as it has been politicized, standardized and penetrated by market and managerial discourses which are reconstituting understandings of social justice. Educationalists now work in conditions produced by neoliberal policies with job precarity, competitive education markets, reduced public expenditure as well as greater institutional autonomy and privatization. Yet, the whiteness of leadership is persistent across all anglophone education sectors, despite the ethnocultural diversity of student populations and communities. Critical theories of organizations and gender offer alternative and more sustainable perspectives on the complexities of gender/race injustice, rendering dominant notions of corporate leadership dysfunctional. Maureen Porter and Claudia Fahrenwald’s chapter (2) argues that effectively supporting prospective women leaders requires meeting them where they are and speaking in terms, both pragmatic and metaphorical, that meaningfully address their priorities and dilemmas. Their findings imply that leadership, power and ambivalence are key concerns to women who already are, or who aspire to be, in school leadership positions in Germany and the United States. Through their multi-year transatlantic research project, they elicited women’s gendered counterstorytelling about leaders and valued leadership qualities. The research across the countries showed that there was a clear preference to apply power in multivalent ways that were energizing and transformative rather than about top-down control. Chapter 3, written by Janine Le Roux and Juliet Perumal, is based on a larger project entitled Women Leading Education in Africa. With the intention of making visible and showcasing the contribution of women educational leaders to the knowledge economy, the Women Leading Education in Africa project has set itself the task, of, inter alia, conducting systematic reviews of literature published on and about women in education leadership in various African countries. This chapter presents a quantitative descriptive topographical analysis of thirty-one peer reviewed English-language journal articles reporting studies about women engaged in school educational leadership in South Africa for the period 2000–19. The articles contribute to international attempts to redistribute the narrative field so that the voices of women in educational leadership in South Africa may be included in mainstream educational leadership discourses. Of equal importance are the politics of who publishes, what, where and how. The topographical analysis aimed to explore the publication trends and surface features of a delimited literature database comprising

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peer-reviewed journal articles, by examining the topics, source regions, authors, funding sources and methods of research employed. The intention was to explore the implications for publishing in the field of South African women in school education leadership. Saeeda Shah’s chapter, ‘Gender, Leadership and Positional Power’, draws on interview data collected from Muslim women academics and educational leaders in higher education in a Muslim society. Shah’s work focuses on how these women academics learn gendered roles that later get transferred to the workplace. She argues that this role-learning and role-transference shapes their institutional leadership roles and practices. The Muslim women’s self-construction as leaders has been informed by their cultural and belief systems and by how gender is socially constructed in their context, which determines their behaviour. Judy Alston’s chapter offers a narrative analysis of her personal growth in leadership from the many opportunities as a child supported by her family and community. Such opportunities formed the basis for her becoming a leader through teaching and academically working on leadership, while balancing everyday life. The connection of eight terms is cemented in the nucleus of the work of her soul which is her purpose. She lives her life and practises ethical critical servant leadership through a womanist lived experience.

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1 Reflections on the Social Relations of Gender and Educational Leadership and Practice The Case of Australia Jill Blackmore

Over fifty years there have been a number of turns in theorizing gender and educational leadership. The equal, but different, position of radical feminist scholarship of the 1970s claimed the unitary category of women brought different values and attributes to leadership, thus seen to complement those researching the masculinist culture of leadership in the 1980s. Feminist poststructuralism’s focus on leadership subjectivities during the 1990s recognized ethno-cultural and racial difference among women as demanded by black feminists but ignored the impact of radically restructured conditions of educational labour and governance in the context of globalization and neoliberalism (Blackmore 1999). The focus moved by the 2000s to the social relations of gender and sexuality informed by emergent critical masculinity and queer theory (Rasmussen and Gowlett 2015), postcolonial ethno-cultural understandings as well as Indigenous (Aikman and King 2012; Moreton-Robinson 2013) and Islamic leadership (e.g. Shah 2010). Gender fluidity and intersectionality with race/culture/class/sexuality (e.g. Collins and Bilge 2016) have been foregrounded in the last decade. The field is now addressing post-humanist and new materialist understandings of policy and leadership in a sustainable world. Underpinning feminist theorizations has been the shared objective of social justice (e.g. Lupton 2005). At the same time, not all researchers on gender and educational leadership draw on feminist theories or address the situatedness of educational leadership. While recognizing these turns in feminist theory and how they have informed the leadership literature, leadership practice is also constituted by the structural, discursive and material arrangements which reproduce ethno-cultural/racial as well as gender/sexuality injustices that systemically permeate education as a field globally. I then interrogate the Australian case with reference to the United Kingdom and the United States from which global reform agendas originate. First, to illustrate the contextualized nature of leadership practice, and second, how the norms of gender, race and leadership are understood with regard to politics and policies as educational research and practice are being reconstituted, organized and led.

The Bloomsbury Handbook of Gender and Educational Leadership and Management

Contextualizing the Conditions of Possibility of Leadership Much of the leadership literature focuses on what leaders do within the organizational boundaries of schools or universities, such as recruitment, strategic planning, mentoring, resourcing as well as curriculum and pedagogical leadership. Yet studies indicate that an assemblage of sociogeographical, structural, sociocultural and discursive factors impact unequal conditions of possibility for leadership practice (Wilkinson and Bristol 2017). The context of leadership in both schools and universities is that education as a field has been subsumed within the fields of economics and politics in the United Kingdom, Australia, the United States and New Zealand (Gunter, Hall and Apple 2017; Molesworth, Scullion and Nixon 2011). As a global field, education (schools and higher education) has been reconstituted in the anglophone nations in particular as four decades of neoliberal Western-centric policies have resulted in the shift from welfare capitalism to state-managed transnational capitalism. Transnational polities forming networks of global governance (OECD, World Bank, IMF, UNESCO) steer from a distance through policy, funding and numbers, for example, PISA (Program for International Student Assessment) (Rizvi and Lingard 2010) while also holding nation states to account on the Sustainable Development Goals of gender equity. Education has also been corporatized through strategies of marketization and managerialism promoting individual choice and commodified through the privatization of costs and provision as nation states withdraw. Education has become a new source of profit derived from global flows of people (students, researchers, teachers, policy gurus), products (curriculum, certification, professional development, research), money (fees, philanthropy, profits), ideas (policies, patents) and techno-scapes (Appadurai 2001). Techno-preneurs such as Apple, multinationals such as Pearson, edu-philanthropists such as Gates (Au and Ferrare 2015) and globally mobile consultants (Gunter, Hall and Apple 2017) offer educational policy, provision (schools), services (professional development, curriculum) and market distinctiveness (e.g. Apple Schools) (Krien 2020). Universities similarly have been corporatized as confronted with decreased public funding supplemented by funding through partnerships with industry, edu-philanthropists, government and fees, while becoming increasingly reliant on international students to fund research. Leadership is the focus of policy due to the ongoing political pressure towards greater institutional autonomy of universities and schools (charter schools, free schools, independent public schools, academies, self-governing schools), despite the lack of evidence linking school autonomy to improved student learning outcomes in OECD countries (Musset 2012). The autonomy reform push is informed by neoliberalism’s notion of the self-maximizing individual and self-managing school positioning themselves favourably in the market and therefore requiring ‘entrepreneurial’ leadership. Greater ‘autonomy’ is inevitably accompanied by increased accountabilities in the form of standardization of outcomes based on assessments such as PISA for schools (Lewis 2020) or quantification such as research metrics for universities (Sutherland-Smith, Saltmarsh and RandellMoon 2011). Greater differentiation between individuals and institutions has resulted from policies informed by rankings (e.g. PISA, MySchool in Australia and Times Higher Education ranking universities globally) which compare schools and universities based on standardized assessments, graduate outcomes or research reputation, thus creating exclusions (Amsler and Bosmann 2012). For schools, comparison has exacerbated existing socio-geographical

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segregation and further concentrated socio-economic and racial disadvantage, even in affluent nations (Rowe 2017; Gulson and Taylor Webb 2017), which affects who accesses and completes higher education (OECD 2015). Institutional autonomy also relies on flexibility to respond to the market quickly, resulting in significant casualization of educational work, particularly in higher education in Australia (NTEU 2018; Crimmins 2016) as education in the anglophone nation states has become numerically feminized (i.e. more than 60 per cent of the workforce). The audit culture of educational accountability, facilitated by digital technology, has produced a multiplicity of escalating expectations, routinized practices of recording data, administration and addressing student satisfaction surveys while being monitored through performance management (Selwyn 2016). These activities consume leaders’, teachers’ and academics’ time and energy which distracts and detracts from their teaching and research (Blackmore 2021). The affective economy of the audit culture has become one in which teachers and academics feel they are not trusted (Williamson 2016). This lack of trust is also evident with public attacks on teachers and academics for political correctness. Education has become a site of the culture wars in the anglophone nations, propagated in the populist media and by conservative politicians (Compton and Weiner 2008). Academics in a period of conspiracy theories and post-truth are attacked on their expertise, challenging the authority of universities as legitimators of valued knowledge (Ringrose 2018). How gender and leadership have been addressed through policy has also shifted. Equity claims upon the nation state vary according to historical legacies and cultural specificities. Australian, New Zealand and Nordic femocrats worked within masculinist state welfare bureaucracies of the 1970s and 1980s. They saw the state as a contested site in which gender equity policies could be mobilized, such as women’s budgets and national equity policies, modelling strategies adopted with gender mainstreaming by the EU (e.g. Rothe et al. 2008). UK feminists under state welfarism relied on local activism through local education authorities. With the rise of conservative governments in the post-welfare context of the 1990s, gender equity advocates in the UK and Australia lost a capacity to mobilize the resources of the state, while Canadian feminists have maintained strong institutionalized social movements able to lobby government. The historical anti-statism of the United States means feminists prefer less government intervention and rely on the courts for affirmative action (e.g. quotas). The language of policy and practitioners has also shifted, from the stronger more legalistic notions of equity and equal opportunity to a more individualized and weaker notion of diversity in recognition of intersectionality of difference (gend​er/cl​ass/e​thnic​/raci​al/se​xuali​ty/ab​lenes​s) (Ahmed 2012; Aschraft 2009). By 2010, the equity focus in Australian universities had moved to inclusion of students from low socio-economic and Indigenous backgrounds and those with a disability. Equity practitioners, now incorporated into human resources in Australia, the UK and NZ, feel they are positioned as policing gender and making people feel bad or guilty. So, feminist research does the work of gender and difference, but is not taken seriously in practice (Ahmed 2012). Within neoliberalism’s economist framing, the management discourse is of diversity being good for better decision making, innovation and productivity. The lack of women in leadership and in STEM is discursively constructed as ‘wasted talent’ and not a matter of social justice (Blackmore 2016). The conditions of possibility for educational leaders, teachers and academics to be agentic and proactively lead have therefore been altered as the structural, cultural and discursive conditions of 15

The Bloomsbury Handbook of Gender and Educational Leadership and Management

their work have changed first, with the intensification and de-professionalization of educational labour. Second, the field of education is being reshaped with decisions increasingly being made outside the field by multinational businesses, edu-philanthropists, global policymakers, economists, the media as well as politicians. Third, when the economy is viewed as being distinct from society and education is treated as a form of consumption, relations between student and teacher alter from a pedagogical to a commercial contract, from teacher/academic to provider of a service and from student/learner to customer/user. Women are therefore moving up as principals and senior university managers, at the very moment that the core work of education is being reformed and reframed to meet the needs of capitalism. School and university leaders are co-opted within that framing to mediate and moderate the extremes of market and managerial relations (Blackmore and Sachs 2007; Fitzgerald and Wilkinson 2010; Eddy, Ward and Khwaja 2017). Understanding Gender in Contexts of Uncertainty The social relations of gender both constitute and are constituted by educational workplaces, labour markets, occupations and work–life relationship as they are organized along gendered symbols, assumptions and activities (Benschop and Verloo 2011; Martin 2003). Gender segmentation is based on the nature of the work (feminized work of care in education, health and welfare) and masculinized work of ‘hard science’ of science, technology, engineering, mathematics and medicine (STEMM) (Hardy et al. 2018). Women work in universities that have long held norms which have come to privilege corporate cultures, logics and images which overlay established forms of epistemic injustice in terms of STEMM being valued more relative to the humanities and social sciences (HASS) (Thornton 2014). These knowledge hierarchies are also reflected in school organization, curriculum, values and the gender division of labour in terms of who teaches and who leads (Eddy, Ward and Khwaja 2017). Any restructuring of school or university therefore has gendered effects because of implicit assumptions embedded in the structures, policies, processes and practices, including the gender norms of leadership (Blackmore et al. 2016). Feminists have argued that the corporate logics of managerialism and marketization, which are top down and exclusionary of alternative ways of doing, seek to produce highly competitive self-maximizing subjectivities, and therefore masculinist (Deem 2009; Thornton 2014). That is, while not necessarily ‘fitting’ any individual male, all men benefit from particular structural and cultural ways of organizing, for example, hours of work, meeting times, continuous career paths, mobility, etc. (Connell 2016). Critical theories of masculinity argue that men are also, but not necessarily, constrained by dominant notions of what it is to be male and to be a leader (Haywood and Mac An Ghaill 2013). Understanding leadership as a relational and situated social practice means recognizing that leadership is constituted within an assemblage of policies, structures, discourses and practices in education, as elaborated on earlier, and not just associated with a leader’s individual dispositions and capabilities. Leadership identity is now understood to be about being and becoming a unique hybridity of intersectional forms of difference (gender, race, class, ethnicity, sexuality, ableness) constituted simultaneously through complex entanglements of individual, institutional and social practices 16

Reflections on the Social Relations

(Buras 2011; Collins and Bilge 2016). Gender/ethno-cultural norms raise particular expectations of leadership practice, although in any activity, gender is sometimes foregrounded but most often unconsciously practised in terms of how leadership is done (Clegg 2008; Devine, Grummell and Lynch 2011; Priola 2007). A relational perspective recognizes that many undertake leadership, including teachers and academics. While not all managers lead, positional leadership does impart some capacity (and power) to allocate resources and rewards. Teachers undertake pedagogical and curriculum leadership (Lingard et al. 2003) and universities, with complex committee systems, enable multiple forms of leadership in a distributed sense, with academics also providing leadership outside the sector (Lumby 2013). But leadership practices (from democratic to authoritarian) are judged differently through a lens of gender/ethno-cultural norms and expectations. Displays of emotion, once designated as an inherent feminine disposition and indicative of weak or irrational leadership, are now expected of all leaders. Men are applauded for being seen to be more caring and collaborative, while this disposition is expected as ‘normal’ for women. Emotional intelligence is now part of the leadership repertoire (Samier and Schmidt 2009). With the #MeToo movement, muscular masculinity in leadership is being questioned. Yet women in leadership continue to be judged differently because essentializing norms expect women to model more democratic, caring and sharing leadership practice, a discourse arising out of 1980s cultural feminist research of idealized feminist practice to ‘pull other women up’ through mentoring. With more women accessing positional leadership, there is no unitary category of woman as black, Chicana, Asian and Indigenous feminists remind us of the privilege associated with whiteness (Blackmore 2010). Women, as men, become leaders having experienced different histories and pathways and with different values and leadership objectives (Blackmore and Sachs 2007), but this does not mean that leadership should not be representative of the diversity of the wider populace in a democracy. In 2020, teachers, academics, principals and university executives therefore negotiate contentious issues of gender fluidity, respectful relationships and inclusive pedagogies in the context of rising gender- and race-based violence, cyber-hate and religious fundamentalism (Ringrose 2018). Some also work in school contexts where traditional gender values and stereotypes dominate, while universities are positioned by conservatives as promoting social progressivism, political correctness and gender fluidity (Keddie et al. 2019). All educational organizations are facing pressure to become both more entrepreneurial and autonomous in the context of education markets (Deem 2009). Gender norms and the conditions of educational work arguably limit any leaders’ capacity to address issues of social injustice as they work within/ against disabling policy frames, financial constraints and community discourses. Australian Case Study: Being ‘On the Edge’ Australia provides a useful case study. On the one hand, Australia’s geopolitical position in close proximity to Asia means these neighbouring countries are major economic partners and sources of international students. On the other hand, Australia’s cultural and historical legacies lie with Europe and North America, the origin of neoliberal policies and Western social, political and economic theory. Australia, like NZ, being outside regional economic blocs, voluntarily adopted neoliberal and managerial policies in order to compete in global markets. 17

The Bloomsbury Handbook of Gender and Educational Leadership and Management

The push for greater institutional autonomy and devolved governance had heightened through the 1990s and led to the policy focus on leadership as the solution. Australian universities are considered highly corporatized due to the widespread adoption of strategies of managerialism and marketization after 1992, and have seen increased exertion of executive power (Blackmore and Sachs 2007; Morley 2012). Schooling has significant structural issues impacting leadership and social justice. State-run schools cater to 65.7 per cent of students, Catholic systemic schools cater to 19.6 per cent of students and ‘independent’ schools cater to 14.7 per cent of students. Both Catholic and independent schools are funded by the federal government and can charge fees and exclude students without the accountability mandated for state schools. School choice policies, greater devolution to individual state schools and the online MySchool that compares ‘like schools’ have exacerbated competition within the state sector and between the three sectors (Rowe 2017). State school leaders are confronted with the convergence of various forms of disadvantage: reduced government funding, residential segregation (rural/urban) and sociogeographical and racialized patterns of inequality and the ability to attract staff (e.g. rural or isolated communities) (Gulson and Taylor Webb 2019). The hardest work for socially just education is concentrated in schools with the fewest resources. Gender equity policy and practice, with its focus on women’s under-representation in leadership, moved from improving women’s lack of ‘leadership’ skills to be more like men; to facilitating flexibility so women can manage work and parenting demands; to recognizing the exclusionary tendencies of masculinist organizational cultures which advantaged all men; and then realizing women’s lack of opportunities to acquire the skills to go into positional leadership. Such policies had some success, as more women have moved into school leadership. In primary schools, from 2010 to 2013, women increased from 53 to 57 per cent in principal positions and 62 to 77 per cent deputies, the latter representative of the proportion of women teachers. In secondary schools, women increased from 32 to 42 per cent in principal positions and 45 to 52 per cent in deputy positions. In 2016, men comprised 42 per cent of primary principals and 23 per cent deputy principals while only 19 per cent of staff. In universities, the progress of women into leadership is static, if not in decline, in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM). Most recently, there has been recognition of unconscious bias in how leaders are represented, selected and judged with the Athena Swan Program, initiated in the UK, with the focus on STEM. Unconscious bias addresses the notion of ‘best fit’ as being a rationale for selection because of its implicit homosociability (where people recruit people like themselves) (Fisher and Kingsley 2014; Grummell et al. 2009b) but fails to address structural and cultural gender injustices. Structurally, higher education governance has changed with the development of parallel systems of governance: academic governance through academic boards focusing on quality of teaching and research, the domestic labour, where women are concentrated, and managerial governance through executive control from vice chancellor (VC) down to deans and heads of school, controlling policy and finance (Rowlands 2012). While progress is being made in terms of numbers, with nine of the thirty-nine VCs female, an increase from seven in 2013, and more women in deputy vice chancellor and pro vice chancellor positions, a gender division of labour is being reconstituted. Women are concentrated in deputy vice chancellor (DVC) teaching and learning positions, doing the institutional domestic labour, while the male DVCs manage the public high-status work of research, internationalization, finance and technology (Blackmore and Sawers 2015). 18

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Furthermore, this is differentiated based on discipline, thereby instantiating the gendered epistemic injustice of higher education (Fricker 2007). In 2013, of the thirty-nine DVCs in Australian universities in teaching and learning, twenty-three were female, fourteen being from HASS and sixteen male DVCs, sixteen were from STEM. In the DVC research positions, men dominated in twenty-eight of thirty-nine universities and all but three of the DVCs were from engineering, science and health. That is, gender segmentation cuts vertically in terms of what knowledges (STEM) are privileged in executive decision making as well as the gendered nature of leadership activities (teaching/research) (Blackmore and Sawers 2015). The implicit privileging of STEM produces a particular mindset among senior leadership about what counts as quality and research in decision making practices, by default undervaluing the HASS field, where more female academics and students are located (Thornton 2014). Women also only comprise 25 per cent of professorial positions in Australia, predominantly in HASS fields, at the same time that the professorial voice is being sidelined due to the bifurcation between line managers and academics (Blackmore 2014; Rowlands 2012). Female professors tend not to lead research institutes or high-stakes grants (Morley 2015). Instead, the performative measures of research assessment and global ranking have escalated work and time demands. Women in science, other than the exceptional woman who is put up as a role model, face increased impediments due to the expectation of continuity of career, endure conditions of impossibility to become a professor while the cultures of engineering and IT continue to be male dominated (Bell 2010; Blackmore 2015). While improved numerical representation of women suggests changing attitudes towards women in leadership systems in general, the issue comes down to which school and which university. Men still dominate executive positions in secondary and high-achieving schools and multi-campus schools, while women are more often located in schools in more disadvantaged communities. Women first have to prove themselves as vice-chancellors in the newer ‘lower-status’ universities before being appointed to one of eight ‘sandstones’ in Australia. These are new forms of structural, cultural and epistemic injustice linked to gender positionings. Furthermore, flexibility demands have increased work online to meet multiple accountabilities and regulations, exacerbated with the affordances of AI, data analytics, etc. (Williamson 2016). The technologically driven downloading of administrative work onto teachers and academics in recording, evaluation and reporting distracts and detracts from the core work of teaching and learning (Selwyn 2016). Techno-feminists (Wajcman 2010) argue that the spatial, temporal and technological aspects of organizations also impact differentially based on gender. The intensification of labour and speeding up of work due to intrusive technologies have led to work– life conflict particularly for women (Saltmarsh and Randall-Moon 2015), thus impeding their progress into formal leadership and particularly in STEM (Bell 2010; Crimmins 2015; Lipton 2017). For many women, the work–life conflict over time and energy is too difficult, the job of leadership is seen to require 24/7 commitment and only for exceptional women offered up as role models (Blackmore 2021). These structures and performative cultures create conditions of impossibility for women to aspire to formal leadership and a work-life balance (THE 2018). Not surprisingly, the typical profile of a female school principal, professor and senior university manager is one of being care free: having a retired partner, being single, childless or childfree (Devine, Grummell and Lynch 2011; Grummell et al. 2009a). Flexibility also favours the self-managing school and university because they can contract in casual and contract labour. Early career teachers are often employed on contracts for their 19

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first five years. In Australian universities, 65 per cent of the academic workforce are contract or casual (NTEU 2018). Career paths are therefore blocked with the majority of women located low down in the organization seeking to access continuing positions (Murgio and Poggio 2018). School leaders and academics, in order for their school or faculty to survive, act as recruiters and managers of sessional staff. Many academics and principals feel complicit in dismantling their profession but are constrained by the circumstances of market driven student numbers and precarious work (Gobby, Keddie and Blackmore 2017). Australian gender politics have also changed. The 1970s and 1980s were marked by collaboration between some Labor state governments, teacher unions and the parents’ movement, to install gender equity practitioners in schools, legitimized by a national gender equity policy across state bureaucracies. This gender equity infrastructure was dismantled under neoliberal governments during the 1990s. Gender equity was rearticulated by a socially conservative federal government as ‘men and boys as victims of feminism’, a discourse mobilized in the media that attacked teacher and academic professionalism, feminism, multiculturalism and Indigenous recognition, referred to as the culture wars. By the 2000s, gender equity, now redefined as diversity management, had been devolved to individual institutions, principals and heads of school in universities (Ahmed 2012). Because these policies existed it appeared equity was being addressed, but they were underfunded and became the responsibility of many without the will or skill to address them, and were therefore diluted (Blackmore and Sachs 2007). Gender politics has been foregrounded again with the #MeToo movement in 2008, the public investigations of child abuse in religious institutions, the data showing the extent of male domestic violence, as well as reports of widespread sexual harassment in universities and orchestrated trolling of feminists (Ringrose 2018). Male leaders are now acutely aware of their vulnerability. But the pandemic of Covid-19, while relying on the caring labour of women at home and in hospitals, schools and retail work, has hit women in casual labour hardest, particularly in universities, suggesting any systemic and organizational restructuring will be regressive for women’s opportunities to access formal leadership despite their informal leadership. Mixing It Up What is rarely mentioned is the whiteness of educational leadership in Australia (Blackmore et al. 2010). Australian educational leadership is not reflective of the ethno-cultural and racial diversity of the student or wider population. The 2016 Census shows 3 per cent of Australians selfidentify as Indigenous and nearly 50 per cent are either first- or second-generation migrants with significant numbers from Asia, Africa and the Middle East and over 300 different languages are spoken in homes (ABS 2016). Australia’s greatest leadership failure is not achieving Indigenous reconciliation, self-determination and educational achievement (Moreton-Robinson 2014; Perry and Holt 2018). Despite the discourse about diversity being good for organizations, white men in their fifties from science still continue to dominate university executives and professorships due to ongoing lack of diversity at lower levels (Henderson and Herring 2013) and homosociability (Grummell et al. 2009b). Australian school principals are largely from an Anglo-European background, and the increasing number of faith-based schools, not held accountable for equity, have male leaders (Maddox 2014). 20

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Fraser (2013) refers to the complex entanglements of gender/sexuality, race/ethnicity as bivalent forms of difference. The structures, processes and practices of education are not only gendered but also informed by ‘racialized’ ethno-cultural norms with competing claims for justice (White 2010). Race is also socially constituted within a web of relational discourses, policies and practices which create disabling conditions. Vass et al. (2018: xvii) refer to ‘the persistent racializing construction of Asianness … to the portrayal of how policy discourses construct the Indigenous student that ignore Indigenous sovereignty, hybridity and futurity’. Indigenous knowledges and ontologies are struggling to gain recognition in universities (Aikman and King 2012), which has only recently been addressed by the appointment of Indigenous professors (Coates, Trudgett and Page 2020; Perry and Holt 2018). Changing what are historically unequal social, cultural and economic relations of gender and cultural norms embedded in societies and economies is difficult because, Bulbeck (1998: 29) argues, ‘women are the standard bearers of a nation’s culture. It is often only women and not men, who are commanded to uphold tradition’, such as banning and mandating wearing the veil. Recognizing gender fluidity and ethnic cultural or racial hybridity challenges ethno-cultural and faith-based as well as gender norms as gender permeates everyday personal and intimate relations and how they are structured economically, politically and socially. ‘Race’/gender and sexuality intersect differently in context-specific ways (Wilkinson and Bristol 2019). National and local cultural discourses and debates about gender, race, class and sexuality translate into school-based issues such as same-sex marriage and gender transitioning because these matters impact both staff and students. Being gay or lesbian positions individual principals in particular ways in terms of how they are seen to favour or even advocate particular perspectives (Gray 2013), illustrated by attacks on academics, teachers and leaders who seek to provide inclusive and safe schools for ‘trans’ students. For a secular state school, this creates a different politics than, for example, a faith-based school which is not held to be as accountable for its (often exclusionary) gender-discriminatory policies and practices (Keddie et al. 2019; Maddox 2014). Despite government funding, private and church schools can legally discriminate against homosexual or unmarried mothers or those of different faiths when recruiting teachers and principals. In each context, school leaders can call upon, and are constrained by, various discourses (rights- and faith-based) with regard to promoting (or not) gender equity (Maddox 2014; Keddie et al. 2019). School leadership is fraught with such contradictions, dilemmas and ambiguities and requires a strong ethical stance. Given that subjectivities are unstable and contingent (Clegg 2008; Devine, Grummell and Lynch 2011), and an ongoing project of being and becoming, leadership subjectivity and perceptions of leadership are also informed by gendered and racialized cultural norms – the intersectionality that socially constitutes multiple identities of personhood (Collins and Bilge 2016). A Japanese associate professor teaching in an elite Australian university refers to the discourse about how Asians don’t want to be leaders and the expectation that as a female professor in a largely white senior male-dominated leadership context she was not expected to speak out in meetings, a contrast, she said, to the government, international organizations and Japanese universities in which she had worked. Many of the white senior women at this elite university also saw the culture as being highly individualistic, competitive, science-focused and male dominated. Gender, racial and epistemic injustices intersect (Fricker 2007); as senior leaders, women learned to modify their behaviour, act with more constraint and are more strategic over when to make 21

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a stand, whereas the men at the table did not have to be aware of or work through these gender/ racial subtexts (Blackmore 2021). Yet, race/ethno-cultural and gender equality have symbolic value. The same university is badged as an equal opportunity employer after self-reporting to the national Equal Opportunity for Women Agency which monitors the process and the Science and Gender Equity (SAGE) program. With the presence of women in leadership and existence of gender equity policy, it is often assumed equity exists. Gender equity policy can be a form of symbolic violence because many women do not experience a sense of equitable practice which marginalizes their ontological and epistemological perspectives. Inclusive Educational Organizations and Systems Schools and universities do not exist as discrete entities, and they are central to democratic societies (Brown 2015). Ethno-cultural and gender norms permeate through organizational discourses, structures, norms and practices. At the same time, education is part of the social imagination of many aspirational individuals, social groups and social movements, offering the possibility of better futures (Hey and Morley 2011). Feminism, as a social, political and epistemological movement, has informed gender-inclusive pedagogical and leadership practices in many of these contexts, but not without resistance and backlash from intransigent traditional masculinities (Ringrose 2018). There is a significant body of feminist, critical, postcolonial and Indigenous literature which promotes the notion of leadership for a socially just education (e.g. Marshall and Oliva 2010; Tillman and Scheurich 2013) and inclusive universities (e.g. Eddy, Ward and Khwaja 2017; Crimmins 2019; Kezar and Posselt 2020). An inclusive organization is a place in which everyone can practice their specific embodiment of gender/ethno-cultural/ racial way of being that gives them confidence and a sense of belonging without fear of being discriminated against in terms of personal interactions, employment or promotion. This requires a number of things that those in leadership can promote. Fraser (2013) offers three principles of social justice to consider: recognition (respecting ethno-cultural gender and racial differences), redistribution (of resources, time and/or rewards) and representation (enabling diversity of voices to have an impact on decision making). First, recognition of the systemic racialized and gendered nature of schools and universities. This requires those in formal and informal leadership and in professional development to reflect on how we are positioned relative to others, as privileged, usually white and complicit in reproducing various inequalities and what purposeful leadership would mean based on ethical practices and principles of social justice (Blackmore 2010). With regard to redistributive justice, a leader can use available resources to improve the conditions of impossibility of educational work, enabling a familyfriendly workplace rather than advantaging the ‘careless’ organization’s capacity to throw off excess labour or expect 24/7 hours from positional leaders. Reducing workload and focusing on pedagogical and collaborative relationships would make educational work more doable and enjoyable, and positional leadership more attractive. It is about troubling the ideal worker norm and realizing the benefits of not always working. Finally, representational justice would mean recognizing that many people lead in organizations, formally and informally, but some have more power due to position and resources. So, leaders should seek to develop more collegial and shared forms of education governance rather than just distributing workload down to individuals without the resources to enable change (Lumby 2013). 22

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In terms of leadership for social justice, it is about recognizing and addressing through the systematic auditing of how epistemic injustice interacts with the structural gender/racial segmentation, decision making processes and protocols such as research assessment. The other side is to build in equity, social indicators (e.g. health and wellbeing) and feedback mechanisms (e.g. capacity to inform change) into positional leaders’ performance expectations as desired organizational outcomes. In the context of greater datafication and quantification, it is also necessary to consider a wider range of indicators of achievement in mentoring and performance reviews and institutional indicators of success. This needs to be backed by strong, well-resourced equity policies and personnel, and equity budgeting where the impact of the allocation of resources is made transparent (Kezar and Posselt 2020). Linked to this is addressing unconscious bias in notions of merit, and homosociability in selection and promotion criteria and practices (Grummell et al. 2009b). This means reconceptualizing what constitutes ‘merit’ and ‘fit’ when selecting and promoting colleagues as these are socially constructed concepts open to reformulation to include different ways of viewing the world and valuing diversity (Lipton 2017; Kezar and Posselt 2020). Working on such approaches based on the principles of social justice of redistribution, recognition and representation would empower those leaders who are committed to social justice and provide both resources and discourses that would enable more inclusive organizations and attract the next generation of leaders. But, this is part of a wider debate about the implications of marketized education and the responsibility of schools and universities within democratic societies towards the public (Brown 2015; Wright and Shore 2017).

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2 Reframing Constructive Spaces for Women in Educational Leadership A Transatlantic Study Maureen K. Porter and Claudia Fahrenwald

Introduction Spatial Metaphors International discourse about women in leadership is often expressed through metaphors about space. The ‘glass ceiling’ (Hymnowitz and Schellhardt 1986) is the most common comparison that illustrates the invisible, but nonetheless substantial, barriers to women ‘breaking through’ traditional organizational hierarchies. More men are escorted up the ‘glass escalator’, especially in female-identified fields such as education (Williams 1992). Meanwhile, too many women are trapped by a ‘sticky floor’ or constrained by the ‘glass walls’ around ‘pink collar ghettos’. These liminal, in-between spaces do not provide straightforward paths to administration. Other related spatial metaphors such as an ironclad pipeline with its leaks or the labyrinth with its interminable twists and dead ends (Carli and Eagly 2016) further reinforce the considerable obstacles standing in the way of women achieving their aspirations of leadership. Metaphors ‘structure our most basic understandings of the world and shape our actions and beliefs’ (Mason 2011: 51). Metaphors reveal existing assumptions and legitimate longstanding patterns, but they can also catalyse alternate worldviews and provide imagery to rally behind for change (Buzzanell and Goldzwig 1991; Lakoff and Johnson 1999; Landau, Meier and Keefer 2010). Research by Smith, Caputi and Crittendon (2012) importantly reveals that many spatial metaphors around the glass ceiling tend to blame women themselves for ongoing gender disparities or for others’ devaluation of their strengths. They insist that we acknowledge the systematic derailing that women face early in their careers that constrain their leadership trajectories, a trend that is particularly disadvantageous for those who are sidelined on a ‘Mommy Track’. There are still gender inequities in most countries, and the leadership positions they are selected for tend to be particularly imperilled. Ryan and Haslam (2006: 4) note that regardless of their qualifications, women are often promoted during precarious scenarios, perched out on a ‘glass

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cliff’. They found that women ‘were more likely than men to be placed in leadership positions in companies that are already performing poorly’ where there was increased risk of failure. Women leaders have begun to reach critical numbers at a time of increasing complexity and accelerated demands on the education sector. Recent decades have seen a further shift in the working conditions of the social world. Whereas the ‘modern’ world was constructed and perceived as offering a relatively stable living environment, it is today described as VUCA: volatile, uncertain, complex and ambiguous (Johansen 2012; Mack et al. 2016). With the end of the Cold War, this global change has altered individual lives as well as organizations. It has given way to neoliberalism and to new public management and political-economic norms that are often used to legitimize the redesign of state educational bureaucracies. High-stakes performance assessments and public accountability have been hallmarks of neoliberal school restructuring. This has also changed the idea of organizations (e.g. schools and universities) and the selfunderstanding and daily work of educational leaders. Although there has been progress internationally, Germany and the United States continue to struggle to attract and to retain women in the highest levels of school administration. Effectively supporting women requires that we meet them where they are and speak in terms that meaningfully engage with how they construct the challenges of leadership. In such a VUCA world of ongoing precariousness and high public scrutiny, we need to better understand how women reframe the constructive spaces in which they wish to lead. To retool these spaces to be more woman-friendly, our research further examines the underlying metaphorical foundations upon which these women are redefining satisfying careers on their own terms. Transatlantic Research Partnership This collaboration is part of the growing body of international, comparative research on gendered aspects of school leadership (Fahrenwald and Porter 2007a, 2007b). It exemplifies the advantages of multilingual, cross-cultural qualitative work that is contextualized and situated within feminist advocacy for gender-equitable spaces and praxis. Our long-term partnership in Germany and the United States allowed us to build upon cycles of insight. We first designed questionnaires in order to assess the overall orientations, concerns and issues of greatest importance to women who aspired to, or who already served in, school leadership positions. These were distributed through regional professional development networks and conferences. Based on their priorities, we then piloted questions that could solicit nuanced narratives about actual experiences as well as aspirations and preferences. Based on self-nominations as well as recommendations from principals and state leaders, we then selected a final sample of forty interviewees, with ten teachers who had ‘at least a provisional interest in’ a principalship (or equivalent) role and ten acting female principals from each country. We ethically traced how each had been referred; respondents confided that knowing others endorsed their potential was a significant boost to their confidence (and our response rate). With the help of a collaboratively designed and carefully worded, semi-structured interview protocol, we guided hour-long biographically oriented interviews. Our goal was to document women’s gendered counter-storytelling (Solórzano and Yosso 2002), narratives that provide accounts of relationship, passion and perseverance that counter dominant exclusionary stereotypes that make women’s strengths invisible. We invited each interviewee to review transcripts and to follow up with us to clarify points or new insights; many did. 25

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At key pivot points in the protocol we asked respondents to describe their views of leadership and power by intentionally generating metaphors. We quickly realized that they were also spontaneously using metaphors throughout their narratives. As responsive qualitative researchers, we blended these discoveries back into the iterative design. In ensuing years, we founded a series of Germany-United States women’s exchanges in which we used these initial metaphors to prompt even deeper critique. We input the questionnaire and interview data into a shared database that we analysed through NUD*IST software (Non-numerical, Unstructured Indexing Sorting, and Theorizing, later rebranded NVivo). We used the data in the original languages so as to maintain fidelity to their concepts and naming. We used advanced features of the software to build conceptual node trees that enabled us to capture inductive, grounded themes that arose from the combination of our open-ended interview questions as well as their original responses. Further, the software is a particularly powerful tool for finding intersecting coding and constructing matrices and visualizations. In this way, we identified ambivalence as a third thematic node that intersects meaningfully with the nodes of power and leadership. We built sophisticated NUD*IST queries to see which metaphors were embedded under each of these themes. We elaborate on specific ways that our joint research and software-assisted analysis provided insights and refinements that a single set of monolingual interviews could not have achieved. Our conclusions thus offer refinements of the spatial metaphors themselves paired with lessons from an effective transatlantic research partnership. Dedicated Leadership Once teachers become principals they are said to have ‘climbed the ladder of success’ and reached ‘the top of their profession’. ‘Rising leaders’ can potentially ‘lord it over others’ as they exercise ‘top-down decision making’ with the ‘final authority’. Respondents were well acquainted with such spatial metaphors that reinforce hierarchy. A US American interviewee stated, ‘On a career path its “moving up”. So, from that standpoint, “up” is the right word and along with that “up” comes tremendous accountability and stress and lack of sleep and all these’ (3: 162). Cross-cultural research affirms the importance of paying attention to the culturally situated worldviews that drove interviewees’ storylines. Their biographical narratives were constructed around deep conceptual metaphors that reflect underlying assumptions about the privileges and costs of ascending to the principalship. These spatial metaphors express location; that is, leaders are seen as those who are on top and who have the final say. Whether they are there by virtue of natural-born traits, a system of meritocracy or prolonged planning, leaders gain status by virtue of ‘inhabiting their office’, a phrase that embodies both position and a literal place. There are hazards as well as happy coincidences when planning, conducting and writing up comparative narrative research. Language and cultural skills matter. Our choices when designing instruments, ethically reflecting their term preferences, honouring nuance when translating and opting for publishing venues to influence praxis reflect conscious, feminist attention to verisimilitude and authenticity. Our iterative process of member-checking prompted us to recommend shifting the discourse from the problematic ‘moving up’ to a more relational, lateral 26

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model of leadership as a process of ongoing personal maturation and connection. This orientation to becoming one’s best self is one of the hallmarks of a lifelong learner. Gendered Leaders and Leadership Qualities ‘Who can be a leader?’ is a deceptively simple question in English. However, in German, it is more complicated, as the occupational noun is inherently gendered. It is important to note that in German, the default term for leader is encoded in the masculine form. At the time that we were doing the initial research, it wasn’t yet common, especially outside progressive or academic circles, to refer to leaders in gender-inclusive language (Direktor/-in), as is much more widespread today. On written instruments to our female respondents, we opted for the explicitly feminine form that marked our questions as asking about being female leaders specifically, not a presumptively male norm. To be fair, although few occupational nouns are gendered in English, it is not free from embedded gender bias. We had to make overt signalling choices about gender from the very beginning; part of this was strategic recruiting. In the United States the primary network that we used to conduct the survey, to enlist participants and then to share early results was the aptly named Dr Jean E. Winsand International Institute for Women in School Leadership (JWI). It was created to foster networks of mentors who could encourage more women to secure top positions. The idea that ‘leadership’ needs the modifier ‘women’ reveals the long-standing androcentric norm of women being relative newcomers at the table. Imagine conducting this entire research project without being able to use the substantive noun ‘leader’. That was the very real dilemma that we faced when trying to co-write the interview protocol in ways that would have similar semantic meanings for both Germans and US Americans. The innocuous English question that we used in the first round of US interviews without incident was, ‘Do you see yourself as a future leader?’ But in Germany, the infamous word for ‘Leader’ is a title that has been irredeemably absorbed by its association with the dictator. We quickly confirmed that asking a German teacher if she ‘saw herself as the next Leader’ was scandalous, and the feminine version of the tainted noun was nonsensical. There seemed to be no workable or palatable noun form of the word that could be reclaimed in the German language. We initially wanted to avoid the au courant substitute of the English word, ‘leader’, since we were worried that use of that lingo brought with it too many foreign assumptions tied to the realms of commerce and entrepreneurship. After collegial debate, we designed the next round of equivalent instruments with English and German versions of the same phrase, ‘Do you see yourself as having leadership qualities?’ This is, of course, rather a different question altogether. It shifts the space of responsibility from the position to the person. This insight became important when articulating the linked set of organizational- and individual-level responsibilities. This rephrasing helped us ask more specific questions about the skills that leaders need. In the second round, German teachers were asked to clarify, ‘For you personally, what are desirable leadership qualities?’ They had a five-item Likert scale for each of fourteen traits gleaned from pilot phases, arranged alphabetically and ratable from 1 to 5. Five qualities emerged as strong forerunners; the capacity to communicate and be approachable (Gesprächsfähigkeit) (4.9), responsibility (4.9), empathy (Einfühlungsvermögen) (4.8), subject matter expertise and the ability to lead teams (both 4.7). Not surprisingly, the corresponding quality of control was not highly endorsed (2.8) nor was hierarchy (2.0). These parallel the US respondents’ ratings. 27

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Leadership Is Connecting As the project expanded, we mirrored their counternarrative dislike of top-down leadership to reflect the greater range of directional imagery that they used in their own accounts. They told us that gaining skills was advancing along rocky career paths. They anticipated that their individual trajectory would not be unimpeded movement upwards, but rather a permanent series of ups and downs, with an overall forward progression. For those already principals, this had been borne out in their experience. Rather than climbing over others and competing, respondents used other directional terms in their metaphors about movement. In both countries, advancement out of the classroom and into the principal’s office (or head teacher’s role) was consistently referred to not in terms of ‘moving up’ but consistently as ‘moving out’, ‘moving over’ or even ‘moving down’. The following are representative: I guess it’s an upward move financially. It’s an upward move as far as having more control over your surroundings. It’s an upward move as far as gaining respect. But it’s a lateral or maybe even a downward move, because maybe you’re giving up some of yourself for that. You’re definitely giving up more of your time, which means you’re sacrificing family, hobbies or whatever it is you like to do. You are also giving up action with the students that you have as a teacher. You’re giving up good relationships. (US Interview 16: 232) [It’s] moving out of my classroom, possibly out of my district . . . I think it’s more of a lateral move. I mean, obviously you’re doing a lot more different things, but the type of position that I want to go into I’ve already done a lot of those things, so I don’t think it is going to be a huge culture shock. . . . I feel comfortable in doing all of that. . . . But I think the big concern for me, obviously, is the moving out part. (US Interview 11: 806, 814) Leadership means movement into new domains, but these aspiring or settled leaders were concerned that this shift still should be multidirectional and in a network with former colleagues. Their primary concern was for the relational aspects of being a leader. For many of the respondents in either country, the potential rewards were not the greatest considerations in ascending to the principalship. In contrast, they were very clear to thoughtfully consider the inevitable personal sacrifices and loss of friendships that such a position would likely entail. Career advancement seemed to be a complicated balancing act, one that harkens back to their personal, subjective prior experiences and actions (Smulyan 2000). It entails gaining new qualities that will make them even more effective leaders. It also pushes them onward to find new peer groups who will support them at that rank. They wanted reciprocal, encouraging relationships versus competition. Both Germans and US interviewees carefully composed their wording. For instance, when asked to elaborate, Germans expressly distanced themselves from the word ‘ascent’ [Aufstieg, literally, to climb up]. As we followed up, we realized that this has problematic associations with the concept of elevating oneself above others: ‘Progress. Yes, so I would not be comfortable with advancement like that, that would mean once more – seen symbolically now – that I would climb over the top of others and then look down on someone from above, and that wouldn’t be important to me, to stand over someone’ (G Interview 13: 294). Both sets were concerned that climbing over others might make them into a kind of leader who would continue to exercise power at the expense of others rather than to connect to new people. 28

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This idea of advancement for the sake of having dominance was counteracted in both sets of interviews with their definition that becoming a leader was more like coming of age, of becoming one’s ideal self: ‘So, for myself, I see it more idealistically, as fully developing my personality (Persönlichkeitsentwicklung)’ (G Interview 17: 238). Our lines of enquiry revealed the developmental aspects of leadership as a process of collaboration, not simply an end goal. A US principal declared this energy to be a driver of momentum: ‘Leadership is so dynamic! Leadership is the ability to be effective in moving people toward a goal’ (1: 455). We elaborate Werle’s (2001) empirical research that makes clear when women consider leadership positions, their primary incentives are not material, economic or power and prestige. Rather, their drive to take on leadership roles predominantly comes from personal motives and ideal value orientations, for example, meeting new challenges and seizing opportunities to generate something innovative. Taking on the mantle of responsibility was a sacrifice our survey takers were willing to make for the greater good. When legitimating what would make them consider becoming a leader, American respondents typically recast leadership not only as individual maturation but also as a beneficial advancement of the whole organization: ‘I don’t know about upward, but it was a forward move to allow me to help, to have others to help, you know, influence education more . . . It’s forward. I like the idea of forward. Being able to move the goal, the organization’ (US Interview 1: 449). Cultivating leadership qualities and becoming acknowledged as legitimate leaders both are important. Our forty female respondents shared a proactive critique vis-à-vis traditional school administration. Their ambivalence towards accepting, or replicating, an androcentric style of leadership was a productive position from which they were eager to redefine leadership roles on their own terms. These women leaders complicated metaphors of moving up, preferring to define leaders as lifelong learners who continue to cultivate their best selves. They are continually moving on and moving forward, focusing on relational aspects of leadership. Also, whether from Germany or the United States, they showed a clear preference for describing leadership as a mode of collective progress and as a creative endeavour rather than a unidirectional, top-down exercise of control. Being a leader was not based on the automatic status granted by the job title, but rather a designation of respect earned by virtue of their leadership qualities. Their gendered ways of reframing constructive approaches to leadership offer much-needed perspectives on how to move forward, together. Multivalent Power ‘The man in the principal’s office’ is not only a common phrase in English, but it also points to the centrality of spaces to embody and legitimate sweeping uses of authority. In school systems based on micro-management and test-driven definitions of success, it is alluring to simply replicate the notion that a principal needs to exercise ‘power over’ other actors in order to achieve maximum results. Respondents in Germany and the United States pushed back against these neoliberal assumptions about being on top and in control. They preferred constructions of power that instead prioritize mutual success and shared credit and strategies for building coalitions that are better adapted to volatile, uncertain, complex and ambiguous (VUCA) states. Just as they recast leadership as being relational, the women’s spatial metaphors prompted us to rethink the embedded directionality of exercising power. They preferred metaphors of 29

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power as something that could be harnessed and multiplied versus jealously guarded. Applying power could be energizing. This stance shows that they acknowledge the risks of leaders having centralized power, but they are ready for the challenge of using it wisely. Loneliness and Togetherness These leaders constructively reframed what they called ‘women’s ways’ of harnessing power. Transatlantic partnership enhanced our data analysis repertoire and led us to confront underlying problematic meanings embedded in the most direct translation of the English word, ‘power’. Parallel to the section on leadership, we deciphered that they recast power from being ‘over’ others to their view of ‘power to’ and ‘power with’ as their preferred modes of leading teams. This provides a new basis for thinking about power not being vested in a single figurehead but rather as potential energy that can be shared and thus multiplied, rather than exhausted. A benefit of conducting this research cross-culturally and bilingually was that we had a larger repertoire of ways to label abstract ideas and thus to search for linked concepts. While sitting down with the data in person, we encountered a series of happy coincidences. One of these NUD*IST text searches prompted a significant insight that came about as we advanced in our data analysis. Working together to generate adequate labels for our inductive categories, we utilized a mixture of German and English codes, whichever was best able to capture the nuance of that emergent theme. Sometimes debating a node label or definition was exactly what we needed to see areas of convergence and divergence. We could thus advantageously compare strings of sophisticated queries tailored to either German or English text searches and compare resultant matrices of actual retrievals. What this revealed was that sometimes respondents used negative phrases to critique what they wish they had rather than positive phrases of what would be preferable. For example, when building the query for searching the German interviews for instances of einsam (lonely), the software also retrieved instances of when that string was included within the larger word, gemeinsam (together)! Had we only been working in English, this fortuitous retrieval would not have been possible, and we might not have then sought out similar phrasings in our English-language data. This then led us to reviewing the American data to purposefully retrieve instances of when teachers and principals expressed how power related to achieving something together. We found that they felt less lonely if they were together in cohorts or in professional development events; these were important antidotes to solitary jobs where they expected to feel, or already felt, lonely at the top. Multilingual research pushed us to think about how interviewees expressed dissent to our semi-structured instruments, directly countered our propositions or turned positive scenarios in our questions into negatives. Seeking disconfirming examples led us to better understand some mitigating factors against loneliness as well as the main contributing factors to their sense of isolation. Rehabilitating the Word Respondents shared that they had struggled with the baggage associated with the word ‘power’. They had heavy lifting to do to reclaim this label. What they generated, both tactically and semantically, was a shift in metaphorical meaning of ‘power’ to indicate being positively charged and full of potential energy. 30

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While both the Americans and Germans trod very carefully in the semantic minefield of the concept of ‘power’, it was the candid German teachers and principals who were best able to articulate their concerns with certain inherited nuances of their problematic word, Macht. With them we encountered a clearly anxious ambivalence about exercising power. Most teacher interviewees expressed a common negative, or at least a critical, orientation towards power (von Lutzau 1996, 2008). Scepticism about the legitimate appeal of power was widely held, as shown in the following examples (which originally used Macht): ‘Normally the concept of power is indeed very negative. One only thinks of those who exert power over others’ (G Interview 8: 103). And, ‘For me, power is very negatively charged. Power is for me, power that comes from leaders, from dictators, and it is actually fundamentally negatively stained. Someone who is powerful, he is for me unsympathetic from the get-go’ (G Interview 9:179). Figurative language about having ‘power over’ retains shadings of fear, persecution, surveillance and control that made it problematic for interviewees. This orientation was further substantiated by their acknowledgement that German educators enjoy a position of relative privilege by virtue of being state employees. They saw that the authority that a principal enjoys is the result of being high in the civil service pyramid. The fundamental choice of how to best use this authority was described as differentiating between uses of power: ‘Let’s just say this: in principle, power can indeed be carried out in positive and in negative ways. When, for example, a principal has certain areas of jurisdiction based on his office then he simply has it. Naturally the issue is then how he carries it out’ (G Interview 4:180). Notably, respondents cited their experiences with, as well as their stereotypes of, male leaders when we additionally asked why they did not upend the default male-gendered pronouns to refer to coercive leaders. Although the American respondents certainly also have much to question about abuses in their own recent political and military history, for them the word ‘power’ was not tainted. It is used in all domains, from counselling to activism to formal School Leadership Certification programmes in universities. At the JWI, women have gathered for nearly twenty years to support one another and to ‘claim their own power’. On our first full-scale survey, it was simple to ask all attendees to answer the open-ended question, ‘To me, power is . . .’ None of the Americans initially shared negative connotations about the generic term. Indeed, they critiqued the ‘misuse’ of an inherently good thing. This may be related to the forum’s explicit focus on gaining power as a laudable, womanly skill. In fact, one US respondent even critiqued a person unthinkable for Germans to have mentioned: Being a leader, to me, means going a step beyond where everybody else is and going a step beyond and changing people . . . for the better, for the betterment of kids, for the betterment of a community. I see leadership as that quality that helps you guide groups of people. Considering about power, you can be, you know – Hitler was a great leader – but what road are we going to go down? I don’t want to be conceptualized as a leader in that regard. He used power in his leadership ability in a very negative way. I want to see my leadership skills and hopefully the power that I gain from a principal position to help people to change the system so that it’s better for kids. Cause if it’s not better for kids, then we shouldn’t be doing it. (US Interview 14:278) Just as these leaders characterized managing complex organizations as a productive, energizing state that required them to synchronize competing demands, they talked about power as being dynamic. How it is used is up to the leader. 31

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In contrast, given the Germans’ initial hesitations to defend Macht at all in open-ended questions, we had to use descriptions gleaned through focus groups to generate concrete choices to make their final survey items answerable. Thus, they had the prompt, in German, ‘Leadership positions also require the exercise of Macht. What does Macht mean for you personally?’ The Likert scale clearly identified three top aspects out of fourteen: responsibility (4.8), decision making authority (Entscheidungsbefugnis) (4.5), the possibility to exert influence (Einflussmöglichkeit) (4.4) and the possibility to design or put into place (Gestaltungsmöglichkeit) (4.4). They definitely did not equate power with hierarchy or domination (Herrschaft), a term that in German has a curiously gendered etymology that reflects men’s traditional role as rulers. English is also burdened with masculine terms for dominion (e.g. man of the hour), realms of influence (e.g. kingdom) and net impact (e.g. seminal contributor). To reinforce needed shifts in language, we ethically modelled gender-inclusive and woman-first language throughout our interactions and informed consent process. To the American participants in the transatlantic conferences linked to this research, it seemed odd that nearly all German colleagues dealt with the problematic Macht by simply avoiding the term altogether. Like with ‘leader’, they abandoned the heritage word in polite conversation and trendily appropriated the English word, ‘power’. When using that less-burdened term in interviews, they relaxed and exhibited the same self-assured, unselfconscious tone that the American women did when speaking of their own power and the power that they expected to enjoy in their future careers. They wanted to move in a new direction. They wanted to be leaders who used power towards positive ends, not for its own sake, and needed a concomitant term that they could comfortably rehabilitate. It would be interesting to see if appropriating English labels for gender-bending modes of leadership helps women in other countries to deflect critique and push forward desired modes of feminist empowerment. Power Is Energizing Respondents consistently reframed the core metaphor of power as a means to reinvigorate schools. Rhetorically, having power was not about enforcing present circumstances and remaining in one position, but, rather, it is the means to go places and to put things into motion. They reframed constructive zones for leadership as having direction as well as location. As sophisticated educators and administrators, our interview partners enjoyed the task of continually shifting gears so that they could ‘drive their organizations forward’. They were there for the kids and were ready to hit the gas. Holding power was a privilege and a challenge that propelled them onward. In fact, many of these leaders talked about the empowering sense of agency they gained when continually being challenged to make strategic choices about when and how they would take action. A German principal best captured this thrilling sense of being able to take the controls: I see power as supplemental horsepower that I’ve got under my hood. And if need be, I can use that to position myself right ahead of an encroaching semi-truck. And, I don’t just drive my car to its limit; I don’t just push down all the way on the gas pedal all the time. But I know that I’ve got this horsepower ready to go! And I know that when I really need to get it into gear that I’ll come right into the zone where I am secure and confident. (1:291) 32

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Power was something to subtly apply as needed to drive situations and schools. Our respondents hoped that as officials in positions of authority, they would be able to generate new organizational practices. They defined authority by reclaiming the positive dimensions of the ‘power to create’ (Porter and Fahrenwald 2011). These women repeatedly noted that this differentiated great principals from mediocre ones and claimed that this was a typical trait of female in contrast to male principals. They aimed to directionally realign the metaphor of power away from one of top-down domination that replicated the status quo to a forward-facing act of transformation. German interviewees did more than substitute a foreign label; they reclaimed a positive view of ‘power’ at a deep semantic level. In both countries they challenged the unidirectional traditional exercises of power, claiming this shift was ‘women’s way’ of being powerful. They recast power from being ‘over’ others to their view of ‘power to’ and ‘power with’ as their preferred modes of setting things in motion. Moreover, by emphasizing that power could be generated, renewed and multiplied by being in sync, they reclaimed it as a renewable source of strength versus something to ‘give up’. They showed a clear preference for describing leadership as a mode of teamwork and as a creative endeavour rather than a unidirectional exercise of authority. Productive Ambivalence Venturing into a new phase of life is a journey fraught with challenges. The third theme, ambivalence, was central in respondents’ accounts of becoming leaders who could persevere and deal with inevitable obstacles. When contemplating ‘moving into a new career stage’, or ‘coming of age as a principal’, or ‘taking over the reins’ of an organization, spatial metaphors of transition predominate. This can be a time of soul-searching and hard choices that lead teachers to ask candid questions about what a formal leadership role might cost them and their families. Just as initiates pass through liminal periods, coming of age as a leader is also a quest. They are right to have doubts and seek help from mentors. Rather than simply reinforcing prior, misogynistic understandings of women’ s ambivalence as indicating hesitancy, inconstancy or inadequacy, we assert that their sophisticated metaphors offer realistic, thoughtful and potentially transformative ways of facing ongoing challenges. They reveal more about neoliberal structures and organizational shortcomings than they do about individuals’ strength of character. Women erected their own scaffolding for what ‘success’ means for them – not overcoming every obstacle or test, but learning to deal head-on with a consistently VUCA state. Choices are seldom binary – modern leaders need to cultivate the skill of managing many options. Those who can recognize and acknowledge their nuanced, ambivalent feelings have the capacity to embrace complex, non-linear thought. Such leaders can identify and then deal with compound problems that have neither one source nor one simplistic solution. This flexibility of thought is a particularly valuable skill in both Germany’s and the US neoliberal contexts where ever more is being asked of administrators. Comprehensive school reforms in both countries demand more interventions, exert more pressure specifically on administrators and subject leaders to increased public accountability and scrutiny. Making peace with ambivalence and using it as an impetus to transform rather than to submit to problematic situations serve a buffering and recharging function. They accepted being ambivalent as a necessary part of gathering potential energy, learning from mentors and candidly reassessing their quality of life. 33

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Balance and Quality of Life When identifying barriers to pursuing a principalship, the most commonly expressed concerns in both countries were about work-life-family balances. A full third of each group noted that incompatibility with family or private situations was their biggest concern, and nearly as many checked off fear of the time commitment or burden. These are classic issues related to the longdocumented women’s second shift of inequitable household work at home (Hochschild 1989). They are also at the heart of the prominent OECD Better Life Index, which measures eleven quality of life indicators. Not surprisingly, not only do women and men rate the importance of each indicator differently, but there are also considerable disparities in the extent to which countries achieve these components for men and for women. Addressing gender-based harassment and implementing workplace leave policies that enhance equity are key parts of the solution (OECD Better Life Initiative 2013, 2020). Gender-equitable workplace and quality of life provisions are important policy levers; however, they may lead to backlash or further marginalization. Family leave is a contested policy that was pivotal in women’s career trajectories in both Germany and the United States, but it impacted career choices in quite different ways. This double-edge sword became apparent to us only when we started to systematically compare German and US provisions and consequences for institutionalizing family leave. Both sets of counter-storytellers had encountered, or expected to come up hard against, impediments caused by part-time work or ‘maternity leave’ (or, eventually, what was renamed ‘parental’ or ‘family leave’). US American educators have very basic provisions, and minimalist local implementation of the Family Medical Leave Act leaves much wanting. In contrast, German teachers are civil servants and enjoy the substantial infrastructure rewards of their secure positions, provisions that are less dependent upon the particular US district or teachers’ union. However, the German provisions are still very unequal for female and male teachers. All Germans could expect considerably more security and extended, paid leave than any of the American women. The double-edged issue in Germany is that female professionals are expected to take the full extent of this ‘gift’, which can be a year or more. Our extended transatlantic conversations at the international professional exchanges that we sponsored showed the down side – women faced a steep drop off in their career advancement if indeed they did make even partial use of this almost obligatory but sidelining Mommy Track. As practised, neither set of women had adequate, compassionate, empowering or non-punitive family leave options. Even advanced leaders shared ambivalence about the perpetual trade-offs of their administrative roles. But they still put ‘first things first’ when possible. Overall, women stated that they were usually able to satisfactorily balance those priority elements that they felt most contributed to their quality of life. They found ways to productively address the challenge of concurrent responsibilities. Ambivalence Is Challenging Partly because of these dilemmas, the teachers and principals frequently characterized their professional Laufbahn, or career track, as being a metaphorical journey along a strenuous road of contradictions and ambiguity. Our analysis revealed that they had to make their own way through transitional spaces to become acknowledged as women who can lead. Particularly striking to those of us on the interview and analysis teams was the recurring metaphor of being in an unsettled, liminal ‘no-man’s land’. 34

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This process of undergoing rites of passage means meeting perpetual, often exciting, challenges head-on. They encountered turbulent movement up and down, akin to being caught up on an ongoing thrill ride. An American principal describes this sensation: My career path has been like a ride on a wonderful roller coaster. There have been ups and downs. There have been times when you just squeal and laugh and celebrate and have great joy. There have been other times where you just go into those dark tunnels and you are like, ‘What am I doing and why am I doing this?’ (US Interview 2: 48) Being a leader did not necessarily mean having clarity or safety, but it was a worthwhile adventure that our prospective principals were mostly eager to try. Similarly, interviewees spoke of trying to make their way with few guiding role models to light the way. An American teacher described pursuing an administrative credential as ‘tapping around in the dark’, through an eerie, lonely and thorny space full of fearful unknowns, and possible losses, and difficult moral tests. In fact, in many of the American biographical interviews, metaphors of overcoming darkness, such as traversing a dark tunnel, or being stuck in a sinister cave, or going even ‘going over to the Dark Side’, were prevalent (Fahrenwald and Porter 2006). Typical was the teacher who offered her metaphor for climbing out of the classroom and ascending to administration as a spelunking adventure: I think of it as going into a dark cave and you’re not sure whether there is going to be a light at the end of it. Okay. Where would the light come from? From if you’ve done the right thing for you or not. What’s the dark cave? Just making that transition, deciding to give up your classroom, and then going into something completely different. And it can also be making that transition to another school district – yeah, I think that would be very difficult. (US Interview 11: 567–75) Looking for the high road to pursue at each juncture was a prevalent concern in both countries. In the United States there are principal and superintendent certification programmes and clear standards for credentials, but in Germany the process is considerably more haphazard, centralized and serendipitous. Respondents’ clearest wish was that during these liminal periods of transition they would have travelling companions and mentors to help them meet the challenges that would come to define them as leaders. Becoming an effective woman leader requires ongoing demonstrations of personal and ethical fortitude. Education administration is a career that repeatedly challenges aspirants to strive for balance amidst perpetually changing conditions. Part of this process is dwelling with ambivalence, not necessarily resolving it (Fahrenwald and Porter 2006). Being able to persevere and keep multiple options open allowed these women to innovate. These courageous leaders were able to be decisive and forthright as needed, yet remain flexible and responsive. By foregrounding ambivalence as a state of actively challenging oneself, the focus is on generating novel win-win scenarios versus settling for either-or scenarios. Successful leaders who accepted that they would undergo similar lifelong transitions learned how to live with, and be recharged by, ambivalence. Communities of Courageous Women Leaders In conclusion, our research shows that women from many backgrounds have the capacity, drive and will (Aikman and Unterhalter 2007) to work together to reshape school leadership worldwide. 35

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They have clear visions for creating new spaces of possibility, ones that are not constrained by old architectures of top-down leadership, hierarchical power or inevitable burnout. In the face of VUCA conditions, they are transforming schools into more gender-equitable, humane places. We highlight key changes that we recommend to foster resilient leaders who can exercise power to creatively navigate ambivalence when setting the course for complex educational organizations. Our empirical scholarship expands the depth and nuance of the dominant spatial metaphors in the literature and professional development. Participants recast power, leadership and ambivalence on their own terms for their own ends. Interviewees preferred metaphors about leadership that were relational. Both the US and German interviewees envisioned women leading via collaborative teamwork among people with complementary strengths. Their metaphors of power were directional, guided by the goal of shared authority among a network of capable and visionary trailblazers. Their metaphors vis-à-vis ambivalence were about successfully persevering through transitional phases, meeting challenges head-on and balancing competing demands to achieve a high quality of life. Importantly, they saw themselves as potentially becoming the very mentors whom they had hoped to find when they most needed encouragement. Feminist Research Feminist researchers play a pivotal role in global endeavour of bringing women leaders’ metaphordriven accounts to light. We asked sincere questions about past experiences, aspirations and successes, thus contributing to the transformative project of generating and sharing critical counter-storytelling (Solórzano and Yosso 2002). We made our ethical linguistic and sampling best practices explicit and followed up with member-checking of transcripts (Davis and Craven 2016). They shared their appreciation for the opportunities afforded by this research to reflect on – and in many cases through it to renew – their desire to pursue advanced leadership positions. Methodologically, this research affirms the importance of taking women’s narratives seriously. Even now, when we encounter them at advanced leadership institutes, they thank us for having listened to, legitimated, and believed in their aspirations. Feminist venues for collective consciousness-raising through counter-storytelling are particularly important in neoliberal systems that prioritize the de-personalized, numbers-driven school systems. Our exchange events humanized the profession and generated holistic portraits of leaders. Women leaders’ recollections of past stumbling blocks and of personal, familial and health sacrifices made them appropriately cautious of the risks of additional leadership roles. Heeding their caveats and priorities would enhance school leadership for both men and women. Research teams benefit from designing intentionally cross-cultural, multilingual, comparative work. Our savvy enabled us to distil significant nuances in explicit and implicit metaphors. By working in German and English, we expanded our disciplines’ analytical capacities to critique the gendered language of leadership itself. Partnerships like this provide opportunities to make one’s own cultural blinders visible and thus not inevitable. Multilevel Initiatives Respondents expressed the strong desire to join, or build from the ground up, women’s leadership communities of practice (Lave and Wenger 1991). They hoped to safeguard spaces where a critical mass could collectively learn from one another as they develop individual mastery. These 36

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are spaces where women can share gender-responsive best practices and exchange accounts of triumph and perseverance amidst adversity and exclusion. Iterative cycles of transatlantic questionnaires, forty interviews and our conference attendees’ feedback enable us to identify principles for changing the global landscape to support more women as they step into leadership roles. Their narratives inform necessary initiatives that must be synchronized across multiple levels. Schools are increasingly being recognized as ‘learning organizations’, and our empirical data shows key gaps where gendered perspectives are critical in replacing, not simply replicating, androcentric models of preparing leaders. Using these lenses will enable us to conceptualize and evaluate promising initiatives. First, change requires that leaders use global gender-explicit research to reach new generations of diverse successors. Gender-responsive professional development will better speak to their concerns and priorities. Transforming schools means modelling the participatory, teamworkaffirming cultures of leadership they seek. Organizational education studies examine procedural and cultural aspects of both reproduction and change (Göhlich et al. 2018); we need to critique the normative roots of customs and raise awareness of confrontational, contradictory and dysfunctional phenomena. Our scholarship shows individuals both absorb the ambient metaphors of their organizations and push back against their inherent constraints and assumptions. These women are reshaping organizations on their own terms. Second, change reframes power as something that is not exploitative or unidirectional, but rather as a force for transformation. Our respondents reclaimed the positive dimensions of the power to reframe spaces. They showed a preference for building teams of colleagues who could carry out collaborative, strategic responses to an increasingly bureaucratic, competitive environment. They emphasized the importance of a semantic shift from power over to the multivalent power to, for, with or through. It can be a generative force that can be used for good or ill. Third, change takes women’s rightful scepticism about current inequitable systems seriously when characterizing current parameters of this role. Respondents’ realistic and productive stance of ambivalence gave them the needed pause to come to well-informed decisions. Concerns about balance shaped the compromises that they were willing to make and encouraged them to seek allies. Those aspiring to or starting leadership roles were not willing to do so at any cost of time or treasure, with the youngest generations the most sceptical about the price that they were willing to pay. They are architects of their own future, advocating principally for parental leave that does not marginalize or stigmatize them as second-class leaders. Fourth, change embraces leaders’ whole selves in the position. The women in this transatlantic study have complex, intersectional professional identities. Their counter-storytelling challenges any simplistic idea of a single best kind of ‘woman leader’. Fifth, change means engaging in a shared global struggle. By being chosen to join our study, participants learned that they have sisters abroad who have overcome similar impediments and gained significant traction. Where women lack local role models, they can look to other countries where there are active networks. Where current metaphors about women in leadership are insufficient and/or marginalizing, they can resist and generate their own. They are reframing constructive spaces to gain leadership roles, to share power and to embrace resilient ambivalence in order to change the very architecture of school leadership itself.

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3 Women Publishing on South African Educational Leadership Research A Gender(ed) Topographical Literature Analysis Janine Joan Le Roux and Juliet Perumal

Introduction At the September 1995 Beijing World Conference on Women, Dr Dlamini-Zuma lamented: ‘Women in South Africa are definitely not free. The majority live . . . as effective minors subject to the authority of a male relative. She is a minor answerable to all men in the family, including her sons’. Consistent with the patriarchal sensibilities that pervaded Apartheid South Africa racial and gender-discriminatory policies were rampant in society, in general, and in the education sector. Gender discrimination in the South African education sector manifested itself through different subject specializations (e.g. female educators were predominantly entrusted to teach nursery and primary school children). They specialized in stereotypical division of gendered role labour (e.g. teaching Needlework, Home Economics, Domestic Science and Typing), and there was disparity in their remuneration and employment security. They were paid lower salaries than men, and married women or women who intended to marry faced the threat of being dismissed from their jobs. Modelling itself on the patriarchal family structure – in the school – women were relegated to subordinate positions as teachers while men, with taken-for-granted normalcy, assumed positions of leadership (Kiamba 2008: 5; Perumal 2007). Kanjere (2008: 2) notes that entrenched sociocultural configurations gained credence through, for example, a Northern Sotho proverb: ‘Tsa etwa ke ya tshadi pele di wela leopeng’, the English translation being: ‘if a leader is a woman, disaster is bound to happen.’ In the face of such denigration, the doubled-edged sword of race and gender discrimination contributed to women’s under-representation in leadership positions in South Africa. Perumal (2007) notes that enabling legislative reforms such as the Bill of Rights, the Constitution of South Africa and the Employment of Equity Act 55 of 1998 have been geared towards ‘promoting the employment and promotion of individuals from previously disadvantaged backgrounds’ (Government Gazette, 1996 No.17678). These notable policy efforts to address

Women Publishing on South African Educational Leadership Research

Table 3.1  Table of Department of Basic Education 2019 Statistics per Management Post Level Post level Female Male Principal

39.4% (9,016)

60.6% (13,892)

Deputy Principal

46.4% (4,760) *

53.6% (5,506) *

Head of Department

63.8% (23,372)

36.2% (13,392)

Educator

74.7% (275,600)

25.3% (93,276)

* Statistics for Deputy Principals for Western Cape province not available.

these gender imbalances are evident in Table 3.1, which shows the Department of Basic Education 2019 statistics disaggregated according to management post level. While post-apartheid laws are intended to encourage women’s advancement to leadership and management positions, Moorosi (2010) contends that regulatory efforts are often defeated by deeply entrenched gender stereotypes and systemic discrimination of women. This results in a blatant disjuncture between state-based redress and the lived realities of women. Those women who have managed to shatter the glass ceiling and who have assumed school leadership positions are assailed by many challenges and demands. Assuming leadership roles in educational contexts that undermine their leadership abilities, and which are ravaged by escalating social maladies, calls for extraordinary leadership skills. It requires them to possess a range of attributes and skills to deal with these challenges (Smith 2008: 13). The affirmative action moves to appoint women to school leadership positions in South Africa necessitates educating women to unlearn the socialized myths about their lack of abilities and capabilities to ensure that they assume school leadership roles confidently and competently. Education Leadership Preparation in Academic and the Research Landscape Internationally, there have been calls to rethink educational leadership preparation programmes (Jean-Marie, Normore and Brooks 2009). Such calls are pertinent within the South African landscape, where the mainstream field of educational leadership, management and administration, as an academic discipline, may be traced to circa the late 1970s and early 1980s. Information regarding the emergence of the field is scant, but anecdotal evidence suggests that the University of Pretoria and the Rand Afrikaans University, for example, began enrolling school principals into programmes that were community of practice/professionally development oriented. Modules such as Education Management, Education Law, Policy Studies in Education, Financial Management, Human Resource Management, Qualitative and Quantitative Research Methodologies and Organizational Behaviour were featured in university academic curricula. As a product of its time, South African universities and colleges of education prioritized teaching and learning (knowledge transmission and consumption), with scant attention being given to research and knowledge production. Given that school leadership was invested mainly in the hands of men, educational leadership discourses invariably portrayed and valorized androcentric versions of leadership. Feminist scholars have 39

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criticized these earlier models of leadership for their gender blindness and their silence around female educators’ experiences (Blackmore 2013). West et al. (2013) observed a notable gender gap in the authorship of academic papers. Drawing on a survey of the academic journal library JSTOR’s collection of articles, they found that there was no major academic field in which women comprised the majority of authors. Statistics for female authors by discipline showed that women publishing in education contributed 46.35 per cent to the publications pool despite education being a largely feminized profession. Internationally, Klein et al. (2007: 103–5) posit that there is a perceived increase in the number of studies conducted on and about women in school leadership. They maintain that the dearth of consistent and similar information on women’s formal leadership positions is challenging, and therefore, women are the best resources for shedding light on their experiences. It is against this background that this chapter attempts to contribute to the emerging body of scholarship on women in school educational leadership and management through a topographical review of women in educational leadership in South African schools. The topographical review of women in educational leadership in South African schools was inspired by Hallinger (2018: 362–3), who observes that since the 1960s there has been an increase in the systematic review of literature in various fields. These systematic reviews of research have served as a retrospective, current and prospective gauge of ‘what we know, what we think we know and what we do not yet know about the practice of educational leadership and management in societies across the world’. Hallinger and Bryant (2013: 18) ‘encourage the need for nationally based systematic reviews of research . . . that make locally derived knowledge . . . more broadly accessible’. More recent attempts to contribute to the Africa knowledge base on educational leadership through, for example, a synthesis of literature is evident in Moyo, Perumal and Hallinger’s (2020), and Moyo and Perumal (forthcoming). Hallinger (2018) reports on an initial attempt to present a systematic review of research on education leadership and management in Africa. The sources reviewed in Hallinger’s review were gleaned from a delimited database that comprised 506 articles published in English-language journals up to October 2016. The topographical analysis aimed at describing key features of the African knowledge base in education leadership and management. Significantly, Figure 3.1, which is an adapted extract from Hallinger’s (2018) review, shows that most of the publications produced in South Africa were by South African male authors; that is, of the fifteen authors, twelve were male and three were female. Furthermore, in Hallinger’s (2018: 368) systematic topographical review of research on education leadership and management in Africa, he reported that the topic female leadership and access to management comprised approximately 9 per cent of the 506 English-language journal sources that were analysed. Klein et al. (2014) argue that the dearth of research on women in leadership stems from women’s experiences being reported through an androcentric/male-dominated lens. Data Identification, Extraction, Delimitation and Analysis Travis (2016) defines desk research as the process of reviewing previous research to acquire an extensive understanding of the field. For the topographical analysis discussed in this chapter, desk research was employed which involved the collection of data from existing published sources. 40

Women Publishing on South African Educational Leadership Research

12

Number of publications

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Figure 3.1  Number of Publications of Key South African Authors in Education Leadership and Management Literature. Adapted from Hallinger (2018).

The identification of sources unfolded with a boundless search of all English-language literature source types irrespective of date of publication (Hallinger 2013). The sources included journal articles, books, book chapters, reviews as well as master’s degree and PhD dissertations applicable to the topic on South African women in education leadership. Databases such as Google Scholar™ and SCOPUS were utilized as search tools. The search terms used were ‘school’, ‘women’, ‘leadership’, ‘management’ and ‘South Africa’. Google Scholar provided a broad source base while SCOPUS provided a narrower one. The Google Scholar search yielded 980 sources while SCOPUS yielded 124 sources. Due to the unmanageable size of the dataset, the search was filtered and reduced so that the focus of the review was limited to peer-reviewed journal articles published from 2000 to 2019. This reduced the dataset to 119 peer-reviewed journal sources. After comparing and contrasting the results from the Google Scholar and SCOPUS search tools, the 119 articles were further filtered for topic relevance on women leading school education in South Africa. This reduced the database to thirty-one articles. An initial core Microsoft Excel spreadsheet was compiled to store the thirty-one data sources and included the following data which was extracted from the sources: title, author, topic, methodology, journal name, volume, year of publication and the publisher. Data was further extracted from the core spreadsheet and seven (7) additional spreadsheets were compiled which included data relating to the number of articles published from 2000 to 2019, the distribution of journal articles across the journals, the number of publications of key authors, the methodology distribution, the publication output for topics, distribution of articles across regions and the distribution of authors across source regions. Data was analysed by means of descriptive statistics, 41

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which, according to Creswell (2012), is an effective method of summarizing general tendencies and trends that additionally provide insight into score comparisons. The data extracted from the thirty-one peer-reviewed journal articles were analysed quantitatively. The aim was to map the terrain with respect to a body of literature authored about women leading school education in South Africa with the intention of noting implications for future research in the field. The goal was to describe the trends and surface features of a literature database such as journals (see Table 3.2), topics and subtopics (see Table 3.3), source regions (see Table 3.4), authors (see Figure 3.3) and research methods used in the studies (see Figure 3.4). Although a small group of scholars are publishing predominantly qualitative research studies (Diko 2014; Edwards and Perumal 2014; Lumby and Azaola 2014; Moorosi 2012; Perumal 2009; Smit 2013; Zulu 2011), this quantitative topographical analysis provides a partial glimpse of women publishing on South African school educational leadership. Women Publishing on South African Educational Leadership Research The South African women in school education leadership literature database yielded a relatively small subset of peer-reviewed literature for the period 2000–19. From the thirty-one peerreviewed English-language journal articles published, the following trends were identifiable in terms of knowledge production, research topics, authorship and impact. Knowledge Production The examination of the number of annually published articles from 2000 to 2019 (see Figure 3.2) shows a gradual increase in publications from 2000 to 2011. The data showed that 29 per cent of all articles in the review database were published over a ten-year period from 2001 to 2011. It is 9 8

8

NUMBER OF ARTICLES

7 6 5

5 4 3

3 2

2 1 0

1

1

3

2 1

1

2 1

2001 2004 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2014 2014 2015 2018 2019 YEAR OF PUBLICATION

Figure 3.2  Distribution of Articles Published Annually from 2000 to 2019.

42

1

Women Publishing on South African Educational Leadership Research

interesting to note a spike in the volume (61 per cent) of published articles from 2012 to 2015. It is difficult to account for what factor(s) contributed to 42 per cent of the articles in the database being published over two years, during 2014 and 2015. Analysing the database revealed that South African women in education leadership scholarship is disseminated across twenty-one different journals (see Table 3.2). These journals comprise international journals (85 per cent), South African journals (10 per cent) and African journals (5 per cent). The journal disciplines include general education (40 per cent), education leadership and management (25 per cent), social science (20 per cent), gender studies (5 per cent), history (5 per cent) and African studies (5 per cent). The analysis also indicated that 54.8 per cent of the articles are published in international journals, while 13 per cent are published in African journals and only 6 per cent are published in South African journals. Of the three highest-publishing female authors 87.5 per cent of their collective articles were published in international journals, with 75 per cent of these published in journals based in the UK, 12.5 per cent in Australian journals and only 12.5 per cent in South African journals. A third of their collective articles were published in the Educational Management Administration & Leadership. In Hallinger’s (2018) study the following four key journals were also identified as popular publication outlets for the distribution of thirty-one journal articles from Africa, namely, South African Journal of Education; Educational Management Administration & Leadership; African Education Review, and Gender and Behavior. Research Topics The thirty-one journal articles were further classified according to topics. Twelve (12) topics were identified: mentorship, role models, social (in)justice, education leadership/administration/ principalship, women’s experiences and challenges of education leadership, gender leadership – equity and equality, instructional leadership, gender stereotyping and social practices, servant leadership, feminism, identity construction and career paths. The topic of women’s experiences as educational leaders (34 per cent) emerged prominently followed by the topic of gender and leadership (19 per cent). Topics such as career paths for female principals, challenges facing female principals, gender equity, leadership identity construction and mentorship each comprised 6 per cent of the body of literature. Each of the following topics contributed 3 per cent to the literature database: education leadership/administration/principalship, instructional leadership and social (in) justice. While twelve topics were identified, they also served as subtopics across the thirty-one articles. Table 3.3 depicts the matrix of intersections among the twelve topics as subtopics. The primary selection criteria for the analysis were women in education leadership which intersects across all thirty-one articles, whereas the topic of education leadership/administration/principalship intersects across fourteen articles, with eleven intersecting occurrences as the topic of gender stereotyping and social practices followed by social (in)justice. However, fewer intersections are noted as far as mentorship, role models, career paths and identity construction are concerned which is indicative of gaps in the literature. The topics researched could very well be reflective of the political and policy climate that characterized the post-1994 democratic elections. There are arguably two distinct dispensations that have characterized the post-apartheid South African education landscape. 43

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Table 3.2  Table of Distribution of Journal Articles across Source Regions International/ Journal Discipline local journal 1 Educational Management Management International Administration & Leadership

Region of publication United Kingdom

Total 7

2

Gender and Education

Gender studies

International

United Kingdom

3

3

The Other Journal

Education

International

United States

3

4

Africa Education Review

General Education in Africa

International

South Africa

1

5

Africa Today Australian Journal of Education

African Studies

International

United States

1

General Education

International

Australia

1

British Educational Research Journal International Journal of Educational Sciences

General Journal

International

United Kingdom

1

Educational Sciences

International

India

1

International Journal of Leadership in Education

Educational Leadership

International

United Kingdom

1

10 International Studies in Educational Administration

Educational Leadership

International

Australia

1

11 Management in Education

Educational Leadership

International

United Kingdom

1

12 Mentoring and Tutoring: Partnership in Learning

General Education

International

United Kingdom

1

13 Pensee

Social Sciences

International

France

1

14 Perspectives in Education

Social Sciences/ Education

African

South Africa

1

15 Pertanika Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 16 Professional Development in Education 17 South African Historical Journal 18 South African Journal of Education

Social Science

International

Malaysia

1

Education

International

United Kingdom

1

History

International

United Kingdom

1

Education

African

South Africa

1

19 Studies of Tribes and Tribals

Social Science

International

India

1

20 Urban Education

Education

International

United States

1

21 Gender and Behavior

Gender Studies

African

Nigeria

1

6 7 8 9

44

Table 3.3  Table of Matrix of Topic and Subtopic Intersections

Title

Mentorship

Gender leadership equity & equality

Gender Instructional stereotyping & Servant leadership social practices leadership

Identity Career Feminism Construction Paths  

x

 

 

Where men fail, women take over: Inanda seminary’s rescue by its own

x

 

 

When Identity and Leadership Intersect: The Experiences of Six Female Principals in South Africa

x

 

 

Changes and continuities: Implementation of gender equality in a South African high school

x

x

 

 

x

x

 

 

45

Women in educational leadership: The case of Hope High School in the Eastern Cape Province, South Africa

x

x

Women Publishing on South African Educational Leadership Research

 

Gender and leadership in South African educational administration

x

Women’s experiences & challenges of Education / Leadership x

Developing Future Women Leaders: The Importance of Mentoring and Role Modelling in the Girls’ School Context

x

Role models

Social (in) Justice

Education leadership/ administration/ Principalship

Female education leaders redressing injustices in disadvantaged rural schools

Mentorship

Women’s experiences & challenges of Education / Leadership

x

x

x

x

x

Gendered leadership stereotypes in disadvantaged rural school communities The historic schools and their influence: women in school leadership in upholding the legacy

x

Gender leadership equity & equality

Gender Instructional stereotyping & Servant leadership social practices leadership

Identity Career Feminism Construction Paths

x

x

x

x

 

 

x

 

 

x

 

 

x

x

x

 

 

x

x

x

 

 

Valuing knowledge over action: The example of gender in educational leadership

x

x

 

 

Leading schools in communities of multiple deprivation: women principals in South Africa

x

x

Women’s experiences of principalship in two South African high schools in multiply deprived rural areas: A life history approach School leaders’ gender strategies: Caught in a discriminatory web

x

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46 Title

Role models

Social (in) Justice

Education leadership/ administration/ Principalship

Title

Mentorship

Role models

Social (in) Justice

Education leadership/ administration/ Principalship

Women’s experiences & challenges of Education / Leadership

Women principals in small schools in South Africa

x

Women principals in South Africa: Gender, mothering and leadership

x

Constructing self as leader: Case studies of women who are change agents in South Africa Constructing a leader’s identity through a leadership development programme: An intersectional analysis

47

Creating linkages between private and public: Challenges facing woman principals in South Africa

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

Gender Instructional stereotyping & Servant leadership social practices leadership

Identity Career Feminism Construction Paths

x

x

x

x

x

Women Publishing on South African Educational Leadership Research

A feminist postcolonial examination of female principals’ experiences in South African secondary schools

Gender leadership equity & equality

Mentorship

x

South African female principals’ career paths: Understanding the gender gap in secondary school management Mentoring for school leadership in South Africa: diversity, dissimilarity and disadvantage

Women’s experiences & challenges of Education / Leadership

x

x

Gender leadership equity & equality

Gender Instructional stereotyping & Servant leadership social practices leadership x

x

x

x

x

Female principals leading at disadvantaged schools in Johannesburg, South Africa

x

x

When the headmaster is female: Women’s access to education management positions in a rural setting

x

x

Obstacles and opportunities in women school leadership: A literature study

x

x

x

Leadership and intersectionality: Constructions of successful leadership among Black women school principals in three different contexts

Identity Career Feminism Construction Paths

x

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48 Title

Role models

Social (in) Justice

Education leadership/ administration/ Principalship

Title

Mentorship

Role models

Social (in) Justice

Education leadership/ administration/ Principalship

Women’s experiences & challenges of Education / Leadership

Gender leadership equity & equality

Gender Instructional stereotyping & Servant leadership social practices leadership

Identity Career Feminism Construction Paths

Reading and creating critically leaderful schools that make a difference: the post-apartheid South African case

x

x

“Musadzi u fara lufhanga nga hu fhiraho”: life stories of Black women leaders in South Africa

x

x

The Paradox of LuseloLufhanga Metaphors: African Women Defining Leadership for Social Justice.

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

The challenges facing women aspiring for school leadership positions in South African primary schools

49

Women leaving leadership: Learnings from female school principals in Gauteng province, South Africa

x

x

x

x

x

x

Women Publishing on South African Educational Leadership Research

Female leadership in a rural school: A feminist perspective

x

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The first period spanning 1994–9 saw a succession of discussion documents, Green Papers, White Papers, new legislation and amendments to existing law and regulatory procedures released upon the educational bureaucracy and were accompanied by a parallel implementation of these legislative initiatives. The second period was characterized by several policy reviews aimed at evaluating the impact of the plethora of earlier policies on the education system. The research designs and methodologies were predominantly qualitative, phenomenological case studies. The recurring themes pivoted around the perceptions, narratives, beliefs and experiences of learners, parents, educators and school management on how anti-discriminatory, social justice and democratic transformation was redressing past injustices. Authorship and Impact The data uncovered that twenty-six scholars contributed to the thirty-one articles in the database, comprising twenty-one female and five male scholars. Of the thirty-one articles, 35 per cent were co-authored and it is notable that 80 per cent of the articles authored by the male scholars were co-authored while only 52 per cent of those produced by women scholars were co-authored. Five key women authors were identified, of whom all had authored and co-authored at least two articles in the literature database (see Figure 3.3). A noteworthy observation is that the top three authors (Lumby 2015; Moorosi 2014; Perumal 2009) are dispersed across source regions. Lumby (2015) and Moorosi (2014) collectively comprise 67 per cent of the key authors, with Lumby based in the UK and Moorosi straddling South Africa and UK locations. While Perumal (2009) comprises 33 per cent of the key authors, and is the only key author based in South Africa, this analysis raises a key question regarding possible under-representation of South African scholars in the field of education leadership. Within the review period, and focusing exclusively on the articles delimited for the review, the Table 3.4  Table of Google Scholar™ Citation Indices for Top Five Female Authors Top five women authors contributing to women in educational leadership and management research Cumulative citations Moorosi, Pontso 306 Lumby, Jacky 163 Perumal, Juliet 81 Diko, Nolutho 61 Smit, Brigitte 18

Google Scholar citation index for the top five authors are as follows: The analysis further shows that of the thirty-one journal articles in the literature database South African scholars contributed 57.7 per cent of the articles while the other 42.3 per cent was contributed by authors located abroad (see Table 3.5). It is noteworthy that although South African scholars are contributing considerably to the collection of literature, they are not emerging as key authors in the database. This observation necessitates critical questions such as: Are sufficient opportunities and avenues being created and afforded to South African based scholars to publish their context-rich research? Could it be that the dearth of publication opportunities reflects the under-representation of female authors in the field? Could female authors be publishing in other publication formats? 50

Women Publishing on South African Educational Leadership Research 6

Number of articles published

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Figure 3.3  Distribution of Authors. Table 3.5  Table of the Number of Publications of Key Authors Country Number of authors Percentage of articles contributed per region South Africa 15 57. Canada 4 16.30 United Kingdom 3 11.5% Australia 2 7.7 USA 2 7.5

Regarding the methodological research approaches employed in the thirty-one journal article literature database, the analysis shows a bias towards the use of qualitative research methods. A significant 90.4 per cent of the research was conducted qualitatively, while only 9.6 per cent of the research engaged mixed-method approaches. One third of the mixed-method studies employed a narrative enquiry design, while the other two thirds made no mention of adopting a specific design. Data for the mixed-methods studies were elicited from surveys for the quantitative component and one-on-one interviews for the qualitative components. In a few instances, a combination of one-on-one interviews and focus group interviews were utilized. Regarding the qualitative studies, 39 per cent of the research designs were unspecified, whereas 18 per cent were case studies. The following four research designs were employed across 28 per cent of the qualitative articles: biographic narrative phenomenological study (7 per cent), feminist research design (7 per cent), historical research design (7 per cent) and narrative enquiry (7 per cent). An equal portion (4 per cent) of the remaining 16 per cent was devoted to either an exploratory and descriptive design, a grounded theory design, life history narrative or a narrative enquiry and longitudinal life history study. See Table 3.6 for details of percentages and the number of articles regarding the research study designs employed in the qualitative studies. Concerning the data elicitation techniques of the qualitative studies, 51

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Table 3.6  Table of the Distribution of Research Designs across Qualitative Articles Number of qualitative Research study design Percentage (%) articles Unspecified design 39 11 Case study 18 5 Biographical narrative phenomenological study 7 2 Feminist research design 7 2 Historical research design 7 2 Narrative enquiry 7 2 Exploratory and descriptive design 4 1 Grounded theory 4 1 Life history narrative 4 1 Narrative enquiry and longitudinal life history study 4 1

Table 3.7  Table of Data Elicitation Techniques of Qualitative Articles Data elicitation technique Interviews Archival material Interviews and observations Discussions and conversations Interviews, shadowing sessions, dialogues and document analysis Observations and Guided Conversations Semi-Structured Interviews and Focus Groups Semi-Structured Interviews, Focus Groups and Observations Semi-Structured Interviews, Observations and Field Notes Semi-Structured Interviews, Oral History Interviews and Archival Material

Percentage (%) 54 10 10 3,5 3,5 3,5% 3,5% 3,5% 3,5% 3,5%

Number of qualitative articles 15 3 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

54 per cent utilized interviews, 10 per cent utilized archival material and a further 10 per cent utilized a combination of interviews and observations. A combination of qualitative data elicitation methods was utilized in 26 per cent of the qualitative studies and details thereof can be seen in Table 3.7. The qualitative trend suggests a steering away of the field from a traditional Westerncentric, quantitative social science research methods bias towards research methodologies that acknowledge the subjective, emotional and biographic factors that shape the researcher and the researched. Critical feminist researchers have popularized qualitative research methodologies showing a preference for narrative enquiry and semi-structured interviews to valorize women’s ways of knowing, being and doing (Perumal 2007). Hallinger (2018: 370) however, suggests that the predominant use of qualitative methods and relatively weak quantitative methods among scholars in African research implies limitations for developing 52

Women Publishing on South African Educational Leadership Research

6% 6%

24%

Doctoral studies - funded Research study - Funded Research study - unfunded 65%

Post doctoral - funded

Figure 3.4  Research Origins and Funding Sources.

policy-relevant findings and contributing to a mature knowledge base in education leadership and management studies. The acquisition of research funding also contributes to the publication and dissemination of research results. At least 42 per cent of the articles published in the database emanated from research projects that were funded by international funding agents. Research funding sources included the South Africa Netherlands Research Programme on Alternatives in Development, Commonwealth Council, Zenex Foundation, Foreign Affairs and International Trade Development, Canada and Canadian International Development Agency, Center for the Education of Women, Spencer Foundation and the National Research Foundation. Furthermore, at least 54.8 per cent of the thirty-one publications originated from larger research projects. Figure 3.4 depicts the origins and funding of these projects. Emerging Insights from the Gender(ed) Topographical Literature Analysis The topographical literature analysis set out to describe, analyse and evaluate the extent to which local knowledge is valued in the field and to map the terrain of South African women school education leaders. According to Hallinger (2018), an increase in the volume of published research articles has been noted over the past twenty years emanating from the African nucleus of knowledge production. However, within this emerging nucleus of knowledge, women researching and publishing in this area are still negligible given that education is a feminized profession. The analysis identified several significant findings that point to how the field could be expanded and strengthened. First, the corpus of literature on South African women in education leadership is emerging and policies on gender equity have a notable influence on research efforts in the field. For example, the 2013 launch of the Support Networks for Women Principals by the South African minister of Basic Education, which aimed at celebrating and promoting the development of women in school leadership across South Africa, could very well be attributed to the spike in published research during 2014–15. Furthermore, a significant number of studies in the database emanated from larger research projects that benefited from international funding. Generally, research grants expect principal research investigators to factor into the grant applications funding to develop academic research and writing skills as well as human resource capacitation.

53

The Bloomsbury Handbook of Gender and Educational Leadership and Management

Second, the uneven distribution of journals across source regions is indicative of unequal power relations in the field, with international journals wielding more prestige and status. The dimensions of this literature draw attention to the politics and ethics of female authors being under-represented in the field of education leadership publications. Questions around who the editors of the international journals are, the geopolitical dynamics of publication houses, where the journals are located, the preferences of peer reviewers privileging certain theoretical orientations and research methodologies, research topics and contexts are but some of the variables that frame the ethics and politics of publishing. Blackmore (1989) asserts that the field of educational leadership is ripe for refashioning to interrogate social injustices and unequal power relations. This uneven topography may imply that South African journals are not creating adequate opportunities for the publication of regionally based authors and that an insufficiency of journals pertaining to women in education leadership in South Africa may exist. Third, an overarching theme that emerged was the under-representation of South African scholars as key authors in the field. The implication of this jagged topography is that rich sources of data are being undermined which further leads to opportunities for misrepresentation of the narratives of South African women in education leadership. Several South African universities have made it mandatory for master’s and PhD candidates to publish or submit publish-ready manuscripts from their postgraduate research to meet the conferment of degree qualification. South African female academics working in the area of women in education leadership may consider bolstering the field by co-authoring articles with their graduate students who are conducting research in the field of women in education leadership and management. Other contextual factors such as the Research Outputs Policy (2015: 3), which replaced the Policy for Measurement of Research Outputs of Public Higher Education Institutions (2003), point to national South African initiatives ‘to sustain current research strengths and to promote the kinds of research and other knowledge outputs required to meet national development needs’ (Strategic Objective: Section 5, National Plan for Higher Education). The purpose of the Research Outputs Policy (2015) is to encourage research productivity by rewarding quality research output at public higher education institutions. Thus, these policies, apart from aiming to increase research productivity and dissemination, also incentivize authors who publish in the Department of Higher Education and Training–accredited journal publications list. Fourth, the findings revealed that the topic of women in education leadership ranked as a leading focus in the database. This signals a good indicator of the emergence of women’s narratives in what has been a largely male-dominated discourse. This finding is in keeping with the scholarly work of Perumal (2009), Smit (2013), Lumby and Azaola (2014), Zulu (2011), Moorosi (2012), Edwards and Perumal (2014), and Diko (2014) who advocate for the exposure and acknowledgement of the experiences, contributions and leadership styles of South African women enacting leadership in various psycho-socio, cultural, economic and political contexts. Fifth, the dominant methodology that emerged from the findings charted scholars as embracing and being mindful of social justice praxis through the employment of qualitative methods. A need exists for researchers to redistribute the research field by investigating and representing the expansive social reality of women and other historically misrepresented/under-represented groups so that their experiences, beliefs and personal and professional lives are understood as multiply constituted in terms of class, ethnicity, language, ability, sexual identity, age, etc. (Perumal 2007). This may explain the preference for qualitative research methods when researching women as it lends itself 54

Women Publishing on South African Educational Leadership Research

to narrative enquiry. However, as more women are appointed to school leadership positions, their phenomenological experiences, coupled with their increased numeric representation, offer fertile research opportunities for mixed-methods integrated research and publications. Sixth, of significant interest is the absence of women’s voices on topics such as technology and the effect of the fourth industrial revolution (4IR) on their leadership roles. There is a gap in both the literature and research on the topic of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) and the use thereof in women’s roles as education leaders. This finding provides direction to the scholars in the field to recognize the un-/under-researched areas of mentorship, role models, career pathing and ICT and women in education leadership. It is recommended that the South African Department of Basic Education make significant strides in investing in women education leaders through ICT skilling and empowerment. This investment will also provide scholars in the field with research prospects to explore the effects of ICT and the 4IR on women in education leadership. Conclusion Maps are a depiction of a landscape which serves the purpose of organizing information to illustrate the realism of the site under observation. In acknowledging the parameters and limitations of the database from which this topographical literature analysis was compiled, this chapter intended to contribute to the emerging knowledge economy of South African women in school education leadership. The authors further acknowledge that the inclusion of other sources such as unpublished master’s and PhD dissertations as well as conference proceedings, books and chapters in books would undoubtedly yield a more nuanced and robust picture of the state of research on women leading school education in South Africa. However, the corpus of literature in this chapter which comprises thirty-one peer-reviewed journals has attempted to strengthen the literature on women publishing academic research on South African women in school leadership. It also points to potential future endeavours that could increase academic publications in the area. Light was shed on the volume of literature within the knowledge base published in peerreviewed English-language journals from 2000 to 2019. The analysis also assessed the knowledge production distributed across source regions, scholarly journals and authors as well as the nature of the literature in terms of the recurring topics and preferred research methods employed. The analysis evaluated the extent to which local knowledge is valued in the field and raised crucial questions related to the power dynamics of what narratives are being ventilated, how narratives are being told, by whom and on which publication fora. The findings of the topographical analysis raise questions about what in South African school educational leadership studies are being included and what are being excluded, erased, avoided and evaded. The absences and presence of issues testify to the positionality, allegiances, biases, prejudices and preferences of the researchers, authors and journal editors and publishers (Perumal 2019). These issues resonate with the concerns articulated by Agawu (2003) about the politics of representation when he posed a series of questions about: ‘Who writes about it, how, and why? What assumptions and prejudices influence the presentation of … data? To what orders of authority do scholars appeal?’ (p. xii). Nnaemeka (2003) poses similar critical questions that African feminist discourses have raised regarding the power dynamics of the researcher and the researched. These questions pertain to the processes involved in the construction of African knowledge, which this topographical literature of limited scope on South African women in school education leadership has attempted to contribute to. 55

4 Gender, Leadership and Positional Power Saeeda Shah

Overview Social institutions such as educational organizations and the practices therein are made up of diverse and often contradictory discourses. Each formation can be seen as consisting of a set of shifting and dynamic discourses, where multi-positioned subjects discursively constitute meanings and truths to guide practice. This chapter draws on a study of female college heads in a region in Pakistan to unveil the discursive dynamics in a specific context where multiple factors interact to determine ‘what is to be done and what is acceptable at a given moment’ (Foucault 1991: 75). Educational leaders as teachers have high status in Islam because of the Quran emphasizing knowledge and knowledge-giving as attributes of God and the legacy of prophets (Shah 2006). However, women educational leaders in the Muslim society of Pakistan often appear to become divested of this religious status because of their gendered positioning. The research findings evidence that religious status as a muallam (teacher) and positional power as educational leader in the case of women leaders often became virtually equal to zero power because of gender dynamics and how gender was constructed in that society. The data unveiled intricate play of complex ‘technologies of power’, divesting the de jure authorities of their authority, and highlighted how these ‘technologies’ operated and interacted with formation of practices rendering the women college heads helpless in many matters with serious implications for institutional management. However, another interesting finding was how these female college heads availed cultural and religious discourses to empower themselves as educational leaders, drawing attention to the impact of societal culture and belief systems on educational leadership practices. Social institutions such as educational organizations and the practices therein are often underpinned by diverse and competing discourses. This chapter draws on two studies of women educational leaders from Pakistan to unveil the discursive dynamics in a segregated context. The first study included female college heads of girls-only (zanana) colleges, while the second study focused on female vice-chancellors. How these female educational leaders positioned at two different levels within the hierarchical educational structure perceived and experienced leadership draws attention to complex constructions of power and depowering underpinned by interacting discourses, in which multiple factors interact to determine what is acceptable.

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Single-sex education is an international phenomenon subject to heated debates. Recent legislation in America approving single-sex schooling (Hutchison Amendment in June 2001), and increasing provision of single-sex classes in the United Kingdom and elsewhere, has augmented the debates around segregated education with regard to inclusion and achievement. However, in spite of single-sex institutions being a widespread phenomenon all over the world, there is no study exploring its significance for women’s careers, for women’s career progression to leadership positions, and for female leaders’ empowerment in general. This chapter debates the interplay between positional power, gender, and leadership within a segregated hierarchical educational structure and its implications for women’s leadership in the context of the Muslim society of Pakistan. The first section introduces the two studies, providing brief details of the research context. The second section discusses the findings to debate the leadership role and its gendered constructions drawing on the female leaders’ experiences at the college and university levels. The final section debates the interplay between gender, leadership, and positional power, drawing attention to role constructions in the educational institutions situated at two different levels in this specific research context. The Research Pakistan is a Muslim-majority country created explicitly in the name of religion and about 97 per cent of its population is Muslims. Its Constitution proclaims that ‘Islam shall be the state religion of Pakistan’ (Constitution of Pakistan 2004: 3). It emphasizes observance of Islamic law (shar’ia) to enable people ‘to order their lives in the individual and collective spheres in accordance with the teachings and requirements of Islam as set out in the Holy Quran and Sunnah’ (p. 1). Accordingly, educational institutions in Pakistan are required to teach Islamic studies up to the preuniversity stage. Thus, faith emerges as a significant influence in defining social institutions and practices therein, and this has implications for women in education and educational leadership. In Pakistan, segregated education is perceived as a religiously approved phenomenon in keeping with Islamic values, principles and moral code. The country has a predominantly segregated public education system, where segregation is observed more strictly from post-primary to the first-degree level (Shah 2009). This is perceived and interpreted as adherence to the Islamic moral code that discourages free intermingling of the sexes, particularly during this specific age phase (Shah and Conchar 2009). The girls of this age group are perceived as sexually vulnerable within socioreligious discourses of sex, marriage, inheritance, family, and family honour (Izzat). In keeping with the tradition of segregation, about 40 per cent of colleges are girls-only (zanana). Nevertheless, university education, which refers to post-first-degree education in this context, has been co-educational since the creation of the country in 1947. However, in 1998, the first women-only public university was set up in the federal capital, which was followed by legislation in 2003 to establish further four women-only universities, one in each provincial capital, thereby widening the provision of segregated education at the university level as well. The two studies mentioned above have been carried out at two different levels of higher education at different times. The first one was carried out with college heads/ principals of girls-only colleges in one region (Shah 2009). In-depth interviews were conducted with female principals of eleven girls-only colleges out of a total of twenty-six in that region at the time the study was carried out. All interviews were tape-recorded, and each interviewee was given a code 57

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name and number (PF1-11) for data recording, retrieval and dissemination purposes. The second study was conducted more recently with women vice-chancellors nationally. Besides the five women vice-chancellors in the women-only public universities, there were two women vice-chancellors of two co-educational public universities and one who headed an elite semi-autonomous women-only HE institution which had satellite university status, thus making a total of eight women vice-chancellors at that time. In-depth interviews were conducted with five vice-chancellors, including three vice-chancellors of women-only public universities, one vicechancellor of a co-ed public university, and the vice-chancellor of a women-only HE institution with satellite university status. The coding used for these interviews was VCF1-5. Data analysis and discussion focus on how women leaders experienced positional power in a segregated Muslim society, underpinned by the argument that women’s experiences are influenced by their position as women in interplay with context-specific practices defined by cultural and belief systems. Gender and Leadership in Cultural Context Drawing on the two studies and extensive relevant international literature, this chapter discusses gender, leadership and positional power to debate how these were perceived, conceptualized, and experienced by female senior educational leaders in a specific socioreligious and organizational context and with what implications for practice. The intention is to debate the findings related to gender, leadership, and positional power to underscore the structural and cultural dynamics and their implications for women in leadership positions at different levels in the educational hierarchy. It builds on the author’s earlier work on gender and leadership and extends the debate informed by recent interviews with female vice-chancellors in Pakistan. Historically, leadership has been associated with men, a convenient transference of patriarchal structures from the social to professional domain, which is evident from different theories of leadership associating male charisma, characteristics, abilities and styles with leaders. Many studies argue that identification of predominantly ‘masculine’ traits and behaviour with leadership stems from socialization processes in different cultures and contexts, where positions of power and authority are viewed as gender-specific (Blackmore 1995; Coleman 2011; Hall 1996; Shakeshaft 2010). Intriligator (1983) attacked classical leadership theory as one that ‘ensures that only male or women adopting male views, will be selected as leaders, will continue to lead and thereby set courses, define vision and create new world’ (p. 5–17). The classical leadership theory in the tradition of feudal patriarchal constructions of gender, associates leadership with males. It is a phenomenon that hasn’t changed much over time in many societies and, as Hall (1996) observes, ‘like the Man in the Moon, the expectation [sic] is still that the person in charge will be a man’ (p. 63). The situation gets more discriminatory in higher education with fewer women in top leadership positions in the universities (European Commission report 2008). The discourse of female leadership is determined not simply by the biological gender but by how biological gender is socially constructed in a particular society at a particular time in history. In the Greek city states, the first upholders of democracy and human rights, women had no right to vote, negating their existence as equal citizens. Romans treated women as merely decorative, bestowing all power to the male head of the family. Aristotle claimed that women were physically, mentally and socially inferior to men. Certain tribes in pre-Islam Arab societies killed/buried alive their daughters because of a perceived threat to family honour. Such sociohistorical constructions 58

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of gender have been further emphasized through folklore, literature, curriculum and media. Women in Homer’s Odysseus are exchanged, given as prizes, stolen, sold as slaves. In later literature, European or Oriental, the favourite female type is the gentle, caring, undemanding woman, quick to serve, willing to obey and ready to sacrifice. Ibsen’s woman becomes controversial and an outcast when she attempts to manage her ‘doll’s house’. Gordon (2002) argues that ‘behavior of people can be unobtrusively constrained by historically constituted codes of order or . . . deep structures’ (p. 156), claiming that ‘these deep structures are likely to reflect traditional power relationships’ (p. 158). Power in organizations is not just linked to power over resources and decision making but is also underpinned by the codes of order in the wider society that define power relations. In a Muslim society, cultural and belief systems emerge as a defining factor underpinning those deep structures or cultural forms that determine female role and positioning. The effects can be quite constraining even when unobtrusive in nature, as affirmed by the responses from the participating female principals and vice-chancellors. They identified multiple constraining factors such as ●●

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cultural patterns of behaviour defining female space and promoting stereotyping, role socialization, marginalization of female voices; discourses of izzat (honour) belief systems emphasizing vested interpretations of domestic role/responsibilities of Muslim women; discourses of good Muslim woman; segregation/veiling structural loopholes linked to a segregated system; male-dominated senior leadership positions; male-dominated offices; segregated female space in the public’ (I am not sure how to explain this in a phrase. There is a cultural understanding and acceptance of what counts as ‘female space’ even in mixed work gatherings and workplaces to maintain a distance from men) formal/informal pressures from different sources such as family/extended-family and community, as well as political, religious, social, professional pressure groups and powerful male-dominated bureaucracy in a centralized system

The participating female leaders underlined the gendered restrictions or long-standing traditions that confined women to gendered spaces and positions even in the professional contexts: As long as we are in subordinate positions, there is no problem. . . . Men get angry if a woman is appointed in a mainstream senior position. Their stand is that women should be selected for ‘women only’ posts but not for open-to-both ones. (PF7) A female vice-chancellor underlined gendered division of senior leadership positions, attributing this to social practices and cultural systems: Men do not want to see women in the administrative (leadership?) positions. These are real biases of the society and you have to face it. People unwillingly accepted me – it was unwillingly and I have to face problems. (VCF4) Rausch (2012) quotes from the Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women to show how the position of Yang Huizhen, a Muslim female religious leader, ‘in her religious community benefited from the established rights of women to Islamic education and professional training’ (p. 53); however, ‘her career also demonstrates the severe punishment meted out to women who 59

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dared to think and act outside the social boundaries defined by a patriarchal society’ (p. 53). Whether Islam is patriarchal or not is debatable, but most Islamic societies have been patriarchal, marginalizing, devoicing and disempowering women in all spheres of activity, controlling their exercise of power, and restricting their access to the public space. A female principal who participated in this study said: In general, attention is not paid to women’s words. Their opinion regarding any official matter is not given that weight as a man’s word. Then, being a woman, it does not seem appropriate to argue with men. (PF3) Giddens (1979) posits that social systems are constituted as regularized practices, arguing that ‘power within social systems can [sic] be treated as involving reproduced relations of autonomy and dependence in social interaction’ (p. 93). In most social and organizational settings, historically constituted codes of order define how differently positioned people interact and behave, and ‘to do otherwise would be seen as behaving inappropriately’ (Gordon 2002: 152). Gender dynamics add a further dimension to codes of order where woman adopt deferential manner towards equally positioned men, underlining the deeper patriarchal structures establishing male authority. Such patterns of behaviour promote what Weber (1962) terms as ‘traditional legitimacy’, appropriated by men as a birth right, leading to self-withdrawal for many women from equal participation in the public and professional domains, and observing the culture of not questioning male authority: They think that she is a woman. So, she is just unnecessarily, you know, being problematic about things . . . just shows that she has opinion, has a point of view. That’s why in mixed professional contexts I have always tried to minimize that kind of situation and have tried to put my point of view or my opinion across as diplomatically as possible so that it is not that we are questioning their authority or that they feel that their authority is being under mined. (VCF1) Strachan et al. (2010) discussing Melanesian women’s educational leadership experiences claim that ‘women are brought up in cultures that emphasize male superiority and from an early age are taught how they should behave towards men. . . . This can also render women silent within the workplace’ (p. 69). In the case of Pakistan, segregated structures in the social and professional domains and male-dominated leadership positions reinforced these traditional cultural patterns of behaviour. Despite there being no legal bars to women accessing top leadership positions, out of 127 vice-chancellors in co-educational universities, only two were women. It shows that any meaningful changes in the legal and social position of women are unlikely to occur without changing patriarchal structures and values. The deep-rooted patriarchal traditions in the Muslim society of Pakistan, reinforced by the Islamic emphasis on the significance of family and on the male role as ‘maintainers’ (the Quran, 4:34), have contributed to gendered constructions of male/female roles and practices. In Islam, women have a nurturing responsibility towards the family. However, given interpretations of the notions of motherhood and family have emphasized this to prioritize women’s domestic role in the Muslim societies, availing this to constrain and undervalue their participation in the public. Studies from different countries and contexts affirm that gendered roles are deeply embedded in culture (Blackmore 2008; Shah 2009; Strachan et al. 2010). Mostly, women who are leaders or who wish to become leaders are seen as being in the wrong place. ‘Women’s leadership is viewed 60

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as deviant’ (Strachan et al. 2010: 73), and subordinate roles are the norm for them; therefore, women are themselves reluctant to aspire for or exercise such roles, and men are not keen to see them in senior leadership positions: As long as we are in subordinate positions, there is no problem. . . . Men get angry if a woman is appointed in a mainstream senior position. Their stand is that women should be selected for ‘women only’ posts but not for open-to-both ones. (PF1) Cultural scripts are immersed and learned across the gender divide reproducing social codes and behaviour. Leadership and power may be inextricably intertwined, but in the case of women even when they access leadership positions, the exercise of leadership role and power is determined by the given social codes and patterns of behaviour. The challenge is not just ascendancy to leadership positions, but also ‘balancing socially constructed and normalized roles and responsibilities, and the issue of marginality both in their professions and in the public mind’ (Curry 2000: 4). Multiple factors such as gender, social class, family background, ability and others interact to privilege some individuals and perspectives, and marginalize others, raising the questions, ‘What is leadership power?’ and ‘Where does the power lie?’ Where Does Power Lie: Positional Power and Gender Leadership has traditionally been associated with power, and the same has applied to educational leadership. Giddens (1984) defines power as ‘the capacity to achieve desired and intended outcomes’ (p. 15). According to Northouse (2010), ‘Power is the capacity or potential to influence’ (p. 7). However, the nature and sources of power have varied over times across contexts and cultures, and the degree of effectiveness of different sources of power and the exercise of power would vary in different contexts, influenced by cultural and belief systems as well as social, political and economic environment. In educational settings, leadership power has been associated with a range of factors. Busher (2006) considers personal qualities, professional knowledge, and institutional hierarchies as sources of power for leaders/ teachers (p. 35). Bush (2003) identifies positional power, expert power, personal power, control over rewards, coercive power, and control of resources as forms of power (pp. 98–100). Across the range of organizational structures, positional power, because of its formal legitimacy, has association with authority, and generally ranks higher than other sources of power, particularly in hierarchal structures. This chapter discusses leadership and positional power specifically with regard to gender. Even when women are in leadership positions, the social structure and culture of society impact exercise of power. Bennet (2003) claims that ‘as structures are enacted and create formal and publicly accepted rules, so cultures are also enacted and create informal and often unstated rules’ (p. 53), arguing that ‘formal and informal structures provide the vehicle through which power resources can be deployed’ (p. 58). He further elaborates that ‘structures and cultures are crucial ways of attempting to provide legitimacy for power resources’ (p. 54). Weber’s (1962) framework presents three ways that leaders can establish legitimacy: charismatic, traditional, and legal-rational (pp. 71–4). Traditionally, as discussed above, leadership has been a male prerogative, embedded in male control over resources in the public arena, male authority as head of the house in the domestic arena, and male power over discourse formation in the political, religious and social arenas, contributing to female marginalization and disempowerment, rendering their very natures 61

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as a contradiction to leadership. Claims to the contrary could be seen as a violation of traditional division of power: Power is inherent in big man leadership as normative. When women lead they are disrupting the norm and claiming the power. . . . This meant they were vulnerable and exposed to retaliation. (Strachan et al. 2010: 74) This vulnerability and exposure to retaliation undermines women’s power even when in leadership positions. Gender inequities are deeply embedded in organizational and social structures. ‘This embedding takes place through a myriad of routine and taken-for-granted practices that reinforce expectations that men will be powerful and women subordinate, often duplicating in a work setting the domestic division of labour’ (Acker 2012: 417). Therefore, even when in leadership positions, a woman’s wielding power can be seen as a gender transgressive performance. Female leaders may have control over resources and decision making in organizational contexts, but their knowledge of these codes of order imposes selfregulatory constraints on their power as leaders. Personal factors, or what Weber refers to as charisma, are also embedded in traditions. Fiona Wilson (1995) voices an interesting question when she asks, ‘Are women as likely as men to be perceived as possessing charisma?’ (p. 154). The traditional model of charismatic leadership is constructed around a male prototype which excludes women’s experiences and their understanding. Charismatic leaders tend to be authoritarian, which Blackmore (1995) finds contrary to the female leadership style. If women do not fit within charismatic or traditional models, then out of Weber’s three ways to establish legitimacy, ‘legal-rational’ remains the only source available which is embedded in law (legal) or natural law (rationality). Women in educational leadership positions in Pakistan had the legal-rational legitimacy as formal leaders, but it was experienced differently by those positioned at different levels in the educational system. In the case of college principals, positional power and expert power became virtually equal to having no power when not supplemented by the sociopolitical influence in that particular context (Shah 2009). However, the female vice-chancellors had a different experience of legal-rational power: When you are a VC you have powers and position. People are reluctant to criticize you. You are considerably protected by the power of your own position. Also, you have facilities – office car, driver, and staff – to travel and move about safely. You get invited to official gatherings where you can avail opportunities to network. These complexities highlight the challenges in theorizing gender, leadership and power. Apparently, the women-only colleges were constructed as female spaces located in the private domain, while women-only universities, in spite of being segregated spaces, appeared to be located more in the public domain, thus having claims to ‘positional power’ and associated activities. This is similar to the almost dissimilar perceptions of primary and secondary headship, the former more closely associated with females and the nurturing role, while the latter is generally perceived more as a male domain. Another significant finding was that all participants recognized constraints placed by religious and cultural practices, but still identified with the discourses of izzat (honour), primacy of family, significance of family support, Islamic moral code, cultural values and accommodation of male 62

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perspectives. Just like college principals prioritized their role as wives/mothers, vice-chancellors also admitted that ‘the moment I am home, I am a mother and wife. My husband would never like me to act other than as a mother (wife?). Men don’t value our work even when we are in senior positions – they just think we are working with few other women. If there is any problem or conflict, he just says “quit job”’ (VCF2). These women appeared to be trying hard to avoid such situations. Again, just like the principals chose to operate within the discourse of a good Muslim woman: ‘We are Muslims and we must observe our values. . . . Not shaking hands with men, not walking on the road without covering our heads. . . . This is what I teach my students also’ (PF, 1), the vice-chancellors also admitted the same: Being a Muslim it is mandatory for me to live my life according to these ideas. I will dress carefully. . . . I am grounded in my own culture I am not doing things to imitate the west. It is important that I establish those protocols of behaviours which are in consonant with who I am and that is being Pakistani and Muslim. (VCF1) In spite of being placed in positions of authority in the formal educational structure and operating within the Islamic philosophy of education, where prestige and high status were associated with teacher/leader (Shah 2006), they all submitted to the dominant gendered discourses, mediating instead of challenging the barriers, apparently believing that ‘you can bring about most sustainable change by doing it in an accommodating way rather than having a confrontational attitude’ (VCF1). Therefore, the intriguing question is why female vice-chancellors felt more powerful, with evidence showing they participated more actively in the public, while college principals appeared more restricted by the phenomenon of segregation. There is no denying the multidirectional interplay of various factors, including social/economic class, political contacts, professional networks, family background and personal abilities with regard to leadership role constructions and conceptualizing positional power. However, as all vice-chancellors who varied on different parameters experienced an empowerment in the position of VC, the construction of universities as institutions for higher learning and vice-chancellors as leaders appears to have significance for theorizing gender, educational leadership and positional power. Conclusions Multiple and even conflicting intersectionalities impacted how women participants exercised leadership and positional power in this research context. Power is relational in context, and as Dreyfus and Rabinow (1982) argue, ‘To understand power in its materiality, its day-to-day operation, we must go to the level of micro-practices, the political technologies in which our practices are formed’ (p. 185). In the case of participating women vice-chancellors, positional power, in spite of diverse barriers, emerged not only as an enabling factor for resisting gender discrimination in the professional domain but also empowered them. However, the exercise of power was mediated and negotiated rather than challenging and aggressive. Foucault’s (1980) analysis of power draws attention to paradoxical aspects of power. In the case of women educational leaders in colleges in Pakistan, interstices of gender, faith, culture and others acted as barriers in exercising positional power, while on the other side of the paradox, in the case of women vice-chancellors, their positional power as leaders at the top of a structured hierarchical 63

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system, underpinned by teacher power within religious discourse enabled power to operate. Drawing on these observations, the questions that emerge are: ●●

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Does power need to be reconceptualized, as argued by many feminists, to be inclusive of women’s experiences of leadership and positional power? Will the increased presence of women in top leadership positions in the hierarchy (such as vice-chancellors) contribute to creating new codes of order where female leaders are constructed as the ‘norm’ and not as ‘deviants’? What can be the role of women-only universities in increasing the presence of women in top leadership positions in the hierarchy, as well as in redefining power?

Shakeshaft (2010) claims that for many women to be comfortable with the notion of holding power, power needs to be conceptualized as something that is shared with others and that is not power over, but rather, power with. ‘Historically, women leaders and feminist scholars have often expressed discomfort with structuralist perspectives of ‘and that is power, and sought alternative theories for power’ (Fennell, not power 2002: 100). Blackmore (1995) argues that ‘the particular notion of leadership dominant in educational administration has been socially and historically constructed in a way that connects so-called “masculine” characteristics to leadership’ (p. 98), suggesting not only the need to reconceptualize leadership but also, according to Apple (1995), to be much more sophisticated in our analyses of power. All participating female leaders had formal, legal positional power as heads of their respective institutions. However, the female principals complained of being ‘depowered’ by the interplay of multiple factors which interfered with their roles and responsibilities and practically rendered them ‘helpless’ (Shah 2009). The segregated structure, social disapproval of women visiting male spaces, cultural traditions of male supremacy, and the discourses of izzat (honour) and sex-segregation were mentioned as imposing constraints on the exercise of their leadership. Nevertheless, the women vice-chancellors appeared to have a different level of positional power compared to women college principals in spite of the fact that both sets of women leaders shared the wider social and educational context as heads of women-only institutions. Being positioned as vice-chancellors, these female leaders felt more empowered to exercise positional power, affirming Acker’s (2012) description of her experience of being a chair in a university: ‘As a chair, I was seen to have a formal authority position which appeared to carry power’ (p. 424). However, Acker also admits that ‘structural constraints and the power of discourses must still be acknowledged’ (p. 423), thus subscribing to conflicting intersectionalities. The women-only universities in this case not only provided opportunities for female leaders’ career progression as vice-chancellors but also had implications for their career progression and empowerment. In the segregated Muslim society where social structures determined gendered inscriptions and associated power/depowering, the women vice-chancellors positioned as senior educational leaders emerged as proponents of a discourse of positional power overwriting the gendered inscriptions and also acted as role models for other women. The findings underlined these women-only universities as spaces for empowerment and reverse discourse, where gendered organization of professional spaces and male occupation of centres through control over top leadership positions was resisted by the creation of alternate female spaces, bringing female leaders to the centres of power and influence ‘creating spaces where marginalized voices become 64

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powerful’ (Ospina and Foldy 2009: 877). They appeared to open spaces of leadership for women with the possibility of revising or reconceptualizing the traditional association of leadership and power with men by bringing more women into the legal-rational positions of power, thus hopefully bringing about a reconceptualization of leadership power and a revision of charismatic and behavioural qualities associated with leadership.

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5 The Soul Work of a Womanist Ethical Critical Servant Leader An Authentic and Delicate Balance Judy A. Alston

Setting My Stage As a child growing up in Charleston, SC, my parents and community afforded me many opportunities for leadership. Those early opportunities formed the basis for who I have become as a leader and how I teach and write about leadership. While I was a middle-class kid who grew up in the suburbs and attended Catholic school (for twelve years), I also was a member of 4-H, most often generally seen as an organization for those interested in agriculture. It is more than agriculture. 4-H is the United States’ largest youth development organization – empowering nearly six million young people across the United States with the skills to lead for a lifetime. 4-H is now global has independent programmes in more than fifty countries. 4‑H is delivered by Cooperative Extension – a community of more than 100 public universities across the nation that provides experiences where young people learn by doing. It’s a research-based experience that includes mentoring, hands-on projects and meaningful leadership opportunities (4​-h​.​org). I went to 4-H camp (Camp Bob Cooper) every summer for a number of years when I was a pre-teen. We swam in Lake Marion, rode horses, played relay games, did arts and crafts, teambuilding, leadership training and more. 4-H’ers also have a pledge, which we recited: I pledge my head to clearer thinking, My heart to greater loyalty, My hands to larger service, and my health to better living, for my club, my community, my country, and my world. (4​-h​.​org) Currently, we live in a space and time where we need strong, effective, ethical and socially just leadership more than ever. We need leaders who are interested in service and serving first. I live in the United States and it tears at my heart to see how far down the rabbit hole we’ve gone and continue to go. If there has ever been a time in history with need for a change, now is that time.

The Soul Work of a Womanist Ethical Critical Servant Leader

Yet, this ethical and critical servant leadership stance is not to be taken lightly. As we consider the field of educational leadership and each of our roles in the field (and dare I say life outside of that discipline), there are some real truths that we need to not only accept but also preach powerfully while simultaneously doing the work. Grace, Ebbers and Kell (1996) noted that ethical leadership development and training is a must for the education of today’s students and leaders of the future. I concur and add that it should be an integral part of the training of educational leaders as well. Future leaders should be able to understand the symbols and ceremonies of different cultures and be able to realize the importance of context, identify and promote values, utilize motivational techniques and articulate a vision. Thus, the focus of leadership development, practice and, ultimately, policymaking should incorporate Grace’s (1990) 4-V Leadership Model (values, vision, voice and virtue). Over forty years later I, as a black, out-lesbian, full professor, director and preacher, still utilize those 4-Hs (Head, Heart, Hand, Health) as well as Grace’s (1990) 4-Vs (Values, Vision, Voice, Virtue), when not only teaching leadership but also doing leadership, as well as just simply living and balancing my life. The connection of these eight terms is cemented in the nucleus of the work of my soul (my purpose) and how I live and practice ethical, critical servant leadership through a womanist lived experience. Centring: The Work of the Soul My purpose and praxis are centred in the seat of my soul. Hillman (1996) noted that the soul is personal and unique, and it is grounded in the depths of personal experiences. The work of my soul is the essence of who I am in this world. Dirkx (2013) noted that soul work centres it on selfknowledge and a transformative learning process. Herr (2016) explained Dirkx’s seminal notion of soul work with the following observations: He differentiated soul from mind and matter and categorized it as a mode of knowing. . . . For Dirkx, soul is neither emotion nor the seat of emotion; however, the relationship between the soul and emotion is critical. Emotions can function as ‘messengers of the soul’ (Dirkx 2001: 66); thus, Dirkx advocated that individuals ought to heed what the soul might be trying to speak to them – to bring from unconsciousness to consciousness – through the vehicle of their emotions. The ‘work’ of soul work begins when individuals heed these emotions, listening to them as the voice of the unconscious. (p. 202) Soul Work and Womanist Thought/Being For me as an ethical critical servant leader, this authentic and delicate balance of soul work and praxis is also grounded in Alice Walker’s (1983) womanist’s thought process as an otologicepistemic praxis to work for the soul. In Search of Our Mothers’ Gardens: Womanist Prose (1983), Walker prefaced her four-part womanist definition: 1. Womanist. From womanish. (Opp. of ‘girlish’, i.e., frivolous, irresponsible, not serious.) A black feminist or feminist of color. From the black folk expression of mothers to female children, ‘You acting womanish’, i.e., like a woman. Usually referring to outrageous, audacious, courageous or willful behavior. Wanting to know more and in greater depth 67

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than is considered ‘good’ for one. Interested in grown-up doings. Acting grown up. Being grown up. Interchangeable with another black folk expression: ‘You trying to be grown.’ Responsible. In charge. Serious. 2. A woman who loves other women, sexually and/or non-sexually. Appreciates and prefers women’s culture, women’s emotional flexibility (values tears as natural counterbalance of laughter), and women’s strength. Sometimes loves individual men, sexually and/or nonsexually. Committed to survival and wholeness of entire people, male and female. Not a separatist, except periodically, for health. Traditionally Universalist, as in: ‘Mama, why are we brown, pink, and yellow, and our cousins are white, beige, and black?’ Ans.: ‘Well, you know the colored race is just like a flower garden, with every color flower represented.’ Traditionally capable, as in: ‘Mama, I’m walking to Canada and I’m taking you and a bunch of other slaves with me.’ Reply: ‘It wouldn’t be the first time.’ 3. Loves music. Loves dance. Loves the moon. Loves the Spirit. Loves love and food and roundness. Loves struggle. Loves the Folk. Loves herself. Regardless. 4. Womanist is to feminist as purple is to lavender. (pp. xi–xii) I am the unapologetic, authentic, black woman who is womanish, an out-lesbian who loves freely via music, dance, leadership and service. Walker’s womanist thought confirms my commitment to the human soul and explicitly opposes the limitations of Western dualism and the binary antagonisms that undergird its existence. It offers an intellectual and emotional space to heal oneself and selves. The audacious and courageous mindset of a womanist scholar seeks and embraces alternative paths and ideas to bring about change within social and legal structures. Not bound to traditional, normalizing discourses that mould limiting ways of being and knowing self, a womanist scholar (male or female) also views this practice as a sacred responsibility that directly influences the lives of others. By embracing the responsibility to heal myself and others, I as a womanist, ethical, critical servant leader with ‘a holistic view of life that brings [my] idea of connectedness into full relief’ (Graham 2004: 239). Additionally, the womanist is one who attains wholeness or who aims to attain wholeness and accepts the charge to show others the way. For me, this is the balancing of the tempered radical and the refined revolutionary (Alston 2018). While the tempered radical is one who rocks the boat from within (Meyerson 2001), the refined revolutionary is one who has survived the processing, become improved, heeded the call, and stepped out of the boat to lead in a bold and subversively profound manner towards a new destiny (Alston 2018; in press). It is through the work of my soul through my head, heart and hand that I, as womanist scholar leader, make sense of the world. Critical Servant Leadership My transformative leadership action emanates from my centre (soul). Weiner (2003) noted that transformative leadership is ‘an exercise of power and authority that begins with questions of justice, democracy, and the dialectic between individual accountability and social responsibility’ (p. 89). Furthermore, Shields noted that ‘transformative leadership takes account of the ways in which the inequities of the outside world affect the outcomes of what occurs internally’ (p. 584). This way of being is accomplished via critical servant leadership (Alston and McClellan 2011; 68

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McClellan 2006), which is an amalgamation of critical spirituality based on the individual ability to know oneself and act in accordance with what defines the self and servant leadership. It is more than a leadership theory; it is a way of being, a connection to communities and people who are marginalized, frowned upon and separated by the mainstreams of society. A critical servant leader is guided by a willingness and commitment to promote and sustain equity, fairness and social justice. The critical servant leader’s way of being is based on his/her world view and has the capacity for reciprocity (Alston and McClellan 2011). The critical servant leader is guided by and embodies ethical leadership via the lenses of care, justice, conviction and responsibility Values and Compassion: The Ethic of Care Gilligan (1982) noted that this ethic of care is steeped in benevolence and compassion. Furthermore, an ethic of care directs our attention to the need for responsiveness in relationships (paying attention, listening, responding) and to the costs of losing connection with oneself or others. For the critical servant leader, exercising care on the personal level is of the utmost importance. ‘Care means liberating others from their state of need and actively promoting their welfare; care additionally means being orientated toward ethics grounded in empathy rather than dispassionate ethical principles’ (Siddle, Walker and Snarey 2004: 4). What are we caring for and how are we caring as educational leaders and those who are preparing educational leaders? Where is our compassion for those whom we serve and lead? The truth of the matter is that what we care for we sustain and that sustaining can be for good or bad. Mayeroff (1971) indicated that the essence of a caring relationship is the ability to promote growth in another individual and that a caring relationship requires patience from the caregiver; the caring relationship requires the caregiver to be committed in assisting an individual to realize his or her potential. The truth is that the caring relationship must begin with self. We’ve often heard that you treat others the way that you want to be treated. The question then becomes, how do we treat ourselves first? As a preacher, I’ve often said that I can’t fulfil the commandment of loving others if I don’t know how to love and have compassion for me. In the work that we (educators/leaders) do, care and compassion are essential. It is ‘to love mercy and to do justice’ (biblegateway​.c​om). In this ethic of care, I highlight the first V: VALUES. Grace (1990, 1999) noted that in order to develop good ethical leadership, the leader must first go in search of his/her own core values. Here, the focus is on ego development, self-awareness training, moral development, social perspective taking and service. In this values-based leadership, the ethical critical servant leader motivates followers by connecting organizational goals to the followers’ personal values. They speak about these values in a way that connects with followers’ personal values, so that followers come to identify strongly with both the organization and its mission. Values express what is important to leaders. Vision and Love: The Ethic of Justice Care and justice should not be mutually exclusive. While an orientation towards justice is concerned with fairness and impartiality, it works through the lenses (vision) of resolution and love (care). Resolution can be defined as ‘firmness of purpose or the expression of an opinion 69

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or intention’ (Merriam​-Webster​.​com). Ultimately this is an act of love. Resolution coupled with love fortifies the ethic of justice. The ethic of justice is an essential part of the clarion call of the critical servant leader. Through praxis, the critical servant leader brings about transformation by liberating others from injustice and orienting themselves through love and resolution away from what Siddle Walker and Snarey (2004) refer to as biases and partial passion and towards universal ethical principles. Max DePree (1992) noted that ethical leadership withers without justice. This ethic of justice requires the leader to be in relationship with those around and in the organization so that it will intersect with the common good. Here too we find a power that we don’t usually name in leadership and that is the power of grace which is needed for the critical servant leader to lead change and transformation for sustainability. Baldoni (2019) noted that grace is a catalyst for positive change towards the greater good. In the church world, grace is referred to as the unmerited favour of God towards mankind. In other words, it’s something that we could never buy or earn; it is a love offering. For Baldoni, GRACE in leadership is Generosity, Respect, Action, Compassion, and Energy. Further, it is mindset that leads to action for better interpersonal relations (Baldoni 2019). For me as a leader, it is in the relationships that I establish with those in my organizations where I get to practice and exemplify this leadership grace as a part of the ethic of justice which ultimately is love. The ethic of justice is the vision of which Grace et al. write. It is about the leader’s ability to implement his/her actions in such a way that they lead to a certain goal (vision). Vision is the ability to frame our actions – our particular service to others – a real picture of what is to be. Biblically it is said that without a vision the people perish. The same thing goes for an organization. If there is no vision in education, the children perish, then the future leaders perish and then what will we have? Voice and Pursuance: The Ethic of Responsibility The ethic of responsibility is a Weberian concept that ‘acknowledges value obligations but assumes the absence of any given hierarchy of values and the inevitability of value conflict as the context of moral endeavor’ (Starr 1999: 407). For the ethical critical servant leader, I propose that it is your responsibility to do the work when placed in the position of leader with positional power and that this is done via the lane of pursuance. Pursuance is the act of trying to achieve something or the carrying out of a plan. This aligns with Weber’s notion of social action as overt action as well as the failure to act and passively acquiesce (Alston 2015). Pursuance is about the manifestation of an ethic of responsibility and must be a personal endeavour for the critical servant leader. It is also here that the lens is turned inward with a particular deconstruction of leadership preparation programmes where we often find that the voices and experiences of marginalized individuals are not heard in the discussion of leadership theories, concepts and/or research in general. The critical servant educational leader is inspired to be the champion for and pursuer of justice. It is in this space of responsible leadership where leaders build solid and enduring ethical relationships. The time for responsible leadership is always the present. As stated by Peter Lacey, senior managing director for Accenture Strategy, Europe, UK and Ireland and Accenture World Economic Forum Lead (Seeking Responsible Leadership 2020), ‘This is the decade to deliver. 70

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A new model of responsible leadership can help address the world’s most pressing problems in ways that unleash new waves of growth that are more sustainable and equitable.’ This thought is grounded in what de Bettignies (2014) noted as the five dimensions of responsible leadership that must be considered on individual, organizational and societal levels: 1. Awareness: A. Individual: How can I know myself better? B. Organizational: How can I enhance awareness of what is happening at my firm? How can I boost transparency? C. Societal: How can I increase my awareness of what is happening in the world around me? 2. Vision: A. Individual: How do I envision myself in five years? B. Organizational: How do I envision my firm in five or ten years? C. Societal: What is my vision for the planet five or ten years from now? 3. Imagination: A. Individual: Could I see myself being a different person, a different manager, a different leader? B. Organizational: Could my corporation have different values and corporate culture? C. Societal: What kind of society do we want to leave to the grandchildren of our grandchildren? 4. Responsibility: A. Individual: Though I cannot fix everything that is wrong with the world, how can I maintain and extend my own sense of responsibility as a leader? B. Organizational: How can I account for the negative externalities of my firm’s behavior and build responsibility and sustainability in my corporate strategy at all levels of its implementation? C. Societal: Instead of privatizing gains and externalizing losses, how can I ensure that my firm has a net-positive impact on society? 5. Action: A. Individual: How can I cultivate the strength of character that will inspire trust and walk the talk? B. Organizational: How can I develop the courage to take action and give voice to my values, while inspiring others at all levels in the organization to do the same? C. Societal: How can I contribute to building a social environment where no one cops out, passes the buck, or dreads the risk of action? (knowledge​.insead​.​edu) Furthermore, Waldman and Galvin (2008) noted that responsible leadership ‘is geared toward the specific concerns of others, an obligation to act on those standards, and to be accountable for the consequences of one’s actions’ (p. 328). Thus, the ethical critical servant leader must have a voice in order to formulate the vision for others and to make it clear in a way that motivates them to act. The ethical critical servant leader claims their voice and articulates the vision to others in authentic ways that motivate others into action. It is the voice that crafts and speaks the vision, it is the voice that speaks to the work, it is the voice that pursues justice and it is this voice leads with conviction. Virtue and Mindfulness: The Ethic of Conviction ‘The ethic of conviction recognizes a given hierarchy of values as the context for moral endeavor’ (Starr 2002: 407). It is likened to the oft stated, ‘If you know better, then you do better.’ My amendment to that is, ‘When we know better, we must make an intentional choice to do better because too often we are comfortable in discomfort and the status quo because change is painful and takes work.’ Intentionality is key as we, as leaders, consider our relationships. It is the active concentration to do a particular thing or be a particular way. Leading with intention is leading with purpose. 71

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According to Weber (1903, 1975), this ethic of conviction enables space for the leader to choose autonomously not only the means but also the end; ‘this concept of personality finds its “essence” in the constancy of its inner relation to certain ultimate “values” and “meanings” of life’ (p. 1920). It is a space of mindfulness that opens up greater possibilities. Langer (1997) defined mindfulness as multidimensional construct consisting of five components, namely

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

openness to novelty, alertness to distinction, sensitivity to different contexts, awareness of multiple perspectives and orientation in the present.

Further extending this understanding of mindfulness, the work of Leary and Tate (2007) noted that studies have shown that the mindfulness training or induction have considerable benefits in the personal, social and work spheres of life. The critical servant leader who understands this relationship with mindful leadership is stronger in their ethic of conviction. It is a ministry, if you will, of presence. This ultimately allows them to become much more effective leaders because they realize that their leadership is about service to others so that one can then lead with authenticity and virtue. Ethical critical servant leaders are role models because of their virtuous behaviour, and they strive to do the right things and to act appropriately. Virtues are evident in action and anchored in leadership character. We become what we practice. We foster virtue by practising virtuous behaviour, that is, striving to do what is right and good. This virtue or commitment to the common good provides followers with the sense that an organization and/or society need their input and that this input must be intertwined with an established value system.

•VALUES •Compassion

•VISION •Love

Care

Justice

(HEART)

(HEALTH)

THE SOUL

•VIRTUE •Mindfulness

Conviction

Responsibility

(HEAD)

(HAND) •VOICE •Pursuance

Figure 5.1  Soul Work: Ethical Critical Servant Leadership Model.

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Soul Work and Ethical Critical Servant Leadership It really is all connected: the 4-Hs, the 4-Vs and the ethics of care, justice, responsibility and conviction. In the blog ‘The Hopeful Headteacher’ (2017), the writer noted connecting these dots when she stated, ‘With everything going on in the world right now. With everything going on in the UK right now. With everything going on in the education system right now. We need ethical, principled, values-led school leaders now, more than ever. When we lead with virtue, when values, voice and vision are aligned, then we lead authentically with integrity’ (the​hope​fulh​ eadt​eacher​​.blog). The ethical critical servant leader asks the question, how are my values, vision, and voice in keeping with the common good (the virtue)? This is the core. It is the soul of leadership, and it is ultimately about HEAD, HEART, HAND and HEALTH.   For this womanist ethical critical servant leader, it is interconnectedness of the Head and Heart (the care and conviction) that compels the Hand and Health (the responsibility and justice) to do and sustain the work and to fulfil the purpose for which we are there. It is the work of justice, grace, mercy, care, service, liberation and love. In the midst of it all is the soul holding space for these actions and acting as an anchoring and centring piece. It is the compass and guiding light for this journey that is my life and my love.

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Part II

Intersectionality and Social Justice Victoria Showunmi

‘Intersectionality’ is a term that was coined by Kimberley Crenshaw in 1989 to represent the discrimination experienced by women of colour. Crenshaw defines intersectionality as the willingness to embrace the complexities of discrimination while highlighting the multiple categories that exist within them. The importance of her work during 1989 illustrated the lack of understanding when working with anti-discrimination law, feminist theory and antiracist politics, as it disregarded the way in which race and gender intersected across society. During the early 1990s, political science as a discipline was just beginning to acknowledge the importance of gender and race as separate categories and important variables to include in understanding political life (Luft, 2009). There were very few studies that included the experiences of women of colour internationally and even fewer that attempted an intersectional lens as a way to analyse scholarly work. In the past decade there has been a shift to a more inclusive approach in research. Scholars are more inclined to agree that gender and race (as well as ethnicity, nationality, age and sexuality) and how they intersect are integral to an individual’s position in the social world. These intersectional dimensions are referred to as the race-class-gender matrix, the intersectional paradigm, interlocking systems of oppression, multiple axes of inequality, intersection and intersectionality. Authors in this section use the term ‘intersectional approach’ to refer to the research application of these concepts. Scholars using the intersectional approach will socially locate individuals in the context of their ‘real lives’ (Weber 2015, Showunmi et al. 2016). They also examine how both formal and informal systems of power are deployed, maintained and reinforced through axes of gender, class and race (Curtis and Showunmi, 2019). Social justice is the next point for discussion. Social justice has been debated and discussed for many years across different countries, on the basis of peoples’ cognitions, attitudes and

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behaviours in social interactions. This leads us to ask why a concern about people’s feelings and actions in social settings is of interest to educational leaders. The term ‘social justice’ means fairness. Fairness is how social justice manifests itself in society. Discrimination and social justice are not compatible. Social justice is a widely used term in all aspects of society, including in relation to race and gender. Many leaders would agree that fairness and equality for all people and respect for their basic human rights are worth striving for. However, the attainment of fairness and equality is more complex than the simple acknowledgement that basic human rights are worthwhile. Khalid Arar, Deniz Örücü and Julia Mahfouz, in Chapter 6, seek to compare the meaning of social(in) justice as perceived by three female principals in the Middle Eastern countries (Palestine, Turkey and Lebanon), by asking three key research questions: (1) Do the women have common personal characteristics and educational values? (2) How do they lead to ensure social justice in their schools? (3) Do they employ different or similar strategies and practices to ensure social justice? This qualitative study employed in-depth semi-structured interviews to collect the narratives. A comparative holistic analysis was used to capture the perceptions and daily practices of the leaders to ensure social justice embedded across the school community. The findings revealed that the principals were motivated by their belief systems, moral compass and backgrounds to right social wrongs, to promote equity and justice, and to ensure that others are able to succeed. We must recognize that what is fair for some could be seen as unfair for others, and this is the challenge that educational leaders grapple with in the context of their learners and staff. If we accept that valuing social justice is the moral thing to do, then we must seek a definition which is more radical. Sensoy and DiAngelo’s (2017) definition of Critical Social Justice which draws on ‘specific theoretical perspectives that recognise that society is structured in significant and far-reaching ways along social group lines that include race, class, gender, sexuality, and ability. Critical social justice accepts that inequality is deeply embedded in the fabric of society (ie., as structural), and activity seeks to change this.’ They suggest that in order to do this, it is fundamental for those who claim to support social justice to be encouraged to reflect on their own socialization into these groups (their positionality) so that they can act strategically based on that awareness in ways that challenge social injustice. Jane Wilkinson and Katrina MacDonald’s chapter (7) focuses on feminist scholarship in educational leadership and the way in which there has been ongoing silence and gaps in the field in relation to gender. Drawing on case studies in schooling and universities inspired by black feminist intersectional scholarship, the chapter reveals the raced, gendered and classed assumptions that underpin educational leadership scholarship and practice. In doing so it raises crucial questions related to social justice in terms of what educational leadership is and who it is ultimately for. Changing social and epistemological diversity across many countries has caused a crisis in the need for inclusive leadership. While there is nascent cultural awareness, recent publications identified the dearth of intercultural training and development for leaders. This requires attention. It is important to recognize that the development of diverse leaders is a powerful tool that has the potential to change lives for those that are in marginalized communities and/or from low-wealth backgrounds.

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The impetus for renewed engagement on race equality challenges as inspired by the Black Lives Matters movement provides a powerful context for approaches to leadership. A crucial challenge for educational leadership is to establish appropriate mechanisms for building alliances across organizations and community sectors for sustained engagement. This is the first principle of accountable leadership, developing answers to address diverse and inclusive environments through community assets (voices, support networks and more informal structures). Kay Fuller’s chapter (8) focuses on workplace discrimination in educational settings. It reports on findings from an intersectionality informed mixed-methods research project that reveals the nature of intersectional discrimination experienced by members of a social media– based movement for women leaders in education in the UK since 2010. The chapter argues that anti-discrimination legislation is necessary and well intentioned, but in the UK it relies on the immutability of single social categories and identity characteristics. As well as systemic discriminatory practices in selection and promotion processes, discriminatory attitudes were found to be multiple and ubiquitous. Participants knew intersectional discrimination when they felt it and saw it. A nuanced understanding of the complexities of intersectionality is needed if organizational cultures in educational settings are to become inclusive for the benefit of diverse social groups. Chapters 9–11 in this section aim to deepen our readers’ understanding of the complexity of social justice and to inspire readers to engage actively in social justice leadership. Rosemary Campbell-Stephens’s chapter (9) on leadership seeks to question how the last forty years of leadership have provided educational leaders with the skills to lead through the coronavirus. The chapter illustrates emerging leadership values and behaviours, exemplified by female Heads of State, such as the German chancellor, Angela Merkel; New Zealand’s prime minister, Jacinda Ardern; Taiwan’s president, Tsai Ing-wen; or Sanna Marin, the Finnish prime minister, who are universally admired. Male leaders in countries such as Vietnam, the Czech Republic and Greece have also done well during the global crisis, but it is striking that few female leaders have done badly. Leading courageously, yet empathetically, from a position of values, while putting equity front and centre seems to be at the core of who these leaders are. Sigal Oppenhaim-Shachar’s chapter (10) proposes to blur the dichotomy by distinguishing between two forms of power – the traditional perception of power as taking over, and power which harnesses abilities – trying to challenge the traditional ‘leadership’ concept and drawing a distinction between the act of leadership and its performer. Chapter (11), written by Lauri Johnson, speaks about black women’s leadership in British schools, which has been erased from the historical record. Their lived experiences and leadership perspectives have frequently been misunderstood and marginalized through the lens of traditional leadership paradigms. The chapter chronicles the lived experiences and leadership practices of three black female headteachers in Britain in the 1960s and 1970s through a black feminist framework. The final chapter (12), written by Laudiléa Aparecida de Lourdes Laudino and Rosangela Malachias, focuses on being black and black person. The chapter positions the main discussion on and around the double/multiple differences, noting what kind of discrimination comes first. This offers a historical context on Brazil’s slavery and the way in which development of deafness was recognized. The chapter gives some concreate examples about how social activism in Brazil

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developed cultural strategies building a political agenda of social justice, in which constitutional rights were used to develop specific legislation, in favour of Deaf Education by Brazilian Sign Language (LIBRAS) and of Education for Ethnical and Racial Relations. It is important to note the concept of ‘leadership’ is not regularly employed in naming education courses in Brazil. Leadership teaching is related to business, administration, economics and religious studies (Malachias, Laudino and Balbino, 2020).

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6 Social In/justice and Double Marginality in Educational Leadership Trajectories of Three Female School Principals from the Middle East Khalid Arar, Deniz Örücü and Julia Mahfouz

Introduction The nature of school challenges engendered by contexts varies from one context to another, yet the reality is that the growing diversity and dramatic social change (Blackmore 2016) create challenges that need to be dealt with. School leaders play a critical role in securing a better environment within challenging school settings (Martinez, Rivera and Marquez 2018). Although there are differences in coping with the challenges in different cultures, in traditional societies school principals’ demographic characteristics, such as their gender (Martinez, Rivera and Marquez 2018; O’Malley, Long and King 2015), can be the cause for additional challenges (Arar 2018). The male hegemony in educational administration (Blackmore 1999) consequently challenges the work of female school principals in ‘masculine societies’ (Oplatka and Arar 2016). To address such marginal and diverse situations, social justice leadership is considered as remedial (Angelle and Torrance 2019; Arar, Örücü, Waite and 2020; Bogotch and Shields 2014). Most frequently, female principals in traditional societies find themselves in double marginality (Arar, Örücü and Küçükçayır 2018: 29) where they have to fight to cultivate socially just practices not only for their school community but also for themselves in a male-dominant profession (Blackmore 2016). Educational contexts are described as ‘arenas where inequities and injustices can be produced and reproduced, for instance, by privileging some social identities while marginalizing others’ (Roland 2018: 3). As individuals tend to locate their identities through race, gender, religion and social class (Cumings, Welton and Lee 2016), the definition of gender in different societies has an impact on social, religious, economic, political or other institutions (Blackmore 2016; Fitzgerald 2010) such as education. Thus, it is important to analyse such intersecting oppression as double marginality, especially in developing and transitional societies (Lumby and Azaola

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2014; Martinez, Rivera and Marquez 2018; Oplatka and Arar 2016). Intersectionality is an analytical tool to study, understand and respond to how gender intersects with other identities (Fuller 2015) and how these intersections contribute to the unique experiences of oppression and privilege (Case 2016; Crenshaw 1991). Therefore, in understanding the female school leaders’ experience in traditional societies (Arar 2018), intersectionality is amenable to raise awareness in explaining social oppressions and deconstructing power relations in ensuring social justice (Case 2016). Clearly, it relates to the dual marginality of being women in a male-dominated world and leading schools for social justice in traditional societies. Therefore, this chapter compares the meaning of social (in)justice as perceived by three female principals in three Middle Eastern countries (Palestine, Turkey, Lebanon) in relation to intersectionality of challenges by posing the following research questions: (1) Do these women have common personal characteristics and educational values? (2) How do they lead to ensure social justice in their schools? (3) Do they employ different or similar strategies and practices to ensure SJ? A qualitative study was employed through in-depth semi-structured interviews to collect the narratives of the three female school principals. Comparative holistic analysis was used to capture their perceptions and their daily practices to ensure social justice as well as their struggles in their schools and community. Gender, Principalship and Social Justice in the Middle East Given the role of schools as the sanctuary for compassion and care (North 2008), educational leaders are expected to develop critical awareness to different types of oppression, exclusion and marginalization (Diem and Boske 2012). Striving for social justice in education is a mission involving commitment and awareness. It necessitates opposition to any manifestations of social discrimination and reconstruction of an educational reality in terms of heightened awareness of injustice that would enable deconstruction of sociocultural constructs and the provision of constructive and empowering educational opportunities (Arar 2015; Berkovich 2014). In these processes at schools, attention should be given to social gaps and lack of cohesion (Shields 2004; Skrla 2000). Women school principals tend to embed in their leadership styles the pedagogy of social justice. For example, in the United States, Grogan and Shakeshaft (2011) identified four types of activity that female school principals employed in their roles: (1) shaping of an educational vision, (2) providing support, (3) constructing a foundation for participation and (4) bridging gaps between students in their schools. They noted that female principals were able to empower others through the use of participatory management more than male colleagues do. Research has identified the personal traits that support women’s leadership abilities, including self-confidence, independence and empowerment during childhood, especially the support of their fathers, who women report recognized their abilities and encouraged their aspirations to develop a professional career (Oplatka and Arar 2016). It seems that leaders of both sexes who wish to promote social justice in their workplaces usually do so out of critical awareness and compassion. Such leaders support democratic processes and are sensitive to and able to contain others’ difficult emotions (Brooks, Normore and Wilkinson 2017). In such cases with double marginality (Arar, Örücü and Küçükçayır 2018), women encounter formidable barriers. Thus, social justice focus becomes a responsibility both for the need for gender justice for adult women leaders, and for them to lead for social justice in communities with multiple deprivations. This 80

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raises a need for multiple forms of justice as explicated by Fraser (2008) in terms of recognition, representation and redistribution (Blackmore 2016; Fraser 2008). School leaders have their own personal values, self-esteem and particular criteria for judgement that obviously influence their decisions. Evidence shows that women school leaders had a broad awareness of the political-social-economic context of their students and employed assertive criticism concerning the exclusion of students. This shapes their leadership styles and values to guide their work. The literature provides a personal model, constructing a vision and moral code for the school with a sense of mission to perform social correction (Grogan and Shakeshaft 2011; Newcomb and Welton 2013). However, women school principals in controlling male-dominant societies experience obstacles that hinder their leadership for social justice (Moghadam 2004; Oplatka and Arar 2016). In any education system, passing through several stages towards managerial posts is a longer process for women than for men and involves much pressure, frustration and often a sense of helplessness against the resistance to their advancement that they encounter on the way, since they enter what is presumed to be male territory (Arar 2018; Metcalfe 2008). The lives of many women in Middle Eastern societies are even more challenging (Arar 2018). That is why a different lens is needed to understand this phenomenon in traditional societies, where the challenges facing women leaders and the establishment of social justice in their leadership differ from those in the West (Oplatka and Arar 2016). Since social justice is context dependent (Oplatka and Arar 2016), the following section is devoted to a description of the three contexts where the studied women live and work. The Context of the Three Studied Female School Principals The women studied in this research are from three different Middle Eastern contexts: the Palestinian Authority territories, Turkey and Lebanon. In Lebanon and Palestinian Territory in Israel, the different religious groups (Muslim, Christian) are all dominated by the same traditional Middle Eastern culture; they also share the same language (Barakat 2007), political difficulties (e.g. limited freedom of speech, weak democratic structures, strong patriarchal and religious structures) and severe social inequity. These are collectivist cultures where respect, service and obedience to the reigning regime both in the family and in society are often considered more important than providing human rights and freedom of thought or promoting individuals’ private initiatives (Karajah 2007). The territories governed by the Palestinian Authority mainly constitute an enclave under Israeli occupation. Although women in these territories have the right to vote for the Palestinian Authority, elections are not held regularly, and very few women hold influential public posts. Participation of women in the Palestinian workforce remains very low (International Labor Organization 2014). In contrast, women in Lebanon enjoy a liberal quasi-democratic regime. Schools in Lebanon are mainly of three types: public institutions, subsidized private institutions and tuition-based private institutions. As a pluralistic, diverse society, Lebanon struggles with social injustice across all communities, mirrored in the educational system (Bahous and Nabhani 2008) such as the discrepancy in the quality of education between public and private schools. Social injustice is reflected in the centralized decision making within the Ministry of Education in public schools, while some schools face political and religious pressures from the communities they live in, which obstructs their operations. For example, principals do not have the authority to 81

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assess teacher performance, are not part of the hiring and firing process, and have to conform to the ministry’s decisions (Arar, Örücü and Mahfouz, in press). In Turkey, while religious diversity is not prevalent, the country accommodates different cultures embedded through its history and has severe socio-economic gaps across the society and school types. Turkey, with a population of over eighty million, has a centralized and bureaucratic education system. The Ministry of National Education is the central authority regulating all procedures through its provincial directorates. School principals are selected through an exam. Although the female teacher numbers far exceed the male teacher numbers, female school principals are almost non-existent (Altınkurt and Yılmaz 2012). While there is no legal restriction for appointment of women as principals, the traditional view is that it is a man’s job (Arar, Örücü and Küçükçayır 2018). In a country where women gained the right to vote in 1934 (Arat 1996), that they are currently under-represented in educational leadership positions is thought-provoking. Methods and Procedure A qualitative multiple case study was used for empirical data collection and analysis (Thomas 2011). In-depth semi-structured narrative interviews were conducted with each principal (Creswell 2007). All participants were individually interviewed for about two hours (in person or virtually). Interviews were conducted in the principal’s language of preference (Arabic with the Palestinian principal, French with the Lebanese principal and Turkish with the Turkish principal). All interviews were translated to English-language verbatim. The study was explained, and anonymity was ensured. Participation was consensual; interviewees were able to terminate the interview at will. The principals were asked to describe their perspectives concerning national, gender or social status discrimination, indicating the sources of their perceptions of social justice and the actions they conduct to promote the practice of social justice and equity in the school (Brooks and Miles 2006: 5). This was followed by clarifying questions such as ‘Can you expand slightly on this matter?’ and interpretative questions such as ‘If I have understood you correctly, in your view, SJ praxis is . . .’ Data Analysis Following transcription of the interviews, the texts were analysed according to four stages suggested by Marshall and Rossman (2012). The analysis identified the central themes, repetitive experiences, feelings and attitudes. These elements were then coded, reduced and different categories are organized together into central themes in order to respond to the research questions. Comparative analysis guided the coding of the data (Strauss and Corbin 1998), which included comparison between coded elements in the identified categories and subcategories. Structured analysis and peer review were employed (Marshall and Rossman 2012) for validity and reliability. It is hoped that by providing details of the systematic data collection the credibility and authenticity of the data are enhanced. Generalization of the findings to other contexts may be limited as this was a relatively small sample from a particular group of participants. Participants Three female school principals participated in this study (with fictive names) as Rawan (Palestinian principal), Nihan (Turkish principal), Paula (Lebanese principal). Participants were 82

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chosen through personal contact and based on the critical cases they pose in terms of female principalship. The participants are described in greater detail: Palestinian Principal: Rawan, a Christian woman, mother of four children and has two grandchildren. She grew up in East Jerusalem and is a school principal of an elementary school in East Jerusalem. Founded in 1936, the school is located in the old city of Jerusalem, within a dense neighbourhood. There are 446 girls in the school (89 per cent of whom are Muslim 89 per cent, and the remaining are Christian students) and 16 per cent are students with high needs and physical disabilities. Rawan was appointed as a school principal nine years ago, where she faced with the awkward infrastructure, and the security challenges both teachers and students had while travelling to the school. Lebanese principal: Paula is a Christian educator and nun who has devoted her life to serving communities in poverty, empowering women and leading schools in rural areas. She has worked for eight years as a principal in one of the Christian private schools (K–12). In the early 1970s and growing up in an affluent area of Lebanon, she did not realize how poverty struck other areas until she, as a child, visited different areas in Lebanon with other nuns. It was then that she decided to pursue nunnery and be of service to women and school kids. The school’s mission is to educate youth in underprivileged areas. Thus, Paula’s school is situated in a rural area in the Beqaa valley of eastern Lebanon. The community it serves is majorly of Muslims (92 per cent) and has 1,054 students. Because it is reputed for its excellent education programmes, and though it strives to spread the teachings of Christ, Muslim parents prefer to enrol their kids in such school for its high quality to having them attend public schools that are known to be under-resourced. Turkish principal: Nihan is a principal of a large girls’ vocational school in a socio-economically disadvantaged neighbourhood with a conservative population in Ankara. She started teaching in the eastern part of Turkey twenty years ago and since then she devoted herself to fight with injustices concerning the students. She was an assistant principal for four years in the same school, and she is the school principal currently. Her school has 700 students with 67 female teachers and 11 male teachers serving 3 vocational fields as food and beverage, graphic/photography and child development. The socio-economic status (SES) level is low, and students suffer from separated parents, high level of crime rate or family violence. There are also students whose fathers are in prison while none of the parent community is a university graduate. School was considered as a means to keep the girls safe and secure for the majority of the families. Findings The findings yielded the following themes that are elucidated here (citations are given with fictive names): (1) development of awareness to injustice; (2) sensitivity to injustice (3) establishing school policies and actions to promote social justice. Development of Awareness to Injustice In the Palestinian case, Rawan arrives at her post with personal and public experiences that were accumulated in the social contexts in which she lived. I grew up in a large family with four sisters and three brothers. I was raised in a difficulty reality, where we were forced to share everything, to pass on clothes between us, to look after 83

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one another, and to learn from one another. I remember that at one time I did not understand something in a mathematics class and when I asked the teacher to explain, he refused saying he had already explained in the class. That was when I understood that the school could develop injustice and the student has to enlist their own resources . . . that is the source of my commitment to alter this stagnant reality. In the Lebanese case, Paula described how her childhood passion to help and readiness to join the convent made her all the more ready for her position as a principal. She remembered her first time as a teenager she left her town with other nuns on a trip to visit some poor areas of Lebanon. She was devastated by the dire situation they were in. That moment in her personal life was critical. She, then, decided to take that mission in life of helping others and work at schools ‘to break the social differences and bring equality among all people’. She made it her mission to help students understand the importance of school for climbing the social ladder and be able to understand ‘beyond their community and religious affiliations. I wanted them to accept “the other”, think for themselves, and be productive good citizens.’ In the Turkish case, Nihan recalls the initial years of her experience in a small town in the East of Turkey. She said she had never faced the harsh reality of inequalities seriously until that time as she was brought up in a more advantaged and modern family. From the first day in the school in the East, the students’ impoverished states, their language problems, their bare feet in winter, their struggles with the terror-related issues shaked me up. Some had brothers who joined the terrorist organization. While they were suffering, they were hearing concepts like equality, democracy, modernism at school. I saw their confusion while I was also suffering from the fear of getting killed by the terrorist organizations. There were attacks to teachers. As a young girl, I was more scared in those days. Yet, the light in their eyes and their yearning to have a bright future motivated me and raised my awareness about the social injustices. It was an awakening for me and I started teaching them that everyone has the right to get education and regardless of the differences, I instilled the confidence that they can eliminate this disadvantaged state. Ayşe was a very poor student who was dreaming of becoming a doctor. I started helping her individually. She became a teacher after the years and survived. They used to say ‘I can’t’ for any situation but showing them that they are equal and valuable, I managed it. Despite the differences, it seems that the female principals grew up with realities that stimulated their commitment to changing the status quo and engaging in deconstruction and reconstruction to create a more just society (Arar 2018; Rodriguez and Fabionar 2009). Sensitivity to Injustice and Commitment to Establish Justice The principals’ sensitivity to injustice, the struggle against institutionalized racism and striving to increase social cohesion and social justice in the Palestine case are explained by Rawan: Once I read a story about an Egyptian khadi who went out for an evening stroll. Suddenly he noticed a woman crying, and he went over to her and asked: what brings you here, and why are you crying? She responded: I am married to an uncouth man, who took my children from me and threw me out. The khadi asked her why she did not turn to her khadi to complain about 84

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her husband. She replied: a woman like me has no resources, I cannot turn to the khadi to complain, so I have come to complain to the Almighty. Immediately the khadi answered, the Almighty has sent me to you. That is where I grew up and I also read Paulo Freire ‘Pedagogy of the Oppressed’ and Nel Noddings ‘Ethics of Care and Concern’ and my mission is to change that reality. The Almighty sent me to these children in order to contain their feelings and to provide them with a space where they can grow, and what I did not manage to achieve as a teacher, I am succeeding in achieving as a principal, enlisting the school community to maximize support for the children – they are my children. Paula, in Lebanon, felt that ‘school is the place when [she] could break social differences and highlight justice as the way to be’. She tried to be grounded with the realities of her school’s community ‘that does not allow people to get out of their own lives and see what is wrong with it’. She said: I wanted to bring awareness of social oppression and inequity in our societies and help them see it, identify it, and take action to defy these systems of injustice. For Paula, her position as the principal was a commitment to invoke in her students, teachers and parents the courage to recognize different facets of injustice and act against them. Paula’s lived experiences as an educator in underprivileged schools helped her understand her privilege and positionality in regard to notions of justice and equity. Paula interacted with the community she served and realized that there were various facets of injustices enacted in our societies. Before going to Beqaa and working with these communities, I didn’t know that women were actually mistreated due to patriarchal religious dominance. I found students to be very limited in their thinking because they were not given the resources to see beyond their small community – living in a rural area, never ever going out to a restaurant, carpooling in broken cars, lack of technology in their houses. This is when I realized that my work is going to entail unpacking all these aspects of injustices that I was learning about as I was learning about the school, the students, and even myself! Nihan, in Turkey, also suffered from injustices herself while trying to be appointed to principalship. She experienced humiliation in the form of political disagreements. She said she was resilient and received the highest grades in the principal selection exam so she got it with her own intellectual capacity. Regarding the social injustices in her current school, she still tries to instil the necessary confidence in the girls at her school. She explained the situation as: Mostly, mothers are more interested. They want their daughters to be financially independent in the future. Fathers are indifferent. We deal with domestic violence and even sexual abuse. They think girls do not have to be educated. I, together with the team of teachers, fight with them all. Here, I can say we operate the ‘girl power’ to fight with the injustices and inequality as the majority of the teachers are females. There are times when we even have to lie to the families to be able to send the children for culinary experiences that fathers wouldn’t allow. 85

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Similar to her counterparts in Lebanon and Palestine, Nihan sees her position as a means to create opportunities for the students and to empower them by instilling the belief that ‘if they want anything, they can do it’. This comprehensive world view guides their leadership in the schools, through their commitment in their policies towards students and teachers. The next theme explores how their actions in the schools were guided by their perceptions of education and their personal values. Establishing School Policies and Actions to Promote Social Justice The participants explained how they deal with centralized educational policies and bureaucracies that reinforce a system of injustice and how they navigate the system to bypass the structured injustice in an attempt to establish equity. Rawan explained how she tries to ensure justice and sensitivity to cultural diversity: My first goal here was to provide consideration for diversity. I have Muslim and Christian students, some come from established families and others from impoverished homes. We need to care for everyone with warmth and enlist the best possible humane and material resources, including listening to them, providing representation, to show everyone can develop here. For example, I run a strong student mentoring project here weekly in sports and arts to develop different skills. I have a project where a student with strong academic achievements tutors a weaker student and their roles may be reversed in sports or arts activities, that is how we enhance awareness of multiple intelligences. Rawan related later to the increased cultural diversity of the students and how she appreciates this: It is important to promote values ​​of cultural richness here, representing the cultural fabric of society, the entire staff is connected and committed to reaching out to the last of the students, so that no student is left behind. There is room for all the intelligences. You can see what it says here on the wall: The successful succeeded because of what they have and not due to what they do not have meaning that every student has a spark, something special, an idea, a seed of wisdom that should be highlighted, and that will become prominent. Rawan further explicates how she welcomes and encourages the diversity as: We need much sensitivity to diversity, continually investigating who participates in what, conducting personal conversations, work in small groups, an individual tutoring program. All these enable us to reach everyone, and to clarify what is hindering their participation, their expression and to act to construct a social network between the students and to integrate them. This is not an easy task, but we commit to this as our school policy and strive to achieve it both in our daily discourse and in the different spaces of empowerment, in work groups, in the communities we are developing, these circles enable us to embrace the student from different directions. Similarly, Paula highlights that although it is a Christian school, the richness of their school is in its diversity serving not only Muslim communities but also students across religions from all walks of life and the social and economic status. To ensure fairness and sensitivity to social diversity, 86

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Paula ensures that all students regardless of their status are treated equally. She implemented several rules such as reinforcing wearing a school uniform and black shoes, ‘so that students are not evaluated based on the brands that they wear’. She raised money through activities and helped students afford going to school trips. She explains, ‘I didn’t want to see that only the richer students have that privilege and others don’t.’ To Paula, social justice included raising students’ awareness of the injustices and finding ways to help each other overcome inequities in society. She started a community service programme promoting social justice through various outlets, platforms, social activities and campaigns run by the students. She explains, One of the programs that the high school students led was the tutoring program. Students who performed well in certain subjects invested some of their time in tutoring other students who are struggling or students of lower grades. The parents were grateful because they didn’t have to worry about hiring a private tutor for their kids. My students campaigned for human rights. Imagine: even the students who come from very religious backgrounds were ready to fight for the personal status laws of their religions and demand alternative civil codes covering issues pertaining to women’s rights, divorce, care of children, property rights, and other human rights. Nihan also reflected on how she acts to reduce injustices. Her determination and will are portrayed in her implementations. She, with the teachers, pays home visits and tries to persuade especially the conservative fathers to support their daughters’ education. She also holds individual meetings with the students to guide them towards making decisions about their future prospects. She narrates as follows: I’m trying to win the students back. If I ignore the tragic situations, they can easily get lost. I am a role model for them. I ensure that we are ready here to address their needs. I make them feel valuable, both students and parents. I never criticize their shortcomings. I collaborate with them. Otherwise, they are likely to drop out. I make them feel valuable, this way they feel close to the school and feel comfortable. I keep saying that the fact that you are girls doesn’t mean that you cannot reach your dreams. I set an example for them proactively by my own actions showing them we are strong as women. I instill the idea and comfort that school is a safe shelter for them even safer than their homes in some dramatic cases. Nihan creates funding through EU projects to send some students abroad for vocational training and notes that getting permission from parents is a challenge. She shared that is why she sometimes tells the parents that the trip is compulsory to graduate, even if it is not. Yes, it is not ethical, but it is a once in a lifetime opportunity for many students to go to Italy free for a culinary course. Why should I let my student miss this opportunity just because her always drunk father does not agree with this? I am fighting to create such opportunities. What is the fault of these girls? What is their difference from the rich girls in luxury? They deserve it, and I’m doing my best to help them. The principals alter the discourse of their schools, enlist the entire school staff and, with their participation, set goals that they can all believe in and strive to achieve. Having constructed a cohesive school community, they reach out beyond the school to strengthen connections in the surrounding community. This was described by Rawan: 87

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I don’t know everything; the knowledge lies with the teachers and the students. You have to give them space, a space for expression, trial and error, and then a lot of original projects and plans emerge. I have a teacher here who has developed an emotional discourse through art, I asked her to do a course for all the schoolteachers. After a year, I can tell you that almost every teacher uses a different art tool to teach Arabic, English, math. So, the Arabic teacher writes a story and play drama, instead of learning according to the classical approach. In English, they use drawing tools to learn. What matters is that students find a place to express themselves. I have another teacher who has the benefitted us bringing the community into the school, so I have integrated youth movements here into our daily routine, and in afternoon activities. My job is to give space for ideas, believe in people and support them and then happiness and success will not be late in appearing. Similarly, Paula tried to bring the community together. She first started attending all events run by the municipality; she even attended funerals and weddings, ‘I was basically present everywhere. All parents knew me – the whole community knew me. I became one of them.’ This sense of belonging was also established among her staff and students within the school as she tried to cultivate a positive accepting safe environment ‘where everybody feels part of the whole’. She even revived the parent–teacher organization and developed an organizational system for this committee to be involved in helping the school thrive, even within conservative closed religious societies among them. Nihan also activated the community in and around the school. She has networks with the local people and the firms that hire her senior students for apprenticeship in their final year. She mobilizes them all for the financial and social support of the girls. She started a small boutique at the school where the poor students can shop for free. This budget comes from the rent that she receives from the canteen owner. She mobilized the final-year senior students: For example, senior students are on apprenticeship and earn some money. They pay a small amount of money each month to be given to the younger students in need (as they don’t earn money). This way their notion of justice is shaped. As can be seen, the principals were aware of the fact that an active educational community can grow when participants are granted an empowering space to express groundbreaking ideas. According to Grogan and Shakeshaft (2011), women holding senior administrative posts in education often employ a ‘post-gender’ style of management, bringing meaningful change and implementing high-quality educational reforms: empowering other and promoting equality in a culture of social justice (Bogotch and Shields 2014; Diem and Boske 2012). Concluding Thoughts The principals reported different sociocultural, national and personal trajectories that shaped their perceptions of social justice, illustrating the result through descriptions of their daily work to promote social justice in their policies and processes. Yet, their common characteristic is that these three women were motivated by their belief systems, moral compasses and backgrounds to right social wrongs, promote equality and justice, and empower others to succeed. Their strong desire to succeed coupled with leadership skills enabled them to challenge the inegalitarian rules and norms. They brought their natural strengths and experience to advance social goals far 88

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beyond the requirements of their official job descriptions. To summarize: these women principals clearly explain that their perception of social justice developed out of their value systems and their perspectives on the role of education (Lindsey and Lindsey 2011). Their descriptions of the contexts in which they developed their perceptions of social justice clearly show that these perceptions grew out of their personal circumstances and their experiences in their local and national environments. These perceptions, in turn, shaped the policies they instituted in their schools as well as educational and social initiatives. Their perceptions of social justice, diversity, intercultural and narrative encounters, accessibility and fairness all influence their school policy design and the way in which they promote social justice values and processes (DeMatthews 2018; Scanlan 2012). Their administrative style supports the participation of the school staff and students, and they work with care and concern to implement an empowering pedagogy promoting social justice practices (Jean-Marie, Brooks and Normore 2009; Lindsey and Lindsey 2011). The principals’ agendas create a fertile bed for the growth of the school as an efficient collective community that becomes a learning community striving to improve the students’ reality (Newcomb and Welton 2013). The significance of personal accounts and testimonies revealed that there are multiple examples of intersecting oppressions (Crenshaw 1991) with respect to gender. We witness the fragmentation of female identities in the three cases as these women leaders are entrapped between various social dynamics and barriers. Their social class, the traditional communities they live with, the masculinity of the educational administration profession (Blackmore 1999), their fight with poverty and disadvantages interact with one another in the three cases. Moreover, in Lebanese and Palestinian cases, religion plays a key role in these intersecting challenges. As multilevel perspectives also intersect, macro-level systemic and cultural dynamics strongly influence the meso-/micro-level barriers for these female school leaders. Regardless of the various intersecting challenges in their different contexts which adds further complexity to the already complicated tasks of school leaders, these women leaders were similar by their common motivation, awareness and commitment to social justice. Despite being oppressed in one or multiple ways in male-dominant societies, their sense of both gender and social injustice fuels their work while confronting and combating the interlocking systems of power, shaping their lives in the form of politics, tradition, religion and poverty. Within such activist examples of three women, the personal example/model set by the principals can act as a powerful leadership strategy for the promotion of social justice (Bogotch and Shields 2014; Scanlan 2012). The research concerning leadership for social justice begins with the question: Who are the leaders for social justice and what values guide their actions (Jean-Marie, Normore and Brooks 2009)? This includes the leaders’ awareness of injustice (Khalifa 2018) and striving to increase social cohesion and social justice.

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7 Gender, Educational Leadership and Social Justice An Intersectional Lens Jane Wilkinson and Katrina MacDonald

Introduction Dare to look at the intersectionalities. Dare to be holistic. (hooks and Lowen 2018: 405) Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989: 139) introduced the lexicon of intersectionality in her examination of anti-discrimination law, antiracist politics and (white) feminist theory, uncovering the ‘problematic consequence of the tendency to treat race and gender as mutually exclusive categories of experience and analysis’. Her black feminist critique of the ‘single-axis framework’ foregrounded the distortion of experiences of black women in feminist theory and anti-discrimination law and is just as critical now, thirty years since her crucial work (Crenshaw 1989, 1991). bell hooks, in the epigraphic quote, exhorts us to consider the intersectionalities. In this chapter we do so through considering intersectionalities between the practice and scholarship of educational leadership and social justice. First, we discuss the significance of black feminist scholarship in studies of intersectionality. Next, we outline black, Indigenous and postcolonial feminist histories of educational leadership practice and scholarship which have led to a ‘cultural turn’ in scholarship in the first decades of the new century (Blackmore 2010; Wilkinson and Bristol 2018). We then illustrate these scholarly insights through two case studies of leadership for social justice which adopt an intersectional lens in regard to class, race and gender. These case studies reveal challenges and disruptions to normative constructions of educational leadership as masculinist, heteronormative and white. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of this corpus of work for studies of gender, educational leadership and social justice scholarship and practice. In so doing, we acknowledge our positionality and racial privilege as authors, in that our white habitus ‘conditions and creates our racial taste, perceptions, feelings and emotions and . . . views on racial matters’ (Bonilla-Silva 2006: 104). As white women, this has afforded us the privilege of passing as ‘unraced subjects’ in the settler nation of Australia in contrast to Indigenous

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Australians who ‘cannot avoid knowing they are raced subjects’ (Lewis 2013: 883). We also recognize how this white habitus is simultaneously formed through multiple axes of subordination in terms of Jane’s Jewish and Eastern European family origins in a largely Anglophone, Christian nation, our original working-class backgrounds and Katrina’s geographical upbringing in remote Australia. This multidimensionality infuses our ‘multiple situated standpoints’ as educators, parents, scholars and advocates (Collins 2012a: 14). It fuels a shared commitment to ‘engaged scholarship in service to contemporary social justice projects’ in education (Collins 2012a: 22). These projects include research and advocacy with children and young people from high-poverty backgrounds and those with special needs (Katrina), along with young people of refugee and asylum-seeking background (Jane). Intersectionality and Feminist Scholarship While Kimberlé Crenshaw gave us the terminology, Patricia Hill Collins notes that thinking intersectionally has a long history, particularly by women of colour such as nineteenth-century feminist Savitribai Phule, regarded as the first woman teacher in India (Collins and Chepp 2013). Similarly, Vivian May (2015, 2017) and Jennifer Nash (2019) foreground the foundational work in multiple-axis frameworks such as that by Anna Julia Cooper in early-twentieth-century America and the Combahee River Collective in the 1970s (Taylor 2017). The theoretical framework of intersectionality was formulated in the experiences of women of colour and indelibly rooted in the theoretical and political traditions of black feminism (May 2015). Grounded in struggles for freedom from multiple systems of oppression and for social justice, Collins argues that intersectionality ‘refers to particular forms of intersecting oppressions, for example, intersections of race and gender, or of sexuality and nation. Intersectional paradigms remind us that oppression cannot be reduced to one fundamental type, and that oppressions work together in producing injustice’ (Collins 2000: 21). Collins argues that intersectional frameworks analyse power relations through a lens of mutual construction (Collins and Bilge 2016) and across four domains of power: structural (the organization of social institutions); disciplinary (administrative and bureaucratic management); hegemonic (cultural, ideological relationships of domination) and interpersonal (everyday interactions) (Collins 2000). Intersectionality entails critical enquiry and praxis and as a critical social theory offers explanation and critique of ‘existing social inequalities, with an eye toward creating possibilities for change’ (Collins 2019: 4–5). Intersectional frameworks cohere with First Nations, transnational, colonial and postcolonial feminist movements (Collins 2019). In mapping the development of intersectionality within and across disciplines and borders, Devon Carbado and colleagues (Carbado et al. 2013: 304) argue that ‘the work of the theory is never done’, mirroring Collins’s characterization of intersectionality as praxis. The take-up of intersectionality as theory and praxis across disciplines has led to concerns around the potential undermining and silencing of the experiences of women of colour (Carbado et al. 2013). For example, Sirma Bilge (2013) posits that there has been a ‘whitening’ of intersectionality through the erasure of the genealogy of intersectional frameworks developed through the histories and experiences of women of colour. She argues that this ‘whitening’ neutralizes the political potential of such theoretical frameworks, shifting them from an ‘initial vision of generating counterhegemonic and transformative knowledge production, activism, pedagogy, and non-oppressive coalitions’ (Bilge 2013: 405). Collins (2019: 4) notes that without critical action, ‘social theories 91

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have the power to oppress’. Bilge (2013) contends that in neutralizing the politics of intersectionality those who connect with its transformational and activist intentions may be marginalized. Other movements of resistant knowledge traditions which are rooted in their culturally specific contexts have drawn on black feminist intersectional theorizing to examine concerns with multiple axes of subordination. These include Indigenous/First Nations (e.g. Jain 2011; Moreton-Robinson 2004, 2007; Suzack et al. 2010), postcolonial (e.g. Lorde 2012; Minh-ha 1989; Mohanty 1988) and transnational feminist scholarship (e.g. Ahmed 2012; Arvin et al. 2013; Mohanty 2003). Resistant knowledge traditions grow in specific spatial and temporal contexts. Collins (2019: 5) argues that they engender ‘compelling, complex analyses of how colonialism, patriarchy, racism, nationalism, and neoliberal capitalism, either singularly or in combination, inform . . . realities’. Expressions of intersectional scholarship therefore reflect specific regional and global concerns. As a result, ‘intersectionality is a broad-based, collaborative intellectual and political project with many kinds of social actors. Its heterogeneity is not a liability, but rather may be one of its greatest strengths’ (Collins 2019: 5). In the following section, we draw on the strength of this heterogeneity to map insights from black feminist intersectionality scholarship in relation to educational leadership for social justice scholarship. Educational Leadership for Social Justice and Intersectionality in Schools Despite much debate, there is no one settled definition or theory of school leadership for social justice. Ira Bogotch and colleagues concluded that all struggles for social justice ‘remain unfinished and incomplete’ (Bogotch et al. 2008: xii). Jackie Blount (2008) argued that social justice movements grow as historical understanding of social relations develop, suggesting that practices of educational leadership for social justice will be specific to the social context in which they operate. This is clear in the different regional expressions of social justice educational leadership scholarship. For instance, research in school leadership from the United States has primarily focused on educational outcomes differentiated through culturally constructed notions of race (e.g. Faircloth 2018; Horsford and Tillman 2016), while the social justice leadership research from Britain has a strong focus on educational outcomes differentiated through class (e.g. Keddie 2015; Thomson 2007). In 2010, Blackmore (2010) observed that the first decades of the century had witnessed a cultural turn in educational administrative scholarship. While in no way complete, the trajectories derived from this turn include an emerging reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples in some postcolonial nations; greater cultural diversity in nation states as the result of global flows of people across borders and increasing focus on the experience of women leaders in economically developing, often faith-based, nations (Blackmore 2010). A further trajectory is feminist scholarship for social justice that examines the cultural constructs of educational leadership (Wilkinson and Bristol 2018). The cultural turn in educational leadership scholarship has increasingly examined subordinated axes in an intersectional manner including gender (e.g. Blackmore 2013; Marshall and Young 2013; Robinson et al. 2017), Indigenous knowledges (e.g. Faircloth 2018), race (e.g. Curtis 2017; Horsford and Tillman 2016; Rodríguez et al. 2018; Showunmi 2018), class (e.g. MacDonald 2020), sexuality (e.g. Blount and Guanci 2019) and religion (e.g. Shah 2010). Collectively 92

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this work challenges ‘the epistemological, methodological, and ontological constructions of educational leadership in scholarship and practice’, which in non-critical research traditions of school leadership is largely anchored in orthodox paradigms of organizational and management theory (Wilkinson and Bristol 2018: 7). Vonzell Agosto and Ericka Roland argue that scholarship in educational leadership with an explicit intersectional lens is inchoate but has tended to focus on ‘microlevel analysis rather than both micro-level and macro-level analysis of the inequities being confronted by leadership practice . . . individuals’ experiences as “leaders” and “leadership” capacity rather than “leading” practices, and . . . as an emergent knowledge project in its support of agendas related to transformative educational leadership’ (Agosto and Roland 2018: 255). The transformative agenda through radical praxis suggested by Agosto and Roland offers a powerful way to challenge hegemonic taken-for-granted understandings about educational leadership for social justice (Bilge 2013). Their critique mirrors Capper and Young’s (2014) observations about the limitations and ironies of school leadership for social justice scholarship. The authors contend that these limitations include a marginalization of inclusive practice research; paucity of research including the intersection of multiple axes of identity and difference; shifting emphasis on the importance of student achievement; a lack of policy and practice coherence in reducing inequities; and enduring dichotomies of hero leadership in contrast to critical collaborative leadership (Capper and Young 2014). A review of the literature in regard to normative understandings of socially just school leadership contended that school leaders who have a social justice focus will typically display a number (if not all) of the following practices: a focus on pedagogy; a shared ethos of social justice; dispersed leadership; implementation of structures and strategies that support the smooth running of schools; development of networks and partnerships with local organizations and businesses to create powerful educational connections; championing of supportive social relationships with and between staff, students and in the community; challenging of power relations, structural inequalities and deficit discourses; and promotion of equal opportunities for marginalized children (MacDonald 2019, 2020). In terms of a social justice disposition such leaders typically may be activist and political; display a deep understanding of marginalization and are critically reflective and reflexive (MacDonald 2019, 2020). This lengthy list captures an idealized educational leader concerned with the broad social justice implications of their work. Applying a site-specific and intersectional lens offers a powerful opportunity to trouble and interrogate these taken-for-granted normative understandings of social justice leadership in schools. In the following sections, we explore how intersectionality scholarship can challenge traditional notions of educational leadership and the subsequent implications for social justice, through case studies of leadership in schools and universities. Gender, Class, Race and Educational Leadership for Social Justice in High-Poverty Schooling Contexts: An Intersectional Lens School leaders who work in highly disadvantaged schools across Anglophone nations are increasingly carrying the burden of years of neoliberal policies that have eviscerated welfare support and created residualized communities, while also rendering schools, principals 93

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and teachers responsible for the impact of these cuts on students in their care (Niesche and Thomson 2017). This in turn has highly gendered implications because women are more likely to be principals in these high-poverty schools. Employing an intersectional lens in a qualitative study of the social justice understandings and practices of two principals working in the most disadvantaged government primary schools in Victoria, Australia, MacDonald (2019; 2020) examined: ●● ●●

Which women were more likely to be principals of such schools? What were the subsequent consequences for social justice scholarly knowledges and educational leadership practices?

Rachael and Christine (both pseudonyms) were late-career Anglo-Australian, working-class background principals working in rural and urban government schools located in highly disadvantaged communities. Both women were encouraged by a mentor to apply for principal promotion after teaching for twenty-five years. This trajectory reflects a common gendered pathway to the principalship. For example, Blackmore and Sachs (2007: 142) report women do not necessarily see leadership as associated with their ‘everyday practices and personal lives’. They argue that whereas women tend to see promotion opportunities as an intensification of labour, men view promotion as ‘leading to more opportunities to delegate and hence more freedom and autonomy’ (p. 142). This was certainly the case for the male principal in the study (MacDonald 2019, 2020). However, research conducted by white feminists on principal pathways has tended to focus on gender as a unitary category, with little attention to how it may intersect with other axes of subordination including race, ethnicity, class and/or sexuality. This has subsequent implications for social justice leadership research and practices as we explore below. Rachael and Christine’s early lives were a key influence on their social justice understandings of leadership. As the child of Irish Catholic working-class immigrants to Australia, Rachael had internalized meritocracy discourses, reporting that her parents taught her ‘the value of hard work and ongoing learning’. Rachael’s subsequent successful teaching career appeared to reinforce this discourse, offering her a pathway to middle-class respectability. However, there are clear Anglocentric white assumptions that underpin meritocratic discourses, for pathways into teaching and school leadership are largely denied for Indigenous Australian women, women of colour and those from minority (non-Anglo-Celtic) backgrounds. School teaching remains largely ‘coded white’ in Australia, as well as in the United States (Wilkinson 2018). In post-settler Australia, where the dominant ethnicity remains Anglo-Celtic, such meritocratic discourses tend to function as a privilege of Anglocentric whiteness (Wilkinson 2018). Christine had a complex history of class mobility. The loss of her father when she was a child forced the once-white, middle-class family into abject poverty. A charity assisted her mother with financial and emotional support and financially assisted Christine through her degree. The gratitude she felt was never far from her thoughts. She remarked that these people ‘didn’t know me from a bar of soap, but were prepared to look after my future’. These experiences guided Christine’s commitment to the high-poverty rural community in which she was principal. Both Rachael and Christine were dedicated to the families in their school communities. This devotion was evident in the long hours they put into their work (typically over eighty hours a week), and a holistic curriculum and pedagogical programme that had led to the schools consistently 94

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exceeding like schools in a range of nationwide tests. Their leading practices extended to finding shelter for homeless families and connecting up local charities with poverty-stricken families. They also included forming alliances with local businesses and community groups to support children’s education through, for example, volunteers listening to children read on a regular basis or initiating student leadership programmes. These practices are key aspects of socially just school leadership as identified in the preceding section. While not repudiating the obvious commitment and care with which both women led their schools, their habitus as leaders for social justice tended to lack reflexivity about their own middle-class, Anglocentric subject location. For example, Christine and Rachael reported that their leadership was ‘collective and relational’ (Blackmore 2009: 77). When asked about the necessary requirements for such leadership, Rachael commented that she was like her students’ ‘mother’, and ‘you just have to care’. Examining these responses through an intersectional lens raises some troubling questions. For example, this highly gendered notion of caring leadership potentially positions students and the parental community as the endlessly grateful recipients of Anglocentric, middle-class, female largesse. What room do such practices leave for community or student agency? In locating herself as the primary distributor of such care, the endlessly giving (white) mother, Rachael unwittingly reinforces asymmetrical relations of power and dependency. These relations of dependency are further reinforced in comments by Christine whose assumptions of success for the children were predicated on unexamined Anglocentric, middleclass aspirations. Christine observed, for example, ‘what we see as best and what they [parents] see as best [aspirations for their child] is quite different’. The implied scorn in these comments reflects an uninterrogated, deficit notion of students and their communities that overlooks the familial and other forms of capital they may bring to their education (Yosso 2005). In turn, these deficit assumptions have the power to reinforce the very class and racial divides that Christine is attempting to ameliorate. Both Rachael and Christine expressed their understandings and belief that their role was as an instrument of justice for the children in their communities – a discourse that resonates with notions of a white female saviour. Each, in their own ways, held deficit views of their communities expressed through unproblematized discourses of meritocracy (Rachael) and lack of aspiration (Christine). These discourses, with racist and classist ideologies, frame poverty as deficit and lacking any forms of capital and are underpinned by ideals of meritocracy (Gorski 2011). Gorski (2011: 153) defines deficit ideology as a ‘worldview that explains and justifies outcome inequalities – standardized test scores or levels of educational attainment, for example – by pointing to supposed deficiencies within disenfranchised individuals and communities’. What follows is the notion that we ‘fix inequalities by fixing disenfranchised communities rather than that which disenfranchises them’ (Gorski 2011: 156). The idea of a (white) saviour is a familiar refrain in education. For example, Stephen Hancock and Chezare Warren (2016) argue that white women have had an enormous impact on the political, ideological and cultural underpinnings of schooling in America, contending that ‘racialised pedagogical orientations, school policies, and classroom practices are underwritten by White, cisgender, feminine, and middle to upper class social and cultural norms’ (p. viii). This is true also of Australia, where there is little ethnic or linguistic diversity in the principalship, despite Australia’s richly diverse multicultural society. Teaching and school educational leadership remains implicitly coded white (Wilkinson 2018). Aileen Moreton-Robinson (2004, 2007) 95

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argues that the normative and dominant nature of whiteness is invisible and continues to serve as a colonizing force in Australian society. In Rachael and Christine’s dedication to the children, staff and community in their schools there is an element of this notion of the white female saviour; of their understanding of the principalship of a high-poverty school as being a quasi-religious mission. However, an intersectional analysis of the social justice leadership practices of Christine and Rachael foregrounds their ‘unraced’ (white), gendered and classed habitus they bring to their work as principals in high-poverty primary schools. Their habitus produces particular kinds of privileging and ways of leading (the white, maternal mother figure, the white missionary) that, in the settler nation of Australia, are particularly troubling. Given Australia’s history of violent colonial invasion and the subordination of Indigenous peoples for which there has been no reckoning, this leadership can be likened to a ‘quasi-colonial benevolence’ (Bilge 2013: 218) of white maternalism. While Rachael and Christine work punishing schedules in their commitment and dedication to justice for their communities, an intersectional lens highlights the symbolic violence that may be reproduced in the unexamined gendered, raced and classed assumptions they bring to their social justice leadership practices. Gender, Class, Ethnicity and Educational Leadership for Social Justice in Academia: An Intersectional Lens As in studies of school leadership, a considerable body of feminist scholarship over the past three decades has examined the ongoing inequality of women leaders in academia (Acker and Armenti 2004; Blackmore and Sachs 2007; Morley 1999; Glazer-Raymo 2008). Indigenous, postcolonial and black women’s scholarship has been crucial in interrogating the normative white feminist subject location on which much feminist research has been located and the symbolic violence and material implications of this colonizing gaze in terms of more socially justice leadership in management and research. For example, scholars have examined what constitutes privileged bodies of knowledge when it comes to researching feminist academic leadership (hooks 1989; Mirza 2014; Shah 2018; Stewart 2002; Wilkinson 2007). They have produced powerful accounts of previously subjugated knowledges in regard to academic leadership drawing on a variety of standpoints ranging from Indigenous/First Nations feminists (Minthon and Chavez 2014) to African American women, women of colour and academic women leaders in economically developing nations (Aiston 2014; Bhopal and Brown 2016; Faircloth 2018; Shah 2017). In this case study, we employ an intersectional lens to examine the lived experiences of Iris (a pseudonym), an Australian researcher and former schoolteacher from a white minority ethnic background.1 Although born in Australia, Iris’s parents were part of a large group of immigrants from Southern Europe2 who were actively encouraged to settle in Australia post–Second World War. Their settlement was part of a gradual dismantling of the White (Anglo-Celtic) Australia Policy as federal governments sought to expand industry post–Second World War. The majority of immigrants who settled in Australia in the 1950s and early 1960s were from peasant or workingclass backgrounds and from nations which had been devastated by the war and its aftermath of high unemployment and acute poverty. These ‘new Australians’ as they were pejoratively termed were a crucial plank in the revitalization and growth of industry post–Second World War and 96

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the formation of Australia as one of the most multicultural nations in the world. However, they were subject to considerable levels of racism and denigration as reflected in persistent cultural stereotypes which linger to this day and to which Iris refers below. As the child of working-class immigrants, Iris was acutely aware of the privileged nature of academic labour. She observed: I can’t come into this office and say, ‘I’m removed from a certain echelon of society’ because . . . I’m actually coming from that and I’m negotiating those different worlds . . . when you’ve come from a family where your Mum’s getting up at two in the morning to work in a pies and pasties factory . . . you think, ‘This is bloody comfort, this is a privilege.’ Iris’s upbringing in a working-class, Southern European family provided her with an acute consciousness of the inequities faced by those from less elite rungs of society. It fuelled her career trajectory into teaching and subsequently into pioneering research with GLBTIQ women from minority ethnic backgrounds, a highly controversial topic when she first commenced her research in the 1990s. This critical reflexivity powerfully shaped her scholarly habitus and had implications for her leadership of research and teaching. For Iris, research was not to be conducted at one step removed from one’s life and standpoint. Rather, the work of black critical and postcolonial feminist scholars opened up key spaces for researching and working with formerly silenced and dispossessed communities. As Iris noted: the other thing that I find and especially it’s starting to come out in my students now – is that there are different ways of doing research that are less elitist, that we can write and we can present our data in ways that are accessible to the very groups we come from. That comes directly from me being from an ethnic background . . . and my Mother’s a factory worker . . . She (would say), ‘What are you doing dear?’ . . . Those kinds of ethics have become really important. The intersection of Iris’s working-class background, minority ethnicity and gender provided her with an often-overlooked, but crucial, form of cultural capital in terms of challenging white, Anglocentric, middle-class norms of how females should behave. As Iris recounts in relation to the constant interrupting she had witnessed other female academics endure: We’ve been taught to be loud, be strong, muck up if you have to . . . don’t be intimidated. . . . Yes it looks really lower class but that’s not an issue for me, I don’t care. And I think this politeness thing has been used to keep women subjugated and while I’m all for politeness, there is a place just to say, ‘Don’t interrupt me.’ Iris’s stance was not without risk. She constantly pushed back against hegemonic norms of white, majority ethnic, masculinist and heteronormative researching practices. In so doing, Iris draws upon third-wave feminist discourses of sexual politics as a crucial subject location for her leadership – thus raising the possibility of new forms of academic women’s leadership which challenge sexist, classed and racist norms. For example, Iris recounts entering the staffroom as a young academic and ‘this guy just barking at me, “You’re not supposed to be in here, what are you doing here? This is not a place for students”’. And I said, ‘Well I’m actually the Lecturer picking up information about students.’ And he said, ‘All right, okay, you just don’t look like [a typical academic].’ 97

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As Iris recounts: Because whatever I wear or not wear, they’re all performances, they’re all ways of being and ways of putting on costumes and this is what I feel the most comfortable in . . . you’re going to have to basically look beyond what you think is the ‘bimbo look’ or the ‘Woggie bimbo’ the ‘Wog chick look’ and deal with me as a professional. And that’s been really good because it unsettles people. You still walk in somewhere and you just have those gaps of silence where they’re just still trying to suss you out. In terms of social justice leadership, Iris’s actions, combined with her critically reflexive research approaches, opened up new and important spaces for young women from minority ethnic backgrounds, as well as other equity groups, to reconsider ways of being and doing academia, feminism and leadership. Iris notes, ‘I’ve had young [minority ethnic] women say, “I’m thinking now I might be able to have a career in academia . . . I don’t mean to be rude but if someone like you can.”’ Iris’s scholarship deliberately challenges and disrupts traditional academic dualisms between research and community engagement. Similar to black feminist intersectional scholarship, Iris’s ‘engaged scholarship’ examines multiple axes of subordination, as she works with GLBTIQ minority ethnic young people and adolescents to challenge stereotypes and engage in critical dialogue with stakeholders across raced, classed, gendered and sexual divides (Collins 2012a: 22). Her creative researching tools, utilizing drawings, fiction and cartoons, allow young people to ‘imagine’ and create ‘new forms of community’ that are forged in the ‘crucible of lived experience across differences in power’ (Collins 2012b: 448). In terms of intersectionality and research leadership, Iris’s habitus was shaped through her upbringing by a ‘critical consciousness’ of power relations including majority ethnocentrism and class privilege, heterosexism and misogyny (Capper, Theoharis and Sebatian 2006: 213). This disposition is combined with a deep knowledge of alternative forms of researching which opens up spaces for subjugated knowledges and experiences to emerge, for example, exploring white histories to challenge violence and abuse against GLBTIQ youth. Combined with her skills in engagement with minority ethnic young people and adolescents, and educational expertise in pedagogy and curriculum, this allows Iris to not only ‘put this knowledge into practice’ but affect real change in attitudes and perceptions, particularly in relation to GLBTIQ young people (Capper, Theoharis and Sebatian 2006: 213). As such, Iris’s research leadership is a fluid, dynamic, collegial, collective and relational process inspired by black feminist notions of praxis. Like these forms of scholarship, it eschews traditional academic constructs of white, Anglophone, middleclass and heteronormative research leadership that typically positions research as ‘objective, dispassionate’ and removed from community accountability. As Iris observes: I guess the other thing for me are issues of taking your work out into the community, making yourself accessible. So if I’m writing stuff about a specific group, I need to be able to take time out of here and, and sit there and have that group ask me a lot of questions and critique my work. I am accountable to the people I’ve researched with. And also interrogating your own communities. You know there is a racism, horrible homophobia and there is gender oppression and this idea of cultural maintenance means that we’ve taken on a lot of heritage that is unjust and we need to own it.

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Discussion and Conclusion Black feminist studies have rightly drawn attention to the importance of analysing and understanding how multiple axes of subordination ‘singularly or in combination, inform . . . realities’ (Collins 2019: 5) for educational leaders striving for socially just outcomes, be they in the compulsory or post-compulsory sectors. All three women leaders in our case studies were white, and two were from the dominant Anglo-Celtic majority ethnic background of the settler nation of Australia. All three came from working/peasant/mixed class backgrounds which, combined with their gender, appeared to inform their more activist and political dispositions and their subsequent leadership practices. However, there were clear differences in these leading practices. For Rachael and Christine in particular, a lack of reflexivity in regard to white, middle-class aspirations underpinning meritocratic discourses of success, and white female saviour discourses of caring, risked replicating the very inequities of their high-poverty communities which they were attempting to subvert. For Iris, her minority ethnicity, working-class background, combined with her exposure to third-wave feminist discourses and black feminist scholarship, appeared to produce a more reflexive disposition, which refused the ‘whitening’ and neutraliz[ing] of the political potential’ (Bilge 2013: 405) of her transgressive research scholarship. Instead, her scholarship and political and social activism was firmly rooted in black feminism’s ‘initial vision of generating counter-hegemonic and transformative knowledge production, activism, pedagogy, and non-oppressive coalitions’ (Bilge 2013: 405). We conclude with a number of insights drawn from our mapping of black feminist intersectional and social justice for educational leadership research. First, normative notions of social justice educational leadership as noted above can be helpful in understanding the broad sweep of practices which inform the work of socially just leaders in highly disadvantaged schools. However, an intersectional analysis of leading for social justice practices, rooted in the actual schooling sites in which such practices unfold reveals at the granular level the ongoing (re)production of raced and classed leadership practices, which are underpinned by unexamined constructions of white/ majority ethnic women’s forms of leading for social justice. These may have material effects on the students in their ‘care’ in terms of reproducing notions of deficit and asymmetrical relations of power between the powerful white female caregiver and the subordinated student/community member. The symbolic violence associated with white, middle-class female caring practices is particularly resonant given white Australia’s cultural context of a history of violence and oppression in regard to its Indigenous peoples. This leads to our second point. An intersectional lens reveals the importance of paying attention to how the logics of leadership for social justice differentially plays out for women leaders from a variety of axes of subordination in schooling versus education sectors, particularly in neoliberal times. Attention to the specific spatial and temporal contexts in which intersectional analysis is carried out is crucial, not simply to produce ever more sophisticated analyses of injustice but to surface subjugated knowledges and practices of leading, premised on ‘engaged scholarship’ that serves and works with ‘contemporary social justice projects’ (Collins 2012a: 22). So, for example, despite the neoliberal capture of Australian universities, there remained spaces for Iris’s activist and political researching practices, which in turn opened up new spaces for minority ethnic, female students to ‘creat[e] possibilities for [socially just] change’ in their communities (Collins 2019: 4–5).

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Finally, our case studies reveal the attendant risks of essentializing notions of whiteness shorn from the specific temporal, societal and geographical sites in which they are (re)produced. Black feminist understandings of intersectionality provide important insights into how differential combinations of class and white ethnicity (working-class and majority Anglo-Australian for Rachael and Christine; working-class and minority ethnic for Iris) may produce very different levels of subordination and oppression which in turn have material impacts on the formation of one’s leadership for social justice habitus. This is not to deny the privilege that whiteness confers for all three women but to reveal how individual white women leaders such as Iris may theorize through their own critical analysis of systems of oppression in order to produce more socially just leadership actions as a response to these power relations (Collins, 2019). In sum, through adopting an intersectional lens, our chapter has attempted to pose questions and trouble unitary notions of white women’s leadership as part of a broader project of reclaiming the activist and political possibilities for educational leadership for social justice.

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8 Intersectionality and Social Justice Knowing Intersectional Discrimination When You Feel It Kay Fuller

Introduction The global discourse of international human rights and universal standards ensures women’s rights, gender equality and women’s empowerment remain in focus (e.g. the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979), the Millennium Development Goals (2000) and Sustainable Development Goals (2015)). Even so, women remain under-represented in leadership and management in public and private sectors worldwide (UN, no date). This is attributed to the structural barriers of discriminatory laws, institutions, practices and attitudes including gender stereotypes that lead to unequal access to education, healthcare and women’s disproportionate experience of poverty. In the UK, the Equality Act (2010) brought together historical antidiscrimination legislation designed to protect people with particular characteristics (relating to age, disability, gender reassignment, marriage and civil partnership, pregnancy and maternity, race, religion or belief, sex and sexual orientation known as protected characteristics). Nevertheless, women remain under-represented in educational leadership in schools and universities in the UK (Fuller 2017; Shepherd 2017); their capacity for and contribution to non-positional leadership go unrecognized (Blackmore 2006). They are underserved by organizations failing to provide for the multiplicity of diverse needs, interests and desires (Fuller 2013). UK legislation has taken an unsophisticated approach to gender binaries determined by biological sex or gender reassignment. It ignores the significance of intersectionality in contemporary theorizations of gender relations and the lived experience of multiple oppressions in the form of sexist racism/racist sexism and so on (Curtis and Showunmi 2019) despite international recognition of intersectionality in human rights law and activism (Bakan and Abu-Laban 2017; Chow 2016). This chapter focuses on the complexities of intersectionality in workplace discrimination that is both symptomatic of structural discrimination (institutional and cultural) and, particularly in educational settings, a mechanism for the reproduction of social injustices (see Burns

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(2008: 153) for a theorization of structural discrimination in European contexts where ‘robust discriminatory systems with multiple exclusionary mechanisms’ are in place). It looks closely at constructions of discrimination experienced by research participants as members of an international social media–based network for women serving or aspiring to lead in education: #WomenEd. As well as evidence of systemic discriminatory practices in workplace selection and promotion processes, discriminatory attitudes were remarkable for their multidimensional focus and ubiquity. Intersectional discrimination related to sex in combination with age, disability, marriage or civil partnership, pregnancy and maternity, race, religion or belief, sexual orientation and/or discrimination for another reason. Anti-discrimination legislation is necessary and may be well intentioned, but in the UK its reliance on the immutability of single social categories and identity characteristics may lead to some forms of discrimination going unrecognized. A more nuanced understanding of identity fluidity and the complexity of intersectionality is needed if organizational cultures in educational settings are to become inclusive. In whatever way the research participants understood and articulated intersectional discrimination, they knew it when they felt it and saw it, when others in their organizations apparently did not (see Collins 2015). This chapter begins with a section outlining how discrimination is defined in UK law. It is followed by an explanation of how intersectionality relates to social justice. There follows an account of the mixed-methods research project that asked, among other things, about participants’ experience of workplace discrimination since 2010 (Fuller and Berry 2019). Findings are categorized as forms of discrimination: four legally defined as direct, indirect, harassment, victimization through the lens of combined (dual discrimination) (still not enacted in UK law); and the fifth in terms of a discriminationcomplicit culture that perpetuates or ignores acts of everyday sexism, racist microaggressions, homophobic and other workplace ‘banter’. Finally, I argue that the anticategorical, intracategorical and intercategorical complexities of intersectionality (McCall 2005) each has their place in critical feminist scholarship in educational leadership designed to further develop educational settings as socially just workplaces and learning spaces. Further complexities of intersectional discrimination are revealed regarding combinations of characteristics; types of discrimination; historical and contemporary micro-discriminations; emotions and feelings; multilevel discriminations, that is, individual, institutional and social; the fluidity of discrimination over time depending on context and circumstances; and women’s lived realities in positions of power. Anti-Discrimination Legislation In UK law, discrimination refers to the less favourable treatment of one person than another (HM Government 2010). Discrimination can be direct, indirect, harassment and/or victimization. Direct discrimination means treating one person worse than another because of a protected characteristic. For example, an employer assumes women of childbearing age will take a career break to raise children and so does not consider their application for promotion. Indirect discrimination happens when an organization implements a policy which has a worse impact on someone with a protected characteristic than someone without. For example, holding professional development or other work events outside contracted hours when women (and men) have child or other care responsibilities to fulfil. Harassment is when people are treated in a way that violates their dignity, or creates a hostile environment. For example, making sexualized comments about what a woman wears or the use of derogatory nicknames. Victimization is unfair treatment when 102

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a person is taking action under the Equality Act such as making a complaint of discrimination. An example is when an employee speaks up about unfair treatment at work, such as an increase in workload, and is dismissed or prohibited from accessing further support or opportunities. Discrimination in educational leadership is symptomatic of a masculinist state, education policy and system focused on markets, managerialism and performativity (Blackmore 1997; Lingard and Douglas 1999). Indeed, in England there has been further marketization in the restructuring of schools as multi-academy trusts and retraditionalization of the school curriculum to privilege specific knowledges in neoconservative times since 2010. A discriminationcomplicit culture reflects and perpetuates wider discourses of sexism, racism and homophobia; for example, when the ‘norms’ of organizational leadership as male, white and heterosexual are cloned rather than challenged (Essed and Goldberg 2002), when discriminatory practices are ignored, or sexual, racist or other workplace ‘banter’ goes unrecognized as discrimination by colleagues or managers (Kirton and Greene 2015). This is particularly pertinent in a field dominated by women such as education but where educational leadership is still dominated by men. The homosociability, tendency to select people like ourselves, prevalent in educational leadership serves as a mechanism to reproduce social injustice (Blackmore et al. 2006). The Equality Act (2010) makes provision for direct discrimination on up to two combined grounds known as combined or dual discrimination; but this was never enacted. A newly elected Conservative-dominated government disagreed with much of the new equalities legislation (Jefferson 2014). Consequently, there is systemic neglect in UK law of the issues that intersectionality presents. Rooted in US critical legal studies in relation to anti-discrimination law, Crenshaw’s (1989) conceptualization of intersectionality was designed precisely to recognize the invisibility of black women’s experiences of discrimination in US law. A Social Justice Project in Education Feminist activism and scholarship are inextricably linked to advancing the cause of social justice. Undeniably, Western liberal feminism improved access to education and advancement in employment for some girls and women. That was by no means universal. Multiple feminist theories were used to focus on the ‘failure to address middle-class women leaders’ whiteness’ (Blackmore 2006: 195) by drawing on black, postcolonial and critical race perspectives (see, for example, Capper 2015; Collins 1990; Mirza 1997). Even though, in terms of activism and scholarship, the focus on intersecting oppressions faced by women of colour predates Crenshaw’s (1989) coinage of the term ‘intersectionality’ (see, for example, Brah and Phoenix 2004; Davis 1981; Lorde 1984), its explicit presence in educational leadership scholarship is relatively recent (see, for example, Capper 2015; Dillard 1995; Fuller 2013; Lumby and Morrison 2010; Moorosi 2014; Showunmi et al. 2016). Arguably, the field of educational leadership scholarship remains relatively unsophisticated with respect to an intersectional epistemology (Lumby and Morrison 2010) despite the growth of interest in leadership for social justice. Social justice may be ‘never fully realized or achieved either by definitions or our actions’ (Bogotch 2002: 139) but that must not stop educators, school leaders and scholars from working towards it in their recognition of historically and contemporarily marginalized groups, by providing for diverse needs, interests and desires in their leadership with emancipatory intent (Fuller, 2012, 2013; Theoharis 2007). Indeed, taking injustice as the baseline in education supports leaders 103

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who encounter resistance to their work (Bogotch and Shields 2014). Educating and leading for social justice is an ongoing project for intersectional feminists with respect to girls’ and women’s education and employment. The Complexity of Intersectionality It is a truism to say that intersectionality is a ‘complex notion’ (Chow 2016: 456). Its multiple meanings relate to being a field of study, a methodological or epistemological approach, a research paradigm, a research instrument for data collection, an analytical strategy, a form of critical praxis and feminist political project (Chow 2016; Collins 2015). For Dill and Kohlman (2012: 154), it is a ‘transformative paradigm in feminist theory and social justice’. McCall (2005) addresses the methodological complexities of intersectionality by recognizing three approaches as anticategorical complexity, intracategorical complexity and intercategorical complexity. Making clear that research does not necessarily fall neatly into one or another, she delineates each in turn as points on a continuum: from anticategorical to intercategorical complexity. As the term suggests, anticategorical complexity rejects or questions existing identity categories, for example from an anti-racist or poststructural perspective. Intercategorical complexity deliberately uses existing categories for the purpose of data analysis, for example, the protected characteristics as listed in UK anti-discrimination legislation. Intracategorical complexity sits between the two. It refers to scholarship focused on a previously neglected social group in a field of study, for example, women of colour in school leadership (Moorosi et al. 2018). It is rare to find this level of theoretical and methodological sophistication in the field of educational leadership (Lumby and Morrison 2010), though a body of work that recognizes intersectional identity complexity is developing (Bailey-Morrissey and Race 2019; Curtis and Showunmi 2019; Lumby 2015; Moorosi et al. 2018) (for a critical review of US intersectionality and educational leadership scholarship see Agosto and Roland 2018). McCall’s categorical complexities have informed the theorization of women’s leadership identities in South Africa, albeit with an argument defending simplification. Lumby (2015) attempts to engage with the multifaceted nature of individuals’ working lives, considering the intersections of different identities and the implications for gender and equity. [The article] acknowledges the potential reductiveness of analysis of data that reflects complex lives, but also justifies the approach as a means of understanding better than would otherwise be the case. (Lumby 2015: 31) Women are identified by region, ‘raced’ formal leadership role, that is, black/white principal, marital status, parenting status and school type. Sensitivity about categories ‘even an expanded range of categories incorporating numerous personal identities’ can further exacerbate inequalities (Lumby 2015: 30). Lumby and Morrison (2010) point out the dangers inherent in decategorization, by majority group members, of minority group members as unique individuals rather than as members of a collective; or their recategorizaton as members of a professional group whereby difference is denied – that is, colour-blindness occurs. Arguably, categorization strategies are used by both minority and majority groups. This matters because the challenge of repositioning oneself in relation to perceived leadership norms is time-consuming and emotionally and physically 104

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exhausting (Lumby and Morrison 2010). One woman spoke of ‘the entwined implications of her gender, ethnicity, language and religion’ (Lumby 2015: 37) (see also Fuller 2018). She had experienced intense animosity in the form of harassment that led to hospitalization as a result of the anxiety, sleeplessness and depression it caused. Analytical complexities are used here to theorize about experiences of intersectional discrimination among research participants who identified as ‘female’ or ‘intersex’ as educators, leaders, administrative staff, consultants and volunteers (school governors) in education as members of #WomenEd. They did not all identify as ‘women’. In the section that follows, I describe the research project. A Mixed-Methods Research Project #WomenEd is a social media–based movement for women leading or aspiring to lead in education. It has 40.3K followers on Twitter. Founders organized offline events in various regions in the UK from 2015 (Fuller and Berry 2019). The movement has expanded to nineteen countries in Europe, North America, Australia and the Middle East and North Africa. A sequential multistage mixed-methods research project was designed to address questions: ‘Why was a network for educational leaders needed?’ and ‘How did social media facilitate network growth?’ (see Fuller and Berry 2019). The project was informed by intersectionality in terms of its ontological and epistemological standpoints (Fuller 2020). At its inaugural conference #WomenEd founders opened with a clear statement of the importance of intersectionality in its thinking (Choudry 2015). Nineteen #WomenEd co-founders and regional leaders, education professionals working from primary to higher education at all levels of leadership, participated in semi-structured telephone interviews (Stage 1). They recounted experiences of gender inequalities in the workplace and wider society among reasons for establishing a network. Subsequently, two items about discrimination were included in the online survey (Stage 2). Forty-eight per cent of the 356 survey participants reported they had experienced discrimination in the workplace since 2010; 49 per cent had witnessed or become aware of it in that time (Fuller and Berry 2019). To investigate intersectional discrimination the survey drew on pre-existing social categories; the protected characteristics in UK law. The selection of protected characteristics in relation to discrimination, open text accounts and participants’ self-identification with protected characteristics enabled the intercategorical analysis of survey data. That revealed sixty-six female participants reported discrimination in relation to multiple protected characteristics. The data provided by those sixty-six participants are in focus here. Follow-up interviews (Stage 4) generated rich in-depth qualitative data specifically about workplace discrimination in education in the UK, Australia, European and North American countries. Six interviewees (of a total of nineteen) associated discrimination with multiple protected characteristics; not all were located in the UK. To understand more about the sixty-six participants further demographic data are provided. Sixty-four identified as ‘women’, one as a ‘man’, one as ‘non-binary’. They were in their twenties (3), thirties (23), forties (22), fifties (15) and sixties (3). Fifty-five considered themselves ablebodied. Two said they had a mental impairment, three had a physical impairment; two said they had both a mental and physical impairment that negatively affected their daily lives. A further three identified as dyslexic, epileptic or neurodiverse. One was ‘not willing to disclose my health 105

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issues’. They were cohabiting, married or in a civil partnership (53), or not (13), or separated, divorced or had legally dissolved a same-sex civil partnership (1). Forty-three had children, twenty-two did not and one was adopting a child. Their children’s ages ranged from pre-school to young adults and adult dependents. Fifty-one identified with the dominant racial identity, ten with a minoritized racial identity, two with multiple racial identities, and three identified differently, for example, as ‘white English’ (1), and white in a predominantly white area but not British (1). Thirty-eight identified with a religion: Christianity (32), Hinduism (2), Judaism (1), Sikhism (1), Orthodox (1) and Unitarian (1). Twenty-six identified with no religion, one said it was ‘personal’, another ‘could not say’. Sixty-one identified as heterosexual or straight, four as lesbian and one as bisexual. Throughout this chapter, participants are identified by their role in education, the phase of education and characteristics they self-identified relevant to the combination of characteristics they associated with their experience of discrimination. Interview participants have retained pseudonyms used elsewhere (Fuller and Berry 2019). The protected characteristics are referred to in alphabetical order throughout. Their association with discrimination are stated as D-PCs (discrimination relating to protected characteristics) followed by those chosen by the participant whose words are used as direct quotations to illustrate or in paraphrasing a point. Thus, by narrowing down the sample, an intracategorical analysis reveals the nature of intersectional discrimination experienced by the group of female participants in relation to direct or indirect discrimination, harassment, victimization and the nature of a discrimination-complicit culture. Forms of Intersectional Discrimination Direct Discrimination Direct discrimination related to recruitment, selection and promotion processes, ongoing employment practices and redundancy. Sex discrimination was reported in combination with protected characteristics: age, disability, marriage and civil partnership status, pregnancy and maternity including parental status, race and sexual orientation. Participants were too young or too old for promotion. Interview feedback was understood euphemistically for discrimination, ‘Applying for headship posts – disability and gender hindering progress, I know this because of words like lacks gravitas, your style’ (senior leader, secondary, with physical impairment: D-PCs age/disability/sex). Participants were a ‘maternity risk’ (headteacher, alternative provision, thirties: D-PCs age/sex) and asked bluntly about intentions to have a family. One was told, ‘I would have to stop breastfeeding if I wanted her organisation to commission me’ (teacher/researcher/consultant, pre-school to higher/adult education, ablebodied, primary school aged child: D-PCs disability/pregnancy and maternity/sex). One senior leader described multiple experiences of racism including in the selection process: I think, for me, the one incident that stuck out most for me [. . .] It was a fairly affluent area. It was a [school for] predominantly middle-class white children [. . .] I was applying for a middle management position at the school and it’s only when I realised when he’d said some things in that interview that I thought, ‘Actually this is . . . I’m sure he’s not allowed to say these things and these don’t sit well with me’, and actually he offered me the job and I didn’t accept it in the end as a result of that. But he’d said things like, ‘Are you going to be okay in 106

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a school like this given your background?’ And he’d also said to me, ‘Well, you might find it difficult at times, but I do think someone like you [speaker’s emphasis] from your background would be good in a school like this.’ It’s a little bit confusing when people are saying things like that to you because on the one hand you’re thinking, ‘Oh do I need to get into a school like this? Is that what he’s trying to say?’, but on the other hand he is a Headteacher who’s holding views like this and describing me as someone from that ‘background’. Didn’t sit very well with me. [. . .] So I kind of gave him a bit of a mouthful and then said I wouldn’t . . . you know. He’d said that he was very impressed and that he would offer me the job, and I said I wouldn’t work at the school at all, absolutely not, but it’s those sorts of nuances, those kinds of references that makes you think that there are opportunities that perhaps you aren’t given because of your background or possibly because you are a certain way. In that situation it was because of my ethnicity, you know, he wasn’t talking about the schools that I’d come from. He was specifically talking about, given the catchment of the children there. (senior leader A, secondary, identifying as British Asian of Indian origin: D-PCs pregnancy and maternity/race (adapted from Fuller and Berry 2019: 64)) Racism was prevalent in her organization: In terms of race I feel that there are barriers put in place and/or conscious and unconscious bias stopping ethnic minorities progressing in my workplace. I was also paid below less than half the TLR [Teaching and Learning Responsibility payment for additional responsibility] for a role I gave up six weeks before someone els[e] applied and got it. Also found out that she was expected to do less of the role that [I] was doing with the exact same job description. (senior leader A, secondary, pre-school aged children, identifying as British Asian of Indian origin: D-PCs pregnancy and maternity/race) The role had been upgraded and expectations reduced leaving senior leader A feeling exploited. Participants were prohibited from working in some countries due to their sexual orientation; that extended to discrimination in the UK after one headteacher (secondary, fifties, lesbian: D-PCs age/sexual orientation) revealed her sexual orientation. Discrimination comprised exclusionary practices and lack of line management support for one middle leader (secondary, children of secondary school age and young adults, identifying with a minoritized racial identity, and Hinduism: D-PCs pregnancy and maternity/race/religion or belief/sex/level of qualifications and expertise). There were repercussions after another teacher (secondary, children of primary and secondary school ages: D-PCs pregnancy and maternity/ parental status) was refused part-time work to fulfil parenting responsibilities including redundancy. Indirect Discrimination The boundaries between direct and indirect discrimination were sometimes blurred. Indirect discrimination was generally associated with career advice and feedback, pressure to work outside contracted hours, as well as the cumulative effect of everyday life events. There were expectations to ‘attend meetings by a school I hadn’t started working at yet while on maternity leave in 2012’ (teacher, post-compulsory education, children of primary and secondary school ages: D-PCs pregnancy and maternity/sex); and ‘when I returned from maternity leave on 107

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a four day week my headteacher informed me that I would need to attend meetings in the evenings on the day I was off’ (senior leader A, secondary, pre-school-aged children, identifying as British Asian of Indian origin: D-PCs pregnancy and maternity/race). One participant ‘couldn’t afford to take time out of [a] research career to take PhD due to [having a] young family. Now I can’t have tenure or promotion’ (teacher/researcher/governor, primary and higher education, fifties, cohabiting, married or in a civil partnership, children of secondary age and young adults: D-PCs age/marriage or civil partnership/pregnancy and maternity/level of qualification). The way an organization’s ‘no child access’ policy was interpreted made it ‘difficult for me to attend lectures and seminars as a student and lecturer, when childcare was not reliable or affordable’ (teacher/ researcher/consultant, pre-school to higher/adult education, able-bodied, primary aged child: D-PCs disability/pregnancy and maternity/sex). These were acts of individuals working in organizations that were more or less hostile environments. Harassment Discriminatory behaviours and comments violated dignity to create a hostile environment, for example, comments about clothing and shoes, name-calling, derogatory comments that undermined identity, ‘jokes’, silencing, bullying, racist and sexual harassment. Women were referred to patronizingly as ‘this young lady’ (by another woman) (headteacher, alternative provision, thirties: D-PCs age/sex) or told ‘I was “just a little girl who knew nothing”. (I was an Assistant Head!)’ (senior leader and consultant, primary to post-compulsory education, thirties: D-PCs age/sex). One was told she did not ‘behave like a woman’ (teacher, secondary, twenties: D-PCs age/sex); another was called ‘a witch’ (senior leader C, secondary, forties: D-PCs age/sex). Some were undermined because of their religion or belief, ‘A middle leader, upon finding out I am Catholic, laughed and said “I didn’t think intelligent people were!”’ (teacher and middle leader with an administrative role, secondary, identifying with Christianity; D-PCs religion or belief/sex); or their sexual orientation, ‘A colleague wrote to me and [two] other out gay colleagues and offered religious “help” to fight our sexual orientation’ (senior leader, secondary, lesbian: D-PCs sex/sexual orientation). One woman had experienced sexual harassment (teacher, primary and secondary, thirties: D-PCs age/sex). Comments applied to group identities, ‘Sexist jokes about my all [female] department from male line manager. [. . .] asking what activity the biology department would show for open day, flower pressing or whatever your department does’ (senior leader, independent secondary school, epilepsy, identifying with the dominant racial identity: D-PCs disability/race/sex). One participant was told by a member of the senior leadership team ‘[town] smells of curry why would you want to live there – was told that you “lot” are taking over’ (teacher and middle leader, secondary, thirties, identifying with a minoritized racial identity, and Hinduism: D-PCs age/race/ religion or belief). Bullying meant being ridiculed and discussed (middle leader, secondary, children of secondary school age and young adults, identifying with a minoritized racial identity, and Hinduism: D-PCs pregnancy and maternity/race/religion or belief/sex/level of qualifications and expertise), being excluded and silenced ‘lack of inclusion and unable to voice opinion, bullied, eroded self-esteem, suicide thoughts for feeling so helpless’ (teacher, primary, sixties, unwilling to disclose health issues, identifying with minoritized racial identity: D-PCs age/disability/race). One woman’s 108

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picture was superimposed on that of a ‘flying fat pig’ and posted in the staff room by her head of faculty; at the time, a health condition had resulted in weight gain and she was pregnant (education consultant B, secondary, fifties, children of secondary school age and young adults: D-PCs age/pregnancy and maternity/sex/weight). Victimization Responses to discrimination varied. The six interviewees spoke back to racism and sexism, used the grievance process to question leaders’ practice, challenged discriminatory discourse among senior leaders, sought union involvement, instigated collective action to change organizational practice and attempted compassionate conversations with colleagues about discrimination (Fuller and Berry 2019). However, there was risk of victimization, it’s the very first time actually in my career that I’d consulted a Union. So it was quite a big deal for me. It’s not an easy process to have to go through and it’s only when you start climbing the ranks in schools you realise that actually taking on a Headteacher can be career suicide in some respects. (senior leader A, secondary, identifying as British Asian of Indian origin: D-PCs pregnancy and maternity/race) Senior leader A provided multiple accounts of racism that occurred in various educational settings during her career, both her experience and experiences she had witnessed or become aware of. She questioned why a promoted post had not been advertised: I’ve questioned it with my Headteacher, ‘Well actually you didn’t put that out [for open competition]. How is that fair?’ She explained what her thinking was behind that and I accepted that, but I would question and I would . . ., but I think once you do that, you’re seen as a little bit of a, ‘Well why are you asking? Who are you to ask?’ Luckily for me I’m in a position, I’m in a senior leadership team position, I was able to ask that, but still there is only a certain amount of control that senior leaders have which Headteachers obviously can still push things through if they wish to. (senior leader A, secondary, identifying as British Asian of Indian origin: D-PCs pregnancy and maternity/race) Speaking up and challenging practice was ‘detrimental’ with colleagues making things, a little bit more difficult for you [. . .] things were made just a little bit more uncomfortable for me at school. Luckily for me, I’m quite resilient and I can hold my own, but I think if somebody wasn’t able to do that, it would be very difficult. So I think to some extent in schools in education there is this idea that if you are going to stand up and speak out for yourself, to some extent you are going to have opportunities blocked for you because they don’t like that. (senior leader A, secondary, identifying as British Asian of Indian origin: D-PCs pregnancy and maternity/race) Discrimination-Complicit School Cultures Consistent among the accounts was a discourse of discriminatory attitudes attributed to more senior colleagues. Schools that ignored discriminatory behaviours were complicit in perpetuating a culture dominated by racism and ‘a continuing male bias and patronising approach to female staff disguised as some kind of avuncular father figure to younger female members of staff’ 109

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(teacher/middle leader, primary to higher education, fifties: D-PCs age/sex). Such attitudes were not restricted to men; one woman experienced ‘belittling and patronising attitudes in relation to my age as a [thirty-five] year old headteacher’ (headteacher, alternative provision, thirties: D-PCs age/sex) from another woman. Some women moved on to schools with more inclusive cultures. These accounts are corroborated by participants’ awareness of discrimination towards others (n = 52); the experiences of those who identified as female/women or intersex/non-binary who experienced discrimination relating to a single protected characteristic (n = 33); and women with no personal experience of discrimination who had witnessed or become aware of it in their workplaces (n = 45) (Fuller and Berry 2019). Men also corroborated there was discrimination in educational settings (Fuller, 2022). Overall, accounts of discrimination relating to sex, age and pregnancy and maternity dominated the data suggesting there was a collective coming to consciousness among women as they encountered parenthood or neared retirement age. Racism was not well recognized by those who identified with the dominant racial identity, that is, of the total survey sample (all participants) only 7 per cent associated race with awareness of discrimination. Of those who identified with a minoritized or multiple racial identities, 29 per cent associated race with awareness of discrimination; similarly, 29 per cent associated race with personal experience of discrimination – they were not necessarily the same people (see Haque and Elliott 2017 for a discussion of racism in the UK teaching profession). These accounts of workplace discrimination are highly individualized and personal accounts in danger of being seen and interpreted as isolated incidents rather than the outcomes of discriminatory complicit organizational cultures. They are symptomatic of broader social inequalities where discourses of sexism, racism and homophobia prevail. Left unchecked, organizational cultures in educational settings reflect and perpetuate such macro-level discourses to reproduce unequal power relations among both staff and learners. There was evidence that participants engaged with a discourse of multilevel barriers to women’s career advancement. They had risen to challenges relating to broader concerns: such as gender and other inequalities in society; systemic inequalities in education; as well as sexist and discriminatory practices. Participants were concerned by how leadership was done and for what purpose (Fuller and Berry 2019). The Complexities of Intersectional Discrimination This chapter has demonstrated the importance and usefulness of intercategorical and intracategorical complexities in the design, analysis and theorization of research focused on intersectional workplace discrimination. The project was also informed by anticategorical complexity in theorizing from multiple feminist perspectives (Fuller 2022). Anti-racists do not see women/girls as a universal or single category (e.g. Collins 1990; Davis 1981). Theorization of gender and educational leadership has drawn on seemingly incompatible gender theories (Fuller 2014). Poststructural gender theory challenges analytical categories by questioning the relationship between gender and the physical body as biologically ‘sexed’ as well as the fixity of gender performance (Butler 1990) (see Nicholson and Maniates 2016 for a postmodern perspective). At the same time, it is desirable to think collectively about a social group discriminated against for embodying characteristics in terms of intersectional inequities. In line with multiple perspectives, intersectional complexity is found in ‘the relationships among multiple dimensions and modalities 110

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of social relations and subject formations’ (McCall 2005: 1771). Self-identification and selfdefinition took place in Stage 1 interviews (Collins 1990; Mirza 1997). For example, Interviewer: So the first question is really just to tell us a little bit about yourself [name]. Participant: Okay. My name’s [name]. I moved to the UK from [island] in the West Indies about the year 2001. Since then, well it’s been a roller coaster and then I went into a job in education. Having moved into education I’ve sort of looked at the idea of progressing throughout. Progressing as a Black Caribbean female within education itself, as well in the UK, has been a learning experience, a difference of cultures, but I think I’ve coped well with that for the most part. In that period, I mean there [were] lots of challenges that I’ve faced and sort of moved on from those in terms of moving into senior leadership and even in terms of moving into middle leadership itself. I have been Head of [subject]. Well, I’ve been a teacher of [subject] then moved into Head of [subject] and then Assistant Headship and now I’ve made that final transition where I’ve gone from secondary sector, and for the past year-and-a-half I’ve been working in the primary sector as a Deputy Head and using influence in that way. (regional leader C) Not asked to categorize her identity in specific ways, regional leader C revealed her name, country of origin, subject discipline, career progression, ethnicity and sex within her first answer. She attributes the ‘challenges’ she faces in education and wider society to ‘a difference of cultures’ that meant she was required to ‘learn’ and ‘cop[e]’. The implication being there was little accommodation of cultural differences in organizations, the education system or UK society. Alignment with anticategorization was seen in resistance to the protected characteristics. It cannot be read as decategorization or recategorization without further detail (Lumby and Morrison 2010), but one participant self-identified by age, disability, relationship status and religion but rejected the categories of biological sex, gender, parenting status, race and sexuality. Antipathy towards social categories and labelling might be explored further through qualitative research methods (Fuller 2022). The complexities of intersectionality extend beyond the methodological complexities of research design and analysis. This research demonstrated seven sets of intersecting complexities. Combinations of characteristics, including characteristics not protected by law such as health and size, were referred to as ‘the melting pot of complexity’ (middle leader B, pre-school to further education forties, cohabiting, married or in a civil partnership/lesbian/woman: D-PCs age/marriage or civil partnership/sexual orientation/gender). They could not be separated out as single categories or recognized additively. Holistic thinking was preferable to fragmented thinking. Those who experienced intersectional discrimination were certain about it. They knew it when they felt it and saw it (Collins 2015). However, racism was under-recognized by those who identified with the dominant racial identity (Showunmi et al. 2016; see also Haque and Elliott 2017). Types of discrimination intersected in accounts of multiple overlapping experiences of direct and indirect discrimination, harassment and victimization. These amounted to discriminationcomplicit school and societal cultures, particularly with respect to racism as senior leader A (secondary, identifying as British Asian of Indian origin: D-PCs pregnancy and maternity/ race) pointed out (Kirton and Green 2015). Participants were attuned to the multiplicity and 111

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ubiquity of intersectional discrimination and the need to address it even though that might be risky. Ultimately, many made the decision to move on to work in more inclusive workplaces. Without commitment from the highest levels of leadership it was not possible for staff to change the school culture, even though some tried and #WomenEd’s commitment to equity alongside excellence was recognized (Fuller and Berry 2019). Multiple historical and contemporary micro-discriminations revealed the impossibility of thinking about discrimination solely within a given timeframe. ‘I was pregnant with my second child which was before the [Equality] Act came in’ (education consultant B, secondary, fifties, children of secondary school age and young adults: D-PCs age/pregnancy and maternity/sex/ weight). Previous experiences informed understanding about more recent experiences. They included ‘micro-behaviours that I think certainly have imprinted on me and that you pick up and you don’t necessarily overtly acknowledge unless you’re tuned into them’ (middle leader B, preschool to further education forties, cohabiting, married or in a civil partnership/lesbian/woman: D-PCs age/marriage or civil partnership/sexual orientation/gender); and ‘micro-inequities those tiny little drip, drip, drip things that keep you in your place and stop you kind of moving ahead’ (teacher/researcher/consultant, pre-school to higher/adult education, able-bodied, primary school aged child: D-PCs disability/pregnancy and maternity/sex). Using this language resonates with thinking about microaggressions as micro-assaults, micro-insults and micro-invalidations associated with racism (Curtis and Showunmi 2019). Powerful emotions and feelings such as surprise, sadness and anger, helplessness, confusion and exploitation arose from experiencing intersectional discriminations (Curtis and Showunmi 2019). For some, such emotions incentivized action. They left others in the depths of despair (Lumby 2015). Workplaces were spaces where additional effort was required for some just to be present (Fuller 2022). Multilevel discrimination was apparent in thinking about individual acts of discrimination within organizations and wider society ‘there’s a whole lot of work for us to do in schools and with educators around intersectionality, teaching teacher trainees, around inequalities and around [. . .] trying to bridge that gap between education, health and social care’ (teacher/researcher/ consultant, pre-school to higher/adult education, able-bodied, primary school aged child: D-PCs disability/pregnancy and maternity/sex). Individual acts of discrimination are symptomatic of institutional discriminations and societal prejudices (Fuller 2018; Bailey-Morrissey and Race 2019; Nicholson and Maniates 2016). Fluidity of understanding about discrimination over time, that is, coming to consciousness about workplace discrimination was common during pregnancy and maternity. There is no legal requirement for a workplace to enable flexible working such as a part-time contract in the UK, but staff do have the right to request part-time hours. Decisions are discretionary, though guidance suggests schools should refuse only if there is a good reason (DfE 2017). It was common for women to begin their accounts about discrimination with experiences during pregnancy and maternity. The change in circumstances exposed them to discriminatory attitudes in the workplace for the first time; the older I get, and wiser, things are a lot more clear to me that in my younger days I should have negotiated. I should have argued back. I should have pushed back against things that were [. . .] clearly discrimination. It is a shame but it is a learning process. I hope we can raise 112

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the next generation of females and leaders to recognize things a little faster than I did. (senior leader B, secondary, in the process of adopting: D-PCs pregnancy and maternity/sex) Women leaders’ lived realities in positions of power made them simultaneously perpetrators and victims of discriminatory practices. Behaviours were described as both servile and flirtatious in workplace relations with powerful men, that is, making tea and ‘bat[ting . . .] eyelids’ to exert influence (education consultant B, secondary, fifties, children of secondary school age and young adults: D-PCs age/pregnancy and maternity/sex/weight) (Bailey-Morrissey and Race 2019; Fuller 2014, 2018). Such complexities demand a conceptualization of intersectionality that recognizes fluidity rather than the immutability of single characteristics; wholeness rather than fragmentation. They demand an educative approach to leading for social justice by teaching about the mutability of identity, the multiplicity and everydayness of microaggressions (Curtis and Showunmi 2019) in families, communities, organizations, the education, legal and political systems, and wider society. Conclusion Failure to enact the provisions made in the Equality Act for combined or dual discrimination means intersectional discrimination is not recognized in UK law. This research shows it clearly exists in educational workplace settings. That means it exists in spaces where children, young people and adults learn. Failure to recognize intersectional discrimination in the law should not mean failure to recognize it in education and specifically in educational leadership. This chapter demonstrated the methodological helpfulness of anti-, inter- and intra- categorical complexities at various stages of the research; in its design, as an analytical strategy and in theorizing intersectional discrimination. In turn, they revealed further intersectional complexities relating to combinations of characteristics; types of discrimination; historical and contemporary microdiscriminations; emotions and feelings; multilevel discriminations; the fluidity of discrimination and women’s lived realities in positions of power. This research reveals racism was underrecognized by those who identified with the dominant racial identity. It exposes the multiplicity and ubiquity of various types of discrimination. Previous experiences of discrimination, the emotions and feelings they provoked intersected with more recent experiences to influence how people understood discriminations in the past and the present. Individual experiences are best understood in multilevel contexts, institutional as well as sociohistorical and geopolitical. In particular, it is vital to recognize that all educational leaders and educators need to learn and teach about intersectionality if they are to create equitable and inclusive organizational cultures in which diverse bodies of staff and students can thrive. In the absence of other mechanisms for professional development focused on leadership for social justice, the professional activism of grassroots movements such as #WomenEd has provided a space for raising consciousness about the complexities of intersectionality.

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9 Disrupting Narratives of Women in Educational Leadership Rosemary Campbell-Stephens MBE

Introduction The human race is currently engaged in a series of rapidly shifting wars, outside of our collective experience. Adversaries are flexing in unimaginable ways, at a pace that is mind shattering. Whether we are combating coronavirus, global warming, deepening inequality, education systems that fail the majority, health systems stretched to breaking point, economic catastrophe or political chaos, an intentional, proactive, innovative and flexible alliance of the like-minded is critical. The standard command and control top-down management has been proven impotent in the current landscape. Narratives are permanently disrupted. Existing leadership and management models that have brought us to this point are incapable of taking us into an uncertain future that, while presenting emergent challenges, offers opportunities. What we know about leadership will provide a degree of navigation for the terrain ahead, but what is more likely is that the leaders of the present and the future will be the developers and engineers of their own navigation systems. Like most Homo sapiens endeavours, it will mostly be a collective effort, in the interests of maintaining the human race. Leaders will bring who they are, to what they do and how. Within a context of diminishing resources, human and financial, as well as shifting responsibilities and accountabilities beyond traditional organizational boundaries, one of the challenges to the emergence of a self-determining, self-sustaining public sector system is inadequate capacity. Nowhere is this more so than in the world of schools and children’s services. Schools have to work together if they are to survive. Leaders have to find ways of working that speak to a higher order than just getting through the next inspection. System leadership is the only intelligent and sustainable way forward. It is August 2020 and writing amidst a global pandemic gives pause for thought. The world, as we know it, has irretrievably changed; the implications of the global coronavirus pandemic for education are deeply profound. Covid-19 has affected educational systems worldwide, leading to the near-total closure of schools, universities and colleges. As of May 2020, approximately 1.268 billion learners were affected due to school closures. One hundred ninety-one countries had shut down all their primary and secondary schools affecting almost 1.6 billion children. We are now in August. As schools prepare to return, it is to a new normal.

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The deep inequalities in many global education systems have been totally exposed by the compulsory move to remote learning over the past five months. This has presented one of the gravest challenges to leadership since public sector schooling began. Students do not have universal access to an affordable or reliable internet connection, or the equipment and space at home to use it. Besides, as schools prepare for the return, every school leader will also have to prioritize the well-being of their students and staff above every other consideration. The coronavirus pandemic and the accompanying enforced global lockdown have trained a lens on leadership. Specifically, a piercing spotlight on the kind of leadership that we need from our political leaders in times of crisis. Existing models of leadership have been found woefully wanting. Traditional leadership labels and models have not only outlived much of their usefulness, but more worryingly, rather than becoming irrelevant, some have become positively dangerous. Women Leaders In writing this chapter on women in educational leadership, a look back over forty years, as well as a refocused look at the present, reveals much of worth. Leadership predispositions that focus on being inclusive address the needs of the most vulnerable first, and place value on people, work. Being compassionate, empathetic, values-led and collaborative, work. Collective action, around shared values and mutual interests, in the interest of the greater good, stands the tests of both time and context. Through the Covid-19 pandemic of 2020 countries with a woman in the top leadership position have so far suffered six times fewer confirmed deaths from Covid-19 than countries led by men. Leadership values and behaviours, blending humanity with pragmatism exemplified by female Heads of State, such as the German chancellor, Angela Merkel; New Zealand’s prime minister, Jacinda Ardern; Taiwan’s president, Tsai Ing-wen or Sanna Marin the Finnish prime minister have attracted global attention and admiration. Male leaders in countries such as Vietnam, the Czech Republic and Greece have also done well during the global crisis, but it is striking that few female leaders have done badly. Leading courageously and empathetically, from a position of being connected to those they serve, with values that position equity front and centre, seems to be at the core of who these leaders are. Women leaders in education who have inspired me in the last decade are the subject of this chapter. They exemplify the characteristics of leadership needed in these challenging times. These educational leaders, not unlike their 2020 political counterparts, have blended a profoundly humanistic view of leadership, with a pragmatic focus on the actions required to address the most pressing needs of those they serve, putting the most vulnerable, first. In so doing, they are radically, often quietly, changing the narrative on leadership. Some of the women educators that I describe have been recognized for their services to education, and others certainly should be. What they all have in common is not only that they are system leaders, leading beyond the silos of their institutions across the broader system, but their leadership behaviours are underpinned by philosophical humanistic values, such as Ubuntu and the human need to be part of a collective or tribe. The women in these case studies espouse an ethical model of leadership whose time has come. In one context they are Black women; in the other they are white women leaders. The 115

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educators described are leaders not only in their schools but also in their communities. In the case of the Black women they were cultural anchors; in both cases the women were capable of using empathy to connect with others and lead through influence across cultural or other boundaries, perceived or real. The women leaders in this chapter have through their lived experience developed a resilience over time that has made them strong and unambivalent about their identity and purpose beyond their leadership title. Grounded in a kind of ethical pragmatism, these educational leaders have found a way to navigate often highly politicized contexts. With their authenticity, unstifled, undaunted by fear, they deftly, metaphorically, disrupted what was by ‘clearing ground’. In doing so, creating new eco-spaces where others could exhale, breathe in clean air and create new narratives. Their curiosity and intelligence were matched only by their humility. They crafted well-lit paths that weaved through the politics of the time to make a difference in their schools and localities. They were strategic about extracting the politics out of the policy direction. Their periodic speaking of truth to power purged the atmosphere further, giving new impetus to those around them, enabling resilience and conscience as well as consciousness to thrive and grow the system forward. They are system leaders, practising servant leadership and, in doing so, disrupting some prevailing obsolete traditional Western leadership narratives about what transformational leadership is. How do these women disrupt? They put ego aside. They are not competing. They move beyond narrow managerial competences, focused mainly on the few, to utilizing to significant effect, an inclusive wide-lens to seeing, being and leading. They prioritize the building of trust, being inclusive and focus relentlessly on the essential needs of the whole human being. They are continually asking, who benefits and who does not, or what is wrong with this picture? They hear more than they see and feel what they neither see nor hear. Whether as inspirational individuals or as members of teams, they have the moral authority to lead because of their honesty and authenticity. These leaders turn up, are trusted, respected, and people believe them because they usually deliver more than they promise. In both examples, they chose to use their independence and influence to be interdependent, coming together as parts of collectives, when it was wise and strategic to do so, even at personal cost. Together or independently, these women leaders add tremendous value to the leadership piece because they not only occupy leadership positions but fundamentally change the leadership spaces that they occupy. It is on the leadership attributes of these types of woman leaders that this chapter focuses. Conceptualizations of leadership, paradigms of leadership theories and approaches are typically framed from a Western mindset. This colour-blind perspective is consistent with a Eurocentric philosophy and ideology of a modern, globalized world that is dominated by the power and influence of peoples of European descent (Turnbull 2011). Very little is written in the UK about the theories and practice of leadership and management and the dynamic created when those Western processes and models meet Black and other global majority cultures in the form of the leader. Leadership theory remains trapped in a Western mindset, with domestic theories masquerading as universal paradigms, while ironically the recipients of such leadership have never been more diverse, particularly in urban settings. Nevertheless, the fact that different bodies of knowledge continuously influence each other shows the dynamism of 116

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all knowledge systems (Dei 2000), if only we could create the space for that cross-fertilization, intellectually and actually, to be acknowledged. When analysing leadership, there is a preoccupation with competencies, traits and attributes; rarely are we invited to investigate the cultural roots of either the paradigm or pay attention to how a leader’s connection to their roots informs their leadership. There are implications for leaders who come from different cultures to those of the ‘knowledge creators’ accredited by ‘the academy’. The unspoken pressure on such leaders and those who train them has been to assimilate to ways of seeing, being and doing that diminishes the potential difference they bring, by virtue of their roots. Such an approach maintains the colour-blind status quo. Perceptions of professionalism often require conformism to some kind of norm. Yet what the collision between the Covid-19 pandemic and the Black Lives Matter movement has highlighted is the need for leaders to, among other things, have higher levels of cultural intelligence, less cultural dissonance; to be willing to step out of their lane and comfort zones; and to be honest about acknowledging and confronting systemic racism. The concept of Black and other global majority educators developing their capacity for leadership by working from within their cultural paradigms has too often been missing from the discourse on representation in leadership. Applying a culturally literate lens enables disruption of deficit narratives about a range of things, including underachievement, social justice and moral purpose. Contributing to and changing the broader conversation about leadership theory and practice was a central part of what we tried to do through London Challenge leadership initiatives such as Investing in Diversity (IiD) 2003-2011, at the Institute of Education, University College London. In exploring the under-representation of Black leaders in London schools, the opportunity presented itself to contribute through the leadership programme to leadership theory, preparation and practice. The aim was to prepare different types of leaders to lead differently, to forefront race positively and unapologetically. In developing and delivering the programme the way that we did, we changed not only the face but also the heart of educational leadership in London between 2003 and 2011, but it was an uphill struggle to get a system in denial to accept that it was racist and that this had implications for all. The programme was focused on the presence of more diverse leadership, mainly Black, global majority and female moving beyond occupying a leadership position, to fundamentally changing the leadership space and how leadership was enacted. It had to be about more than mere representation. This chapter focuses therefore on three areas: first, women leaders in education, who, like their female political counterparts, have demonstrated the kind of system leadership that is needed globally, nationally and locally in times of crisis and beyond. Second, it seeks to problematize dominant empirical ‘Western leadership research and theory through an exploration of a particular ‘leadership wisdom’ originating beyond the Western world’ (Turnbull 2011: 170), that of the African philosophy and concept Ubuntu. Finally, the chapter explores how groups of Black and white female leaders in education from different backgrounds and in two different contexts in the UK found compatibility with their respective collective values and a model of system leadership. My contention is that by blending the humanistic African philosophy of Ubuntu with system leadership, their experience and expertise, they were able to provide the kind of leadership that their contexts and time demanded. They disrupted narratives. 117

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Methodology In many ways, this is a semi-autobiographical piece, as I was there as an active participant with both sets of leaders, in one capacity as a chair of governors in another as a consultant. My observations and analysis, while being mine, are substantiated by a summary review of the relevant education leadership literature, in-depth interviews with the headteachers in Darlington and participant ‘observation’ of school leaders in both Birmingham and Darlington. The term ‘observation’ seems inadequate in reflecting my role. The chapter seeks to uncover and reflect on the blending of Ubuntu philosophy with pragmatic system leadership within these two very different UK contexts. It explores how the amalgamation of the two paradigms could support going forward the radical transformation needed across educational leadership. Ubuntu There are some non-Western leadership theories intrinsic to the cultural backgrounds of many Black and other global majority peoples. Such theories may not find their way into the mainstream cannons of Western literature on leadership. It is certainly not to be assumed that all Black, brown or other global majority leaders are predisposed to lead in a particularly culturally different way to their white counterparts; the opposite is much more likely to be true, given their Western training. However, there will be many who given the opportunity bring who they are culturally to the leadership table, in spite of their training. The system could benefit from this additionality; it adds value and potentially increases efficacy. The African concept of Ubuntu or Seva-centric leadership in the Asian tradition (Turnbull et al. 2012) are such non-Western concepts. Without Western theoretical underpinning, they are often, if referred to at all, dismissed as simplistic and underdeveloped, and so go unrecognized or affirmed as legitimate or efficacious parts of leaders’ professional identities and practices. This does not mean that these global human principles are any less relevant, practised or needed in today’s contexts. What is required of all leaders and service providers continues to become more complex and challenging, leaving existing conceptualizations of leadership somewhat redundant. Turnbull (2011) concurs, arguing that indigenous (avoiding explicitly using the term African) and Eastern ideologies will be needed if we are to change educational mindsets and challenge the obsolete model of Western business school education. There is a need not only for models of leadership that are relevant, but are acknowledged to inspire diversity of thinking, action and ultimately inspire people from diverse backgrounds to lead. Ubuntu is defined in more detail through the practice described in the Birmingham and Darlington contexts. Seven Black Women: Birmingham 2013 A school in Birmingham, UK, was placed in Special Measures in 2013, at the time; the school was deemed inadequate in all four OFSTED categories. A series of school improvement and interim headteachers were dispatched into the school by the local authority over nine months, to no avail. The school slipped further and further into trouble. With teachers leaving, the governing body and headteacher removed, and a growing deficit, parents began to remove their children. Even the Adventist community seemed to have lost hope in their once beloved school. With a local authority under scrutiny by the Department for Education, one more small failing primary 118

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school looked as though it were about to go under, that is until the Ubuntu factor kicked in, a radical rethink was required. The narrative was disrupted by seven Black women. The seven Black female leaders included the Head of the Teaching School Alliance (TSA) (school A), the headteacher and the deputy headteacher of the school commissioned by the TSA to support the ‘failing’ school directly (school B); the interim headteacher of the failing school (school C), myself as the chair of governors and the clerk to governors, both appointed by the LEA as an interim governing body. We suspected though it was not explicitly expressed, our role was to oversee the school’s closure. The clerk to the governors had many years previously been a parent with a child at the school. These women were in different ways personally invested in seeing this school not just survive, but thrive. Beyond the support given to school C, the Ubuntu approach to system leadership adopted in this case assisted these school leaders in working towards the development of a more responsible and ethical approach to the leadership training and support of schools that school A went on to offer across the city. Furthermore, the practice of Ubuntu encouraged the TSA to be more explicit about invitational approaches particularly to black professionals, allowing them to bring their individual and collective cultural lens legitimately to the school improvement table. Not having to explain our actions to defensive white colleagues, beyond the monthly meetings with local authority colleagues and the periodic OFSTED visits, conserved much-needed energy and alleviated one area of stress, although there were many more. Racial and cultural awareness were essential leadership attributes in the context; we needed people who had the requisite skills, aptitudes and dispositions; frankly, there was no time to deal with people’s dissonance or train colleagues up. We were able to enrich the TSA’s offer by, among other things, offering specific training for aspiring Black school leaders in the city. This approach to professional development was a spirited attempt to move training away from the mechanics of being a colour-blind educator, which made sense in a city with the demographics of Birmingham. It enhanced aspiring Black educators purpose by enabling them to bring their expertise as Black people to their professional identities and the way they led. It was what the diverse contexts in which they led required. Our actions were steeped in the Ubuntu philosophy, centred on personhood, morality, social and political activism. The typical expression of connectedness or collective personhood embodied in Ubuntu undermined the drive that there might have been to competitiveness between the schools involved. None of the seven women wanted to see school C close, although had it done so, both school A and school B would have benefited. School B was a good and rapidly improving school on an upward trajectory, with smart leadership, on an extensive site, with surplus capacity. The school leaders were not interested in competing with each other or building their respective empires. In the case of school B brokered in by the head of the TSA, they could easily have stood back and waited for school C to fold, as they could take all of its 196 children and instantly become a large two-form entry school. Instead, the head and deputy of supporting school B fought for over twelve months for the survival of the troubled school. Both the headteacher and the deputy spent in the order of at least four days a week between them in school C for an entire school year, routinely putting in twelve-to-eighteenhour days, as they were still running their school. Incredibly, school B gained an outstanding inspection grade in all categories the week following school C’s inspection, which took it out of measures. 119

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So, in March 2015, nearly two years after going into Special Measures and twelve months after the Ubuntu-inspired intensive intervention was implemented, school C was brought out of special measures. Leadership and management were deemed ‘good’; the three other categories required improvement. The school is now a stand-alone sponsored academy that has retained its distinctive ethos, within the family of the Anglican Diocese, who is its sponsor. A phenomenally exceptional achievement by any standard. The attributes displayed by these African Caribbean women were those of leaders united around a moral purpose who believed in their collective mission. The glue that held them together was the imperative to save the school for their community, the Black community. These attributes, by their admission, included being servants, bridge-builders, stewards, architects, activists, advocates, coaches and storytellers; supported by high doses of ethical, cultural and relational intelligence. The women leaders in Birmingham began by coming to terms with who they were as Black women who happened to be leaders, their identity, their values, their purpose, embracing simultaneously their ways of being and seeing. Seven women leaders from different backgrounds exemplified in their approach to leadership a deep-rooted ethic of responsibility not just to their peers but a strong sense of being connected to the communities they serve, as is the traditional African way. A heightened sense of moral purpose, an affinity for leadership focused on relationships and a conviction to collective responsibility defined their stewardship. The magnet that initially pulled the system leaders together was the understanding of the historical importance of the school not just to the Adventist community but also to the Black community in Birmingham and beyond. This was especially important given the colossal loss of the ‘sister secondary school’ in Haringey a few years earlier, which was at one time a beacon school for the whole community. In Black communities you need the Griots the story keepers and tellers to provide the wider continuity context in situations like these. Those leader needed to understand what that tiny school represented and its connection to what was, is and will be. Birmingham City Council had brokered in various levels of high-powered support for school C, following the usual formula for struggling schools, but something was lacking in their approach, the cultural quotient. If the intention was to save the school, the usual suspects and standard approaches were never going to be enough. More than anything the seven women knew that they could turn that school around, and against the odds they did. To explore further the philosophical foundations of Ubuntu, which broadly translates as ‘human kindness’, and its applicability in educational system leadership see Bush (2007; Fullan 2004; Hatcher 2008; Higham, Hopkins and Matthews 2009; Hopkins 2009; Hopkins and Higham 2007; O’Leary and Craig 2007; Pont, Nusche and Hopkins 2008; Venter 2004). schools@onedarlington: Ubuntu-inspired From 2007, Darlington headteachers and principals, uniquely led by their then director of children’s services, in partnership with elected members, were both positive and pragmatic in embracing the opportunities and challenges emerging from the political and educational landscape. Their principal aim was to find a process by which to continue to provide a supportive environment for fellow headteachers, with appropriate peer professional challenge, thereby enabling all schools to serve the children and families of Darlington best. This basis for collective and sustainable self-improvement has been at the heart of schools@onedarlington. 120

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The model of service delivery and system improvement that is practised in Darlington was in response to radical changes in public service delivery as a result of national policy direction, aligned in the case of Darlington, with local ambition. Each region or local authority area had to determine the best way to meet the challenges that the changing context presented; Darlington opted for interdependence. The model of sector-led school improvement established in 2008 was named by the leaders that developed it, schools@onedarlington. While ‘system leadership, or leading beyond one’s own school, has roots, in part, in response to the challenge of leadership succession’ (Tunnadine 2011), the drivers for the model of collaboration and system leadership in Darlington have even deeper historical roots, within a sociological tradition, beyond the education system. They build on a range of factors, including the universal principles and values of cooperative movements, and philosophies such as Ubuntu. A strong sense of community, an enterprising culture and a spirit of innovation are all significant, features in the history and culture of Darlington as a borough. The ideological drivers in this small local authority of thirty-nine schools predated the dramatic expansion of the academies programmes since 2010. Collaboration, partnership and support are in Darlington’s political and school leadership DNA. Darlington, in contrast to Birmingham, was the third smallest unitary authority in the country; at the start of 2013, it had the largest percentage of academies in the country with a disproportionately high number of ‘good’ and ‘outstanding’ schools. In the then climate of economic austerity, this could have provided a platform for schools to stand apart from the local authority or each other (as high-performing schools with autonomy). However, in a classic, ‘picking the politics out of the policy direction’ strategic move, Darlington Academy Trust’s headteachers and principals elected to use their independence to collaborate and to partner, rather than to compete, as a way of improving standards and significantly developing their brand of system leadership, schools@onedarlington. The need for connectedness around shared values and purpose was at the heart of what I found working with headteachers and principals over three years in Darlington. Their approach to system leadership was to operate within a collaborative values-driven framework that they constructed, together (see Campbell-Stephens 2015). Acting intentionally with moral purpose in the interests of a school community beyond their own individual schools appealed to all of the leaders observed. When the ethics of educational policy was being called into question, these headteachers found another way to serve ethically. Supporting their peers, as well as seeking to eradicate inequality and injustice within their part of the schooling system, was all the incentive that they needed to keep them motivated and to take on the mantel of custodians, collectively. For several years it had been my privilege through their conferences, follow-up seminars and other collaborations, to work with these headteachers and principals on a system-leadership model that placed human beings at the centre. The female leaders observed had significant roles within the schools@onedarlington movement. They were either running some of the stronger schools within the trust or, at the other end of the spectrum, were being boldly innovative, by necessity. All the leaders had a deep commitment, through their upbringing and socialization to issues of equity and social justice. They were as personally and professionally invested in each other as they were in the communities they served. 121

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A female principal of an outstanding college and executive head of a primary school in Darlington who was a signatory to the schools@onedarlington pledge joined Darlington Local Authority twenty years previously to the time of the study. She was originally from the locality, but had moved back from London; she was culturally connected and invested her community. The college she led was an outstanding school by all measures; she was an influential leader within the schools@onedarlington framework, although some might say that in many ways she had the least to gain, given her school’s status by being part of schools@onedarlington. Examples of the trust in action provided by this principal and others included Darlington’s discretionary home to school transport policy and its impact on historical patterns of school admissions, which when the council needed to make cuts the schools@onedarlington forum picked up. They committed to every Darlington student going to the school of their choice, irrespective of where they lived. Another female principal, this time from the entrepreneurial end of the Darlington spectrum having supported the transport proposals, despite not actively benefiting from it, went on to say that she saw it as her way of ‘paying back’ or at least supporting other schools by contributing to the family of schools in Darlington in the way that she could. She then had colleagues return the favour. They supported her on the building of the Education Village which this leader was the executive head of, and subsequently, potentially controversially, also supported her intention to set up a free-school, both of which would obviously have implications for other schools within a small unitary authority. She felt that supporting the transport policy, among other things, although it did not help her school directly, was her moral obligation to the broader school community and the values she signed up to as a signatory to schools@onedarlington. When she in turn needed support, though not easily won, colleagues could see how all Darlington children, including those attending their schools, could benefit from the village and the intended free-school. The head’s invested approach enabled her, incredibly, to negotiate the support needed from her peers for her proposal to develop the Education village for Darlington. Crucially, her responsibilities to the schools@onedarlington collective were made explicit, so that every Darlington student potentially stood to gain in ways that were meaningful to them and their families, from the initiative. To have effective collaborative partnerships, it is necessary to identify the professional skills needed to begin and maintain such alliances. Hargreaves provides a useful model using the three terms ‘magnets’, ‘glue’ and ‘drivers’ (2011: 6) and we see them all at play in the Darlington story. ‘Magnets’ are the factors that initially bring a partnership together: the enthusiasm shared by partners and the determination and social cohesion they display in carrying out the partnership work (Hargreaves 2011: 7). Schools within TSAs must come together with a strong moral purpose, shared vision and values (Gu et al. 2014: 4). Hargreaves uses the term ‘glue’ to refer to another significant aspect of successful partnerships: specifically, how to maintain such an alliance effectively. Hargreaves writes that it is necessary to ‘develop a culture in which people enjoy the work of the partnership as well as make gains’ (2011: 7). This depends upon the prominence of ‘reciprocity and trust’, based on respect for all individuals in the partnership (Gu et al. 2014: 54). Successful alliances possess a culture of ‘integrity, openness, honesty and respect’ (Campbell-Stephens 2013: 34), which has been the main driver for their success. Creating a productive environment within partnerships is, therefore, 122

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another critical skill that contributes to effective partnership work and is more likely to add to a sustainable position once those that initially provided support begin to withdraw. In addition, I found that significant levels of cultural competence, connections to the communities served and political astuteness enabled the alliance schools that I had the honour to work with to drive improvement in their respective local areas successfully. A key part of the narrative that exemplifies Ubuntu is that the leaders amplified the stories about the place that those schools needing support, have occupied in the stories of the communities that comprise Darlington. Continuity and connection with communities were an essential part of what these leaders brought to the potential disconnection that some local and national government policies posed, at the time. While schools@onedarlington remains a work in progress, there is much that can be gleaned from the journey to-date. The first is that the model has proven resilient, flexible and sustainable seven years on. One of the important ways in which the schools@onedarlington model is unique is that there was a higher percentage of academy leaders in Darlington than anywhere else in the UK. Yet, schools, academies and college leaders in Darlington used their greater autonomy to seek an interdependent relationship, not just with each other, but the local authority and elected members. The collaborative values-driven framework took years in the making. This model of leadership is mostly informal, rooted in respect, trust, commitment and accountability to self-first and then to the collective. Compelling personalities able to convey a narrative which the group believed in and around which it cohered, was the magnet that drew schools@onedarlington together. This system manages millions of pounds on behalf of thousands of stakeholders and delivers a quality service to Darlington young people. The influence schools@onedarlington has depends on its continued efficacy in delivering outcomes for those young people, irrespective of background. The effectiveness can be measured quantitatively, in that the majority of schools in Darlington were high performing. Equally, effective cooperation is heavily reliant on the quality of the relationships within the alliance. The schools@onedarlington model was timely; it could be described and even dismissed as merely a pragmatic and expedient response to the systemic challenges of the time, using the government’s preferred structural solution of academization. Where schools@onedarlington moves beyond pragmatic opportunism is a commitment that predates 2010, to democratic, ethical ideals and practice, in good times and bad. Women leaders played key roles in that journey as both elected members and educational leaders. Factors commonly associated with supporting effective collaboration include a shared ethos; trust, honesty, respect, openness; a sense of joint ownership, with different views taken into account; this was Darlington. The model of collaboration relied heavily on a balance between the moral imperative of headteachers, principals and other senior leaders, the director and elected members to do the right things. Guided by well established, agreed principles, they were also vigilant in doing things right. There was an unwillingness among the founding members of this movement to promote self-interest over others. Shared values, history and purpose was the glue that held them together and essentially became the Darlington way. 2020 The collision in 2020 between the coronavirus pandemic and the Black Lives Matter movement brings into sharp focus the need for an ethic of conviction and consensus among educators and 123

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policymakers about the fundamental purpose of education, and therefore what functions we need schools and school leaders to provide. The entitlement of every child through the schooling process, with due regard to their background (not regardless of, as usually stated), should be key in a culturally high-quotient organization. Now more than ever, appropriate leadership and professional training are needed to realize the vision. System leadership is the way forward; individual leaders cannot face the challenges of leadership on their own. If leadership preparation programmes in Britain continue to maintain a colour- and classblind perspective where leadership theories, practices and curriculum are viewed as neutral free of cultural perspectives, beliefs and intent, we do the leadership of the future a huge disservice. We cannot afford to be behind the curve on this when it is at odds with communities who are currently protesting for the decolonization of the education system, in some ways crying out for humanizing of our education system for all. The leadership practice of the women leaders celebrated in this chapter underline the importance of not only race and culturally conscious leadership but leadership focused on equity for the most vulnerable. Leadership development that goes beyond the colour- and class-blind approach, developing consciousness about issues of identity and belonging, is critical. New leadership approaches borne out of or influenced by global wisdoms that foreground considerations such as the importance of culture, identity, context and human connectedness are essential to disrupt some deficit narratives; and is the least that future leaders should expect. Lumby (2006) argues there has been little discussion about social-justice-oriented leadership development in England because transformational and distributed leadership approaches tend to dominate and homogenize the field. In particular, there is a paucity of research that examines the leadership philosophies and practices of Black headteachers and other school leaders of colour. How Black and female leaders can bring their additional lens to the leadership table should be part of the representation dialogue. This colour-blind approach (Mabokela and Madsen 2005) to leadership preparation, where leadership theories, practices and curriculum are viewed as neutral, free of cultural perspectives and beliefs, characterizes aspiring school leaders as a homogeneous group ‘where what they do matters more than who they are’ (Lumby and Morrison 2010: 5). What the women leaders celebrated in this chapter from a range of cultural backgrounds demonstrate is that there is a considerable corollary between who they are and what they do. Within the context of education, system leadership refers to collaborative approaches to leadership that extend beyond a single school site (Bush 2007; Highman, Hopkins and Matthews 2009). Bush (2007) goes further by highlighting the utility of the principles of Ubuntu as part of a changing leadership paradigm in schools, and also the need for more research to examine the extent to which Ubuntu and other African models of leadership may influence school leadership more broadly. What difference does it make to the situation of the majority of the group that Black teachers are supposed to represent, if the training and professional socialization those Black teachers receive, the institutional culture of which they become a part and the systems and processes they operate are identical to that of their white counterparts (Ogbu 2004)? My proposition is that the pleas for more black people and women to be represented in senior leadership positions and to be among the decision-makers in public institutions, particularly in schools and children’s services, should be accompanied by the determination to embrace their 124

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additionally and enable us to recreate different ways of leading from indigenous globalized wisdoms in decolonized spaces. All leadership development programmes should encourage aspiring leaders to reflect on their identities by coming to terms with their roots. Conclusion System leadership arises when political leaders and school leaders openly debate and agree on the moral purpose of education. Consensus about the kind of people that education creates for what kind of society is critical. ‘Only then can work in partnership begin to implement both how such purposes can be realised in practice and the criteria by which success in such an endeavour is to be judged’ (Hargreaves 2007). Whether we are examining the kind of potential regeneration of Birmingham schools that could be led by black leaders in that city or the system improvement by white leaders in schools@onedarlington, both school-led models have benefited from global conceptualizations of leadership. The system leaders who are collaborating in developing their version of system leadership for their respective contexts have all said of the process, ‘the journey itself adds to our humanity’. Like the concept of Ubuntu, these models of system leadership are predicated on people coming together and acting in the common interests of the community, the children and families they serve and of which they are apart. A summary review of these women leaders’ practices found that the very aspects of the structure that may have made the model appear potentially vulnerable at the start made the model not only healthy but also resilient. The interviews with leaders were littered with references to the power of leading through influence, underpinned by trust and respectful relationships, rather than relying on formal or statutory processes. Equally crucial to the sustainability of these models was comfort with interdependence and developing consensus about the purpose of systems that evolved over time. Essentially the academy programme has created hundreds of independent school units. In a locality such as Darlington, where the majority of schools have this independence, the freedoms that the secretary of State built into the system, coupled with diminishing resources, could have moved schools, culturally, ideologically and practically away from collaboration towards competition. However, the converse has been the case in Darlington, where custom, practice and culture, the magnet, glue and drivers over time have been towards collaboration, partnership and interdependence. All heads were mindful that with independence and autonomy came increased accountability, scrutiny, exposure and vulnerability, and in these times, the instinct was to gravitate towards being a part of a greater whole, if only initially, to provide a greater chance of survival. The principles of Ubuntu foreground the importance of the survival of the community. Collaborative activity is often equated with excellent or positive change, and this was indeed the experience of the leaders to whom this chapter refers. However, evidence was also provided of the very real practical challenges and tensions of establishing, leading and importantly, sustaining collaboration and partnership. One such challenge is the perceived dichotomy between government policies that, on the one hand, promote ‘autonomous institutions collaborating’ (DfE 2010) and, on the other hand, create operational and financial obstacles to making collaboration work. The fact that the headteachers and principals in Darlington, Birmingham and elsewhere are increasingly electing to use their freedom to collaborate in the interests of the greater good to 125

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which they feel connected owes much to what has become over time incorporation of global wisdom and principles of sustainability and social justice, into the instrumental logic of the day. The women leaders featured in this chapter embraced and exemplified the philosophy to the fullest extent. Ubuntu centres on collective personhood and morality as evidenced through various human acts, clearly visible in social, political and economic situations, as well as among family (Mbigi 1997). The common expression and tradition ‘Ubuntu ngumtu ngabanye abantu’ that we owe our selfhood to others, that we are first and foremost social beings, are lucidly epitomized through the leadership style of Nelson Mandela (Stengel 2010). Mandela’s approach and style of leadership demonstrate that Ubuntu, the philosophy of human kindness, is not one of weakness but one of strength represented through community, social and political activism for the eradication of economic and social injustice and inequality in support of a higher, common cause. System leaders move beyond managerial competencies in organizational silos to work collectively, in partnership across organizations and entities. They do so not just in times of crisis; it is their raison d’être, their default position. They catalyse action in critical areas of mutual interest and to the extent that it is possible to co-create the future or at least the pathway to the future. System leadership is, therefore, an exciting proposition that speaks to some fundamental human needs, namely, to connect, belong to a tribe, to have a human-centred purpose, to exercise efficacy as human beings and not just survive but thrive. It is an approach for tackling the complex systemic challenges and periodic catastrophic events that we now routinely face. Where the two intersect, Ubuntu and system leadership, magic happens. Innovative, proactive and hopeful, both sets of women leaders in Birmingham and Darlington found their way around collaboration as it was key to their leadership identities. They utilized and invested in their cultural anchorage set deep into their communities. They took some calculated chances and achieved some big system wins in areas that were vitally important to the students, at a time of colossal system change. A subtle theme running through this chapter is the importance of narrative and the gift that some leaders had or developed enabling them not only to see the bigger future picture but also to persuade, inspire and influence others of the merits of working as system leaders in the common interest. Their authority to lead remains mainly informal but, nonetheless, hugely influential, and is key in changing the consciousness of what is possible and by what means. They created narratives around which those that they led could and did cohere and in which those that served believed. They disrupted to create possibilities that all could live into.

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10 Developing Leadership Acts A Way to Reclaim Power Which Can Harness Actions and Resources Sigal Oppenhaim-Shachar

Introduction Traditional leadership (Avolio 2005; Eagly and Karau 2002; Eagly and Carli 2007) tends to be characterized as masculine, mostly due to gender stereotyping. Those scholars’ theories explain how it is that across much of the world, the liberal Western model of leadership is still, most of the time, analysed and defined through the lens of masculinity, usually white (Wilkinson and Bristol 2017) as an abstract and general concept. Accordingly, it motivates a whole set of gendered roles and practices (as well as ethnic-, race- and class-based ones, although my focus here is the gender perspective) which continue to foster expectations and judgements. The latter derive from the environment and culture which perceives leadership and managing according to that Western model (ibid.), overlapping with male image (Schein 2010), even in the educational field, where women usually form the majority (Griffiths 2006; Thorpe 2018).This state of affairs means that members of the ‘wrong’ gender may find it even harder to believe they are entitled to inclusion in the exclusive leadership club; this is particularly so if the ‘wrong member’ also has the ‘wrong colour’ and sometimes the ‘wrong’ status or religion (Roland 2018). Although this traditional concept is long overdue for expiry (Thorpe 2018; Wilkinson and Bristol 2017), we still find ourselves, even in schools, perceiving leadership paradigms as characterized by traditionally masculine traits: dominant, rational, hierarchical and goal-oriented (Griffiths 2006; Koenig et al. 2011). In other words, a hegemonic model based on power that strives to take over. Despite the fact that we must devise new leadership concepts, most schools are still educating under that traditional paradigm, missing or neglecting structural injustice (Oppenhaim-Shachar, unpublished; Roland 2018). This is primarily because the neoliberal climate pressures them to adopt and serve global capitalist values and to increase human capital. Messages of empowerment must be repackaged, particularly for girls (Oppenhaim-Shachar 2019; Gonick 2018). Such a hegemonic narrative can reinforce the ‘Girl Effect’ (Switzer, Bent, and Endsley 2016) which aspires to enhance girls’ belief in their abilities, as agents of their own lives who will ultimately

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become economically independent. It thus echoes the ‘agentic’ behaviour (Eagly and Carli 2007) and ‘agentic’ perception of power and leadership which girls are expected to adopt, regardless of their life circumstances – intersections of race, class, sexuality and so on, which can narrow or broaden their options to become leaders of their lives. Reluctance to take into account their social vulnerability, due to intersectionality, promotes individualistic solutions to a structural problem (Gonick 2018; McRobbie 2009; Roland 2018) and fits well with Western neoliberal values and the hegemonic Western model of leadership. In this chapter I explore the possibility of reconceptualizing leadership, relying on a more ‘communal’ behaviour (Eagly and Carli 2007) and ‘communal’ power perception (Wilkinson and Bristol 2017). I distinguish between two forms of power: the traditional one of ‘power as taking over’, and the ‘power which harnesses abilities and resources’, resembling Brunner and Schumaker’s (1998) distinction between ‘power to’ and ‘power over’. We must also distinguish between the leader and the act of leadership, so we can address the act itself rather than the individual performing it. In that way we can try to free ourselves from the need to play on the field of the ‘leadership myth’. Not only would it let us change the definitions we usually hold about leadership, minimize gender stereotypes, and undermine gender dichotomy, it would also encourage options for young women of all colours, ethnicities and statuses (and, of course, young men) to define their endeavours as ‘acts of leadership’. This could encourage a different approach towards leadership as a key concept that can challenge the hegemonic Western concept of leadership (Wilkinson and Bristol 2017) as individualistic and one-dimensional. The chapter briefly reviews characteristics of ‘power which takes over’, and the relationship between that kind of leadership and masculinity. It lists the personal and social prices that are paid due to those traditional concepts of leadership, and outlines various definitions and conceptions of ‘power which harnesses abilities and resources’, as well as which strengthen the leadership act as a social need to challenge the hegemonic definition of leadership. Leadership as a Western Liberal Model Schein (2010) asserts that culture and leadership are inextricably linked by the metaphor of the head – which often relates to a male head – and even more frequently to the characteristics of a secular, middle-class, white male. That automatic and ‘natural link permeates educational leadership and self-perpetuates’ (Thorpe 2018; Wilkinson and Bristol 2017). The dominant leadership discourse is still embodied in the perception of ‘the male model as the standard model’ (Avolio 2005; Eagly and Karau 2002; Eagly and Carli 2007), mainly because of the frequent use of natural binary distinctions which are essential for perpetuating power relations (Wiesel 2013). Dichotomous gender distinctions, biases and gendered stereotypes continue to spread and permeate the perceptions that leaders become leaders due to their personality traits (Sean, Avolio, Luthans and Harms 2008). Prevalent gender stereotypes thus influence and shape perceptions and beliefs (Wiesel 2013), and educational practices (Wilkinson and Bristol 2017) which motivate them, to greater or lesser extents, to act and lead. That is, they have put in place boundaries which keep us away from gender equality (Hoyt 2010; Koenig et al. 2011), directly and indirectly. According to these perceptions and beliefs, a leader should possess qualities like autonomy, self-confidence, determination and, sometimes, aggression; that is, a leader must be an ‘agentic’ male (Eagly and Carli 2003, 2007). Women, on the other hand, are expected to embody communal behaviours considered antithetical to 128

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leadership behaviour, since ‘communal’ behaviour reflects concern, courtesy and empathy for others (Kark and Eagly 2010); women serve as role models of caregivers – as teachers and mothers (Oppenhaim-Shachar unpublished; Brunner and Schumaker 1998). These social expectations reinforce essential perceptions about women and their natural abilities and skills which allegedly bar them from leadership tasks. Suffer from gender blindness, the education system (Griffiths, 2006; Oppenhaim-Shachar, unpublished) Strengthens the dichotomous social separation between ‘agentic’ and ‘communal’ behaviour. It sets up the prevailing social barriers embodied in the ‘double bind effect’ (Eagly and Carli 2007). In turn, that effect can lead to ‘benevolence’ or ‘hostile’ evaluation (Wiesel 2013), which creates a negative impact that often diminishes women’s ability to experience leadership and efficacy (Hoyt 2010). Even more so, since the dominant leadership discourse is linked to ‘masculine’ practices but considered ‘natural’, it places young women in a disadvantaged situation (Eagly 2007; Kark and Eagly 2010), struggling with ‘benevolent sexism’ (Wiesel 2013) – compassionate, forgiving and protective attitudes towards women – who are perceived as weak ineffective leaders and managers. However, if women choose to act as leaders they are often expected to ‘man up’, and are likely to sustain criticism, negative labels and even hostile attitudes (Wiesel 2013); if they comply with the ‘male management’ model (Eagly 2007), social pressure is liable to affect them and impair their functioning. Despite the growing understanding that gender and ability are unconnected, the dominant leadership paradigm remains unchanged, through the biases which men prioritize (Koenig et al. 2011; Wiesel 2013). Consequently, the discourse of power-based leadership, which strives to take over not only other people but also their opinions, beliefs and actions, is still flourishing and intensifying. It is unsurprising then that there are still fewer women leaders and managers, although they are considered to have an effective management style, even more than men’s. They remain trapped in that evaluation because of their gender, rather than in light of their abilities (Eagly and Karau 2002; Eagly and Carli 2007; Wiesel 2013). Boys Club and Formal Educational Leadership The concept of ‘power that takes over’ the hierarchy structure is based on the dominance, control, authority and influence (Brunner and Schumaker 1998) of those entitled to crush anyone less worthy of power and prestige on the leader’s way to the top, thereby defining needs, knowledge, ideas and other forms of power. Although it is becoming clear that such hegemonic leadership concept is less effective, in almost every aspect (Kark and Eagly 2010; Koenig et al. 2011; Sean et al. 2008; Wilkinson and Bristol 2017), it is still the dominant leadership pattern, and still based on an authoritarian style within the defined hierarchical culture and structure of most organizations (Yukl 2010), even educational ones (Bush 2011; Thorpe 2018). Because every privileged group strives to maintain its extra rights (prestige, recognition and financial reward) it will find ways to fortify them. For years, therefore, men (usually white) gathered together to shore up themselves and their power, mostly using charisma (Yukl 2010) to preserve their accumulated capital (socio-economic capital and symbolic capital) through fraternity and shared interests. So, the ‘formal models’ of educational leadership, for instance, are being applied according to a universal, ‘official’, rational structure based on authority, accountability and a hierarchy of organizational goals (Bush 2011). 129

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That can illustrate how over the years, the Western model whose power relations are chiefly grounded on distinctions of gender, race and class (Thorpe 2018; Wilkinson and Bristol 2017) is still dominant and encourages a leadership model which reproduces itself through personal characteristics related to masculinity (Eagly and Karau 2002; Shine et al. 2011; Wiesel 2013). It is probably why most of the research on leadership is overarchingly conducted by men, and generally follows male leaders in a scientifically ‘objective’, universal manner. Moreover, it helps to view leadership dynamics through the lens of leader and followers (Sean et al. 2008; Wilkinson and Bristol 2017), thus strengthening the idea of an ‘exclusive’ men in ‘exclusive’ club. It is probably why we still hardly see educational leadership based on the intersectional approach to social justice (Roland 2018), which provides space for different forms of powers, and different lived experiences and perspectives, in order to create social change, and rightsbased activism (ibid.; Brunner and Schumaker 1998; Thorpe 2018; Wilkinson and Bristol 2017). Education and Leadership in Israeli Society As I argued here, formal and informal gender mainstream processes constantly occur, especially in OECD countries, as part of the demand to reduce inequality situations (Verloo 2018; Walby 2011). This stems not only from the need to promote social justice but also to increase women’s economic output (Gonik 2018; Switzer et al. 2016). Although Israel is mostly a liberal society, its culture is rooted in a military and religious discourse, which sometimes makes it difficult for women and girls to take their place in the public sphere and perform acts of leadership – and sometimes prevents their representation and their voices being heard. The militaristic climate creates a sexist discourse within and outside the military system (Lomsky-Feder and Sasson-Levy 2017) which filters into the education system (Gur-Ziv 2013). Moreover, religious laws which demand separation between men and women, and between the private and public sphere, make it harder to cross gender boundaries and to improve mobility towards leadership. Because men are perceived as the more worthy leaders and managers (Eagly et al. 2003; Koenig et al. 2011; Schein 2010; Thorpe 2018), it is almost ‘natural’ that retired generals enter politics or take up senior positions in the private sector and government ministries – including the education system (Gur-Ziv 2013). At the same time, the country’s Jewish rabbinical establishment helps to retain leadership in men’s hands. The principle of excluding women is gaining political validity (because there is no separation between religion and state in Israel, through its representatives in the Knesset, religion trickles into scholars in the public sphere). Thus, as women become less visible, less heard and actually misrepresented (Shenhav 2016), it becomes clear how leadership definitions fit a particular gender and are incessantly reconstructed through media and education systems. The concept of the traditional militaristic hierarchy remains untouched. Women who aspire to join that exclusive leadership boys’ club usually have internalized the dominant principal of power-which-takes-over, and they support and embrace these hierarchical attitudes and power relations. By doing so, they continue reinforcing the unequal distribution of power in society and organizations and help to re-gender processes (Lorber 2006). They are preserving gender discrimination and strengthening the assumption that men (and women) who don’t use power-which-takes-over are the less valued category. 130

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Liberal Feminism and the Girl Effect In neoliberal settings, most education systems still educate under traditional paradigms and encourage a hierarchical approach to power and authority (Bush 2011; Griffiths 2006). They echo the takeover approach, in deceptive and elusive ways, wrapped in ‘choice’ and ‘empowerment’ values, in order to increase human capital (Gonick 2018; Oppenhaim-Shachar 2019). That is why liberal feminism’s messages also flourish (McRobbie 2009; Verloo 2018; Walby 2011). Promoting individual empowerment ideas, they confirm the hegemonic view of the resources and skills which leaders need, paying no attention to the social vulnerability that intersectionality causes. The unity of these messages promotes and reinforces the Girl Effect (Switzer et al. 2016), which seems to enhance girls and young women’s beliefs in their ability to become financially independent, encouraging them to develop personal individual empowerment, and competitive leadership. Israeli society complies with the demand to educate towards self- and personal empowerment as if it was a liberal Western society with more gender equality, where it is easy for everyone to become a leader. However, because the dominant messages try to strengthen (sexist) binary distinctions, in relation to their value and prestige (Gur-Ziv 2013; Shenhav 2016), they use the perception ‘power that takes over’ to empower and take over discourses, concepts and consciousness, utilizing the feminist discourse for their own needs. Social vulnerability is thus pushed (again) to the margins. Young women who are entrapped by these empowerment messages and who strive for autonomy and financial independence may adopt leadership principles that demand them to strengthen themselves, sometimes at others’ expense. Mostly because that education system tends to adopt the hegemonic culture, and its messages (Gur-Ziv 2013; Thorpe 2018), not only does it fail to challenge the hegemonic order, but it also ‘strengthens’ masculine-individualistic, competitive performance messages (Griffith 2006; Oppenhaim-Shachar, unpublished) which encourage the Western model of leadership. Often the result is that young women’s fragile resources are further weakened (Oppenhaim-Shachar 2019). Only a few women who actually serve as role models represent the option to aspire for high positions in the army and politics (Shenhav 2016). When they are present, they usually represent a takeover concept of power, so that it is difficult to develop a leadership relying on a different perception of power. In this context, I cite three relatively recent examples: 1. Example 1: Currently when Covid-19 has taken over most countries’ normal lives, power in Israel seems even more concentrated in the hands of Prime Minister Netanyahu, who hardly consulted with other parties on decisions concerning the first lockdown and its nature. Complying with the concept of centralized leadership, a national committee was established to find the most effective way of exiting the lockdown. Although Israeli law does not allow a public and political committee to be formed without women members, no woman was appointed to that committee. The committee determined, among other decisions, how the lives of families, women and children would look during and at the end of the quarantine. Ultimately, the voices, opinions, knowledge and experience of women as mothers and educators (most of whom are women) went unheard, because it was not considered necessary. The assumption was that an authoritative ‘general’ was the right leader (Gur-Ziv 2013) who knew more and represented all other points of view and needs, as objective and uniform knowledge (Koenig et al. 2011). As I write, it is becoming clear 131

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that Israel has failed in its fight against Covid-19, in almost every aspect. It is defined as a red country; the infection level is high despite Israel’s population being relatively young. While international rankings are falling, Israel is facing a second lockdown which will increase the numbers of the unemployed. Countries whose leaders are women, or whose thinking has characteristics of the ‘power that harnesses others’ knowledge, skills, point of view’, experience and abilities to act in collaboration (Bapuju et al. 2020), testify to a democratic culture. In those countries (at least as presented in the press – New Zealand, Germany, Iceland, Taiwan, Finland, Denmark and Norway) there were fewer social and economic crises alongside a strong sense of well-being and high levels of trust, during the first and second waves of the pandemic (Bapuju et al. 2020). 2. Example 2: During her visit to Israel Angela Merkel met with Israel’s top high-tech executives in 2018– as Israel is a country that defines itself as progressive liberal ‘Start-up Nation’, that is a modern and successful, state. However, the photographs that accompanied the visit showed her standing, among men. These photographs illustrate the problematic misrepresentation of women which Angela Merkel herself addressed, by asking out loud where the women executives were, were there no women engaged in high-tech in Israel? This was even more surprising and annoying, since, it did not seem so puzzling the male participants. If the education system in Israel strives to empower girls towards economic independence, such photographs reflect the ironic reality. How can it be appropriate that only men drive Israel’s economy? What do girls and women feel on seeing these photos, published without any apologetic sensibility? And lastly, what does that under-representation imply about wider society? 3. Example 3: Due to the lack of separation between religion and state, religionization processes are unfolding in Israel’s education system. Every summer debates break out over the length of the shorts which girl students wear to school. Most of the time the formal request to attend school wearing proper clothing is formulated as a dress code, which addresses only girls – and their modesty. The issue here, of course, is not the length of the shorts, but who has the right to decide what modesty is, and how it is embodied in girls’ body – and only theirs. Needless to say, this process further weakens girls’ ability to claim a place where they can be seen not just as seductive sexual objects, and to be heard, accordingly. When Sylvia Walby (2011) and Mieke Verloo (2018) clarify the need to promote the feminist project as part of the struggle for social justice, they describe how current processes are struggling on a daily basis with expressions of diverse symbolic (and actual) violence towards women, and their systematically erased achievements (Walby 2011). So when education systems and social discourses contend (McRobbie 2009; Verloo 2018) it is unnecessary to adopt a mainstream gender process, because we have already achieved equality, their aim is in fact to undermine equality, to narrow young women’s options to develop their skills by negotiating with the social barriers they face, and to position the message of individual self-promotion (Gonick 2018; OppenheimShachar 2019; Switzer et al. 2016 ) as the sole correct option that defines leadership. Again, we see how power takes over the concept of overpowering world view, narrows the options to challenge it and educate differently (Griffith 2006) towards a different perception of power. 132

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The understanding that young women must be exposed to systemic structural barriers (Gonick 2008) is significant, especially as they adopt what is called (Wilkinson and Bristol 2017) the hegemonic Western model of leadership in order to gain its inherent cultural, social and economic capital. The requirement to struggle and become a successful neoliberal subject (McRobbie 2009) can cause young women to feel frustrated, and believe they failed to do well enough, or did not fight enough to gain power (Gonick 2018; Switzer et al. 2016). Therefore, it’s crucial for them to be aware of those barriers, because otherwise they might be trapped in the negative impact of stereotyped expectations (Hoyt 2010), which could, in turn, weaken their belief in their power and abilities, and shape their behaviours and decisions (Oppenhaim-Shachar 2019). Is This the Cultural Turn? Wilkinson and Bristol (2017) explore the ‘cultural turn’ as the traditional hegemonic leadership concept that has been particularly challenged by indigenous knowledge and practices. These approaches emphasize communality, diverse knowledge and other perspectives, decentralization and dissemination of power through dialogue and mutual and equal negotiation. The assumptions underlying these perceptions are consistent with Brunner and Schumaker’s approach to power, grounded on four basic suppositions (Bolden and Kirk 2009): anyone can be a leader; leadership begins with self-awareness; leadership is relational; leadership is for the service of the community. In 1988, Brunner and Schumaker wrote that there is evidence on power and leadership which suggests that ‘more women in positions of authority are more likely than men to act on a socialproduction, rather than a social-control conception of power . . . women did not view power as a quality of particular persons – especially they. Rather, they considered collective action taken as a result of collaboratively made decisions’ (p. 37). A few years later, transformative leadership behaviours are consistent with behaviours considered feminine – nurturing, caring, participating, counselling, compassion, concern, respect, equality and consideration (Eagly and Karau 2002; Koenig et al. 2011; Yokl 2010). One could assume that this interesting finding would allow more women to integrate relatively more easily into the leadership model – even turn it into a more collaborative approach which allows less formal behaviour and a less hierarchical dialogue and structure. However, as Eagly and other researchers have pointed out (Eagly et al. 2003) because traditional male dominance is still prevalent in the leadership discourse, despite their skills and abilities women may become lost in the ‘labyrinth of leadership’ due to the high barriers they encounter (Eagly and Carli 2007). Perhaps the cultural turn is not fully achieved yet. And yet the demand for individual ‘empowerment’ that took over the social discourse and education system (Gonick 2018; Switzer et al. 2016) seems to undermine the possibility for making enough room for leadership based on a different power approach. Moreover, even if there are changes in leadership style or characteristics, and if experience is helping to develop and reshape leadership skills, we are still talking about leaders. Since there is still a tendency to assume that leaders are men, we are in fact systematically dismissing women as a cultural minority, and at the same time failing to treat them as a minority that should be prioritized. This imprisons us in the same leadership paradigm and carries a price that we all pay in personal and societal terms. 133

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Reclaiming Power – an Act of Leadership Oplatka (2015) summarizes in his book a range of leadership definitions and offers an overall one – the effect of meaningful activities with some social influence directed at an individual or group. Similarly, I define a leadership action as a conscious action aimed at improving or changing an existing situation (for myself and/or others). To this definition, I add a ‘mode of action’ which is defined as an action based on the power I can locate, identify and harness, and the diverse resources that I, and others around me, can gather. But the important issue is that this definition lies in the distinction between the action itself and whoever performs it. So, rather than characterizing the leader’s personality, I prefer to define the characteristics of leadership action. A conceptualization that distinguishes between actions and their performer (leadership and the leader) could contribute to personal and social improvement: it validates day-to-day leadership actions and can relieve the pressure to always act in the same manner. It does not need followers and encourages solidarity and collaboration instead of competition and achievement. It can release individuals from pressure to identify themselves as leaders and to constantly act accordingly. As we can gather from what is written here, a leader is usually an exemplary individual with the ability and right to achieve success with his own hands and work his [On the connection between leadership and self-realization and the myth of self-made men, and masculinity, discusses at length Catano, J. V. (2001). Ragged dicks: Masculinity, steel, and the rhetoric of the self-made man. SIU Press.] way up. But that perception of the self-made man as one who builds himself using his own power does not match the reality and has an inherently dangerous message as explained previously. First, it places in the background everyone who helps the successful person and defines them as followers. Even if they are defined as allies (Yokl 2010), there is still a clear hierarchy. Not only does that perception of power erase support, with supporters shunted to the shadows, it also encourages the phenomenon of individuality and reinforces the myth that this situation is possible, proper and applicable. It thus assists in glorifying personal characteristics and preserves the pyramidal structure. With the reconceptualization, we all can act as individuals and encourage others to collaborate with us, rather than trying to compete. Because the purpose of the action is to improve and better one’s condition, and it also relies on resources available to others, the action can be dynamic – becoming a model in which everyone shares responsibility and is committed to the action, not just the outcome, In future, as evident in perceptions of Indigenous people’s leadership (Bolden and Kirk 2009; Wilkinson and Bristol 2017), distinguishing between a leadership action and its performer will have several benefits: 1. if we follow the concept that anyone can be a leader (Bolden and Kirk 2009) then everyone – without the pressure to follow a certain code – can perform daily leadership actions in their own way and their own style, according to the needs, abilities and resources available. They can apply the definition of a leadership act if it complies with the criteria defining it, as explained below: 2. it can blur binary distinctions between active and passive action; powerless or powerful; feminine or masculine, and so on; 3. at the same time, it allows the individual to remain connected and committed to their power, and so there are stronger prospects that individuals will not give up their own power 134

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4.

5. 6.

7. 8.

and pass it on to others, simply because they have been told that others are better, more deserving, or more charismatic; the definition is embodied in the action, rather than in the leader who is endowed with unique traits: this can free us from the almost automatic link we make as a society between leadership and masculinity, and in turn will abolish the patriarchy’s efforts to preserve the exclusive boys’ club; the alternative definition can include and validate day-to-day actions as leadership acts, and make it possible to receive recognition for those actions; the distinction between the act and its performer may rule out the need to explore the relationship between a leader and his followers, and it can refer to a leadership action as another aspect of the individual’s self-relationship. Such a definition is based on power that can harness resources and as a relational act (Bolden and Kirk 2009); it can help in moving away from a hierarchical culture towards a network of connections; separating the leadership act from its performer, as an alternative definition, can make power – a different concept of it – accessible to everyone, since it actually accumulates through actions.

The concept of harnessing power, that is, harnessing others’ resources and abilities, also reverses the hegemonic approach towards power, because it prevents attempts to render invisible those involved in the leadership act (Wilkinson and Bristol 2017). The realization that no one can do everything alone helps free us from the conviction that we must know how to do everything (Bapuju et al. 2020) and lead in any field – as expected from one leader on the one hand, and the need to obey the leader’s authority, on the other. This understanding can reduce phenomena of bad leadership (ibid.) and, alongside the decentralization of power, can promote collaboration, making it possible to jointly commit to and take responsibility for action as allies. The power that harnesses perceptions of others’ abilities, at any given moment, may pave the way for anyone who wants or needs to act and lead processes, or participate in one – depending on their ability, skills and the different circumstances and conditions. By doing so, we can encourage better and more appropriate social behaviour; people can even receive the prestige they deserve for their daily actions, precisely because they don’t view them as leadership acts. The possibility to characterize the action rather than the performer may encourage a different approach to leadership as a key concept. It may even lower the power of gender stereotypes which impede the possibility of change. Thereby it can allow breaking free from the current hegemonic definitions that still weaken the self-belief of girls and young women, by defining their activities as acts of leadership. So, What Kind of Leadership Acts Should We Do Now, and How? Feminist literature often refers to the conceptualizing transformation of disputes by naming, blaming and claiming (Felstiner, Abel and Sarat 1980). To paraphrase these terms, the judgemental context changes into a discourse context, and the process is modified to naming, reclaiming and harnessing – along the path to ‘amending’. Naming, Reclaiming Not every expression of opposing action will inevitably become a leadership act, even if we do have the power and resources to change or improve an existing situation. For an act to become a 135

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leadership act, it must be a conscious act backed by knowledge and self-awareness (Bolden and Kirk 2009). When we are unaware of our current inequality and speak in terms of leadership from a different angle without a conscious gender perspective, we continue to strengthen the forces that erode our ability to promote justice, and change women’s leadership perception and social position in relation to the concept and probability (Walby 2011). Therefore, in any approach an idea of perception or opinion should be challenged to resist, examining in the context of leadership which space women can claim for themselves. Rethinking conceptualizations and undermining traditional conceptions in the process let us challenge outworn conceptions by undermining them. Different approaches which are genderblind and do not see or are unaware of the effect of gender stereotypes can minimize their options to manifest leadership action, to reclaim power – as well as social and even economic capital. Harnessing, Amending Instead of blaming (Felstiner, Abel and Sarat 1980), we should share responsibility – the kind embodied in leadership acts, committed to the intentions which can transform an impulsive act into a plan. The leadership act is reflected on during the act and sometimes after it ends, or a specific goal has been reached. Since reflection is an aspect of responsible leadership (Sean et al. 2008) even if the act we performed failed to achieve its goal, it is worthwhile to exercise reflection and learn what held it back, or what might have helped its realization. Raising awareness is a precondition for intentional action to improve the existing situation, and therefore requires developing and practising responsibility and commitment. To do this, we must examine the conditions – the relevant climate or educational space for encouraging these processes. Changing the climate is an amending situation. The same divide between the leadership act and the performer of that act has to distinguish between the cultures and conditions. Instead of encouraging powerful, traditional leaders in a competitive and achievement-based climate, we prefer to promote a culture of reciprocal leadership action formed with abilities, not gender stereotypes, to amend the existing situation and de-gender (Lorber 2006) the traditional leadership discourse. When Gibbons and Avolio (1988) examined leaders’ lives, they focused primarily on young men and examined conditions that could predict their becoming leaders as adults. Their study hardly took gender issues into account, for example, their impact on fostering or inhibiting expectations, and environmental conditions (Eagly 2007; Hoyt 2010). We are now more aware of how they affect young people, especially girls and young women. Yet, some of the conditions they defined addressed daring and experience, as well as a safe (non-judgemental) reflective space and climate. Those important components and conditions that might help foster self-belief in ability and resources must now be viewed through the gender prism; otherwise, we will judge women by the ‘double bind effect’ (Eagly and Carli 2007; Wiesel 2013). When more resources are available (Hoyt 2010), through an outside instructor who helps to identify the components of our action and helps us to learn from experience, it can be a positive turning-point in their awareness (Oppenhaim-Shachar 2019). It can help us understand how to apply our abilities to act more accurately next time and – crucially – it can help overcome failures. Writing thought and theories is important but is not sufficient. Teaching and learning in light of gender awareness is no less important. So, we must fight for recognition and representation 136

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in different abilities and resources and make them seen and heard. For as Gibbons and Avolio (1988) point out, experience is crucial: drama games in childhood; participation and training in youth movements, youth councils; and other formal and informal social activities can all provide extensive and excellent platforms to nurture daring and experimentation. Ultimately, it can become second nature; that is, the aim is to move from automatic modes of action towards thought-out action that requires planning, identifying resources, connecting and negotiating and to harness them all into leadership acts. However, for this to happen and to be accepted and encouraged, the dominant paradigm in educational systems should change (Griffiths 2006). Teachers, educators and school principals (mostly women) will be able to conceptualize their significant and important daily actions as leadership acts, so they can act as role models for others, not only by performing the action but also by reclaiming the power inherent in the definition. Role-model figures who draw on bonds of closeness and connection can allow us to learn and follow them to emulate leaning and strengthening leadership efficacy (Shamir 1995) and overcome the negative effects of stereotyping (Hoyt 2010; Wiesel 2013). Women educators can certainly be very significant in the process of culture changes (Griffiths 2006; Oppenheim-Shachar 2020). They can challenge neoliberalism claims, perceptions of power, comparative climate and leadership and recognize and open up to different approaches of power and different ways to manifest management and leadership skills. Alternative pedagogies, such as feminist pedagogy, can promote this significant awareness which is a prerequisite for performing a leadership act. Acts of leadership can become socially ‘contagious’, so once the concept becomes more democratized, it minimizes the need to pursue prestige, and is replaced by personal and social rewards for commitment and responsibility. In a domino effect, it can generate collective efficacy (Sean et al. 2008) since leadership actions can adapt themselves to needs and situations (Yukl 2010) and are more effective when flexible and detached from a leader with a particular style.

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11 Black Women Headteachers of the Windrush Generation Lauri Johnson

Introduction Black women have led UK schools for over fifty years, yet the impact of their educational leadership has been erased from the historical record and their lived experiences and leadership perspectives frequently misunderstood and marginalized through the lens of traditional leadership paradigms. This chapter chronicles the lived experiences and leadership practices of three black female headteachers in Britain in the 1960s and 1970s through Black Feminist frameworks. Through their life histories I construct leadership portraits of three black women educators – Yvonne Conolly (London, 1969), Betty Campbell (Cardiff, 1973) and Gertrude Paul (Leeds, 1976) – who were the first black headteachers in their respective cities and members of the Windrush generation. The Windrush Generation Between 1948 and 1971 half a million people left their homes in the Caribbean bound for Britain. As a result of the British Nationality Act of 1948, residents of Commonwealth countries (former British colonies and dependencies) were granted citizenship and the right of abode in the UK (Grosvenor 1997). Spurred by dwindling job prospects in the post-war Caribbean and aggressive recruitment to fill labour shortages in Britain, they left their homes and families for the promise of employment and a new life in the so-called Motherland.1 For many the move to Britain was intended to be a temporary sojourn, and they retained strong ties and commitments to their Caribbean families and communities ‘back home’. While there has been a black presence in Britain since Roman times, the first significant group of Caribbean immigrants post–Second World War are often referred to as the Windrush generation, after the MV Empire Windrush, a former troopship which transported 1,027 passengers from the Caribbean to the Tilbury Docks in London on 22 June 1948.2 The official Windrush narrative focused on the ex-servicemen from Jamaica who returned to England after the Second World War. In fact, the ship’s passengers included a diverse group of Jamaicans, Bermudans and Trinidadians (and residents of other islands), as well as sixty-six Polish refugees who boarded the ship in Mexico (Rogers and Ahmed 2019). While the majority of the passengers were male (684), there were 257 females on board as well as 86 children. Their migration stories and life in

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Britain in the 1950s and 1960s are not widely known (Thompson 1992). While there were other ships that preceded the Windrush, Goulbourne (2018) notes that this landing became symbolic of the post-war migration from the Caribbean diaspora that would transform multicultural Britain. Like others in the Windrush generation the life stories of these black women headteachers intersected with many of the major educational developments in post-war Britain – the overrepresentation of black students in ESN schools and police profiling of black youth,3 the formation of black supplementary schools4 and the rise of race equality legislation and advocacy organizations.5 The seventieth anniversary of the landing of the Windrush was celebrated in 2018 throughout Britain as an occasion to highlight the historical and cultural contributions of African Caribbean peoples to the UK. However, a scandal in the British Home Office that year came to light in which hundreds of people of African Caribbean heritage who settled in the UK before 1971 (as Commonwealth residents and British citizens) had been wrongly detained, denied legal rights and deported or threatened with deportation (Williams 2020). As black and British citizens, the Windrush generation have been positioned as ‘outsiders within’ the British establishment (Perry 2015), similar to the leadership narratives of the three pioneer black women headteachers chronicled in this chapter. Theoretical Perspective Black British Feminism (Ali et al. 2010; Mirza 1997) and Black Feminist Thought (Collins 2000) provide a theoretical framework to analyse how these black female school leaders crafted a selfdefined leadership stance and navigated the educational establishment to successfully advocate for the opportunities and life chances of African Caribbean and other immigrant students and their families. Mirza (2009) notes that Black British feminism is ‘engaged in the process of quilting a genealogical narrative of “other ways of knowing”’. Theorized in the 1990s, it seeks to establish an oppositional critical social theory for political empowerment and social justice (Ali et al. 2010) and incorporates the shared colonial histories of African, Caribbean and South Asian women in Britain who came to be figured as ‘black’ through political coalitions in the 1980s (Mirza 1997: 20).6 Mirza’s approach to black feminism embraces postcolonial ‘women of colour’ who share similar marginal locations (Mirza 2009). It also challenges essentialist connotations of racism (Brah and Phoenix 2004). Yuval Davis (2006) argues that studies of race and ethnicity in Britain are shaped by these colonial histories and that further studies should analyse how social divisions are constructed and intermeshed with each other in specific historical situations. A seminal text which chronicles black women’s lives in Britain in the 1970s and 1980s was The Heart of the Race: Black Women’s Lives in Britain, first published in 1985 but reissued in 2018 (Bryan, Dadzie and Scafe 2018). The authors were members of the Organisation of Women of African and Asian Descent (OWAAD), one of the first black women’s groups in Britain. As Stella Scafe notes, ‘OWAAD was about giving Black women a voice, and the book was all part of that project’ (p. 244). The chapters were written collectively, and detailed day-to-day realities in education, work and health care. Individual narratives were not named in order to represent a collective reality, but also, because the authors worked within a Marxist framework, to preserve anonymity for political reasons (p. 242). The authors of The Heart of the Race promoted a view of black feminism that connects global issues with an anti-imperialist, anti-colonialist grounding, 139

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‘take[s] the long view, and [illustrates] the way that structures continue to promote inequality’ (Bryan, Dadzie and Scafe 2018: 252). Black British Feminism bears close allegiance to Patricia Hill Collins’s (2000) Black Feminist Thought, developed over thirty years ago, which challenges the treatment of black women as objects of knowledge by valorizing African American women as agents of their own self-defined knowledge. Collins explains that her development of Black Feminist Thought in the late 1980s arose from the absence of attention to black women’s lives in the research literature and her interest in portraying the lived experiences of the black women she knew. ‘The specific purpose was to write the book that I wish my mother had been able to read. Because I thought that if she had an analysis in which she could position her experiences, that would have helped her with the struggles that she had in her life’ (Willett and Bell 2017). Collins does not position the development of Black Feminist Thought in the context of other feminisms, but instead asserts it arises from African American political activism and the struggles of black women’s collective actions in everyday life that challenge domination (Collins 2000: 203). In her view, black women have been positioned as ‘outsiders within’ systems of power. To become ‘insiders’ in the system they are often forced to assimilate a standpoint quite different than their own which they resist (Collins: 1986). Methodology These historical portraits of three pioneer UK black women headteachers in the 1960s through the 1980s were researched as part of a larger study of the lives and social and professional identities of three generations of UK black and South Asian headteachers who led UK schools from 1968 to 2015 (Johnson 2017a) and their responses to racism (Johnson 2017b). Biographical portraits were constructed through the use of primary archival sources and oral history interviews of the school leaders (Yvonne Conolly and Betty Campbell) and interviews with their associates (i.e. educators and community activists who worked with Gertrude Paul, as well as her daughter). Archival Sources. Archival research was conducted at the Black Cultural Archives and the London Metropolitan Archives (London); the West Yorkshire Archive Service and the Local History section of the Leeds Central Library (Leeds); and the Glamorgan Archives (Cardiff). Data sources included school logs, school board minutes, reports and surveys; census data and commission reports; news articles from mainstream papers such as the Yorkshire Evening Post as well as community newspapers such as West Indian World and Chapeltown News; historical photographs, newsreels and videos; and secondary sources on the history of the Black presence in Britain, government responses to immigration, the development of race equality policies and identity politics. Life History Interviews. The life history interview began with a general question which was framed as ‘Tell me the story of your life’. Subsequent interview questions were then designed to elicit and interrogate the critical life experiences that influenced the headteacher’s path to leadership, their leadership philosophy, the intersection of their professional and social identities, and their engagement with the community. As Goodson and Sikes note, ‘life historians examine how individuals talk about and story their experiences and perceptions of the social contexts they inhabit’ (2001: 1). Contextualized by archival sources, these biographical portraits reveal 140

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educational ‘lives in context’ and highlight the leaders’ responses to curriculum initiatives, government policies and the racial politics in their communities. Secondary Analysis. For this secondary analysis, I reanalysed the life narratives and archival materials from the original study through the lens of Black British Feminism and Black Feminist Thought to focus on how these Black women leaders defined their leadership, in contrast to how they were often characterized and positioned by others. I acknowledge that using predetermined theoretical frameworks to interpret historical data risks presentism, the tendency to interpret past events in terms of modern perspectives and values. In this study I have used these frameworks to help provide explanatory power. Positionality. As a white American female researcher, in this study I researched across race, national context and historical period. As such, I found myself constantly challenged to understand the racial realities, life experiences and historical context in which these black women headteachers led. In the process of analysing the historical and narrative data I have continually questioned my understanding, contextualized the data through the narratives of other black women leaders and discussed my findings with a diverse group of UK colleagues. I acknowledge there may be standpoints or themes that I have missed in this interpretive process. Whenever possible I have relied on representing their experiences as black women leaders in their own words so that these portraits might more accurately convey their lived realities and the reader may draw their own conclusions. Portraits of Pioneer Black Women Headteachers Yvonne Conolly, First Black Headteacher in London Yvonne Conolly was born in Jamaica in June 1939. Her father was a pharmacist, and her mother was a teacher who died when she was seven. Her father remarried when Yvonne was ten, and her stepmother ‘wanted the best for us, and the best in Jamaica is boarding school’. Conolly attended Westwood High School in Trelawny, Jamaica, at the age of twelve.7 Westwood was a Baptist school developed to provide an unsegregated education for girls, based on the belief that ‘girls of all colors, creeds, and race’ should attend school together. The school promoted a holistic liberal arts curriculum and an ecumenical approach to religion. Conolly took botany, art, history and Spanish and participated in chapel, attending a different church each week. When her father announced that the family would not be able to continue to pay the private school tuition, the school arranged for her to work as a pupil teacher in exchange for tuition and room and board. She taught botany and English to the first-form students and was able to finish her high school education. At the age of 17½ Conolly received a scholarship to Shortwood Teachers College in Kingston, where she was introduced to philosophy, Caribbean history and an awakening of her racial consciousness: I realized that the huge mahogany table at Westwood . . . where we used to do prep and the absolutely amazing cabinet with books were actually made by slaves. And I thought, I’d been sitting at a table made by slaves and I didn’t know it. So that was actually also a part of my growing up. (Conolly 2016) At the age of twenty Conolly began teaching at Knox College, a co-educational boarding school in Jamaica, where she developed differentiated instruction in her classroom, and a Sunday school 141

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programme, where the students were able to discuss morality issues. After three years of teaching and with a desire to pursue an educational degree, she borrowed the money from a local bank for passage to England. When her friend backed out of the trip Conolly travelled on her own on a Ffye’s banana boat. She arrived in London on September 11, 1963, on what she described as a ‘grey, grey day’ and was met by a group of ex patriot teachers: When I got to Waterloo Station, because the boat train came from Southampton to Waterloo, there were about four people who I had never seen in my life waiting for me as well. They all had winter coats on [because of the cold weather]. [I was surprised and happy to see them.] Their relatives in Jamaica wrote to them saying Yvonne was coming. (Conolly 2016) Her initial plan was to complete her degree and then return home to Jamaica. But because Britain did not recognize her teaching qualifications and she felt a responsibility to pay back her boat ticket, she sought work as a supply teacher. Conolly remembers her daily trek across the city to find work: I lived in Swiss Cottage, Finchley, and they [the Inner London Education Authority] put me in South London. And these were all trials of how to cope with winter. How to get the right bus. How to get the connections . . . I would go down to South London to the [ILEA] office and then they would say ‘Well we don’t need a supply teacher [today].’ (Conolly 2016) Conolly describes the racial climate in the London schools in the late 1960s. I was very aware there were racial tensions in schools. I would turn up and somebody would just[say], I suppose without meaning it, ‘but you’re Black’. Of course. My reply was, ‘Yes I am, but I am also a teacher.’ So, there were small, silly things. Nothing dangerous, but enough to cause discomfort. Through her mentor (who sprained her ankle and went out sick) she eventually got a full-time teaching position at George Eliot Primary School in North London. After four years of teaching, Conolly noted, ‘Rosemary, my head, sat me down and said to me “Yvonne, I think you have further to go”.’ In November 1968 Conolly applied for a headship, and, after three rounds of interviews, she was appointed in 1969 as the first black headteacher in London at the Ringcross Infant School in Islington. Ringcross was a multiracial, largely working-class, school with an enrolment of 210 children. The newspapers picked up on her appointment the next day, and the British Pathé newsreel crew arrived to film at her school. After fifty years Conolly vividly remembers the reporters who camped outside her school for days: ‘It was horrible. It was dreadful. Very stressful’ (Conolly 2016). ‘I remember being walked in to the school on my first day by the governors as a precaution’ (2020). She received anonymous letters in which somebody threatened to burn the school down. Newspaper articles were actually sent to me crossing out my photograph with nasty comments ‘Go back to Jamaica.’ I also had letters from members of the Black community who felt that I had ‘sold out’ to the White establishment and ‘demanded that you use your position for the acknowledgement of the Black race in this country’. The white male gaze of the British Pathé newsreel (Ghanish 2015) adopted a cheery colour-blind perspective on her appointment which ignored the opposition she had faced.8 142

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In 1978, after nine years as headteacher of Ringcross, Conolly was asked to join the Inner London Educational Authority’s (ILEA) Multiethnic Inspectorate as the lead inspector in primary education. In this role she worked with teachers and school leaders throughout London to implement professional development and in-service education in multicultural, multi-ethnic curriculum. She was also active in organizations focused on promoting Caribbean teachers and race equality. Between 1977 and 1986 she served as a member of the Home Secretaries’ Advisory Council on Race Relations. From 1981 until her retirement in 1990 she worked as a Primary Inspector for the boroughs of Camden and Westminster. Leadership Perspective. Acknowledging that low teacher expectations were common in British schools in the late 1960s, especially with regard to immigrant and working-class children, Conolly emphasized a ‘deep belief that every child has got the capacity to learn’. As she put it, it’s giving the opportunity, real opportunity, to children, as I used to say, to hit the ceiling.’ I also want to hope that those children will use the learning well, particularly in the equal opportunities terms. That they will actually be able to accept and respect people’s cultures and religion. (Conolly 2016). As a school leader Conolly saw her role as serving all of her students and their families: I had a responsibility for all of the children in my school regardless of race or religion. In fact, the differences were less than the commonalities we shared. And therefore, one had to get on with it. . . . Happily the parents were only interested in whether their children would get a good education. And that certainly was my focus. I felt that I had a job to do in Britain. (BBC News 2019). Conolly’s instructional focus included developing new curriculum initiatives. Having taken over leadership of an infant school without a set curriculum, she linked up with the science department in a nearby secondary school to design experiments for the older children. She also developed multicultural curriculum, including Mango Spice, a book of Caribbean songs which she co-authored with Gloria Cameron. Sonia Singham (another black headteacher in London), wrote the musical arrangements and sang on the CD. This book was commissioned by the ILEA and widely distributed in the London schools. A second edition of this songbook was reissued in 2001 and is still in print. Conolly describes her relationships with her teaching staff as ‘enabling’, and she encouraged the staff to pursue leadership opportunities outside the school. I gave a lot of scope to staff for input. And we would have discussions on those, and at the end of the day decisions would be made based on the needs of our school. I would say, instead of being tough, they knew I could be tough when it was necessary, but any toughness was done in private. (Conolly 2016) Conolly’s career as a pioneer black headteacher was chronicled by BBC News (2019; 2020) and through a public art exhibit at the University of Roehampton (Kamala 2018). In a recent newspaper interview she commented on the nature of racism: I think what has changed here is the nature of racism over the years. It used to be crass – ‘no dogs, no Irish, no blacks’. Now it is very different, more subtle. That’s why institutions have 143

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to question themselves at every point. They need to think about how fair they are really being. (Foot 2020) In October 2020 Yvonne Conolly received two awards: a CBE for services to education and the 2020 Honorary Fellowship of Education from the Naz Foundation presented by Prince Charles (Edmonds 2020). She died in Finsbury Park on 30 January 2021 at the age of eighty-one after a ten-year battle with myeloma (Speck 2021). Betty Campbell, First Black Headteacher in Wales9 Betty Campbell was born Betty Johnson on 6 November 1934 in Cardiff, Wales, the daughter of a Jamaican seaman (Simon) and a Welsh and Barbadian mother (Honora, known as Nora). Her father had immigrated from Jamaica in the 1920s to work in Cardiff at the age of fifteen. During the Second World War he served in the merchant marines and was killed when his ship, the Ocean Vanguard, was torpedoed in 1942. Her mother worked as a community bookmaker who placed bets on the horses. Betty grew up in multi-ethnic Butetown (Tiger Bay) in the 1950s, where she notes, ‘In our own unique way we were establishing an area where religion, colour didn’t matter – we all respected each other as people.’ She attributes her success as an educator to the Tiger Bay community: Without the community that I grew up in, I don’t think I would have achieved anything. There were a number of people there who had such faith in me, supported me in many, many ways. I think throughout my life I’ve been trying not to let people down. Especially when they have great faith in you. I’ve tried to keep to my word. (Betty Campbell: The Inspirational Story 2016) Campbell won a scholarship to Cardiff’s Lady Margaret High School for Girls, a prestigious private school outside Butetown. She describes her secondary school teacher’s response when she announced she wanted to be a teacher: Oh, I can see Miss Atfield, she had an Eton crop. Very, very tall. She went (Betty shifts into an upper-class inflection), ‘Oh, I think you may have too many problems.’ She’s going on, ‘You could do this, you could do that.’ . . . I went back to my seat, and I’m thinking, ‘Well, what would the problems be?’ . . . The only problem is I’m not White, I’m Black.’ And I cried. And that’s the first time anyone made me cry and I said it would be the last. She made me more determined. (Campbell 2015) In 1960 Campbell was one of six women students at the Cardiff Training College which admitted women for the first time. Her first teaching position was in Llanrumney, a suburban neighbourhood in East Cardiff. In 1973 she was appointed as the headteacher of Mount Stuart Primary School in Butetown. Campbell notes that low expectations for the children of Butetown were common. I remember one of the words I used to meet quite frequently . . . ‘Don’t expect too much.’ Ohhh god. If ever words made me scream, it was those words. And I’ve always said to my children, ‘You do your best. And you can do it.’ Like other pioneer black headteachers, Campbell faced opposition from some of the white teachers in her school who questioned her competence. In her words 144

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The Deputy Head refused to go to the school. Never went back. Once I was appointed he never went back to the school to take up his position and then another woman said that I was appointed because I lived in Butetown. Well, Tiger Bay more or less. I was appointed because I lived in Butetown. It was like, ‘Oh, give that to her to keep her quiet.’ So, I went straight to the Director of Education and I said, ‘I’m sorry, I’ve got this on merit.’ (Campbell 2015) Betty Campbell’s constant refrain to students at her multi-ethnic, multi-faith, working-class school located near the Cardiff docks was ‘Believe in yourself. I don’t care if anyone else believes . . . you believe in yourself’ (Campbell 2015). As the student population of her school doubled in size in the 1980s, Campbell advocated for a new school building for Mount Stuart. Urban renewal had taken hold in Butetown, and the Cardiff Bay Development Corporation was developing the harbour area and wanted to use the proposed new school site for a car park. The school was given an alternative site by the city, but the soil was found to be contaminated. Finally, Campbell notes she got ‘really angry and I had the support of parents and I think at the end of the day they got fed up with us. And we had the (new) school where we wanted it’ (Campbell 2015). Campbell made black history a centrepiece of her school curriculum at Mount Stuart: I was going to let the children know that there were Black people doing great things. I wanted them to be inspired too. I made it my mission to teach them about Black history when I became head teacher. (Jackson 2016) In her 2016 speech before the Welsh National Assembly Campbell summarized why she went into education: ‘I felt that there was a lack of Black people in education and I was determined that I was going to become one of those people and enhance the Black spirit, Black culture as much as I could’ (Betty Campbell: The Inspirational Story 2016). After retiring as a headteacher in 1999, Campbell was elected as a Cardiff City Councillor for the Butetown community, where she supported issues like fair and affordable housing and advocated for the Cardiff Bay Development Corporation to hire local residents on building projects. She also continued her neighbourhood work sponsoring passports and locating housing for recent Somali immigrants. Campbell served on the Race Relations Board between 1972 and 1976, was a governor of BBC Wales from 1980 to 1984, and a member of the Home Office’s Race Advisory Committee. She was awarded an MBE in 2003 for services to education and community life, and honoured by Unison Cymru’s Black Members’ group in 2015 with a lifetime achievement award for her contribution to black history and Welsh education – an award she said meant more to her than her MBE. Betty Campbell died in Butetown on 13 October 2017. Her funeral procession of hundreds was led by a jazz band playing ‘When the Saints Go Marching In’ (BBC News 2017). In a bid to develop more public statues of Welsh women, in 2019 BBC Cardiff held a campaign to identify Welsh women who the public considered to be ‘Hidden Heroines’. Campbell won the competition by a landslide, and she will be memorialized by a statue in Cardiff’s Central Square which will be unveilved in September, 2021 (BBC News 2019).10 Leadership Perspective. Campbell’s educational leadership was deeply rooted in her history and knowledge of the Butetown community where she grew up, attended school, taught and 145

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led the neighbourhood primary school. During her twenty-six years as headteacher Campbell proved a strong advocate to ensure that her students, many of whom were Black and Welsh, knew their heritage and history. She adopted Black history curriculum in her school long before Black History month was celebrated in the late 1980s. In her words There’s a curriculum one has to follow but you can broaden it. It’s entirely how you look. They want the children to read, obviously, lots of books, so I said, ‘What’s wrong with reading about somebody Black in history? What’s wrong in reading an African fairy story? Or folk tale as they call them.’ You know? It was an ordinary curriculum but as far as I was concerned I adjusted it to suit myself. (Betty Campbell 2015) Upon her retirement as a city councillor she continued to operate a Black history library for neighbourhood children from her home. Gertrude Paul, First Black Headteacher in Leeds Gertrude Maretta Paul was born in Parson’s Ground Village, St. Kitts, on 6 September 1934, the daughter of a teacher. She studied at a convent grammar school on the island and completed her teacher training on Antigua. Her colleague and Leeds community activist Arthur France, who immigrated from St. Kitts’s sister island (Nevis) in the 1950s, notes that Paul taught at the Bethel school before immigrating to Leeds in 1956. As the first black teacher in Leeds, Paul began teaching as a supply teacher at infant schools in the outer suburbs. In September 1972 Paul joined the Cowper Street Middle School as a permanent supply teacher. Black parents at the school were concerned about the quality of education, particularly with the lack of facilities when it was converted to a middle school, and racist remarks by the school’s headteacher, Mr William Buckle, whom they contended had commented that ‘black pupils have lower foreheads and less cranial capacity than white pupils’ (Farrar 1992). On 25 June 1973 at the beginning of the school day black parents picked up their children and proceeded to the local church where the children spent the day, while several of the parents and community members picketed in front of the school.11 At a public meeting two days after the strike, which was attended by 100 parents and community members, the Leeds Deputy Chief Education Officer R. S. Johnson announced several concessions to the strikers’ demands. The school would be reequipped, more senior teaching posts would be established to hopefully reduce the staff turnover and ‘expert specialist’ teachers would be brought in. On 31 December 1973 the headteacher Mr William Buckle resigned, and a new headteacher, Brian Clarke, was appointed the next day. Gertrude Paul’s actions with regard to the Cowper Street Middle School strike are instructive about how she was positioned between the educational authorities and Chapeltown’s community activists. As the only black teacher at Earl Cowper Middle School, she called in sick that day, but did not picket.12 Seconded to Elmhurst Middle School in 1974, she was appointed headteacher at the school in fall 1976. Elmhurst Middle School had a student population of 319 students, the majority of whom were African Caribbean, all born in England. About fifty of the pupils were white. The majority of teachers in the school were also white (sixteen), but there were three teachers of colour: one Asian, one African and one West Indian. There are few details about Gertrude Paul’s educational philosophy in the archival records, but interviews with community activists indicated that she was regarded as an ‘old school’ teacher with a strong ethic of care. 146

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The circumstances of Paul’s appointment to the school, however, provide insight into her struggles as a black woman leader within the school district. In a newspaper interview in 1978 Paul noted that ‘I worked very hard to achieve a headship and if I hadn’t got one I would have suspected prejudice and discrimination’ (Winter 1978). The United Caribbean Association and other community groups had lobbied for more black educators in the Leeds schools, and community activists attributed her appointment to their advocacy efforts. Meanwhile, her former headteacher at Earl Cowper Middle School, Brian Clarke, noted in an entry in his log book that the staff would be ‘surprised at her appointment’ and questioned ‘Is it discrimination in favor of a West Indian?’13 In addition to her role as headteacher with the Leeds local authority, Paul was a teacher (and later director) in the United Caribbean Association (UCA) Supplementary School, which was established in 1971 to provide a more culturally responsive education for African Caribbean children than they were receiving in state-run schools. As Paul described the philosophy of the supplementary school in the Leeds newspaper: ‘We feel we should teach our children West Indian history. They need to know their background and their origins so they can become aware of who they are’ (Winter 1978). In addition to literacy and numeracy, the UCA Supplementary School promoted Caribbean culture through dance, poetry and black history. For example, during Pan African week in June 1974 students from the school performed African dances and well-known African Caribbean poet Linton Kwesi Johnson read his political poetry in a ‘Grounding’, or Black Arts festival, at the Cowper Street School. An advocate for race equality and the African Caribbean community, Paul went on to serve on the national Commission for Race Equality (CRE) as a representative from Yorkshire in 1980 for a two-year term.14 When Gertrude Paul contracted myeloma in her mid-fifties, she was forced to take a medical leave and early retirement. On 7 January 1992 she died of cancer in St. Kitts at the age of fiftyseven. She had combined her final trip to St. Kitts to visit family and friends with the delivery of hospital equipment to the island, which had been purchased through funds raised in Leeds. Her funeral in Leeds, attended by 1,500 people, had to be moved to St. Aidan’s Church, Roundhay Road, because of the overflow crowd, rather than held at Trinity United Church, where she was the church organist. Gertrude Paul was buried in Harehills Cemetery (Wainwright 1992). In 2011 a Leeds Civic Trust blue plaque was placed in her honour on the front of Elmhurst Middle School (since renamed Bracken Edge Primary) to commemorate her tenure as the first black headteacher in Leeds (Bowyer 2011). The lounge at the Leeds West Indian Centre has also been renamed in her honour, but perhaps a more lasting tribute to her legacy are her former students, many of whom still live in the Chapeltown neighbourhood. She was remembered upon her death as ‘a kind warm hearted woman, mother, and friend to many’. Leadership Perspective. Characterized by Leeds community activists as a ‘traditional’ educationalist, Paul embraced her ‘old school’ approach to discipline. Because she had taught in the Caribbean before she immigrated to Leeds, as community activist Arthur France noted, ‘that’s what (made) the difference. She was a no-nonsense head . . . she was part of the community, the children and parents knew her, and she wasn’t scared of sorting them out’ (France 2015). Caribbean parents in Leeds held high aspirations for their children and were often critical of the low expectations of white British educators and their ‘laissez-faire’ attitude towards student discipline. Paul’s high expectations for students and traditionalist stance towards discipline gained her credibility with the parents in her school. 147

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As a teacher and school leader in Chapeltown, Paul was also keenly aware of the police harassment black youth faced throughout the 1970s. The infamous SUS laws in effect at the time meant that the police could stop, search and potentially arrest youth who they ‘suspected might intend to commit an offense’. In Leeds, the UCA developed a Legal Advice Centre plus an extended library and reading room to assist youth in their problems with the police.15 As a spokesperson for the UCA Paul used her position as a platform to advocate for improved relations with the police. In a prescient 1972 submission from the UCA to the Select Committee on Race and Immigration, Paul outlined the troubled relations between the police and the black community in Chapeltown: Harassment, intimidation, and wrongful arrest go on all the time in Chapeltown; black teenagers returning from Youth Centres to their homes in groups are jostled by the police, and when youths protest, police reinforcements with dogs are always ready just round corners. [. . .] Police boot and fist youths in compelling them to give wrong statements, but the right one the police requires. [. . .] We believe that policemen have every black person under suspicion of some sort and for that reason every black immigrant here in Leeds mistrusts the police, because we think that their attitudes are to start trouble, not prevent it.16 In November 1975 ten black youth from Chapeltown (The Bonfire Night defendants) were charged with ‘inciting a riot’ when they were profiled by the police on Guy Fawkes Day. Their charges were largely overturned by an all-white jury, which was seen as a major victory for local campaigners who had lobbied against police harassment.17 Gertrude Paul also promoted black and Caribbean history and literature at the UCA Supplementary School, but her position as a headteacher with the Leeds local authority worked against her with the more radical community activists when Black Power politics gained ascendancy in Leeds in the late 1970s.18 In her role as director of the UCA Supplementary School she steered clear of confrontations with the authorities, although she continued to provide quiet support for community causes. As the president and only female officer of the UCA in the mid-1980s Paul also had to navigate the politics of an all-male executive committee and the Leeds City Council in order to ensure the survival of the new Leeds West Indian Centre, which focused on social and cultural events. From the few archival records that remain, it appears that in this role Paul spent much of her time searching out new sources of revenue.19 Discussion: ‘Outsiders Within’ Our Leadership Paradigms As black women working in white spaces, headteachers like Yvonne Conolly, Betty Campbell and Gertrude Paul were positioned as the ‘outsider within’ (Collins 1986) the educational establishment, and had to navigate from this position to bridge both black community organizations and the white educational bureaucracy. Black women headteachers in the 1960s through the 1980s were expected to adopt a leadership stance and behaviours based on traditional white male leadership paradigms which privileged hierarchical relationships with teachers and parents and decision making which was aligned with the local authority. Collins (2000) notes that historically education has been viewed as a cornerstone of community development in the black community, and that black women’s struggles for survival have been as important as confrontations with institutional authorities. She terms this ‘everyday activism, 148

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those collective actions in everyday life that challenge domination’ (p. 203). Through a Black Feminist lens, these black female headteachers emerge as self-defined leaders who often made creative use of their outsider status to exercise agency and bring unique perspectives to bear upon school and community-wide issues. Their ‘everyday acts of resistance’ rejected a deficit view of black and immigrant students and viewed education as a transformative project. As professional educators they also developed unique approaches in order to straddle their school and community commitments. Yvonne Conolly was a founding member of the Caribbean Teachers Association, designed to provide professional development and advocacy for African Caribbean teachers in the London schools. While she supported the organization’s mentoring efforts to advocate for leadership opportunities for black teachers, she often disagreed with the (male) activists in the group who she felt were ‘not focused enough on the achievement of Black children’ (Conolly 2015). Betty Campbell instituted a steel pan group at her Cardiff school and incorporated oral history projects, which tapped into students’ cultural heritages and family funds of knowledge. She adopted a strategic approach in which her school’s curriculum was aligned to the national curriculum, but black history was celebrated throughout the year (Basini 1983) and parent advocacy viewed as an asset. Gertrude Paul directed the UCA Black Supplementary School and served on the board of the West Indian Cultural Centre. As the first black teacher (and then headteacher) in Leeds she would have no doubt lost her job if she openly participated in the 1973 school-wide strike by black parents in her Chapeltown school or actively advocated for the Bonfire Night youth activists. Instead, she supported community causes from behind the scenes (Paul 2016). Historical portraits of black women educators in Canada and the United States provide transnational parallels and similar examples of this everyday activism. In her history of African Canadian teachers in Ontario schools in the 1960s, Aladejebi (2015) characterizes the everyday acts which inserted Blackness into the Canadian curriculum as ‘micro resistances’. She argues that black women teachers who ‘struggled for representation and legitimacy’ created black spaces of value within these dominant systems which helped prepare black students for the systematic oppression they would face in Canadian society (p. 17). Similarly, African American teachers and school leaders who were ‘firsts’ in US school districts in the 1930s and 1940s focused on incorporating black culture and history into their school curriculum as well as ‘making their community a better place to live’ (Johnson 2004, 2006). UK pioneer black female headteachers like Yvonne Conolly, Betty Campbell and Gertrude Paul represent a long tradition of black women’s community-oriented leadership focused on community uplift, not solely individual advancement. They instituted progressive curriculum change which transformed their schools into student-centred classrooms, welcomed parents and community ‘funds of knowledge’ into the school, and worked to develop and support local and national race equality organizations. Their leadership narratives provide important examples of how today’s UK headteachers might lead collectively and holistically, focused on student well-being and community empowerment, and creating structures of schooling that support race and gender equality. As Lola Okolosie, an English teacher and Guardian columnist, notes in her foreword to the reissued edition of The Heart of the Race: The myriad Black women whose stories have been preserved and passed down to us passionately proclaim their rightful place in Britain’s history. It is on their shoulders that we stand. (p. 17) 149

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And, I would argue, Black British history is British history, and all women educational leaders stand on the shoulders of the black women headteachers of the Windrush generation. Their narratives provide a usable past for understanding not only Black British women’s lives but also the critical role of gender in educational leadership in post-war Britain and beyond.

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12 Intersectionality or Double Difference Learning and Leading with Deaf Black Women in Brazil Laudiléa Aparecida de Lourdes Laudino and Rosangela Malachias

Initial Considerations This chapter presents a research carried out from 2017 to 2019 about double difference (Furtado 2012), the human condition of being a deaf while being a black person. It explains how social activism using cultural strategies built a political agenda of social justice, in which constitutional rights were used to develop specific legislation, in favour of Deaf Education by Brazilian Sign Language (LIBRAS) and of Education for Ethnical and Racial Relations. The selected interviews focused on black women prioritizing their perceptions about double/multiple difference, answering what kind of discrimination comes first in their lives: deafness, race, gender, class? The interdisciplinary nature of education lends itself to interdisciplinary frames, in which the concepts of difference, communication and education interface, and intersectionality contributed to identify first our standpoint – as listeners – and the need to learn about differences and to acquire a right to be accepted as member of ‘deaf community’. As result, the interviews demonstrated how the black consciousness awakening allied to LIBRAS literacy can enlarge the struggle for a bilingual education as a right that is not consolidated yet in the elementary and higher education. The work demands continuity as possibility to the development of other epistemological paths to teaching education under a decolonial approach. Brief Historical Context Structural and institutional racism was consolidated in the post-abolition of slavery system period of Brazil’s history. The country is one of the most economically and racially stratified societies in the world and the growth of social and economic inequalities among African descendants has expanded. Data are regularly updated by surveys of Brazilian Institute of Geography and

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Statistics. In 2018, the average monthly income of the white workers was 73.9% higher than that of blacks or browns (IBGE, 2017-2019). In contemporary times, black youth and black women are the preferred targets of this exclusion and violence. But despite such adversity, the country’s history records also show the occurrence of individual and collective mobilization of black women leading actions for rights as public health and education, housing and social justice. These people faced challenges by positively affirming their identities. Public universities in Brazil have a tradition of developing quality research. However, access of the black population – as students and professors – in the public universities is still recent. In 2003, Rio de Janeiro State University (UERJ) was the first public university of the country to develop affirmative actions directed to black students. The University of São Paulo (USP) is one of the most prestigious higher education institutions in the country renowned for its excellent academic production. It was created in 1934, but its planning dates back to the 1920s. In that period, white intellectuals and journalists have published texts justifying the need for the creation of the university as a space for the sons and daughters of white rich families. USP would be a strategy of defence and protection of the country against the free black people, who were considered the cause of ‘degeneration of the political customs of nationality’ – a possible risk to occur after the recent abolition of slavery (Malachias 2007: 215). Historically, access to education was for long denied to the black population, which invented strategic possibilities for entering and staying in basic school (Gomes 2012, 2019; Gonçalves and Silva, 2000; Pinto, 1993) and gradually in higher education. The study on the schooling of the black population in São Paulo between the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries (Barros 2005) helps us, in part, to understand the thinking of the elites who opposed the presence of black children (enslaved or free African or Brazilian) in public and private schools in the city. The access to literacy would be an element of differentiation between whites (who considered themselves superior) and blacks (who were considered inferior by white people). According to Barros (2005), difficulties were created and not overcome in access to schooling for the black population in Brazil. Social and economic disparities can be understood as a response to the strategies developed by white people against equality of rights to the black people brought with the end of the slavery regime. In fact, these rights were not lived resulting in the maintenance of inequality of access and permanence of black people in the school that is evident until today (Barros 2005: 214). In the last twenty years, public inclusion policies directed towards black population, such as affirmative actions, social and racial quotas, have been expanded enlarging the ethnic-racial diversity on campuses and on research topics, a fact that we consider to be a confrontation with the Eurocentric practices from higher education institutions. Second Cruz (2005: 23) stated: The problem of the lack of historical approaches to the educational trajectories of blacks in Brazil reveals that it is not people who have no history, but there are people whose historical sources, instead of being preserved, were destroyed in the processes of domination. A similar logic encompasses the history of deaf education in the country, and the recent literature on this group illuminates what was not seen and heard by many educators. The National Institute of Deaf Education (INES) was the first school dedicated to deaf students. It was founded by 152

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Emperor Dom Pedro II in 1857 as Imperial Institute of the Deaf and Dumb. The Brazilian Sign Language (LIBRAS) was born at INES, from the junction of the French Sign Language with the different systems used by the deaf from various locations in Brazil. According to Ferreira (2018), for a long time black deaf people were prohibited from studying at this institution and black people were servants only. Twenty-three years later, in 1880, an international congress about deaf education took place in Milan, Italy, determining the prohibition of sign language and defining the oral method as the most appropriate to be used in schools for the deaf. The congress also decided that deafness was a pathology and the deaf person was incapable. In 150 years, INES has its first deaf general director. Since 2019, Professor Paulo André Bulhões has administrated this centre of reference arguing that LIBRAS is, in fact, the language of instruction for deaf students. In an interview, Marcus Tavares indicated: It is an issue of representativeness as, for example, the subjects related to identities of black and Indigenous people are. We do not want to exclude hearing people, we only want children and young people who are deaf to be educated, first, in a cultural, identity and linguistic conception of the deaf universe.1 Campello and Rezende (2014) reported their critical view as deaf PhD professors and activists that have associated the political consciousness about constitutional rights of deaf population and recognition of the bilingual education as a need to be reached. We are authors with crossings produced by a public educational policy that has not met and does not meet our imperative linguistic and cultural demands. We diagnose in our field the imperative need for Bilingual Education for the Deaf. From this place we speak, we tell the story of struggles of the Brazilian Deaf Movement in defense of our Bilingual Schools. (Campello and Rezende 2014: 73) According to Ferreira (2018: 14), the 1st National Congress on Social Inclusion of Deaf Black (CNISNS) took place in the city (and state) of São Paulo, in November 2008, Black Consciousness month. The objective was to present the laws and the Brazilian Constitution that ensure equal rights and duties for all and thus result in better social inclusion for deaf blacks. Art. 5th ‘Everyone is equal to the law, without distinction of any nature, apply to Brazilians and foreigners residents in the country with inviolability of the right to life, freedom, rate, security and property.’ (Federal Constitution of Brazil 1988: 15–20) Advocacy for Social Justice ‘Citizen Constitution’ is the nickname that was given to the Federal Constitution of the Republic of Brazil (1988), because its articles were widely debated in the country’s democratization process, after twenty-one years (1964–85) living under censorship, civil repression and restriction of rights. The active participation of social movements in the drafting of a democratic Magna Carta promoted advances for populations historically discriminated by the absence of equality in the practice of their human rights; women, black population and Indigenous population, among other groups of society. 153

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There are undeniable contradictions in this recent historic process of struggle for democracy and citizenship. The end of colonialism did not represent the end of the discriminatory power relations developed within postcolonial societies, and the ‘postcolonial’ marks the passage from one configuration or historical conjuncture of power to another (Hall 2006: 56). For decades, access to education and access to the labour market were the priorities elected by black movements in the country. In the 1930s struggle had citizen integration as a goal. When we retrieved the chronology of the actions done by this social activism, it attested that the black culture was the political path chosen by leaders who wrote an educational agenda of public policies that keeps being updated in the contemporary days. In 1988, the year of the Abolition Centenary (1888–1988), the First National Meeting of Black Women (I ENMN) with 450 participants from nineteen (among twenty-seven) Brazilian states happened. They presented workshops and other activities doing criticism against the celebrations of Slavery Abolition and held debates on racism, education, work, public health, political organization, sexuality, art and culture. These activities were crucial moments to reflect on the concept of the abolition of slavery and for an exchange of experiences that shed light on the political and cultural diversity that Brazilian black women represent, in addition to the historical importance of replicating the knowledge exchanged there. After this meeting, the activists started an advocacy training to integrate delegations of global conferences promoted by the United Nations (Carneiro 2001; Werneck 2009). A new chapter of Brazilian history was written in the last century by the social activists, who had an important participation defining public policies supported by the new Citizen Constitution. Nowadays, Brazil still registers high levels of inequalities and violence. According to the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE)2, in 2017, a black man worker received, on average, 50 per cent less than a white man worker, in the same job and with the same technical training (IBGE 2017). Data shows worst results for black women. They receive less than half that of white men (44.4 per cent). Violence was and still is a subject of denouncement because the high levels of deaths/murders of black young men. In 2017, ‘75.5% of homicide victims were black individuals (black or brown), according to the IBGE classification’ (Atlas da Violência 2019: 46). According to the 2010 Census done by IBGE, Brazilian population were 191 million inhabitants and among them 5.1 per cent, or 9,717,318 people, were declared to have some kind of hearing impairment. However, these data did not separate the deaf from other people who have hearing problems (IBGE, Census). The National Household Sample Survey (PNAD-IBGE 2018) accounted 43.1 per cent of Brazil’s population declared themselves as white; 9.3 per cent declared themselves black and 46.5 per cent brown. IBGE unites the categories of black and brown to define the black population – descendants of Africans. In 2019, the Brazilian population reached 210 million (PNAD-IBGE 2019); 56.10 per cent declared themselves as African descendants. Therefore, we can deduce that 5.1 per cent of these people or 10.5 million are deaf or have hearing impairment and that, in this group, 5,880,000 people are African descendants. This broad context is necessary because rights conquered in the last thirty years, especially those directed towards women, the black, Indigenous and deaf populations started to be the target of federal government attacks.3 The colonial discourse is constituted from kind of knowledge, representation and power strategies and ways to relate them to the saying laws, rules 154

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and regulations (Skliar and Quadros 2000: 37). The social movements were also responsible for federal legislation that follows constitutional principles. LIBRAS Law number 10436, 24 April 2002, recognizes the Brazilian Sign Language and other associated resources as a legal means of communication and expression. Decree 5,626, 22 December 2005, regulates the LIBRAS Law (Brasil 2005). Laws 10639, 9 January 2003; and 11645, 10 March 2008 changed the Guidelines and for National Education becoming mandatory the teaching of Afro-Brazilian, African and Indigenous History and Culture (Brasil 2004) in basic education from childhood to high school. These laws had to be obeyed by universities that have schools of education, teaching education, and pedagogy courses. It is demanded to follow these guidelines and decree, but unfortunately higher education institutions have ignored them. Non-governmental organizations linked to the social movements have acted giving training to educators and also submitting complaints to the Public Prosecutor’s Office demanding that these educational laws in favour of diversity are respected. Motivation – Learning to Know The interest for learning with and about deaf black people started in November 2016, during the Black Consciousness Week promoted by the AFRODIÁSPORAS4 Research Center of Black Women, Audiovisual Culture and Educommunication at Urban Peripheries that is placed at FEBF – Faculty of Education from Baixada Fluminense, Duque de Caxias city, Rio de Janeiro. Researchers, students, activists of social movements or cultural collectives are members committed with the development of studies, theories and pedagogical activities directed towards racism eradication. On that occasion, three5 educators (two women and one man) were invited to give lectures about how, for each one, the awakening of ethnic and racial consciousness had happened. The three lectures were given in LIBRAS and translated to Portuguese by only one interpreter, a white professor called Hector Calixto. In the audience, we, the black women researchers, learned a lot as listeners who had never thought about deafness and blackness together. They caught the audience attention, regarding the way these subjects suffer and perceive prejudice in their daily lives. The life histories were logically their own and different, but, in common, they presented the awakening of a black awareness, previously non-existent. The search for knowledge about the history of Africans in Brazil was another point in common among them. The three lectures were impressive, but the identity issues that deaf black women reported were closer to those, one day, each one of us, black women, had experienced as the transition from straightening to curly hair; questioning about our beauty and offensive insults due to the colour of our skin. Despite the plurality of black women (class, sexuality, skin tone, age, schooling), there are possibilities for identity meetings, which strengthens us. For the Brazilian black writer Conceição Evaristo (2005) these moments of life are the ‘escrevivências’ (writing/ living). Earlier, in a brief history of black schooling in Brazil, the small number of black teachers working in public institutions was mentioned. The lack of ethnic representativeness in teaching and especially the lack of knowledge related to ethnic-racial studies can affect students’ choice of a specific theme and of an adviser who is open to learning. Pedagogy students, in particular the black ones, want to study and deepen issues to identify and denounce racism and inequalities. 155

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Simultaneously, this choice can thus transcend the dogmatic and universal character of science. Subject and object are unique and therefore demand an effort to present this reality theoretically. It was necessary for both Laudino and Malachias to learn to know black deaf people; to learn about a new way to ‘read the world’ (Freire 1987). For a number of researchers, the epistemic perspective of Latin American postcolonial studies has shown itself as a possibility of reasoning their study themes, since decolonial thinking recognizes other knowledge (Walsh 2008). In this sense, decolonial6 pedagogy envisages a change in social relations and also in the structures, conditions and devices of power, which maintain racism and inequalities in the educational sphere. Black movements re-signified and politicized the concept of race, giving it an emancipatory and non-inferior treatment and making it a decolonial project (Gomes 2012: 733). The debate about racism came to the public scene inspiring critical studies. Methodology As listener researchers, we needed to understand deaf black people demands, exercising the empathy and otherness for the methodological work of description and analysis of ethnicracial relations experienced by the research subjects. In short, the development of work became a theoretical and practical challenge in the search for a legitimate place in ‘deaf community’. Skliar and Quadros (2000: 47–8) explain that ‘listeners’, who consider the deaf as disabled and incapable do not belong to the deaf community and, ironically, they are labelled by stereotypes, such as ‘listener who do not like of deaf people’. In 2017, we subscribed a proposal (which was accepted) to present this still initial research at the 6th National Congress on Social Inclusion of Deaf Black, inside the ‘listeners category’. It was the sixth edition of the event, at the Federal University of Santa Catarina, in Florianópolis, southern Brazil. With the approval of the work, we defined the CNISNS as the location for the collection of the filmed four interviews (three women and one man). Months later, we included a fifth interview (with a black girl, teenager) held in Rio de Janeiro, after a process of pedagogical and authorized observation. All the interviewees speak LIBRAS as first language. It was necessary to ask for an interpreter, because Laudino was, in that moment, a beginner LIBRAS student and was not fluent in talking to do the interviews. On the opposite, Malachias, learned only how to present herself, name, institution and to greet people using LIBRAS. This personal presentation took on meaning when visual names were given to us. Although the person’s name can be said in LIBRAS, the person’s recognition is given by the visual name that is represented by a sign that identifies her. Each one can choose their own identification, but the ideal is to receive a visual name, assigned by a deaf person, who, upon meeting you, will baptize you with a unique, proper sign and that the deaf community will recognize it as being you. The visual name given to Malachias was chosen by Weslei Rocha, who a year earlier had participated in black awareness week in AFRODIÁSPORAS-FEBF, generating interest in the topic. Listening participants were advised by the organization that LIBRAS was the official language of the event. Not all conferences would be translated into Portuguese, and the priority for questions at the main conferences would be for deaf people. We talked to a young white 156

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girl, who was working at reception of participants. She was undergraduate student and agreed to help us interview people. The colour identification of the interpreter obeys the necessary intersectionality of this work and considers the difficult understanding about the occurrence of structural and institutional racism common in Brazil. The fact that she was working on an event about deaf blacks did not necessarily guarantee an awareness about the privileges of whiteness. However, it was interesting to observe her empathy and availability for help. Procedures – Laudino selected four deaf black people, three women and one man,7 who belonged to the conference organization. They were informed about the research and agreed to speak. All of them signed an informed consent form. Questions were spoken in Portuguese. The interpreter read Laudiléa’s lips and reproduced it into LIBRAS. The interviews were filmed. The translation of videos happened weeks later, and was done by Professor Hector Renan Calixto, who, at that time, taught LIBRAS at FEBF. Months later Laudino did an interview with a young girl after an observation process in a public high school within authorization given by the interviewed mother and by the principal of school. Findings Interview 1 – M.A. said that participating in the CNISNS has broadened her black consciousness. She does not recall a specific event of discrimination suffered by her in Rio de Janeiro, where she lived, and in the Florianópolis city, where she now resides. However, she finds it very difficult to study at a non-inclusive university. There is no accessibility within the postgraduate program of the Federal University of Santa Caratina. There is only one space, in which only one teacher who knows sign language (Ronice Quadros, who belongs to the field of linguistics). As coordinator of CNISNS 2017, I see that the movements of black deaf people are slowly advancing towards the development of this awareness, it is necessary to occupy other spaces, have academic education and conduct research on our lives and needs, because this type of study is still scarce. Deaf blacks also need to be in the fields of arts, literature and politics, and politics is perhaps the most difficult space to occupy. Once these spaces are occupied, it will be possible to disseminate the knowledge and empowerment of black deaf people. (M.A. 2017 Interview) Interview 2 – K.F.C is an undergraduate student of LIBRAS Language. She said that although there are studies about black people and their subjectivities, the same does not happen with black deaf people, who are starting a path with the CNISNS. Before, I did not make an association between the two areas, blackness and deafness, but over time, I started to empower myself with anthropological studies and to understand subjectivities as a black woman. The CNISNS brought issues about deaf black people and began to strengthen our identity and broadens our awareness. The deaf community is aware of the importance of deaf culture, but participating in the CNISNS helps to break down prejudices and barriers in relation to Black Deaf people. (K.F.C. Interview 2017) Interview 3 – P.L.A.F is professor at a public university and feels herself proud of be a black woman. 157

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First comes the discussion about being black and then about being deaf, due to the fact that visually speaking, it is the aspect that first draws attention and secondly the issue of to be a deaf person. I am proud of my black identity and culture. Before, I had no identity, but I assumed it and I am proud to be a deaf black woman and not feel myself inferior. It is important to teach about my ancestors, as it says a lot about my own history. There is a lack of methodology and materials adapted for the deaf students in the academic and school environment. This occurs regarding to the contents already enshrined in the official curriculum and those about ethnicracial relations, because we are a linguistic minority. (P.L.A.F. Interview 2017) Observation and Interview – On 10 August 2018, Laudino began the observation at the state school Paulo Pontes, in the city of São João de Meriti – RJ, with the authorization of the board and the family of the GSM student, black and deaf. At the time, GSM was in the second year of high school and was seventeen years old. GSM is fluent in sign language and also performs lip reading. Her mother and brothers are listeners and communicate with her at home through LIBRAS. In the classroom she was sat in the first row of desks to be closer to the teachers. Laudino was invited to attend the philosophy and sociology classes given by Professor A.L.L., who was black. The teacher admitted his difficulty in dealing with deafness and, through this research, Laudino was also able to talk to other GSM teachers. At the beginning of class Professor A.L.L. said that he would ‘dictate’ an activity related to a previously given class. Laudino confesses that his speech made her uneasy, because she thought how many teachers would act the same way. GSM knows how to read lips, but the movement of the teacher, walking in the classroom while was ‘dictating’ the activity, prevented GSM from ‘reading’ what he said. Despite this attitude of exclusion, GSM copied the activity from another student, who was sitting beside her, but in this case, she copied the understanding of her colleague. As observer, Laudino realized that the student did not want to be in the classroom, because for several times, GSM was with her head down demonstrating to be aware about her exclusion of that class. At times it looked obvious that she did not want to be in the classroom. On 26 October 2018, the interview took place at GSM’s home. GSM’s mother, who is fluent in LIBRAS, authorized the interview and also reported important facts, such as a cochlear implant performed when GSM was five years old. However, at the age of fourteen, GSM told that she wanted to remove the device because she did not feel any improvement in her hearing and her mother authorized the removal. In addition, the mother said that for years she visited different cities of Rio de Janeiro state (Seropédica, Magé and São João de Meriti) searching for a public school with an interpreter to her daughter. She found it in Magé city, but in high school her daughter’s learning was hampered by the lack of a translator to help her understand the activities. GSM identified herself as being ‘brown’ and replied that she did not feel discriminated because of this, not because she is deaf. Asked about inclusion in the school, GSM thought and after a few minutes said that she would like to have an interpreter to help her at school. Laudino also asked her if she was thinking about to start a college and GSM said, ‘I don’t know.’ From August to December, GSM did not have an interpreter to assist her in learning in the classroom, despite the Brazilian legislation that determines this right. In 2019, her last year in high school education, an interpreter was hired to stay with her. The school principal included GSM in activities with the other listening colleagues. For example, in 158

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one occasion, GSM together with another high school and listener student took part in a public musical performance in LIBRAS and also in an institutional video. Both invited future students to enrol at the school. Laudino told the principal that when the research was finalized, she would go to the school in order to give a lecture. This happened. Laudino remembers: ‘GSM and her mother were to watch my final presentation in the UERJ-FEBF. When I finished it, GSM told me in LIBRAS that she decided to start a college to study Education, like me.’ Learning to Learn The research did not aim for a linguistic approach. It continues the ‘pedagogical dialogues’ (Malachias 2018) that have been developed in the AFRODIÁSPORAS research centre under a theoretical option, in which Interfaces of Communication, Education, Advocacy, Intersectionality (Malachias 2018) are considered. This option does not differ from ‘dialogical language studies’, which contribute to the discursive understanding of the ‘phenomenon of translation/interpretation as a fruitful field for reflection on languages and their various relations of meaning’ (Albres and Rodrigues 2018: 23). Furtado (2012) studies deaf black people in Brazil, having been inspired by the research about Deaf African American (Hairston and Smith 1983) and defined ‘double difference’ lived by a single subject, as the ‘norm’, represented in society by ‘white, thin, listeners . . .’ (Furtado 2012: 11). In addition to the issue of race, which comes first, there is also the deafness. Other markers can be added enlarging prejudice and exclusion. From our standpoint the ‘double difference’ refers directly to the intersectionality that seeks to capture the structural and dynamic consequences of interaction between two or more axes of subordination (Crenshaw 2002: 177). Legislative knowledge, especially about the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (BRASIL 2009) and the mobilization of the deaf community to implement inclusive public policies, become essential actions against the withdrawal of rights. Deaf scholars state: We, the deaf, do not want to be tutored, we want the exercise of freedom due to the linguistic and cultural choice and consistent with our way of living and experiencing, of being deaf, different from the listeners. Only we deaf people know what is best for us, how we need to be educated, how we need to learn, which is by direct instruction in our sign language, the sovereign language of the deaf community, which helps in the formation of ‘Linguistic Identity of the Deaf Community’. (Campello and Rezende 2014: 78) The communicative and educational actions of black social activism show the practice of the concept of advocacy, that is, of ‘help to those in need’. For deaf blacks, ‘help’ comes from the own group and would be linked to educational, political and legal training and development, instrumentalizing subjects for social transformation. In this sense, CNISNS has become a formative space for sharing new thinking, visually expressed by LIBRAS. Final Considerations This chapter presented a research carried out from 2017 to 2019 about deaf black people and double difference. It gave some examples about how social activism in Brazil developed cultural strategies building a political agenda of social justice, in which constitutional rights were used to 159

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develop specific legislation, in favour of Deaf Education by Brazilian Sign Language (LIBRAS) and of Education for Ethnical and Racial Relations. However, it is necessary to explain that the concept of ‘leadership’ is not regularly employed in naming education courses in Brazil. Leadership teaching is related to business, administration, economics and religious studies (Malachias, Laudino and Balbino 2020). A decolonial education enables the adoption of a critical thinking building spaces of knowledge and the citizenship development, considering specially contents that were created and lived by folks historically excluded as blacks, Indigenous, people with disabilities and deaf groups. For this inclusion to be achieved, individual and collective actions are essential for the leadership development. An educative step of advocacy strategy to the implementation of public policies directed towards deaf people is the adoption of intersectionality as a complementary standpoint to the double difference of being black and deaf. Intersectionality includes multiple differences of class, race, gender. The interviews demonstrated how the black consciousness awakening allied to LIBRAS literacy can enlarge the struggle for a bilingual education as a right that has not been consolidated yet in the elementary and higher education. This struggle demands continuity as possibility to the development of other epistemological path towards teaching education under a decolonial approach.

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Part III

Gender and Women’s Ways of Leading Charol Shakeshaft

This section explores the ways in which women lead. The focus on leadership by women as women’s leadership – as opposed to just leadership, which is what the literature on leadership by men is called – came from a history of exclusion and diminishment. Across continents women have not been represented in educational leadership in the same proportions as they are in teaching. Without data to the contrary, critics fell back on sexist beliefs of women as lesser than men. Not surprisingly, given those beliefs, those who hired justified the exclusion of women in leadership positions in schools and universities as merely reflective of women’s lesser leadership skills and abilities. Those advocating for more women leaders turned to the research, asking, ‘How do women lead?’ ‘Are they as good as men?’ and ‘Do they bring something additional to leadership based upon their cultural and societally enforced roles as mothers, caretakers, supporters? These early questions arose from an equity or justice standpoint – ‘Why aren’t there more women leaders?’ But underlying resistance to women school leaders was a belief that there were biological differences between women and men and that these differences explained why women were ‘unfit’ to be school leaders. As scholars and society in general came to understand the concept of gender, as opposed to biological sex, the questions changed from an essentialist framework based upon the belief of innate characteristics based upon biological sex to a framework that wondered whether there were experiences and socialization that were gendered and, if so, whether these experiences might affect the way a person leads. The focus of gendered comparisons moved to try to understand family, society and cultural expectations of females and males and the impact these might have on leadership choices and values. The chapters in this section explore four strands of current research on women’s leadership: ethical positionality of women; the intersection of race and gender for leveraging sociocultural

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leadership assets; women’s leadership as compared to men’s leadership and gender differences as they impact the lives of female and male students. Newman and Mythili both look specifically at women’s leadership while Muzvidziwa explores gender differences in leadership practices and intent, and Lumby asks us to rethink the whole notion of gendered leadership. Newman’s chapter provides a framework for exploring and naming the skills and abilities that are left out of traditional, white and male descriptions of leadership. Beginning from an intersectional lens on Black women leaders, she asks if there are other ways to interpret what has been a deficit ideology in the study of leadership where what disenfranchised individuals do is ignored. Working within a white racial frame and through the lens of Black Feminist Thought, Newman’s analysis of the sociocultural assets that Black women leverage to develop leadership skills expands Yosso’s community cultural wealth model to include cultural influences (often seen as deficits) that Black women use to inform their leadership, adding aspirational, familial, social, navigational, resistant and linguistic capital to the leadership toolbox. In her chapter, Mythili examines the ways in which women principals in Manipur State, India, navigate ethical dilemmas. She was particularly interested in (1) how women principals dealt with situations where the rules they had to follow were in conflict with their personal humanity and (2) how, in situations where women principals needed to take a hard line in a conflict with teachers and community members, did these women maintain previously positive relationships. Using ethical dilemmas that these women principals faced, she determined that women leaders used ‘multiple ethical perspectives’ to create an individual context-based and need-based ethical paradigm, ‘balancing between individual beliefs, actions, and normative and non-normative ethical frameworks for decision making’ (p. 189). Muzvidziwa’s study of Zimbabwe school leaders documents differences between male and female school leaders’ understanding of equity in participation in school activities, course and curriculum choices, self-confidence, role models and sex harassment. Male school heads were more likely to attribute lack of female student participation in leadership activities and STEM courses as personal choices, rather than choices in response to a male school culture. Male school heads were more likely to favour an ‘equal’ approach – treating all students the same – rather than an ‘equitable’ approach of responding to specific needs. Female school heads identified specific conditions that influenced gender differences in participation, for instance, the lack of sanitary facilities as an explanation of female absence during menstrual cycles. Lumby reviews the research on gender differences in leadership and challenges the existence of differences. In her review of studies, she critiques the research methods of studies, the ‘overdependence on self- report and Anglocentrism’ and concludes that ‘there can be no confident conclusion as to whether women lead differently from men’ (p. 206). Her chapter also prods us to re-examine what purpose now – not historically – comparing the leadership of women to that of men serves. Lumby’s analysis pushes us to examine all influences on leadership – psychological health, cultural factors, influences of family, strength of institutional culture, responsibilities outside of work, early training, educational background, religious influences. Viewing the cultural, institutional and individual factors that shape leaders, one could argue that gender alone explains only a piece of leadership outcome. These chapters, as a whole, open up additional ways of understanding women’s leadership and the influences on leadership choices. They also point out that women identify the influence of

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cultural factors and experiences in values and that these values guide actions. Further, they push us to examine what we mean by gender across cultures and questions of the universality of the concept, even within a single culture. Finally, they provoke us to reflect that responding to these questions is still necessary because – whether using biological sex or gendered expectations – women have been and still are categorized, rejected, overlooked, misjudged, held back and marginalized because of how those in power have defined what a woman is allowed to do.

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13 Black Women’s Leadership Skills and Practices Portia Newman

Introduction Black women do not have all the answers. We are not superheroes, and ours is not the definitive worldview. But we are trustworthy subjects, of our own experiences and ways of knowing. (Cottom 2019: 220) This chapter examines the research on Black women’s leadership at the intersection of race, gender and culture. Early scholarship on leadership focused on the roles mainly occupied by white male leaders, from their perspective and as a way to uphold their social values in their positions of power (Shakeshaft 1989). The evolution of leadership including gender studies has expanded the knowledge of leadership by identifying ways to utilize theory and philosophy to improve practice. Leadership studies as an ‘informal and emergent’ discipline is becoming more expansive as it includes skills and practices related not only to roles and functions but influenced by race, gender and culture (Yammarino 2013: 149). As the literature became more inclusive of women, it initially did not delineate between those experiences across racial demographics. Black educational leaders have existed as early as the 1700s, serving as the first school leaders and teachers within Black communities (Franklin 1990). Historical knowledge of Black educational leaders and the slow, yet incremental, increase of Black principals, superintendents, faculty and senior administrators have catalysed research on their experiences, mainly focused on challenges and barriers to promotion and advancement. The racialized and gendered systems within education spaces directly impact how Black leaders are able to operate. To learn more about Black women educational leaders, this literature review explores the existing literature focused on their leadership skills and practice. As an under-represented group in educational leadership, Black women leaders’ experiences are a great population for future research. Black women are 13.7 per cent of the US population (‘Women of Color in the United States: Quick Take’ 2020b). Within education, Black women represent less than 5 per cent of college presidents and less than 5 per cent of fulltime faculty across universities (Gagliardi et al. 2017; ‘National Center for Education Statistics’ 2017). At the school level, women represent nearly 54 per cent of school principals, while Black women represent 13 per cent of that population (Lomotey 2019). In the last decade, the number of women superintendents has increased, yet Black women superintendents make up less than

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5 per cent of the population (Kowalski et al. 2011, as cited in Cox 2017). In these positions, Black women have reported unequal pay, having minimal interaction with senior leadership, and less support from managers (Ngue et al. 2020). Unwritten social norms ‘force Black women to choose between gender and race and pressure them to find a balance between cultural values and beliefs that may not align with those in the dominant group, making it more difficult to navigate leadership positions’ (Santamaría and Santamaría 2015). This context is the impetus for emerging research about Black women leaders’ skills and practice that developed within inauspicious conditions. Literature Review Procedure The literature review identified articles published between 2009 and 2020 and included research keywords as a query across multiple transdisciplinary databases. The keywords included were: Black Feminist Theory, intersectionality, White Racial Frame (WRF), community cultural wealth, Black women identity development, leadership development, women leaders, cross-sector leaders, Black women’s leadership practice, Black women education leaders, stereotypes, cross-sector leadership qualifications and Black women professional identity. The search databases used were ProQuest, ERIC, EBSCOHOST, SAGE, APA PsycNet, Web of Science and Google Scholar. The result of the search was 107 pieces of literature and sixty-five were most relevant in the form of peer-reviewed journal articles, books, dissertations and national data policy briefs. Sources dating back to 2010 provided the most relevant research and discussions for the topic. There is a subset of the literature referenced that was published before 2010 and those articles specifically provide historical context for theories, and frameworks while representing the breadth of the topic. More recent articles were referenced as the language around leadership development and Black women professionals has evolved including more direct language to describe individual and collective experiences. Reference list in the literature reviewed provided additional relevant resources to expand the literature base. Theoretical Frameworks Reviewing leadership ideologies from Queer Theory and Feminist Theory challenges the way leadership is explained and elevates the opportunity to see leadership from an intersectional perspective. To understand the experience of Black women educational leaders and the way in which they develop their leadership practices, there are two theories used to situate Black women’s leadership experience; Black Feminist Thought (BFT) (Collins 2000) and the WRF (Feagin 2010). WRF and BFT are superposed theories that create a lens to see Black women. They identify the intangible ways that white ideologies exist and are central to positioning whiteness, to which all others are compared. Together these frameworks reassess how leadership has been defined and how it impacts leadership skills and practice. White Racial Frame The WRF is an explanatory tool used to explore the interconnectedness of racism and discrimination in systems, images, media and policy that justify the existence of racism (Gomez et al. 2019). The WRF illustrates how racism and discrimination are endemic to all systems and structures. 166

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It is a tool used to interrogate epistemologies of whiteness that support both subconsciously and consciously how one upholds the standard that white is good, privileged and powerful within the leadership context. The gaze of the WRF is a powerful mechanism that implies control and is a function of seeing the other; it positions Black women as a spectacle to be surveyed and appraised, which prevents Black women from being viewed as full citizens (Harris-Perry 2011). This frame is supported by two sub-frames: (1) whiteness as a virtue and (2) negative stereotyping of Black and brown people (Feagin 2010). These two sub-frames together permit a view of race relations that is grounded in the underlying efforts to ‘maintain the invisibility of Black women’ (Alexander 2010: 198). Together each sub-frame constantly works to subjugate Black women and fuels anti-black sentiments in the media, in the workplace and in other institutions. Consequently, the WRF evokes a damaging inspection of Black women by creating a strict and narrow idea of how Black women are perceived. The structure of the WRF forces Black women to bend and break to fit in society, committing to multiple identifies contingent upon their place and space. Black Feminist Thought Examining leadership with a lens of BFT is necessary and critical to creating access and opportunity for Black women leaders. Collins (2000) positions this theory as an extension to Critical Race Theory (CRT) in a way that elevates the intersectional identities of Black women, highlights the tapestry of lived experiences and creates a space that directly links the narratives to Black women. BFT is constructed by Black women for Black women and is foundational to reclaiming the knowledge about Black women and decoding it separate from the WRF. BFT addresses the ‘intersections of oppression’ while understanding the activism that is displayed through Black women’s leadership (Collins 2000: xi). BFT is compelling for Black women leaders as it investigates the link between social identities and leadership practices subjugated by workplace politics and people (Harris and Leonardo 2018). Black women are constantly negotiating space and power. Black women draw from these constraints of racism and perceived limits of gender and still develop atypical leadership skills and practice rooted in culture. Literature Review Limited evidence of Black women’s leadership presence in the literature is a misrepresentation of the actual realities of their leadership contributions. The significance of their work is evident through other scopes of leadership experiences, suggesting their practices are fundamentally different from their white counterparts (Santamaría 2014). As an often-scrutinized group, Black women must always ‘contend with hypervisibility imposed by their lower social status’ (Harris-Perry 2011: 39). In response, Black women have adopted a ‘culture of dissemblance’ used to protect and hide their identity for survival, consequently impacting how they show up in the world (Harris-Perry 2011: 58). Black women lead in what Harris-Perry (2011) calls the ‘crooked room’ which is an analogy for the systems and structures that restrict Black women across roles and organizations. Harris-Perry speaks to the politicized nature of Black women’s identity development that can be reframed within the context of leadership skills and practice. Harris-Perry acknowledges the elements of discriminatory systems that create restraints within the crooked room that force Black women’s leadership performance. 167

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Barriers to Leadership Race and gender both inform how Black women lead and how they present themselves. In professional spaces, Black women continue to operate with what W. E. B. Du Bois (1903) described as double consciousness, forcing a dual identity in and outside of the workplace. Harris-Perry posits that the professional spaces that Black women are in are constructed by a narrow, contorted lens forcing them to navigate spaces ‘bombarded with warped images of their humanity’ (p. 29). The compounded consequences of sexism and racism in leadership spaces, create stumbling blocks for Black women’s advancement. This concept of ‘double jeopardy’ describes the experience of Black women in a qualitative study measuring the impact of race and gender on career mobility (Jean-Marie, Williams and Sherman 2009: 565). There are differing experiences based on the culture of an organization or administration; however, the impact of double jeopardy is relevant to Black women leaders across industries (Grant 2016; Jean-Marie, Williams and Sherman 2009). Henry (2010) studied careers of higher education professionals, whereas Richie et al. (1997) specifically focused on career development pathways across sectors. Both studies confirmed that the sociopolitical nature of race and gender impacts the career opportunities available to Black women. This is evident by the challenges that participants faced when trying to develop career plans without being afforded experiential learning related to new positions or lacked the professional mentor support to build their skills and capacity. A common outcome from the research detailed the challenges that Black women faced as they worked twice as hard to prove their competence or work effort as to counter the negative stereotypes of being Black and a woman. In a quantitative exploration of the consequences for leaders asserting dominance as a function of race and gender, Livingston et al. (2012) discovered that while there was no difference in the responses to Black women leaders and their white male counterparts in asserting leadership dominance, they saw significant differences in how the two groups were treated when leadership decisions were coded as ‘mistakes’. Penalties related to mistakes connected to work competencies for Black women, but not for their white male counterparts. This experience furthers the notion that Black women leaders are experiencing the impact of biased systems that leave no room for error. The oppressive nature of these systems, structures and stumbling blocks commits Black women to minor positions within society and professionally. Within the WRF, Black women are not seen as leaders, powerful or worthy of any earned rights or positions. Despite this experience, Black women leaders continue to practice a unique style of emerging leadership in response to the narrow views of Black women’s leadership identities. Leadership Skills and Practice The review of the empirical articles resulted in three themes associated with the Black women’s leadership skills and practice. The themes are focused on the revolutionary practices evident in ancestral traditions. The historical influence within Black women’s practices has yielded very particular skills and strategies. In some ways, these skills and practices have been publicly identified while there are some strategies that have been kept close, unexposed and noted in one’s own little black book. Black women employ these strategies to navigate leadership spaces but leverage them as a form of survivorship. Linked to the historical factors are the sociocultural 168

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assets that Black women leaders leverage in their roles. Together these skills and practices create complex, yet sophisticated, leadership practice. My Ancestor’s Wildest Dream: Revolutionary Leadership Paulo Freire introduces the idea of revolutionary leaders in his discourse of theory and practice. These leaders understand the people, their conditions, and work in solidarity supported by the idea that ‘the people must find themselves in the emerging leaders and the latter must find themselves in the people’ (Freire 1972: 136). Freire (1972) writes profoundly about the revolutionary leader as one who actively engages the community and their responsibility as revolutionary leaders to develop others. Women elders within the Black women have long provided a sense of strength and ability which is exemplified in Black women’s leadership. Sakho-Lewis (2017) discusses the notion of mothering as an identity and traditional practice of ‘way showing’ which is an element of leadership (p. 6). This is consistent with the idea that Black women’s leadership skills and practice are influenced by historical figures (e.g. Mary McCloud Bethune, Sojourner Truth, Fannie Lou Hamer) who led change efforts in a multitude of leadership roles and experiences (Alston 2012). Freire’s (1972) work invites leaders to redefine their roles in relation to power. In the Horsford (2012) study of the historical practice of ‘bridge leadership’, the results confirm Freire’s notion of the authority that exists within grassroots and community-focused leaders. The Black women in Horsford’s (2012) study represented leaders in a position that evoked change and shifted their school cultures to advance diversity, equity and social justice efforts. Black women leaders have consistently adapted to the sociopolitical identities bestowed upon them as leaders who operate in service to others (Horsford 2012; Rosser-Mims 2010). In service to marginalized groups, Freire suggests that educators are uniquely positioned to provide a liberatory ‘theory of action’ that creates opportunity for the oppressed (Freire 1972: 156). This opportunity is evident in the leadership techniques that focus on collective wellness (Rosser-Mims 2010). Black women leaders developed a practice that sees ‘themselves as the solution to other people’s problems and their effort and concern is almost always other-directed’ (Harris-Perry 2011: 83). The strength and authority displayed by Black women leaders are connected to their ancestral past and present communities. The Little Black Book: Skills and Strategy As Black women occupy leadership roles, they develop strategies to navigate leadership positions while being both sensitive and adaptable in the face of adversity (Evans-Winters 2019). Existing structures and systems have relegated Black women to roles and positions that have leadership titles but not authority or decision making power. Santamaría (2014) conducted a qualitative study of six leaders that resulted in a list of common leadership characteristics for leaders of colour. This list included navigating stereotype threat, initiating critical conversations and honouring constituents which speak to the strategies imposed to advance Black women’s leadership (Bonaparte 2016; Oikelome 2017; Sakho-Lewis 2017; Santamaría 2014). Oikelome (2017) conducted a phenomenological study of thirteen college presidents, determining two key challenges to the progression of their careers: (1) challenges with identity structures and (2) challenges with organizational structures. Despite being in the highest roles, these leaders were directly impacted by the systems and structures, requiring that they implement navigational 169

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strategies to persist. Oikelome (2017) names the organizational navigation strategies to combat challenges as taking advantage of special opportunities and leveraging key mentors. With the information Black women learn from other colleagues, they can implement other mechanisms to navigate their teams. This also includes how they adapt perceptions of their identity which Nelson, Esteban and Adeoye (2016) describe as the strong Black women schema. In instances where Black women adopt broad personas as either a proof point of skill or as counter-narrative, this performative behaviour operates as a strategy to their leadership practice. Similarly, the Black women in Davis’s (2012) phenomenological study of Black women executives described this as ‘playing the game’ (p. 165). Understandably this idea of a game is rooted in the white dominant systems and structures of organizations. Black women use these perceptions to determine the ways they intentionally develop relationships, involve themselves in many internal groups as a representative and necessary contributor while often extending group consensus as a decision making strategy (Santamaría 2014). Many of the studies engaged leaders in various regions, across sectors and with multiple research methods providing evidence of the complex and sophisticated tools and strategies that Black women exercise. An additional strategy common across the experiences of the leaders among seven of the studies reviewed was the notion of honouring the individuals with whom leaders share space. The Black women leaders each felt it was their responsibility to see the humanity in their staff, students, families and colleagues by including their voices and perspectives (Bonaparte 2016; Davis 2012; Greaux 2010; Lori Santamaría 2014; Nelson, Esteban and Adeoye 2016; Oikelome 2017; Sakho-Lewis 2017). In Sakho-Lewis’s (2017) study entitled ‘Black Activist Mothering: Teach Me about What Teaches You’, she names this strategy as ‘holding space’ (p. 14). Space holding is the action of ‘facilitating relationships between people, space, place and time’ (p. 14), and this tool allows Black women to engage with people without judgement and in fairness, thus exemplifying the epitome of leadership. Many of the studies involved Black women in various settings and validates the proof of the multifaceted approaches and strategies that Black women employ. Some of these skills and strategies were developed in response to adversity, and others represent a sacred ancestral practice that is true to Black women’s cultural experiences. For Us, by Us: Community Cultural Wealth Black women’s leadership is defined by the ‘collective survival and emotional vitality’ of their leadership influence (Curtis 2017). At the core of Black women’s leadership, history and sociopolitical factors influence Black women’s practice (Alston 2012). Tara Yosso (2005) introduces the community cultural wealth model which illustrates the resourcefulness and skills that communities of colour use to resist and exist in society. This critical analysis of cultural experience offers insight into the way Black women leverage their cultural influence to inform their leadership. It has a direct impact on the ability to navigate varying institutions connected to their careers. As a result, Black women’s multifaceted existence is influenced by the identities adopted, some of which could be inherent to Black women and others that are complicated by real and fabricated forced identities. Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth Model depicts the six cultural assets identified as relevant to communities of colour: aspirational capital, familial capital, social capital, navigational capital, resistant capital and linguistic capital. Each of these assets define community cultural wealth which actualizes the concept of cultural capital. The 170

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interlaced cultural capitals together create a detailed view of community cultural wealth. In the review of the literature, the empirical studies provide data substantiating the utility of the cultural capital framework as it relates to Black women leadership skills and practice. Aspirational Capital. This pertains to one’s ability to focus on hope and envision possibilities within the future even when faced with adversity. Evidence of this has been represented by Black women’s activism towards a better future. Black women figures like Harriet Tubman, Angela Davis and Shirley Chisolm demonstrated this through their fight for liberation and equal opportunities for Black people. Dr Bettina Love wrote We Want to Do More than Survive: Abolitionist Teaching and the Pursuit of Educational Freedom (2019) and interprets this capital as ‘Freedom Dreaming’ as expressed by Black joy. In this sense, joy becomes the performance of hope amidst resistance (p. 101). Aspirational capital presents in multiple avenues and forms that are associated with religion, morals, joy and divine hope (Alexander 2010). Sakho-Lewis (2017) states that Black women exercise traditional practices of community engagement with great brilliance. This practice is rooted in the ability to see the humanity in people and operationalize opportunities of hope. Undeterred by the barriers to access or challenges with identity politics, Black women evoke a sense of leadership qualifying their skills to lead by envisioning the possibilities of the future (Alston 2012; Santamaría 2014). This capital can be intangible, yet the magnitude of its value is evident in expressions of vision setting working towards change. Familial Capital. Familial capital is exemplified by an unwavering commitment to community well-being (Rosser-Mims 2010). This is explored through difference and collective ideas of sameness which connects Black women through familial kinship fostered by lived experience (Crenshaw 1989; Rosser-Mims 2010). This kinship can be experienced through mentorship or more informal spaces like Black churches or clubs that are safe spaces that resist stereotypes and affirms Black identity development (Tatum 2010).Throughout the research, when Black women were asked about factors impacting their success, they often described mentorship programming, sister circles, sororities and other groups for them to build and nurture relationships (Alexander 2010; Oikelome 2017; Nelson, Esteban and Adeoye 2016). At times, when these spaces are racially homogenous, these factors create opportunities for Black women to suspend performative behaviours and show up as their true selves. In cases where their professional communities prevent that, Black women participants across studies identified immediate family (e.g. husbands, friends, parents) as critical supports in their roles (Alexander 2010; Nelson et al. 2016; Richie et al. 1997). Social Capital. Social networks or community resources that have a sense of community are sources of social capital. This network of community members operates as support systems and sources of motivation or can often provide direct access to someone who can. Black women leaders are a part of so many groups that are categorized by organizations, service to the community, religious connections, professional affinity groups and personal interests, and even geographic relations. Black women access social capital to gain access to positions of power, to influence or to resources. A study conducted by Curtis (2017) that included eight Black women explored the social and cultural lived experiences of these women. The research study findings from Curtis contribute to the literature on the leadership journeys of Black women by examining the function of and value of their social networks. As many of the Black women leveraged these groups as reinforcement, 171

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social networks also were identified as necessary supports to their professional work (Curtis 2017). The advantage of these networks for Black women started with them as a resource but also as an avenue to elevate their work. Navigational Capital. Navigational capital refers to the ability to move through institutions and spaces that were not designed for communities of colour (Yosso 2005). Navigating through institutions established in whiteness requires Black women to actively refuse to succumb to the pressures of that space (hooks 2014). Those pressures result in code-switching behaviours that force Black women to strategically share or hide their identities to engage others. Sakho-Lewis, in ‘Black Activist Mothering: Teach Me About What Teaches You’ (2017) describes this skill as ‘veil walking’ which is the act of transferring knowledge across systems of power in leadership and management (p. 13). The systems and structures of our institutions have operationalized white dominant culture that has created a maze of barriers to leadership. As more Black women occupy new roles, they continue to be hypersensitive to all the unwritten rules and policies requiring calculated measures to maintain acceptance in the spaces. The deliberate measures taken to assimilate become the way to fit in the dominant culture (Apugo 2019). One way Black women navigate these spaces is building consensus among colleagues and others to encourage a shifting perspective of who they are. These additional steps that monitor bias against them is countered with strong images of self and their natural inclination to involve others in building networks to develop a range of perspectives (Jean-Marie, Williams and Sherman 2009; Oikelome 2017). The relationship between Black women’s leadership practice and historical lived experiences represents a nuanced influence on the strategies imposed to navigate their professional careers. Resistant Capital. This is developed by the insight and ingenuity learned from oppositional behaviours towards inequality. Resistant capital operates in spaces of ‘political warfare’ and is used to sustain existence when faced with insurmountable odds (Lorde 2017: 130). Consider the stereotypes that we see in the media about Black women. The stereotypes include being sexually aggressive, having curvy bodies, serving as labourers and having untamed hair. In the workplace this white gaze positions Black women leaders to be subjects of workplace policies that stand in opposition to cultural forms of expression and subjects them to shame and enmity. However, this form of capital forces a counter-story that speaks to how Black women present themselves strongly, and worthy of respect (Jean-Marie, Williams and Sherman 2009; Nelson, Esteban and Adeoye 2016). A negative outcome of resistant capital can be the coping mechanism like ‘identity shifting’ as illustrated by the ways Black women have adopted masking behaviours as survival mechanisms (Harris-Perry 2011: 58). This forces Black women to use code-switching behaviours to navigate professional spaces; years of this performance could have health implications (Richie et al. 1997). The harmful effect of shifting identities for long periods of time ingrains these performative behaviours in Black women. Black women then find it hard to unlearn these socializations in hopes of getting back to their true selves. Linguistic Capital. Linguistic capital is a testament to the multilingualism of communities of colour. Language is critiqued if it is different from what is often described as standard English. For example, the use of Ebonics is condemned as lazy and improper, yet Rickford (1999) suggests that Ebonics comes with sophisticated speech patterns and nuanced dialect. Members of the Black community are natural orators defying the limits of group communication with loud 172

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voices, short words and highly expressive verbiage. Language is not always verbal; Black women also use non-verbal cues or sounds to communicate. These means of communication translates to Black women’s ability to communicate across lines of power, position and place. Being able to effectively communicate verbally or nonverbally with teams, clients and other leadership is a necessary qualification as a leader. The expansive nature of language extends to regional dialects, colloquialisms and to what Sakho-Lewis (2017) describes as ‘Gumbo Ya Ya’, a tool that allows for critical connections between multiple stories across space and time. Language is an advanced form of capital as often Black women leaders utilize multiple forms of speech as their environment changes. Black women also use an academic approach to language that provides context for what and how they should communicate (Bonaparte 2016; Santamaría 2014). Linguistic capital is both strategic and expansive which advances Black women’s leadership practice. Community cultural wealth is an avenue by which Black women leaders can reframe their culture and history and adopt affirming language to describe their skills and practice. This model leverages a sociocultural approach to understanding practice. Criticizing Black women’s use of language and community building and other forms of expression are some ways that prohibit their leadership from being fully recognized. Societal structures force Black women to bend and break to meet the standard idea of a leader, and sometimes to their detriment. Black women commit to this just to be promoted professionally. One way to counter those narratives is to explore and identify the influential assets that inform Black women’s leadership skills and practice. A Seat at the Table  Black women’s approach to leadership is multidimensional and should be celebrated as we understand more about how their leadership is developed. Smith and Becker (2018) identified a set of leadership qualifications specific to cross-sector leaders. The list of skills was related to how one might build a team or solve problems while working towards organizational achievements. Although the list is not exhaustive, it does provide some context for leadership qualifications that are transferable across sectors. Diehl did a cross-sector analysis using comparative data across two studies. The researchers developed a list of common barriers to leadership for women providing narratives related to their experience. This literature was limited as it only addresses the gendered experience, while Horsford (2012) grounds the research in both race and gender. Each of the studies provided an analysis of identified leadership skills relevant to leadership across roles. As a contrast to the experiences of senior-level leaders, Dickens and Chavez (2018) completed a phenomenological study of early career Black women leaders. The analysis showed that with less than three years of leadership experience, Black women leaders experience the same barriers and in similar ways make use of the sociocultural skills developed from historical and lived experiences. Leaders who are reflective and practice a multidimensional approach to their leadership present a value-add to organizations (Bonaparte 2016; Santamaría 2014). In an effort to diversify organizations, it is important to understand the outcomes of the Horsford (2012) study focused on the practice of bridge leadership of Black women. The analysis suggested that race and gender complicate the existence of leadership; however, Black women leaders can practice leadership in unique ways. 173

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Gaps in the Research Much of the early research was focused on gendered experiences; however, the literature has emerged to include both race and gender as a construct for understanding Black women’s leadership. Race and gender as a factor without the context for culture limit the understanding of Black women’s experience. Yosso’s (2005) scholarship on cultural capital extends the idea that communities of colour have a distinctive set of skills and practice informed by their lived experiences. Beyond the six identified cultural capitals for communities of colour, potentially there are other sociocultural capitals relevant to Black women that could be identified. To see change in leadership spaces and opportunities for Black women leaders, further research is required on the historical and sociocultural assets that directly inform Black women’s leadership skills and practice. Summary The practical and policy implications of the empirical research on Black women leaders could inform organizational policies and procedures related to recruitment, retention and advancement. Identifying the relevant sociocultural assets and exploring their connection to leadership skills and practice will advance the context for leadership studies. Future application of the literature could affirm the professional leadership skills and practices of Black women. In summary, this work can only be described with words from Melissa Harris-Perry’s Sister Citizen (2011): ‘Sisters are more than the sum of their relative disadvantages: they are active agents who craft who meaning out of their circumstances and do so in complicated and diverse ways’ (p. 46). With so little representation in educational leadership roles, the implications of this literature to inform future research have the potential to justify increasing the number of Black women leaders whose practice impacts organizational culture and productivity.

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14 Mastering the Art of Fixing the Ethical Dilemma Women Leading Schools in India N. Mythili

Ethical Dilemmas among Women Principals Educational leaders face dilemmas as they are simultaneously committed to multiple and competing moral obligations. They may be concern for teachers versus care for students, rule versus care, community interests versus school’s interests, etc. (Craston, Lisa and Kimber 2014; Shapira-Lishchinsky 2018; Shapiro and Stefkovich 2016). These ethical dilemmas cannot be resolved in either-or situations using rigid formulas (Denig and Quinn 2001). If any choice is made, it seems irrational and reasons immoral (Sharma 2000) due to which one can neither rejoice nor escape (Gundappa 1968). Lack of clarity in knowledge and inability to cross over dyads and triads cause failure of leadership and life (Gita Press 2002). Ethic of care is considered central to women’s leadership practices (Kropiewnicki and Shapiro 2001) having strong moral identity and lower disengagement than men (Kennedy, Laura and Ku 2017). It emphasizes on quality of relationships with others considering the contextual factors in ethical life, being responsible for others, exhibiting openness and receptivity, and receiving others’ perspective with responsibility before responding to them (Noddings 1992). South African women principals favour spiritual, ethical and maternal values (Naidoo and Perumal 2014), unity while working (Mogadime et al. 2010), reflect upon mothering skills for self-improvement and nurture students (Lumby and Azaola 2014). As opposed to ethic of care, institutional ethics refers to those values built into ethos, politics and practices for operations, and decision making so that individuals within the organization are accountable to their institutions and to the wider community (Preston 2007). In Israel, Arab women principals act according to traditional norms to widen their autonomy (Abu-RabiaQueder and Oplakta 2008). Women principals in Nepal undertake several rounds of consultations for making decision (Bhattarai and Maharajan 2017). In India, lack of opportunities and other barriers impede women from becoming school leaders (Kapur 2018; Sagaram and Mahal 2018). On becoming principals, they navigate backlash, illegitimacy and glass-cliff effects (Mythili 2019a) within the institutional framework. A principal once said, ‘If you know the rules, if you

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act according to rules, (then) nobody can question you.’ Institutional ethics is necessarily used by all principals. Consequentialism considers and values all possible actions to what may be the possible outcomes and makes decisions (Freakley and Burgh 2000). All principals intuitively practice it in schools. Women principals apply rational and traditional gender perspectives to legitimize their leadership in India (Mythili 2019b). While most studies conceptually discuss ethical dilemmas considering opposing ethical perspectives, a few empirical studies indirectly point to ethical dilemmas. But the manner in which ethical dilemmas are resolved continues to be a missing link in research, specifically considering women school leaders. The present study attempts to bridge this gap by raising the question: how do women principals resolve ethical dilemmas when making ethical decisions? In answering this question, it is intended to identify the paths traversed by women principals to overcome ethical dilemmas. Visioning Moral Responsibility for Resolving Ethical Dilemmas Ethical sensitivity and moral reasoning influence ethical decision making for resolving ethical dilemmas shaped by the principal who envisions this process as a moral responsibility. Ethical sensitivity refers to ethical spotting, value clarification and moral intensity. Ethical spotting is the ability to determine whether or not a situation involves ethical issues; value clarification is the ability to identify the moral virtue or values underlying the ethical issue; and moral intensity is the extent of awareness about the ethical issue (Naravaez and Bock 2014; Tuana 2014). Moral reasoning has three complementary processes: avoiding moral blind spots (Tuana 2014), developing a set of abilities and competencies to take ethically bold decisions (Preston 2007) and moral imagination for building ethical strength reflecting on one’s own actions while encountering ethical dilemmas. Trevino (1992) defines ethical decision making as the choices that individuals make based on the belief that a certain action is a desired ethical alternative. Walker and Donlevy (2009) consider commitment to personal conscience, relational reciprocity, ethical principles and professional conviction as the means for ethical deliberation for making ethical decisions. In India, National Education Policy (MoE-GOI 2020) envisions a critical role for principals in developing moral and ethical reasoning for moral, and socio-emotional well-being among children. School is a moral organization, principal is a moral agent, and a conscientious actor in a distinctly moral manner (Greenfield 1993) traversing a negotiated, rather than a definitive role (Branson 2014). Principal’s ethical judgements lies within the normative or non-normative framework as moral obligation and moral values (Frankena 1973) to establish one’s moral identity, which may be public or private. Public moral identity, Symbolization, refers to the extent to which moral traits are expressed to others through individual actions (Acqino and Reed 2002). Private moral identity, Internalization, refers to the degree to which a set of moral traits are central to the individual’s concept (ibid.). Methodology A case study of twenty women principals was conducted in Manipur state, India. The women principals were selected in consultation with the State Council of Educational Research and 176

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Training (SCERT), the apex academic body for school education in the state. These women were known to overcome difficult circumstances substantially for doing good work in the school which indicates that they navigated ethical dilemmas as well. Hence, the sample was purposively selected for the study. Two questions were framed for collecting data. The first question attempted to elicit the dilemma arising from institutional ethics versus ethics of care. It stated: Sometimes rules do not allow you to be more considerate, humane in your way of dealing with people. How have you overcome such conflicts? Can you explain how you dealt with these situations with one or more examples? The second question referred to the dilemma due to institutional ethics versus consequentialism. Consequentialism was broadened to include unintended consequences as well. It stated: As leaders like to maintain good relationship with teaching staff and community. But sometimes, there are also occasions when you must have taken a tough stand that was not so pleasant to teachers. How have you resolved such situations? Explain with one or two most pertinent examples. A short schedule was prepared to obtain basic information on their profile. Women principals took three to four days to answer the questions reflecting on the ethical dilemmas faced in the last two or three years. The questions were finalized in discussion with a senior lecturer in SCERT, Manipur, to avoid any potential bias due to my proximity with the state for implementing a school leadership development programme since 2017. She also facilitated data collection by explaining the intent in their native language to respondents. Open, axial and selective coding as envisaged in the grounded theory approach was used to analyse the data. Ten open codes emerged from the data which were further studied to identify three axial codes, namely, ethical sensitivity, moral reasoning and ethical decision making. The causality between ethical sensitivity, moral reasoning and ethical decision making was identified using a line-by-line analysis (Williams and Moser 2019). Visioning moral responsibility, the selective code was deduced from the causal relationship between three axial codes in terms of moral obligation, moral identity and moral values using inductive-deductive approach (ibid.). From here, the path traversed for resolving the dilemma was traced using a constant comparison approach (ibid.). The process of fixing the ethical dilemma as dynamic ethical paradigm was constructed at the end (refer Figure 14.1). Manipur state’s population is three million. Its literacy rate is 68.87 per cent (GOI 2011). Manipuri women have a reputation for fighting social evils, protesting for rights and protecting their male members from harassment and invasion from outside (Devi 1998). Fixing Ethical Dilemmas Profile of the Women Principals Twenty women principals were considered for the study. Five of them were trained postgraduates specialized in teaching geography and Manipuri and English languages. The remaining fifteen were trained graduates in history, mathematics, science and language. Three principals were working in elementary schools having classes from I to VIII standards. The remaining seventeen 177

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Open Codes Ethical Spotting Value Clarification Moral Intensity

Axial Codes

Selective Code

Ethical sensitivity

Avoiding moral blind spots Capacity for making ethically bold decision Moral Imagination

Moral Reasoning

Personal conscience Mutual reciprocity Practicing ethical principles Professional commitment

Path traversed

Visioning Moral Responsibility: • Moral obligation • Moral identity • Moral Values

Ethical Decision Making

Dynamic ethical paradigm for fixing ethical dilemma

Figure 14.1  Analytical Framework.

Factors

Number

Details

Trained postgraduates

5

Manipuri, English, Geography

Trained graduates

15

History, Mathematics, Science, Languages

Average Teaching Experience

20

14.8 years

Average Experience as Principal

20

8.3 Years

Figure 14.2  Profile of Women Principals.

were principals of secondary schools having classes I/VI to X standards. As teachers, their average teaching experience was 14.8 years. As principals, their experience was 8.3 years (Figure14.2). Ethical Dilemma between Institutional Ethics and Ethic of Care Two dilemmas were identified from the data, namely, Mid-Day-Meal (MDM) scheme for children; complying with the orders from the higher authorities. Their vignettes and analyses are presented separately. Vignette 1: Mid-May-Meal (MDM) scheme for children The budget for MDM is usually released during the middle or end of an academic year. All twenty principals said they give a portion of their salary to ensure a continued supply of MDM for children. They take back their money once the budget is released. This scenario is a perfect example of non-normative framework for ethical judgement having a general moral obligation to ensure uninterrupted supply of food for children. Usually, two ladies are appointed on a contractual basis (renewable) carrying an honorarium of 2,000 rupees as cooks. A principal aged forty-two years working in a secondary school in Imphal West district found that out of two cooks appointed, one of them was punctual but the other skipped coming to the school frequently or was coming late. In the latter’s case, the cook was compelled to work in other places to meet the expenses of sending her children to school besides working in the school. The dilemma is: if the second cook is appointed, it may adversely affect the efficacy of MDM’s 178

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implementation but her children can continue schooling. The principal wrote her response as ‘the dilemma was partly overcome by appointing the second cook with strict instructions to be regular. Her children were able to attend the school.’ The effect of ethical sensitivity and moral reasoning on the ethical decision making for visioning moral responsibility is analysed herewith for the vignette 1 on Mid-day meal scheme for children. Several principals clearly spotted the ethical issue by expressing their emotions as ‘pockets are emptied’, ‘we put money from our pocket’, ‘and it is a usual thing’. By doing so, they also cared for children’s continuation of education and avoided inaction on their part. Yet, they were critical about the delay in release of money. The principal mentioned in the vignette attempted to address the cook’s problem considering her perspective by caring to connect with her, associating her irregularity to the financial problems faced, yet warning her of the consequences of late coming and irregularity. Thus, value clarification and moral intensity were evident, indicating a higher degree of ethical sensitivity. It resulted in appointing her as cook. The fact that the principal did not turn away from the issue of children’s education indicates that she was avoiding a moral blind spot. It also refers to her moral imagination to be deliberately moral by weighing ethical consequences of her decision to appoint the cook despite being cognizant of her irregularity and late coming. She adopted a non-normal ethical judgement, which reflected in her sentence ‘the dilemma was partly overcome . . .’, indicating that the moral reasoning was humanistic. Further, the principal’s decision to appoint the cook disregarding the consequences indicates her personal conscience to favour children’s education. It signifies relational reciprocity to strengthen trust between the cook and principal. Accepting the ethical dilemma in herself, she ‘willed’ to make ‘just’ decisions after weighing advantages and disadvantages by listening to the cook’s side of the story. The principal, thereby, attempted to fulfil all four types of commitments for making an ethical decision. Higher ethical sensitivity together with sound moral reasoning leads to making appropriate ethical decisions. The principal considered to address the poverty of the cook-to-be-appointed, the potential dropout of cook’s children from the school and an uninterrupted supply of MDM for children in the school simultaneously to fulfil the moral obligation. Defining her moral values, she stepped out of the normative framework to protect the rights of children for education by ‘caring’ for them. These actions indicate that the principal’s moral obligation was largely public with a public moral identity to address the ethical dilemma. Hence, moral responsibility is largely public. Vignette 2: Complying with the orders of higher authorities Two dilemmas that emerged from the data on complying with the higher authorities are presented as scenario 1 and 2. These were described by two principals aged fifty-six and fortyeight years, working in elementary and secondary schools at Senapathi and Chandel districts, respectively. Scenario 1: ‘We (along with other principals in the same zone) are called “anytime” for group meeting. The agenda may be related to MDM, distribution of text books, uniforms, etc. Often this time collides with my teaching time in the school. Attending the meeting results in a number of missed classes. Sometimes rules affect my time and capacity to teach students. These administrative works prevent better connection with my students.’ The principal stated 179

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the dilemma as ‘being head of the school, my duty is to attend to children and teach them too, however, as an employee of the government, my obligation is to comply with the orders of higher authorities’. Scenario 2: ‘We have lots of work in the school. At the same time, we have to manage the home also. We are suddenly called for the “urgent meetings” frequently or to submit the documents to the head office, suddenly. When a family-member is unwell, I find it very difficult to attend these “urgent meetings”. . . . We (I) have a lot of tension but we (I) manage it with difficulty.’ The effect of ethical sensitivity and moral reasoning on the ethical decision making for visioning moral responsibility is analysed herewith for the vignette 2 on complying with the orders of higher authorities. Women’s ethical spotting of the dilemma was amply visible when they said ‘because of the “urgent meetings” called by the “higher authorities”’. Their higher moral intensity was evident when they referred to long hours of spending time in the district office at the expense of being absent from the school and not willing to ignore the sick family member. But they were caught between fulfilling their professional-moral obligation for the school and the moral value of caring for the sick member in the family. Due to this, despite clear spotting of ethical issues and higher moral intensity, tackling the perspectives of higher authorities continued to be a challenge. Hence, in scenario 2, ethical sensitivity is high with respect to ethical spotting and moral intensity. But it is confusing for value clarification tilting towards obliging higher authorities notwithstanding the unwillingness. Therefore, the principal’s words carry significance: ‘we somehow manage them (both) with great difficulty’, which is a way of generating options too, yet does not favour them. There is an explicit attempt to avoid ethical blind spot in both scenarios that tilts towards obeying orders of higher authorities. But she is also experiencing a disconnect between herself and the students/family at the same time. The abilities and competencies to take ethically bold decisions are challenged as there are competing values while weighing consequences of action or inaction, moral obligation and competence to assess decision making skills. Principals allowed themselves to oblige the orders of higher authorities despite a family member being sick and disadvantageous to children in the school. The extent to which moral imagination translates into moral action, though visible, is influenced significantly by the education system. Despite avoiding moral blind spots, their moral reasoning favours complying with the orders of ‘higher ups’ in the education system over attending to school/family. This is because principals have to operate largely within the normative framework of the education system to make ethical judgements. Nevertheless, whether women principals were able to prevent social biases about their leadership in the school or family could not be ascertained from the data. In order to make the ethical decision in scenarios 1 and 2, hardly any choices existed for principals to prioritize their personal conscience and mutual reciprocity since the situation demands giving equal priority to school and family vis-à-vis education system. However, they try to maintain public integrity by obliging higher authorities, a form of adhering to ethical principles. But the ‘will’ to exercise relational reciprocity for a win-win situation meets with lack of choices. The nature of ethical commitment differs between two institutions when there is a conflict of interest between ethical principles. While ethics of care demands a person to step out of the normative framework to embrace a relational framework, institutional ethics demands an employee to work within the normative framework of the institution or system. Thus, the 180

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dilemma between institutional ethics and ethic of care persists and perpetuates further due to confused values notwithstanding higher ethical spotting and moral intensity. One of the reasons is the hierarchical nature of the system wherein decisions are made at higher levels. Applying the moral reasoning is characterized by a higher degree of avoidance of moral blind spots to one institutional ethics at the cost of another institutional ethics (school or family). It has lowered the ability to take ethically bold decisions by exercising moral imagination. Lack of options despite avoiding moral blind spots leading to lesser value clarification adversely affected the relational reciprocity, professional conviction, personal conscience and ethical principles that are believed by women principals. Due to these, the extent to which ethical sensitivity and moral reasoning enabled the application of one’s moral values is also blurred. In scenario 1, the moral obligation is largely public as it involved school and education system whose interests did not conflict each other. Here, the principal’s moral identity is largely influenced by general moral values. Therefore, it assumes public moral identity for the principal. In scenario 2, even though the moral obligation tilted largely towards public, due to the conflict of interest between ethical principles of education system and family/school, value clarification and moral reasoning were comparatively lower and even confusing. The woman principal’s moral identity wavered between public and private despite overt preference for public moral obligation to higher authorities. So, moral responsibility, though, tilts towards the higher power of the education system that is largely public; she continues to fulfil her specific moral obligation and particular moral values towards her family to uphold her private moral identity as well. Hence, moral responsibility is a mix of both public and private. Ethical Dilemma between Institutional Ethics and Consequentialism The data revealed dilemmas between institutional ethics and consequentialism in two areas: construction of school building, and late coming of teacher to school. Their vignettes and analyses are presented, separately. Vignette 1: Construction of school building This case discusses the ethical dilemma between institutional ethics and ethic of consequence due to the tension between school principal and school management committee (SMC) in the matters of civil works. A woman principal revealed that members of SMC and the civil contractor for the construction of school building were interfering with the jurisdiction of her powers. According to her, the power lies with the principal to decide on the civil works in the school for which she may take support of SMC. But she was not able to act on her decisions. The dilemma is more complex than the problem – how should she, as a school head, handle the interference of SMC members to protect the interests of the school yet ensure their continuance of support to school even after completing the construction? The effect of ethical sensitity and moral reasoning on ethical decision making for visioning moral responsibility is analysed for the vignette on constructing the school building. The principal clearly spotted the ethical issue by stating that SMC members and civil contractor have ‘joined hands’ to ‘interfere with roles and responsibilities’. She spotted the changed perspectives of SMC members and civil contractor. She was cautious that she may be blamed if any mistake occurs. She tried to assert her decisive role in the school as the leader saying, ‘I used to “talk properly” 181

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(tough) with them for doing “my” work in “my” school.’ Hence, her value clarification and moral intensity are high. The ethical intensity of the principal is clearly perceptible. She avoided moral blind spots saying ‘my leadership’, weighing the negative consequences if SMC members overpower her in the matters of building construction. It indicated her ability to take ethically bold decisions and moral imagination to protect the interests of the school. So, a higher moral reasoning of the principal was evident. Her actions through higher ethical sensitivity and moral reasoning amply revealed commitment to personal conscience as she defended the legitimacy of school leadership. So, exercising her ‘will’ when justice demanded shows her ability to face the conflict of interests between school, SMC and civil contractor boldly wherein she exercised her personal conscience. It is obviously within the ambit of professional conviction with constraints as she could not take any actions against the latter’s undesirable intentions. Leadership experiences are influenced by cultural and racial norms, and gender did not favour women in their leadership pathway (Showunmi and Kaparou 2017). In this case, commitment to relational reciprocity was irrelevant due to conflicting interests between mutual wins, mutual growth and commitment to institutional ethics. Hence, her choice for ethical decision making remains largely within the normative framework for tackling dilemma between institutional ethics and consequences. Ethical spotting, value clarification and moral intensity were amply used by the principal. It paved the way for taking ethically bold decisions using apt moral imagination about the consequences of such decisions and avoiding moral blind spots. It led to resisting the attempts of SMC members and civil contractor to overpower institutional ethics. Hence, commitment to ethical principles for decision making within the normative framework favouring school over vested interests is due to the moral leadership of the principal. Women leaders role model to achieve educational impacts that is realistic and timely (Beaman et al. 2012). Since the interest involved was mainly the construction of the school building, the principal’s moral obligation was obviously public with public identity, so too should have been the moral obligations of SMC members and civil contractor. It implies that principal, SMC and civil contractor were obliged to practice generally accepted moral values of the society such as being transparent, accountable and honest. When SMC members and civil contractors deviated from the expected norms, the woman principal significantly exercised public moral obligation and public moral identity characterized by public moral values within the normative framework to assert her leadership, thus risking the consequences of protecting the interests of the school. Hence, her moral responsibility was higher. Vignette 2: Late coming of teachers to school Four women leaders reported late coming of teachers to school. They are aged fifty-two, forty-five, fifty-three and fifty-five years, working in Churachandpur, Bhishupur, Imphal West and Temeglong districts, respectively. Two of them worked in elementary schools, and the other two in secondary schools. They wrote in their response that time required to travel is more as their homes are far away from the school, combined with lack of adequate public transport facility. The first principal told the teacher about her duties and responsibilities towards the school and asked her to be punctual to the school. The second principal sought consent from all other teachers to allow a grace time of fifteen minutes to the teacher as she is travelling from a far-off place. The teacher was also told that beyond fifteen minutes, no further grace time 182

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would be allowed, and she would be marked absent. The third principal also followed the same method as the second principal but allowed a grace time of ten minutes. The fourth principal approached the higher authorities to find a solution. They told her to mark the teacher absent on those days when she came late. The principal followed their suggestion for some time. As per rules, action must be taken on the teacher who is absent for more than the permissible duration. If action is not taken, the principal will be questioned by higher authorities. When she reported this to higher authorities, they did not resolve it. The issue worsened further, and dilemma continued. The effect of ethical sensitivity and moral reasoning on ethical decision making for visioning moral responsibility is analysed herewith for the vignette on late coming of teachers for the school. All four principals openly admitted the consequences of both action and inaction of late coming of a teacher in their schools. Three principals considered the perspectives of remaining teachers in their schools by talking to them. It helped in arresting the prejudices against the principal and connect to teachers who were punctual to the school and also subtly tackle their perspectives. Thus, ethical sensitivity is evident among three out of four principals. In case of the fourth principal, her decision to take the matter to higher ups without addressing the dilemma within the school did not yield expected results, implying that her ethical sensitivity was rather weak. Three principals holding meetings with the teachers in the school to seek their consent for giving extra ten to fifteen minutes to the teachers was a democratic initiative. Adding a punishment clause of marking absent if this permitted extra time was exceeded was another step. Both helped in avoiding the moral blind spot. It also took care of any habitual wrongdoing that addressed the commonly shared apprehension among other teachers who were punctual to the school. In this way, three principals weighed the ethical consequences of permitting late coming, assessed their moral obligation towards other teachers and examined their own action. This implies that they deliberated on institutional morality and exercised their moral authority to bring an amicable solution. Hence, moral imagination was high. All this resulted in sound moral reasoning among three principals. However, this type of moral reasoning was absent in the fourth principal, resulting in the dilemma precipitating into a crisis. In taking ethically appropriate decisions, commitment to personal conscience and relational reciprocity were high among the three principals. They talked to other teachers for achieving a win-win situation and a collective decision to mark the teacher absent if she comes late beyond the permitted grace time of ten to fifteen minutes. It was an advantage for the school as classes did not suffer from lack of teachers and this teacher was more obligated to work sincerely when she was in the school. Hence, goodness of standards for practical advantage were established in the school. It shows principals’ professional conviction, though with some constraints. All of them ‘willed’ to make ‘unfair’ but ‘just’ decisions considering diverse perspectives of the issue before taking a pragmatic decision. The fourth principal, however, failed to take an appropriate decision as her approach did not favour commitment to ethical principles due to weak moral reasoning and ethical sensitivity precipitating the dilemma into a problem. Relationships with others are central to all actions of women administrators (Shakeshaft 1987). Higher ethical sensitivity leads to clarity in moral reasoning for making appropriate ethical decisions for desirable consequences. It is especially true when dilemmas are situated within one institution. 183

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When the dilemma is due to working between two or more institutions, it most likely leads to conflict of interests. Since the issue of late coming pertained to one teacher but whose effect was felt for the entire school, the moral obligation of the principal is public. By virtue of her position and situation, it demanded building trust for a collective decision. This entailed that the moral identity and values of the principal should be public. In short, moral responsibility is public while addressing the dilemma between institutional ethics and consequentialism. Path Traversed for Resolving Ethical Dilemma We find from the previous analysis that, be it ethic of care or consequence, if the ethical dilemma is situated within one institution, especially the school, where principal has the power and authority to decide, then, it is resolved amicably even if it meant going beyond normative framework. But, if the dilemma pertains to two or more institutions with mutually opposing ethical principles, then resolving it is rather difficult despite avoiding blind spots, if not impossible, due to weak moral reasoning and less value clarification. It may be between school and family, education system and community and so on. So, principals mostly worked within the normative ethical judgement frameworks practising public moral obligation, public moral identity and values. They decided to step out to adopt non-normative judgement for resolving ethical dilemmas only when they could do so. In this study, case 2-scenario 2 indicates the complexity of stepping out when two opposing institutions are involved (Refer to Figures 14.3 and 14.4) Institutional Ethics versus Ethic of Care The principal could not have achieved a balance between cook’s appointment for MDM and her children going to school if she had not moved beyond the dyads of ethic of care and institutional ethics. The woman principal’s actions showed that different ethical perspectives such as ethic of intensions, virtue ethics, non-consequentialism and consequentialism (Freakley and Burgh 2000; Norberg and Johansson 2007) also emphasize inner good in such circumstances besides the ethic of care. So, the principal adopted multiple ethical perspectives that were expanded to recognize the cook’s parental aspiration of sending her children to school, the poverty of the cook-to-be-appointed, the potential dropout of her children from the school and an uninterrupted implementation of MDM in the school. Thus, the first way to address the ethical dilemma involves using multiple ethical perspectives in a layered manner. Commitment to professional conviction despite constraints facilitated the woman principal to avoid ethical insensitivity and examine the virtue that best supported her actions to derive contextually appropriate moral reasoning. Operating from the normative ethical framework, women principals preferred public moral identity with public integrity practising general moral obligation in the education system while adopting institutional ethics for fulfilling the moral responsibility even if they have to compromise as seen in case 1, scenario 1. When operating from a non-normative ethical framework, they adopted private integrity with private moral identity adhering to particular moral values to care for the family and students in the school. While doing so, women did not mix the ethic of care (for students or sick family member) with that of institutional ethics of the school. 184

Ethical Sensitivity

Sl.N case wise

Ethical

Value

Moral reasoning

Moral

spotting clarification intensity

Ethical decision making personal

relational

ethical

Moral responsibility

professional Moral

Avioding

Ability to

Moral

moral

take bold

imagination conscience reciprocity principles conviction

blind

ethical

with

spots

decisions

constraints

Moral

obligation identity

Moral value

Case 1

P

P

P

V/S

Case 2, scenario 1

P

P

P

Ethic of Care

Case 2, scenario 2

P & Pvt

P & Pvt

P & Pvt

P

P

P

P

P

P

4 P,

4 P,

4 P,

Institutional Ethics

Institutional Ethics

↑

Case 3

V/S Consequentialism

Case 4

Final Pattern

5

3

,2

5 ↔ confusing

3

,2 ↓ low

3 ,2 ↑ high

3 ,2

3 ,2 P-Public,

3

,2

3 ,1l , 1

3

,2

1 P & Pvt 1 P & Pvt 1 P & Pvt

Pvt- Private

Figure 14.3  Effect of Ethical Sensitivity and Moral Reasoning on Ethical Decision Making: A Consolidation of Analysis.

3.5 3 2.5 2 1.5 1 0.5 0

High (IE/EC) Low (IE/EC) Confusing (IE/EC) High (IE/Con) Low (IE/Con) Confusing (IE/Con)

Ethical spotting

Value clarification

Moral intensity

Avoiding moral blind spots

Ability to take bold ethical decisions

Moral imagination

personal conscience

relational reciprocity

ethical principles

professional conviction with constraints

3 0 0 2 0 0

1 0 2 2 0 0

3 0

1 0 2 2 0 0

1 2 0 2 0 0

1 2 0 2 0 0

1 2 0 2 0 0

1 2 0 2 0 0

1 1 1 2 0 0

1 2 0 2 0 0

2 0 0

IE = Institutional Ethics

EC = Ethic of Care

Con = Consequentialism

Figure 14.4  Ethical Sensitivity and Moral Reasoning on Ethical Decision Making across Different Ethical Perspectives.

Mastering the Art of the Fixing the Ethical Dilemma

Thus, while working in the public space, women principals delicately balanced between public and private moral identity. Being flexible, they shifted between general moral obligation and particular moral values. They did not interchange or mix the two ethical perspectives to cater to public and private moral obligation. Rather, they preferred to distinguish the boundaries to fulfil their moral responsibility for both institutions simultaneously. This is the reason why analysis shows that ethical perspective for decision making is sometimes confusing or low for value clarification and moral imagination in scenario 2 of case 2. It is the second way of fixing ethical dilemmas. Institutional Ethics versus Consequentialism While questioning the interference of SMC members and the civil contractor in matters of school’s decision making, the women principal applied several ethical perspectives simultaneously – ethic of justice (Preston 2007) related to her rights as a leader, institutional ethics (ibid.) and ethic of critique (Norberg and Johansson 2007). Yet, we see that none of the ethical frameworks independently or together sufficed to resolve the crisis. She needed extra moral strength beyond what the education department could offer to counter the situation by evolving her own new and dynamic ethical perspective to step out of all these three ethical frameworks yet encompassing all of them, continuing to position herself within the normative framework and proclaiming public moral identity characterized by general moral obligation. This is the fourth way of resolving the ethical dilemma. Here, women adopted an androgenic style (Oplakta 2006) and disregarded gender notions (Mythili 2019c) for fulfilling their moral responsibility. In case of late coming of a teacher, the three principals even considered consequentialism as a means to assess the impact of their decisions by consulting other teachers. They exercised ethic of justice to protect the rights of other teachers when one of them came late. These principals also practised ethic of presence by being present to the situation (Starrat 2013). The principals recognized the internal good while permitting an extra time of fifteen minutes for the teacher without ignoring institutional ethics. In making ethically appropriate decision within their professional constraints, the principals weighed the consequences of decisions made, assessed moral obligation and consulted all teachers, including the one who was coming late. It indicated that the principals aimed at mutual wins and mutual support to develop trust among colleagues without ignoring to empathize with a teacher’s helplessness in reaching late to the school. ‘Women form webs, rather than pyramids in their institutions especially when institutional governance structures created the necessary spaces. Under these circumstances, women involve others in decision making to enhance others’ self-worth and to make needed changes’ (Grogan and Shakeshaft 2013: 113). In other words, the principal’s moral responsibility is a mix of general moral obligation to the institution and colleagues, and particular moral values to the choiceless-ness of a late-coming teacher. It facilitated in creating an acceptable public moral identity for the three principals within the normative ethical framework of judgement. In case of the fourth principal, these aspects were inadequate despite following the rules without erring on her part. Hence, the fifth path women traversed to resolve dilemmas is taking colleagues into confidence and building trust for a win-win situation through collective decision making despite professional constraints that are ‘just’ but not necessarily ‘fair’. Women adopted trust building, people-centredness and restrained neutrality to lead schools (Mythili 2019b). See Figure 14.5.

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Figure 14.5  Paths Traversed for Resolving Ethical Dilemmas by Women Principals in India.

Evolving a Dynamic Ethical Paradigm for Fixing Ethical Dilemma The present study studied twenty women principals selected purposively in Manipur, India, to discover the ways of resolving ethical dilemmas. The results showed that women leaders used multiple ethical perspectives in a layered manner without mixing between different institutions of conflicting interests to overcome ethical dilemmas. Women deftly used ethic of care when the dilemma was located within only one institution, that is, school. When women principals worked simultaneously between different institutions in the hierarchical system, institutional ethics took precedence over consequentialism and ethic of care to fulfil public moral responsibility with public moral identity. The process of adopting multiple ethical perspectives was not an assemblage of different ethics in action. There existed an unsaid dialogue between different ethical perspectives indicating interrelatedness between seemingly opposing ethical perspectives. When the interrelatedness was not applicable, a hidden distance was maintained between them rather than opposing each other. Principals were aware of the distinctness and incompatibility between different ethical perspectives. Hence, there was neither overlap nor opposition as different ethical perspectives did not operate distinctly in the real-life situations, nor did they come to take positions serially. Even if they did, it was not always as these seemingly overlapping or opposing perspectives questioned the applicability of ‘either-or’ frameworks that practically served little purpose. This is evident from the present study when the woman balanced between caring for a sick family member and obeying higher authorities. On a different occasion, the same ethical perspectives need not necessarily come together again to interact in the same manner for the same individuals. Women principals also moved beyond normative framework to care for others especially when they could take decisions within their school, shifting between different realities, being ethically sensitive, applying moral reasoning and understanding moral obligations to overcome ethical dilemmas. Here, institutional ethics does not merely involve singular approach of abiding with rules but also avoiding ethical blind spots to understand situations and people. Women principals envisioned their moral responsibility through a collective decision making process without violating rules when they lacked options, as in the case of a late-coming teacher. They continued to be morally obligated despite using particular moral value to ‘care’ for her. In this way, women created public moral identity within the normative ethical framework that built trust, win-win situations for a ‘just’ but not necessarily the ‘right’ decision to resolve ethical dilemma.

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In the present study, women leaders considered people, processes and strategies simultaneously in a relational framework practising higher ethical sensitivity and sound moral reasoning in resolving ethical dilemmas. Due to this, the artificial distinction between different ethical perspectives also withered away while making ethical decisions. The ethic of care, unique to women leadership, is sheathed and nurtured within the normative ethical judgement framework, drawing its strength from public moral identity, general moral obligation and particular moral values for which ethics of intensions, virtue, justice, presence and institution did not oppose. So, evolving a dynamic ethical perspective is influenced by socio-cultural-ethical milieu and beliefs of the women principals rather than general ethical principles outside of her. In this way, the discourse on ethical perspectives to resolve ethical dilemmas by women principals is furthered beyond binary and multiple ethical perspectives to create one’s own contextbased and need-based ever-evolving ethical paradigm discarding the worn-out by continuously testing the assumptions walking on the razor’s edge, balancing between individual beliefs, actions and normative and non-normative ethical frameworks for decision making to dissolve, rather than resolve, the complex ethical dilemmas.

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15 Promoting a Gender-Sensitive Learning Environment among Primary and Secondary School Leaders in Zimbabwe Irene Muzvidziwa

Introduction While there has been a marked increase in research on women and management in many countries, not much has been documented on gender and school leadership in Zimbabwe. On the other hand, ‘Zimbabwe has made significant strides in amending and enacting legislation . . . to advance gender equality and equity objectives’ (MWAGCD 2017). Because of globalization, environmental changes and many other factors, there are new demands for schools and school leaders to ensure progress in the teaching and learning of pupils. In 2017, the Ministry of Women Affairs, Gender and Community Development (MWAGCD) initiated the National Gender Policy with a vision to build a gender just society. The policy objective was ‘To ensure equal access to education for boys and girls’ (MWAGCD 2017: 23). The policy strategies were aimed at creating an enabling environment for accessing and retaining girls at secondary level; promote equal access to ICT and encourage women and girls to study Science and Technology, Engineering and Maths (STEM); . . . constitutional provisions on the right to education. Finally, develop in-service training and capacity-building programmes to prepare women to advance to positions of power in private and public sector institutions. (MWAGCD 2017: 23) Hence gender and education have become a topical issue in Zimbabwe. School leaders are perceived as the cornerstone in creating and promoting gender-sensitive environments. The purpose of this chapter is to examine the gender differences in promoting a gender-sensitive learning environment. Literature on Gender and School Leadership Gender: Gender is the socially constructed set of roles, characteristics and responsibilities associated with being a girl or boy and a woman or man. On another note, gender is seen as ‘the social and constructed differences in women’s and men’s roles and responsibilities, which are learned’, and these ‘vary from culture to culture and can change over time’ (UNGEI 2012: 3). In

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a similar manner, Walton (2014) described gender as a powerful social force that shapes the lives of people. Gender constitutes behaviours and attributes that a given society considers appropriate for boys and girls or women and men. It also refers to the status given to males and females by society. Gender Socialization: Through gender socialization the characteristics and other social expectations regarding what is termed gender appropriateness are conveyed to people starting from birth. Murdock (in Haralambos and Holborn 2004) observed that the family is the primary gender socializing institution and the school is seen as the secondary force in which teachers are agents of socialization. This suggests that gender socialization is the teaching and learning of the social norms and values that society considers to be appropriate for males and females. Such teachings influence the way both males and females perceive themselves, think, behave and talk about gender (in)equality. Rosener, cited in Muzvidziwa (2018), acknowledged that women’s ways of management are rooted in their primary gender socialization, having a motherly love and caring. In school, gender also influences the approach to leadership. School Leadership: School leadership is about heads of schools, the principals, deputy heads and senior teachers. Kimmelman (2010) observed that school leadership creates conditions that improve student performance. Chikoko (2019: 12) added: ‘Leadership requires that individual development is integrated and understood in the context of others, social systems, organisational strategies, missions and goals.’ At times leaders may not be competent enough, leading to a decline in performance of students. Hence, leaders need to have both practical and working knowledge specific to educational organizations. Ridgeway (2009) maintained that gender provides the foundation for leadership skills. Women are stereotyped with feminine characteristics such as concern for others, sensitivity, warmth and nurturance (Ford 2005). This means that males and females are socialized as members of society, who are groomed for their career path. Women leaders and feminist researchers (Blackmore 1998; Shakeshaft 1999) perceive the dominant discourse as denying differences, ignoring context and giving little consideration to the influence of diverse settings within which managers, leaders and subordinates operate (Ford 2005). These observed characteristics have a bearing on how leaders of different genders perceive in(equality) and promote gender-sensitive environments. Eklund, Barry and Grunberg (2017) argued that men are accorded higher social status within many cultures, and this allows them more opportunities and access to power and resources than women. This suggests that men are empowered enough to be confident in whatever they do. Generally, women who undertake leadership roles face a lot of challenges (A’li and Da’as 2016). Across countries, the ‘double burden’ of balancing work and domestic life is one of the barriers to women carrying out leadership roles as most often cited in the literature. Arar and Oplatka (2015) observed that women need to achieve a balance between the demands of their family role and their role as leaders. These responsibilities also influence women’s leadership style and the way they perceive and describe gender inequality. Gender affects the manner in which individuals interact with each other and describe gender issues. For instance, menstrual issues seem not to be a gender issue for most people, particularly males. Menstruation: Understanding gender issues is very important in promoting a gendersensitive environment. Menstruation, which has traditionally not been seriously considered as a gender challenge leading to inequality, has negative impact on girls’ and women’s progress. United Nations Population Fund acknowledged that menstruation is not just a woman’s issue. It 191

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is a natural process that is essential and part of the reproductive cycle (UNFPA 2019). However, lack of proper menstrual management and support leads to exclusion and discrimination. Women and girls fail to attend classes, educational and social events due to lack of sanitary facilities. Teaching and learning about sexual and reproductive health including menstrual issues would empower girls to be confident and able to talk about their health needs. Menstrual issues affect women and girls more in developing countries due to lack of sanitary facilities and other supplies to manage menstruation. Examining gender differences in promoting gender-sensitive learning environments would help school leaders to identify gaps that may be barriers to achieving gender equality and improve performance of both boys and girls. Gender Sensitivity: A gender-sensitive environment provides an enabling atmosphere that seeks to address the needs of both girls and boys, and vulnerable children (UNICEF 2017). A gender-sensitive school has facilities which are user-friendly for a boy and girl and responds positively to gender issues. For instance, schools that are gender sensitive provide basic infrastructure that have relevant sanitary facilities for both boys and girls. Gendersensitive teaching materials, methods and school rules are important in the creation of an enabling learning atmosphere. Furthermore, UNICEF (2017) observed that schools need to provide a safe environment for both boys and girls. To achieve that, teachers need to receive appropriate gender-sensitive training. Such training will enlighten the school leaders of what gender issues are and how to deal with them so that gender equality is achieved. Gender sensitivity in school suggests that the way school leaders treat male or female followers, boys and girls reflects an enabling atmosphere that is not discriminatory or biased in favour of one gender. The significance of this chapter is that it examines the way males and female leaders promote gender inequality. Ford (2005: 241) argued that traditional approaches to management and leadership present ‘seemingly neutral and unproblematic accounts that ignore issues associated with gender and inequalities, power differentials and organisational politics’. In schools, an assumption of gender-neutrality reflects a gender blindness on the part of those leading. Mainstreaming gender in all school programmes is important for eliminating gender discrimination. Mainstreaming a Gender Perspective Gender mainstreaming involves the integration of a gender perspective into the preparation, design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes. EIGE (2016: 6) confirmed that ‘gender mainstreaming’ is seen as ‘the (re)organisation, improvement, development and evaluation of policy processes, so that a gender equality perspective is incorporated in all policies, at all levels and at all stages, by the actors normally involved in policymaking’. Capacity building for gender mainstreaming is important. Christie (2010) noted that principals should be visionary leaders who influence others to transform. In Zimbabwe a conscious decision was made to include a gender perspective in the teaching and learning of students at universities. This approach worked as a deliberate effort to capacitate those working in organizations and ministries including raising gender awareness in education. Gender awareness raising intends to change attitudes, behaviours and beliefs that reinforce inequalities between women and men (Eklund, Barry and Grunber 2017). 192

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Theoretical/Conceptual Framework In order to understand this chapter, I highlight a brief historical background of leadership theory, since the earliest work in leadership research examined leadership traits and this chapter about gender and how school leaders promote gender inequality have much in common with traits and characteristics. However, traits approach to leadership emphasized the innate, rather than the learned, differences. Many individuals still believe, as Aristotle did centuries ago, that from the hour of birth some are marked for ‘subjection, others for rule’. Aristotle thought that individuals were born with characteristics that would make them leaders, and leaders according to Hoy and Miskel (1996) were generally regarded as superior individuals because of their fortune, inheritance or social circumstances; possessed qualities and abilities that differentiated them from people in general. This theory dominated the study of leadership until the 1950s. Feminists regard trait thinking as by nature ‘gender stereotypic’ since the approach assumes innate differences while the construct of leadership remains male-gendered. Blackmore (1998: 103) argued that leaders intentionally seek to influence the behaviour of other people. Owens (2001) believes that any concept of leadership deals with exercising influence on others through social interaction. It follows therefore that in order to examine leadership there is need to understand the nature and quality of the social interactions involved. As women increasingly enter leadership roles that traditionally have been occupied by men, and with the increasing diffusion of transformational leadership theory, there has been a growing interest in the relationship between gender and transformational leadership (Kark 2004: 160). Transformational leadership emphasizes empowerment of followers and their ability to transform organizations by working with followers’ value systems. Transformational concepts such as reciprocity of dialogue and meeting followers’ needs are critical approaches to leadership and seem to augur well with the gender and development (GAD) approach. The importance of GAD in this chapter is its concern with the way society assigns roles, responsibilities and expectations to both women and men. GAD applies gender analysis to uncover the ways in which men and women work together. In an attempt to create gender equality, GAD policies aim to redefine traditional gender role expectations. Increasing girls’ and women’s education and access to resources improve the health and education of the next generation. Hence, gender awareness raising increases general sensitivity, understanding and knowledge about gender (in)equality.

Methodology The research design used for the research reported in this chapter is qualitative. The chapter examined gender differences in the way school leaders promote gender-sensitive environments in schools. The purpose is to find out how gender influences males’ and females’ responses to addressing issues of gender. Promoting a gender-responsive learning environment requires an understanding of the functioning of women’s bodies, including menstruation (Goldblatt and Steelet 2019). Qualitative research is a powerful tool for investigating and understanding people’s lives and experiences. Focus group interviews were used to generate information from school leaders. A focus group is a socially oriented research method that captures data in a social setting. The method gives room for participant to speak freely. The purpose of focus group interviews is to draw upon respondents’ attitudes, feelings, experiences and reactions about the phenomenon 193

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under research (Karen 2014). Three guiding questions used to generate information were as follows: ●● ●●

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How do male and female school leaders promote a gender-sensitive environment in schools? What challenges do school leaders face in trying to promote a gender-sensitive learning environment? What strategies do male and female school leaders apply in an effort to deal with challenges encountered.?

Eight participants were purposefully selected from a Master of Educational Management finalyear class. Four males and four female school leaders were identified. The first participant in a snowball sample was identified purposively. The individual from the relevant population was approached. The individual acted as the informant to identify the next member from the same population for inclusion in the sample. Patton (2015) observed that snowball sampling is an approach for locating those participants who have rich information about the phenomenon to be researched. All the ethical processes were observed, including the completion of the informed consent where the participants have the right to withdraw at any time. The issue of confidentiality has also been observed by making sure the participants’ names are not included. Data analysis is a process of unlocking information hidden in the raw data and transforming it into something useful and meaningful. In this chapter, data was analysed qualitatively with an aspect of phenomenology. Phenomenological analysis has something to do with meanings in contexts and emerging themes from research participants’ descriptions of their experiences as they are lived (Hycner (1985), Moustakas (1994) and Giorgi (2003)). Findings As highlighted before, eight participants – four males and four females – participated in the focus group discussion. The group was divided according to gender such that females would be listening while males spoke and males listened while females spoke. This was a way of maintaining order during the discussion. As a way of introducing the discussion, the focus group participants were asked to identify gender issues most common in schools. The introductory question was open to the whole group of eight participants, male and female leaders. This was followed by guiding questions directed to each group according to their gender: ●● ●● ●●

How do you as school leaders promote a gender-sensitive environment in schools? What challenges do you face in trying to promote a gender-sensitive learning environment? What strategies do apply in dealing with challenges related to issues of gender?

The participants were coded as P1, P2, P3, P4 for male leaders. and P5, P6, P7, P8 for female leaders. Most participants were quick to say gender inequality. Others mentioned gender discrimination; one of the women leaders identified sexual harassment. The introductory question was just like a warmup and as such participants were shouting answers from every corner. It was after the introductory question that the focus group participated in a more orderly manner as indicated earlier. After the initial question, the participants were raising further questions, 194

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probing on what their colleagues had said, seeking clarity, for instance, what really is meant by gender inequality in school. Some of the questions that the participants raised were: [in terms of gender discrimination]: Who experienced discrimination? How? and for what reasons? [On sexual harassment] What is meant by sexual harassment? In school how does it happen? What is the impact on individuals who experience it? As highlighted earlier male participants were coded P1–P4 and females P5–P8, and as such, participants were identified and named according to those codes. On discussing which group to start exploring their experiences of gender inequality and promoting a gender-sensitive environment, the females proposed that the males come first, and that was agreed. Thus, drawing on his experience the first participant from male group PI said: At primary school, girls tend to be shy and not confident about being given leadership responsibility such as monitoring the class or school prefect. Even their peers seem to be biased towards boys and show no approval or support if a girl is sworn in as a prefect. However, for those who would have managed to excel, some of them do very well in exercising their duties. (male)P1 What is coming out of this quote is that girls are shy and not confident. Peers are not supportive and are biased towards boys Participant 2 did not pick on a new story. He just added on his observations, thinking and experience of a similar issue P2 went on to say: My thinking is that the different types of socialisation from their homes and the way they are brought up seem to contribute a lot to how they behave at school including the handling of responsibilities. At home girls and boys are given different roles. Usually, girls do house chores and have less time to interact with outsiders. Boys perform outdoor duties such as gardening and heading cattle where they have contact with many people. They have the opportunity to chat, debate and make arguments. In our culture, you know it very well, if a girl child makes arguments with peers, she would be rebuked saying that she should not imitate boys’ character . Boys normally are taught to have strong character as they are told not to cry but fight back. when a peer provokes them. That gives them courage and confidence as they grow up. (male) P2 Here socialisation from home is leading to character building at school and management of responsibilities Still on the same issue of inequality, P3 pursued the issues of confidence, and presents his experience and observation in the form of a question: What about those at secondary, have you observed that at form 3 level, boys don’t seem to struggle with choice of subjects. They have a tendency to be guided by their performance at form 2 and get contented with that. With girls, even if they get good grades at form two for instances in the sciences, you still find them doubting themselves to go for the sciences. They find it difficult to make certain decisions. (male) P3 In describing his experience, P3 observed that boys are more confident than girls. The word ‘doubting’ reflects an element of lack of confidence on the part of the girls. 195

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Participant 4 introduced the issue of role models on both girls’ and boys’ attitudes and behaviours on decision making, as evidenced by the description of his experience that follows. Peer influence, and I think lack of female role models. At my school only males teach science subjects. The boys seem to be motivated when they see these science teachers being mostly males, they even boast that sciences are for men. The girls who go for these subjects have strong characters because they receive discouraging comments that at times send mocking messages like ‘she wants to be a man’. The previous quote suggests that females lack role models in the sciences at that school; males gain their confidence by seeing other males in the same area. Peer influence also affects girls. As indicated before, P5–P8 are female respondents. When females were given opportunity to discuss their experiences and views, the first respondent from this group, P5, picked on the last comment made by the participant from the males, about discouraging and mocking messages: P5 joined by saying: When you say discouraging comments, I think you are just putting it lightly. My experience is that the girls get harassed even after taking off in those areas. Any slight challenge they come across they are reminded that the subject areas are not for women, as if the boys don’t encounter difficulties. If they miss a lesson maybe on a genuine reason, but not related to subject matters, everything is linked to toughness of the lesson. If a boy is absent, it is not an issue and sometimes no one notices it. There are a lot of biases and stereotype thinking that come into play. From this quote it shows that the female leader is seeing harassment, biases and stereotype thinking on the part of boys. Participant 3 (male) wanted some clarification and he probed: What do you mean when you say genuine reason? In response to this probe, Participant 5 says; Many people do not consider the biological difference of boys and girls which makes them unequal by nature, as important. In addition, the home-backgrounds are quite different, as some are well resourced, and others struggle even to get sanitary facilities. That alone can cause one to absent herself a day or two when she is experiencing heavy flows during mensural cycle. Without proper sanitary wear a girl can mess her clothing. That brings shame to her and tend to be abandoned by friends. Some girls tend to absent themselves during such times to avoid humiliation. All that is not taken into consideration. I think there is need for school leaders to educate both teachers and students on menstrual health, such that instead of mocking, they support. P5 raises the issue of biological differences, struggle to get sanitary pads, absenting from school, heavy flows during mensural cycle. Participant 8 (female) added on: The issue of sanitary facilities needs to be taken seriously if gender equality is to be achieved in schools. 196

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This discussion led to sexual grooming and abuse issues that adolescent girls face from adult males. The individual descriptions show how girls are taken advantage of and finally abused by men (so-called Blessers). In Zimbabwe, ‘Blesser’ is a metaphoric word given to those men who propose love to schoolgirls, pretend to take care of all their needs, including sanitary pads (that’s ‘blessing’ her), resulting in these girls being sexually abused. Participant 6 (female) joins the discussion: You have touched a very sensitive area which is worrisome to me. Some of these issues go unnoticed yet they cause a lot of disadvantage to girls and create larger gaps in terms of equality between girls and boys, men and women. School girls are normally taken advantage of at this stage by men (so called ‘Blessers’) who are older than them. How they identify these girls is not clear, but they create space for them to think that they are genuine friends who want to assist them with anything they may need. Participant 7 (female) could not wait for her colleague to finish her story. She noted: My concern is on those organisations that bring condoms as donations but not think of sanitary pads. I have actually taken the burden and approached some companies to assist with sanitary wear for girls who could not afford. The way P7 (female) describes her experience and how she addressed the challenge provides insights into her leadership approach. She gives priority to the vulnerable, and approaches organizations donating sanitary wear and not condoms. The issue of adult sexual abuse of adolescent girls was not further addressed. As the one chairing the focus group discussion, I probed: so how do you ensure that the school functions without these inequalities, biases and other challenges? I posed this as a second question as it sought to find out how these heads/deputy heads led their schools so that their staff is aware of the gender issues they were raising, and how they promoted their environments to be gender sensitive. I probed on the female participants to continue, Participant 6 (female) noted: My experience as a head is that to achieve anything, your objectives must be clear to the rest of the staff particularly the teachers. You also need to be resourceful. My first step has always been to communicate. Within this Leadership and Management programme, the course gender and leadership in school has enlightened me about issues taken for granted. So, I have taken the stance to workshop my teachers Discussing issues around gender and how to address them. For instance, the case of sanitary facilities I introduced committees to look into that from different directions. I involve the deputy and senior teachers who then work with the rest of the teachers. As of now I have a fund-raising committee to try and raise funds for the gender budget and other school expenditures. There is a building committee that looks into the necessary infrastructure like building of toilets that are user-friendly for both females and the disabled.

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Participant 6 uses workshops to sensitize her school community. Participant 7 (female) exclaimed: The problem with gender is that people think it’s a women’s issue and for whatever reason, you find them having a negative attitude towards anything that is said to be gender related. As for me I have decided to use my professional knowledge about gender to ensure that the school community, teachers in particular, have an understanding of what gender issues are so that they may know how to handle them. Can you elaborate further on your statement about attitude? I inquired. Participant 7 (female) continued: There are a lot of discipline cases that I have dealt with, that reflects ignorance on the part of the teachers. Reports of sexual harassment emerging from comments by both boys and male teachers towards girls have been common, resulting in disciplinary measures being taken. It used to happen that a teacher asks a girl who has been absent for 2 to 3 days where she has been. Stubborn students would shout in a mocking response; ‘married’ ‘had been married’. Complaints come to my office. So, I have decided to educate the teachers and school community as a whole about what entail harassment, or sexual harassment especially the meaning of all terms that are gender related. I make use of the arts teachers to dramatize on those language terms and teaching methodologies that reflects gender stereotype, gender bias, gender discrimination and sexual harassment. I also hold seminars with teachers to make sure they are aware of gender issues that can hinder progress and performance of students. This has worked for me to sensitise teachers and other school stakeholders including the parents and guardians on gender issues. P7 (female) sees gender blindness from the school community; how she addresses the challenge provides insights into her leadership approach. She educates her community through drama and seminars. P1 (male) responded to the issue of comments raised earlier: I just don’t see any reason why girls and boys should be treated differently. In-fact there is more focus on women and girls such that these boys are being neglected. In my school I make sure everyone receives equal treatment. This response reflects a gender blindness that could not differentiate between equality and equity. The way this school leader talks about gender in school provides a challenge to creating a gendersensitive learning environment. P2 (male) echoed the same sentiments: Actually, there is a danger of thinking that girls have more challenges than boys. I have a school policy that has no favouritism. There are school rules and regulations that guide teachers and staff. If anyone deviates, then will be dealt with accordingly. The male school leader in this focus group talked about equalizing boys and girls, showing that differences by gender are not observed. That alone provides challenges to creating a gendersensitive environment. 198

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P5 (female) commented: Let me take you back to my comment on biological differences. If we are to be honest with ourselves, how many schools in our rural areas have water and toilet facilities that are equipped for use as bathrooms for people to help themselves when need arise. Are you saying boys’ needs and girls should be equated? As a leader, you need to prioritise issues. As for me, Through the Parents Teacher Association (PTA) I have managed to raise awareness on the importance of a gender budget within the school. I plan together with the parents and teachers making sure they come to understand how gender affects the performance of a girl more than it does for a boy child, particularly focusing on their biological difference. At the moment the parents have organised themselves to make sure toilet facilities are there. They did indicate that the girl’s toilets would be build first. There is need for fairness and justice. P5 raised equity issues. She plans together with parents and teachers to make sure progress is made. During planning she makes sure gender and its effects are well understood. P3 (male) commented: I have designed small committees that look into different issues, for instance guidance and counselling, that is where career guidance is needed, discipline committee, sports committee. I have seen this lessening my burden of dealing with challenging issues. Mine is to monitor. All those issues about gender are well catered for in those committees because once in a while, I have discussion sessions with them. From this comment the leader monitors whether gender issues are being catered through the designed committees. Discussion of Findings Creating a conducive education environment require leaders who eliminate gender bias, stereotypes and discrimination resulting from social and cultural practices. Literature shows that gender provides the foundation for leadership skills. In this discussion, it is important to know that leadership is about learning and developing others to grow. Based on the focus group discussion, it is clear that the participants – both male and female – were not quite certain of their leadership approaches. However, it is from the way they presented their arguments that one can analyse their interactions and categorize the responses. The chapter examined the way school leaders describe gender issues in schools and the differences between female and male experiences. The reason for taking such a stance was that as a leader, one can address a challenge only when he/she has identified the problem. The way the problem is then settled is dependent on how it is perceived. Hence the key words emerging from the findings were lack of confidence, bias in favour of boys, socialization influencing character, lack of role models and biological differences. The way male school leaders from the focus group talk about lack of confidence by girls circles around the type of teaching the child gets while still young. P2 demonstrates how this is conveyed, by mentioning that if girls make arguments with peers they are rebuked saying that is imitating boys’ character. Boys normally are taught to have strong character as they are told not to cry but fight back. It is these types of comments that weaken or strengthen the child’s social

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being, such as having self-confidence or lack of it. It is also important that educational leaders who have the mandate to promote a gender-sensitive environment know the gaps that are barriers to achieving gender equality so that they find ways of addressing them. In line with this is one of the Zimbabwean 2017 policy strategies that calls for the education system to create an enabling environment for accessing and retaining girls at secondary level. This augurs well with Walton’s (2014) observation that gender is a powerful social force that shapes the lives of people. The fact that in society men are accorded higher social status within many cultures empowers them to be confident in whatever they do since they know they already have support (Eklund, Barry and Grunberg 2017). Lack of role models in the sciences as indicated in the findings affected the girls’ confidence. Hence the need for school leaders to be equipped with knowledge and skills to re-socialize and empower the students, teachers and the community to be supportive. Males gained confidence by seeing other males in the same area or field of study. With girls, such moves can be achieved only after some time when the whole community gets involved in supporting efforts of creating enabling environments. Participant P5 raises the issue of biological differences and the struggle to get sanitary pads leading to absenting girls from school. Women’s analysis was that girls’ confidence can be lost at times by not having resources to cater to their biological needs during mensuration. This leads some students to absent themselves from school. Adding to their challenge, is the reception they get from students and teachers with stereotypical thinking and beliefs that girls are not serious about education, that they just think about getting married, as confirmed by the comment from class ‘married’, ‘getting married’. In response to this challenge some leaders have gone an extra mile sourcing funds from organizations to cater for the vulnerable children; others did introduce communication channels that allow for easy access to parents and the community in order for them to understand and appreciate the importance of supporting their children, especially the girl child. Even in Muzvidziwa’s (2011) study on women school heads’ experiences of leadership, nurturance through different support systems was acknowledged as a tool for addressing challenges, including behaviour problems. The issue of family background/socialization is one and also comes into play when dealing with issues of lack of confidence; hence, the involvement of parents is important in addressing the issue. It is difficult to make a decision when you lack confidence. Both male and female leaders introduced committees for improving pupils’ confidence through, for instance, guidance and counselling and mentoring sessions. Although the approach to this exercise varied from school to school, they at least acknowledged the importance of having the sessions. Some of the school heads acknowledged that their staff, including teachers, did not know that sexual harassment can be verbal or physical. This is where the heads who had gone through the gender module used their expertise to educate their staff and empower them on gender matters. Those who had done gender as one of their modules/courses appreciated and acknowledged the importance of understanding gender issues; according to them, it promotes, enlightens and sensitizes both students and teachers. There were gender differences in the way gender equality and equity were described. Male leaders perceived equality as having to distribute resources equally and make sure that everyone receives the same share. Equity issue did not seem to be understood by male principals as evidenced by the comment, ‘no favouritism, why should girls be treated differently from boys?’ Even after the example of biological difference, male leaders insisted on making sure there is 200

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equality, meaning same treatment. They did not comment on the mensural issue as if nothing had been said. Yet when the issue of being taken advantage of is raised it should provoke one’s thinking. Ford (2005: 241) argued that traditional approaches to management and leadership present ‘seemingly neutral and unproblematic accounts that ignore issues associated with gender and inequalities, power differentials and organisational politics’. In schools, an assumption of gender-neutrality reflects a gender blindness on the part of those leading. When resources are scarce and the girl’s background is poor, men come in as ‘blessers’ taking advantage of the situation. In such cases, female leaders identify and describe inequalities in terms of boys having a choice in life and girls going through inevitable situations such as menstruation. UNFPA (2019) pointed out menstruation is a natural process that is essential and part of the reproductive cycle which is inevitable. That seems why women leaders questioned the purpose of donating condoms instead of sanitary wear. Reinforcing gender-sensitive policies is critical for eliminating inequality and gender discrimination. The government of Zimbabwe, in addition to the introduction of a gender policy, maintained that gender be mainstreamed in all ministries and organization. In education, universities have been tasked to teach gender so as to raise awareness and promote gender sensitivity in communities. Both primary and secondary school leaders register for in-service training to gain knowledge and understanding of how to promote gender equality and equity in schools. Having role models boosts individual confidence and empowers them to pursue a similar career or subject. The findings show that when males identify a challenge, they use stipulated regulations to solve it without rigorously searching for causes. Similarly, participants 3 and 4 (males) were concerned about the girls’ problem of choice, without digging deep to find out the reason for lack of confidence. They, however, acknowledged that male role models were useful for the boys. In developing countries women in leadership do triple roles. The use of GAD in this chapter as a framework for analysing discourse on gender and leadership approach is important. GAD applies a gender analysis to uncover the ways in which men and women work, and how society assigns roles, responsibilities and expectations to both women and men. It has already been indicated that in an attempt to implement gender equality, so that women have the same opportunities as men, GAD policies aim to redefine traditional gender role expectations. It has also been observed that women leaders in developing countries encounter challenges of balancing roles in public and private spheres. On the other hand, their experiences of gender roles equip them with skills on identifying and addressing gender challenges. The implications for women leaders’ experiences are that if women are empowered to participate in and lead public and private institutions, these institutions become more efficient and effective. To conclude, the responses of both male and female heads of schools show gender differences in describing their experiences and understanding of gender inequality and issues affecting the boy and girl child. Their approaches to promoting a gender-sensitive environment are clearly articulated in the way they responded to identified challenges of lack of confidence, menstrual hygiene and applying fairness and justice which are issues of equity in order to achieve equality. A focus group approach has been useful in creating an atmosphere that allowed free interaction leading to sharing of ideas and unpacking some of the taken-for-granted issues. Leadership is important in the creation and promotion of a gender-sensitive environment. Hence this chapter is very critical in understanding the context in which school pupils operate and how leaders work to promote an enabling learning environment. 201

16 Women’s Way of Leading Inappropriate Essentialism or Critical Question? Jacky Lumby

Setting Out the Chapter The question of whether women lead in a way that is different from men has been addressed for several decades (Eagly, Karau and Johnson 1992). The issue is not just one of fairness to women but has wider implications, situated in a context of ‘widespread concern for the quality of public education’ (Bjork 2000: 5). If male-dominated leadership is not meeting the needs of all children and young people, more women in leadership roles offer the potential to improve education, but only if they enact leadership differently and influence its development. Consequently, it matters to women themselves, to learners and consequently to society as a whole whether women’s leadership style is different from that of men (Normore and Gaetane 2008; Pounder 1990). This chapter considers what has been learnt about women’s leadership style. Style is taken to mean a set of values, attitudes and behaviours that persist reliably in an individual’s leadership repertoire. Some raise objections to such research (Reay and Ball 2000), arguing that the use of a category, ‘women’, risks essentialism in a manner that is questionable and that how any woman leads is a complex construction of which gender is only part, as leadership is influenced by global, national and organizational contexts and a host of individual factors such as ethnicity, religion, sexuality, dis(ability) and personal history (DeRue 2011; Moorosi, Fuller and Reilly 2018). From this post-structuralist perspective, searching for women’s style of leadership raises questions about how the field of educational leadership itself is performing gender. Others argue that there is a discernible difference between men and women and that understanding the difference is important (Eagly and Carli 2003; Krüger 2008). Women’s style of leading, as reported in some research, conforms to stereotypical characteristics associated with the feminine: caring, empathetic, collaborative and person-centred. Such a style is perceived by some as limited and so ineffective, particularly in light of the degree to which leadership is associated with stereotypically male characteristics (Tomas et al. 2010). Others assess it as more effective because it is more appropriate to the demands of leadership in the twenty-first century (Hallinger, Dongyu and Wang 2016).

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With these competing narratives in mind, the chapter sets out to explore how relevant research has been undertaken and to address the question of whether research on women’s way of leading is based on inappropriate essentialism or is a legitimate response to a critical issue. It considers methodology and methods; the evidence concerning the leadership style of women that has emerged; the influence of context and individual characteristics; and the implications of this approach to research for the field of gender and leadership. In doing so, it has made several assumptions, each open to challenge. The available data were a priori assumed to be patchy, reflecting some parts of the world and some sectors of the education system much more than others. Given the absence of extensive, global, in-depth data specific to education, the chapter considers research on women’s leadership in sectors other than education. It also assumes that even if a study’s primary focus is something other than women’s style of leadership, it may nevertheless reveal something of relevance if it refers to the key elements of style, as in the definition earlier: values, attitudes and behaviours. The Chapter’s Approach Key terms were used to locate relevant studies using DelphiS, a cross-searching tool for printed and electronic resources and major subject databases and indexes. Advanced searches employing both single and combined key terms pinpointed material that might be of interest, including leadership style, gender and leadership, women and leadership, masculine style, feminine style, androgyny and stereotypes of leadership. Where particular approaches were claimed to be associated with women, for example, ‘democratic leadership’ (Bjork 2000: 10), they were sought in relation to education and school and college leadership between 2000 and 2020. The bibliographies of articles and books were used to identify material that might not have appeared through key-term searches. The chapter does not aim to be a systematic literature review of research whose main focus is gender and leadership style; rather, it adopts a broader view to incorporate what may be pertinent in studies undertaken more widely, particularly outside Anglophone nations. The aim is primarily to stimulate readers to consider this a thumbnail of existing evidence, in part to reflect on whether men and women lead differently but also the implications of asking that question. The chapter begins by considering the methodology in this area of research. It briefly reviews evidence on the difference between men and women’s leadership style, or the lack of difference, and considers the impact on style of context and history at the societal, organizational and individual levels. Next, it explores how this area of research is, in itself, performing gender. Issues in Methodology and Methods What we know about any area of activity is contingent on the research that supports it. Exploring gender and leadership in Cape Coast primary schools, Agezo and Hope (2011) categorize three approaches to research into women’s leadership: laboratory experiments; studies considering the behaviour preferences of men and women; and organizational studies that observe actual behaviour. In the field of educational leadership, there are no laboratory experiments and organizational studies based on observation and ethnography recording actual behaviour are rare. For example, a search for the use of ‘ethnography’ and ‘observation’ either as key words or in the abstract, in 203

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combination with ‘gender’ anywhere in an article in either of the two leading international journals, Educational Management Administration and Leadership and Education Administrational Quarterly from 2000 to 2020, yielded no ethnographic studies of women leaders. It found four that referred to women’s leadership using observation as a secondary method, for example, alongside interviews. Most research falls into the second category, where women and sometimes men are asked questions on their values, attitudes and behaviour. As the answers are self-reported, they are arguably evidence of a behavioural predilection rather than behaviour itself. Respondents inevitably construct a self-identity by means of ‘socially desirable responses’ (Shaked, Glanz and Gross 2018: 304) that may differ from the triangulated picture that would emerge from the perspective of staff or learners or from observation (Scheurich 2014). Asking leaders to enter in a diary what they are doing goes some way towards recording actual actions; however, even diaries are constructed records and, in any case, their use is uncommon in gender research in educational leadership. Overwhelmingly, the evidence comprises what women say that they think and do, sometimes but often not triangulated by other views. Until there are more observational and ethnographic studies, existing data continue to have debatable status. Certainly, the feminist project that insists that we pay serious attention to listening to women is important; yet, if the research is to be credible, listening should not be undertaken with uncritical acceptance of self-perception as unproblematic fact. The research is limited in other ways. Lomotey (2019) reviewed studies conducted between 1993 and 2017 with black women principals in the United States. Most were dissertations, and, in all but one, the sample size was small, a third having only three respondents. Since 2017, research into black and ethnic minority women’s leadership experiences has remained typically smallscale and qualitative (Moorosi, Fuller and Reilly 2018; Wrushen and Sherman 2008), with some exceptions (Robinson et al. 2017). In larger, generally generic studies, the category ‘black women or women of colour’ may serve to essentialize, thus homogenizing the experience of women who are from very different ethnic and cultural backgrounds. The research is also limited in its balance of national and cultural locations. Most research is about women from Anglophone and European countries (Makura 2012). Since 2012, more studies on women’s leadership have emerged from African, Arab and Asian locations, but there are still relatively few. Hallinger and Kovačević’s (2019) bibliometric study on educational leadership from 1960 to 2018 found that 83 per cent of the articles are from the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada and Australia. Only a fraction of the remaining 17 per cent focus on gender issues. Consequently, general beliefs about women’s way of leading draw on a population heavily skewed towards Anglophone nations. Fitzgerald (2003a) points out that much research, while it challenges the masculinized nature of leadership theory, fails adequately to recognize its ‘raced’ (p. 4) nature: ‘distinctions between and among women have collapsed in the attempt to provide a metanarrative that describes and defines women’s experiences and practices as educational leaders’ (p. 5). There is sufficient concern, such as Brown’s (2014) and Lomotey’s (2019) questioning the data’s extent and Fitzgerald’s (2003a) charge of the ‘Deafening Silence of Indigenous Women’s Voices’ (p. 4), to suggest that any overall conclusion about black, ethnic minority and indigenous women’s ways of leading rests on an unsatisfactory evidence base. 204

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What Is the Evidence of Differences? The Variety of Findings Despite caveats about the methods used, one might hope that the body of evidence gathered since the 1960s would enable a reasonably confident answer to the question of differences in how men and women lead. Numerous studies suggest that there are differences: Eagly, Karau and Johnson’s (1992) meta-analysis of fifty studies concludes that women are more democratic or participative and less autocratic and directive than men; Hallinger, Dongyu and Wang (2016) consider differences in instructional leadership; and Gipson et al.’s (2017) generic study of women leaders focuses on conflict style. Here, then, is another issue: the various studies and meta-analyses adopt dissimilar frameworks and foci. Consequently, rather than a coherent body of evidence built over time, there is a patchwork of studies asking women different questions, reflecting varied theoretical frameworks. Bjork’s positive picture of women’s leadership, painted in 2000, continues to appear in much literature but with different factors stressed in particular studies. However, even results reported by many, for example, that women are more task-oriented (Eagly, Karau and Johnson 1992), are contradicted by findings of no difference between men and women (Dady and Bali 2014; Wirawan, Tamar and Bellani 2019) or those who see task orientation as a particularly male characteristic (Sherman 2000). A ‘no difference’ finding has been widely reported. For example, in an overview of more than fifty studies, Grogan and Shakeshaft (2011) report mixed findings: ‘100% of the qualitative studies versus 14% of the quantitative studies identified differences’ (p. 6). Agezo and Hope (2011) report minimal differences between men and women in decision making, ethical, interpersonal and instructional practices. Coleman’s (2003) survey of all the women secondary headteachers and a third of the male headteachers in England and Wales, with high response rates (70 per cent and 60 per cent respectively), ‘shows that the perceptions of men and women headteachers about their own management and leadership style are similar and that their perception is of a style that is more likely to be “feminine” than “masculine”’ (p. 336). This does not evidence sameness or difference in the leadership style of men and women, or even how each lead, but rather a similarity in their self-perception and performance of leadership style. It appears that both are likely to avow a style that reflects stereotypically feminine characteristics, as determined by Bem (1974), highlighting the difficulty in reaching a trustworthy conclusion when the data are self-reported. Explaining the Variation in Findings If one follows Popper’s (1963) philosophy of science, then knowledge proceeds by refuting theories. Falsifiability is everything. On this basis, the hypothesis that women lead in a distinctive way that is different from how men lead has been falsified on many occasions; however, this ‘emphasis on direct replication as a sine qua non of science’ (Derksen 2019: 454) has been challenged as a simplistic view of knowledge production: ‘Research is messy, researchers are motivated by more than a desire for objective truth, and facts are not discovered but constructed in a process that involves many more actors than those allowed by traditional philosophers of science’ (op cit.: 450). Rather than an absolute of replicability, some argue that, provided it is accompanied by rigorous self-questioning and self-awareness on the part of the researcher (Gouldner 1968), partisanship is an ‘indispensable precondition’ for the advance of sociology (Carr 2000: 438). There may be some degree of partisanship in research on women’s style of 205

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leading, reflecting a desire to balance the historic masculinization of leadership. It may be that this, in part, accounts for the dissimilar findings. For example, relatively small differences – ‘mild shading, with considerable overlap’ (Eagly and Carli 2007: 127) or ‘on the whole, highly overlapping distributions between female and male leaders’ (Gipson et al. 2017: 48) – are reported by numerous studies as more definitive and polarizing than is justified. There may be sampling issues. Reay and Ball (2000) suggest that, though there are statistically significant differences, in part these may be explained in studies that involve leaders at various levels by the preponderance of women in lower roles in the hierarchy, as they use the personcentred style more prevalent in junior leadership. Grogan and Shakeshaft’s (2011) explanation of why 100 per cent of qualitative studies found differences while 86 per cent of quantitative studies found no difference is that the survey instruments used are biased towards masculine constructions of leadership; it may be that qualitative methods such as self-report through interview use a research instrument that is equally biased towards a self-construction with a skew to the feminine. Though one might argue for this as a balance to masculinized leadership theory, it must nevertheless be recognized as the substitution of one bias for another. As Reay and Ball (2000: 47) point out, ‘in the rush to essentialize’ the assessment of the difference between men and women, the interpretation may be more bifurcated than is warranted by the evidence. Adopting a historical perspective highlights the difficulty in using masculine or feminine stereotypes as variables. Social psychology research, over time, has pointed up the instability of notions of masculinity and femininity and so challenged the utility of measuring activity using putative male and female characteristics. In the early period of feminist research, when overt discrimination against women was ubiquitous, stereotypical characteristics may have served a useful function as variables. Since then, things have moved on; Keener, Mehter and Smirles (2017) suggest that ‘measuring and describing femininity and masculinity according to general traits may not be informative’ (p. 4). The second decade of the twenty-first century has seen ever-stronger challenges to the very notion of a binary male-female identity, for example in sociology (Moorosi 2019). The key point here is that a perspective that links ways of leading to wider research developments in other disciplines, particularly social psychology and sociology – challenging the very notion of gender patterns – is underdeveloped in the literature on educational leadership. Is There an Answer to the Question? The patchy and contradictory evidence is such that a positive affirmation of whether men and women lead differently is not possible. Findings of studies using mostly self-reported data and generally conducted in a single national or cultural context are contradicted by other findings. They have failed to build a coherent and sufficient body of research to justify statements about differences between men and women’s leadership. The most that can be concluded is that some women lead differently to some men in some contexts, a bathetic conclusion that, in itself, is of little interest. What matters more is the significance of context and the effectiveness of particular approaches in a specific context. The Significance of Context Many aspects of context may be influential in shaping how women and men lead: the culture; the positioning within the education system’s hierarchical structure; and the individual’s characteristics 206

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and background. Like an onion, leadership has layers: the outer comprising national, economic, political and cultural frames; the middle organizational structures and cultures and, at the centre, the person: an amalgam of gender, ethnicity, sexuality, religion and many other characteristics. Culture In the Anglophone world, research on how the culture of specific communities relates to gender and leadership is primarily found in literature concerned with minorities, for example, Latino/Latina (Mendez-Morse et al. 2015), Native Americans (Ruff and Erickson 2008) and Māori (Santamaría et al. 2016). The white cultures of the United States, the United Kingdom, New Zealand and Australia tend to be taken as a given. The value set that is associated with women’s way of leading in Western feminist literature, being person-centred, empathetic, community minded and so on, is exported or imported to literature on leadership in other nations, sometimes ignoring the potential influence of a different culture. In African states, a leadership style seemingly related to stereotypically Western feminine qualities may stem from African approaches to leadership which share similar values but which are not gender-based, such as Ubuntu (Elonga Mboyo 2019). Organizational culture may also override the influence of gender. Hansson and Andersen (2007) found no significant differences between the leadership of men and women in Swedish schools, arguing that this was due not to women’s adoption of a male style but, rather, to the predominant organizational culture: For the last 10 years there have been more female principals than male principals. Therefore, it does not seem appropriate to argue that women have adapted to a male culture or male leadership style. . . . It is also possible to argue that all teachers (and most of the principals are former teachers) have been influenced by the same school culture during many years and taken part in the same discourse of leadership. This would result in the same pattern of leadership style. (p. 9) This interpretation, as any, is open to challenge, yet it does at least disrupt any over-simple linkage between gender and leadership that does not adequately consider the influence of culture at a variety of levels. Leadership Role Agezo and Hope (2011) take a structural perspective to suggest that role has more impact on leadership than gender and that meeting the organization’s needs shapes leadership for both men and women. This cannot be an absolute, as individuals in the same organization may choose to lead in different ways; however, one hypothesis is that role relates to the degree of power and that the latter metamorphoses leadership into a range of forms. For many women, power is a difficult concept. Both Brunner (2012), researching US superintendents, and Lumby (2015a), researching UK higher education leaders, discovered among women a discomfort in discussing power and a disavowal of its use. Socialized into collaborative and supportive modes, women may attempt to distance themselves from, in Brunner’s phrase, ‘power over’ (p. 146), seen as masculine, instead advocating ‘power with’ as a feminist paradigm. Bjork (2000) asserts that ‘women adopted notions of power as shared and exhibited softer approaches to leadership’ (p. 11); however, particularly in senior roles, the inevitable need to adopt ‘power over’, in some 207

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circumstances, is accepted by many leaders (Lumby 2015a). The key point is that seniority is related to power in complex ways, and the nature of a leadership role may frame the use of power. If such is the case, then to assume that all, or even many, women do or could adopt a particular way of leading is to blind oneself to how power influences and often transforms behaviour. Phase of Education How masculinities and femininities articulate is influenced by the sector of education. Most work on gender and educational leadership is undertaken in secondary/high schools and higher education. Waniganayake (2014) points out the absence of research that considers gender, sexuality and culture in early years leadership, despite it being a sector where gender stereotypes might be assumed to be very powerful. The leadership of provision for small children has been characterized as matching the stereotype of women’s primary role as mothers and child carers. The match is held to explain, at least in part, the predominance of women in teaching and leadership roles in the sector. Some who research early years leadership push back against notions of a women’s way of leading. Rodd argues that, ‘Currently, early childhood is in the process of developing its own perspectives, models and language of leadership based on principles of connection, dialogue, and community. . . . Transformational leadership – the current standard of good leadership embraced by many early childhood educators – is androgynous, thereby liberating both men and women from inappropriate and outdated gender stereotypes’. (Rodd 2012: 35) The relatively slight evidence base offered by the literature does not facilitate drawing conclusions on whether this view is justified. Other work has found a feminine style to be prevalent (Jónsdóttir and Coleman 2014); however, just as much of interest is why a significant sector of education dominated by women leaders has elicited from feminist researchers relatively little interest in the style of its overwhelmingly female leaders. Research into gender and leadership is similarly sparse in the sector that provides vocational and lower-level tertiary education, known as further education in the United Kingdom, technical education in many parts of the world and community colleges in the United States. This sector is a kind of reverse image of early years, in that it might be assumed that masculine stereotypes are particularly prevalent here, given a key focus in many locations on training and development for industries dominated by men, and that consequently women’s representation at senior level would be low. In fact, though it was widely criticized in the latter part of the twentieth and early part of the twenty-first centuries as a particularly masculinized environment, in the UK this sector has a representation of women principals that has steadily increased from 3 per cent in 1990, to 23 per cent in 2004, to equal representation in 2018 (McTavish and Miller 2009; Savours and Keohane 2019; Shain 2000). The proportion of women teaching staff in England ranged between 50 per cent and 55 per cent from 2016 to 2018, so the representation of women principals is in proportion both to the teaching staff in the sector and to the wider population (Economics Frontier 2019). Most relevant studies are concerned with representation rather than with styles of leadership related to gender, so there is scant evidence of the leadership styles adopted by women principals in this sector; however, there is evidence that assuming that it is primarily by adopting a masculine leadership style that women increased their representation is both simplistic and unwarranted (Braun and Armstrong 2016). 208

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In the UK, the numbers of students in further education and higher education are comparable (Bolton 2019; Department of Education 2019), yet there is far more research on gender and leadership in higher education. The lack of interest in further education may reflect no more than that most researchers are from a schools’ and/or higher education background; or it may be that schools’ and universities’ higher status attracts researchers more than the lower status of early years and technical/further education. In the absence of a credible body of evidence, we have no answers. While further/technical education, like higher education, has been criticized for a particularly masculine and market-oriented culture that acts to the detriment of women leaders (Morley 2018), there can be little learnt from its much greater success in terms of representation and the leadership style of principals because its far higher percentage of women and minority ethnic senior leaders has excited little interest. The evidence that we have on style is skewed towards those sectors in which there are proportionately fewer women leading. Religion Some women experience religion as the driving force behind their leadership. Particularly when intersected with gender, the effects of religion are rarely distinguished by research on leadership style. Khalil and DeCuir (2018) portray Islamic feminist school leadership as: ‘(a) leading by modelling an equitable, and just ethic; (b) leading by nurturing a communal culture and, (c) leading for transformational resistance’ (p. 94). This seems difficult to distinguish from the style depicted in research on many other groups of minority ethnic women. For women, patriarchy and sexism may be a universal context, but it is from the detail of the response and how it is shaped by religious belief that the realities of style will emerge. Such detail is lacking, substituted by self-report that may present a seemingly idealized leader, fighting for justice and transformation. Sexuality The impact, if any, of lesbian, bisexual and transsexual sexuality on the leadership style of women also lacks much detailed study. Lugg (2003) points out that gender is a performance, which may be enacted differently by queers but also by many heterosexuals: ‘Gendered behaviours may have little to do with a given individual’s biological sex or sexual orientation’ (p. 101). She excoriates pressure to ‘pass’ as something other than what one is to gain access, to a job, to acceptance or approval. Feminist literature that essentializes women, depicting a woman’s way of leading, may exert its own pressure to pass as a bona fide woman who exhibits the caring, self-effacing and empathetic persona of the feminine. Ethnicity, Intersectionality and the Individual In the feminist literature, most women responding to questions about their leadership are from a specific group: white, middle class and heterosexual (Fitzgerald 2003b). Chin’s (2013) international study of the intersections of ethnicity, gender, culture and leadership reports clear differences in the leadership espoused by Asian, Native American, Latino/Latina, black and white groups. Minorities encountered expectations relating not only to gender but to their ethnicity and, in response, constructed a social identity that conforms, negates, challenges and code switches in ways unique to each individual and, in Chin’s assessment, different from white groups. 209

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As an example, consider the role of a school leader as constructed by black women in schools in communities of deep poverty in South Africa (Lumby 2015b). Code switching is evident between sympathetic and harsher identities, between self-professed feminine and masculine modes (Lumby 2015b: 411). Their ambitions for their school and their learners are sometimes highly circumscribed and, in their view, are a realistic response to the minimal availability of both resources and a potential way out of poverty for all but rare exceptions. These women’s leadership style is very different from the supercharged, highly effective Western leader described by Bjork (2000). Male principals were not part of this study, so it cannot be known if, in schools in deep poverty, they would lead in a similar way. The point is that, in this context, where historically stigmatized ethnicity and deep poverty coincide, women principals lead differently from women principals in Anglophone contexts, the poorest of which are better resourced than some schools in rural South Africa. Doing Gender Those groups that dominate do not typically do so consciously and deliberately; rather, the means of their continued control is embedded ubiquitously in attitudes, structures and systems (Millett 1971). Critical theory suggests that this is universal; if so, feminist research may not escape the paradox of inadvertently strengthening the very systems that it challenges. Some of the ways in which gender research has performed in this way have been long known. Researching women, though intended to improve the lot of all, establishes a category that ‘allow(s) women from dominant (and white) groups to identify themselves as women, not as white women’ (Fitzgerald 2003b: 5). Essentialism expunges the distinctions between half the world’s population and enables research, as with so many other systems, to present as takenfor-granted the perspective of the white, of the heterosexual and, often, of those from socioeconomically advantaged backgrounds. The second form of domination embedded in such research is a kind of colonialism by means of promoting values, attitudes and goals that essentially emanate from the West. There is relatively little consideration of what the philosophies and faiths of Islamic, African, Asian, Indian and other indigenous groups suggest might constitute effective leadership by women (Rajan 2018). The traffic in values is one-way. Though this criticism can be levelled at the whole field of educational leadership, it is particularly pertinent to research relating to gender. The International Women’s Development Agency (2017) distinguishes between ‘gender-sensitive research (that) aims for gender balance and tries to capture the similarities and differences in the experiences of both men and women’ (p. 13) and ‘Feminist research (that) tries to capture the diversity of women’s experience, explore the gendered manifestation of power (both in the topic for research and the way in which the research is conducted), and interrogate the operation of gender norms’ (p. 13). This distinction suggests that research into women’s way of leading may be gender-sensitive yet not feminist, since the differing ways in which family, work, community and leadership are understood by particular groups are mostly absent. As Jenkins, Narayanaswamy and Sweetman point out (2019), it is not progress if the often-unconscious bias in research towards white Anglophone men is replaced by ‘Western European and US ideas about women and men, and gender roles and relations’ (p. 417). Pineda and Purdue (2019) suggest that ‘reflexivity is a core principle of feminist research’ (p. 453); however, research on women’s 210

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way of leading seldom includes more than cursory reflection on the researcher’s position and the study’s culturally shaped biases. The Consequences There are political consequences of the focus on women’s way of leading. Reay and Ball (2000) argue that women’s leadership research tends to look inwards, concerned with celebrating and empowering individuals and communities at local level, rather than outwards to political activity aimed at changing the system at regional and national levels. This is not to argue that the latter is more feasible or important but, again, to point out the bias in educational leadership literature that often uncritically values women’s efforts without unravelling its potential negative outcomes, limitations or possibilities for alternative action. Reay and Ball’s (2000) judgement that ‘we are going to need something more than women in positions of power to change prevailing market orthodoxies’ (p. 156) contrasts with Grogan and Shakeshaft’s (2011): ‘women haven’t had to do anything to make change; they are the change’ (p. 86) and raises questions on the whole project of the transformative power of feminine approaches to leadership in an era of market competition. Inappropriate Essentialism or Critical Question? There may be aspects of women’s lives that, if not universal, are the experience of the majority: unequal household responsibilities; unequal pay; the threat of violence; and pressures to conform to societal images of the feminine. However, women’s way of leading is not such a feature. Studies that explicitly or implicitly argue that there is a women’s way of leading are overstating a result where, generally, what is meant is that distribution curves of certain qualities or approaches may be somewhat, but not necessarily considerably, different for women and men in a specific context. The chapter has suggested that the research may work against women in several ways, essentialism bleaching out the irrepressible diversity and creativity of women’s leadership, creating pressure to lead in a particular way and implicitly devaluing those who wish to lead by adopting more stereotypical male characteristics. It also sustains the hegemony of white, middle-class women from the Anglophone world (Blackmore and Sachs 2012). Certainly, let us continue the feminist project of understanding better how particular women or groups of women experience leadership: ‘Such nuances need recognition’ (Fuller 2014: 334). Let us listen to their perceptions with respect and compassion, celebrating all the positive qualities of leadership brought by women to education for the benefit of learners and wider society. Let us also analyse appropriately the majority of evidence that reflects a performed reality, examining the failures as well as the successes, broadening the research gaze to locate the way women lead more securely within wider political and social struggles.

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Part IV

Gender, Career and Leadership Development Pontso Moorosi

A perusal of recent scholarship on gender and career progression suggests that women graduate from university in higher numbers than men (e.g. Airini et al. 2011; Canas et al. 2019) and occupy teaching positions in higher numbers than men, yet men are more likely than women to plan their careers and plan them at an earlier juncture (Coleman 2007; Morley 2013). This early planning positions men in arenas that hasten and heighten their promotional opportunities. While women initially experience the same style of career path and engage in similar strategies to avail of more senior positions as they come on stream, their careers take on more labyrinthine configurations (Eagly and Carli 2007), as they become more immersed in family and domestic responsibilities and hurdle through prejudice and sexism at different stages of their career. It is women who are early to mid-career who suffer the most from the draws of private sphere demands as they are at a critical childbearing stage and largely take more responsibility on the home front. Thus, investment in family and career are often features of women at this stage, and striking a balance has proven a lot harder for them as compared to their male counterparts. Teaching offers women ‘quasi-familial roles and identities’, which have ‘gendered and sexualised meanings’ and through which ‘invisible hierarchies’ operate (Newman 1994: 193). It is through these invisible hierarchies that women teachers’ career trajectories are constrained as they navigate often unsuccessfully, the balance between the real paid job and the unpaid ‘second shift’ (Hochschild 2012) at home. For women in higher education, the demands of academic and educational leadership, in keeping with the culturally determined norms of organizational work practices, such as grant acquisitions and the pressures of high-quality research outputs and the publish or perish mantra, leave little time for engagement in private sphere activities (Airini et al. 2011; Morley 2013). Collectively, these productivity demands put more pressure on early to mid-career women’s progression, thus

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suggesting that unless they adopt a career-based lifestyle and submit to stereotypically male ways of working, top leadership remains an elusive aspiration for the majority of them. For quite some time, the literature in this field has been dominated by career development experiences of women in the Anglophone world, while less was known about women in other contexts. A call by Oplatka (2006) for an examination of women’s career experiences from developing countries was heeded and, as a result, we now know a little more about career experiences of African women leaders (see Komiti and Moorosi 2020; Moorosi 2010; Parsaloi and Steyn 2013), Muslim women in Pakistan (Malik 2011; Shah and Shah 2012), Arab women in the Middle East (Arar and Oplatka 2016; Shapira et al. 2011), as well as career experiences of minority ethnic women within the Anglophone world, whose lives and experiences have been peripheral to the dominant white groups (e.g. Coleman and Campbell-Stephens 2010; Lomotey 2019; Moorosi, Fuller and Reilly 2018; Reed 2012; Showunmi et al. 2015). In explaining the barriers to women’s career advancement in educational leadership, the labyrinth metaphor (Eagly and Carli 2007) has been particularly useful accounting for both progresses and setbacks. This metaphorical explanation and other approaches similar to it, for example, Connell’s (2006) multidimensional approach to gender equity and intersectional approaches based on Crenshaw’s (1991) intersectionality, have enabled research to identify gendered and complex structural barriers affecting women’s career progression in educational leadership, as well as enablers and facilitators of career advancement (Coleman 2011). While some of these barriers are direct race-based and/or gender-based discrimination and can be visibly eliminated by policies and legal frameworks, the more subtle and obstinate ones remain. These elusive barriers operate not only against women (and men of minority groups) but act in favour of privileged men thereby exacerbating the gender inequality in educational leadership. While it has been known for some time that structural barriers to women’s progression in educational leadership are rooted in the masculine cultures in which most institutions have been created, through the way work is divided and through how work gets done, it has also become clearer that these cultures not only continue to serve men but also continue to be of disservice to women in general, and women of colour in particular because of the often unproblematized white privilege. As a result, the continuing gender inequality in educational leadership is also a depiction of race inequality in the Anglophone countries, which suggests that women of ethnic minority groups are being seen through traditional theoretical lenses and are being measured against ideals that have historically served maleness and whiteness (Blackmore 2010; Burkinshaw and White 2017; Coleman 2011; Connell 2006; Moorosi 2019; Morley 2013). However, research has also identified factors that enhance the progression of women’s careers, which has useful implications for leadership development and with insights on ways of supporting women’s career progression. These career enablers include mentoring, networking and coaching (Coleman 2011) as well as encouragement – a process also known as ‘tapping’ (Parylo et al. 2013: 566). Parylo et al. suggest that these career enablers form significant components of leadership preparation and development programmes and have significant potential in developing women’s careers. Women in the pipeline with leadership potential can be tapped, fast-tracked into leadership through leadership preparation and development programmes and supportive work environments that are family-friendly (Burke 2007). Coleman and Campbell-Stephens (2010) have raised similar implications for the development of black and ethnic minority women leaders.

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This part of the Handbook showcases some of the recent research from different parts of the world, including Afghanistan, Costa Rica, Ethiopia, Republic of Ireland, Rwanda, the United Kingdom and the United States. These chapters raise issues concerning careers of established women leaders at different levels and those in the pipeline as well as issues concerning career aspirations for girls. Since the seminal work of Charol Shakeshaft in the 1980s who brought to research attention the under-representation of women in educational leadership, there has certainly been an increase in the number of women occupying leadership positions. However, recent research shows that for almost a decade, the rate of career progression for women in educational leadership has been slower than that of men and that women’s careers are interrupted and disrupted in disproportionate ways compared to men’s (Fuller 2017). This suggests that more work remains to be done to bridge the inequalities. Marianne Coleman’s chapter titled ‘Gender and Career: Constraints and Facilitators for Women in Accessing Educational Leadership in the UK’ provides a helpful overview of leadership career development for women in the UK. Coleman summarizes key areas constituting barriers to women’s progression in educational leadership as the persistent masculinist culture of work, gender stereotypes, the family–work balance and women’s agency. These broad themes can be claimed universal as they are also found in global literature, although they do not affect women in the same ways. For example, constraints are intensified for black and ethnic minority women because of their intersecting identities. Coleman also highlights women’s career enablers, which she spreads across a spectrum of levels from individual – wherein the focus is on developing oneself – to organizational which may start with individual focus with the ultimate purpose of building a broader social capital. Indeed, the latter aspect of Coleman’s chapter raises significant questions for leadership development and particularly the issue of timing – that more focus should be given to experiences of women in the pipeline as opposed to those who have already attained headship. Although grounded in the experiences of women in the UK, Coleman’s analysis is resonant with much of the rest of the world and she concludes by highlighting the need to understand and address career development needs of women by taking into consideration the diversity and intersectionality of women’s existence. The next chapter, ‘National and District Support for Women Aspiring to Careers in School Leadership in Ethiopia’, is by Turuward Zalalam Warkineh, Tizita Lemma Melka and Jill Sperandio. These authors focused on the experiences of women leaders as they are struggling to make a career in administrative districts and school principalship in Ethiopia. Warkineh et al.’s chapter is based on rich qualitative experiences of twenty-one women currently employed in one district and also serving in some elementary schools. The authors bring attention to structural barriers of patriarchy and gender stereotypes at play against women as they navigate careers in educational leadership and working against traditional stereotypes of the role of women in society. Their analysis highlights why women continue to be under-represented in all levels of educational leadership in Ethiopia, despite policy efforts. The authors end with helpful recommendations on what needs to be done to advance women already serving in educational leadership and those in the pipeline who aspire to serve as school principals. They draw implications for leadership development and bring attention to the need to provide guidelines for pre-leadership training for women at national level and to establish forums for women educational leaders at district level. A more poignant suggestion is made regarding

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the need for explicit commitment to gender equality through gender training of male officials and principals to change their attitudes and mindsets about their treatment and perceptions of women and their place in society. Mary Cunneen, in a chapter titled ‘Leading Post-primary Education for STEM Careers: The Gendered Perspectives in an Irish Context’, addresses a particularly useful aspect of girls’ aspirations in careers in science subjects. Cunneen argues that school leadership in the Republic of in Ireland has a significant role to play in preparing girls for careers in science, technology, engineering and mathematic (STEM). In this chapter, Cunneen notes that Irish women have been seriously under-represented in STEM careers and argues that the visibility of women in teaching STEM subjects creates role models for girls, hence investment in professional leadership of women teachers in science. Indeed, it is well established that women who are STEM-inclined tend to go for softer careers such as nursing, and, as a result, the field of nursing has substantially more women professionals than men. In Cunneen’s chapter, the Irish principal participants interviewed portray themselves as committed advocates of women’s careers in STEM and supporters for their girl students’ aspirations to fulfil their potential in STEM careers. These leaders recognize the criticality of their leadership roles in advancing and even instilling aspirations for STEM careers among girls and highlight school leadership role in affirming career aspirations of adolescent girls. By placing themselves as instructional leaders who support the professional development of science and maths teachers they help create strong role models for the girls, who can begin to view themselves as potential STEM experts. As Madsen (2017) noted, investing in girls is preparing women as future leaders. In her chapter titled ‘Women in Educational Leadership in Afghanistan, Costa Rica and Rwanda: Reifying Sociocultural Capital’, Elizabeth Reilly takes us through a theoretical journey exploring experiences of progress, success and challenges of women as leaders and activists in building careers, observing human rights and working towards achieving gender equality in three different cultural contexts. What makes this chapter particularly poignant is that these contexts are riddled with atrocities of active war, post-genocide struggles for peace and a fight for human rights. Reilly uses a combination of sociocultural capital and postcolonial feminist thinking to describe how these women confront daily challenges that their nations face as they navigate a balance between espoused values and the realities of policy enactment. It is these women leaders and activists’ stories of courage, bravery and sheer tenacity that inspire and remind us that the starting point to achieving gender equality and observing women’ rights lies in a values-based commitment to policy enactment. On its own, policy is not enough, as the transformation of deep cultural traditions and norms requires more lasting solutions. We are reminded of the enduring nature of education in transforming deeply held sociocultural norms in contexts where women still struggle to access basic education. At the close of the chapter, Reilly reminds us to take courage from the inspiring stories of leadership and activism as we face various global challenges brought by the global pandemic that has taken many lives and has destroyed lives and livelihoods, and as we face threats brought by acts of racism and xenophobia. Angel Miles Nash and Margaret Grogan end the section with an important focus analysing data collected from women superintendents of colour in the United States. Their chapter, titled ‘Women of Colour Creating Careers as Superintendents of US School Districts’ is topical and

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appropriately linked to some of the most recent events challenging structural racism in the United States that continue to impede experiences of women of colour. Nash and Grogan’s chapter foregrounds gender equality in the top echelons of educational administration in the United States by taking a specific look at the intersectional aspects around the superintendency of women of colour. This contribution is even more pertinent as stories and experiences of women of colour remain scant in the literature, a point made in several other sections in this volume. The authors focus on secondary analysis of data collected on women of colour superintendents examining the nature of schools where they work, the priorities of these women leaders and their pathways into educational leadership. They suggest that women of colour superintendents tend to work with schools and communities that cater for people of colour in the majority. The benefit of this narrative is that these women superintendents of colour enjoy some of the most fulfilling and successful careers working with ‘their own’ communities and garnering their support and taking pride in acting as role models for younger generations. The chapter ends by highlighting the superintendent women of colour counter-stories of encouragement, success and hope that imply with the right amount of focus and intent, women of colour can develop their careers in one of the most powerful offices of educational leadership and succeed in them. Thus, despite this negative prospect of the under-representation of women in educational leadership, five decades of research in the field has shown that women remain resilient and steadily progress in their careers in educational leadership. This is, however, in low numbers, and the chapters in this section reveal the amount of work still to be done in order to understand the development of women’s career trajectories. This work points to the significance that the presence of women of colour, and/or other minority ethnic groups in leadership serve as role models shaping career aspirations for girls and younger women. Understanding these career trajectories has implications for leadership development programmes that could intently focus where they are needed most and bring about gender equality.

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17 Gender and Career Constraints and Facilitators for Women in Accessing Educational Leadership in the UK Marianne Coleman

After outlining the context of under-representation for women in educational leadership including legislation relating to gender equality in the UK, the chapter continues with a review of the constraints for women in accessing leadership positions in education. Consideration is then given to the ways in which women’s career aspirations can be supported: for example, through mentoring; networking and professional development. However, to get any kind of meaningful change, progress is needed, not just at the level of the individual but also in the culture of the organization and the wider society. The persistence and extent of the problem of under-representation are detailed first, in the context section that follows. The Context of Disproportion In UK primary and secondary schools, where 74 per cent of teachers are women, a disproportionate 66 per cent of headteachers are men. In secondary schools, the situation is more skewed with women forming 64 per cent of the teaching workforce, but only holding 39 per cent of headships (DfE 2018). In UK tertiary education, 54 per cent of staff are women but only 24 per cent are professors, or academic heads of institutions (Equality Challenge Unit 2017). In the UK system where 98 per cent of teachers in early years are women (Weale 2019), it is apparent that men are seen as more appropriate to lead the higher age group institutions, which are regarded as more prestigious. Women are numerically dominant in early years education and the primary sector, both of which are stereotypically associated with care rather than academic rigour. However, even in primary education, men are disproportionately likely to become headteachers. In England while 85 per cent of primary teachers are women, they are only 73 per cent of headteachers (DfE 2018) indicating gatekeepers’ preference for a male headteacher even when drawing on the relatively small pool of the 15 per cent of primary school teachers who are men. An exception to the slow rate of change for women leaders is found in further education, where, in a sector

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that includes many technical and craft areas traditionally associated with men, 50 per cent of college principals are women (Savours and Keohane 2019). However, further education is the less prestigious branch of tertiary education and has a long history of underfunding (ibid.). Male leaders predominate in the more prestigious university sector. There has been progress in terms of the proportion of headships held by women, but the rate of change is very slow. At the turn of the twenty-first-century women held just short of 30 per cent of secondary headships (Coleman 2002) compared to just under 40 per cent in 2018 (DfE 2018). This rate of change may actually be an overstatement, as academization of schools can involve power flowing upwards to male executive heads or a CEO rather than residing with a female head of a single school (Wilson 2019). Legislation From the 1970s onwards a legislative framework including the Equal Pay Act of 1970 and the Sex Discrimination Act of 1975 was put in place to promote equality for women and for those who might suffer discrimination. The Equality Act of 2010 updates the previous legislation and outlaws discrimination on the grounds of the protected characteristics of age, disability, gender reassignment, race, religion or belief, sex, sexual orientation, marriage and civil partnership, pregnancy and maternity. The government currently maintains a ‘Roadmap for change’ in relation to a whole range of issues where there are gender inequalities (Gender Equality and Economic Empowerment Policy Team (2019)). However, gender and diversity issues do not feature strongly in preparation for educational leadership, despite the aspirations of the DfE White paper (2016) to increase diversity among educational leaders and support regional networks for women leading education. While legislation is necessary, it is not sufficient to bring about equity and equality. For example, we still have a gender pay gap particularly at senior levels in secondary schools (Porritt 2019) and the gap averages out at 25 per cent in the field of education as a whole, which is, in turn, above the overall average for all work sectors (Topping 2020). Despite some positive changes in terms of representation of women as educational leaders, women, particularly those in secondary and tertiary higher education, still report on gender-related obstacles to leadership (Fuller and Berry 2019; White and Burkinshaw 2019). Although there are constraints on the career progress of all women, intersectionality complicates the situation for women with other stigmatized characteristics, for example, ethnicity, religion, sexuality and disability, and there is a growing literature exposing the challenges faced by Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) women (Callender and Miller 2019; Choudry 2019; Curtis 2017; Elton-Chalcraft et al. 2018; Showumni et al. 2015; Wilson 2019). This chapter takes an overview of research and publications relating specifically to gender and educational leadership in schools and higher education in the UK, particularly England. It draws mainly, but not exclusively, on literature published in, and relating to, the UK, but also drawing on a small number of international sources that are particularly apposite to the situation in the UK. It could be argued that the challenges and facilitators to women’s leadership appear broadly similar across many, if not all, countries (Coleman 2007; Cubillo and Brown 2003) although Lumby (2016) rightly stresses the importance of cultural differences in researching gender issues. However, while recognizing the wealth of work on gender and leadership internationally, the focus here is on the UK. 220

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The Constraints Applying to Women Educational Leaders Drawing on relevant literature (Coleman 2011), a number of themes emerged relating to the challenges faced by women leaders, these themes which are discussed here, are broadly: ●●

●● ●● ●●

a dominant and persistent masculinist work culture fostering discriminatory behaviour towards women, particularly in secondary and tertiary education; gender stereotypes relating to leadership and support roles; the impact of motherhood and domestic responsibilities; women’s agency, confidence and career planning.

The Dominance and Persistence of the Masculinist Work Culture Although there is slow positive cultural change towards gender equality, there is evidence in schools and perhaps more particularly in higher education, of the continued existence of a culture that privileges men. This masculinist work culture remains an overarching and intransigent context fuelling discrimination, albeit indirect, and incorporating gender stereotypes often at an unconscious level, with many of those stereotypes associated with motherhood and domestic responsibility. A masculinist work culture supports the status quo and ways of working that protect the male career model (Morley 2013; White and Burkinshaw 2019). Women immersed in this culture may internalize at least some aspects of gender stereotypes so that they doubt their own abilities to become a leader and may be less likely to apply for jobs for which they are adequately qualified. In their study, involving 105 senior women in three UK universities, Burkinshaw, Cahill and Ford (2018: 1) concluded: ‘women’s accounts include stories of diverse experiences, ongoing discriminatory practices and a failure to recognise the embedded gender inequalities that continue to prevail in these institutions’, and, an evaluation of the Leadership Foundation’s Aurora programme supporting women into leadership found that, among the over 1,500 women surveyed, men ‘were seen as having easier access to, and more endorsement in, positions of leadership and responsibility’ (Barnard et al. 2016: 6). The masculinist culture inevitably breeds discrimination. Although overt discrimination has been illegal for many years, more complex and subtle discrimination, including both unconscious bias and, what Ibarra, Ely and Kolb (2013: 64), term ‘second generation bias’, are still features of working life, so that the culture ‘creates a context – akin to “something in the water” – in which women fail to thrive or reach their full potential’. At a conscious level, individuals may feel that they do not hold stereotypical views about gender or ethnicity, but they may still have unconscious bias (Tickle 2017). Second-generation bias may not be easily recognized as discrimination but nevertheless will impede women’s career progress. For example: a culture where meetings arranged at times that are not family-friendly; resistance to change to more flexible ways of working, including job sharing at a leadership level, which might be helpful to women (White and Burkinshaw 2019). Other examples include difficult terms and conditions related to maternity leave, or a woman being appointed acting head or deputy rather than being given a permanent post. There is also the phenomenon known as ‘the glass cliff’ (Ryan and Haslam 2005; Peterson 2016) where women seem more likely than men to be appointed to leadership positions which are extremely difficult to manage successfully. A third of the participants in the Aurora leadership programme for women felt that they had been placed in impossible leadership positions (Barnard et al. 2016). 221

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Although the masculinist culture appears to be more prevalent in higher education, women leading in schools also report that their gender is against them when it comes to selection procedures (Fuller and Berry 2019; O’Connor 2015). Nearly 50 per cent of the #WomenEd network survey respondents report experiencing or witnessing discrimination in terms of the protected characteristics, with the majority of the cases identifying discrimination based on sex in relation to appointment and promotion (Fuller and Berry 2019). The challenges faced by women wishing to be principals in Ireland (Cunneen and Harford 2016: 170) have been intensified by the conservatism of the Catholic Church as an additional factor in the preference for male school leaders, where ‘gendered norms and cultural expectations in education continue to limit women’s full engagement with leadership in education and beyond’. Issues of diversity and intersectionality play an additional part. In a focus group study of 130 women of different ethnicities by Showunmi et al. (2016: 930), the conclusion was that ‘compared to white women, minority ethnic women perceived greater links between personal, social and leader identities, and described more current and pervasive barriers to enacting their leader identities across a range of sectors of employment in the UK’. Such sentiments in relation to potential BAME leaders in the UK are echoed elsewhere, for example, Abrams (2019) and Coleman and Campbell-Stephens (2010). Gender Stereotypes Relating to Leadership and Support Roles The themes identified earlier are all integral to a masculinist culture, with the link between gender and work roles particularly deep-rooted and persistent. International research with a range of age groups (Schein 2001) indicated that both men and women identify certain qualities as being both masculine and those of a leader, for example, strength and decisiveness. It therefore appears normal that the leader of an organization is male, and, as a result, women (identified by adjectives such as ‘caring’ and ‘cooperative’) appear to be ‘outsiders’; unexpected occupants of the role of leader. Women are, of course, not the only outsiders in a leadership role where ethnicity, sexuality, class, religion and disability may also cast (possibly unconscious) doubt in the minds of gatekeepers over the suitability of a leadership candidate. The pervasiveness of gender stereotypes may mean that a woman leader will have to come to terms with making a shift in her identity in order to see herself as a leader (Ibarra, Ely and Kolb 2013). In a qualitative study of new women primary headteachers, Jones (2017) analysed how they established their identities, often breaking through gender boundaries. For example, she identifies ‘the competer’, ‘the enabler’ and ‘the hero’ among others. However, women taking on a style of leadership typically seen as male are likely to be subject to a double bind (Still 2006) where if a woman leader is strong and decisive, she may be criticized for not leading like a woman, but if she leads in a stereotypically feminine way she will be criticized as being inadequate as a leader. In addition, Fitzgerald (2016) makes the point that a woman leader might be faced with unrealistic expectations on the part of other women with regard to putting right gender inequities. The image of women as being caring and supportive tends to pigeonhole them, particularly in higher education. An assistant dean of research at a UK university is reported as saying that women tend to get shunted into teaching and administrative roles rather than focusing on the more prestigious area of research (Tickle 2017). The same source notes that ‘I have sat in rooms with equal numbers of senior men and women and thought, “oh, this is nice”. But the women are head of library and head of student experience, and the men control the money, the buildings 222

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and the research contracts.’ In secondary schools it may be that the tendency for women to be expected to take on pastoral and supportive roles has diminished (Coleman 2007), although Daulby (2019) notes the continuing importance and impact of gendered stereotypes throughout the school system. Even in the primary education sector, where the majority of headteachers are women, the expectation remains that the person in charge will be male, and assumptions are made about women having more responsibility for the home (Jones 2017). Gender stereotypes constrain us from birth. Career choices, even which subjects to study at school, are often made on the basis of gender, in particular around the STEM subject areas which remain identified with masculinity. This association makes access to leadership in STEM areas particularly contentious for women in higher education. Howe-Walsh and Turnbull (2016) identified blatant discrimination against women seeking promotion in HE STEM departments. An international research project focusing on STEM areas and conducted in a number of universities, including some that were British (Sagebiel 2018), found that discrimination and gender stereotypes became more pronounced at the point in their careers when women’s life experiences became different to that of male colleagues, so that ‘dual careers, work-life balance, peer pressure, and feeling guilty for not living upto the company’s and society’s expectations were thus common problems evoked by women engineers’(p. vi). The Impact of Motherhood and Domestic Responsibilities Despite equalities legislation, slow cultural change and the provision of minimal paternity leave, women still take major responsibility for family in the majority of households (Coleman 2007; Smith 2016). In practical terms that means women adapting their career to accommodate the greedy organizations of family and work. In a sample of successful career women, some of whom were headteachers or leaders in higher education (Coleman 2011), having children was cited as the biggest single challenge to women’s career progress, and out of sixty women interviewed, it appeared that at least some had made the decision to prioritize career over motherhood since only half had a child or children whereas the norm was nearer to 80 per cent for their age group as a whole. In a study of women Newly Qualified Teachers (NQTs), headteachers and experienced teachers (Smith 2016), those who were mothers all felt that having children had impacted their career, restricting progress. The experienced teachers, in particular, felt the tensions between family and work; for example, if they had to prioritize the needs of a child over the demands of their job, they felt guilt whichever decision they chose. Even the NQTs in this study, most of whom did not have children, were doubtful about taking on future leadership positions, presuming they might have children in the future. There still appear to be strong social pressures for women to put children first. Bradbury and Gunter’s (2006) study of women primary headteachers who were also mothers concluded that the women held two potentially conflicting identities as mothers and leaders, and they were able to resolve this as long as demands remained balanced, but experienced guilt when the demands of one side became too strong. It may be that the conflicts experienced by women who are leaders and mothers are enhanced by the social and political context in the UK. A comparison between French and British women in schools (Moreau 2020) showed much more satisfaction on the part of the French women with their work-life balance and that they experienced less gender-related complications over career progress. In higher education Morley (2013) recognized that gendered assumptions about child care impede women’s access to leadership but also points out that women who do not have child care responsibilities are still subject to discrimination and the tendency to be directed into areas 223

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identified with women such as communications and human resources. She refers to ‘the ivory basement’ and to ‘velvet ghettoes’ (p. 121). In addition, career progression is particularly reliant on a good record in research and publications and the additional responsibility of childcare may have an impact on the ability of women to build up a body of work in this area. The Covid-19 pandemic has impacted more on female academics than male academics, with the number of submissions to academic journals ‘plummeting’ for women due mainly to additional childcare, while submissions from men increased (Fazackerley 2020). Women’s Agency; Confidence and Career Planning The work context, incorporating gender stereotypes, may influence women and their career choices in different ways. Traditional socialization influences self-identity and causes women to internalize prevailing attitudes to gender. A theme running through the literature on the disproportion of women leaders in education has been the role played by the women themselves in building their careers, for example, that they lacked self-confidence, underrated themselves and failed to plan careers (Coleman 2002). This lack of self-belief meant that women were not putting themselves forward for promotion. At its most crass, this could be interpreted as blaming the women for their own failure to become leaders. A classic finding relating to women’s confidence and belief in their own abilities was that of Hoff and Mitchell (2008), who studied the career patterns of 680 women and men in school administration in the United States. One of their findings was that 61 per cent of the women had met all of the qualifications before applying for a leadership role, but this was true only of 5 per cent of the men. Mohr (2014) speculates that women are socialized to be more inclined to follow rules than men, resulting in their stricter adherence to the instructions in a job application. Of course, women may be right in thinking that they need more qualifications than men to become a leader in view of the general underlying preference for male candidates. Given the social expectations around women and careers, including their identification with the home and family and the potential for guiltprovoking tension between family and work, it is not altogether surprising that women are more thoughtful than male colleagues about applying for a demanding leadership role. A survey with responses from 365 women belonging to the online network #WomenEd (Fuller and Berry 2019) identified a complex picture regarding their levels of self-confidence, with 50 per cent stating that their confidence varied according to circumstances and taking into account the systemic cultural barriers that women face. Rather than women ‘failing’ to be confident and apply for promotion an alternative interpretation could be that theirs is a rational agentic choice of a different career route. Earlier research on women accessing leadership roles in schools focused on those women who had already become leaders (Coleman 2002; Hall 1996; Shakeshaft 1989). Researching career choices among women who might be regarded as in the ‘pipeline’ (teachers and deputy heads in schools and middle managers in higher education) has revealed a more nuanced and complex set of factors relating to career choice. The earlier research tended to assume that women might follow a typical masculine career ladder to a top leadership position. More recent research indicates the reasons why women might exert their own agency and choose a different sort of career path includes a preference for a classroom or teaching based career; an aversion to taking on the role of senior leader in what may be perceived as a managerialist and neoliberal society; and, finally, seeking a family–career balance in their lives. Even among student teachers where 224

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both men and women perceived headship as somewhat daunting, it appeared that men were more likely to envisage themselves as future leaders and the women less so (Smith 2015). From interviews with forty women, who were NQTs, experienced teachers and headteachers, Smith (2011) identified a complex pattern of the influences on women’s career, where the agency of the women played an important role, effectively splitting the women into two types: those who were ‘self-defined’ exercising their own agency over career planning, and those who were ‘externally defined’ who saw their career defined by chance or the actions of others. Similarly, Guihen (2019), following the progress of twelve deputy heads, found a complex pattern of motivations, not least of which was their own agency, which might impact on their career choices. A study of university Pro-Vice Chancellors in the UK (Shepherd 2017) indicated that the women were agentic and just as confident about applying for promotion as male colleagues. The challenges that they faced were the structural and cultural factors referred to earlier as secondgeneration bias such as the fact that women’s relative geographical inflexibility means that they were less likely to build up a bank of valuable experience and knowledge (what is termed ‘career capital’) and that the innate conservatism among appointment panels means that they incline towards homosociability (see also Grummell, Devine and Lynch 2009) in making their decisions, so that ‘a talented but less-experienced female candidate may be judged too high risk’ (p. 85). Her conclusion was that it is these structural and cultural limitations that need to be addressed rather than focusing on the development needs of individual women, a finding echoed internationally (Fitzgerald 2016; Morley 2014). There is also evidence that managerialist regimes may reinforce a masculinist culture in British higher education (White and Burkinshaw 2019) and possibly contribute to the slow growth in the numbers of female leaders in secondary schools (Coleman 2011). Facilitators of Women Accessing Educational Leadership Facilitating the progress of women and others who do not ‘fit’ the image of leader applies at individual, institutional and societal levels: micro, meso and macro (Cubillo and Brown 2003). The individual will benefit from gaining further qualifications, possibly attending a leadership course, including those that are women-only, being mentored or coached, and experiencing a variety of leadership roles and challenges, so enriching their human capital, while networking, which again might be women-only, will contribute to their social capital. However, changing the masculinist work culture requires change not only at the level of the individual woman but also at institutional and societal levels. Individual Level Focusing on particular facilitators of women’s progress, mentoring or coaching, and networking are rated as two of the most important (Coleman 2011), while the influence of parents and teachers still remains salient (McKillop and Moorosi 2017). When asked why they had been successful (Coleman 2011), the majority of sixty women leaders interviewed, including some from secondary and tertiary education, recognized the importance of mentoring and networking. However, they took an extremely individualist stance, believing that the key factor was their own agency, including their ability to work harder, and their sheer determination. They often felt that 225

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they had to be better than their male colleagues in order to succeed: a reflection on the culture within which they were working. Individual efforts and determination apart, mentoring has been, and remains, a foremost means of support for women who aspire to leadership or are new to a leadership role. Mentoring can be formal or informal and is sometimes incorporated into leadership programmes, for example, NPQH in England and Wales, or the Flexible Route to Headship (Forde et al. 2012) in Scotland. Leadership programmes also remain an important route to, and preparation for, leadership, but to be effective it appears that there is a need to take an intersectional stance since class, gender and ethnicity impact on the efficacy of the outcomes of leadership programmes (Elton-Chalcraft, Kendrick and Chapman 2018; Moorosi 2014). Intersectionality also affects mentoring, where in cross-race and cross-gender pairing it is advantageous to discuss potential sensitivities and differences at the start of the programme if the mentoring is to be truly effective (Clutterbuck and Ragins 2002). Although mentoring and coaching are helpful to individuals, there is concern that mentoring might have very little impact on the wider culture, but instead prepare women to operate within the dominant masculinist mode of leadership (Brabazon and Schultz 2018). However, feminist mentors who inform and educate younger women are in a position to impact on both the individual and in the long term on the culture of the institution (Morley 2013). Networking, like mentoring, can offer emotional, expressive support and also instrumental support, passing on useful information. However, as with mentoring, networking may just be used to support women to work within the prevailing culture to maintain the status quo, particularly when operating in the business world (McCarthy 2004). Institutional and Societal Levels Working within social norms where men are preferred to women as leaders, there are two underlying approaches in helping to redress the situation: one focuses on ‘fixing the women’; the other on ‘fixing’ the culture of the institution (Burkinshaw and White 2017; Burkinshaw 2015). It would be simplistic to regard the two approaches as mutually exclusive as both should contribute to an increase in women educational leaders. However, if changing the culture of the institution and of the wider society in relation to gender equity is the ultimate goal, what may be vital is increasing the numbers, not just of women leaders, but of leaders, both women and men, who are gender-aware, support feminist principles and will take action to change the culture within which they work (Morley 2013; O’Connor 2018). An example of establishing a supportive, learning culture within a single school (Fuller 2016) indicates a range of elements, including modelling headship, distributing leadership; having one-to-one reflective meetings and rotating roles and responsibilities. A male headteacher and member of #WomenEd (Hildrew 2019) advocates practical strategies to change the culture of the school; among them are checking his own and others’ unconscious prejudice, ensuring that there are appropriate female role models, that flexible working is available and also that language in policy documents and elsewhere is gender neutral. A project where senior men mentored aspirant women leaders (admittedly in business and in the United States) concluded that although many organizations have attempted to fight gender bias by focusing on women – offering training programs or networking groups specifically for them – the leaders we 226

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interviewed realized that any solutions that involve only 50% of the human population are likely to have limited success. (Valerio and Sawyer 2016) In two case studies of all-women networks in education (Coleman 2010), one in secondary schools and one in HE, there was a determination to bring about change that went beyond the goals of offering expressive support and of increasing the number of women leaders. Similarly, the members of #WomenEd realize the need to extend their influence to policy levels if they are to bring about more gender equity (Fuller and Berry 2019). A review of peer networks in HE (O’Meara and Stromquist 2015: 355) commented positively on the ability of networks to support the career of individual women but recognized that ‘compared to the strength of norms they are facing, impact will be limited. For this reason, it is important that peer networks be one part of institutional efforts at gender equity reform, but not the only one.’ Mentoring, networking and leadership courses will facilitate the progress of the individual, but for wider impact a critical approach at the institutional and societal level would include raising awareness of equity and diversity issues; addressing unconscious gender bias; mainstreaming gender and providing a programme of thoughtful mentoring and sponsorship; ensuring the presence of effective role models and varied leadership experience. In addition, more transparency about recruitment processes is desirable, with some evidence that executive selective firms used in higher education can be helpful (Manfredi, Clayton-Hathaway and Cousens 2019). Aspirant women realize that change is not just about the individual but about the wider society. Members of #WomenEd (Fuller and Berry 2019) identified that while the majority wanted individual support through mentoring, coaching and networking, they also looked more broadly towards a change in society, where equity as well as excellence is valued in education and where a new model of leadership does not privilege one segment of the population, but is flexible and empowering to others. Similarly, in a review of the Aurora leadership programme in higher education (Barnard et al. 2016), participants wanted to see a change in the prevalent model of leadership. Women value their participation in a leadership course (in this case Aurora) or a network for women (for example #WomenEd) as personal and professional development, but are also seeking a radical change in the values being promoted in education and working towards a culture where diversity is valued among leaders. However, there is no consistency in the support and training for leadership across schools and tertiary institutions. A survey of headteachers in England (Cliffe, Fuller and Moorosi 2018) found that training for headship was patchy and fragmented, mirroring the diversity of school structures and reflecting the fact that NPQH is no longer mandatory. Fuller’s (2017) mapping of the numbers of women secondary headteachers bears witness to the variability of women’s success across the country. In some subject areas, particularly in higher education, there have been important national moves to increase women’s access to leadership. The Athena Swan programme set out to encourage more women leaders in higher education – originally in STEM subjects, but then expanded to include arts, humanities, social sciences, business and law – while the Aurora leadership programme, although criticized by Bhopal (2018) for not serving women of colour, aspired to create more women leaders in higher education. Although both programmes involve a commitment to equality and diversity, it has proved difficult to identify their impact (White and Burkinshaw 2019). Despite the existence of such programmes, women aspiring to leadership positions in higher education can be challenged by the ‘chilly climate’ evoked by long traditions of male dominance 227

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and react by exercising their own agency to avoid or step down from senior leadership positions. Fitzgerald (2016: 220) and morley (2013: 121) refers to the difficulties for women leaders in working within the cultures of higher education as ‘complex and multi-dimensional’. For example, there are differing routes to senior leadership and differing levels of power associated with different roles. The neoliberal policies of universities may impact on women who tend to occupy the mid- to senior levels of leadership and who find themselves occupied in carrying out compliance roles, rather than exercising strategic power. Fitzgerald (2012: 116) points out that women in senior roles in universities are more often found in the ‘ivory basement’ carrying out the less prestigious tasks associated with leadership, and less likely to be occupying ‘ivory tower’ roles. There are limited examples of more flexible working practices in higher education that might be particularly helpful to women, such as job sharing at a leadership level (Watton, Staples and Kempster 2019), but no indications of such models or initiatives being widely replicated. Although the flexibility of working from home may increase post the Covid-19 pandemic, it does not appear to have benefited women, particularly those who are mothers, who have been reported as taking on most of the additional childcare (Uchoa 2020). At a national level, there is a need for more national research to expose and monitor the myriad of ways in which women and others who do not fit the ‘norm’ are disadvantaged and excluded from top levels of leadership (Broadbridge and Simpson 2011; Fitzgerald 2016; O’Meara, Culpepper and Templeton 2020). There are also calls for research that exposes more subtle aspects of gender discrimination such as the ‘ice cliff’ (Ryan and Haslam 2005; Peterson 2016) as well as research on good practice, examples of ways in which bias can be reduced in hiring practices in higher education. For example, the use of ‘nudge theory’ (Thaler and Sunstein 2008) is an aspect of behavioural economics, where quite small, imposed, changes bring about relatively large, desired, improvements. One such nudge in relation to the promotion and hiring process might be blinding all CVs and applications which makes it impossible to screen out women or ethnic minority ‘outsiders’ at an early stage. Conclusion and Looking Forward Becoming an educational leader is more difficult for women than men, broadly because social norms tend to condition us to believe consciously or unconsciously that men are better suited to be in charge, while women generally do not have the qualities that make a good leader, but are better fitted to support and nurture. These gender stereotypes are gradually, and to an extent, being eroded over time, but, particularly in the workplace, a masculinist culture continues to prevail. This is a culture that privileges men, and where custom and habit mean that ways of working have been established to support the male working pattern. Gender stereotypes applied in education mean that women are privileged to the near exclusion of males in early years education (Warin 2019). As we move to the higher age groups of pupils who are in the more academic and prestigious institutions, men are privileged as leaders in comparison to women, and ways of working are more likely to favour them, to the disadvantage of women who may find themselves sidelined when it comes to holding power (Morley 2013; O’ Connor 2015). Family responsibilities largely fall to women and, while that is the case, women experience tensions between their work and domestic identities that most men will not encounter. Society is 228

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gradually changing, with men taking more responsibility in family life, but to take one example of the slow pace of change, only 2 per cent of couples are currently splitting parental family leave (Usborne 2019). As with other legislation related to equality, the provision of shared parental leave is a measure that is necessary, but not sufficient, to bring about radical change. From this basis there is a need for us to consider the range of factors that make analysis of the gender and leadership position so complex and to work towards a more fine-grained analysis which exposes the complexity of the picture. Even something as apparently simple as collecting numbers and proportions of women in leadership requires decisions to be made on exactly which numbers to collect and how. For example, do we conflate figures for female leadership of all schools, or do we look at them by sector? (Lumby 2011). Also, gender is not the only variable which disadvantages individuals. More work is needed on intersectionality and on the development of a more nuanced understanding of gender and identity (Acker 2012; Fitzgerald 2016; Fuller 2014). Female leadership with its stereotypical connotations can be simplistic and essentializing, contributing to conscious and unconscious discrimination and yet there is much evidence to show that these gender stereotypes do not apply. For example, it would appear that both men and women aspire to a more androgynous set of qualities as leaders (Coleman 2002, 2007) and may lead in ways that are very different from their stereotype (Jones 2017; Reay and Ball 2000). Fuller (2014) advocates the use of poststructural feminist theory to explore the complexities of the leaders’ enactment of femininities and masculinities, so exposing how leadership behaviour will vary in interactions with different people in differing contexts. Although increasing the numbers and proportions of women as leaders in education remains important, an increase in number alone is not sufficient to bring about equity in gender relations in educational institutions and the wider society. Potential leaders in education rarely have an opportunity in their training to consider and develop understanding of diversity and equality. Women and men should be able to make rational choices free of gendered assumptions about abilities and roles. Individual women who aspire to leadership will benefit from training, mentoring and networking. However, they may or may not champion the progress of other women but choose to work within, rather than to challenge the largely male work culture they occupy. What is important is that enough people, women and men, understand that ‘outsiders’ face discrimination in the face of privileged groups and that they are prepared to work towards cultural change. It is heartening that there is a desire among many in education for a culture change that focuses on social justice and equity and recognizes and values what diversity among educational leaders can bring to our schools, colleges and universities (Fuller and Berry 2019; Lumby and Coleman 2016).

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18 National and District Support for Women Aspiring to Careers in School Leadership in Ethiopia Turuward Zalalam Warkineh, Tizita Lemma Melka and Jill Sperandio

Introduction In Ethiopia, as in many developing countries, the career path from teacher to school leadership to district, regional and national educational decision making organizations is not easily accessed by aspiring women. As a result, women are under-represented in primary and secondary school leadership in Ethiopia, despite national encouragement of gender equality in the workplace through affirmative action procedures. National statistics indicate that only 9.4 per cent of primary school principals were women in the 2015–16 academic year. The lack of progression of women along a career path to educational management is illustrated even more starkly at the district level. In Boji Chekorsa school district, for example, 40 per cent of the 379 teachers in the 28 primary schools were female, but only one principal, one vice principal, and 15 per cent of the 103 department heads were women. No women occupied the 28-unit leadership positions or the six school supervisor positions (Duguma 2018). This under-representation of women is clearly an issue of national concern (MOWA 2006) given international recognition of the need for a critical mass of women to be present in management and decision making roles to counteract traditional stereotypes regarding women’s capabilities to lead. A World Bank grant of $30 million to Ethiopia for educational improvement (2017–20) allocated $2.5 million specifically to increasing the number of female primary school leaders to 20 per cent by 2020, stating: Increasing the proportion of women in school leadership positions is a critical priority for the more equitable representation of women as school leaders and serves to change pervasive preconceptions held by students, education professionals, and community members at large on differing competencies of men and women as senior management leaders. This is considered a transformational target in light of the societal barriers which women face in the education profession in Ethiopia and will directly support the commitments to improve gender balance

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within the Civil Service as articulated in the national Growth and Transformation Plan 2. (World Bank, Section 63) Female school leaders have the potential to provide role models and advocates for female students and women aspiring to leadership, understandings also endorsed in the World Bank grant targets which noted, ‘Increased participation of women in leadership roles is expected to (a) provide girls with role models to motivate them to excel in their studies as well as aspire to hold leadership positions and (b) make schools more sensitive to gender-specific needs and provide girls with additional support’ (World Bank, Section 63). The World Bank grant to Ethiopia was thus an endorsement of both international and national understandings regarding the benefits for society of ensuring gender equity in leadership at the very start of the educational process, the primary schools. The guidelines given for achieving the targeted increase in female primary school principals focused on structural issues in the education system around both training and career progression. The Ministry of Education (MOE 2015, 2018) was charged with raising awareness of the issues and providing an attractive career progression for women. Regional and district education offices were given the responsibility for the selection and recruitment of qualified female teachers to undergo short-term training, after which they would be given priority in appointment to leadership openings as they appeared in their districts. Quotas for female participants were to be created for standard training opportunities. Grant disbursement was to be based on evidence of female leaders’ appointment letters. However, a qualitative research study undertaken by the authors (Lemma, Warkineh, Lemma & Sperandio, in review) in the school district of Bahir Dar, Ethiopia’s third-largest city, suggested that little had changed at the district level. The study examined the professional life experiences and career aspirations of twenty-one female principals, vice principals, teachers, ex-principals and ex–vice principals currently serving in the district. Only seven of the forty-one primary schools in this district have a female principal, and there are no women at principal level in secondary schools or school supervisors. There are, however, five women among the twenty district office experts positions. The study illustrated the ongoing challenges facing female principals, a number of whom were considering resigning from their positions, and the need for greater sensitivity by district officials to these challenges if they are to recruit and retain them. While endorsing the assertions and procedures contained in the World Bank grant documentation, female participants gave specific examples of the actions they believed the Ministry of Education in Ethiopia and regional and district accessed by competitive examination. Education offices should undertake to ensure a sustainable female principal pipeline and gender equality in accessing school and district office leadership positions. The Study Purpose The data presented and analysed in this chapter was drawn from a larger study that sought to gain insights into the experiences of women who had taken or were qualified to take leadership positions in the school district. The goal of the study was to offer explanations as to why women continued to be under-represented despite national and international interventions to encourage women into educational leadership in Ethiopia. Insights and understandings drawn from the study would then allow the researchers to offer suggestions for future actions that could be useful to those involved in educational decision making at the local school district level and relevant to 231

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local contexts to improve the experiences of women in elementary leadership and to encourage others to come forward. Theoretical Framework The study was framed by social dominance theory with its focus on the processes that create and recreate group-based social hierarchies, and which acknowledges the importance of social context (Garcia, Posthuma and Roehling 2009; O’Brien and Diaz 2011; Sidanius and Pratto 1999, 2014). Recent discussions around the theory have noted that when the processes producing and maintaining group-based social hierarchy are acknowledged and well understood, informed decisions about how to modify the process can be made by those with the interest or will to do so. In addition, the constructs of social cognitive career theory (Lent, Brown and Hackett 1994) and the rich literature around the gendered challenges women aspiring to educational leadership face in the United Kingdom and the United States (Brunner 1998; Coleman 1996; Grogan 1996; Shakeshaft 1989), and more globally (Celektan 2005; Moorosi 2010; Sperandio and Kagoda 2010; Styne 2015) contributed to data interpretation. Methodology The study used qualitative research methods. A semi-structured questionnaire was prepared with open-ended prompts designed to encourage participants to describe their journey to, and experiences of, leadership. However, the data presented here was in response to a more specific prompt asking participants for their opinions about how more women could be encouraged to take leadership positions in the context of their own experiences with the local education office responsible for hiring, professional development and evaluation of school principals. All the seven serving female elementary school principals in the district were approached to participate. All agreed, and the researchers met with them for scheduled interviews of approximately two hours in their schools. The principals in turn pointed the research team to other members of the school faculty who had held leadership positions, aspired to them or were qualified to undertake them, resulting in a total of twenty-one participants. All interviews were conducted in Amharic, the local language, recorded, transcribed and translated to English. Qualitative methods of reading, re-reading, coding and theme development were used to analyse the interview material. The study was conducted under the auspices of a government university in Ethiopia and its research office. All participants were promised anonymity in line with ethical standards. The research team comprised two Ethiopian female faculty members from the School of Education – insiders who understood the local educational and gender context of the study. The third researcher was from a Western university with an outsider perspective and a deep knowledge of educational leadership in many different contexts worldwide. The Findings Lived Experiences The narratives of the twenty-one women participating in the study (Leema, Warkineh & Sperandio, in review) presented a story of reluctant leadership. Female teachers, often with no aspirations to 232

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become a principal and frequently appointed by methods other than the official selection process, reluctantly accepted principal positions for what they anticipated would be a short time, and out of a sense of duty to their school and students. District officials, faced with finding principal candidates for unpopular rural schools or schools regarded as ‘difficult’ due to problems with community, students or teachers, appear to have resorted to pressuring or promising rewards to female teachers to fill these vacant positions. The women moving into leadership in these situations received no training, no support and frequently no additional pay given they were often appointed with the status of representative principal or vice principal because their academic qualifications were not recognized or registered. Promises to review/accredit their academic qualifications frequently went unfulfilled. The women were expected to travel long distances to attend meetings for which they are not reimbursed for their travel expenses, endure separations from family and friends when appointed to positions that require they move to rural areas, sexual harassment from local officials if they were single or not living with their husbands, hostility from long-serving teachers with no interest in school improvement and non-cooperation from local school communities suspicious of female leadership or in conflict with the district office officials. All this in addition to double or triple the workload of a teacher who is only expected to work a half-day shift, with little additional salary payment. Despite these enormous challenges most of the women interviewed had achieved significant improvements to the lot of their students and the school community by dint of a determination to succeed both as individuals and as women. They showed dedication, perseverance, community building, creativity in problem-solving and resilience. As they taught themselves how to do the job, they expanded their leadership skill set and derived much personal satisfaction from their ability to help others, providing mentorship and support for other women. But these successes and sense of empowerment came at a high price: Broken marriages, children left in the city to be raised by in-laws, the loss of a sustaining social life – the visits to new mothers, bereaved relatives, weddings and funerals and other family interactions that support and nurture many women. However, despite their successes in taking on difficult schools and effecting change, they received little or no support from those same district officials who had appointed them to the positions. Rather the reverse. The women’s attempts to get transfers to schools closer to their families, to get help in disputes with the community, to get recognition for the academic credentials or service qualifications were ignored or repulsed. When situations became unmanageable, and female principals attempted to resign and return to teaching, they were told they could do so only if they accepted a termination by the district on the grounds of misconduct (which would remain on their professional record indefinitely) or to be assigned to a teaching position in a rural school, or at a grade level different from that for which they were qualified. Only in cases where the women’s efforts had made the schools attractive to male principal candidates did the district agree to help them leave. In some instances, women were pressured to leave by false charges of incompetence or by public humiliation over their performance, to make way for male or female candidates favoured by the district. Women’s Perspectives Regardless of the challenges they themselves had faced, the study participants had no doubts about the need to have, and the benefits to be gained from having, more women in school leadership. 233

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Two members of the group had directly benefited from the training offered through the World Bank grant (GEPP 2018). The women expressed strong opinions and recommendations about how the experience of leadership could be improved for incoming principals and vice principals and the actions district officials could take to make educational leadership an attractive career option for women and to maximize the attitudes and skills women bring to these positions. These recommendations fell into two groups: those that needed to be addressed at the national level, and those that emerged from the women’s dealings with the district education office. Recommendations at the National Level Career Path/Position Responsibility Clarity: Ministry of Education guidelines outline a career path for those with the required university or college degree that moves from vice principal to beginner principal to principal to senior principal 1, 2 and 3, followed by movement into the school supervisor position, and then to compete for a position as an Educational Expert in the District Education Office. Only two of our participants were actively contemplating this career path; most considered that the current system of evaluation based on male supervisor’s recommendations and male-dominated review boards favours men over women, and promotion based on years of service rather than competency also favours men. These beliefs proved strong demotivators for continuing as a principal. One principal commented, ‘The main criteria for transfer to a better school or city is years of service. This favors men because they have more service years than women in the leadership area. If this continues the process continues to be unfair.’ Rather, most participants were considering resigning, either to go back to teaching or to develop their own businesses. Many participants were in favour of gender quotas to ensure women were included in advanced leadership training, and to ensure places for women as supervisors and district education officer contenders, over and above the current affirmative action procedures that guarantee them three additional points when examinations are part of selection procedures. A principal in the study suggested: When vacant position for principals are announced, they should make it clear that women are encouraged to apply. Many women don’t even consider the notices, they assume they are just for men, and women only become leaders when assigned by district officials. And during recruitment, employment, and transfer, there should always be a quota for women, they shouldn’t just rely on service years. Study participants recognized that quotas were a means of getting a critical mass of women into leadership roles, to make life easier for serving principals and making the role more attractive for other qualified women. A principal explained, ‘It would be great if many women became leaders. It is difficult for us to claim our rights and get respect if we are small in number.’ Principals also recommended greater clarity regarding the areas of school operation for which they should take responsibility. In the past, principals were charged with wide-ranging responsibilities, and could only delegate responsibilities to teachers who would take them on as voluntary additional work. With the current focus on principals becoming instructional leaders, study participants suggested that additional management help should be provided to principals, to give them more time to focus on the teaching and learning processes in their schools: 234

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The government should employ administrative staff for the schools – cashiers, accountants, purchasing officers, librarians and other fields. Currently principals get these jobs done by having to beg teachers to help with these chores on a voluntary basis. This is not appropriate. The work of the principal should be focused on the students, teachers and parents in order to facilitate the teaching and learning process. Things other than this should not be imposed on them. Participants believed their time was spread too thinly by the many responsibilities they fulfilled, and to do these well, they gave up even more of their limited free time to, for example, attend community events or find donors to improve school facilities. Pre-Leadership Training: The three-month World Bank–funded leadership training for women teachers holding the academic qualifications to become vice principals and principals was viewed as a move in the right direction by study participants. They noted that even when trainees in this scheme chose not to apply for leadership positions on completion, they presumably brought a better understanding of leading and management back to their schools, where many would take on positions as subject and unit leaders. In addition, such trainings gave women unsure of their ability to take on school leadership confidence to try it. This type of training provides a pool of potential female leaders who could be approached to apply when positions became vacant, part of developing a sustainable female principal pipeline as advocated by recent studies (Wallace Foundation 2017: 19). A principal explained the benefits: ‘Many teachers are afraid of applying for the position because they don’t know what will be expected. So there should be training for those interested to build their capacity and provide some level of knowledge about the job.’ District officials in Bahir Dar noted that only six women had responded to their offer of the three-month pre-leadership funded training. Of these, one had dropped out, but the remaining five had been offered leadership positions on completion of the course and were at the time of the interview still in those positions, although not all were in the Bahir Dar school district. Establishing District ‘Women in Educational Leadership’ Forums: Female principals pointed to government initiatives to establish Girls’ Clubs in schools to empower female students and suggested this as an excellent model that could be used with women in areas such as school leadership when women are in the minority and need the support and shared experiences of other women. In Bahir Dar many of the long-serving principals had experienced such a support group that had been initiated by the district office, but was no longer in existence. One principal stated, I would love the idea of establishing a women principals’ forum . . . then we would discuss about the pressures we are facing and support each other to solve the problems we faced. It would be great if this was put into practice. We used to have it in the past – I would like to have the forum to be re-established now. District officials acknowledged that after successfully launching this popular initiative, they had been lax in no longer providing support for it when personnel changes in the office required a new manager to be appointed. Study participants who had experienced the successful piloting of this scheme suggested that it was a model that should be adopted by districts nationwide. Financial Compensation for Leadership Responsibilities: There is currently no financial incentive for men or women to take on leadership positions. Teachers work half-day shifts, yet 235

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beginning principals, required to spend all day at the school in addition to meetings that may be held in the evening, and attendance at community events expected of them, receive no additional payment. This situation is especially demotivating to women. In a cultural environment that still expects working women to manage households and child-rearing, women taking leadership positions are doubling their workload for no financial benefit, and often at the cost of antagonizing husbands and family members. Other than personal satisfaction and the development of a leadership skill base, it is hard for women to justify the sacrifice of half a day of personal time. Recognition of Hardship Positions: Finding leadership for rural schools is challenging, and a challenge common to most countries worldwide. While in theory new principals do not have to accept any position, the reality is that they are much more likely to get a position if they are prepared to serve in rural schools. New principals learn the ropes in these settings and put up with the hardships involved in expectation that they will be promoted to more attractive situations as they gain experience. However, the challenges of these schools for women are much greater than for men in rural Ethiopia. Our participants related stories of difficult or dangerous travel, including river crossings in boats, of sexual harassment by the local male population which required them to hire bodyguards and the additional expenses of having to pay to go to meetings at the district offices located in the nearest cities. Women accepting these positions are often required to relocate to the rural community for the week, leaving their husbands and families. Participants recognized the need to accept these positions to further their careers but believed they would be assigned to more hospitable areas within a given time frame. However, several participants noted than when they applied for reassignment in the city, rather than rural city outskirts, they were given positions in the prison. One woman described how, when she got a transfer to Bahir Dar from a more rural school: ‘I was assigned to a school in the prison teaching convicts . . . it’s really difficult for a woman to work there. She could be raped. A similarly qualified male was assigned to a better position and I had to file a complaint before they (the district) would reassign me.’ While appreciating that men and women principals should be treated equally when assignments were made, and that women school leaders are needed in non-urban areas, female school leaders in the study recommended that the government recognize that some school locations are dangerous for women (due to the nature of society and the current status of women in Ethiopia). They suggested women should be provided with additional compensation/or protection if they take on these positions. Recommendations for the National, Regional and District Levels The earlier five recommendations made by participants lend themselves to policy and procedures at the national level. Other changes recommended were to do with the attitudes and behaviours of educational personnel and departments. Participant comments fell into four categories. Credibility and Transparency: Female primary school leaders were scathing about what they believed was the lip service given to equal treatment for men and women at the leadership level, and the desire to encourage more women to move into leadership. They complained that at all levels there was talk about gender equality that did not translate to action when it came to establishing practice. Typical of the comments that questioned the credibility of educational officials were the following: ‘Government needs to see that it has a problem, that it missed the 236

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issue of providing support for women, that it doesn’t actually support women beyond talking about the support. I believe if the government can improve on this, many women who are strong and capable would come to the front’; ‘I believe there should be direct encouragement for women if the government wants more women in leadership positions. Women can be effective and successful if they are allowed to work free from some of the challenges they now face. Government has to work at getting women into leadership, not just talk about it’; and ‘We (women principals) work better at reporting and implementing things than men, if there is support. But the problem is that deep down inside they (men) think that women are not capable. I believe women can do their jobs effectively, manage the challenges of marriage, having children, domestic chores, and still become excellent principals.’ Several of the study participants went beyond criticizing the lack of commitment of national and local educational authorities to achieving gender equality in school leadership. They suggested that they often faced active discouragement to pursue a career in school leadership. One commented: Nothing is being done to encourage women teachers to take leadership position, rather the reverse. . . . But once women do take on leadership, any woman can be successful, there is no doubt about that. She can do better than any man . . . for sure there are many capable women. But the opportunity has not been given to them, and in fact, many of those in leadership positions are forced to leave. A similar comment was voiced by a principal who had resigned her position: We hear a lot about encouraging women to take leadership positions. We hear this everywhere. But nothing has been implemented. When I was submitting my resignation, they (the district officials) said ‘Why do you want to resign when we are looking for more women leaders’ but the fact was that I was resigning because I was fed up with them (the district officials). They say they will support you but don’t practice it – they encourage women to take the positions but then put too much pressure on them when they do. While the district office maintained that they followed policy and procedures delineated by national and regional educational authorities, the study participants perceived that rules and regulations were used or manipulated by the office for its own purposes. A principal complained: ‘The education office takes the service years as the main criteria because they want to minimize the cost incurred for getting work done. They don’t want to spend for trainings and capacity building programs that empower and enhance women’s capabilities.’ There were many additional complains about the district office handling of evaluations, transfers and resignations, where the district claimed to be following standard gender-neutral procedures, but study participants perceived them to be favouring men. A serving principal claimed: They (the education office) know that I am doing a good job, but they won’t let me transfer to the places I want to go. The leaders only transfer people whom they want. They just want to keep me in the countryside. They would give me awards for my great performance, but claim I didn’t have the service years to move to a non-rural position. . . . There have been principals who were ranked low in their performance but they were able to transfer to a better place because they had relatives or people whom they know there. 237

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Taken together, national and local educational authorities are perceived to lack credibility and transparently with regard to encouraging women into school leadership, and district officials appear blind to this perception. Rather, they are self-righteously defensive in maintaining that they are acting ‘by the rules’ regardless of these rules being frequently slanted to the benefit of male principals and principal candidates. Addressing Gender Bias – Implicit and Explicit: Participants in the study noted ways in which gender bias affected their ability to function effectively, and limited their chances to gain promotions, extend their leadership skills and improve their schools. One ex-principal suggested the need for awareness training for her male peers, not only to improve the interactions with women on their staff whom they should be mentoring and encouraging to apply for leadership but also in their interactions with their female peers. She commented: There are people still believing in the old saying ‘women should stay at home’ and there are some men principals who think like this. We work with them but they don’t want to sit in a meeting with us. When we gather for meetings some male principals tell us that we look more attractive and nicer when we are in our homes. There are even some who tell us to leave the leadership of schools to them. The problem is that when you face any kind of challenge the education office should be providing support. But when they fail to give this, you think that maybe women shouldn’t become leaders. Another principal referred to a district office practice of favouring men for training opportunities. She stated: They (district officials) always say that support is provided to women. But it is all just talk. Rather than providing additional support to women, when a regular training is provided in the city it is men who get selected to attend and get the benefit of developing their capacity, the per diem money to attend, the opportunity to network – all these benefits. We don’t even get to hear the men principals are going somewhere for training. . . . we only find out when they get back. The district officials say ‘Oh, she has kids to take care of . . . just send the men.’ This complaint was echoed by a second principal, who noted: ‘You often see men wasting work time. . . . But no one favors women, even when training opportunities are provided, men would be selected who are friends with the principal, they plan to have a beer with the per diem they would get.’ A third principal explained how gender discrimination still appeared in many districtadministered procedures, including evaluation, appointment and promotion, in part because these decisions were made by all-male groups, supervisors and district officials. She stated: When it comes to appointing school leaders, districts still prefer to have men to women. They say that the woman will lag behind when she has a child, so better to appoint a man. There is no fair and free system to recruit people for the jobs based mainly on evaluations of the ability of candidates, that give room for women’s participation, that are performance orientated. I believe if the pre-screening process was improved, many capable women would come to leadership positions scoring well on the examination and be successful in the position. A vice principal made a similar complaint: ‘Most of the time, when male principals are evaluated, they will be passed easily. But the supervisors will be hard on us – they won’t let a single thing 238

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pass easily. They trust the men, they will simply ask them what they have done, they don’t ask them to provide evidence. But when it comes to women, they require perfection.’ Together, the study participants’ perceptions were of national and district educational authorities publicly endorsing government statements about the need to have women in leadership and creating an appearance of gender neutrality in the administration of district affairs. In reality, the women’s experiences were of the district office discriminating against women in almost every aspect of their professional lives, and employing tactics that actively discouraged women for taking, and continuing in leadership positions. The tacit involvement of their peers – male principals – in this process was a further demotivator for the women. They perceived male supervisors, district officials and principals conspiring to ensure few women gained power within the system. The participants pointed to the stress that this placed on many competent women, that frequently led to them resigning from their positions. Several noted a spate of recent resignations, with one principal commenting that five or six women principals/vice principals had resigned within one year (2017) and this means there was a problem in the way they were being treated and the situation they were facing. No males resigned. . . . I have seen men being removed from positions after being evaluated for poor performance, But I have never seen them resign by their own choice. They don’t. All the pressure is experienced by the women, not the men. Post-Appointment Training: District officials were criticized for the failure to provide specific training for women once they took up the positions, the lack of capacity building and mentoring needed by beginning principals. Participant after participant stressed the need for ongoing training: ‘The education office should enhance women teachers’ capacity’; ‘They should give special attention to women and provide training. Maybe it is because I had no training related to leadership that I gave up so quickly. . . . I was trying to do everything by daring and reading the guidelines and rules’; ‘Capacity building is important. Supports and trainings are very necessary for women. If such opportunities are given, then there is no way that women can’t become successful’; ‘I think if the education office wants to encourage women to come to leadership positions then it should focus on capacity building. . . . I have got no guidance and training related to my work except the few pieces of advice given to me from my immediate supervisor. So, the government should provide opportunities for short or long-term training to improve our capacity’; and ‘The problem of few women would be solved if there are capacity building programs. If a certain woman has the ability to be a principal, there should be nothing that hinders her from accomplishing that. They need training on how to deal with problems if they experience one. They need support.’ These themes of being left to learn from experience, with little guidance in how to handle difficult situations that often led to the women making less than optimum decisions, were repeated in virtually every interview. A serving vice principal, who had also had principal experience, noted that training would ultimately benefit the whole district by creating more efficient and confident leadership. She suggested: I think it would be great if the education office gathers the women and provides them with encouragement and support like trainings. The education office has never provided trainings for us. We are working with the skills we have acquired from experience. For example, I had no idea how to write a protocol number, how to file incoming and outgoing letters. . . . no one trained me 239

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and I did it through trial and error. I believe women could work better in the leadership positions if they (the district office) trained them well and provided encouragement and support. While training/capacity building was seen as making female principals more productive and efficient in their work, training was also closely associated with more emotive issues of personal support, encouragement, positive feedback and empathy that female participants clearly wanted yet felt was lacking from district offices. Support, Encouragement, Positive Feedback, Empathy: By far the biggest group of comments focused on the lack of support, encouragement, positive feedback and empathy the women leaders received from district education officials who claimed to want more women to enter primary school leadership. Many women pointed up practices that demotivated them. For example, school supervisors were expected to be the first line of help with problems and to provide mentoring. However, the same supervisors were also required to evaluate the principals, and, as previously noted, appeared to hold female principals to higher standards than males. A principal explained: There is no support provided to the principals. The supervisors want the principals to work their duties and run the school. They don’t give that much attention to the fact that principals need capacity building. They make no effort to support you to improve your performance. It would be great if there was continuous support, it would help you be successful as well as encouraging others. Similar observations came from other principals in the group, including ‘Supervisors should be providing support, additional training on an as-need basis but they are there just as a formality. They just do simple tasks, give us checklists etc. The education office as well as the supervisors should be there to provide support and empower us, not to search for our weaknesses and punish or remove us from office.’ This theme of public humiliation when the principals made mistakes in administration or got into difficulties with managing often challenging relationships with teachers and communities was mentioned by many of the principals. Several described the methods of public shaming they endured. A principal explained that when principals met at the education offices to discuss their quarterly reports of school progress: You hear negative comments (about your school). Some (education officers) may say ‘This school is dead’. When you hear that, your motivation also dies – they should consider your efforts and hard work trying to improve the school. A woman is managing her household chores, her marriage and the pressures connected to that, has neglected her social life, faces the challenges related to the students, parents and teachers. So if the people who are her immediate bosses criticize her like this in public, how does this encourage others to come to the leadership position? Instead of providing support, they (the education officers) criticize in public which is totally inappropriate. A second principal made similar points, noting that women principals need continuous support from the top management, starting with the school supervisor, to enable them to work effectively. She maintained that the education office should provide consultation so that if mistakes are made the women are aware of them and can rectify them. She stated, ‘If women are thought to be incapable in some way, the district should provide training. I enjoy working for the children and community, but the district trashed my ego.’ 240

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A vice principal suggested the public shaming of principals by district officials was an example of the continuing of practices that had developed when leadership was an all-male preserve. These practices, part of male culture and accepted as such, were assumed by the district officials to be acceptable, and elicit the same response from women as they did from me. She explained: ‘The current education system sings about men and women’s equality. And district officials are used to criticizing men publicly, so they do the same for women, which demotivates them. But if they approached women in private, discussed their strengths and weaknesses, and provided support in those areas of weakness, women will respond and act to improve.’ This vice principal called for a review of traditional procedures for carrying out reviews and public meetings, and for a more sensitive and personal approach if the district was to retain capable women willing to learn and improve. The need for positive feedback from the district offices also emerged as a common theme. Female principals were scornful of traditional official presentations of cloth and certificates made to them when things were going well, and they and their schools scored high on evaluations, but that did not translate into respect or practical assistance when they faced challenges and requested help. They noted that when they were successful, they simply attracted more work and challenges. When they were not successful, whatever the circumstances, they were subject to criticism, regardless of their previous track record. A principal complained: ‘People talk about encouragement for women who do well, but currently if you do well you get rewarded with more work instead of reinforcement – they will push all the extra work to you.’ Another study participant recommended district officials to adopt ongoing praise and support as an effective means of motivating their female principals. She explained: ‘Encouraging is also a big deal, they could say ‘you can do it!’ Or ‘you are doing well! Keep it up’ – these mean a lot.’ Conclusions and Recommendations The study suggests that Ethiopian women considering a career in educational leadership face many of the barriers identified in the United States and the United Kingdom in the 1980s and 1990 (Brunner 1998; Coleman 1996; Grogan 1996: Shakeshaft 1989), and more globally by Celektan (2005), Moorosi (2010), Sperandio and Kagoda (2010) and Styne (2015), among others. The interplay of outcome expectations, personal goals and self-efficacy found in career development model such as social cognitive career theory (Lent, Brown and Hackett 1994) may operate in the Ethiopian context, but are complicated by lack of career path clarity, gendered social expectations and structural change. The women in our study were pioneers who had no career aspirations when they took educational leadership positions, and who learned by experience the options open to them, and the choices required to access these options. The experiences of women in the Bahir Dar school district indicate that increasing female participation in school leadership is an issue where national policy can be informed by local experience. Recommendations made for changes at the national level in Ethiopia include the following: ●●

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Provide principals with a salary scale that reflect the time involved in carrying out their required responsibilities Recognition and compensation for positions deemed as ‘hardship’ assignments for women 241

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Clarify principal’s responsibilities and the career path to district leadership that gives equal opportunity to both men and women, with quotas in appointments to ensure equal numbers of men and women at each level of local and regional education organization Expansion of pre-leadership training specifically for women Establishment of Women’s Forums for female educational leaders in each district

In the context of Ethiopia’s move to decentralize educational responsibilities from the national to the district level (MOE 2015), the study participants’ recommendations are that school district offices ●●

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address the issues around their perceived lack of credibility and transparency in respect of their commitment to attracting more women into educational leadership and achieving gender balance at all levels of district organization; undertake gender training to eliminate both explicit and implicit gender bias that acts to the detriment of women in educational leadership; provide post-appointment, ongoing training and capacity building for female primary principals and review and revise the amount and type of support, encouragement, empathy and feedback they provide for female principals to demonstrate an awareness that male and female principals may have very different needs, face different challenges and respond differently to praise and criticism.

Evidence from an increasing number of small-scale studies undertaken in Ethiopia (Leliftu 2014; Lemessa 2014; Netsanet 2013: Nuri 2016; Tekleselassie and DeCuir 2019) and the findings of international studies suggest that the experiences of the Ethiopian principals in the study are common to their peers worldwide. Their recommendations echo those made in many other countries where women are under-represented in school leadership. Principal training and educational system management continue to evolve and improve as we gain a greater appreciation of the links between leadership, management, teaching and learning. However, there must be sensitivity to cultural environments and the particular needs of women (Sperandio 2018) if the goal of gender-equal opportunities for careers in educational leadership is to be achieved in the near future.

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19 Leading Post-primary Education for STEM Careers The Gendered Perspectives in an Irish Context Mary Cunneen

Introduction Women are greatly under-represented in the STEM workforce in Ireland. The Central Statistics Office (CSO) estimates that fewer than 25% of approximately 120,000 people working in jobs that use STEM skills but are women. While recognizing that this problem may have a number of causes, it is clear that a major contributory factor is the selection of subjects and Third Level programmes by young women at post-primary level. (STEM Education Review Group 2016: 8) The under-representation of women in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) careers is not the result of any one factor but is composed, rather, of a myriad of interwoven agents (Oliver et al. 2017) which all combine to present hurdles for potential candidates. The STEM Education Review group (2016) considered that a lack of parental knowledge of STEMrelated careers was a major factor in deterring young people, and young women in particular, from taking STEM subjects at post-primary level. However, as the preponderance and focus of STEM education fall within the remit of formal education, this chapter seeks to explore the attitudes and actions that post-primary principals invoke and act upon to support and encourage their staffs to be proactive STEM educators, thereby assisting and encouraging their students to be enthusiastic STEM learners. As Jacob et al. (2020: 62) note, ‘Schools can inspire, reinforce, or discourage students’ interest in pursuing a STEM field of study in higher education.’ While boys are likely candidates for STEM-related career choices, girls are less so (Delaney and Devereux 2019). Many studies to date have explored the choices girls make at third level (Delaney and Devereux 2019; Jacob et al. 2020; Steinke 2005) and have examined the lack of role models and mentors to support their involvement in STEM-related careers (Blinkenstaff 2005). However, there is a dearth of exploration of the role school leaders play in acting as advocates for STEM with their female students.

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The Evolving Landscape of Gender and STEM The current focus on STEM careers and, by default, STEM education highlights across many jurisdictions that girls are significantly less likely, than their male counterparts, to study physics, computer science, engineering or maths at third level (Hand, Rice and Greenlee 2017; Milgram 2011; Wang and Degol 2013; Weber 2011). The Women’s Engineering Society, founded in 1919 following the end of the First World War to promote and sustain relationships among women who had taken on unplanned roles in engineering initiatives, aimed ‘to protect job opportunities for women in engineering and to ensure training and educational prospects were available to make sure women could enter the field’ (Rees Koerner 2020). From school level to college and beyond, the number of females engaging in STEM continues to decrease. This Blinkenstaff (2005) refers to as the ‘leaky pipeline’, a metaphor she employs to highlight that, despite inroads made, women are still increasingly less likely to achieve success and fulfil their potential. Equitable visibility is still an ideal. A 2015 report by Accenture noted that of those working in engineering-related fields in the Republic of Ireland only 25 per cent were women (Accenture 2015). Engineers Ireland, in 2018, asserted that as few as 12 per cent of engineering professionals are women. A report into women’s success in physics noted, ‘Women in Ireland are very successful when they study physics. Given that the number of women remains stubbornly low, Ireland is suffering economically by not harnessing the potential of these women’ (Kavanagh et al. 2019: 4). Despite initiatives such as IWish and Women in Technology and Science, among others, to promote STEM as equally compatible with male and female career aspirations, 75 per cent of those working in STEM industries in the Republic of Ireland are male (Daly et al. 2018). STEM education, regardless of region, is deemed to be vital to our understanding of the world in which we live, and how it functions, whether that be politically, socially, culturally, economically or physically (Beatty 2011). The plethora of policy documents that have been issued by government departments over recent years, emanating from an international focus on careers in science, technology, engineering and mathematics, reflect global recognition of a world driven by STEM enterprise. In Britain, ‘STEM subjects are seen as critically important to the UK’s economic success’ (Morgan, Kirby and Stamenkovic 2016: 10). As reflected by Irish government policy generally and initiatives taken by the Department of Education and Skills (DES), in the Republic of Ireland, it is considered to be an integral and essential component of a person’s foundational growth as an individual, building throughout their educational journey from early exploration of their immediate environment to progressing along a continuum of lifelong exploratory learning (Department of Education and Skills 2016). ‘In the Irish education system, STEM subjects include science (i.e., biology, chemistry, physics, agricultural science), technology (i.e., technology, design and communication graphics), engineering (i.e., engineering, construction studies) and mathematics (i.e. maths and applied maths)’ (Lawlor and Burke 2020). Educational Leadership and STEM Educational leadership has been the subject of intense scrutiny over the past forty years. Scholars, most notably Day, Harris and Hadfield (2001), Fullan (2002), Hallinger (2000, 2003), Hallinger and Heck (1996), Leithwood (1994), Leithwood and Jantzi (2000), have all sought to explore models of school leadership that act as change agents for schools and school effectiveness. In his address to the Annual Conference of European Network for Improving Research and Development 244

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in Education Leadership and Management, Dr Harold Hislop, Chief Inspector of Irish schools, stated: One aspect of the role of the school leader is to articulate and demonstrate for the whole school community: students, parents, teachers and managers, the value placed on learning: the importance of the broad and balanced curriculum . . .the balance between knowledge and skills, the importance of learning skills and attitudes for social as well as economic participation, and the moral purpose that will guide them. This is not easy in Ireland, where the influence of end-of-school state examinations and competition for university places is so strong. An observation by Bredson (2000: 386) that ‘one of the primary tasks of school principals is to create maintain positive, and healthy teaching and learning environments for everyone in the school and including the professional staff’ affirms the centrality of the principal’s role in guiding and empowering his or her staff to be advocates for their subject by embracing a broad range of professional practices with their students. The many demands of school leadership often manifest as managerial responsibilities (Fink and Resnick 2001), yet instructional leadership continues to be considered one of the main duties of school principals (Spillane and Lowenhaupt 2019). In exploring the concept of shared instructional leadership, Marks and Printy (2003) argued that ‘when the principal elicits high levels of commitment and professionalism from teachers and works interactively with teachers in a shared instructional leadership capacity, schools have the benefit of integrated leadership; they are organizations that learn and perform at high levels’ (p. 393). Developing and maintaining a STEM identity are seen as critical to engagement in the field. Schools, among other societal arenas, have a role in closing the gender gap through a variety of practices and initiatives at different times which will play a part in broadening female participation in STEM-related careers (Steinke 2017). The literature on instructional leadership, like much of that on educational leadership broadly, lacks consideration of gender, yet the situational and contextual nature of schools and their pupil cohorts has many implications for the exercise of leadership (Fitzgerald 2003: Gunter 2001). In understanding and knowing his/ her pupil cohort, their learning strengths and difficulties (Spillane and Louis 2002) and their contextual framing and learning needs for career aspirations, a principal can create and foster a school climate which promotes student achievement regardless of gender and which helps to disrupt and counteract stereotypical cultural practices. To enact effective leadership, in addition to providing environments that are inclusive and goal oriented so that their students can achieve their potentials, principals must also, as Spillane and Louis (2002) note, have knowledge of content and content-specific pedagogy. Subject Specialism and Leadership for Learning Prompted by Shulman (1986), who devised the concept of pedagogical content knowledge, Stein and Nelson (2003) interrogated the notion of leadership content knowledge. They argue that in order for school leaders to effectively manage teaching and learning, they ‘must have some degree of understanding of the various subject areas under their purview’ (p. 424). The role of a principal’s own subject specialism in informing how and to whom resources are allocated and the support that teachers are given by their principal was a subject of scrutiny for Boston et al. (2017). While it is acknowledged that principals are not expected to have intimate knowledge of the subject matter 245

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for every subject they oversee (Sheninger and Devereaux 2013), nonetheless, they are expected to have a clear understanding of what constitutes good practice in terms of both instruction and pedagogy, for, as Fink and Resnick (2001) note, ‘the principal has to lead by creating a culture of learning and by providing the right kinds of specialized professional development opportunities’ (p. 600). School leaders may not have the necessary content knowledge to understand teachers’ needs, Lochmiller and Acker-Hocevar (2016) argue, but as leaders of teaching and learning, secondary school principals are challenged to especially understand the needs of STEM teachers if their own subject specialism is outside of that area of expertise. The authors note that ‘research is particularly limited in relation to the ways in which principals make sense of the need to provide support to teachers in math or science in order to improve instruction’ (p. 274). So, what form does this take? There is a lack of in-depth research in this field (Boston et al. 2017). How principals lead for teaching and learning in STEM-related areas, what strategies they put in place to accommodate a vision for instruction is a field that has yet to be explored in any great detail. Being responsible for leading teaching and learning in mathematics, understanding and implementing policy directives so that equality of access and opportunity is provided to all students is a challenge. Kanold, Briars and Fennell (2012) suggest that giving teachers and pupils opportunities to engage in enquiry-based learning, promoting science within and across the school community while promoting in tandem initiatives that extend pupil exposure to a wider base of scientific expertise, is deemed to be what principals should know about teaching and learning science (Kanold, Briars and Fennell 2012). The necessity of knowing, understanding and facilitating pedagogical practices that enhance instruction in mathematical classrooms equips principals with the necessary cultural capital when taking action for mathematical advancement in their schools (Boston et al. 2017). Gendered Relations with STEM Subjects As this study is concerned with the messages school principals impart when interacting with STEM education in their schools and the strategies they engage to enable and empower their female students to be strong candidates for STEM-related careers, it is critical to examine women’s relationship with STEM subjects. Blackmore (2006) asks, ‘if school leaders and teachers are not prepared to lead to reduce inequality, who will?’ (p. 196). Having explored the role of instructional leadership and how leadership content knowledge acts a catalyst for pushing the boundaries of instruction to include activities that deepen pupil comprehension and promote enquiry, it is important to bring a lens to bear on gender differences in responding to teaching and learning strategies in STEM subjects. This study will now turn to interrogate those differences and the affective domain that inspires and enkindles purposeful teaching and learning. Subject Choices As subject choices and subject combinations on offer can vary considerably between schools, girls can be disadvantaged when it comes to STEM subject options available and, in some cases, discouraged from pursuing STEM-related subjects at higher level, thus reinforcing gender stereotypes and disrupting gender equality initiatives. Jacob et al. (2020), in observing how subject choice and profile affects students’ perceptions of STEM in Scotland, Ireland and Germany, note, ‘limited exposure to STEM studies, which may occur in systems where studying a STEM 246

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subject is not compulsory and students are allowed to specialize in specific subjects, may lead to lower levels of STEM enrollment’ (p. 62). Their study concludes that taking STEM subjects at school level is a necessary precursor to the pursual of stem at third level but not sufficient in itself. Students in the Republic of Ireland follow a tailor-made curriculum for two years prior to taking the Leaving Certificate Examination. They choose four, and in some instances five, subjects to study for the exam in addition generally to Irish, English and mathematics. Subject choice, therefore, as Delaney and Devereux (2019) argue, can influence college pathways elected or rejected. Boys, they note, ‘are much more likely to do physics, design graphics, engineering, building construction, and applied mathematics, subjects that are strongly predictive of later doing STEM in college’ (p. 38). Lawlor and Burke (2020), statistically noting the DES Education Indicators of October 2019, observe the gendered difference in the uptake of STEM subjects at post-primary level: ‘boys remain more likely to study multiple STEM subjects, a result which is relatively unchanged since 2014. Excluding maths (which is mandatory, with some exceptions), 90.7% of 6th year boys take a STEM subject compared to 85.8% of girls. Excluding maths and biology, the figures drop to 72.1% (boys) and 39.5% (girls) (p. 2)’. Biology is a very popular subject choice among both sexes at Leaving Certificate level. Self-Confidence The alignment of science and mathematics with the masculine persists despite interventions which, Archer et al. (2012b) argue, are not sufficient to counteract conscious and unconscious bias around who does science. Girls can be dissuaded from pursuing a career in STEM if they perceive that this will run counterproductive to others’ understanding of what constitutes feminine behaviour. Even if female students are incentivized and motivated in mathematics and wish to study additional STEM subjects, that ambition may be tempered by feelings of inadequacy (Good, Rattan and Dweck 2012). Girls, much more than boys, are likely to suffer from feelings of ineligibility, especially if they are not consistently performing to a high standard. ‘One crucial part of the process through which students make decisions about their future college majors is whether they perceive those fields to be suitable for people like them’ (Stearns et al. 2016: 89). Wang (2013) observes the gendered concept of self-efficacy. Having a belief in one’s own ability in mathematics is considered to inveigle girls to seek out a career in STEM – a concept not considered when discussing males and mathematical attitudes. Boaler (2019) cautions against the fixed mindset regime noting the destructive ensuing ramifications that self-doubt produces. This kind of behaviour contributes to a greater likelihood of girls dropping out of a course than those persuaded by the growth mindset paradigm. For, as Boaler notes (2019), ‘we need to replace outdated ideas and programs that falsely deem certain people more capable than others, especially when those outdated labels become the source of gender and racial inequalities’ (p. 42). Role Models Role models, an all-important dimension to encouraging girls and women to follow STEMrelated career pathways, can originate in either formal or informal educational settings (Weber 2011). Stressing the need for role models for girls, Milgram (2011) notes, ‘Women and girls need to see female role models in the workplace that look like them—over and over and over again. They need to receive the message that women can work in STEM careers and be successful and fulfilled in their work life while still having a personal life, and they need to receive this message 247

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repeatedly’ (p. 5). Knowledge of gender and about gender is absorbed slowly. As Zemore, Fiske and Kim (2000) also note, ‘gender related knowledge accumulates steadily throughout childhood and into adolescence’ (p. 209). Throughout childhood and the teenage years, the media play an unparalleled role in informing girls and young women about stereotypical roles and responsibilities. The level of influence exerted by a variety of media outlets cannot be underestimated (Steinke 2007). Following a study which examined the portrayal of women in engineering and science as depicted in popular films, Steinke (2007) concluded that while many women were shown in roles that enjoyed status and prestige, the majority were unmarried and childless, prompting her to note ‘the difficulties of balancing work and family and the scarcity of characters presented as successfully balancing work and family needs to be examined given recent research on women’s perceptions of SET (science, engineering, technology) careers’ (p. 54). Having teachers, therefore, who act positively towards their students and enthusiastically promote their subject matter, displaying a genuine passion and interest in how they approach their teaching, can be powerful role models (Wang and Degol 2013) for their female students (Oliver et al. 2017). Developing self-efficacy in STEM-related subjects can often be the result of teacher mentorship (Hand, Rice and Greenlee 2017). Students who are exposed to a variety of teaching and learning styles as they move through secondary school enhance their opportunity to engage with STEM from a variety of perspectives thus enabling and empowering them to develop as STEM learners as well as more clearly formulate a STEM identity. A study by Tan et al. (2013) suggests that science curricula and its execution contribute to engagement in communities of practice. Classroom practice, the narrative created within that context, the institutional and societal practices that govern the trajectory of the narratives all act as informing agents, Tan et al. (2013) concluded, in supporting or disrupting STEM career choices among female students. They suggest that science teachers need to be cognisant of their roles, as ‘attending to and recognizing those narratives, however, provides opportunities for science teachers to shift the discourses at the classroom level’ (p. 30). Beyond the Classroom The promotion of STEM subjects, both inside and outside the classroom – making STEM visible – is important for imbuing in young women the desire to follow a career pathway in science and mathematics related fields. Oliver et al. (2017) concluded from their study that providing female students with an environment where science is championed encourages young women to be more aware of the opportunities a STEM career can provide. They also noted that even though the female students in their study were high achievers, they too succumbed to feelings of self-doubt and embedded stereotypical attitudinal perspectives despite experiencing positive support structures. Engagement with extracurricular opportunities, which demonstrate the ‘real life’ application of school-based learning, can be the stimulus that prompts further study in a STEM-related field. Understanding how learning about the world and its many interactive elements which govern our day-to-day living motivates students and educators to further expand the integration of the theoretical with the practical in the classroom and outside (Chittum et al. 2017), thus highlighting the benefits of collaborative communities of practice. Enquiry-based learning, oftentimes a feature of extracurricular maths and science education as it promotes a hands-on approach and allows STEM teachers to engage students in problem-solving activities that promote and encourage STEM-based third-level educational choices. 248

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Methodology Qualitative methodology was chosen as the research instrument for, as Ballantine and Roberts (2014) note, a qualitative approach ‘allows the researcher to respond to new ideas that come up during the research’ (p. 40). Damarin (2008) argues that many scholars who study women, gender and mathematics have not employed a feminist lens to their research, while simultaneously noting that feminist theory generally tends to ignore mathematics. In considering STEM as a gendered concept, I sought to frame my research within a feminist perspective. Cumings Mansfield et al. (2014: 1155), in considering ‘How well are women and minoritized others faring as a result of the current STEM discourse?’ concluded that cultural and historical legacies, especially in western Europe, that places white males in positions of power and privilege thus marginalizing those who are outsiders, operate to exclude or at least present more hurdles for those who do not belong. They assert, ‘the policy dialogue is sorely lacking the feminist critique, along with recommendations or policy options that address overhauling our cultural understandings in this regard’ (p. 1175). Boaler (2006: 215), in exploring the concept of mathematics as a gendered discipline, considered that ‘positioning mathematics within a feminist epistemology enriches the discipline while also enabling historically marginalized communities, such as women, to feel they too have the power to author and own it’. Participants This study was originally intended to include twenty participants across a wide variety of school contexts. However, due to the outbreak of Covid-19, principals became consumed by the logistics of having to tailor pupil and teacher needs to accommodate the necessary ensuing changes as to how teachers taught and pupils learned. Therefore, this study is now limited by a deficit in the number of participants. Nevertheless, it is not diminished in calibre as the five principals who partook in the research are representative of a cross section of voluntary secondary schools from a diverse mix of socio-economic backgrounds. Future studies, which garner empirical evidence from a greater variety of school contexts, both rural and urban, and typify the other two educational sectors that constitute post-primary education in the Republic of Ireland – Educational and Training Boards and Community/Comprehensive would add value and strength to the study. The five principals consisted of three women and two men, all principals of girls-only postprimary schools (Table 19.1). All five schools, with religious backgrounds and trusteeships, are in large urban environments with four having a strong focus on academic achievement. Amy and Mark are principals of Table 19.1  Principal Gender and Teaching Background Name Number of years teaching Number of years as principal Subject specialism Joan 22 10 Religious Studies Dan

13

2

History

Emily

23

2

English

Amy

15

1

English

Mark

22

15

Religious Studies

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fee-paying schools, while Dan and Emily are principals of non-fee-paying schools. All four have pupils whose parents are ambitious for their daughters, the majority of whom would seek university places on completing their Leaving Certificate Examination. Science is compulsory at junior cycle in all the schools studied with options to continue or drop science-related subjects at senior cycle. Joan, while principal also of a school in an urban setting, is working in a DEIS (Delivering Equality of Opportunity in Schools) inner-city school. Schools in this category are generally located in disadvantaged communities and receive a range of stipends in recognition of their added demands to fulfil equity of educational opportunities. Data Gathering and Analysis Semi-structured interviews were conducted with the five principals for, as Ribbins (2007) notes, the purpose of interviewing is to explore ‘views in ways that cannot be achieved by other forms of research and report our findings in as near as we reasonably can their own words’ (p. 208). The interviews sought to ascertain the strategies and interventions employed which support young women to aspire to a career in STEM while also challenging powerful gender discourses of who belongs in that arena. The study also sought to explore how challenges to this goal manifest for secondary school principals and what actions are taken to address them. Due to the complications presented by the coronavirus, all five interviews were conducted via the medium of an online platform over a two-month period. The principals gave of their time freely despite many other onerous demands. The research questions were designed to allow the principals to articulate 1. their perception of the strategies in which they engaged to promote STEM education among their students, 2. their reasons for engaging in these strategies and 3. the intended outcomes of the strategies pursued. The interviews were recorded and transcribed. An initial perusal of the data resulted in note taking which included not what was said but how it was voiced (Watling and James 2007). The raw data from the field notes was thematically analysed and the emergent themes coded. Coding the data assisted in the identification of particular emerging themes and permitted focused attention on the relevant aspects of the study, reading, rereading and listening many times to the recorded interviews allowed for the development of familiarity with the responses and ultimately shaped the analysis. Thematic analysis was chosen as it ‘is a method for identifying, analysing and reporting patterns (themes) within data. It minimally organizes and describes your data set in (rich) detail’ (Braun and Clarke 2006: 79). Latent thematic analysis, as identified by Braun and Clarke (2006), was employed as it permitted for the implicit meaning behind the data presented. Ethical Considerations and Trustworthiness of the Data Having been a post-primary teacher for over twenty years and now a teacher educator, relationships of mutual trust and respect had already been established between me and the five principals who volunteered to participate in the study, having learned of it as a result of informal contact during the course of my work. Each gave written consent to be interviewed for the purpose of the research and was guaranteed protection of his or her privacy, both personal and contextual. 250

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Pseudonyms were assigned in order to accommodate this aspiration. My insider status, as a co-educational professional, permitted insight into the veracity, authenticity and credibility of the participants’ responses. Findings Government policy initiatives that are driven by the needs of a nation often find their way into school curricula. The current focus on STEM, by the Irish government, is driven by a proliferation of leading technological and pharmaceutical companies who have opted to make Ireland a significant place of manufacture for their products. Having a workforce that has a background in these industries is crucial to the growth and prosperity of the Irish economy. The emergence of policy drives which focus on STEM education has included a recognition that women do not numerically match their male counterparts in these fields, thus prompting research that explores, what Blinkenstaff (2015) terms, the ‘leaky pipeline’. The role and voice of post-primary principals has been absent from discussions and scholarship which seek to determine this numerical anomaly. Instructional Leadership as an Overarching Objective Leading schools for teaching and learning is not an easy task. All five principals in the study identified a variety of factors which combine to slow or impede their instructional leadership aspirations. Each one of them demonstrated a passion for creating a climate in their respective schools that promoted opportunities for their students to achieve their potential – this was their driving raison d’être as school leaders. Emily and Dan were fervent about their role as leaders of teaching and learning. Not only did their responses convey their desire to be advocates for their teachers and students, their tone of voice and animated countenances also told the same story. I absolutely totally believe that my major role is the delivery of quality teaching and learning in school. (Emily) I would take a very active role in meeting with my middle leaders. who are involved in professional learning for a range of different roles that they might have that might bring them into the professional learning sphere and we would try through our board of studies that we have in assessment teaching and learning and digital learning specifically, to generate outcomes or targets for what we were trying to improve as an institution, and I would then probably take quite a significant role in developing resources, structures, sort of scaffolding resources to assist teachers in developing whatever those targets are. (Dan) Subject Specialism for Leading Teaching and Learning Emily felt, as did all the principals, that her own subject specialism did not influence how she interacted with teachers in other subject areas – but rather that she was obligated to a higher calling, to provide equally for all students regardless of where their talents and interests lay and by default to the staff who delivered the content. Emily admitted that it was challenging to move into the head space of other subjects: I know more about English and therefore the magnified eyes are on that department because I know exactly how it works and I know exactly the weak points and strong points. I would 251

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double check myself to make sure that I am not being overly generous or overly stingy. My love is in English, so very definitely love to see all the literacy stuff – but I think it is a duty to make sure that you go out and attend maths week and all of the things that go on, you make yourself do other things. But yes, you definitely have a fondness for something and that’s human nature. While Dan, in understanding that lack of insider knowledge about subject content and the pedagogies that are essential to its delivery necessitates taking an enquiry-based approach to his leading of teaching and learning, offered the following comment: We have samples that we have generated for the STEM subjects as well for every subject, we’ve got models for how to go about the process, the learning outcomes, the learning intentions. I’ve been published as well, so I’ve been involved in doing them, but I’ve also called on colleagues with expertise in the area and I have worked closely with them one-to-one in order to try and bring through the central message, the institutional message and then sort of translating that into the subject area. Impediments to Instructional Leadership for STEM Government Policy Directives and Lack of Financial Support The perceived overabundance of policy directives from the DES has contributed to a certain level of fatigue by principals. All five principals commented that the DES are often overly ambitious in asking schools to implement yet another policy directive. Both Emily and Mark noted that engagement with the STEM Education Policy Statement had been borne out of necessity. Both schools had been visited by inspectors from the DES, thereby precipitating them to scrutinize the information contained therein prior to the inspection. most principals haven’t read it, haven’t seen it, don’t know what it is. I had an inspection last year so, of course, I read it, studied it, and understand it. (Emily) This did not mean, however, that they were uncommitted to the promotion of STEM education in their schools. They were all aware of the dearth of females entering STEM-related fields, especially applying for subjects typically termed the ‘hard sciences’, with Mark noting, ‘it’s constantly bombarded at us.’ The benevolent nature of their principalship was demonstrated via a thorough articulation of the challenges that were encountered when trying to implement strategies and plans to encourage their students to take up STEM subjects. The issue of funding rose time and time again throughout the participants’ responses. The principals voiced their frustration at the DES’s meagre financial support when rolling out the initiative. Budgetary requirements, they all observed, were high for science departments with equipment needing to be replaced and updated regularly. Dan’s comment echoed the sentiments of the others: ‘science is the highest spending department in the school.’ Mark and Amy were in a more privileged position than the other three. The parents of their students were happy to support any fundraising activities that would further equip or accommodate STEM engagement. Amy was able to fund paying the applied maths teacher privately due to parental support. Mark also noted the benefits that accrued to his students as a result of fee income, while Joan recounted the lengths she had to go to in order to make sure her students had the same school experience as those in more affluent circumstances: 252

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We would’ve built for STEM, we saw that was something that was important in the geographical area, because we had the local hospital, and we weren’t getting employed there. We had a university further down the road, we have a children’s hospital up the road – we are not employed in those hospitals, we should be employed other than cleaning the floors. We needed to get involved in the science part of that, so that’s why we thought we would up the science. So obviously for science, because one thing as the teaching and learning skills but your other problem is the state of the science room, you know, we are limited there. I think in a certain way again in the use of IT and videos it’s changed a little bit, but it’s the hands-on bit. So, we’ll do a national policy to push the sciences, but the government have to invest in science rooms. We then, because we needed all this help, how are we going to get it, so we built liaisons with outside agencies. The local university was a big help to us as is Google. So, we linked in with a few companies there, with the ‘business in the community’ which is an initiative for DEIS schools, so we were lucky to connect with them. We had different companies to liaise with us over time. There’s that level of outside help. Teacher Confidence Support for teachers who struggled was also a topic which arose as the interviews unfolded. Mark noted the diversity of attitudes within his staff, with some embracing change and new pedagogical practices much more enthusiastically than others. He had hoped that as time went on the positivity displayed by some STEM teachers would override those who approached their subject matter negatively or who engaged in didactic teaching methods. Dan had engaged support for his teachers of mathematics at higher level, as he felt that those students: who psychometrically would suggest should be performing at a much higher level, let’s say the upper quatrain weren’t being stretched. There wasn’t enough focus on extension. There was a huge focus on minding the deficit and making sure that those with educational needs were being looked after but then we weren’t carrying that through into those that should be getting the very highest of grades. Role Models Women need role models when they opt for career paths more generally pursued by men. Emily’s testified that, like Dan, her teachers of mathematics struggled with confidence. The teachers were not advocating for their subject nor were they role models for her students, something Emily found disheartening: I have SEN support in for all of the maths classes and actually in many cases the support is for the teacher and not for the students. The resources I’ve poured into maths are actually scandalous from a department point of view in terms of extra classes, extra teachers, SEN people coming in, and it’s not bearing fruit. I now have maths lunchtime classes in first year. My teachers lack confidence and now I’m trying to work on my teachers to build their confidence. On being probed about her observations and her attempts to address this issue, it also emerged that their lack of faith in their own ability transferred onto their students, who Emily noted did not see mathematics as a subject which embraced universality in its breadth of applicability: I have spoken to more of my teachers in a positive way to say to them ‘listen part of this game is a bit of acting’ – you’ve got to tell them they’re with you, that they believe in you, you’ll get 253

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them there and you have to sell them your confidence in the subject and when they don’t see that confidence they doubt and when they doubt, it’s not great. Strategies Adopted to Promote STEM Education Subject Choice Biology is often a popular choice for girls at Leaving Certificate level, with chemistry second and physics a poor third. Opportunities provided by the less academically rigid transition year prompted Emily to be particularly proactive in promoting STEM subjects throughout that academic year. She sought and procured teachers of agricultural science and robotics to deliver a module in each, in addition to biology, physics and chemistry. As this initiative is only in its infancy, Emily is still unsure as to how it will translate into uptake in those subjects for Leaving Certificate, but she was hopeful that it would open her students’ minds to the possibility of longterm engagement with the sciences. She was cautiously optimistic, however, for two reasons: this was her first time to promote such an initiative, being only in her second year as principal, but also she felt that the teacher of physics had not been as much of an advocate for the subject as she would have liked: ‘we pushed it hard in TY I didn’t get to take up, but I think without saying too much one might be checking how it was delivered.’ Amy commented on the demand by parents to introduce applied maths as a choice of Leaving Certificate subject – this she did by offering it as an ‘extra’ subject outside of school time, employing a teacher privately. The small number of students who took up the offer to study applied maths did so, she noted, as they were high achievers in mathematics with the majority also studying physics. She commented: the parents were who contacted me were highly motivated for their daughter’s success. The tradition here had been to offer a wide variety of humanities but many of the parents considered that career paths were being cut off with the lack of attention to more science subjects . . . some of these girls want to study medicine and feel that applied maths gives them an extra shot at gaining high points in the leaving cert. Beyond the Classroom The principals in this study recognized that while some of the STEM staff reached out to their students by incorporating real-life examples in their classes, active methodologies and taking their classes on field study trips, others did not. Mark noted his focus on building strong communities of practice within his school to support teachers by using time allocations for meetings strategically, encouraging his staff to share resources and pedagogical practices and ensuring that any in-service attendance information was disseminated across all members of the STEM department. Mark’s planning and employ of operational opportunities for staff development were common across all the respondents’ responses. Amy, whose school trusteeship is shared by Mark, noted how parental focus on teaching informed some of her decision making when it came to supplementing classroom work. Broadening the scope of teaching and learning to incorporate extracurricular activities specifically designed to enhance student engagement in STEM, Emily noted; employed somebody this year and part of the discrete brief was ‘you’re doing the young scientist’. So, there is a time where you encourage, you bring along, and that’s what I do, but there’s a time where you’ve got to speed the process up and you’ve got to put things in place. 254

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While Dan observed you draw people in in order to try and work with you that’s usually important for the instructional side in classroom, and then outside the class it’s an ongoing continuous search for things that are affordable, manageable for us in our financial context, and that will give the students more opportunities. Extracurricular participation not only enhanced students’ skills and provided opportunities to see classroom theory enacted in practice, but it also made visible women who have expanded their careers within STEM fields, an advantage all the principals appreciated. All principals felt that they were proactive in responding to requests from both interior and exterior sources, to involve students in competitions, initiatives or visiting speaker events – fulfilling expectations from many sectors on female participation in STEM-related practices. The extracurricular engagements were crucial to expanding not just the window of opportunity to engage with STEM in the real world but also to bring young women into contact with women who have made STEM their professional fields despite a lack of paradigmatic representation. They also contributed to awakening awareness and interest in women who broke patriarchal hegemonies in generations gone by and who were eminent and incomparable scholars in their chosen spheres of study and research. Discussion and Conclusion This study is intended as the first of a four-part investigation which qualitatively seeks to ascertain the factors that contribute to young women’s reticence to pursue STEM-based careers – other than nursing, which has substantially more female applicants than male. The other three studies intend to capture the teachers’, students’ and parents’ viewpoints. The principals were keen to portray themselves as enthusiastic and committed proponents of careers in STEM and advocates for their students’ aspirations to fulfil their potential. Although a critical and empowered body, they are nevertheless but one element of the overall picture at post-primary level depicting the media by which government policy is enacted and delivered. Leadership for STEM education in the Republic of Ireland is seen as a critical part of principalship responsibilities. Lack of time was voiced as the single most likely inhibitor of a greater focus on teaching and learning. Research suggests that school leaders can be overwhelmed by the demands of the role (Cunneen and Harford 2015), contributing to an unintentional displacement of concentration on leadership for teaching and learning (Leithwood, Jantzi and Steinbach 2003). In 2018 the Irish Business and Employers Confederation noted that Ireland’s digital sector accounted for 13 per cent of GDP, prompting them to consider Education and Skills as one of four key pillars identified as crucial to continued success in the area. The Minister for Education and Skills had noted in 2017 that ‘we have set ourselves the ambition that Ireland will become the best education and training service in Europe by 2026’ (Richard Bruton T.D. Minister for Education and Skills, 27 November 2017). It is against this background and in keeping with generally held views and beliefs about government initiatives that prompted all the principals to be vociferous in their condemnation of the DES’s expectations around their ability to deliver well-resourced teaching and learning. Underfunding for teacher allocation, classroom equipment and appropriately designed buildings 255

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was how they justified any shortcomings they perceived existed on their part. In exploring the principals’ perspectives on how they envisage the extent and success of their support for STEM education among female students, this study exposes the significance of principals’ actions when they opt to validate or negate STEM participation in their schools. The principals interviewed felt that their own subject specialism, which lay outside the STEM arena, did not affect their ability to engage with oversight of teaching and learning in STEM. Yet if our female students are to successfully aspire to a career in an industry identified as crucial to our economic sustainability, then our educational leaders need to be financially enabled to put the necessary support structures in place to accommodate that goal; funding for staff continuous professional development that allows teachers to become confident and competent professionals in their subject areas is but one way of providing role models who demonstrate a passionate desire to educate young women to follow in their footsteps. Steinke’s (2005, 2007) studies of media influence on identity formation of young women which navigate them away from realistic and attainable career goals on STEM make all the clearer how important women teachers of STEM are for their female students. To meet the waves of discouragement head-on, female students need self-confidence and to feel that they are equal inhabitants of the STEM arenas (Boaler 2019; Good, Rattan and Dweck 2012). It was clear throughout the study that the principals were motivated to be altruistic in their exercise of instructional leadership for STEM with their female students. They felt that they sought and achieved ways of providing their students with opportunities to engage positively and proactively with STEM education in both formal and informal ways, especially if they knew that classroom instruction in the field was not as earnest or confident as was necessary to inspire their students. The focus on STEM education in an Irish context has further given a platform to those who seek to expose the gender imbalance that exists in this field. Whether it is role models, subject choice, confidence, a sense of belonging or extracurricular activities that ignite a passion for science and mathematics or another influential factor, our schools and those who lead them are charged with providing spaces and disrupting sociocultural norms to champion the young women in their care who aspire to a STEM career. Diversity opens minds to new and innovative ideas and practices.

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20 Women in Educational Leadership in Afghanistan, Costa Rica and Rwanda Reifying Sociocultural Capital Elizabeth C. Reilly

Women are messengers of peace. But, war is a tragedy, the mere existence of which, during the last four decades, has caused many losses to Afghan society. The continuous insecurity and hopelessness caused by war has led women from all ethnic and linguistic groups across Afghanistan to come together to unify their voices to demand peace. —Afghan Women’s Plan for Peace, 2019 In May 2020, in the midst of a global pandemic that threatened the lives of all of humanity, Zahra Muhammadi made the arduous and dangerous three-and-a-half-hour journey with her pregnant daughter-in-law, Zainab, from her home in Afghanistan’s Bamiyan province to Kabul, the capital (Hakimi 2020). She reckoned that Zainab giving birth in the Ataturk Children’s Hospital would ensure safety for her grandchild in a country where maternal mortality rates remain one of the highest in the world (World Health Organization 2019). Within four hours of Omed’s birth, Zahra’s newborn grandson lay dead, along with another infant and six new mothers – the victims of the endless terrorist attacks that rock the nation with maddening regularity and terrifying consequences. It is nearly 3,500 miles (over 5,600 kilometres) by air travel between Kabul and Kigali, but the challenges women face in Rwanda are daunting as well. While it is a great distance from South Asia to sub-Saharan East Africa, times of crisis place girls and women worldwide at greater risk. In April 2020, three women from a poor neighbourhood in Kigali, the capital, reported to journalists that soldiers who were enforcing the Covid-19 lockdown had raped them (Human Rights Watch 2020). While the Rwandan Defense Forces reported that it was investigating criminal misconduct of its soldiers, evidence mounted that girls and women were facing increased sexual- and other gender-based violence during the pandemic and either from fear or from direct intimidation were underreporting the crimes (Human Rights Watch 2020). In a nation barely twenty-five years past a genocide that left at least 800,000 Rwandans dead in 100 days, the threat to the media has re-emerged as it attempts to report the abuses of women.

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Although Costa Rica has long been considered an oasis of peace, prosperity and stability in a region of the world whose neighbour nations present grave and recurring political unrest, the Covid-19 pandemic has brought it to its knees, forcing it to seek the support of the International Monetary Fund to address its USD 40 billion debt crisis (Cuffe 2021). With diminished income equality and less trust in the government, Costa Rican citizens by the thousands protest frequently (Cuffe 2021). The nation’s women, therefore, have not escaped the worldwide phenomenon of economic recession coupled with a deadly pandemic, and the direct impact on their ability to work has been incalculable. Exacerbated by long-standing gender inequities, their livelihoods and, thus, the security of their families are in mortal danger (UN Women 2020). Across many time zones, three continents and three countries, by engaging with many languages, religions, classes or castes, and cultural contexts in an active war zone, a post-genocide society, and a nation struggling to support the human rights of asylum-seekers amidst a backdrop of male privilege and an undercurrent of xenophobia, since 2007, I have conducted investigations that seek to interrogate the progress, successes, and challenges that women in educational leadership face in the twenty-first century (McNae and Reilly 2018; Reilly 2009, 2011, 2013; Reilly and Bauer 2015). This chapter offers three principal lenses for viewing this work. First, to lay a foundation, I explicate an emerging theoretical perspective that seeks to adapt the construct of sociocultural capital to understand the unique intersection of gender and its impact on leading educational settings internationally. This perspective is grounded in the work of Bourdieu and Passeron (1990), which also aligns with some aspects of postcolonial feminist thinking from Africa, Asia, Europe and Latin America. I call it universal sociocultural capital, and I invite others to engage in a dialogue to address the dilemmas I discuss in constructing a workable theoretical approach. Second, I present selected experiences of women leaders in Afghanistan, Costa Rica and Rwanda that describe what they confront daily and the challenges their nations face in gaining congruence between espoused values, beliefs and policies with praxis regarding gender and women’s leadership in civil society. Third, I provide some analysis and discussion of the dominant themes that have emerged from my work with the women. I conclude with considerations for leaders and policymakers of civil society and education so as to authentically reify the importance of gender, career and leadership development for women globally. Significance to Understanding Women in Leadership Under optimum circumstances, my commitment to inviting women leaders to tell their stories about the progress, successes and challenges they face in their nations requires me to consider the ethical implications and whether their participation could pose more than minimal risk (Office for Human Research Protections). This is customary practice in the United States, where institutional investigators engaging with human subjects must receive approval from their Institutional Review Boards. My institution additionally requires adherence to another country’s approval processes for investigations with human subjects, which often increases the complexity of conducting research internationally in order to adhere to their requirements. In electing to conduct research in Afghanistan, Costa Rica and Rwanda, I faced varying degrees of additional considerations since one country is an active war zone and another a post-conflict country. The principal significance of this work has been and remains the opportunity to expand our understanding of women leaders’ experiences in countries that have had little to no empirical 258

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investigation documenting their progress, successes and challenges. What has driven my work since 2007 is the fundamental belief that women in leadership deserve to have their stories told so as to expand our understanding of gender, careers and leadership development with greater nuance that we presently possess. Because the optimum way to conduct this research is in person, I have elected to overcome all barriers to achieve this goal – even at risk to my own life. In response to the countless individuals who have asked if I am afraid for my safety, I have replied, ‘If not I, then who will tell the women’s stories?’ This has been my recurring assertion so that we might better understand and, thus, enact policies and praxis to improve women’s leadership in civil society worldwide. The significance of this work, then, and its contribution to the literature on women in leadership, is that the voices of women from nations that we previously have not heard are now a part of the record. From my review of the literature in all three countries and approval processes I completed to investigate in Rwanda, the studies in Afghanistan and Rwanda are landmark investigations. With Costa Rica, to this point, no study has highlighted women in leadership broadly or women, and particularly Afro-Costa Rican women, in educational leadership. Reifying Sociocultural Capital as a Construct for Understanding Women Leaders In seeking to understand the progress, successes and challenges of women leaders in countries as diverse as Afghanistan, Costa Rica and Rwanda, I faced the challenge of framing the theoretical underpinnings in a way that permits us to view their experiences and invite change critically without diluting their messages. My initial inclination was to establish a pan-feminist decolonial perspective that featured the thinking of Latinx, sub-Saharan African, South Asian epistemologists, explicating propositions common to all. Overarching issues in women’s experiences in all three countries are those related to gender. Feminist theories on their face seem most appropriate, yet a large body of literature worldwide suggests Western conceptions of feminism leave out the lived experiences of non-Western women whose roots are not Europe (Bhopal 2019; Chilisa and Ntseane 2010; Lugones 2010; Lumba and Lukose 2012; Velez and Tuana 2020). The problems that emerged as I considered the feminist approach were several. While AfroCosta Rican women’s experiences exemplify intersections of race and gender, thus inviting intersectionality theory as the lens, this is not the case with Afghan and Rwandan women (Thomas 2020). In my investigations with colleagues Kay Fuller and Pontso Moorosi, we have expanded our understanding of intersectionality theory by including the impact of apartheid, colonialism and slavery encompassed in the broader topic of systemic racism (Moorosi, Reilly and Fuller 2016; Moorosi, Fuller and Reilly 2018). Our work, however, examines the experiences of black women leaders in South Africa, the United Kingdom, and the United States, and while applicable and beneficial to a discussion of Afro-Costa Rican women, it is less so with Afghan and Rwandan women. There are more subtle-yet-significant issues related to class and tribal affiliation in Afghanistan and Rwanda that do not lend themselves to intersectionality constructs. For example, in Afghanistan, the ethnolinguistic tribes form a caste system, with the Pashtun at the top rung as the largest ethnic group, followed by Tajik, Hazara and an array of other minority tribes (Bruno 2008; Manchanda 2017). At the bottom rung are the nomadic Kuchis, who suffer extreme economic deprivation and persecution at the hands of other tribes and of the Afghan government 259

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(Rubin 2006). Thus, factoring in caste and class would be necessary considerations in addition to gender if I were to apply a feminist lens. In post-genocide Rwanda, it is illegal to identify with one’s tribal affiliation (Newbury 1998). ‘Rwanda First’ is how all Rwandans are required to describe themselves, based on the national strategy of peace and reconciliation (Hilker 2011; Kuperman 2000). Practically speaking, though, if someone were to disclose their entire family was slaughtered in the genocide, which Rwandans frequently told me, it is safe to assume that they were most likely Tutsi, the majority tribe that the minority tribe, the Hutus, killed. In all cases, Rwandans would frame their remarks as ‘before the Genocide’ or ‘after the Genocide’. This singular event is the crucible of those who lived. The impact of homogenization, though, is a glaring undercurrent that goes unspoken for the greater national goal of sustained peace. I therefore faced a dilemma in establishing theoretical underpinnings for considering the experiences of women leaders in these diverse countries. My solution was to back away from the binary argument embedded in gendered and feminist perspectives. By that I mean the classic view of a two-gendered world (Dess, Marecek and Bell 2018). Based on emerging recognition of individuals who embrace fluid and nonbinary views of gender, along with the voices of queer feminists globally, I have found myself a bit flummoxed as to how to be inclusive in a discussion with theories that impose a binary and assume a cis-gender perspective (Dess, Marecek and Bell 2018; Gopinath 2005). Power Dynamics In considering how to think about gender, career and leadership development for women in three very different sociocultural nation states, I chose to revisit Bourdieu and Passeron’s work (1990). Fundamental to their theory is this proposition: ‘Every power which manages to impose meanings and to impose them as legitimate by concealing the power relations which are the basis of its force, adds its own specifically symbolic force to those power relations’ (1990: 4). The issue of power – who has it and how it is being used to exert ongoing reproduction of the status quo – is central to their project. Bourdieu and Passeron invite us to analyse the impact of culture on the class system and on the relationship between action and social structure (1990). The impact and the relationship are indicators and the basis of class position. Cultural attitudes, preferences and behaviours are conceptualized as ‘tastes’ which are mobilized for social selection (1990). Bourdieu suggested that tastes vary with cultural and economic capital. Cultural phenomena then reproduce perpetually to maintain and perpetuate the status quo as legitimate (1990). Their analysis of education suggests how cultural agenda is based on power, and that culture is reproduced through education, affecting the entire social fabric (1990). Within any theoretical framework lie assumptions about the nature of being and of knowledge. Each has strengths to varying degrees and each has liabilities as well. One of the clear liabilities of framing my analysis using Bourdieu and Passeron is its origins as a critique and explication of how education reproduces culture and structures of power in France (Lakomski 1984). This cannot be swept aside. As a theory derived from Europe and through a lens that may not overtly explicate concerns with cultural diversity, systemic racism and the impact on girls and women, I recognize this opens the door for criticism and possible wholesale dismissal of my application. I therefore invite critique and dialogue regarding how to maximize the tenets of a theory that places 260

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fundamental human rights as a centrepiece and minimize its neglect of specific social justice problems that plague modern-day France as well as all other nation states. Universal Sociocultural Capital I acknowledge I am not the first scholar to revisit social reproduction theory and social capital theory. (See, for example, Bhattacharya 2017; Frederici 2019.) Numerous feminist theorists do include social reproduction and sociocultural considerations in their work for over thirty years (Frederici 2019; Laslett and Brenner 1989). I further recognize that this chapter will not unpack and resolve the many issues I bring forth. My solution to the gender conundrum that feminism may not address was to take a 30,000foot (9.144-kilometre) view. If we imagine feminist thought as the 20,000-foot view, what, then, is above that – the broadest way of viewing justice? I determined to examine the women’s experiences through the lens of fundamental human rights. These rights are memorialized in all three of the countries’ Constitutions and in the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which is the foundation of international human rights law (1948). The principle tenets of the Universal Declaration affirm that regardless of gender, age, ability, religion, race, ethnicity or religion, all individuals are free and deserving of rights (1948). In affirming the dignity and worth of all persons, the Universal Declaration therefore serves as the aspirations to which all should attend (1948). I therefore claim certain tenets of Bourdieu and Passeron’s work as relevant to the examination of women in leadership in Afghanistan, Costa Rica and Rwanda – namely, their conceptions of cultural reproduction and cultural capital (1990). I assert their precepts are memorialized in the Universal Declaration. I acknowledge their original project of examining cultural reproduction by paying attention to economic status and social class, cultural norms and education (Aschaffenburg and Maas 1997). I further acknowledge that cultural capital affects women’s experiences in civil society and thus I assume that through policy, cultural transformation and education, they can more readily partake in opportunities their nations can afford them (Aschaffenburg and Maas 1997; Bourdieu and Passeron 1990). Aschaffenburg and Maas describe cultural capital as ‘proficiency in and familiarity with dominant cultural codes and practices [that include] linguistic styles, aesthetic preferences, styles of interaction’ (1997: 573). I maintain these emerge through informal and formal education, which serves as the praxis, or realization of aspirational policies and cultural transformation. These concepts, therefore, instantiate universal human rights as both a means to an end and as the goal for women in leadership. They lead me to title this amalgam of perspectives, universal sociocultural capital. Leadership of Three Women in Three Countries I now turn to the stories of three women from three continents whose experiences warrant our focus. Their experiences may be viewed through the lens of universal sociocultural capital. I have had the privilege of interviewing dozens of women in Afghanistan, Costa Rica and Rwanda from 2007 to the present. Three of these courageous women leaders are Amina Muhammed (a pseudonym), a human rights activist based in Kabul, Afghanistan; Carmen Hutchinson Miller, a lecturer at Universidad de Costa Rica in San José, Costa Rica; and Jeannette Bayisenge, a senior lecturer at the University of Rwanda and the current Minister of Gender and Family Promotion for 261

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the Republic of Rwanda, located in Kigali, Rwanda. Through signed letters of informed consent, each has given me permission to use their actual names in presentations and publications, but out of an abundance of caution for her safety, I have provided a pseudonym for the Afghan leader and changed some identifying details. The women boldly challenge the status quo and work tirelessly for gender equality in their countries. I first provide some background context of the obstacles women in general face in choosing to participate in interviews in their countries. Then, I present vignettes about each of their lives. Context for Afghanistan, Costa Rica and Rwanda Studies In August 2021, Afghanistan fell to the Taliban, potentially reversing 20 years of progress for girls and women’s rights (Barr, 2021; Fischels, 2021). Afghanistan remains an active war zone and so the risk to my participants’ lives and mine was significant even when planning something as seemingly elementary as a place and a time to meet. One of my more sobering interviews was a focus group planned with women members of the Afghanistan National Assembly. On a tour of their parliament prior to the meeting, I noted a number of photographs and tiny Afghan flags scattered throughout the room. My guide responded that those were the desks of parliamentarians who had been assassinated while in office. In setting up the focus group, I had expected two or three women to attend. Over a dozen women filled the conference table to overflowing on my arrival. The contrast of the memorials to dead colleagues I had just viewed and this large group of women could not have been starker. I asked why the women would agree to a conversation on women in leadership with me. To a person they responded with the same moral imperative that has driven my work these many years. The constituents in their provinces elected them and they would represent them even to the point of death. Fear for their physical safety mattered less than ensuring the world understood that Afghan girls and women’s overall human security – access to education, health and justice – mattered more. Telling their stories was that essential. In Rwanda, the current sociopolitical environment was my key consideration when inviting participants to participate in my study. At present, this nation is in reconstruction and has been for nearly three decades since its genocide and civil war. The reconstruction of education occurs through national plans, and the country is not engaged in internal military conflicts that affect the daily lives of Rwandans. Nevertheless, individuals who are engaged in the rebuilding of education in Rwanda – ministers, professors, school leaders, teachers and even students – may endure heightened levels of stress. Even given the level of risk participants in this study face on a daily basis by having chosen to rebuild education in the nation, they reported to me that they did not face greater than minimal risk by consenting to an interview with me. While women leaders in Costa Rica do not face the same threat to life and limb as women in Afghanistan or, as in Rwanda, potential political fallout for expressing views the federal government may construe as critical, they do face possible censure, marginalization and shunning for speaking truth to power. The pilgrimage of refugees to its borders never ceases, and Costa Rica’s history with its indigenous people and those of Afro-Costa Rican heritage remains largely unaddressed. Although Costa Ricans of influence – artists, historians, journalists and human rights activists, for example – boldly proclaim the country’s structural racism and xenophobia, they recognize there is a long, largely uncharted path to accountability and reconciliation. 262

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Amina: Activism as Rent for Living on the Planet In 2011, reports began to emerge from Afghanistan alleging that the country’s shelters for women were nothing more than fronts for prostitution (Lawrence 2011). In a country where as many as 87 per cent of Afghan women suffer at least one form of physical, sexual or psychological abuse, the stories vilifying the shelters seemed outrageous (Lawrence 2011). Nevertheless, the allegations gained traction and resulted in possible national legislation that would have placed all shelters under the purview of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, a branch of the federal government ill equipped to oversee those precious-few safe havens. In what many would say was a bold challenge to the government, Amina Muhammed and the women of the Afghan Women’s Network (AWN) penned an open letter to President Karzai and the government, and sought the support of the international community up to the level of the United Nations. Their action resulted in a nearly immediate reversal of the plan with Karzai announcing the government had no intention of taking over the women’s shelters. Amina would be the first to say that she stands on the shoulders of great Afghan women, who for decades have championed women’s empowerment and engagement with Afghan civil society. I first met Amina, a champion of women’s rights, through another champion of human rights, former United Nations humanitarian worker, whistle-blower and bestselling author, Michael Soussan, in Kabul in 2011. She was then a leader with the AWN, a non-governmental agency established in 1995 during the Taliban’s fledgling efforts to gain control over the nation. Until August 2021, AWN has united under one umbrella well over 100 Afghan organizations committed to women’s rights (AWN 2014). AWN, then and until now, has focused on three, principal areas of advocacy for women: peace and security, political participation and leadership, and legal and social protection. With the collapse of the country into the Taliban’s hands, AWN’s fate is unknown at this moment, but given their history that far preceded their reign of terror prior to 2001, it is safe to assume the organization will survive. Strongly committed to women’s political participation, Amina’s particular concern that summer was ensuring the authentic engagement of women in the 2011 Bonn Conference, which would serve as Afghanistan’s second report to the international community of progress made since the fall of the Taliban in 2001. While that first conference focused on establishing a transitional government, developing a national Constitution and creating a permanent government, this conference ten years on would discuss transfer of power and role of the international community in security and aid. It would also feature a discussion of the Taliban’s role in reconciliation – a subject of understandable alarm and concern to women and one that the international community would not deign to entertain during the first Bonn Conference. Amina and the women of the dozens of non-governmental agencies focused on women’s affairs identified the conference as an opportunity to present a strongly articulated, unified message to the international community about women in Afghan civil society. In December 2011, with each member wearing a brilliant, emerald green hijab, one of the colours of the Afghan national flag, the delegation arrived in Bonn, presenting not only a visually united front but a policy paper outlining its demands of its government for the women of their country. The document, Afghan Women’s Declaration, represented the accomplishment and participation of over 500 women leaders from twenty provinces (Afghan Women’s Network 2011). Amina, featured prominently at that conference, continued her meteoric rise on the global stage in the years to follow, even sharing the dais with former US secretary of state Hillary Rodham Clinton at an event for Afghan civil society in Tokyo, Japan, in 2012. 263

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Another concern Amina raised with me when we first met was her own ongoing leadership development. She had only recently completed a bachelor’s degree in Pakistan and sought a graduate degree in a field suitable to support her work in advocating for women. In a country still rebuilding its entire education sector, a post-baccalaureate degree program in Afghanistan was unlikely, and both she and I understood this. In her quest to advance herself, Amina applied for and was selected through a rigorous competitive process to receive the Chevening Scholarship from the United Kingdom Foreign Office. She subsequently completed a Master’s in Law and Legislation (LLM) in International Human Rights Law and Practice at the University of York. Back in Kabul in 2012, Amina continued her work on behalf of Afghanistan’s women, deepening and broadening her efforts on women’s rights. From mid-2014 through mid-2018, she continued her work of empowering girls and women by founding an organization in Kabul focused on increasing their engagement in leadership, human rights and other empowerment issues. Amina has made clear the challenges anyone faces in conducting this work. About two fellow human rights activists who had been arrested, she asserted, ‘While in custody of the National Directorate for Security, they are at risk of torture and other ill-treatment. Rather than punishing them for speaking out against . . . horrific crimes, the authorities should praise them for their work and hold the suspected perpetrators accountable through fair trials and without recourse to the death penalty’ (Amnesty International 2019: 4). Since mid-2018, she has served in a leadership role representing South Asia with Amnesty International, expanding her voice on the global stage. Although she travels extensively, advocating for the rights of Afghan women, Amina says that vigilance remains her top priority. New issues emerge continually that threaten the rights of women in Afghanistan and paying close attention to the nuances of civil society requires persistence on the part of other women leaders and herself. High-profile women such as she remain targets of the Taliban, whose leaders do not accept women in public advocacy and leadership (Gul 2021). In Kabul in January 2021, two female Supreme Court justices were assassinated and another seriously wounded in broad daylight on their way to work (Gul 2021). It is, maddeningly, commonplace. The affronts to human rights are relentless, but Amina says that what is most challenging for her is not the continual lobbying and countless hours of work, but rather the criticism from some sectors that she has somehow become part of the elite – an Afghan woman who has eschewed her cultural and religious heritage – a woman who does not know her place, which is properly in the home. She understands that those who hold this view are attempting to galvanize their own power and render her work illegitimate, but the attacks can take their toll. Of the international community, she remarked, ‘They have long paid tribute to the bravery of Afghan human rights defenders but failed to back up those words with action. They must now recognize their achievements, effectively support them, and press the Afghan government to respect, protect and support human rights defenders’ (Amnesty International 2019: 8). The time is long overdue for her nation to legitimize her efforts. Nevertheless, what buoys Amina’s spirits is the question, ‘If not I, then who?’ Who will take up this work if she stands down? What also provides her with sustenance is the support of a strong family who have given her the same opportunities as her brothers – a mother and father who raised her to believe that she could accomplish anything she wished and who support every endeavour she undertakes. 264

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Still, the work is exhausting. Amina says, ‘I often look around a room of fellow women’s rights activists and marvel that so few individuals can take on the President of the nation, the Parliament, the many Ministries, and a retinue of warlords, and make a difference.’ She recognizes that this work is sometimes boldly revolutionary. The challenges, however, are how to mentor and develop the next generation of women’s rights activists and how to include men in the work. While men-as-feminists remains a tiny, nascent movement in Afghanistan, it has not bypassed the attention of the women of AWN. In a country where for decades men have shaped social policy affecting women and have excluded the very individuals whom these policies have affected – often with dire consequences – she asks reflectively, ‘Can all men be feminists?’ With the unknown impact of the Taliban once again in power, men who are feminists, advocates, and allies for women will surely be put to the test. In spite of the legion of challenges Amina faces in her work, though, what keeps her focused is her love for her country. While decades of war have given an ugly face to Afghanistan, she knows it is a beautiful nation with a remarkable heritage that warrants her devotion. American writer Alice Walker reminds her of why the work is so important: ‘Activism is my rent for living on the planet. Whatever I am today is because I am an Afghan.’ This is her way of repaying the country: holding fast to the courage it takes to speak on behalf of women’s rights. Carmen: Whitening Is Not the Hallmark of Civilization As an Afro-Costa Rican woman, historian and scholar, Carmen researches Afro-Costa Rican history and identity. She says she ‘has lived many lives’. Prior to becoming an academic, she was involved in grassroots organizations and served as a church pastor. On entering higher education more formally, she taught in the West Indies and worked at a gender equity centre in Barbados while pursuing her PhD In late 2013, she returned to Costa Rica and has found it challenging to move into higher education full-time because the country has many educationally qualified individuals. She presently serves as a full-time lecturer – a position that may lead to a permanent role. Carmen suggests that internalizing systemic racism has become the norm for her experiences. ‘In every aspect of my life I have to work so hard to demonstrate that I have a brain – and that is the reason why I have so many degrees,’ she laments. She knows she is smart, but even with multiple degrees and being the most highly qualified among her peers, as an Afro-Costa Rican woman, she finds it is still not enough when compared to white Costa Ricans – most of whom do not hold the PhD degree. Oddly, one of the most powerful individuals in her unit is the dean’s secretary, who does not hold college degrees and is a white female. She maintains the status quo of recommending lower-qualified white faculty because, for reasons unknown, she holds sway over the white male dean, who relies on her counsel. In other words, there is a lack of congruence between the stated goal of hiring professors with PhD degrees and the reality. One recent example of micro-aggression from the secretary occurred when Carmen presented a research proposal she developed at the behest of the dean. Following Carmen’s talk, the secretary commented, ‘Oh my goodness! That is the way you teach? You’ve grabbed my attention.’ In Carmen’s mind, the subtext was unmistakable: this staff member who wielded so much power clearly saw her as inferior. She did not expect Carmen to be both competent and confident. This ‘subtle racism’, as Carmen characterizes it, was later affirmed when her proposal was denied and she was afforded no opportunity to amend their concerns and gain approval on the proposal. The illogical, behind-the-scenes commentary about the reason for the denial was that Carmen 265

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had written the proposal so as to assure herself a place in the department, as if scholarship and seeking promotion are incongruent goals for a professor. ‘It’s not my first rodeo’, Carmen quips dryly, when sharing the story of the research proposal debacle. She notes she did call out the secretary on the story she was telling others, but did not have the professional courtesy to tell Carmen directly. The secretary obfuscated and refused to admit to what she had said and done. Carmen believes that the individuals with whom she works perpetuate the patriarchy and the submission of women by feeling somehow threatened by her credentials. Second, as a woman of colour, she elects to research Black people, remains unapologetic about it, but then she faces discrimination for her scholarly focus. She does feel that racial politics are front and centre, but can gain no traction with her dean and others in facing these issues directly. Carmen explains, ‘The idea of patriarchy is that we are taking up a space in which we do not belong, but we are a part of this world and we have a right to be here.’ She believes that we must continue the struggle to be discerning about the ways in which the patriarchy manifests itself. Being Afro-Costa Rican presents a double intersection of discrimination that she must continue to challenge. As a woman who is part of a culture that diminishes her solely because she is female, it would be enough to overcome that challenge alone. But as part of a society whose preference it is to identify with its former colonizer, Spain, she understands that to be Black is to fight racism as well. Carmen is in the fight, though. She is committed to dismantling racial and gender discrimination ‘until I die’. Jeannette: My Husband Is Not My Diploma Jeannette dreamed of becoming an academic at a young age. She lost her father in primary school and her grandparents raised her. They pushed her hard to achieve academically, and she was not spoiled in the least. She has worked at University of Rwanda for fifteen years, where she first completed an undergraduate degree in social work and was immediate recruited as an assistant lecturer. She holds a master’s degree in development from South Korea with a focus on women. In 2010, she completed her PhD in Sweden at University of Gothenburg in social work – again focusing on women’s access to Rwandan’s reforms such as inheriting land. Prior to the reforms, women were not permitted to inherit land from their parents and she wanted to understand their reactions to the reform where now they could inherit 50 per cent of the family land. At University of Rwanda, Jeannette was first affiliated with the School of Social, Political, and Administrative Sciences and she was transferred to the Center for Gender Studies because of her background in gender and women’s rights where she was appointed to a high-level leadership role. She also has served as chair of one of three district councils in the city of Kigali. Today, she serves as Minister of Gender and Family Promotion for the federal government. Even so, in seeking promotion at the university, she still must keep up with her teaching and scholarship. She obtained a postdoctoral appointment so she might be competitive to receive a promotion above senior lecturer, her present rank. Jeannette’s recent postdoctoral work focused on children’s rights. She writes, Despite these steps towards inclusion [where Rwanda now ranks fifth in the Global Gender Gap Index], girls with disabilities, who already grapple with social structures that put them at 266

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a disadvantage, continue to struggle against male domination in schools . . . [so they respond], by either directly and assertively confronting it, or by using more subtle tactics. In doing so, they challenge domination and stereotypes and affirm their capacity for leadership in a maledominated setting. (Bayisenge 2018) She is committed to her work with girls and women, with particular focus on those with disabilities. Jeannette says that generally speaking, women still face challenges not only in Rwanda but also worldwide, yet she does not shirk from discussing the reality of her country’s circumstance. At the University of Rwanda, the number of women professors is significantly lower than men, with only one tenured full professor through 2018 – and that woman was American, not Rwandan. Jeannette is one of few senior lecturers, even with her recent, significant government appointment as a minister. With the number of female university students stands at 33 per cent, Jeannette asserts, ‘We can’t expect to have more women in higher education decision making positions if we continue to have so few women university students.’ In 2019, however, there were some signs of improvement for women academics. Two women achieved the rank of associate professor and, for the first time, a Rwandan woman achieved the rank of professor in the College of Medicine. A second challenge Jeannette cites is balancing professional responsibilities with the family responsibilities. If you are employed, you must attend professional meetings and engage in committee work, as must a man, but for women with children, she has the principal responsibility for them as well. On the one hand, the university has a goal of gender parity in committee representation and in bringing women’s voices to the work, which is laudable, but the downside of having a voice is the disproportionate amount of service to the profession since there are far fewer of them as compare to male academics. Responsibility for the children and increased demands on time apart from scholarly endeavours affect women professors’ advancement prospects. Jeannette is a rarity among Rwandan women, though. She achieved academic credentials from three continents while pregnant and raising children. She has gained a professional status that suggests more leadership to come. She states that commitment to goals and dreams is paramount. ‘It used to be said that the diploma of the woman is the husband.’ It is all about the Rwandan culture, she says. The way they were raised and what society expects of them affect their dreams. Jeannette proclaims, ‘Some women still think if they have a good husband, they will be fine – they’ll survive. They forget they are capable of something. This is why we have to prepare girls at an early age and tell them they can accomplish a great deal without the husband.’ Third, for a woman to progress, she must have a conducive environment – an understanding family and husband. Note there is an assumption of marriage and children in Rwandan culture. Jeannette says, My husband took care of our first born and this allowed me to go to South Korea to achieve the master’s degree. I then started my Ph.D. when I was pregnant again, and I knew I should go to Sweden. I knew no one there, but I had gotten a scholarship and I went there and studied. When I started, there was no support, but in the middle of the process, the university started a program for female scholars to try to help women. 267

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In addition to her family, she felt her country supported her academic achievements. Jeannette is able to cite several successes women leaders in Rwanda are experiencing. ‘When you prove to the public that you are capable, they encourage you,’ she notes. She cites the number of women parliamentarians – a statistic unbeaten worldwide. She concludes that women leaders serve as role models for young girls. ‘We appreciate you,’ young girls tell her frequently, and she sheds tears as she realizes how important her role as a woman leader is to Rwanda’s future. The Winding Road to Equality The road to women’s equality in Afghanistan, Costa Rica and Rwanda remains challenging on many levels and for similar reasons, although those reasons are best viewed as a continuum of challenges rather than distinct differences. Recently, Afghan women leaders produced a document, Afghan Women National Consensus for Peace (2019) – a joint project of the Office of the First Lady of Afghanistan, women members of the Afghanistan High Peace Council, the federal Ministry of Women’s Affairs, the AWN and other social activists. It was born of frightening and dangerous in-person consultations across Afghanistan’s thirty-four provinces and included the voices of 15,000 women (Afghan Women National Consensus for Peace 2019). Every occasion that Afghan women leaders place themselves in the public eye brings the possibility of death. If Costa Rican women were to undertake a similar endeavour, which they did from the early 1990s forward, they would not face the prospect of suicide bombers and improvised explosive devices threatening their efforts, but they do face cultural pressure regarding women’s place in civil society, and in the end, not as small amount of national ennui in their efforts to implement change (Leitinger 1997). Rwandan women have likewise engaged in social action. While the country does not experience the level of violence Afghanistan does, it does face principally covert challenges from Paul Kagame’s now threeterm presidency to human rights reforms, freedom of the press, free and fair elections, and ongoing peace and reconciliation efforts related to the genocide (Human Rights Watch 2019; Mudge 2019). Several important issues warrant highlighting as women seek greater protection and agency in their nations. The first is the role of the nation state in memorializing and enacting policies of gender equity and women’s rights. The second is how civil society approaches transforming cultural traditions regarding what it means to be a girl or woman in the twentyfirst century. The third is how education supports or inhibits these rights, serving as the cornerstone of praxis for enacting successful policymaking and meaningful sociocultural transformation. Coming full circle to my earlier discussion of Bourdieu and Passeron, their assertions about social reproduction and sociocultural capital can serve as instantiation for addressing the three issues of policymaking, cultural transformation and educational equity and opportunity. I believe that by continuing to test universal sociocultural capital precepts viewed through the lens of human rights permits us to address the issues that feminism may ignore. We need to continue to reconceptualize feminism more broadly and inclusively, and to include the counterpoint of masculinity and the fluidity of gender and nonbinary, as well as all LGBTQ considerations. This project, however, is emerging and requires the voices of many.

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Memorializing and Enacting Gender Equity Now, more than ever, to address gender equity alongside the worldwide health, economic and environmental pandemics, it will require our global village to recommit to fundamental human rights. State policies of gender equity as espoused and enshrined in their Constitutions and national laws are similar among Afghanistan, Costa Rica and Rwanda. On its face, this might seem surprising. Afghanistan remains an active war zone since the US invasion in 2001 and with the Taliban takeover in August 2021, gender equity remains as precarious as it has been for decades. Costa Rica is considered a developed country by international standards and enjoys peace amidst more intemperate neighbours. Rwanda is less than thirty years past its genocide, where an estimated 800,000 human lives perished in approximately 100 days (Verpoorten 2020). Even with these vast differences, the countries’ engagement with the world requires commitments to human rights and, while not mandatory, the highly desirable signatory status with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (United Nations 2019). Thus, the benefit of gender equity memorialized in these ways permits activists, feminists and those seeking gender equity leverage for their work. In addition, nation states must engage in inclusive, strategic, sustainable, international partnerships where many voices increase likelihood of authentic engagement towards goals and decrease the likelihood of regression into more oppressive policies and practices. This builds even greater accountability and visibility for commitments. Even when policies at the mezzo- and micro-levels are incongruent with the federal protections, at least they exist and provide a starting point for dialogue and with hope, authentic change and praxis. Transforming Culture Unfortunately, one of the greatest obstacles to gender equity in all three countries is sociocultural: the role of women historically in civil society and the accepted roles they may play – or are permitted to play – in leadership. In the case of all three, authentic work on gender equity began in the late 1990s and has continued through the present time, suggesting that the countries are in the nascent stages of addressing the subaltern role of women in civil society broadly and of women in leadership specifically. The 1970s Afghanistan, where women wore short skirts and went to discos, bears no resemblance to 2021 Afghanistan, where women are still conservatively attired and covered with hijab in public and in burqas in now many parts of the country once again. As more and more conservative elements of Islam took hold, particularly during the years prior to 2001, when the Taliban were in power, women’s rights eroded dramatically and drastically. Two decades later, progress is still mercilessly glacial. The Afghan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU) report of 2014 characterized women as ‘secondary citizens, always one of four: someone’s daughter, sister, wife, or mother’ (Nijat, 1). One of the key issues is whether there is the will of the people that women achieve emancipation. In 2020, peace talks with the Taliban made women’s rights negotiable once again, and the few women ministers at the federal level were removed (Allen and Felbab-Brown 2020). As of August 2021, Afghanistan faces an uncertain future as the Taliban once again took control of the country (Engel Rasmussen, 2021). Feminism in Costa Rican enjoys a lengthy, documented history. Women achieved suffrage in 1949, but the struggle for igualdad real – true equality, coalesced between 1989 and 1990 with a bill that passed the Costa Rican Legislative Assembly titled ‘Bill for Women’s True Equality’ 269

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(Montero 1997). Costa Rican culture is patriarchal and is characterized by males as dominators and females as victims (Mendez 1997). A domineering male, or machista, exerts power over the females in the family. At its most benign, girls grow up in a culture that supports a stereotype of males as strong, competitive and powerful. At its worst, girls are subjected to incestuous sexual abuse with their fathers, which has been documented extensively since the 1980s (Mendez 1997). Unquestionably, these dark, cultural proclivities violating girls’ rights cannot remain unaddressed. Rwanda’s embrace of women’s rights occurred post-genocide from 1994 and remains a prominent aspect of governmental policy in the present day (Warner 2016; Republic of Rwanda 2017). Congruence of policy and practice, though, remains elusive (Behnke 2019). I was in Rwanda in 2017 when businesswoman and politician Diane Rwigara challenged Paul Kagame in the presidential election. The national electoral commission did not accept her candidacy, accusing her of forging the required signatures, of tax evasion and of calling for an overthrow of the government. She was arrested and, although later acquitted, her challenge to Kagame was permanently destroyed while he enjoys his third, seven-year term. Numerous international agencies continue to document the uneven progress with gender equity specifically and with overall human rights broadly (Human Rights Watch 2019; US Department of State 2019). In summary, while communitarianism remains a value central to each of these countries, and I provide no counterpoint argument to suggest it should not remain woven in the fabric of civil society, the nations likewise have a moral imperative to establish individual agency as a foundational principle in and a fundamental application of public policy and civil discourse. Re-imagine feminism and masculinity through a postcolonial lens. Confront the intersection of race, caste or tribe, and gender. Include women of colour, indigenous women, women with disabilities and LGBTQ persons. Education as the Best Hope and Path Forward In the best of circumstances prior to the international health pandemic, the world was experiencing an all-time decline in poverty. The gains in poverty eradication, more education for girls and greater equity for women have been demolished since 2020 (UN Women 2020). Vast, increased global poverty looms well into the 2030s (UN Women 2020). Women and girls will suffer the brunt of the fallout, where it is calculated at least eleven million girls will leave school by the end of the pandemic, and forty-seven million more girls and women will plummet into extreme poverty by the end of 2021 (UN Women 2020). When girls are not educated and women under- or unemployed, all of civil society suffers (UNICEF 2020). Moving forward, leadership that embraces and recommits to the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development remains the best hope for each of these nations to weather and rebound from the economic and public health devastation that will remain post-pandemic (United Nations 2019). Among the seventeen goals, two are particularly relevant. Sustainable Development Goal 4, Education, and Goal 5, Gender Equity, directly address all three concerns I have outlined: policies that foster justice for all, necessary cultural shifts and education (United Nations 2019). Goal 4, Education, focuses on equitable and inclusive education of high quality that promotes lifelong learning (United Nations 2019). Goal 5, Gender Equity, emphasizes empowerment of all girls and women (United Nations 2019). If culture is reproduced through 270

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education, then to directly address the sociocultural capital of girls and women, we must commit to education. It is the means by which girls and women attain authentic cultural capital. On the Horizon If we take a step back to look at the broader profile of the literature on gender and educational leadership, I note that up to around 2007, scholars who researched women in educational leadership were primarily resigned to a chapter in the broader consideration of educational leadership issues – compendia that principally men edited and contributed to – or to an article in a journal on educational administration broadly. (See, for example, Coleman 2003; Cubillo and Brown 2003.) Since then, however, we have contributed to establishing the recognition of gender and educational leadership as a field warranting its own deeper focus, with growing attention and increased empirical examination solely about that topic. (See, for example, among many, Grogan and Shakeshaft 2011; McNae and Reilly 2018; Reilly and Bauer 2015; Sobehart 2009.) By about 2007, even the handbooks with broad topics on educational leadership included a larger representation and greater balance of topics related to women in education leadership. (See, for example, Lumby and Coleman 2007; Lumby and Coleman 2017; Miller 2017.) None of this is to say that scholars such as I should solely foster a niche market for our work. Rather, we should continue to bring out work to the global stage in many contexts, while celebrating and recognizing that we have enacted and established an important awareness of its critical place in civil society. The volume housing this chapter is another in a series of stepping stones leading to the horizon of new prospects for not only explication of the issues that women face in leading but of a broad range of solutions that many countries are enacting. Let us continue to move the conversation and the praxis forward. From a Single Heart Blooms Many Immaculée Ilibagiz, Rwandan author and activist whose family was decimated during the genocide, forgave the man who committed the atrocities. He also tried to kill her but was unsuccessful. In meeting him, she said she had nothing left to give but her forgiveness. Later recounting this story, she wrote, ‘The love of a single heart can make a world of difference’ (2007: 210). During the first rule of the Taliban, whose warlords confiscated the school for girls in which Hadisa Miokhail taught, she secretly continued to educate the girls, knowing that the penalty for doing so, if found out, would be public stoning in Kabul’s soccer stadium. Unable to leave home without a male escort, her father, who likewise understood the gravity of the risks, joined in her crime and shuttled the children to her home. Although her school’s future once again hangs in the balance, she will continue to support girls’ education at risk to her very life. Every day, Isabella Vargas works with refugees, acknowledging that one of Costa Rica’s principal challenges is helping people confront their xenophobia – a significant issue in a country that both embraces and repels ‘the other’. Through her tireless efforts and with the support of many, she has helped over one million refugees gain housing. Immaculée, Hadisa and Isabella’s commitment to their countries’ futures mirrors those of Carmen, Jeannette and Amina. These women’s stories inspire us and invite us to join the many hearts committed to making a difference in a world much in need of forgiveness, healing and, most importantly, resolve to lighten burdens and forge new paths of equity.

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21 Women of Colour Creating Careers as Superintendents of US School Districts Angel Miles Nash and Margaret Grogan

Introduction Supreme Court justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg died on 18 September 2020, two days before we completed this chapter. One of the most inspirational leaders of our time, she devoted her considerable intellectual strengths and legal expertise to furthering the goal of the emancipation of women. Among her many accomplishments, one stands out as we reflect on the focus of our chapter: she legitimized the quest for gender equality in the workplace. While her work is unfinished, for the past fifty years, she has been the determined face of this goal becoming a household name as a result of her courageous labour. She symbolizes freedom, equality and justice for all. Her death has come just as the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement has become a household name, urging the recognition and eradication of ingrained and structural racism in the United States and across the globe. The recent and ongoing protests against the murder and dehumanizing treatment of Black and non-white individuals by police and other agents of the state have prompted widespread scrutiny of discrimination and racialized behaviour. As the BLM tribute to the notorious RBG states: ‘Even to the end of her life, she remained committed to our mantra: that none of us are free, until we are all free’ (https​:/​/bl​​ackli​​vesma​​tter.​​com​/s​​tatem​​ent​-o​​n​ -the​​-deat​​h​-of-​​us​-su​​preme​​-cour​​t​-jus​​tice-​​​ruth-​​bader​​-gins​​burg/​).   In this spirit, we seize on the importance of RBG’s legacy to continue the journey towards full gender equality by writing about women of colour currently serving as superintendents of US districts. The BLM movement provides a powerful backdrop to our discussion as we create a profile of the forty-three women of colour superintendents who participated in the most recent Association of American School Administrators Decennial Survey 2020. The survey does not allow for the kinds of stories or anecdotes that are generated by qualitative research, but the data, for the first time in the history of the AASA Decennial Surveys, have been disaggregated by gender and race/ethnicity. Thus, we gain some highly valuable insights into the context of women leading education today. In the United States, the superintendent of schools has the most powerful position in education and, as Hillary Rodham Clinton argues, ‘Women’s rights are human rights. But rights are nothing without the power to claim them’ (2020: 17).

Women of Colour Creating Careers

Endeavouring to take an asset-based approach to unpacking the experiences of women serving in the superintendency, we use an intersectional lens to investigate the following research questions for this chapter. What are the characteristics of schools that women of colour serve in the superintendency? What are the priorities of women of colour in the superintendency? What are the educational experiences and professional pathways of women of colour in the superintendency?  We situate our analysis of a selection of the responses to the seventy-four questions on the survey in the themes found in the research on African American and black women, Latinas, Asian American and Pacific Island, and indigenous women in US educational leadership.1 Some aspects of these themes pertain to many women who do not identify as white, but there are cultural, regional, ethnic and race differences that make each of these populations unique. One of our major challenges is that there is very little research to draw upon, particularly of Asian American (not a monolithic group) or of Pacific Island women or of indigenous women serving as leaders in our schools. Clearly, this work has not been considered a priority in the past, and we acknowledge, even though research on white women educational leaders becomes more available, that our understanding of women of colour in educational leadership is severely limited. Major themes found in the research include historicity, intersectionality of gender and race, and counter-stories and narratives of lived experiences. First, we review the literature under these headings to provide the context of entry into and experiences of leading in education at the PreK– 12 level. Then we report relevant data from the survey to create a profile of the forty-three women of colour superintendents. Women of colour are defined as those who identify as Native American or Native Alaskan, Asian, Black or African American, Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander, Hispanic/Latinx, and Other. We describe what we have learned about these women through the details of the disaggregated responses. In so doing we create a picture of the superintendents on their own terms – not in comparison to the white superintendents (men or women) who make up the overwhelming majority of superintendents in the United States today.2 Our purpose in providing this detailed snapshot is to document the presence of the African American women superintendents, Latina superintendents, Asian/Pacific Island women superintendents and Native American women superintendents. Although the category of women of colour is inadequate, we hope to shine a light on non-majority women’s responses to this national survey that has provided demographic information on superintendents and regular updates on the conditions of their current practice for almost 100 years (Kowalski et al. 2011). Our hope is that women leading education and those aspiring to leadership who do not identify as white will be encouraged by knowing that there are women like themselves blazing trails and serving a wide variety of communities across the country. We conclude with some recommendations for leadership preparation programmes and professional administrator organizations to help increase the numbers of women of colour in the superintendency of the future. Themes Historicity The importance of historicity to help lay the contextual foundation for women of colour superintendents cannot be underestimated. Drawing on research in the United States focused

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specifically on women of colour in PreK–12 educational leadership (Alston 2005, 2002, 2000; Angel, Killacky and Johnson 2013; Avalos and Salgado 2016; Bass 2012; Beard 2012; Brunner 2003; Enomoto, Gardiner and Grogan 2000; Grogan 2000; Horsford and Tillman 2012; Horsford 2012; Jackson 1999; Jean-Marie 2005; Kalbus 2000; Liang and Peters-Hawkins 2017; Loder-Jackson 2009; Lomotey 2019; Martinez, Rivera and Marquez 2020; Martinez et al. 2016; Mendez-Morse 2000, 2004; Mendez-Morse et al. 2015; Murtadha-Watts 2000; Nozaki 2000; Ortiz 2000, 2001; Peters 2012; Peyton-Caire 2000; Reed 2012; Simms 2000; Tallerico 2000), we learn that each woman principal, assistant principal and/or central office administrator situates herself and/or is situated by others within a history that is not primarily associated with leadership as it is documented in our educational leadership textbooks and other resources. Additional insights, gained from those researching and writing about elementary and secondary school leaders of colour in the United States, both men and women (Amiot, Mayer-Glenn and Parker 2020; Benham and Murakami-Ramalho 2010; Cuevas 2016; Horsford 2010; Hunter and Donahoo 2005; Khalifa et al. 2018; Murakami et al. 2016; Murtadha and Watts 2005; Nino et al. 2017; Peterson and Vergara 2016; Robicheau and Krull 2016; Rodela, Rodriguez-Mojica and Cochrun 2019; Rodela and Rodriguez-Mojica 2019; Santamaría 2013; Simmons 2005; Tallerico 1999; Taylor and Tillman 2009; Tillman 2004; Young and De La Torre 2006), reveal the extent to which our leadership discourses in education have normed only the white majoritarian experiences. Without being able to do justice to the full stories of African Americans, Latinx, Asian Americans, Pacific Islanders, Native Americans or of any of the subgroups that have been subsumed into those terms, we report what researchers have attended to within the field of educational leadership – as scant as the research is (Jackson 1999; Liang and Peters-Hawkins 2017; Lomotey 2019; Mendez-Morse 2000; Simmons 2005). Some examples provide a glimpse into the enormity of this absence and erasure of the historical situatedness of people of colour in the United States. The early history of Asians in the United States includes exclusionary laws that targeted Asian women and denied their admission into this country (Liang and Peters-Hawkins 2017). Only after GIs returned with war brides did the numbers increase substantially. Not only was it illegal to educate African Americans in the United States until the twentieth century (Alston 2005; Simmons 2005), but desegregation laws following Brown vs the Board of Education in 1954 also robbed African American teachers and administrators of their positions in many parts of the country (Alston 2005; Horsford 2010, Tillman 2004). This was a double loss – to the individuals themselves who could no longer lead education in the newly integrated schools, and to the African American students and families who benefited greatly from the high expectations those teachers and administrators held in the segregated schools. As Barbara Jackson (1999) noted, ‘The black teachers . . . were very proud of their work. And they wanted you to make them very proud of you because they didn’t want to damage the race’ (p. 151). Like the many African American women who established schools for blacks before Brown vs the Board of Education, Latinas founded schools for Mexican American children in South Central Texas who were excluded from public schools (Mendez-Morse et al. 2015). Both African American women and Latinas were instrumental in leading education in spheres that did not garner them a place in the leadership textbooks. In 1911 Jovita Idar founded La Liga Femenil Mexicanista (The League of Mexican Women Feminists) advocating for girls and all children in poverty (Mendez-Morse 2000). Idar and a number of other Hispanic/Latina public 274

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figures serve as inspirations and role models for many Latinas working as school and district leaders today. Particularly important for Latinas in leadership and those aspiring to powerful roles like the superintendent of schools is to find prominent examples of Hispanic/Latina leaders dismantling insidious cultural/racial stereotypes associated with women of colour (Mendez-Morse et al. 2015). A largely forgotten group of African American women educators called Jeanes Supervisors paved the way for African American women superintendents (Alston and Jones 2002). Founder of the Negro Rural School Fund in 1907, Anna T. Jeanes provided the means for African American master teachers to strengthen schools in the rural South. The majority of these Jeanes Supervisors were women whose responsibilities and expertise rendered them de facto superintendents of schools assisting white male superintendents with administrative and instructional duties in African American communities (Alston and Jones 2002). Since women of colour were rarely publicly heralded figures associated with leadership roles in the past, it is little wonder that the numbers of women of colour in the superintendency are extremely low today. The white decision-makers who have had the most power to appoint principals and central office administrators have not readily associated leadership with women of colour – because of negative stereotypes and because of narratives that do not fit the white, male norm.  Intersection of Gender and Race Kimberlé Crenshaw’s (1989, 1991) theory of intersectionality frames a number of research studies illuminating the various ways in which race and gender shape the lived experiences of women of colour in leadership. For instance, stereotypes associated with both race/ethnicity and gender position Latinas as administrators of bilingual programmes instead of school principals, particularly in regions where Latinx communities are in the minority (Rodela et al. 2019). In many schools Asian Americans are pigeonholed as experts in educational technology and/ or placed in charge of dual immersion programmes (Liang and Peters-Hawkins 2017). Asian American women are thought to be hard workers and because technology is ‘in . . . Asian blood’ (p. 53), some teachers are able to access a leadership role (Liang and Peters-Hawkins 2017). Jackson (1999) observed that African American women in power are seen as anomalous: ‘They expect us to be bodacious, beautiful but not arrogant’ (p. 153).  Pathways to leadership for many women of colour are often happenstance. Traditionally, Asian American women are not encouraged to promote their own talents and abilities so many simply accept positions of responsibility instead of seeking them (Liang and Peters-Hawkins 2017). Mentoring opportunities have been few for most women of colour teachers who have not had role models in their own schools (Enomoto et al. 2000; Mendez-Morse 2004; Martinez et al. 2016). Many Latina educational leaders speak of the lack of formal mentorship, and the absence of networking opportunities combined with direct experiences of racism and sexism as they seek preparation to enter administration and, once in the position, to lead effectively with professional leadership development (Rodela et al. 2019; Peters 2012). All of these factors lead to a limited trust in the systems designed to advance leaders in education. Marginalized career aspirations and exclusion from traditional avenues of advancement exact a huge emotional, mental and physical toll on many women of colour. ‘The cumulative effect of racial microagressions pointed to various forms of personal anguish, distress and exhaustion’ (Robicheau and Krull 2016: 36). 275

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Given these circumstances, women of colour often construct mentoring experiences by reaching out to personal connections in the business community, arts circles, churches and family members (Angel et al. 2013; Enomoto et al. 2000; Martinez et al. 2016; Mendez-Morse 2004; Mendez-Morse et al. 2015). Traditionally, teachers have been mentored along career paths to the superintendency that have included time as assistant principal, principal, central office administrator and/or deputy or assistant superintendent (Robinson et al. 2017). While there have always been routes to this position that do not follow this traditional path, the majoritarian experience establishes a normative vision of leadership practice and pathways (Brunner 2003; Rodela et al. 2019). Thus, mentoring women of colour is especially critical. Angel et al.’s (2013) study found that because of persuasive beliefs that African American women lack the knowledge and skills to lead districts, none of the participants ‘had been invited or encouraged to apply for the superintendency by persons in positions of authority’ (p. 608). The intersection of race and gender for many women of colour positions them as excellent in supporting roles rather than ascending to the top (Brunner 2003; Kalbus 2000).  In addition, when positions are available, research has shown that the largest percentage of superintendents of colour, including women, are found in urban, high-poverty, majority/ minority districts (Jackson 1999; Simmons 2005). Similarly, the stereotypical Latinx administrator serves only majority Latinx populations and bilingual students (Avalos and Salgado 2016). This pigeonholing effect constrains women of colour’s opportunities for leadership and adversely affects the lives of all student populations who would otherwise benefit from the diverse leadership provided by women of colour (Martinez et al. 2016; Mendez-Morse 2004). Counter-stories and Narratives Recent research investigating women of colour in educational leadership builds on the concepts of counter story or testimonio and cultural truths grounded in critical race theory (CRT) and LatCrit (Amiot et al. 2020; Martinez et al. 2019; Rodela et al. 2019; Santamaría 2013). ‘The use of counternarratives and voices of color . . . can create new opportunities to facilitate and foster discussions of race, culture, and politics in education’ (Horsford 2010: 311). In contrast to majoritarian narratives, counter-storytelling methodology reveals the value of the many lived experiences of leadership that women of colour bring to their work – particularly those that differ from the majoritarian stories. Testimonios reveal critically important truths that question takenfor-granted leadership-related assumptions. This research finds that relevant skills and knowledge that prepare individuals for the principalship or other major leadership role in education are gained from responsibilities that the white men and, in some cases, white women candidates do not typically undertake. For instance, leadership is helping parents navigate the school system (Mendez-Morse et al. 2015). Or know-how not commonly associated with administration is developed within non-majoritarian communities – such as bilingualism, which defines professional expertise, empowers individuals and serves others (Martinez et al. 2020; MendezMorse et al. 2015). Indeed, understanding the narratives from the perspectives of those who have been marginalized shows that ‘the very characteristics that were the source of discrimination were the characteristics that made (Latina leaders) successful in their work’ (Avalos and Salgado 2016, p. 28). For many women of colour, their leadership strategies, informed by their own personal childhoods and experiences of schooling as students of colour, differ from dominant district 276

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approaches (Reed 2012; Rodela and Rodriguez-Mojica 2019). Just as recent research found that culturally responsive leaders such as black women principals are good for black children (Lomotey 2019), so, too, activist leadership across generations, born out of lives led in the preand post–civil rights era, provides black women a powerful approach to address inequities and racism in black communities (Loder-Jackson 2009). Indeed, leading from their identities and lived experiences, many women of colour principals, central office administrators and superintendents are motivated to lead education to address the inequities and failures that continue to marginalize communities of colour (Jackson 1999; Simms 2000). Sharing the same race and ethnicity creates valuable social capital and spurs activist leadership on behalf of their students (Beard 2012; Martinez et al. 2016; MendezMorse et al. 2015; Ortiz 2001; Peterson and Vergara 2016). Particularly important is the racial literacy such leaders bring to the role (Amiot et al. 2020; Horsford 2010; Murakami et al. 2016).  Testimonios and counternarratives that centre these differences and offer them as equally, if not more, effective leadership strategies and leadership journeys help reveal what has been takenfor-granted as the norm or the established best practices. While the position of superintendent of schools has long been associated with white, male educators, the following national profile of forty-three women of colour superintendents confirms the fact that women of colour have a rightful place at the powerful table of leading education at the district level. New Results and New Meanings The newly developed reporting strategy that disaggregates survey results by race, ethnicity and gender offers much-needed insight into the educational leaders who serve in the most senior roles in school districts. Further, by articulating these two categories across the majority of survey items, this year’s decennial data presents material evidence of the careers of women of colour leading as superintendents. As 26.4 per cent of the respondents, women make up a small proportion of district leaders (Table 21.1); this is a stark contrast from the ratio of teachers who are women, which is approximately 76 per cent (U.S. Department of Education 2020). The evidenced gradual shift in demographics as educators move into leadership positions motivates our investigation. Likewise, we are driven to examine aspects of the survey that offer insight into the women of colour superintendents’ experiences as they lead districts. Collectively, these stories offer better understandings of the superintendency, thereby offering new meanings.

Table 21.1  Women Respondents by Race and Ethnicity Native  Native American/  Black/ Hawaiian/ Native African other Pacific Hispanic/   Alaskan Asian American Islander Latinx White Other Frequency 7 1 18 1 13 291 3 Percentage

0.55

0.08

1.42

0.08

1.03

23

0.24

Total women in larger sample (n = 1265) 334 26.4

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School and Student Characteristics The characteristics of schools in districts in which women of colour superintendents lead detail contextual features that show the diversity among them. We centred the 2020 decennial survey questions that reveal what informs the resources districts have and the types of students they educate and support. Specifically, findings regarding the geographic locations, number of students and students’ identities demonstrate school types and correspondingly superintendents responsibilities. We draw particular attention to the facets of students’ identities that offer in-depth and meaningful depictions of the lives based on their race and ethnicity, socio-economic status, academic differences and language assets and needs. Geography The size of geographic location in which school districts are located determines the tax base, and thereby the amount of funding schools receive. Delineating locations as urban, suburban, small town/city, and rural, respondents reported the type of school district they serve. While parallel district categorizations have been scrutinized (Milner 2012), the widely used distinctions define the diversity among community characteristics. Consistent with historicized accounts of trends regarding leaders of colour, survey results indicate that the greatest proportion of women of colour superintendents serve in urban (14.29 per cent) locales (Table 21.2). Within urban districts, Black and African American women are the largest percentage (8.57 per cent). These results mirror former indications that the greatest ratio of women of colour work in urban, highpoverty districts in which the majority of students are students of colour (Jackson 1999; Simmons 2005). District Size School district sizes often correlate with the geographic locations. The number of students enrolled in school districts affects the resources to which superintendents have access, including financial resources, and accordingly the programming that is needed and that can be provided to student populations. The largest ratio of women of colour serving different district sizes are located in schools with 100,000 or more students (75 per cent) followed by those with 50,000 to 99,999 students (16.66 per cent). As the largest districts are now led by women of colour over men of colour (25 per cent), this mirrors the gender proportions that are similar to those in the teaching workforce (Table 21.3).

Table 21.2  Percentage of Women of Colour across Geographic Locations Native  Native Per cent American/  Black/African Hawaiian/other Hispanic/ women of   Native Alaskan Asian American Pacific Islander Latinx Other colour Urban 0 0 8.57 0 4.29 1.43 14.29 Suburban

0

0.40

2.02

0

1.21

0

3.63

Small town/ city

0.44

0

0.88

0

0.88

0

2.64

Rural

0.91

0

0.76

0.15

0.76

0.15

2.73

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Table 21.3  Percentage of Women of Colour across District Sizes  Fewer than 300 to 1,000 to 3,000 to 5,000 to 10,000 to 25,000 to 50,000 to 100,000   300 999 2,999 4,999 9,999 24,999 49,999 99,999 or more Women of 4.90 1.86 2.53 2.66 6.72 5.00 4.35 16.66 75.00 Colour

Student Demographics Survey question detailing the students school districts educate paint vivid pictures of their demographics. By outlining important identity characteristics, we show how students’ lives can influence how superintendents lead. The histories of school districts, including their racialized pasts and policy trends, can also affect student demographics. Therefore, it is essential to analyse recent 2020 decennial results to reveal how and the extent to which demographics have changed. Likewise, as women superintendents of colour lead from their identities, snapshots of the students’ individualities show potential alignment between the experiences of women of colour and the populations on whose behalf they lead. Districts in which 51 per cent or more of the population are students from racial and ethnic minorities have the largest percentage of women of colour superintendents (Table 21.4). Black and African American women superintendents represent the greatest ratio within this designation (7.03 per cent) followed by Hispanic and Latina superintendents (3.24 per cent). Regarding socioeconomic status, the standardized indication of financial capital in public educational settings is students’ eligibility for free or reduced lunch (Table 21.5). School districts that serve populations in which 51 per cent or more of the students qualify for this service have the highest incidence of women of colour superintendents (5.79 per cent). In this category, 2.89 per cent of the women are Black or African American, and 1.65 per cent are Hispanic or Latina. Students’ academic needs and talents can determine the services that schools need to provide to support their success. As students with different abilities require a range of educational necessities, it is important to create and maintain opportunities for them to flourish academically and socially. The highest number of women superintendents of colour are in districts in which 16–25 per cent of the students qualify. In districts with less than 5 per cent, Black and African American superintendents, and those of Latina and Hispanic descent lead an equal number. In districts with 16–25 per cent qualifying students, Black and African American superintendents lead twice as many districts as those with Latina and Hispanic leaders. There is an upward trend noted regarding the percentage of women of colour who lead districts with emergent bilingual learners. As the ratio of students who are emergent bilingual leaners increases, the proportion of women of colour rises. Specifically, the largest demographic of women who lead schools with 6–15 per cent emergent bilingual learners are Black and African American, and the second largest group are women in the Hispanic and Latinx demographic. In districts with 26–50 per cent emergent bilingual learners, the numbers of Latina and Hispanic and Native American and Native Alaskan are the same, which are both half the number of Black and African American superintendents. This coalesced depiction of the student demographics outlines the many facets of their lives that determine women of colour superintendents daily duties and long-term missions. Further investigations into the different tasks they complete depict portraits of their profession. In the following featured tables, percentages detail the proportion of women of colour represented by the reported frequencies. For example, in Table 21.4, the four women of colour 279

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Table 21.4  WOC Superintendents Representation by Percentage of District’s Student Population in Racial and Ethnic Minority Percentage of WOC among all Frequency Percentage of WOC women respondents Less than/Equal to 4 9.3 0.97 5% 6 to 15%

3

6.98

1.14

16 to 25%

4

9.3

2.41

26 to 50%

10

23.26

5.32

51% or More

22

51.16

11.89

Table 21.5  WOC Superintendents by Percentage of District’s Student Population Eligible for Free or Reduced Lunch Percentage of WOC among all Frequency Percentage of WOC women respondents Less than/Equal to 0 0 0 5% 6 to 15%

0

0

0

16 to 25%

5

11.63

3.57

26 to 50%

10

23.26

2.09

51% or More

28

65.12

5.79

who lead school districts in which the student population is less than/equal to 5 per cent student racial and ethnic minority equate to 0.97 per cent of the total number of superintendents serving in these districts (i.e. 412 districts) (Tables 21.6 and 21.7). Priorities of Women of Colour in the Superintendency Throughout the survey questions that supported leaders’ articulation of their priorities respondents were able to choose more than one answer. This question type corroborated the development of a well-rounded view of their work. We focused on questions that centred superintendents’ engagement with their local constituents, including their school boards, district employees and communities. The responses provide glimpses into their main concerns, skills and the preparation they received for their jobs. Regarding their hiring, women of colour superintendents most often believed their school boards chose them for the positions because they had the ability to be instructional leaders, the potential to be a change agent, the ability to communicate with stakeholders and for important personal characteristics such as integrity, honesty and tact (Table 21.8). The large numbers of respondents that chose the aforementioned options – 32, 28, 26 and 26 – indicated a concentrated focus on these priorities. Once on their jobs, women of colour superintendents reported that the issues they expended a large amount of time and energy on included finance (nineteen respondents), conflict management (eighteen respondents), school-community relations (fourteen respondents), school reform/improvement (fourteen respondents) and superintendent–board member relationships (fourteen respondents) (Table 21.9). The lower number of responses, all 280

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Table 21.6  WOC Superintendents by Percentage of District’s Student Population Qualified for Special Education Percentage of WOC among all Frequency Percentage of WOC women respondents Less than/Equal to 2 4.65 11.76 5% 6 to 15%

15

34.88

2.24

16 to 25%

23

53.49

5.09

26 to 50%

3

6.98

5.26

51% or More

0

0

0

Table 21.7  WOC Superintendents by Percentage of District’s Student Population Who Are Emergent Bilingual Learners Percentage of WOC among all Frequency Percentage of WOC women respondents Less than/Equal to 17 39.53 2.21 5% 6 to 15%

12

27.91

4.67

16 to 25%

9

20.93

8.57

26 to 50%

4

9.3

6.45

51% or More

1

2.33

11.11

Table 21.8  WOC Superintendents Who Indicated Reasons School Board Hired Them among All Women Respondents Percentage of WOC among all Frequency women respondents Ability to maintain the status quo 2 4.44 Having leadership/managerial experience outside of education

6

5.94

Ability to use/conduct research to solve problems

7

3.59

Ability to be a political leader on education issues

8

3.48

Ability to manage fiscal resources

10

1.88

Communication skills

16

2.58

Personal characteristics (such as integrity, honesty, tact)

26

2.85

Ability to communicate with stakeholders

26

3.66

Potential to be a change agent

28

4.96

Ability to be an instructional leader

32

4.59

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Table 21.9  WOC Superintendents Who Indicated Time Spent on Task among All Women Respondents Percentage of WOC among Frequency all women respondents Policy development/management 3 2.50 School safety/crisis management

5

2.94

Student discipline

5

4.63

Curriculum/instructional issues

6

2.74

 Educational equity/diversity

6

7.50

Personnel management (including collective bargaining and related issues)

8

1.53

Facility planning/management

9

2.37

Law/legal issues

11

3.40

Superintendent–board member relationships

14

3.17

School-community relations

14

3.71

School reform/improvement

14

5.02

Conflict management

18

3.85

Finance

19

3.33

Table 21.10  WOC Superintendents’ Assessment of Importance of Leading Conversations Regarding Race Percentage of WOC among all Frequency Percentage of WOC women respondents Extremely Important 27 62.79 5.60 Important Not Important

13

30.23

2.20

3

6.98

2.42

Table 21.11  Preparation for Leading Conversations Regarding Race for WOC Superintendents Percentage of WOC among all Frequency Percentage of WOC women respondents Very well prepared 18 41.86 6.98 Sufficiently prepared Not at all prepared

20

46.51

2.79

5

11.63

2.22

less than half of the forty-three women of colour, implied a smaller concentration of consensus about their on-the-job duties. In this chapter, we privileged superintendents’ racial and ethnic identities, as well as races and ethnicities of their student populations. We addressed questions focused on the leaders’ job duties related to race. More than half – twenty-seven respondents – thought it was extremely important to lead conversations about race in their school districts and communities (Table 21.10). However, their perceived preparation for those conversations varied, and five felt they were not at all prepared to do so (Table 21.11). Relatedly, the majority of the respondents – twenty-eight women

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superintendents of colour – felt very well supported in their relationship with the largest minority demographic in their district (Table 21.12). Of note, none of the respondents felt unsupported or very unsupported. This indicated the largely positive relationships the superintendents had with their local community, particularly those of colour in their area. These results offer counterstories to master narratives about women of colour superintendents by reporting the success they are achieving in their roles.

Professional Pathways and Strides Our exploration of the educational experiences and professional pathways of women of colour in the superintendency reflects previous trends showing the different journeys they take when pursuing high-level leadership. The most frequent changes respondents made were moving their homes and changing their jobs to meet the demands of their jobs. The greatest percentage that women of colour represented regarded the decisions to delay having children (8.33 per cent) (Table 21.13). Most participants reported spending five to eight years in the classroom. This range was less than the average for men, as they spent less time teaching in the classroom before moving into leadership roles (Table 21.14). Ninety-eight respondents reported being classroom teachers before moving into leadership roles (Table 21.15). The additional most frequently

Table 21.12  WOC Superintendents’ Relationships with Largest ‘Minority’ Community in Districts Percentage of WOC among all Frequency Percentage of WOC women respondents Very supported 28 65.12 5.24 Somewhat supported

12

27.91

2.57

Neutral

2

4.65

1.13

Unsupported

0

0

0

Very unsupported

0

0

0

Table 21.13  WOC Superintendents’ and Partners’ Accommodating Changes for Job Demands Percentage of WOC among all Frequency women respondents Leaving workforce 3 2.65 Having fewer or no children

3

3.80

Delaying having children

3

8.33

Postponing career advancement

5

2.70

Cutting back on hours/responsibility at work

8

2.95

Moving your home

13

2.32

Changing jobs

13

3.39

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Table 21.14  Years as a Classroom Teacher for WOC Superintendents Percentage of WOC among all women Frequency Percentage of WOC respondents 0–1 0 0 0 2–4

11

25.58

6.11

5–8

14

32.56

3.08

9–12

10

23.26

3.45

8

18.6

3.25

13 or more

Table 21.15  Former Full-time Professional Experiences (at least one year) of WOC Superintendents Percentage of WOC among all Frequency women respondents Military 1 1.96 School counsellor Non-education related executive position

2

4.00

8

10.13

Master teacher or instructional coach

11

9.57

College or university professor or administrator

12

6.45

Assistant/associate/deputy superintendent

25

5.84

Assistant principal

27

4.22

District-level director/coordinator/supervisor

30

5.48

Principal

33

3.26

Classroom teacher

42

3.63

chosen options were principal and district-level director/coordinator/supervisor, which were reported rates of 76.74 per cent and 71.42 per cent, respectively. Regarding familiarity and prior work with their current districts, an equal amount of respondents – twenty-one – reported that they were previously employed by the districts they are leading. The preceding experiences could inform the relationships they established within the districts as well as their understanding of guiding policies in their locale. Finally, nearly half of the women of colour acknowledged that a supervising superintendent was instrumental in them becoming the highest-ranking school district leader. Other frequently chosen options included spouses or relatives, colleagues and non-supervisory mentors, which were all chosen by eighteen respondents. The ways that the intersection of race and gender informs and, to an extent, determines career paths are evident throughout these findings. Women of colour superintendents’ access to mentoring helps improve the chances of success. Examining the ways that their opportunities can be broadened is paramount to establishing pathways to educational leadership opportunities (Tables 21.16 and 21.17).

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Table 21.16  WOC Superintendents Employed at Hiring District Percentage of WOC among all women   Frequency Percentage of WOC respondents Yes 21 48.84 4.74 No

21

48.84

2.80

Table 21.17  Individuals Instrumental in Journey to Superintendency for WOC Superintendents Percentage of WOC among all women Frequency respondents Supervisor (principal) 4 2.23 Professor

9

3.50

Friend

10

3.09

Spouse or relative

18

2.88

Colleague

18

3.08

Mentor (non-supervisory)

18

4.81

Supervisor (superintendent)

20

2.58

Conclusion All in all, the numbers demonstrate that women of colour are in charge of some of the largest districts in the United States, serving in a wide variety of regions across the country. Some are in the smallest rural districts and others in wealthy suburban settings. They are in very diverse districts meeting the needs of large numbers of students in poverty, students with disabilities and students who are emerging bilingual or bilingual. Women superintendents of colour have had the conviction and the courage to dialogue about race. They prioritized finding financial resources, managing conflict and garnering community support. These women followed a variety of career paths to the superintendency, and they found others to mentor them along the way. They managed to integrate home and work sufficiently well to enable their ascent to the highest position in primary and secondary education. The main point is that there are no real gaps in where and who they serve. However, their presence goes largely unrecognized because they are so few. This is an issue at the intersection of gender and race. Moreover, in the United States at this time, the white majority is rapidly dwindling. Using the current census projections, William Frey (2018) predicts that the United States will be minority white by 2045. The urgency of this leadership vacuum cannot be ignored. Just as the notion of ‘separate but equal’ was debunked as a fallacy, so, too, must the notion that a leader’s race and gender do not matter be discredited. That is why counter-stories are a necessary corollary to the statistics. Women of colour educators need to see themselves in the research on educational leadership and, more importantly, powerful others need to carve out space for the various legitimate pathways women of colour take towards positions like the superintendency. Instead of accepting the shocking absence of women of colour in the top jobs, aspirants and powerbrokers like professors, district mentors and search firms must join forces to transform this situation. The work that women of colour superintendents complete in the face of double marginalization rooted in racism and sexism is no easy feat; accordingly, their success should be applauded. The

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profile of women of colour superintendents that we provide offers a clear depiction of the current state of the skills, expertise and experiences of those serving in this role, as well as the palpable need to substantively add to the number of women of colour serving in this leadership capacity. Through this all-encompassing look at women of colour superintendents’ paths, we detail the range of tasks they masterfully accomplish, which collectively proffers insight into the ways that those aspiring to the position, and the professionals who teach them, can prepare for the job. In addition to education leadership faculty, the breadth and depth of this profile are beneficial for policymakers who develop competency requirements for aspiring and current leaders. For the required preparation, a multifaceted approach is crucial. In their coursework, professors of educational leadership should prioritize the use of research grounded in counter-stories, intersectionality and historicity. White professors should collaborate with leaders of colour, and especially women of colour, to co-lecture in preparation and development programmes. On every occasion, every ethnic/racial background, all genders and various linguistic backgrounds must be associated with leadership. With such a commitment can begin the hard work of disassociating the stereotype of white and male with leadership. In their research, professors of educational leadership should problematize the absence of women of colour in the field, garnering the necessary human and material resources to conduct studies in every educational setting starting with girls of colour in schools. How are their leadership talents being nurtured? What opportunities do women teachers and counsellors of colour have to demonstrate their leadership? How are principals and other district gatekeepers providing platforms for women of colour to shine in leadership activities? What particular skills and talents make women of colour effective leaders? Without a major commitment to placing more women of colour in leadership roles and to supporting them once there, nothing will change. Transformation can be produced only if the practitioners and academics collaborate. Administrator organizations like AASA recognize the huge loss of talent districts face in underutilizing the valuable resources women of colour bring to leadership. Offering more women of colour opportunities to prepare for leadership and providing necessary professional development to those in leadership is paramount. As higher education slowly attracts more professors of colour and slowly provides enough support for the diverse cohorts to become tenured, possibilities for the joining of forces emerge. More women of colour in academe teaming up with their counterparts in the schools will seriously undermine the majoritarian control of educational leadership. Substantially increasing the pool of women of colour to take the lead in education is without doubt the first priority. Current and former superintendents must go out of their way to identify more women of colour leaders to mentor and promote. Clearly, this work starts with recruiting and hiring more women of colour teachers and counsellors. Schools and districts that manage to retain women of colour in leadership positions will surely gain reputations for taking this transformative work seriously. Similarly, search firms who successfully place women of colour superintendents in districts will attract more women of colour applicants because talented leaders can choose with whom to work. Fortunately, the 2020 AASA Decennial Study of the Superintendency revealed that forty-three women of colour serve as superintendents of schools in the United States. These women are living proof that their remarkable skills have been recognized. We celebrate their tenacity and groundbreaking leadership.

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Part V

Emotional Well-Being of Educational Leaders Izhar Oplatka

Emotion and its display are critical and fundamental to human activity in all organizations (Schutz and DeCuir 2002), although they are generally of short duration and are associated with a specific stimulus (Frijda 1993). Both pleasant and unpleasant emotions influence social processes and human behaviours such as trust in others, group commitment, creativity, social relations and organizational commitment. Emotion is usually defined in terms of an ephemeral and fluid phenomenon (Hargreaves 2005) that is a mix of ‘psychological, physiological and cognitive processes that allow people to process experience and to express it through positive or negative feelings’ (Bridges, Denham and Ganiban 2004: 340). Note, there are differences between feelings, emotions, emotional labour and emotions at work, and these can be influenced by different situations at work. Zembylas (2016: 286) maintained that emotions can serve as therapization of social in/justice as a part of the conditions of the birth of particular forms of bio-power and therapy in schools, especially in an era of social problems and educational politicization. The understanding of the significant impact of emotion on work relations and performance has received greater scholarly legitimacy in the last two decades. Researchers have studied varied emotions employees may have in the workplace, issues of emotion management and regulation in organizations (Ashkanasy, Zerbe and Hartel 2002), and the impact of different feelings on organizational climate and employee well-being (Harikkala-Laihinen 2020). A major stream of research in the area of emotion draws on the concept of ‘emotion regulation’ that refers to ‘the processes by which individuals influence which emotions they have, when they have them, and how they experience and express these emotions’ (Gross 1998: 275) and explains the ways employees display or suppress their emotions at work. In fact, employees differ as to

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whether they are emotionally expressive (externalize) or emotionally un-expressive (internalize) (Gallant and Riley 2013). For example, when female principals express their emotions in school, they are often perceived as less professional, less rational and as being fixed in a positive dimension of feelings of warmth, love, compassion and concern, in parallel with the expression of anxiety, unstable management and lack of self-confidence (Coleman 2011). Some of them may therefore suppress emotions at work (Blackmore 2004; Oplatka 2017). Where emotions in the workplace are concerned, the concept of emotional regulation is related to the concept of emotional labour. This term is used to describe the process whereby employees deliberately suppress organizationally undesired emotions (e.g. anger, frustration, distress) or display organizationally prescribed emotions (e.g. happiness, empathy) in pursuit of the display rules, or goals, of their workplace (Grandey 2000; Hochschild 1983). Likewise, Humphrey et al. (2008) further encouraged leaders to enact emotional labour during times of crisis or when facing unpleasant workplace events. During these times leaders need to publicly display emotions indicative of confidence and optimism, even if they privately share the same worries and anxieties of their subordinates. When the effect of emotion regulation and management was concerned, the positive effects of emotion management were related to effective instruction and interesting lessons (Hargreaves 2000). For instance, some teachers in Sutton’s (2002) study provided a variety of reasons for regulating their emotions, the most common of which were related to effectiveness or positive outcome expectancies. Put another way, teachers assumed that regulating their unpleasant emotions made them more effective in the classroom (e.g. managing their anger so it will not interfere with their lesson). Furthermore, teachers’ explicit efforts to care seemed to be recognized and appreciated by most students (Beck and Kooser 2003), probably due to teachers’ belief in the influence of their emotion management on students’ benefits. However, emotion management (including caring, suppression and the like) may make teachers vulnerable in times of excessive demands (Hargreaves 1998), exhausted due to the inherently unequal nature of a caring teacher–student relationships (Rogers and Webb 1991), or under tension due to a contradiction between their professional roles and personal commitments to care (Beck and Kooser 2003). Past research has explored different patterns and emotion management among school leaders and revealed that they might feel compassion, empathy, excitement, anger, intuitiveness, relief, joy, trust, anxiety, fear, pain, demoralization, frustration, despair, distress and caring (Beatty 2000; Cliff 2011; James and Vince 2001; Oplatka, 2011; Yamamoto, Gardiner and Tenuto 2014; Zembylas 2016). Some may also feel fear of failure (Gronn 2003), a sense of emotional ‘woundedness’ (Hargreaves 2005), disempowerment, threat to self and disillusionment with the system (Beatty 2000; Shirley 2016). Oplatka (2017) found that beginning educational leaders tend to feel high levels of stress, threat and distress, while senior principals are more likely to be calm, empathic and compassionate and use more humour and more ‘correct’ facial expressions. Educational leaders employ a variety of strategies to regulate their emotions and feelings to appear in control of the self (Berkovich and Eyal 2015). They help others to regulate their emotions, mainly in times of accountability, standardization and competition. For example, Australian principals increasingly had to manage teachers’ sense of alienation and anger arising from a dissonance between what they referred to as their ‘real work’ and the type of work required by new educational reforms initiated by their government (Schutz et al. 2006: 345). In 288

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addition, Oplatka (2017) found that Israeli school principals are allowed, even encouraged, to display – under specific circumstances – three components of empathy: cognitive, affective (e.g. compassion) and behavioural (e.g. caring) – while consciously inhibiting the expression of anger and fear publicly. In addition, the principals use four strategies to regulate the components of empathy and its related emotions. Educational leadership may be seen, though, as an emotional practice that involves intensive personal interactions that are publicly displayed (Berkovich and Eyal 2015). This view is mainly normative, tending to focus on what leaders should be doing rather than on the emotional labour of their work (Demetriou, Wilson and Winterbottom 2009). Thus, the emotional practice and processes of educational leadership remain relatively under-explored. Very few papers, however, have been published about the relationship between gender and emotion in leadership, let alone in educational leadership. Some of the studies explored the belief that women are more emotional than men. This has unique potential to unfairly bias the selection and assessment of women leaders. Compared to men, women are viewed as less able to control whether their emotions influence their thoughts and behaviour. Brescoll (2016) explained: In sum, beliefs about gender and emotion directly harm women leaders’ chances of success but also harm organizations because, by allowing these stereotypes to bias the selection and assessment of women leaders, organizations are not effectively leveraging their entire pool of talent. (p. 422) This stereotype is supported by evidence from neuroscience. Accordingly, the hippocampus (the centre of emotion and memory) is larger in the female brain, as is the brain circuitry for language and observing emotions in others (Krüger 2008). It is also evident that female leaders are rated lower on leader effectiveness when expressing either anger or sadness versus no emotion (Lewis 2000), albeit differences between male and female expressiveness were not observed for certain executive positions. In fact, both males and females reported statistically significant low levels of expressiveness (Callahan, Hasler and Tolson 2005). Broadly, research on the role of gender stereotypes in evaluations of female leaders has identified two broad clusters of gender stereotypes: communality and agency. Compared to men, women are considered more communal (i.e. warm, kind, nurturing, etc.) but less agentic (i.e. aggressive, ambitious, dominant, independent, etc.). But leadership roles commonly require agency. Hence, there might be a perceived lack of fit between the traits seen as typical of women (including female leaders) and the traits required of successful leaders (Heliman 2001). The chapters in this part provide further insights into the relationships between gender and emotion in educational leadership from different points of view. Joan Woodhouse and Laura Guihen focus in their chapter on student mothers and unearth their emotions as reflected in their accounts. The young mothers express anxiety, stress and emotional turmoil as they reflected on their experiences of combining motherhood and ITE. They described the conflicts implicit in navigating the competing demands of their domestic and professional roles. They talked about their experiences of a range of practical and logistical struggles that were linked to aspects of ITE policy and practice. Likewise, managing professional and domestic roles caused practical and emotional conflicts for the women. Differences were experienced with (i) trying to balance their professional and domestic responsibilities and (ii) coping with the emotional turmoil implicit in doing so. The findings emphasize some of the 289

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logistical, emotional and workload challenges experienced by student mothers as they navigated the ITE year. Afifa Khanam and her co-authors from Pakistan aimed to investigate women academics’ career progression, their perceptions of success and the enablers and disablers in their career development, and to discuss the roles they have played in their professional journey. The study provides insight into the experiences of ten women academics of different backgrounds and ages who work in various academic disciplines within a women’s university in this country. They found, among other things, that local women’s consistent struggle and sacrifice, motivation, work-life balance, family and administrative support, research opportunities and clear future targets. Besides these sources of external motivation, some women were intrinsically motivated and continued their journey with courage despite the hurdles, hostility and unpleasant experiences they encountered. The research has significant practical implications in defining the multidimensional roles of women in HE in Pakistan to enable them to carve their way out of the societal and personal constraints of stereotypical feminine images to become successful professionals. Rachel McNae’s chapter emphasizes the lived experiences of six women leaders for social justice that participated in a sensemaking process. Each of the female leaders engaged in dialogue through the semi-structured interviews conducted in this work to assist the participants make sense of their leadership practice. Over half a year, the women leaders reflected upon key aspects of their personal identity, their routines in the school and the ways in which they engaged with others within the school’s context. Likewise, the participants critically and retrospectively reflected on their personal wellness, the enduring nature of the school’s work, the impact of their leadership work on personal relationships and their professional practice, and the influence on their career orbit. Through the process of sensemaking, the female leaders were able to demonstrate varied ways in which they have engaged in emotional labour that have not necessarily embraced their emotional needs or aspirations. Of great concern was the normalization of being unwell. All of the women in this research had experienced to some extent significant emotional toil and un-wellness. It was through the sensemaking process that they came to see that what they were experiencing was not normal, nor was it acceptable. The final chapter, by Mary Howard Hamilton, Kandace Hinton and Kelsey Bogard, focuses on ‘Intersectionality, Resiliency, and the Complexity of Being Seen’. The authors aimed to provide a broad overview of the many uses of this method and model of analysing the overlapping layers of identities that minoritized groups possess in the structural context of oppressive systems in general and higher educational environments in particular. To this end, they presented a foundational grounding of intersectionality and critical race theory and shared with the readers the proper research methods for understanding the developmental aspects of the concept will be shared. They concluded that one should bear in mind to rely upon the strength and knowledge of the elders who taught him/her as well as provided the tools for them to be successful. The internalized messages of the black women may have been repressed, so it is now up to every woman to find a sister circle, journal, meditate or connect with a mentor so that the connection to family resurfaces. Another conclusion refers to the need to find the professional support system at conferences or create one using platforms such as TEAMS, SKYPE and ZOOM. Using these spaces has allowed minoritized scholars to connect across the globe which has also expanded scholarly collaboration and networks.

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22 The Missing Statistic in Initial Teacher Education Experiences and Support Needs of Student Teachers Who Are Mothers Joan Woodhouse and Laura Guihen

Introduction Societal and cultural mores relating to women’s domestic and caring roles have been the focus of feminist discussion and activism for decades (Howard 2020). Yet, despite greater numbers of women in employment, and legal reforms improving rights for women, the expectation that mothers will take primary responsibility for the care of children and the domestic sphere has been, as Smith (2015) notes, remarkably consistent. It has been consistent too in leading women to make career decisions around home and family needs, and in allowing men to prioritize work (Coleman 2011). The tendency for men to prioritize work over family is apparent in the UK national paternity leave take-up statistics. Although legally men are entitled to take ‘Ordinary Paternity Leave’ (one to two weeks’ paid leave) or ‘Additional Paternity Leave’ (up to twenty-six weeks), relatively few take up this opportunity (Gov.UK 2014). Male participants in Coleman’s (2002) study reported taking career breaks for secondment or to gain qualifications, but none reported a career break for childcare. A TUC (2014) survey reports that just one in 172 fathers take up the Additional Paternity Leave option, and an article in The Independent (Petter 2019) cites research that shows that less than a third of fathers are taking up even Ordinary Paternity Leave. The reasons for this persistent non-take-up of paternity leave are likely to be numerous and complex, including financial considerations and workplace culture. It is clear however that there is little, if any, shift towards normalizing male career breaks for childcare, and that the women who undertake paid employment as well as nurturing and homemaking roles continue to have to cope with what Hochschild (2012) terms the ‘second shift’, juggling the demands of home and work. A wealth of research documents the difficulties, conflicts and emotional turmoil for women who combine teaching and child-rearing (see, for example, Bradbury and Gunter 2006; Coleman

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2002; Moreau, Osgood and Halsall 2007; McNamara et al. 2010; Smith 2011a; Smith 2016). Perhaps surprisingly, relatively little literature focuses on the experiences of student teachers who are mothers. A small number of studies highlight the practical challenges and constraints this group faces while endeavouring to meet academic deadlines, perform well on placement and complete the course. Examples include Murtagh’s (2017, 2019) research on student teacher parents, and a report by the National Union of Students (NUS 2009), of which a small section focuses on students following vocational courses, such as social work, healthcare and teaching, that include work placements. Griffiths (2002) reports that student teacher mothers experience challenges related to finance, family routines and domestic commitments while attempting to juggle life inside and outside of the classroom. She concludes that most of these challenges are linked to a distinct tension between the responsibilities attached to motherhood and the demands of Initial Teacher Education (ITE). Wanting to understand more about how women experience the tension between the demands of motherhood and ITE, we devised an exploratory study in which we interviewed two 24-yearold female student teachers about their experiences of combining ITE with parenting a preschool age child. The research question guiding the study was, ‘how do participants describe their experiences of combining motherhood and the ITE year?’ Our purpose was to investigate the particular challenges student teacher mothers might face and to consider how ITE leaders could recognize and support this largely invisible group. We report in this chapter on the findings of this small-scale study, and consider some of the implications for leaders wishing to provide a more inclusive, tailored provision in which student teacher mothers are supported and enabled. Literature Review Despite the emphasis on widening participation of ‘non-traditional’ students in higher education (HE), both male and female students who are parents have remained relatively low on the HE policy agenda (Moreau and Kerner 2015; Moreau 2016). There is a notable lack of statistical information at national and institutional levels about student parents. The Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA), for instance, does not, at the time of writing, collect information about students with dependents in England.1 Students with parental responsibilities are more often classed as ‘mature students’ for statistical and administrative purposes (Murtagh 2019: 789). This over-generalized classification takes account neither of those parents who are not mature students, nor of mature students who are not parents (Moreau and Kerner 2015). Research indicates that the lived experiences of parents in HE, mature or otherwise, are different from those of non-parenting students (Murtagh 2017). Yet individual institutions and current HE policies pay limited attention to the experiences of students with caring responsibilities, and the support needs of this distinct student population are largely ignored (Alsop, Gonzalez-Arnal and Kilkey 2008). Studies on the particular challenges facing student parents highlight financial pressures (Brown and Nichols 2012; Gonzalez-Arnal and Kilkey 2009; Griffiths 2002; Lynch 2008; Moreau and Kerner 2015), the need to find reliable and affordable childcare (Griffiths 2002; Lynch 2008; Marandet and Wainwright 2010; Moreau and Kerner 2015; NUS 2009; Brown and Nichols 2012; Wainwright and Marandet 2010), time management (Moreau and Kerner 2015; Springer, Parker and Leviten-Reid 2009; Wainwright and Marandet 2010) and guilt concerning 292

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the impact of studying on familial relationships (Brooks 2012; Marandet and Wainwright 2010; Smith, 2016; Trepal, Stinchfield and Haiyasoso 2014). Student parents can be adversely affected by institutional policies and practices. For example, researchers highlight rules and expectations regarding children coming onto campus (NUS 2009), the lack of publicity for university resources designed to support parenting students (Brown and Nichols 2012) and inflexible HE practices related to teaching and examinations (Estes 2011). Inflexible practices can cause particular difficulties for student teacher mothers. Research highlights the anxieties caused by students receiving timetables and other administrative documents with very little notice to organize childcare (Murtagh 2019; Wainwright and Marandet 2010). This is a relatively minor practical point, but little consideration seems to be given to its impact on student teacher mothers’ lives. Underpinning this lack of consideration is an assumption by universities that students are ‘carefree’ (Moreau 2016). Othered by an institution that bases provision on the child-free student, student teacher mothers are obliged to arrange childcare around courses that have not been designed with family responsibilities in mind. We suggest that greater consideration could be given to the particular experiences of women students with family responsibilities, who may face particular challenges that could impact aspiration and career decisions. We explain next how we sought, from the two student teacher mothers on whom we focus in this chapter, insights into their experiences during the ITE year. Research Design Context for the Study This was a small-scale, exploratory investigation and a pilot study for a subsequent, wider-scale project. Both the pilot study (on which we report here) and the subsequent study were conducted in the School of Education of a UK University, a major provider of ITE. The ITE programme lasts one academic year and normally comprises 120 days of placement in schools and 60 days in taught sessions at the university. The interviews took place towards the end of the ITE year, allowing the women to reflect back on what had been the challenges and affordances of the year, as well as on their thoughts about their future lives and careers. Sampling As this was a pilot study, we sought only a small number of participants. We interviewed two student teachers who were mothers, selected through purposive sampling. An email was sent out via ITE subject tutors to students in their groups inviting student teacher mothers to participate. As the researchers, we did not know how many student teacher mothers there were in each subject group, as data on parents is not gathered. It is, of course, possible that individual tutors may have found out through conversations with their own students which of them had children. Three students volunteered to take part in our study, and the two selected as participants were chosen due to their early availability to be interviewed. The similarities between them (e.g. age, size of family, age of daughter, role of father) were coincidental rather than planned. Pseudonyms are used throughout this chapter to refer to the two women (‘Gina’ and ‘Wendy’). In order to protect the women’s identity as far as possible, the names of their children, partners and placement schools are omitted. For the same reason, their subject specialisms are not disclosed. 293

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Data Collection We conducted visually stimulated recall interviews (Glaw et al. 2017) about the women’s experiences of combining the ITE year with being a mother of a pre-school age child. Prior to the interview, the two participants were asked to bring along a small number of visual images, which could be photographs or other images, that had some meaning for them in terms of their experiences of combining motherhood and ITE. Gina brought a set of photographs captured at various times of the year on her mobile ’phone. These included, for example, a photograph of her daughter, and a thank-you card received from some of her students when she completed her placement. Wendy brought a selection of her Facebook status updates from key points during the year, starting with an update from the beginning of the year when she described herself as ‘really excited’ to be starting the course, through a range of pictures and messages, for example, about taking her daughter to the park on a sunny day and having to complete course work at the weekend. The women were asked to talk through the images they had brought and explain their significance, in what might be described as ‘loosely-structured’ (Mason 2018: 109) interviews. The interviews were conducted in a naturalistic, narrative style, so that the core conversations were built around the photographs and status updates the participants had selected. In both cases, as they constructed their accounts around the visual stimuli, the two participants also discussed images they had not been able to include. For example, both women talked about their regret in missing their daughters’ birthdays, due to the demands of the course. As they had been unable to be there with their daughters on the day, they were unable to provide a picture. Thus, the conversation was structured not just on what they had experienced but about the events, milestones and experiences they felt they had missed out on, and their associated feelings of guilt, frustration and conflict. Eliciting the women’s accounts in this way allowed us to gather insights into the challenges they faced in navigating the demands of home and ITE. They reflected on the intersections between professional and personal lives, focusing primarily on their experiences during the ITE year, but at times considering also their envisaged future career and life trajectories. The study was conducted with institutional ethical approval and full informed consent from both of the women who were interviewed. Given the nature of our research topic and design, we were conscious that participants may find themselves sharing painful memories and aspects of their experiences that they would prefer to remain private. Consequently, participants were informed both in writing and verbally before the interview began that they could pause the interview at any time or withdraw from the project completely without having to give a reason. The advantage of using visually stimulated accounts was twofold. It enabled the participants to reflect in advance of the interview on their experiences of combining ITE and motherhood, and it allowed them, to an extent, to set the agenda for the interview conversation. This is arguably more empowering for participants than having to respond to the researcher’s questions in a more structured and restrictive type of interview. The resultant discussions were fairly informal, akin to what Burgess (1984: 102) calls ‘conversations with a purpose’. It is acknowledged, though, that we did as researchers have a clear agenda, which had been shared with the women ahead of the interviews, and we did have in mind possible areas to probe at interview, even if these were not listed on paper as a formal interview schedule. As Denscombe (2010: 180) comments, even if it is unstructured, ‘researchers approach an interview with some agenda and with some game-plan in 294

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mind. [. . .] [I]t would be tempting fate to proceed to a research interview without having devoted considerable time to thinking through the key points that warrant attention.’ Data Analysis The interviews were transcribed in full. Themes were identified in an iterative process in which researchers read and re-read the transcripts, adding annotations as we read. Our approach was based on the principles of interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) (Smith, Flowers and Larkin 2009), an essentially idiographic approach that focuses on individuals’ sensemaking of their experiences. In IPA the primary focus is on finding themes within the individual narrative rather than seeking cross-sample comparisons. However, as will be apparent in the discussion of findings, there was striking similarity in the two accounts, which is perhaps unsurprising as the two participants had quite a lot in common in terms of age, family size and agreements with the children’s fathers about childcare arrangements for the ITE year. In the first stage of analysis, we used exploratory coding, marking anything that seemed interesting, relevant and important in the transcripts. We added descriptive comments to the transcripts to aid our reflection on the content of the accounts. In the second stage, we revisited the transcripts looking at linguistic features of the narrative, paying particular attention to the language used by the participants in the discussion of their experiences (e.g. vocabulary and metaphor use). In the third stage, we added a conceptual lens, coding our annotations as linked to ‘policy’ ‘institutional’ or ‘domestic’ contexts, and grouping them to form themes, which we discuss in more detail in the findings section of this chapter. Summaries of the two case studies follow. Both women were white British and heterosexual. Cognizant of Murtagh’s (2017) caution that research in this area cannot treat student mothers as if they are a homogeneous group, we acknowledge that our two participants cannot be taken as representative of all women. We recognize, too, that two case studies do not provide a basis for generalization. Consideration needs to be given in future research to intersections of age, ethnicity, social class, sexuality and so forth, as well as to cultural and contemporary contexts. Gina Gina had a fifteen-month-old daughter and was engaged to be married to the father of her child. She was living with her fiancé and her daughter. She had always wanted to teach but had chosen not to move straight into ITE after her first degree. She chose instead to continue in the job she had held during her undergraduate studies, as a supervisor in a supermarket, because she enjoyed it and wanted to take a break from studying. A couple of months after graduating, however, she found she was pregnant. She had been intending to apply for ITE at some point. While pregnant, Gina concluded that her current role was not conducive to family life. She immediately applied to train to become a teacher as she perceived teaching to be more compatible with raising a family. At her interview for the ITE programme, Gina decided not to disclose that she was pregnant. She thought that being pregnant might work against her, or that she might be asked difficult questions about how she would cope. The baby was born at the end of February. Seven months later, in September, Gina began her course. Her fiancé worked flexibly in the supermarket so that he could take primary responsibility for childcare during her ITE year. As Gina talked 295

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through the photographs she had brought with her, it nonetheless became apparent that there were conflicts and challenges for her in navigating the demands of the course and motherhood, which we discuss in more detail in the findings section. Wendy Wendy had a two-year-old daughter and lived with her husband, the father of her child. Her child had been born while Wendy was a third-year undergraduate. Like Gina, Wendy had always wanted to be a teacher. She decided to embark upon her ITE year straight away after completing her first degree. She moved back to her hometown and enrolled in a course in the local university. As he was not in paid employment, her husband had agreed to stay at home to take care of their daughter while Wendy completed her ITE year. Wendy and her husband had agreed that, as she was the more highly qualified of the two of them, she was likely to be the main breadwinner. While her husband accepted the primary childcaring role for pragmatic reasons, he would prefer to go out to work and found being at home frustrating. They anticipated that when their daughter was old enough to go into full-time childcare or schooling, he would seek employment. For Wendy, the financial incentive to work was a major driver. She wanted to provide a better life for her family. Nonetheless, like Gina, she had felt torn and faced challenges and conflicts in managing the competing roles of student teacher and parent. We discuss some of the dilemmas and challenges she faced in the findings section that follows. Findings The women’s accounts were characterized by anxiety, stress and emotional turmoil as they reflected on their experiences of combining motherhood and ITE. They described the conflicts implicit in navigating the competing demands of their domestic and professional roles. They talked about their experiences of a range of practical and logistical struggles that were linked to aspects of ITE policy and practice. We present here evidence of each of these conflicts and struggles, under the following headings: (i) Professional and domestic role conflict (ii) Impact of ITE policy and practice. Professional and Domestic Role Conflict Managing professional and domestic roles caused practical and emotional conflicts for the two women. Differences were experienced with (i) trying to balance their professional and domestic responsibilities, and (ii) coping with the emotional turmoil implicit in doing so. Balancing Professional and Domestic Responsibilities The participants were effectively juggling a quadruple workload, as mothers, students, novice teachers and homemakers. During school placements, it had been difficult to balance lesson planning and time with family, for example: It is [hard] balancing the amount of work. You have to have lesson plans done, you have to have confidence in your lessons. During my placement, they were the main things that had 296

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to be done. You couldn’t go in without them being done [. . .] I was just spending time with [my daughter] at weekends because I don’t have much time during the week with her as I stay in school quite a long time. That’s been quite difficult [. . .] If I’ve got something to do at a weekend, what’s been difficult is [. . .] if I’m at home I feel as if I should be with her, but it’s really hard to get anything done when she’s there. [. . .] And then on Sundays, the only day that the three of us are together, I want to do things as the family. It’s the only time we get the three of us all together. So, it’s been difficult. That’s why I spend the time at school during the week, so I have the weekend to be a family. That’s what I find really hard. [. . .] It is really stressful. (Gina) Normally I’ll get home from my placement, we’ll have dinner, my daughter will go to bed and then I’ll be on the computer, lesson planning or evaluating or whatever. You know, by which time, it’s time to go to bed and then I’m up at half six the next day [. . .] I barely, really, get any time. [. . .] The workload is so unbelievable. I haven’t been able to spend time with [my daughter]. I’ve been working until really late at night. Not getting enough sleep. [. . .] There’s just so much in terms of lesson planning and things like that. (Wendy) There was also the additional pressure of having to do housework as well as academic coursework, lesson planning and parenting. The two women’s male partners were involved in childcare, but this did not extend to housework: When I get home, I know I’ve got a night full of work and I think, ‘Well he hasn’t done this, he hasn’t done this. He hasn’t done this!’ So, it’s difficult. [. . .] He does a great job in terms of being a dad. He is fantastic and I can’t fault him, but in terms of being at home and doing things around the home, he’s not great. So, when I’m at home, I feel I have to do [the housework]. (Wendy) Everything else, that’s me that does it. It’s all the housework. He helps with [our daughter], but then I’ve the bathroom to clean, the washing to do. It all takes time. That’s what the Saturday mornings are for. It kind of builds up. [. . .] Every occasion [partner] does the washing up he still grumbles about it and takes two days to do it. I’ve got that [housework] to do as well, it’s not just [daughter] and it’s not just the course and it’s not just my work. (Gina) Emotional Conflicts Gina and Wendy both talked about feeling torn between child and course. Both regretted, for example, missing their daughters’ birthdays due to the demands of the programme: I’ll show you a picture of [my daughter] [. . .] I did want one of her first birthday, because I didn’t get to spend the day with her because it was the first day of induction for [my second school placement]. So, there was no way around at all. Yeah, it was hard (Gina). It was really sad. I actually missed [my daughter’s] second birthday because I was at uni. [. . .] By the time I’d got home it was five o’clock and she was going to bed [. . .] I only had a couple of hours with her. That was her on her birthday! [. . .] I felt really bad, really guilty for missing her birthday [. . .] I don’t want to be the sort of person whose career takes over family life, because she’s my responsibility and whatever else I do, she has to be centre of my attention. So, it did make me feel really bad. (Wendy) 297

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Wendy went on to talk about missing other important ‘milestones’ in her child’s development: Another example of not spending time with her. This was the first day that she went to nursery. My husband got her ready to take her to nursery. [. . .] Again, I was at uni so I didn’t see that, and when I got home he told me about it, but I would have liked to have picked her up or dropped her off. So, it’s just like milestones and things. Not being there [. . .] that’s quite upsetting. [. . .] Sometimes I feel like I’m not keeping up with [my daughter] and I have to hear about things secondhand, which is very difficult. (Wendy) Coping with childcare arrangements could be particularly difficult when children were ill, even though the children’s fathers were taking primary responsibility for childcare during the ITE year. Wendy had felt compelled to take time off when her daughter was sick, which caused difficulties for her: In terms of the placements, with having a child, especially, a child as young as two, illness is a real issue. [. . .] She’s been ill maybe three times this year. [. . .] and I’ve felt, if I rang the school, calling in sick because of her [. . .] I’ve really felt the schools haven’t been supportive in that, and I’ve been made to feel like I’m doing something wrong [. . .] For a parent, that’s a huge amount of pressure when you’ve got a child. [. . .] It’s very difficult. In terms of separation, when she’s ill, the feelings of guilt that I have, not being there for her a lot, when I’m leaving, and she’s going, ‘Mummy don’t go. Mummy stay!’ – because she’s so ill, it is hard to leave. I know that [my husband] is the primary caregiver, but I think sometimes everybody needs support, whether that’s his role or not. He needs a break. (Wendy) The two women felt torn, even though it had been agreed that their children’s fathers would take on childcare during the ITE year. Wendy, for example, commented that it was good to know that her daughter was ‘in good hands’, but at the same time reflected that ‘there is a certain part of me that thinks, “I should be at home doing this”’. Nonetheless, having partners who were taking care of the children helped both women to cope with the competing demands of course and family. However, other difficulties emerged, not least the pressure on the women’s relationships with their partners: [My husband is] not happy with the situation – that he’s at home all the time and he’s in charge, being the dad. It’s very frustrating and he gets very lonely, especially as we’ve moved away from his home. The [ITE] course has put a huge amount of strain on our relationship, especially with the financial implications. He’s at home all day and he’s bored. So in the evening he wants to talk to an adult rather than being with a child. [. . .] When I get home, it’s dinner and then I’m off to work and I’m saying ‘Well I don’t think you understand how hard I’m working,’ and he’s saying, ‘Well, I’ve been here all day!’ So, you know it’s stressful and it is a strain. I think when I’m bringing money in, perhaps it will be easier. When we’ve got a source of permanent income, rather than relying on benefits and things like that. (Wendy) The first placement was the most stressful, because it’s nearing up to Christmas time and [my partner’s] job gets busier. We argued quite a lot, if he was having to do more when I was doing everything. We were just getting up in the morning and arguing with each other. It was stressful. Yeah, it was really stressful. (Gina) 298

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In addition to the practical and emotional pressures on the women in combining ITE and parenting, their experiences were framed and impacted by certain aspects of ITE policy and practice, as we discuss below. Impact of ITE Policy and Practice The women’s experiences during the ITE year were framed by particular aspects of ITE policy and practice. Financial difficulties were mentioned by both participants, discussed in the light of the policy on differential subject bursaries but also a lack of advice and support at the institutional level. Standard routines and practices of ITE had been less family-friendly than they might have been, adding a layer of difficulty for the two student teacher mothers. We discuss next the impact of (i) the ITE shortage subject bursaries policy and (ii) institutional ITE practices. Finance and ITE Bursaries Finance had been a source of considerable stress for both participants. The anxiety caused by being short of money was exacerbated by uncertainty about what the women could expect in terms of financial support from the government and other sources. This uncertainty was the result of recent shifts in government policy about which secondary school subjects were to be allocated bursaries. The allocation was decided on the basis of perceived need and shifted from year to year, with larger sums of money being allocated to the subjects in which there were particular shortages of subject specialists (physics, for example, being a particularly sought-after subject specialism, attracting the largest bursaries). As a student teacher in a shortage subject, Gina was in receipt of a bursary, but there had been some uncertainty about this before she took up her place on the ITE programme, which caused her anxiety. It would have helped her considerably to know in advance what to expect: It was difficult when you didn’t know how much you were getting. I didn’t know whether it was going to be feasible to do the course, or how I was going to manage. In the end, because I was doing a shortage subject, it turned out alright, but I didn’t find out until quite late on. Especially, when I was looking for childcare and nurseries as well. I didn’t know how much help I was going to get. The bursary, loans, maintenance grants [. . .] I didn’t know exactly how that was going to work until just before the course started. [. . .] It was a worry to begin with [but] I didn’t have to have another job, because my subject has the [. . .] bursary. I wouldn’t be able to do without it. (Gina) Whereas Gina had been studying a shortage subject and so received some funding, this was not the case for Wendy: The funding for this course this year was withdrawn, and the financial implications have been absolutely crippling. Especially, for a young family. I just can’t even think back on it. It’s just been that bad. [. . .] We get child tax credits and child benefit and we get housing benefit as well. When we moved to [town] we were in a two-bedroom maisonette, but we just couldn’t, simply couldn’t afford the rent. So, we had to move to somewhere cheaper. Which was over Christmas. So, that was hellish. There was a mess up with my student finances. So, I got a thousand pounds for the whole year and I kept ringing them 299

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saying, ‘This isn’t right’, and they just didn’t want to know. [. . .] Eventually they said, ‘Oh yes [. . .] We’ll have to process your claim again.’ So, I had to fill in all the student finance forms all over again, send them off and about a month or two later they sent me my notification letter which was something like £11,000. During this time, I’d applied to the Access to Learning Fund, from the University, but they couldn’t do anything for me, because I was entitled to all this money. Even though I wasn’t getting it [. . .] they couldn’t award it to me, because I wasn’t eligible. [. . .] It’s just been a total mess. It’s been really housing benefit and child tax credits and my student loan that we’ve been living on. It’s rapidly running out. (Wendy) Both women made the point that the ITE provider could have been more helpful in providing guidance and support to students with financial planning and management. We consider below some of the other ways in which ITE provider practices impacted the lives and experiences of the student teacher mothers in this study. Impact of Institutional ITE Practices Both women had found it frustrating that so little consideration had been given by ITE providers to their need, as mothers, to plan ahead for childcare and other logistical issues. The two participants commented that they would have appreciated receiving earlier, more detailed information about practical aspects of the course. It would have been helpful to find out earlier where they needed to be and when, for example, on school placements, study days and educational visits. It would have helped them to plan ahead and make the necessary domestic and childcare arrangements to fit around the programme, alleviating some of the pressures on them: We didn’t know until quite late when we had to be there. [My partner and I] were debating whether to have four days a week nursery or just go for the full week. [. . .] We automatically went for full week nursery, but then found that I didn’t need to be in for university sessions all of those days! [. . .] It’s just by chance everything fitted [. . .] I didn’t know what time train I’d have to catch, what time I’d have to put [my daughter] into nursery. It worked quite nicely that my train would get in at nine o’clock, lectures wouldn’t start until half nine, we finished at four. My train was at half four. So, it worked out really nicely, just by chance. But I had no chance to see how that was going to work beforehand. It was just kind of cross your fingers! It was stressful, not knowing what days and stuff. The calendar of days you’d be in came in the pack that you were sent [at the start of the course] for the whole year; but, the actual times didn’t come until just before the start of the course and then we just got told how things were going to be on the first day. It would have been helpful to know, just times. Times is the main thing, then you can organize a bit better. [. . .] I didn’t know what was going to happen about school placements either, whether to have a nursery at [hometown] or take my daughter with me on the train to drop her off here [university town]? [. . .] We picked [hometown] just because of [partner]. If something happened, he could get to her quicker than I could. [. . .] It would have been easier to work out my options a bit more, but you don’t know where placements are going to be. (Gina) Both women felt that their anxieties could have been alleviated if ITE leaders had sent out details of dates, times and placements in advance, so that they could plan and budget for childcare

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and travel. They both commented that they would have appreciated some recognition on the part of the university that, as students with children, they exist as a particular group, with specific support needs: It’s never mentioned in any course, saying [. . .] ‘We cater for new mothers’, or even parents. It’s never mentioned. So, it’s, ‘Well do they? Will they make allowances if you’ve got to go and do something?’ It’s never said, so you just assume that, maybe they don’t. Maybe they expect you to be the same as people with no kids? (Gina) I feel, when we came to University, you’ve got handbooks for everything, if there was a guide for student parents perhaps? ‘This is where you can go for support. This is available’ because [. . .] everyone I spoke to said [the ITE year] would be really hard. It is, but I feel if I’d got that booklet I would have thought, ‘They know I’m a parent. They know I need extra support. This is here for me’ (Wendy) Assignment deadlines scheduled after the Christmas and Easter breaks had also been problematic. The women suggested that, when setting assignment deadlines, course leaders might take account of the pressure student mothers were under during the school holidays, when they were juggling childcare, lesson planning and essay-writing: The assignment was due after Easter. During Easter, nursery was closed for a few days and I had [my daughter]. So those days were gone. I remember thinking, ‘How much time do I actually have to do this, as well as plan lessons and mark books?’ The school were suggesting that I plan a week’s worth of lessons whilst I’d got the time [. . .] so if I needed to make alterations, I’d still got time to plan for the following weeks as well. I knew I had my assignment to do as well. I hadn’t had time to do any reading. And I’d just got back into teaching more lessons. I was obviously tired. I needed a break as well. Those two weeks never seemed to be enough to then also plan for the lessons afterwards as well and it just seemed a bit tight. (Gina) Handbooks have been very helpful, but I feel like we could have had more guidance, suggesting some time-scales and when to get it all done and more information in terms of, you know, how that affects me as a mother. I think I’m trying to manage my time between being a mother and home life and new placements and lesson planning and stuff like that, but, having all the pressure from the University and a workload from them as well. If we were given a timeframe or structure on how to tackle it, the course would be more accessible to me as a mother. (Wendy) We discuss next the implications of the findings for leaders of ITE, in terms of the ways and the extent to which policy and practice might be adjusted to anticipate and accommodate the needs of student teacher mothers. Discussion The evidence presented in this chapter highlights some of the logistical, emotional and workload challenges experienced by Gina and Wendy as they navigated the ITE year. Our findings are consistent with those of Griffiths (2002), suggesting that, despite the time elapsed, things have not moved on a great deal for women seeking to combine motherhood with ITE. The women’s

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accounts highlight the enduring impact of women’s domestic lives and family responsibilities. They provide a glimpse of the emotional labour for two women trying to complete a demanding course while rearing a pre-school-aged child. Like those who took part in Griffiths’ (2002) study, the women described their multiple and overlapping responsibilities at home, at university and in school-based placements. Home and professional lives were enmeshed, with each influencing the functionality of the other. Juggling four roles, as novice teachers, students, mothers and homemakers, it was only ever possible to prioritize one. Balancing home and ITE caused tensions and frustrations and impacted personal relationships. Consistent with Murtagh’s (2017) findings related to trainee teachers with parental responsibilities, personal relationships came under pressure. This was partly as a result of a decision for male partners to take on primary responsibility for childcare for the duration of the ITE year. There was a sense that this was, in both cases, a temporary arrangement, which did not alleviate feelings of guilt or domestic obligations for the two mothers. Dominant discourses related to ‘intensive mothering’ and the role of women as carers in our society place powerful expectations and pressures on women who are mothers (Lynch 2008). Despite the active role their partners played in childcare, the women described feeling torn and guilty, that they ought to be the one caring for their child. Feelings of guilt permeate the extant literature related to student parents (see, for example, Brooks 2015). Yet, the women who took part in our study, balanced their feelings of guilt with an awareness of the benefits they could bring for their families by earning a wage. Although the fathers in this study had taken on childcare, the women still assumed responsibility for housework. There were hints that our participants did not think their male partners would complete the housework to an acceptable standard, so felt they had to do it themselves. Perhaps, as Dempsey (2000) notes, it is women’s reluctance to hand over housework to men that impedes a more equitable distribution of domestic work, so that women continue to carry a multilayered workload. Women’s apparent reluctance to hand over the housework to male partners may be rooted in deeply held, culturally ingrained beliefs about womanhood and virtue: a recent survey of 1,081 partnered individuals between 17 and 70 in Europe, the United States, the Antipodes and South Asia found that 59 per cent of women, and 76 per cent of heterosexual women ‘still consider a clean and tidy home to be a marker of their self-worth’ (Howard 2020: 8). It is fascinating to reflect that this appears to continue to be the case as we start the third decade of the twenty-first century. Implications for Leaders of ITE We consider here some steps that might be taken by ITE leaders to better support this group of non-traditional students. In presenting these steps, however, we acknowledge that there are limitations on the potential for action by ITE leaders in this regard, as it would seem from the data presented earlier that women’s domestic lives and family responsibilities continue to frame their professional possibilities. At present, ITE providers do not gather data about students with parental responsibilities. Consequently, ITE tutors do not automatically know which of their students have children, and it seems that this information only becomes apparent when difficulties arise (Moreau 2016). This is something of an anomaly. UK HE leadership discourses highlight the importance of widening 302

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participation and ensuring equality, diversity and inclusion. This is an admirable aspiration, but the real challenge for leaders is to move beyond a statement of espoused values to consider what strategies are needed to attract, retain and accommodate the needs of a more heterogenous, nontraditional population of students. We would suggest a number of steps might be taken by ITE leaders, as starting points for moving towards a more inclusive provision in ITE: 1. Recognize student teacher carers as a group with specific needs, add them into the equity monitoring statistics and develop strategies to support them. 2. Raise awareness among academic and professional services staff that provision for the support needs of student teacher carers is a key issue in ensuring equity and diversity in education, not just in the university but in the hundreds of partnership schools in which novice teachers complete placements and find employment on qualification. 3. Be proactive in engaging academic staff and partnership schools in a process of re-examination of some of the established, traditional, routine practices of ITE. Facilitate collective reflection on whether these accepted practices are based on an outmoded, unquestioned set of assumptions about the ‘average’ carefree, child-free student teacher. This collective reflection should culminate in a review of standard practices in ITE. Consideration might be given to strategies that can be developed to support student teacher carers throughout the student teacher lifecycle. Such strategies might include some small, but far-reaching, practical adjustments to the routines of ITE. For example, our participants experienced practices that were far from being family-friendly, causing them anxiety and putting their personal relationships and mental well-being at risk. Several of the difficulties they described were caused by administrative procedures and course expectations that failed to take account of their roles and responsibilities at home. Short-notice timetabling arrangements and the lack of pre-course information about placement locations, for instance, can have a detrimental impact on parents’ ability to arrange childcare (see also Marandet and Wainwright 2010). Allocating placements in advance and sending out timetabling information pre-programme could make a significant difference. Re-thinking assignment deadlines would also go some way to accommodating student teacher carers’ additional childcare commitments during school holidays. 4. Initiate processes to harness the active engagement of student voice in discussions about the development of policy and practice relating to the support of student teacher carers in the HE institution and across school-university partnerships. 5. Ensure support systems are in place to provide guidance and help for student teacher carers with matters such as accessing funding. It is noteworthy that money management was difficult and stressful for both women in our study. Wendy, for instance, described the difficulties of organizing student finance, housing benefits and child tax credits alongside her academic work and lesson preparation. Wendy’s interview offered a glimpse of the anxiety and frustration caused by not knowing what type of support was on offer to student carers or who to contact within the university for guidance on managing finances. A leadership commitment to providing this help would have implications for ITE tutor training: as Murtagh (2017: 391) reports, at present tutors can feel ‘ill-equipped’ to signpost student teachers to appropriate sources of support and advice. 303

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6. Consider the scope for providing nursery care for the children of postgraduate students. Consideration might, for instance, be given to the scope offered by collaborations with partnership schools to find ways forward in the provision of nursery care. The current lack of affordable childcare adds to the financial pressures on student teacher carers. A part-time place for a child under three years in the UK is reported to cost ‘about twice as much as the average household spends on food each week’ (Coleman and Cottell 2019: 10), and compares poorly with more affordable provision in several Nordic, Balkan and central European countries (European Commission 2019). This is an enduring issue for professional women with children. 7. Consider introducing grants targeted at under-represented and non-traditional students in ITE, including student carers. This would speak to the widening participation agenda and help to ensure a more diverse body of qualified teachers. ITE providers’ current tendency to overlook the challenges faced by student teacher mothers may discourage some potential students from applying to ITE. It may also be a reason for others to leave the programme without completing. This loss of potentially talented women is a concern, given the shortage of teachers in general and of female aspirants to senior leadership in particular (see Smith 2011a,b). We would urge leaders of ITE to take steps to facilitate the participation of all students and support them to course completion. For this to be achieved there is a need for more empathy and awareness of the diversity of people’s lives outside the university. Concluding Comments and Possibilities for Further Research Our findings suggest a range of possibilities for further research. A wider study involving a larger sample would be useful to ascertain what seem to be the key issues for women who combine ITE and mothering, and indeed, at the time of writing, we are engaged in data collection from a broader sample of student teacher mothers. It might also be illuminating to broaden the focus to include fathers who are student teachers or to gather the perspective of fathers who take on the primary childcaring role to support their partners’ careers. It is worth noting that, despite their increasing ‘prevalence and visibility’ in our society (Dunn, Rochlen and O’Brien 2013: 3), stayat-home father households ‘are the least studied form of household income structure’ (Kramer, Kelly and McCulloch 2015: 1652). It would be interesting to investigate whether and how there has been a shift in traditional patterns of domestic responsibilities, such that we can look forward to seeing a corresponding shift in women’s career progression. In the meantime, any steps that leaders of ITE can take to alleviate the pressures on women who combine motherhood and ITE could make a world of difference to the demographic of cohorts of novice teachers and to the mix of early career teachers able to enter the leadership pipeline.

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23 An Insight into the Professional Journey of Pakistani Women Academics Afifa Khanam, Asma Kazi, Fakhra Aziz, Saira Taj, Aishah Siddiqah, Victoria Showunmi and Uzma Quraishi

Introduction Women have a specific ‘socioreligious’ status in Pakistan (Shah 2015). They play specified stereotyped roles of mother, sister, wife and daughter in their homes besides participating in several vocations and professions according to their academic capabilities (Choudhry, Mutalib and Ismail 2019). Despite their multidimensional contribution to the society, they are expected to fulfil the role of a traditional homemaker. Both urban and rural women singlehandedly shoulder domestic responsibilities along with other work (Lindvert, Patel and Wincent 2017). They not only have to struggle to achieve a balance between home and work but also face social taboos and gender discrimination (Pervez and Iraqi 2018). The study intends to explore women’s career and positions in academia, highlighting the personal, social and organizational factors which spur them towards higher academic career. It also looks at the challenges, constraints and nonconducive elements that have hindered their possible success in their careers. Statement of the Problem Constitution of Pakistan, through Article 25-A, in 1973, says, ‘The state shall provide free and compulsory education to all children [irrespective of male and female] of the age of five to sixteen years in such manner as may be determined by the law.’ Chasing the envisioned target, Pakistani women have struggled to emerge as active and visible contributors in academia and other professions. With the ever-increasing number of female students (Batool et al. 2013) in Pakistani universities ‘female’s enrollment has increased from 36.8% to 47.2% by 2014’ (Mehmood, Chong and Hussain 2018: 379) and women are performing much better than ever before and wiping out stereotypical conceptions about limited and specific roles (Malik and Courtney 2011) because women have outperformed than their male contestants at tertiary education (Shoaib and Ullah 2019). Their leadership traits are being familiarized and acknowledged (Zarif, Urooj and

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Gorchani 2019). The increasing number of female students at universities indicates that they are breaking chains of stereotypical constraints and societal perceptions to be inferior individuals (Ali et al. 2019). They have started to cross the borders of patriarchic society, strict cultural norms and limited concept of functionality (Naqvi 2015). Mapping the factors leading to this change in Pakistani context, the researchers intended to explore the process of career development of women academics who are successful academic leaders today, in order to identify their personal, institutional and societal enablers and disablers, and their positive and negative experiences in achieving their present professional status. The Purpose of this Study Was 1. to gain a deeper insight into the career advancement of women in academia; 2. to explore factors enabling women to adopt and continue their profession in order to achieve a desirable career progression; 3. to discover the problems, challenges and critical incidents discouraging or hindering women in their career progression and 4. to explore the perception of women about the role of research in their career development. The Study Revolved around the Following Main Research Questions: 1. How did women academics attain the current academic and professional position? 2. What personal, institutional and social barriers and enablers do women academics consider having important influences on their career development? 3. How do women academics think about and experience their careers? 4. What role does research play in their career development? Review of Literature Education being the indicator of national progress and likewise for developing human capital plays the key role. Thus, participation of women in higher education predicts their active role in development of a country (Noureen and Awan 2011). Therefore, the enrolment of female students in institutions of higher learning is increasing in the world (Kaleem and Rathore 2017). A number of empirical studies since the 1980s have reported that women have outnumbered men on college campuses (Scarborough, Sin and Risman 2019; Warner 2013). Women have outnumbered men in earning undergraduate business degrees since 2002 (Begeny et al. 2020; Matsa and Miller 2013). Despite increasing enrolment and degree completion in higher education, women in America have been unable to attain prominent places of power (Paxton, Hughes and Barnes 2020; Warner 2013). Likewise, UNESCO has reported an increase in the number of female students in tertiary education. Its global parity index shows that the ratio of female enrolment to male enrolment in higher education is 1.08, which shows that there are slightly more undergraduate women than men worldwide. ‘Globally, the number of female students rose six-fold from 10.8 to 77.4 million between 1970 and 2008’ (UNESCO 2010). Reasons behind Women’s Failure to Attain Key Positions Despite certain groundbreaking researches like Zenger and Folkman (2019), who explored that women scored higher in seventeen out of nineteen leadership skills than men, it is alarming 306

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why women are not attaining key leadership positions. Somehow, because women play multidimensional roles at home and in the workplace: for example, caring for children, serving their husbands and looking after the elderly at home. As a result, they encounter a work/family dilemma which adversely affects their progress (Sarwar and Imran 2019). Children suffer if they cannot get time and attention from their parents. Although the existing institutional environment claims equality and an absence of gender discrimination, unfortunately ‘underlying power of tradition and the vested interests of the patriarchal system work to maintain the status quo’ (Labour News 2010). The legal constraints, policies and practices at the institutions may provide equality but not equity to women because there are no specified rules for women employees (Sarwar and Imran 2019). Article 25 of the Constitution of Pakistan (1973) assures equality of rights to all citizens regardless of race, sex and class, and empowers the government to promote and protect women’s rights and take action against violence (Labour News 2010). Tamim (2013), in a qualitative study involving eight female participants who entered higher education in Pakistan, commented that ‘working-class women remain the most marginalized and fail to achieve valued goals within higher education in terms of knowledge construction, participation, and a more empowered sense of identity’. In order to maintain a balance between multiple roles at work and in the family, women use different coping strategies, such as getting social support from family members, helpers, organizational support (e.g. day-care centres) and help from neighbours and family friends or relatives. A systematic support mechanism helps women to fight against stress and emotional setback (Billing and Moos 1981; Riefman, Biernat and Lang 1991). Ralston (1990) reported that professional women having strict schedules face more difficulties than those with flexible schedules. It was found that lack of job flexibility was related to increased depression (Gooning 1991). It has been reported that ‘when family responsibilities expand, mothers are more likely than fathers to change jobs, to work part-time, or exit the labour force because families cannot afford to lose fathers’ wages. The result is often a decrease in mothers’ financial and occupational attainment (Glass and Estes 1997: 297). Thus, women have to be more courageous and face challenges on their own. They have to take responsibility for their life. Fitzgerald (2010) explains that women have indigenous circumstances of family, individual genealogy, professional biography and identity which determine their leadership style and space. Women in Leadership ‘Historically, leadership has been associated with males, a convenient transference of patriarchal structures from social to professional domain, which is evident from different theories of leadership associating male charisma, characteristics, abilities and styles with leaders’ (Shah 2015: 3). Blackmore (1995), Coleman (2011), Hall (1996) and Shakeshaft (2010), cited in Shah (2015), have identified in their studies that ‘predominantly masculine’ characteristics and behaviours of leadership originate from contextual, social and cultural backgrounds where position and power are conceptually gender-specific. ‘In a Muslim society, cultural and belief systems emerge as a defining factor underpinning those deep structures or cultural forms that determine female role and positioning’ (Shah 2015: 2). Women have to face several formal and informal pressures from family and society, political frameworks, social structures and ‘professional pressure groups’ where male dominance is a 307

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powerful image (Shah 2015). However, Morley (2013) claims that the movement for gender equality legislation, policy formulation, the identification of socio-economic gender relations and the provision and expansion of opportunities have all contributed to the increased number of women in academia and leadership. Morrison (1987), cited in Reay (2000), discovered that the ‘psychological profile’ of women who become successful in leadership may have traits like those of men rather than the characteristics of their fellow women. For example, there are 56 per cent women students in UK, of whom 46 per cent become university academics and only 24 per cent become professors (Equality Challenge Unit, 2018 see in Macfarlane and Burg 2019). If women get successful in taking key positions, they have to fight against this preconceived gender discrimination. Though the performance of men and women in the workplace is the same, women are not perceived as being equally useful to the organization as men and, therefore, women are reluctant to apply for higher positions (Barnett and Hyde 2001; Cooper 2019). Women in different situations need a variety of strategies for coping. For example, mothers of small children need flexible time for their feeding and emotional support; for older children they need shorter work times so they can help with their academic coaching; and women who are caregivers for elders may need leave for emergencies (Glass and Estes 1997). Women have to sacrifice more than men in order to succeed in academia. They are aware that, to attain a prominent position, they have to work hard. Therefore, it is thought that success in academia and the professions need masculine characteristics of courage, aggression and boldness. Furthermore, the successful female role models often do not have children of their own (Warner 2014). Women Education and Their Stereotypical Role in Pakistan In Pakistan, women comprise 49.2 per cent of the population (Demographics of Pakistan 2014). They play a significant and indispensable role in the progress of the country. The statistics published by the Higher Education Commission show that, on a national basis, women outnumber men in many institutions of higher learning (HEC Annual Report 2010–11). At the level of higher education, Pakistan has a total enrolment of over 1.108 million students annually at 139 tertiary education institutions, of which 67 per cent are male and 33 per cent are female (UNESCO 2012). In Pakistan and throughout the world, highly educated women sacrifice their career or avoid key positions, while most of the power positions are taken by men (European Commission 2012). The professions preferred by women in Pakistan are medicine and teaching, as they are considered respected and safe. Though women also seek managerial positions in banks, offices, the judiciary and factories, the former are thought of as the most respected professions socially. ‘There has been a steady growth of women in the teaching sector over the last decade’ (Aisha 2007: 6). It has also been observed that employers in other professions prefer not to employ women. It was found that women applying for managerial positions had to face extra discrimination compared to their male competitors because they were perceived as less influential and less decisive. Women understand their constraints, and they themselves avoid top positions and consequently limit their progress (Husney and Quader 2011). In Pakistan, opportunities for women as leaders are being produced through media awareness, appropriate legislation on human rights in favour of women, policies about 308

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workplace harassment (The Gazette of Pakistan 2010), formal encouragement by advertisers (Women’s Development Department, Govt. of the Punjab, 2012) and an increasing number of female role models. Overall, the possibility of women participating in professions and becoming leaders has increased in the last decade. Shah (2015) suggested that revisiting the concept of leadership, bringing women into the legal framework of professions and attributing leadership ‘charismatic’ qualities to both men and women can help generate spaces for women in Pakistani culture. Methodology The present study is based on grounded theory as it intends to explore the factors enabling or disabling women in their academic career. It focuses on several personal, social and organizational factors which have helped or hindered women in taking their place as successful professionals. The study contributes to the theory and posits that women either have to be privileged or have to fight against non-conducive factors during their career. The study was conducted in the qualitative paradigm to capture the subtle feelings which women had experienced during their career journey. A grounded theory approach was adopted to bring to light critical moments in the careers of women academics and the role which different personal, organizational and social elements played in their success. It was an in-depth study to explore the enablers and disablers for women’s career progression. The Participants The participants were selected purposively with specific characteristics. The respondents were female regular university employees who were working as assistant professors or professors in the women’s university. Six participants – RA, RB, RE, RG, RH and RI – were working as full professors in academic and administrative departments; RA was the director of an Institute at the university, RB was controller of examination, RE was director research, RG was dean faculty of sciences, RH was director faculty training and internationalization, and RI was director academics. The other four participants – RC, RD, RF and RJ – were heading their departments. All of the professors and assistant professors were also teaching in different faculties of sciences and arts. They were regular university employees in a women’s university and had ages from thirty-five to fifty-five years. Except RH, all participants had doctoral and postdoctoral degrees of their relevant subjects. They had teaching experience of five to thirty years and those having administrative experience were working from two to three years at their current position. All participants were married except RA, and had two to four children, whereas RF had no child. Tool of Investigation The researchers prepared an interview schedule with four major questions and five or six probes for each question to be asked after a relevant answer. The interview schedule was prepared during research training sponsored by The British Academy, UK, with the help of cross-validation from several training members and was reviewed by experts afterwards. The interview was accompanied by a covering letter regarding participants’ written consent and the essential demographics of the informants. 309

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The researchers scheduled appointments with participants before the interview through phone calls or personal meetings. They briefed the interviewees about the rationale of the research, collected demographic information through a questionnaire and received their written consent. The respondents were assured that they could withdraw at any moment from the interview and that the information would not be used for any purpose other than research. It was also made clear that their anonymity would be strictly maintained. The participants were told about the purpose of the research and its expected duration. The researchers probed whenever they felt the need to explore the critical moments of the women’s careers. All the interviews were recorded by an audio-recording device. Data Analysis The research followed grounded theory (Strauss and Corbin 1994) and an inductive approach was used to derive themes, sub-themes and patterns of women’s experiences and opinions (Glaser and Strauss 2017). The audio files were transcribed by the researchers, who listened to them over and over again to match transcriptions with the actual data. The interviews were presented to the participants for validation of their statements by method of member-checking (Birt et al. 2016). The researchers worked individually to sort out themes emerging under each research question and then shuffled the analysis among them for cross-checking. The analysis followed the coding method as, ‘Incidents are identified in the data and coded. The initial stage of analysis compares incident to incident in each code. Initial codes are then compared to other codes. Codes are then collapsed into categories’ (Chun Tie, Birks and Francis 2019: 3). Finally, researchers worked together to formulate the derived theory in order to highlight the enablers or disablers of women’s careers in academia. The themes and sub-themes of the central concepts were also presented in tables. Findings The findings of thematic analysis of participants’ interviews are presented under the major research questions: Q1. How Do Women Academics’ Careers Develop? The responses portrayed an array of personal and professional factors which were significant in the development of their academic careers. Two major themes emerged through thematic analysis, which encompassed the attainment of work-life balance and factors regarding their career development. Most of the interviewees reported perpetual juggling to attain a good work-life balance. RA reported sleeping less to have more time available, something which was a normal practice for her. RB reported spending less time socializing to have more time for work. Whereas RC, RD and RF revealed that their efforts to attain balance between work and home were not very successful. For RC, the challenge was to work and study at the same time, as she experienced while doing her PhD. Balancing work, study and home was a major challenge. Respondent D coped better, thanks to a positive attitude. RF experienced failure at a personal level if she neglected either work or home. 310

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RE, RG, RH and RJ did not mix the two aspects of their life, unless it was absolutely necessary and expressed satisfaction. RG commented: ‘my time-management is so good that I never feel over-burdened.’ However, RI felt: ‘it’s very difficult to keep a balance between your professional and personal lives because there are lots of responsibilities.’ She also felt that ‘giving yourself deadlines is the key to maintain a balance between your professional life and your personal life. If you do not do that, your house will turn into a mess; your profession will turn into a mess.’ She indicated that ‘she could not progress to a large extent in her career as she had to divide her time between work and family, and felt this as an obstacle’ for career development. RH also reported not having any imbalance in her life as she only did things which she needed to do. She further elaborated that there were times that things at home were pushed to the back. The importance of time management was also stressed by Respondent J, who reported that ‘when I leave home I keep thinking about university, and when I am at university, I keep thinking about my house’. A-Influence of Work on Personal Life and Vice Versa Some sub-themes that emerged from work-life balance concerned the influence of work on personal life and vice versa. RA felt her children were happy that their mother was working so well and also taking care of them. This view was also held by RH. RC, however, felt that university work was demanding and stressful and that she neglected her home and her children, and sometimes even sent them away to leave her in peace to do her work. She also complained of not getting enough sleep. This view that the children suffer was endorsed by RE and RJ. RE vented her irritation and stress on the children by losing her temper with them. RE felt the effect of tension through ‘muscle ache and fatigue’. RD felt her married life was becoming affected. RF felt under pressure because of work; she explained: I am working all the time; while I am in the kitchen, my laptop is on the counter; when getting ready to sleep my laptop is on my side table; so I am working all the time. It is quite hard for me in a way because I am not looking at all at what is happening around me at my home and I am eating all the time from takeaways and I am fed up of it because I don’t have time to cook now. RI reported she could not enjoy any event or occasion as her mind was preoccupied with her work. However, she was at ease at work because of her head of department, who gave her personal and professional space. On the other hand, one respondent felt overwhelmed enough by work to seek ‘psychiatric help’. For RC, the politics at work was a traumatizing experience. Another perspective offered by Respondent H was that ‘men should not be at strategic positions in women universities in leadership positions’, and that ‘this entanglement of the male psyche in the Women’s University is the worst thing which is happening now’. As far as work being affected by personal life is concerned, RC was very comfortable as she started working before marriage, and therefore, had never been a housewife even after her marriage because her family in law was expecting her job responsibilities. RE also did not feel disturbed because of her job. Similarly, RH felt that she endeavoured to keep work and private 311

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Table 23.1  Influence of Work on Personal Life and Vice Versa Enablers Disablers Positive mindset Stress Keeping both things separate

Neglecting home and Children

Allocating time for each activity

Less sleep No enjoyment Psychological setback Fatigue Effect on married life

life separate. Another thread which was closely connected to the effects of work on personal life was being able to find time for oneself (Table 23.1). B-Professional Challenges for Women Leaders RA, RH and RG had joined the public sector recently while previously they had been working in private sector. Therefore, they reported facing the problems of transition. For the former two, there were additional challenges of joining at a young age. RH reported experiencing tremendous ‘negativity’ on the part of colleagues. Respondent J reported that her head of department felt threatened by her capabilities, and therefore kept switching her teaching courses. She reported: ‘I believe I have taught more than twenty subjects.’ While working as a teacher, she was doing her PhD as well. She was misguided by her head [of department] and it caused problems in her final degree. A challenging situation for RC was the transition of her college to become a university. She also felt that it is important to have a good relationship with the head of department. She felt that one feels comfortable at work and puts in extra hours with someone who is appreciative and supportive. With a new chairperson who was not supportive, the higher authorities also became hostile, people ‘ganged up’ against her and she felt ‘victimized’. As a consequence, she lost motivation, which acted as a disabler. Something similar was expressed by RG, who went on to call her head of department ‘cruel’: she ‘insulted her’ and created obstacles: for example, ‘she did not even give me a chair to sit on’ or provide any other assistance for setting up a laboratory. However, she rose to the challenge and did not let it deter her. She asserted that ‘the most that I faced was the negative politics, which is, I think, the threat to all women. You are always doing your work but people are pulling you back.’ This was confirmed by her experience with the highest authority, who affirmed, ‘I will never submit your PC-I to any funding agency.’ Despite such obstacles, she set up a department ‘at par with international standard’. Whereas RH remarked that barriers or challenges ‘make you a stronger person when you deal with them’. Being ‘honest and respectful’ with seniors eventually pays off. Another challenge highlighted by her, which creates hurdles in the career paths of women, is that ‘people compromise rules and regulations of the organization and their values’. For RF and RI, administrative duties were too challenging, and there were difficulties in finding adequate time and resources for research. They highlighted the absence of Wi-Fi and

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separate workspace. Demotivation from all the challenges experienced by the respondents emerged as a strong disabler. Significant Factors in Career Development Several factors which were significant in the career development of these academics emerged from the analysis of the data. These were family support, institutional support and mentors’ role. For some of the respondents, these mentors were also their role models, while for others their mentors were their teachers. Respondent D, however, commented sarcastically that her role models were her ‘seniors who do not want to do anything’. Quite a few mentioned their family, particularly their mothers and husbands, as the driving force and inspiration behind their career progression. As far as the institutional support is concerned, it was observed that some of the heads were not supportive of their faculty. RG and RJ, in particular, faced many setbacks and hurdles posed by their heads, but these did not serve as a deterrent. An enabler which comes across for them and some others is faith in religion and Allah, which gave them strength and inner calm (Table 23.2). Q2. What Personal, Institutional and Social Barriers and Enablers Do Women Academics Consider Have Important Influences on Their Career Development? Women academics’ personal motivation and strong will played a key role in the achievement of their current position. For RA, the main enabler was ‘my personal decision regarding my education and career; I knew from the start that I can do so many things’. RA and RC had to convince their fathers to support their studies and their careers. According to RA, ‘When I did my Master’s degree, then my father trusted me totally and decided to get me educated further and delayed my marriage so I could study further.’ R F reported: ‘my objective that I always wanted to be a good teacher were driving forces behind whatever I did.’ RB also showed her determination and clarity of goal, stating, ‘I do this job for a purpose; I knew from the beginning that I have to become a Lecturer and fulfil this responsibility.’ RC also showed her intrinsic motivation as ‘my inner drive to continue to study. . . . I have been the creature of the academia. . . . My core identity is that I belong to the academia, I am a researcher, I am a psychologist, and I am a teacher.’ For RD, ‘Personally, I really feel better while I am working rather being at home when I have studied a lot. I have something and I should give it to others.’ Table 23.2  Factors Affecting Career Development Support Challenges Personal motivation Negativity of boss Family support

Switching jobs

Peer mentoring

Lack of funds and resources

Institutional support

Selected career choice

Faith in religion

Politics

Strong will

Unnecessary admin responsibilities

Good management

Family priorities

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Women academics found some key people in their family whose support enabled them to reach the level they have attained. Most of the time they were close or immediate family members: for RA, RB, RC and RF, their mothers acted as their main supporter. RE and RI also appreciated the role of their parents. According to RD, ‘My father and my mother have given me a very big challenge. They have made me like this.’ The army background of the father of RI was helpful for her personal development. The status of women was very poor in the family of RJ, but her father insisted on the education of his daughter before his elder brother. RC, RD, RF and RG mentioned the cooperation of their husbands. According to RC, ‘My husband also takes pride in my accomplishments.’ RF and RJ reported support from their family in law; either from mother-in-law or from the father-in-law. According to RA and RI, their experience at previous institutions (private institutions) and abroad played a role in their personality development/ grooming. The participants commented that the role of bosses and supervisors at university was important; either supportive or opposite, they influenced their career a lot. RH described the role of leadership in this way: ‘Everything is in place if [the] leader is good.’ Many participants reported the importance of the positive role of the vice chancellors of the universities. RH reported that she received respect, academic advice and continuous mentoring from her bosses and seniors. However, the perception of RF was that help from mentors is not available here. ‘We have to look back to home mentors for that.’ RC elaborated that ‘I seek advice from different people, [such as] my prospective PhD supervisor. I get so much appreciation from my students year after year and a lot of appreciation from teachers.’ RA found a good supervisor and RG mentioned the support of peers. RI was thankful to her head of department for trusting her and giving her freedom to work. RE and RJ said that university facilitates postdoctoral work for faculty members. RH also acknowledged institutional support for career development. RC and RJ appreciated the day-care facility, and the former was happy with the paid maternity leave and study leave which she availed. Q3. How Do Women Academics Think about and Experience Their Careers? Women academicians were exited to tell about their visions and expectations at the beginning of their careers. Almost half of them said that they did not expect the job or position in which they were currently working. Some of them expressed the view that they had very high expectations at the beginning of their job, but over time they have realized that the reality is different. One of the points which emerged from the discussion about expectations was that the respondents had very high self-efficacy, and they thought of themselves as having much more potential than they were utilizing in their careers; for example, RG stated, ‘I see myself as a Vice-Chancellor.’ All except one of the interviewees said that they were generally satisfied with their careers. Further probing showed that the ways in which they perceive satisfaction are different. When asked about their satisfaction with their jobs they gave diverse views. RD elaborated, ‘Yes! (I am satisfied) I am not entitled to be Associate Professor (by my department and university) but I am eligible for it (as per HEC rules etc.).’ RF said that she was satisfied as she is learning a lot, whereas RG said: ‘I feel satisfaction as I am a helping hand for my students and faculty and this is a source of pleasure for me.’ RH and RJ had quite a spiritual approach, and they said they worked very hard and left everything else to God. Only RC said that she had a low satisfaction level 314

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Table 23.3  Experience in Academia Pleasant Earning is its own reward

Unpleasant Negative politics

Pride and satisfaction

Rules are not abided by

Good relationships

Overburdened

Contributing to the family

Lack of peaceful environment

Helpful for students and humanity

Less leisure time

Having faith

Demotivated without appreciation

Leadership vision

because she felt that there was lack of freedom and private space (separate offices) for teachers. She further said that, ‘although the university pays fairly, it is not fair for the university to ask you to improve your education by completing a PhD on one hand while on the other hand they are reluctant to grant study leave.’ It was found that almost all of the women were highly committed and had a high level of self-efficacy. The majority of the interviewees felt they had good relationships with their students and colleagues. About half of them said that they visualize their success as having strong relationships with their students and they take the success of their students as their own success. A few of the respondents shared their very bad experiences within their careers, which included leg pulling, being overburdened by administrative and clerical work, and negative politics which adversely affected their careers. Some of the respondents mentioned that they had bad experiences but counteracted them by using various strategies such as counselling themselves not to give up and to have faith in God (Table 23.3). Q4. What Role Does Research Play in Their Career Development? What Barriers and Enablers Do Women Consider Important in Building an Active Research Role? The women academicians were asked about the role of research in their career development. Most of them opined that research played a key role in career development. A few on tenure tracks reported that research is part of their job and a compulsory element for their progress. RD reported: I need research not only for my own satisfaction but for my career actually. . . for my progress it is a requirement of one international paper per year at least in an impact factor journal of W category of HEC. Another participant considered research effective for capacity building. RF said: The role of research is pivotal in my career and I think that if you are a good researcher then you are a good manager, a good housewife, because in research you have to keep your eye on time-management. Women academics were requested to highlight the types of research activities in which they have been involved or they were currently involved. Most of them were involved in research projects, thesis supervision and individual research for publication. Supervising theses is considered as

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part of their job, although it is a main source of capacity building for academics, while research projects and research papers are criteria by which their research work and research skills can be judged. Respondent G attributed her professional capabilities to her leaders who appreciated and supported her. RJ owed her active research role to her husband and the clarity of her objectives. RG felt a lack of support and elaborated: ‘Barriers are from gender point of view.’ RH shared her feeling that ‘possibly fair reviewing is required for these research projects. Basically, the barriers are that I don’t have a lot of funding; I don’t have a lot of facilities.’ RI was on the same page: ‘The amount allocated to the researcher is too low and we can’t be able to have a good research.’ RJ felt that extra responsibilities got in the way. The majority of women academics reported that there were sufficient research opportunities but that the academic side of their work (teaching) was a hindrance in taking advantage of them. RI said, We get little time to engage in research activities and supervising research students takes our vacations also. We can’t find time for having vacations Vice Chancellor announces that there are summer vacations but we don’t have any vacations for that. The women academics had ambitious future plans which showed their high self-efficacy level. When they were asked where they saw themselves after five years, Respondent C said ‘I require a number of publications. . . . I have to continue working, and I see myself, you know, Associate Professor somewhere.’ RF told about her life dreams as, ‘I always see myself as Vice-Chancellor. That is on the university side and in the private sector, I wish a lot’ and expressed that, ‘I have a dream that I should make such a system that could change agriculture in Pakistan.’ RI aspired, ‘I think, I would be an Associate Professor.’ (Table 23.4) Discussion The present research has supported the findings of several research studies in Pakistan and worldwide which show how women have had to carve their way out of preconceptions about gender traits. In Pakistan, women have a specific ‘socioreligious’ status, as Shah (2015) has mentioned, and they have had to struggle for their careers while remaining within the boundaries of social and religious expectations. All the research participants perceived themselves equally responsible for their homes and professions, though most of them seemed inclined towards their profession. Most of the participants had no choice of profession other than teaching, as Aisha (2007) and Husney and Quader (2011) have claimed in their previous research. The study in hand brought to light the concept that women academics collectively exhibited a spirit of struggle and sacrifice. Though women had support from different family members and institutions, they had

Table 23.4  Role of Research in Career Development Opportunities Challenges Promotion and incentives Non-availability of resources

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Scholarships for studying abroad

No separate offices

Learning and appreciation

Overburdened and time constraints

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to face a number of challenges regarding multiple responsibilities at home and workplace which were mentioned by Fitzgerald (2010) in a previous study. Women academics had a strong belief and faith in God, and most of them were internally motivated and ambitious about doing something valuable, as described by Walston (2002). Several academics were impressed by their teachers or female role models. Some of them, luckily, found supportive heads, mentors and colleagues, and institutional support in funding and promotion and day-care facility for their children as mentioned by Belsky (1990). Meanwhile, women academics, have struggled against several challenges mentioned by (Sarwar and Imran 2019) such as mental stress, neglecting home and children, having less sleep, fatigue, marital conflicts and less time for enjoyment. Some of the academics resolved these challenges by thinking positively, keeping both spheres separate, giving themselves deadlines and allocating time for each activity. In addition to the normal work/home dilemma, as Morley (2013) mentioned in previous research, some women also suffered negativity and hostility from bosses and politics and jealousy from colleagues. They were demotivated by lack of funds and resources, unnecessary administrative duties and barriers to promotion. They complained about the non-availability of separate offices for the faculty, the absence of increments for tenure-track workers and the lack of research materials and resources. Despite the disablers in their career, women academics were satisfied with their position. Contrary to the findings of Tamim (2013) in Pakistan, women academics had high self-efficacy to go forward and aspired to high leadership positions. They were proud of their contribution to their families. They were ambitious about their students and felt satisfaction at being good teachers and helping humanity. Women academics thought of research as a problem-solving skill that could also be helpful in the household. They admitted that research required a lot of hard work, as indicated by (Lin and Baker 2019)., but it was necessary for their career progression and so they kept on working consistently. As Reay (2000) and Morley (2013) mentioned, knowledge of rights and policies is important for working women; most of the women academics had a good knowledge of their rights, and some of them had taken advantage of the opportunities. The other professionals did not need to fight for their rights. Most of the women academics had good relationships with their families and institutions, as described by Morley (2013). Overall, the present study has supported previous feminine research which has presented women academicians’ stories of faith and struggle. Conclusion From the previous discussion, it can be concluded that women academics in Pakistan are strong enough to carve their way consistently and patiently out of several situations of social and institutional hostility. Though none of their success was possible without family and institutional support, they were aware of their responsibilities as vital members of their family as well as of their institution. They selected academia as the most respected profession and took challenges as a positive spur to their career progression. It was not easy for them to face multiple challenges such as losing their sleep, neglecting their children, ignoring their household responsibilities, sacrificing their enjoyments and working day and night, yet they were satisfied and were proud of their achievements. They had aspirations for high leadership positions and understood the role of research as the key factor for their career progression. 317

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The participants’ intrinsic motivation, spirituality, personal management skills, family support (from mother, father, husband, in-laws, children), institutional support, workplace mentoring (from colleagues and heads), role models, favourable policies and facilities, and funds and resources were major enablers for their career progression. On the other hand, significant disablers identified were unnecessary workload, workplace hostilities, lack of funds and facilities, mental stress, bad health, lack of research material, negligence on the part of supervisors, absence of a peaceful environment (separate offices) and smaller rewards. Despite challenges and facing disablers, women academics were in high spirits and had high self-efficacy. They were fully aware of their responsibilities and rights. They had good family and institutional relationships. They aimed high and were committed to achieving their vision. The Way Forward To obtain a desirable role for women in academia and other professions in Pakistan, we need a social awareness campaign to support women to come forward and show their potential. The institutions hosting women professionals need more flexible, individualized and equitable policies to enable them to cope with their specific problems. Laws already made (such as the Harassment Act and Leave Rules) should be implemented in their letter and spirit. The Higher Education Commission (HEC, Pakistan) should ensure research materials and facilities in universities, and training for administrators should focus on work management and moral values related to human rights.

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24 Women’s Educational Leadership and the (Not So) Hidden Toll of Emotional Labour The Vomit in My Handbag Rachel McNae

Introduction Leading is a profoundly emotional form of work (Walters 2012). Positioning leadership as a relational practice requires emotions to be an important consideration in understanding the work of educational leaders (Uhl-Bien and Ospina 2012). Educational leadership is about ‘the desire to make a difference’, but also equally leadership is about ‘fear of failure, pain, exhaustion . . . and guilt associated with the ethical dilemmas that leaders confront on a daily basis’ (Blackmore 2010: 642). The relational aspects of school leadership, specifically, the existence, nature and impact of the intense and fluctuating emotional components of leadership work, play a critical role in shaping the experiences of all educational leaders. Leadership is also a contextual practice (Theoharis 2008). Increasing levels of accountability, rapid educational reform and increasing complexity in the role of the educational leader create more diverse and significant responsibilities for educational leaders. Devnew and StorbergWalker (2018) remind us that while the current contexts for leadership are becoming increasingly complex, it is essential that in the search for leadership success, we do not lose sight of the multiple identities which exist within them. They argue, ‘all people, or all women, or all women of a single culture do not look, think, or lead alike and do not face the same challenges and it is imperative that theorizing and practicing should reflect this reality’ (p. 39). In educational settings emotional components of leadership are not solely related to women. Managing conflict, experiencing values crises, facing disappointment and balancing personal and professional lives are areas encountered by both men and women (Sachs and Blackmore 2010). However, the ways in which women position themselves (knowingly and unknowingly) and are positioned by others alongside the deeply hegemonic organizational discourses which impact and shape their responses to these elements are worthy of further attention. Discourses which impact beliefs about leadership, such as gender roles, leader stereotypes and expectations, further impact and shape the ways in which women experience leadership within their contexts

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(Fuller 2013). The thresholds of external policy requirements, administration loads, internal school expectations, personal desires and capacity also warrant further investigation as each of these relational and contextual fabrics of women leaders is multifarious and intertwined. While it is not the purpose of this chapter to embark on detailing the significant and important body of literature pertaining to women’s leadership and women’s experiences of leadership in its entirety, this chapter acknowledges this earlier work that has been completed, also recognizing the role that this vital pool of research has played in informing the research direction and preliminary design which has generated the findings for this chapter. The purpose of this chapter is to surface the lived experiences of six women who selfidentified as educational leaders for social justice and explore the nature of their leadership, specifically the existence and impact of the intense and fluctuating emotional components of women’s leadership work. Central to the research which underpins this chapter are the women’s perceptions and engagement in sensemaking of the ‘emotional labour’ they encountered in their leadership work. Excerpts from the semi-structured interviews which formed a critical part of the dialogic sensemaking process are presented to highlight the sustained and enduring nature of the emotional toll the women experienced, outlining the influence and centrality of emotional labour in women’s leadership. As the women’s experiences are surfaced and shared, they are positioned and critiqued in light of recent theorizing about social justice, gender and emotions in organizations, highlighting the significant and often costly impact on their personal and professional lives.  Educational Leaders and Sensemaking Kia whakatōmuri te haere whakamua I walk backwards into the future with my eyes fixed on my past.1 Educational leaders make sense of the world around them by actively constructing a perceived reality through remembering what has happened in the past (McNae 2017). Learning and demonstrating leadership are connected to understanding what has gone before us and influences what we will encounter in the future. Drawing on sociological theories of sensemaking (Weick 1995), a growing body of research highlights how leaders come to understand and enact leadership, and how this is influenced by their prior knowledge, the social context within which they work and their connection and commitment to the aspects they are leading (Spillane et al. 2002). As an approach, sensemaking supports ways to analyse and gain deeper understandings of organizations and the individuals within them. Weber and Glynn (2006) remind us that understanding individuals within their organization from the perspective of the individual and as a collective is an important aspect of sensemaking. As educational leaders create meaning and make sense of their current context and practice through the complex interplay of personal values and school culture (Ganon-Shilon and Schechter 2017), their personal experiences and values, along with those of their colleagues, the school norms, practices, rituals and traditions all impact on this sensemaking process. The whakatauki (Māori proverb) at the beginning of this section is shared to highlight how the processes of sensemaking involve the active and intentional reflection on, and drawing meaning from past experiences and prior knowledge, ultimately creating a new reality based on how these aspects interact with the values and beliefs currently held (Spillane 320

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and Anderson 2014). Weick’s (1995) sensemaking framework identifies four key areas – personal identity, retrospection, social connection and enactment. The educational leaders in this research were involved in a sensemaking process whereby they reflected upon and engaged in dialogue about their leadership experiences, to examine specifically the nature of their work and the emotions and emotional labour associated with leading their schools. The Emotional Work of Educational Leaders The emotional work of educational leaders is currently under the spotlight. With a large number of experienced educational leaders retiring, and the attraction to educational leadership positions not as strong as it was, schools are left desperately scrambling to fill positions before the school term begins. The question could be asked, what has changed in the lives of educational leaders? Anecdotal evidence cites burnout, exhaustion and disillusionment, and the turnover principalship statistics reflect that. Within the New Zealand context, findings from the New Zealand Council of Educational Research National survey of English medium primary schools (Wylie and MacDonald 2020) provide useful insights into the work of educational leaders more generally. In 2019, 145 principals (66 per cent female) completed the national survey focused on careers, workload, morale and well-being. Accruing data over the last nine years, with the survey being applied in 2010, 2013, 2016 and 2019, the findings were disturbing, revealing principals continue to work long hours, with many believing their workload was unmanageable (71 per cent) or unsustainable (77 per cent). Findings also indicated lower principal morale than previous years, higher stress levels and greater levels of tiredness which impacted their work (Wylie and MacDonald 2020). The intensification of workloads and the growing perception that too much was being asked of schools (from 42 per cent believing this in 2013 rising to 72 per cent in 2019) have created numerous challenges for educational leaders personally and professionally. Similar findings emerge in other contexts. For example, in the United States, the work of Robinson and Shakeshaft (2018) sought to understand the relationship between stress and health in the lives of women educational leaders. Their findings from a survey sent to 6,540 superintendents in the United States, with a 29 per cent response rate and 14 per cent of those responses being from women who reported high levels of professional stress described as considerable or extreme (53.4 per cent) compared to personal stress (19.4 per cent). Key sources of women’s stress were identified as being upset by things outside of their control, nervousness, lack of confidence in ability, feeling like things were not going their way, feeling not on top of things and difficulties were piling up, along with feeling like not being able to cope. Emotions play a critical role in influencing the practices of educational leaders (Crow, Day and Moller 2016). Branson, Morrison and McNae (2015) maintain ‘the school leader bears ultimate responsibility for mediating external policy directives and establishing internal school culture’ (p. 6), with Sachs and Blackmore (2002) arguing this work is important emotional labour. Morrison, Notman and McNae (2017) go on to highlight that the ‘intersectionality of experiences, which continue to sustain and support a form of resilience founded on a sense of moral purpose, are frequently bound by often-static structures [e.g. policy, culture, gender, socio-economic status] that fail in their responsiveness and relational attributes to address aspects of injustice’ (p. 166). Understanding how women leaders encounter these elements is critical to understanding what 321

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impacts their abilities to lead. Moreover, Sackney, Noonan and Miller (2000) reason ‘educators need to look after themselves before they can look after the children entrusted to their care’ (p. 46). This statement invites the examination of the representative tensions between what is intended in educational leadership practice and the challenges that manifest as women leaders make sense of their practice and continue their quests towards socially just educational settings. It is therefore important that this chapter pays attention to the hidden toll of women’s educational leadership and the emotional labour associated with leading for social justice. Women Leaders and Emotional Labour The phrase ‘emotional labour’ is a term coined by Hochschild (1983), and used to describe the ways in which individuals manage their own and others’ feelings. Emotional labour can be described as displaying appropriate emotions, with the goal to manage the impressions of others with the hope to foster greater social perceptions and generate a more relational climate (Ashforth and Humphrey 1993). In her work, Hochschild (1983) noted this phenomenon oriented and influenced an individual’s behaviour through managing feelings in ways that created a ‘publicly observable facial and bodily display’ that would ‘produce an emotional state in another person’ (p. 141). The gendered nature of emotional labour surfaces expectations which can undermine women leaders’ ability to lead effectively (Ridgeway 2011). Muller (2019) uses the phenomenon of emotional labour to argue that women are exploited in a gender-specific way. In her work she differentiates this kind of exploitation from instances of women being exploited ‘in virtue of their gender-specific position’ (p. 842). She argues that the latter covers cases where women are economically exploited in virtue of their gender, whereas the former considers ‘both the enabling conditions as well as the object of exploitation are linked to gender’ (p. 842). Taggart (2011) argues that the nature of emotional labour in leadership is unavoidable. However, gendered dispositions towards emotional labour are often overtly promoted by preparation programmes as ‘professional’ demeanours and capabilities, adding to the complexities of making sense of leadership overall. The scope and nature of responsibilities in the home, along with gendered stereotypes, frequently position women as carers and nurturers. Simply by the state of their gender, it is therefore common for women to engage in emotional labour in their place of work. This can also include ‘surface acting’ – a response to situations where they force or portray emotions that are not genuinely felt or they hide the true emotions they are feeling (Hochschild 1993). Unfortunately, emotional labour is also associated with both emotional exhaustion and burnout (Hochschild 2012). In her research with female principals Blackmore (1996) calls for the development of more sophisticated theories about emotional labour, extending the conversation beyond nurturing, mothering or helping others. This way, the gendered dualisms between the rational and emotive actions of leadership can be exposed, challenged and disbanded. Zorn and Boler (2007) go as far as to argue, ‘emotions need to be understood as publicly and collaboratively formed, not as individual, private and autonomous psychological traits and states’ (p. 137). Surfacing, examining, embracing and highlighting the emotional work of leaders can reposition this work from an individual to a collective function. Collectively making sense of emotional labour as a contextual phenomenon allows for the emotional aspects of leadership to be examined in more detail. 322

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Research Design and Methodology This study was a qualitative investigation into the lived experiences of six female educational leaders. The leaders had been involved in a larger international research project two years prior exploring leadership for social justice in the New Zealand education system. Upon completion of this project, all female participants were invited to be part of a further study, specifically focused on women’s leadership experiences. Six women responded to the invitation to be part of the research project. This renewed research invitation provided the opportunity for the women to revisit and make sense of their leadership experiences, particularly their lived experiences as women educational leaders who were leading for social justice within their communities. Participants in the research spanned a range of educational settings, age groups and levels of leadership experience in formal roles. Talia, principal of a large urban primary school, was relatively new to her role. She had been a teaching deputy principal for seven years before taking up her current role which she has held for two years. Sera held the position of principal in a small rural primary school and was in her fifth year of leadership. This was her first formal leadership position after twelve years as a classroom teacher and three years as a deputy principal. Roberta transitioned into her role as principal after holding numerous leadership roles within her school. Having taught in only two schools across her nearly thirty-year career in education, she has the experience of being a deputy principal for nine years prior to accepting the offer of principalship when the outgoing principal retired. Sarah had been working as an assistant principal, when she was approached by another school in the same city to apply for the role of principal of a large urban inner-city intermediate school. Tasked with the role of leading the school through a period of significant change and improvement, she was in her sixth year of principalship. Aroha, having led her subject department for eight years, returned to her hometown to become principal of the local high school. She highlighted it was an expectation within her culture (Māori – indigenous New Zealand) to return home after gaining new knowledge and give back to her community. She performed this role for less than a year before making the decision to return to the classroom. Ursula had held her leadership position for three years after spending the majority of her 12 years in the teaching profession as a guidance counselor. Living in a close-knit farming community, she led a small rural school, which had experienced numerous staffing changes prior to her appointment. Ethical approval for the research project was granted through the University of Waikato research ethics committee, and appropriate ethical research protocols were established and followed by the researcher. At the core of these considerations were beneficence (to do good) and non-malfeasance (to do no harm). It was also important to consider and acknowledge the potential impact of the research on the women involved in the research project. Alongside the usual ethical considerations of informed consent, minimizing harm, protecting participant anonymity and confidentiality, aspects such as avoiding deceptive practices, providing the right to withdraw from the research, prioritizing the participants’ professional and personal safety and ensuring the research did not create a significant increase in workload or present the potential to generate further emotional labour was essential. Pseudonyms were assigned and have been used in the reporting of these findings to ensure participant anonymity.2 As leadership is positioned in this research as a contextual phenomenon, interpretive phenomenology was used to examine and describe the leaders’ experiences as truthfully and accurately as possible (Creswell 2012). The simple act of speaking begins the sensemaking

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process (Weick 1995), and it was through this action that ‘meanings materialize that inform and constrain identity and action’ (Weick, Sutcliffe and Obstfeld 2005: 409). Each woman was involved in three semi-structured interviews over the space of six months. These interviews took place at a venue they selected, for the most part, in their office located on their school site. Weick’s (1995) sensemaking framework which identifies four key areas believed to be integral to sensemaking – personal identity, retrospection, enactment and social connection were foundational elements in the construction of the interviews. During the questioning there was specific attunement to the nature of their leadership experiences with regard to emotions and the impact of these aspects on their personal and professional lives. Through a process of sensemaking the women reflected on their past experiences and through a dialogic process within the interviews were able to interrogate these experiences, question certain surrounding contextual factors and explore their responses and perceptions. This reflective process involved the women generating narratives of critical leadership moments they had experiences, sharing metaphors that they believed supported them to understand and articulate what leadership looked like and felt like in their context. Over this time, they also noted aspects which supported and constrained their leadership practice and when they felt their leadership had made a difference and how they knew this. Each interview was transcribed and returned to the participant. The contents and accuracy of the transcription were carried out through member-checking, with each participant checking for accuracy, interpretation and meaning, returning any requests for changes to the researcher. The researcher read each transcript multiple times, rereading and coding emerging themes. Through the emergent coding process, themes were identified and refined through further coding. Findings and Discussion All of the women in this research were able to provide examples of how their work impacted their physical and emotional health. Many spoke about the numerous challenges that they faced and the personal responses they had to these challenges. Critical themes that emerged from the dialogic sensemaking included the impact of leadership on personal wellness (both physically and emotionally) and the enduring nature of their work. Further themes included the impact their leadership work had on personal relationships, professional practice, confidence and career trajectory. Thresholds of Wellness: The Impact of Leadership on Personal Well-being Personal wellness was a key area of concern for many of the women, with each of the participants in this study, highlighting how the nature of their role as an educational leader impacted their personal well-being. Many of the women acknowledged leading and working to the point of exhaustion. They believed the expectations associated with the role extended beyond the time available to meet these, leaving many of the participants working long hours with little time for anything outside of their work environment. For example, Talia shared, ‘It’s exhausting work. My work is never done. I have lists, and lists of lists, they never get shorter. I can end the day having completed 50 different tasks, but know that I have 50 more to do if the next day is to run smoothly.’ Similarly, Sera shared, ‘when you are bone tired. Like there is a heaviness in your body and you feel you cannot move. Those days are more frequent now, and rather than wanting to get to work to get the job done, I look for ways to avoid being there.’ One leader acknowledged the 324

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challenge of balancing family life with Talia stating, ‘I don’t know how I would get through without the support network I have. With kids you certainly can’t do this alone.’ The emotional toll was also evident. One participant spoke of the burden she felt from her leadership. Coming from a small school, there was an expectation from the local community that Roberta would fulfil the role as she moved through the school leadership hierarchy. She admitted that she felt she had little choice but to take on this role, as she felt guilty she would let the local families down if she did not, stating, ‘There was no one else, it was like they had planned this without asking me.’ One leader further shared, ‘It’s the anxiety. I sometimes think – today is going to be a diazepam day . . . but I have not told my board this. I’m too scared they’ll use it against me and get rid of me.’ Feeling like she had to keep her levels of stress and anxiety hidden, she shared her memories of a meeting she went to the previous term, I went to turn the door handle to enter the boardroom, and was overcome with dizziness, I was sweating and my heart racing. I felt sick all of a sudden. My fingers missed the door handle, I swung around, panicking, and rushed away to the bathroom. I did not make it in time. Just around the corner, I crouched over and vomited into my handbag. I remember putting the bag back in my office, acting like nothing had happened and walking straight back to the meeting. Two other leaders disclosed their use of antidepressants, with one stating, ‘without these I probably would not be here today . . . I was in a pretty bad way . . . a pretty dark place.’ It was difficult for some of the women to self-monitor their wellness and Sera shared, ‘Sometimes you’re so deep in the thick of it, you have no idea things are so bad. Perhaps it’s only when you are at rock bottom in that really dark place, that people notice you need help. Not really something you can see yourself.’ While some had called on professional help to support them through this time, others had not, citing fear of judgement, persecution or a total sense of helplessness. What was worrying about this was that for this group when probed further, a small number acknowledged that they had experienced feelings of immense professional and personal isolation and in some instances even had thoughts of self-harm. One leader confided what she believed to be her most challenging time; It was at this point that I realized I was done. I truly had nothing left to give. . . . I hadn’t for a long time. The stuff my doctor gave me for sleeping looked like an easy out. I thought – in one simple action I could make all of this go away. In one simple action, I could end it all. When I look back now – I can’t imagine being in that space. That really frightens me. Another leader spoke of the guilt she experienced sharing, ‘I know I can be a better mother, a better wife, a better friend if I wasn’t in this job. Even though I try, family totally comes second at the moment, the rest – not even on the radar. It makes me feel sick to say that.’ The emotional toll of the job became clear as the woman reflected on their stories of practice and how they felt about these intense moments. The responses to interview questions were frequently accompanied by tears, long pauses as attempts to regain composure and requests to pause the recording. The Enduring Nature of the Work All of the leaders found it difficult to put parameters around their roles. This included the time spent thinking about work while not at work. Ursula disclosed, ‘you don’t leave those thoughts 325

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at the school gate. Even while you’re serving dinner, you’re wondering – “how is he? Is he safe? Will he be ok?” It keeps you awake, you worry for them like they are your own.’ Similarly, Roberta admitted, ‘it’s not that I don’t like the job, it’s just that, this place, . . . it really sucks you dry. No matter how much you give, it’s never enough and never will be.’ Reflecting on her current circumstances, Aroha shared, ‘I leave home in the morning when it’s dark, I arrive home late when it’s dark. I don’t think I’ve seen the outside of my whare [house] in the daylight for months.’ Another leader shared, ‘I can be sitting there [at the dinner table] nodding but not even listening because I am thinking about the relief teachers I need to phone for tomorrow. I think they know I’m not listening.’ Some leaders believed a lot of the work they did went unnoticed and Ursula stated: They just don’t realize the other things you are doing. They think that their issue is more important and needs to be solved immediately. They have no idea that you’ve been behind your desk for three hours before they even turned up to class. So, you have to stop, smile, take a deep breath and nod. Similarly, Sera shared: Their major issues are my minor issues in the scheme of things. And it’s the fighting fires that takes my time. How can you compare dedicating time to a kid beaten within an inch of his life, and the fact that the report marksheet doesn’t format correctly? I know which problem deserves my time, but they don’t know that side of it . . . only thinking about what they need. The tension between meeting expectations of others and authentically fulfilling their roles was identified by some leaders through their sensemaking. When explored further, one leader queried the nature of expectations and the power these had over her, sharing, ‘what I have come to realise is that these expectations are mainly from me. If I’m clear with them [staff] from the start, then it’s simple. But if it’s murky and they are not sure what is happening, then I end up letting everyone down.’ Impact on Personal Relationships A number of the women in this research spoke to the sense of isolation they felt when they experienced difficult times. Reflecting upon these moments in further conversations, they shared possible reasons for this. In a number of cases, the women indicated that they felt uncomfortable asking others for support. Others believed they had ‘trudged on’ past a point of return, believing that they had left it too late to call on others. One leader shared, ‘if I had [asked for support], I would’ve been in a better position.’ Two of the participants felt that they had a certain image that they had created and this had to be upheld at what seemed to be, all costs. Ursula firmly stated, ‘I am the rock. What happened if they see that crumble?’ Ursula felt a significant responsibility to demonstrate to others that everything was fine and thing were running smoothly, even if they were not. During the sensemaking process she began to question this stance, asking herself, ‘well, what would be the worst thing that could happen if I did [crumble]?’ Four out of the six leaders spoke about the serious impact their professional lives had on their personal relationships. Some had lost marriages; some had lost friendships. For example, Sarah shared: 326

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Yes takes its toll. We both had busy jobs. . . . We ended up more like flatmates. Maybe it’s better that way. It was like the relationship gave way to the work and no matter how hard we try to keep it alive it felt like it just became another chore on the list. Looking back on it now I resent whoever let that happen . . . both of us maybe? I think I let my work takeover and didn’t realize ‘til it was too late. Similarly, when reflecting on her own personal situation, Sera recalled a time when her partner gave her an ultimatum about her work, ‘It was a real shake up. I remember[ing] thinking – I could lose it all! Choose him or the job? I remember thinking things need to change. But I had no idea what those things were, it was such a fog.’ Seeking professional help to work through this situation supported Sera and her partner to reconcile differences. Social isolation was an important observation made by the participants in the sensemaking process. While all mentioned it to some extent, those who had encountered more long-term emotional challenges appeared to become more isolated in their personal and professional lives. For example, Roberta remorsefully shared, ‘I used to have a social circle outside of this place. Actually, just a social circle. I think that disappeared the day I got this job. People stopped phoning because I would always so I was too busy. . . . I miss them.’ Similarly, Talia shared, ‘I just batten down the hatches. It’s survival.’ It would appear that in the case for many of the women, the busyness of the role contributed to the social isolation, perhaps at a time when they needed the social connection the most. Impact on Professional Practice Each of the leaders acknowledged the impact that their work had on the professional practice. Sera stated: ‘I used to look forward to the day. I prided myself on being there first, being ready to greet the staff and being the outward face of the school. Now, I don’t. I can’t. It’s not that I don’t want to, it’s just . . . I feel I no longer bring what I used to have.’ Some of the leaders noticed the decreasing levels of their leadership performance and their perception that their leadership practice had become less effective. Many spoke about feeling overwhelmed. For example, Talia stated, ‘There is never enough time to do things well. . . . I am embarrassed about that. My attention to detail gets sloppy, I muck up, drop balls and things just turn to custard. It’s better if someone else does it.’ Aroha spoke about the challenges of managing both personal and professional responsibilities sharing, ‘and my day starts before the day has even started. I constantly feel that I am juggling. And by the time I pick something up, there is no time to do anything with it . . . constantly chasing my tail, and never feel that I’m on top of my game.’ All of the leaders acknowledged how the nature of their work created intense pressure, and this impacted their ability to fulfil their roles adequately or meet their own personal expectations. They developed personal strategies where they could help manage the situation, such as delegating responsibility, avoidance of colleagues and making excuses for not attending events. Impact on Confidence The challenges faced by many of the women impacted their levels of confidence to lead. While the types of challenges differed in intensity, each had their own personal impact. For example, 327

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when appointed to a new position in the senior management team, Aroha acknowledged the high levels of criticism impacted her ability to lead. She shared , They drove me out. It was like they saw a chink in my armour as a place to continually fire the arrows and bullets. It really got me. . . . I lost my confidence, started doubting myself. I don’t think they realized that there was a human underneath that metal. A human being who had feelings, a family and was dealing with her own issues. She relinquished the role after eleven months returning to classroom teaching with minimal formal leadership responsibilities. Talia believed she had lost a significant amount of confidence in her ability to lead due to previous experiences and unresolved conflict among her staff. She confided, ‘I don’t do that [speak out] anymore. There’s so many moments of doubt and I wonder if what I have to say is worth it.’ Further moments across the sensemaking processes highlighted places in the women’s professional stories where they felt their leadership had been undermined, yet they carried on with the work that had to be done. For example, Sarah stated: Like the day when I found out that they [senior leadership team] had met without me. I’m the only woman in the team, and while it wasn’t an official meeting, it was still a meeting where things got decided, you know, before the real meeting. I pretended nothing was wrong, or that I knew what had happened. I felt so small. There is nothing like going to a meeting knowing that the rug has already been pulled out from under you before you even arrive. But what really gets me is that they did it to the last one [woman] before me. I can see why she left – they never let her in. In the sensemaking process, all of the women identified how difficult it was to show vulnerability. They all believed it was important to have a strong outward face, and in Sarah’s words, ‘not show any weakness’, or, as Ursula stated firmly, ‘no one wants to see a cry baby. You just suck it up and move on.’ Similarly, Sera shared, ‘I have a tough skin and people know that, you simply have to in this job.’ While this may have supported the women to perform the duties it did not necessarily allow them to challenge some of the practices and rituals which impacted negatively on the leadership and force them to lead in ways which they did not necessarily feel comfortable with. Impact on Career Trajectory A number of the women in the research highlighted instances where they believed their career progression had been influenced by their leadership experiences and ultimately how they were perceived in their role. In some cases, the toll of the emotional labour was detrimental and over half of the participants acknowledged that they had taken time out from their careers and leadership roles because of the levels of stress. Many believed that this had impacted on the ways in which they were perceived by their colleagues, and lead to them being shut out further opportunities when they return to work. For example, Roberta shared, ‘Yes, it labels you. Once you take time out because you cannot cope anymore. The judging happens when you come back. The gap has been filled and . . . yeah . . . you feel no longer needed . . . even overlooked. Opportunities that used to come my way are given to the young ones now.’ Another 328

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woman shared, ‘I went for another role and one of the questions they asked was, “so, how will you cope with the stress levels this time round?” I mean what sort of a question is that?’ When asked whether she saw herself applying for further leadership roles within her organization, Sarah stated, ‘It’s the dread . . . thinking do I want more of this? Can I handle more of this?’ Ursula admitted, ‘I think I could go a lot further if I did not care as much.’ When this statement was reflected back to her in the next interview, she elaborated, ‘Yes, teaching is supposed to be a caring profession, but not all caring is valued here.’ These moments of sensemaking helped the women see the connection between the influence of the context on their leadership practice and highlighted to them the dissonance between some of their desired leadership actions and the current contextual realities. Aroha shared perceptions of the leadership hierarchy within her school. She believed that there were certain roles linked to positions of pastoral care and these were positioned lower in the hierarchy of leadership. She shared: Yeah, I get the silly little jobs. You know, the time-consuming ones that no one realizes you are doing them . . . the ones that are actually important, but they take up a huge amount of time. Maybe it’s because I’m good at connecting with families. I like speaking to parents. But it’s now become ‘my thing’ and that’s all I do. I’m no better at it than he is. I just hide it [what I’m really thinking] [rolls eyes]. However, interestingly, Sarah reported the benefits of her work which centred mainly around the areas of pastoral care. She acknowledged that while others in her leadership team considered it a burden, opportunities to demonstrate pastoral care presented numerous benefits for her terms of gaining new positions within the senior leadership team. She stated, ‘it has people – and I’m all about caring for others and people see that. They get me. And I think they value it, that’s how I got [new role].’ Sarah admitted that she strategically targeted the position she held and, in preparation for that role, involved herself intensely in elements of pastoral care during the year prior. Making Sense of Sensemaking Upon reflection in the final interview, the woman shared their experiences of being involved in the sensemaking process. It was interesting to observe the ways they chose to describe the process. For some of the participants, sensemaking provided a cathartic release and an opportunity to share important and highly personal aspects of the leadership in a safe environment. Some said, ‘it was nice to know I was not being judged. . . . I said things I wouldn’t even tell my husband’, and ‘it’s not easy to trust someone in my role. I mean who would I share those thoughts with?’ One participant shared, ‘and after the first interview when you had left, I just bawled my eyes out. I have no idea why, but it just came like a flood.’ The opportunity for sensemaking provided some of the women with a catalyst for change and the possibility of enacting new ways of leading. One leader shared, ‘it’s not until you deliberately make the time to stop . . . then you can do the real thinking behind your work.’ Another stated, ‘and by seeing my words on paper, the reality really hit home.’ In a follow-up interview, two of the leaders spoke about the impact of the process and the changes they have made since, ‘I’ve learnt to let stuff go . . . I can’t hold onto everything.’ Another stated, ‘my biggest learning is that I can 329

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now ask for help, and I don’t have to pretend that everything is okay when it’s not.’ This leader went on to share they felt more authentic in their leadership and more grounded because they were not afraid to highlight when things were not going well. Not all participants found the sensemaking process easy or completely beneficial. Sera spoke about the nature of disruption. While the process helped her to interrogate her current practice within her context she did find it disruptive and noticed how it impacted negatively on how she went about her work. She shared, ‘it’s hard. Hard to get back into the groove . . . you know, and to look people in the eye. Especially, when you know you’ve just been speaking about them and how they piss you off.’ Ironically, it could be said that in reality the process of sensemaking created another layer of emotional labour for this participant. Rather than being an emancipatory process, Sera found it created another layer of complexity among the relationships she had with others in her school. Conclusion and Recommendations This research highlighted the lived experiences of six women leaders, who had self-identified as leaders of social justice. Participating in a sensemaking process (Weick 1995), each of the women engaged in dialogue through semi-structured interviews to help them make sense of their leadership practice. Over six months the women reflected upon key aspects of their personal identity, what they did in their work each day and how they engaged with others within their work and personal context. They made sense of their experiences through drawing on retrospective examples and questioning these experiences through the various lens of emotions and personal responses. Critical areas which surfaced in their retrospection included personal wellness, the enduring nature of the work, the impact of their leadership work on personal relationships, professional practice, confidence and career trajectory. Through the process of sensemaking, the women were able to identify the multiple ways that the women engaged in emotional labour, ‘consciously evoking the necessary emotional engagement required to undertake one’s job effectively in one’s own eyes but also in the eyes of others’ (Sachs and Blackmore 1998: 270). Examining the place and role of emotions and emotional labour within this school, the women were able to identify some of the leadership practices which did not necessarily embrace their emotional needs or aspirations, but instead generated greater levels of emotional labour. Of great concern was the normalization of being unwell. All of the women in this research had experienced to some extent significant emotional toil and un-wellness. It was through the sensemaking process that they came to see that what they were experiencing was not normal, nor was it acceptable. Sensemaking encouraged the women to articulate the hidden work and emotional burden within their leadership. Through the use of metaphors and dialogic conversations the women found ways to speak openly about difficult aspects of their leadership work. Through this process they were supported to surface these experiences, name them and explore the relationship between the ideas which underpinned them. The collective process was designed to remove the individualized nature of how emotions are viewed and positioned within organizations. Interestingly, the professional and the personal aspects were intertwined and impacted each other. Many of the women recognized that embracing this connection rather than hiding it had the potential to generate a greater sense of ‘wholeness’ where they were 330

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able to bring their full selves to their workplace. However, as many noted, such a practice could not be fully realized until schools were better positioned to acknowledge and value the emotional work leaders in the workplace, and, ultimately, when leaders felt comfortable in sharing their experiences. As such, the process of sensemaking became a powerful mechanism for some women to initiate changes within their professional leadership setting and, in some cases, their personal lives. Sensemaking created space for the women to be vulnerable in a professionally safe space. The profoundly disturbing accounts of personal wellness (or lack thereof) are not usual talking points for educational leaders. The women openly expressed their desire to be heard, but at the same time admitted their fear of speaking the truth about their work and the impact it had on them personally as they did not want to feel vulnerable. This created an interesting tension as a number of the women admitted generating trust with others in their schools by encouraging them to be vulnerable. Simmonds (2007) describes the notion of ‘soulwork’ as a central aspect of critical vulnerability to make sense of professional leadership. She argues it is through coming to know oneself, and by reflecting upon the ways in which constructed identities shape future interactions with others, leaders become better positioned to make sense of their work. Expressing notions of self through this element of vulnerability symbolizes a ‘readiness to examine’ foundational and complex issues which are deeply personal and often powerful drivers of their leadership (p. 90). Some of the women alluded to the discomfort and challenges of feeling vulnerable. Meyer, Le Fevre and Robinson (2017) highlight the value in leaders communicating their own vulnerability, and argue that rather than being seen as a weakness, there is a need to reposition vulnerability in leadership as a positive element which provides opportunities for self-learning. However, while sensemaking provided useful reflective opportunities, it could be questioned whether these opportunities and actions would sustain themselves in other forms after the research had been completed, with many of the women admitting it was unlikely such an environment could or would be replicated outside of the research relationship. The importance of supporting women to identify overt systemic and structural factors which impact on their leadership cannot be overlooked. This would require further investigation to surface covert, contextual, cultural and discursive practices which impact women’s leadership. Sensemaking became a professionally reflective process which was humanized through the sharing and valuing of lived experience. The women in the research had the opportunity to make sense of their own professional identities through examining their interactions with others and how they perceived their own leadership in action. These conversations were frequently oriented towards affirming and validating their leadership experiences, and in some cases changing school culture and generating possible strategies for addressing issues they had encountered. This work highlights the importance of valuing and appreciating leaders’ lived experiences and personal leadership stories as powerful levers for critiquing leadership contexts and providing useful professional learning opportunities. However, a tension exists – while it is difficult for leaders to carve out time to do this, long term, these aspects can support and recognize multiple ways of ‘being in’ leadership to be valued in a range of contexts when exploring solutions rather than being perceived as a vulnerability or weakness in practice. In exploring ways to engage in reflective opportunities and position sensemaking ‘as practice’, which is inclusive and appreciative of the complexities women face in their leadership rather 331

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than as an event which occurs ‘on practice’, seeking to ‘fix’ women leaders may provide further responsive and reflective insights for educational leaders who are interested in examining their professional practice. Future research into the feelings of agency and sustained impact following the engagement in sensemaking opportunities would also be an important further area of study.

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25 Black Academic Invisibility Intersectionality, Resiliency and the Complexity of Being Seen Mary F. Howard-Hamilton, Kandace G. Hinton and Kelsey Bogard

Intersectionality as a social identity construct is steeped in the struggle for black women to adequately describe to the world what they are experiencing within the workplace environment (Crenshaw 1991). Prior to Crenshaw’s (1991) groundbreaking use and coining of the term ‘intersectionality’, others like hooks (1981), Collins (1991) as well as Anthias and Yuval-Davis (1983) sought ways to analyse the multiple sources for discrimination and oppression that women experienced in racialized and genderized movements (e.g. Civil Rights; women’s suffrage and the Equal Rights Movement in the 1970s). The purpose of this chapter is to provide a broad overview of the many uses of this method and model of analysing the overlapping layers of identities that minoritized groups possess in the structural context of oppressive systems in general and higher educational environments in particular. This chapter will unfold in the following manner. First, a foundational grounding of intersectionality and critical race theory will be discussed. Second, research that will be useful in understanding the developmental aspects of the concept will be shared. Third, the current uses of the term are noted, followed by concluding thoughts that highlight the value intersectionality offers for future research on minoritized groups that experience multiple sources of oppression and discrimination. Last, an overview of the Nexus of Black Leadership Efficacy (Hinton 2012) model will be presented in combination with implications and recommendations to empower black women in higher education. Grounding the Term As one of the authors began her own journey of studying the experiences of African American women leaders at predominantly white institutions of higher education, she was introduced to the term ‘intersectionality’ through reading the work of Patricia Hill Collins (1993, 1998). Searching for a theoretical framework to ground her study she was directed to Collins’s work. The women

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she studied were unique, yet held common threads of experiences related to race, gender and class. Furthermore, two of the women shared an additional social identity structure that was not prevalent in the literature or research at that time – same gender loving (Hinton 2001). Just as psychosocial, identity and social identity development theorists suggest that humans operate from multiple identities (perhaps that was how white intellectuals explained their cross-sectional social constructs) (Evans et al. 2010; Jones and Abes 2013), African American women have understood their lives from a very humanist construct that offers a heightened awareness of their race, socioeconomic status and gender. Multiple identities that are described in the psychosocial literature and research do not necessarily involve discrimination or oppression experiences minoritized groups face daily. Rather, the concept is derived to acknowledge the multiple aspects of a person’s existence. Intersectionality goes beyond acknowledgement but delves into the hybrid forms of ‘oppression [that] has structural and contextual components and produce qualitatively different lived realities’ (Trahan 2010: 2) than others from the dominant culture. Jones and Abes (2013) assert that the focus of intersectionality cannot and should not be on the individual only but the structural and policy forces that impact minoritized people. Sunni Day, a young, African American, same-gender-loving woman, was a mid-level administrator at a community college. She was promoted to coordinator of the multicultural services office after working as the assistant director for a few years. Prior to that promotion, the African American man who she replaced held the title of director of the office. That title allowed him the privilege of being part of the vice president of student affairs (VPSA) cabinet – a privilege that gave the office he served a voice at ‘the table’ and to hear first-hand directives and vision from the senior officer. As coordinator, Sunni did not have the same privilege, because only directors were invited to the vice president’s meetings. In this situation, the hierarchical structure shifted to exclude her from the power source. She believed it was her gender and age, not experience, which intersected in the decision to downgrade the position (Patitu and Hinton 2004). Sunni will be the primary case of intersectionality throughout the remainder of this chapter. Although the germinal scholarship on the ideal of intersectionality was predominantly explored by black women scholars, others soon began to understand that other race/ethnicity groups also experience the triple jeopardy of race, gender, class and other derivatives of social identity and place. For example, this concept has become highly used and visible in the scholarship relating to Latinas, Asian and Indigenous women, and their experiences both in the academy and in the larger societal sphere. Men who maintain social identities within social groups that have historically been recipients of systemic oppression and discrimination (black, Latino, Asian, Indigenous, gay, transgender, low-socio-economic) find the concept of intersectionality useful for analysing their experiences in the academy and society as well. As such many scholars have defined the concept without using race/ethnicity, cultural, gender or social class language. We believe eliminating race/ethnicity, culture, gender, gender identity from the discourse of intersectionality, waters down the foundational meaning and understanding of the concept. The use of intersectionality is given specific treatment in subsequent chapters of this book. Since the coining of the term by Crenshaw, several scholars have offered definitions that expand the use from Afrocentric to multidimensional. Collins (2009) writes, ‘Intersectionality constitutes an innovative and emerging field of study that provides a critical analytic lens to interrogate racial, ethnic, class, ability, age, sexuality, and gender disparities’ (p. vii). She continues that it was not enough to only use intersectionality to examine social problems; rather, 334

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deeper questions should reveal ‘racism and sexism’ were connected, ‘how class and heterosexism were mutually constructed, and how citizenship status articulated with issues of ability and age’ (p. viii). Collins contends that intersectionality began to examine the meaning of power. Moreover, intersectionality from its beginning was not a ‘theory of truth, a form of academic currency to be brokered for the next scholarly publication. . . . Instead intersectionality mattered in real people’s lives and [has] tried to keep this expansive understanding of social relations in mind’ (p. ix). Other scholars define the concept as: The dynamic and interdependent matrices of privilege and disadvantage that affect labor market outcomes across social locations (Browne and Misra 2003: 507); The relationships among multiple dimensions and modalities of social relations and subject formations’ (McCall 2005: 1771); and the interaction [among] categories of difference in individual lives, social practices, institutional arrangements, and cultural ideologies and the outcomes of these interactions in terms of power. (Davis 2008: 68). (As cited in Gopaldas, 2013: 90–1) The recent broader definitions allow others outside the sphere of being black, woman, and of a particular socio-economic status to adjust the methodological and model of experiential analysis to explain or demonstrate their ‘place’ in the power structure of the academy and society. Theoretical frameworks that are adopted and embraced by scholars often become translated or adapted to fit the identities being referenced. Specifically, this phenomenon is very similar to the uses of critical race theory (CRT) (morphed to queer crit, Lat crit, fem crit, etc.), #BlackLivesMatter (co-opted by #AllLivesMatter, #fillintheblankLivesMatter). While this is not a critique of the use of intersectionality to cover a myriad of experiences by many social identity groups that exist, overusing the concept may result in lessening the robustness of how racism, sexism and classism impact the daily lives of students, faculty and staff whose current ‘place’ in life results in sustained oppression and terrorism through slavery, reconstruction, Jim Crow segregation, lynching, civil rights struggles, anti-affirmative action legislation, white supremacy and police brutality. Intersectionality and Research The use of intersectionality as a framework for analysis in conducting empirical research in various educational settings is constantly expanding beyond the original scope of the sociopolitical scope that Crenshaw brought to the forefront. Recently, #FREEISU University underwent a climate study conducted by an outside consultant who used appreciative enquiry as the preferred lens to collect and analyse data. As a result of the study, the consultant recommended that the university eliminate its office of diversity and the university diversity officer position. The purpose of appreciative enquiry is to study the strengths of an organization rather than engaging in individual performance or experiences within the organization (Mather and Hulme 2013). Mather and Hulme (2013) assert that this ‘organizational development method is an important facet of positive practice’ (p. 1). In other words, this method of collecting and analysing data seems to naturally lean an organization towards all that is positive and good and does not give full voice to the underlying issues of an unwelcoming and often hostile environment that minoritized groups face on college campuses. Perhaps a better model for the consultant to use was intersectionality as a mixed-method approach. This section will highlight the ways in which 335

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scholars are using intersectionality to understand the experiences of black women administrators at historically white institutions. Research on African American women administrators in higher education is a recent phenomenon. However, Dr Jeanne Noble (1957, 1993) conducted groundbreaking studies on Negro women and education as well as research on black women administrators. Martia King (2020) completed a recent study on black women administrators that provided an intimate journey into the lived experiences, professionally and personally, of seven women who worked at historically white and black institutions. ‘The results of this study indicated that African American women in these roles experience racism, sexism, suffer from unhealthy coping habits, and have to work twice as hard to be acknowledged for the work they do on campus, if there is acknowledgement at all’ (King 2020: iii). King’s (2020) study revealed five themes and they were: (1) occupational hazard, (2) coping, (3) health, (4) building relationships and understanding self, and (5) intersections of race and gender, of which will be the focus in our discussion. According to King (2020), the theme of intersectionality emerged from her study because the women shared their experiences and expectations surrounding image, identity and perceptions and realities of being black and women (p. 106). ‘All the participants commented on their image and how that impacts the spaces they operate on and off campus’ (King 2020: 106). One of King’s participants shared a perception related to the issue of image, and it ‘was not her clothing or hairstyle but her age and youthful appearance’ (2020: 108). The chief student affairs administrator in the study was thirty-one years of age and appeared close in age to all of the students. ‘Her president at times thought she was ‘too close’ to the students which she interpreted as a negative comment. Her dress and hair style was altered to appear older to appease the president’ (King 2020: 108). A different participant who experienced similar image and age challenges from white male senior leaders ‘made sure that every time she stepped out of the house she would look as if she was meeting with the president. It meant a full face of make-up, her natural hair straightened, and a suit’ (King 2020: 108). The participant stated with ‘confidence and conviction, “I am a Black woman, a boss, and I represent the university, I cannot give them a reason to talk about me”’ (King 2020: 108). The intersection of race and gender causes health issues and the women of King’s study expressed physical ailments because of the convergence of oppression, racism and sexism. Specifically, a participant revealed the manifestation of health difficulties as a result of race and gender oppression stating that ‘I have delayed some surgeries. I’m not necessarily taking care of myself, because we are always thinking about, If I’m not visible, then they are going to think I’m not doing my job’ (King 2020: 104). Intersectionality is also finding its way into the literature and research on black men and achievement in higher education through CRT, which is considered an offspring of the concept. Naylor, Wyatt-Nichol and Brown (2015) utilized databases to analyse the disparities among black men for access, affordability and attainment of college degrees. In doing so, the concept of intersectionality is manifested in their research by sharing statistics focusing on the race, gender and social class of black men’s pursuit, or the lack thereof, of college degree attainment. Gleaning data from the US Department of Labor and the Census Bureau, Naylor, Wyatt-Nichol and Brown stress the achievement struggles of black men compared to their white male counterparts. They state: 336

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12.9% of Black [men] have a college degree compared to 22.3% of White [men]. The differences are less stark when comparing Black [women] to White [women]: Approximately 14.3% of Black [women] age 25 and older earned a baccalaureate degree, compared to 21.7% of White [women]. (p. 528) These scholars suggest that familial income status and poverty contribute to the low college degree attainment rates among black men. They note that half of all people from high-income families attain bachelor’s degrees by age twenty-five, only 10 per cent of people from lowincome families earn them. Furthermore, low-income students are typically enrolled in lowertiered institutions and less likely to graduate while accumulating debt. Thus, the pursuit of higher education becomes a greater burden for black men from lower-socio-economic status communities. Ultimately, Naylor Wyatt-Nichol and Brown (2015) believe that the intersection of race, gender and mostly social class impacts the college attainment rates of black men in the United States. Intersectionality coupled with CRT might provide colleges the perspective of minoritized groups when considering policies for access and affordability. These data point to an omission and lack of sensitivity for under-represented and undermatched communities’ participation and completion of degrees from upper-tier higher education institutions. Spirituality as a significant aspect of integrated identity and development for black women is another emerging use of intersectionality in research. Spirituality, within the black community, has been a form of social support and serves as a space to share similar religious beliefs, values and culture (Hall, Everett and Hamilton-Mason 2012). Specifically, for black women, spirituality and religion are fundamental factors in the development of their lives and leadership (Stewart 2009). They can also be employed as connective strategies to assist black women in overcoming the issues of isolation and marginalization they experience in the workplace (Henry and Glenn 2009). The concept of spirituality and religiosity resonates with black women around the world and is culturally reinforced from generation to generation. In a study conducted by PEW (2014) regarding religion, spirituality and public life, 94 per cent of black women were among the most religious and spiritual race in the United States. Despite the interrelation of spirituality and religiosity, research has revealed that black women believe them to be distinct constructs. Religiosity is an observable set of behaviours and actions that demonstrate a devotion to or worship of the sacred (Reed and Neville 2014: 386). Spirituality is defined as one’s relationship with divinity and focuses primarily on subjective individual experiences of the transcendent as opposed to religious participation and adherence to doctrine as in religiosity definitions (Mattis and Watson 2008). When considering the complexity of black women’s development and what mediates identity, and personal and professional relationships, spirituality rests directly in the middle of that intersection. Intersectionality theorists argue that our identities are based on the inequalities surrounding race, gender, class and sexuality that accompany us in every social interaction (Collins 1993). However, the theory often omits the significance of the intersecting axes of inequality regarding national origin, citizenship status, religion and spirituality, disability and age in ways that are embedded within one’s lifestyle (Veenstra 2011). The omission of how spirituality influences black women’s identity truncates the possibility to interpret the significance of their life experiences accurately, and the religious and spiritual doctrines that are essential to their wellbeing. 337

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Black women rely on spiritual-focused coping responses to help manage stress (e.g. racism and sexism) and the everyday struggles that come with living in a socially and politically oppressive system (Watt 2003: 29). Black women also rely on churches and many other religious hubs to support their spiritual life and well-being. These religious institutions have also served as essential spaces within which to communicate, make meaning of and negotiate the challenges of being both black and a woman in a racist and sexist society (Higginbotham 1997). Relating spirituality and identity is critical to understanding black women’s meaning-making, relational dimensions and well-being. Cook and Williams’s (2015) research collected the narratives about the daily experiences of Black women with educational aspirations. The researchers found that the Black women utilized fictive kinship networks to operationalize the values of cooperation, collaboration, and solidarity in their personal and professional environments. The researchers expanded the idea of intersectionality by adopting the concept of how religion shapes the educational experiences of black women. They also explained their need to develop the idea of intersectionality further because it moves the analysis of expertise towards understanding black women’s complexity while also disrupting processes that continue to lessen their value in the realm of education (Cook and Williams 2015: 160). The researchers examined CRT to address the intentionally racist power structures that further maintain the interests of white elites in social, economic and legal constructs. They asserted how intersectionality’s emphasis on the multiple interactions of inequalities faced by black women and to depict the nature that spirituality helps. Both CRT and intersectionality aid in understanding the challenges black women face while matriculating through the US educational system. Black women face racial discrimination at a higher rate than any other gender and racial group (PEW 2019). The researchers conclude the development of fictitious relationships and commonalities between spirituality shaped the gendered experiences of black women in racialized spaces. Allison and Broadus’s (2009) study was about the experiences of black women pursuing PhDs and later working in higher education, with a commitment towards being women of Faith. The researchers discussed the participants’ need to disclose their regional identity, gender and racial identity, and social class identity in the historically white institution to explain how spirituality influenced their perception of their surroundings and various topics. The participants recognized how spirituality differed within cultural upbringing versus their white colleagues and how it affected how much they disclosed during classroom and workplace interactions. One participant explained as cited by Allison and Broadus (2009): Adapting to the context of a predominantly white university, which generally espouses a traditional Eurocentric educational philosophy of objectivity encouraging the separation of church and state, required a ‘shifting’ or identity modification on my part. As a result, I find myself restraining my spiritual self in classroom interactions, thus sometimes contributing to an internal conflict regarding how to best negotiate spiritual identity and purpose, a common struggle among working women of Faith. (p. 82) This participant along with many others displayed the critical interweaving of spirituality, purpose and cultural identity. The intersection of these identities is what enables black women to define themselves and navigate oppressive social and political systems. 338

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Critical Race Theory The final example of the recent uses of intersectionality in research that we find fascinating is Charleston et al.’s (2014) work on black women’s success in pursuing computing science programmes in US higher education. These researchers overlaid intersectionality with Black Feminist Thought and Critical Race Feminism as the sociohistorical and theoretical frameworks to examine the experiences of African American women computing science students. According to Collins (1991), ‘Black feminist thought consists of specialized knowledge created by African American women which clarifies a standpoint of and for Black women’ (p. 22); thus, the lived experiences of black women are captured for analysis within theoretical frameworks like intersectionality. Charleston et al. (2014) state that ‘Black feminist thought seeks to empower African American women within the context of social injustices sustained by the intersecting oppressions of being both Black and women’ (p. 168). Critical race feminism derives from CRT (Delgado and Stefancic 2017). The theoretical underpinnings of CRT can be found in the canons of law in which the late Derrick Bell, who had been a Harvard Law School professor, became the CRT movement’s father figure (Delgado and Stefancic 2017: 6). According to Bell, there were several basic tenets to the CRT framework, and it was also important to note that not everyone would subscribe to these ideas because of the difficulty admitting as well as recognizing the normalcy of racism. Additionally, the ordinariness of racism, which is the first tenet, leads to a sense of normalcy and colour blindness which ‘is difficult to address or cure’ (Delgado and Stetancic 2017: 8). The second basic tenet is interest convergence or material determinism (Delgado and Stefancic 2017). This premise is defined as opportunities, situations, laws and policies that are created with the message that they advance fair and equitable opportunities for everyone; however, covertly these opportunities ‘have resulted more from the self-interest of elite Whites than from a desire to help Blacks’ (Delgado and Stefancic 2017: 9). A third tenet of CRT is ‘social construction’ in which the idea of race and races ‘correspond to no biological or genetic reality; rather races are categories that society invents, manipulates, or retires when convenient’ (Delgado and Stefancic 2017: 9). The tenet of differential racialization and its consequences is a recent proposition that brings to the forefront ‘the ways the dominant society racializes different minority groups at different times, in response to shifting needs such as the labor market’ (Delgado and Stefancic 2017: 10). The final two tenets are closely related to the issues faced by black women in the academy, and they are intersectionality and antiessentialism, which means that ‘no person has a single, easily stated, unitary identity’ (Delgado and Stefancic 2017: 10). Specifically, every person has multiple identities that differ yet are layered, and there are saliencies and loyalties to each one (Delgado and Stefancic 2017). Lastly, there is the tenet of a unique voice of colour which embraces the ‘presumed competence to speak about race and racism’ (Delgado and Stefancic 2017: 11). The importance of focusing on intersectionality, antiessentialism and a unique voice of colour provides black women administrators with a framework as well as safe space in the research to let their narratives be told about belonging in an academy that has established boundaries for their survival and existence. As such critical race feminism emerged as a result of oppression of minoritized racial and ethnic women within the legal academic community of scholars. The experiences of black women are different from those of black men; therefore, CRT might fall short of providing adequate

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analysis and voice to the day-to-day and systemic encounters of racism and sexism. Additionally, the experiences of black women are also different from white women; therefore, feminist theory does not go far enough to convey or produce the language that accompanies the oppressive forces of racism and sexism. For many scholars, intersectionality becomes the umbrella that covers the double and often triple jeopardy of being minoritized (Dill and Zambrana 2009; Krenshaw 1991). Using BFT and CRF, Charleston et al. (2014) conducted a qualitative phenomenological study of 15 full-time (or recently enrolled full-time), 18- to 35-year-old African American women students who were enrolled in the computing sciences. Furthermore, the participants were both graduate and undergraduate students, and two had completed a PhD. The undergraduate participants were students at a historically black college, while the graduate students (including the PhD completer) were all studying at predominantly white institutions. These researchers were interested in exploring the perspective of African American women who were enrolled in ‘the historically White, male-dominated field of computing science’ (p. 169). The focus group session was videotaped and later transcribed. Data collected reflect use of both closed and open-ended questions designed to understand the women’s experiences relative to the role race and gender play within the field of computing science. Thematic findings from the study offered data on the ‘challenges of being a Black woman in the computing sciences; commonality of isolation and subordination; and sacrifices related to’ (p. 171) pursuing the STEM degree. Women in the Charleston et al. (2014) study found being enrolled in the computing sciences degree programmes was ‘tough’, and at times they could not fully assess whether the problems they faced, the discrimination they experienced and the microaggressions they lived through were due to their race or gender. Earlier research of mid- to senior-level African American women administrators at PWIs found that the women, like these, could not discern which ‘ism’ was prevalent, but they each believed that race was most salient in their lived situations as leaders (Hinton 2001). Because the women in the Charleston et al. study were STEM degree seekers, they experienced a heightened level of misperceptions and stereotypes of who they were as well as their academic acumen. One of their participants shared that her white male classmate who was also her assigned partner discussed how he ‘blatantly questioned [her] academic competence’ (p. 171). Another challenge a participant voiced was that someone asked if she was a secretary at the institution. Again, she could not decipher whether the comment was made because she’s black or a woman. The women also found themselves to be culturally, socially and academically isolated from the community, peers and faculty. Peers often did not want to partner with them for lab assignments; professors would view them as lacking talent and assumed they received previously high assessment because others ‘felt bad about slavery . . . there are [no] real computer scientists who are Black, and maybe she can be the first’; and although there might have been another black ‘brother in the class . . . did not mean they wanted’ to work with the black women (p. 172). Finally, the women in this study believed they made the choice to enrol in a STEM programme. Some believed the choice was not a sacrifice, while others ‘expressed concern that the demands of the field sometimes caused strains in relationships with significant others’ (p. 172). The intensity of the computing sciences was often the basis for undergraduates having less time to engage in typical undergraduate social activities which further isolated the women, while being labelled by their peers as ‘snobs’. This research study provides another example of how intersectionality is being utilized to shed light on the layered or intersecting ways another minoritized social identity group experiences the dominant and oppressive culture. 340

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The Nexus of Black Leadership Efficacy A model that allows black women the opportunity to blend their lived experiences, professional challenges and personal journeys is the Nexus of Black Leadership Efficacy (NOBLE) (Hinton 2012). The model was named in homage to Jeanne Noble (1957, 1993), an educator and scholar, who was the first person to write about the experiences of black women in higher education. The NOBLE has methodological support based on Hinton’s (2001) dissertation research dissecting the stories of black women administrators at predominantly white campuses. Hinton’s themes emerged and congealed into ‘four elements or connections to leadership and professional development: Connection I: family background and early education; Connection 2: higher educational experiences; Connection 3: career experiences; and Connection 4: transitional and growth experiences’ (Hinton 2012: 71). This model allows black women to step away from the toxic imposter syndrome phenomena and embrace the leadership journey they may have suppressed. Specifically, Hinton acknowledges that ‘the wheels of professional development begin to move long before African American women enter the realm of higher education leadership’ (2012: 83).

Current Use and Application Earlier in this chapter we introduced Sunni Day as a young, same-gender-loving African American woman who was a mid-level administrator at a small residential community college in the rural Midwest. There was a moment when Sunni disclosed her sexual orientation to an African American male colleague who she believed to be a friend and confidant. In fact, they each advised sister/brother-type student organizations on campus, Black Women Today and Black Men Today. A few months after disclosing her identity to this colleague, Sunni started to experience microaggressive behaviours from some black male students. After enquiring why this was happening, she learned that her colleague had revealed to many of his students her sexual identity. During a black graduation celebration that Sunni’s office sponsored, a male student who did not receive the award he believed he earned lashed out at her in the presence of other students and parents shouting that she was nothing but an ‘ol’ man anyway’. Being very embarrassed Sunni made an effort to calm him down, but he became louder with his insults. For her, this moment seemed to have set the stage for the rest of her time at the institution and in higher education (Hinton 2001). The following academic year, Sunni continued to battle the VPSA to restore her title from coordinator to director for the purpose of her ability to ‘be at the table’ when discussion and decisions were being made about her area of multicultural services. Although the title was never restored, Sunni learned that the VPSA had started having meetings with her assistant coordinator who was an African American man. She shared that the moment she found out about the weekly meetings with her assistant, she ‘went off’ telling the vice president that he hired her for a purpose and she was not going to stand for him to continue working around her to determine what her office was doing (Hinton 2001). The final scenario that Sunni faced proved to be too overwhelming for her to continue at the institution or in higher education. Sunni had worked at the college for eleven years and had earned a master’s degree in student affairs from #FREEISU University. The dean of students position became available and was posted for application submission. Of course, Sunni applied 341

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but was not even interviewed for the position. The university hired a younger white man with less experience and only a bachelor’s degree as its dean of students (Hinton 2001). Questions to Consider: 1. How does intersectionality emerge in this case? Which social identity is most salient in the difficulties Sunni Day faced at her institution? 2. What issues emerge in this case that connects to Black Feminist Thought? Critical Feminist Theory? Critical Race Theory? 3. What issues emerge in this case that are related to the NOBLE model? 4. What are some of the systemic encounters of racism and sexism Sunni experiences? 5. You are Sunni Day’s mentor. What advice would you offer to reframe this experience to empower her? Conclusion Black women have been marginalized, neglected and vilified in their administrative roles. ‘Silence, then, has been a tool of the majority to perpetuate domination and oppression, to maintain power, and to control history’ (Pratt-Clarke 2015: 207). The work stress and duress are real and unrelenting. However, this does not have to continue as the norm in academia. The authors of this chapter summarize our thoughts which are, first, to always remember to rely upon the strength and knowledge of your elders who taught you as well as provided the tools for you to be successful. These internalized messages may have been repressed, so it is now up to you to find a sister circle, journal, meditate or connect with a mentor so that the connection to family resurfaces. Second, find the professional support system at conferences or create one using platforms such as Teams, Skype and Zoom. Using these spaces has allowed minoritized scholars to connect across the globe which has also expanded scholarly collaboration and networks. Last, the resiliency and stamina of black women administrators are unmatched because very few individuals would be able to withstand the intentional personal and emotional assaults inflicted on one’s character daily. According to the NOBLE model, black women have a complete arsenal of weapons and tools that can be used to persevere in academia. Specifically, it is imperative that Black or minoritized women follow the academic trail of their mentors, share their expertise with others, develop networks to support their journey, and continue to inspire as well as endorse others who are attempting to move to the head of the table.

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Chapter 7 1 In Australia, the term ‘minority ethnic’ is used to refer to people who come from a background other than the dominant Anglo-Celtic majority. 2 We have deliberately used a generalizing term to describe Iris’s origins for reasons of confidentiality.

Chapter 11 1 Recent historical documents released from the National Archives problematize the narrative that Britain encouraged Caribbean immigration in order to fill post-war jobs. Instead, these documents underscore a historical effort to create a ‘hostile environment’ which was designed to limit black immigration in the 1940s and 1950s. See David Olusoga (2019). 2 Although the number of passengers on the Windrush has been reported as 492 in multiple sources, an examination of the Windrush passenger list held in the National Archives reveals twice as many passengers, including hundreds of women. For a searchable database of the Windrush passenger arrival cards, see https://www​.gold​.ac​.uk​/windrush/. 3 The population of ESN (aka Educationally Sub Normal) schools throughout England, intended for intellectually disabled students, was disproportionately black in the late 1960s. See Bernard Coard’s (1971) classic book which served as an organizing tool for educational reform by black parents and community activists in the 1970s. 4 Investigations of black supplementary schools in the 1990s include Nah Dove (1993), and Diane Reay and Heidi Mirza (1997). Renewed interest in black supplementary schools has produced several recent studies. See, for example, Jessica Gerrard (2013) and Kehinde Andrews (2016). Most of these studies have focused on supplementary schools in inner and outer London, Birmingham and Manchester, although the origins, curriculum and staff of Leeds’ UCA Supplementary School which Gertrude Paul directed appear to be quite similar. 5 In particular I am referring to the formation of the CRE in 1976. Gertrude Paul served as Yorkshire’s commissioner on the CRE in the early 1980s and Betty Campbell also served on the Race Relations Board (its predecessor). 6 More recently the notion of ‘political blackness’ in British sociology has been critiqued as problematic, outdated and limited in theoretical and practical terms. See Andrews (2016). 7 Amy Ashwood Garvey, a Pan African activist and feminist and the first wife of Marcus Garvey, was a student at the Westwood High School in the early 1910s. 8 The British Pathé videotape about Yvonne Conolly’s appointment as the first black headteacher in London is available at http:​/​/www​​.brit​​ishpa​​the​.c​​om​/vi​​deo​/w​​est​-i​​ndia​n​​-teac​​her. 9 The details of Betty Campbell’s life history don’t fit neatly into the Windrush narrative. While her father immigrated from Jamaica to Wales earlier in the 1920s, her appointment and work as a Black headteacher occurred during a similar time frame as the other women leaders in this chapter. 10 Betty Campbell’s granddaughter, Rachel Clarke, recently called for more statues of Black people to be erected and a ‘change in the syllabus to better inform pupils of the history of ethnic minorities in Wales’. See ‘Family of Wales’ first black headteacher Betty Campbell call for more statues celebrating black history’ (2020). 11 ‘Parents Call Strike at Cowper Street School’, Chapeltown News, June 1973, 8, pp. 1, 6.

Notes

12 Earl Cowper Middle School Log Book (West Yorkshire Archive Service – LC/Ed 13) Entry on June 25, 1973. 13 Earl Cowper Middle School Log Book (West Yorkshire Archive Service – LC/Ed 13) Entry on May 4, 1976. 14 ‘Race Equality Job for Head’, Yorkshire Post, May 5, 1980. 15 The United Caribbean Association Half-Year Review, November–June 1976. Maureen Baker: Personal Papers (WYL2008), West Yorkshire Archives. 16 HMSO (1972). Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration Session 1971 – 2. Police/Immigrant Relations Minutes of Evidence 17.2.1972, Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, HC 471-1, London, p. 392. 17 ‘The Bonfire Night Trial’, Chapeltown News, 9 June 1976, p. 1–4. 18 In an article published in the community paper Chapeltown News under the pseudonym ‘The Hawk’, Gertrude Paul is accused (while never directly named) of recreating the supplementary school in her own image ‘surrounded by yes people’. The article contends that ‘the two positions of headteacher of an established school and leader of a radical supplementary are incompatible’. See ‘UCA School Accused of Loosing [sic] Direction & Vigor’, Chapeltown News, January 1977, 40, pp. 3–4. 19 The United Caribbean Association Half-Year Review, November–June 1976. Maureen Baker: Personal Papers (WYL2008), West Yorkshire Archives.

Chapter 12 1 Interview given to Marcus Tavares. Conexão Escolas – TV Escolas. 2 Research Social Inequalities by Color or Race published by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) 2017 and 2019. 3 President Jair Bolsonaro’s inauguration happened on 1 January 2019. One day later, 2 January, by decree number 9.465 his Ministry of Education Ricardo Velez Rodriguez extinguished the Secretariat for Continuing Education, Literacy, Diversity and Inclusion (Secadi) that was responsible for public policies in conjunction with the state education systems, in the areas of literacy and youth and adult education, environmental education, human rights education, special and deaf education, rural, school education Indigenous, quilombola and education for ethnic-racial relations. 4 AFRODIÁSPORAS Research Center was launched in 2016 and is coordinated by Prof. Dr Rosangela Malachias. 5 Prof. Márcia Cristina Paulo dos Santos; Prof. Roberta Santos Morais Gomes (both, Graduate students at Rio de Janeiro Federal University) and Prof. Weslei da Silva Rocha (INES – National Institute to Deaf Education). 6 The decolonial thinking of the Latin American dimension is strongly based on the ideas developed by African authors as Aimé Césaire, Frantz Fanon, Albert Memmi and Amílcar Cabral. In Latin America: Anibal Quijano, Walter Mignolo, Catherine Walsh, Nelson Maldonado-Torres and others. 7 This article prioritized the women’s responses.

Chapter 21 1 For the full report of the survey see Tienken (2021). 2 According to the 2020 AASA National Decennial Survey, men account for 73.2 per cent, and women for 26.4 per cent of superintendents with 8.2 per cent identifying as non-White. Women of colour comprise 3.3 per cent of the population of superintendents (Grogan and Miles Nash, 2021).

Chapter 22 1 HE data collection varies across the UK. For higher education providers in Northern Ireland, HESA collects whether students have any dependents on entry to their course. For higher education providers in Scotland, HESA collects the same information, but this is kept up to date throughout the student’s

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time at the provider. Statistical information related to student parents is not collected in England and Wales.

Chapter 24 1 Māori whakatauki proverb from indigenous Māori people of New Zealand 2 As New Zealand is a small country, profile details about each woman have been carefully considered and constructed to avoid participant identification. Where instances of extreme sensitivity have arisen (e.g. suicidal thoughts) quotations have not been attributed to a single individual.

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395

Index

AASA Decennial Surveys  272, 286 Accenture  244 advocacy  25, 91, 159, 160, 263, 264 Black women headteachers and  139, 147, 149 of social justice  153–5 Afghanistan  257, 269 case study of  263–5 Afghan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU)  269 Afghan Women’s Declaration (document)  263 Afghan Women’s Network (AWN)  263 Afghan Women National Consensus for Peace (document)  268 African American women, in school leadership  274, 275 African Educational Review (journal)  43 AFRODIÁSPORAS Research Center of Black Women  155, 159 Agezo, C. K.  203, 205, 207 Agosto, V.  93 ambivalence  10, 26, 29, 31, 33–7 balance and quality and life and  34 as challenging  34–5 Amnesty International  264 Annual Conference of European Network for Improving Research and Development in Education Leadership and Management  245 anticategorical complexity  104, 111 Ardern, J.  115 Aristotle  193 Asian American women, in school leadership  275 aspirational capital  171 Association of American School Administrators Decennial Survey  272 Athena Swan Program (UK)  18, 227 Audiovisual Culture and Educommunication at Urban Peripheries  155 audit culture, of educational accountability  15 Aurora leadership programme  221, 227 Australia, case study of women leadership in  17, 343 n.1 flexibility demands and  19 gender politics and  20

inclusive educational organizations and systems in  22–3 intersectionality and  90–100 professorial positions and  19 racialized conditions and  21 schooling and  18 universities and  18–20 whiteness and  20 authority and power  31, 33 autonomy, institutional  10, 14–15, 18 Bahir Dar (Ethiopia)  231, 235 Ball, S. J.  206, 211 Bell, D.  339 best fit, notion of  18 Bhopal  227 Bilge, S.  91, 92 Bill of Rights (South Africa)  38 Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women  59 biological differences  196–7, 199 biological sex  3, 101, 111, 161, 163, 209 Bjork, L.  205, 207, 210 Black academic invisibility  333–6 critical race theory and  339–40 intersectionality and research and  335–8 Nexus of Black Leadership Efficacy (NOBLE) model and  341 Black Activist Mothering (Sakho-Lewis)  170, 172 Black British feminism  139–40 Black feminism  13, 76, 77, 90–2, 98–100, 162, 339. See also intersectionality Black women headteachers and  138–50 Black women’s leadership skills and  165–74 Black Feminist Thought (BFT)  166, 167 Black Feminist Thought (Collins)  140 Black Lives Matter (BLM)  77, 123, 272, 335 Black women, leadership skills and practices of  165–6 barriers to leadership and  168 Black Feminist Thought (BFT) and  167 leadership skills and practice and  168–73 literature review of  167 literature review procedure and  166

Index

as multidimensional  173 theoretical frameworks of  166 White Racial Frame (WRF) and  166–7 Black women headteachers  138 pioneer, portraits of  141–8 study methodology of  140–1 theoretical perspective of  139–40 Windrush generation and  138–9 blesser metaphor  197, 201 Blinkenstaff, J.  244, 251 Blount, J.  92 Bogotch, I.  92 Boji Chekorsa (Ethiopia)  231 Bourdieu, P.  258, 260, 268 Brazil, deaf Black women in  151 historical context of  151–3 learning to know about  155–6 learning to learn and  159 social justice advocacy and  153–5 study findings of  157–9 study methodology of  156–7 Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE)  151–2, 154 Brazilian Sign Language (LIBRAS)  151, 153, 155–8 bridge leadership  169, 173 British Nationality Act (1948)  138 Brown vs the Board of Education  274 Brunner, C.  128, 133, 207 Buckle, W.  146 Bulhões, P. A.  153 Calixto, H.  155, 157 Cameron, G.  143 Campbell, B.  144–6, 343 n.10 Campello, A. R.  153, 159 Carbado, D.  91 Cardiff Bay Development Corporation (UK)  145 care, ethic of  69 career 219. See also Ethiopia; science, technology, engineering and mathematic (STEM); sociocultural capital; women of colour, as school superintendents and constraints for women leaders  221 gender stereotypes relating to leadership and supporting roles  222–3 masculinist work culture dominance and persistence  221–2 motherhood and domestic responsibilities  223–4 women’s agency, confidence, and career planning  224–5

disproportion context and  219–20 legislation  220 and facilitators of women accessing educational leadership  225 individual level  225–6 institutional and societal levels and  226–8 career path and ambivalence  34–5 Caribbean Teachers Association  149 Catano, J. V.  134 Central Statistics Office (CSO) (Ireland)  243 change, significance of  37 charismatic leadership  62, 129 Chisolm, S.  171 Clarke, B.  146, 147 Clarke, R.  343 n.10 class  1, 4–5, 21, 54, 66, 307. See also gender; identity; race/racial; sexuality Black academic invisibility and  334–8 gender and career and  222, 226, 259–60 positional power and  61, 63 social justice and  75, 76, 79, 89–92, 94–100, 103, 106, 124, 128, 130, 142–5, 160 women’s way of leading and  209, 211 classical leadership theory, criticism of  58 Clinton, H.  263, 272 code-switching behaviours  172, 209–10 collaborative values-driven framework  121, 123 collective leadership  95 collective personhood  119, 126 Collins, P. H.  91, 92, 140, 148, 167, 333–5 colour-blind approach  104, 116, 117, 119, 124 Commission for Race Equality (UK)  147 communal behaviours  128–9 communities, of courageous women leaders  35–6 feminist research and  36 multilevel initiatives and  36–7 community cultural wealth model  170–3 confidence  191, 192, 195, 199–200 Connell, R.  214 Conolly, Y.  141–4, 149 consequentialism  176, 177 and institutional ethics comparison of  187, 188 ethical dilemma between  181–4 constructive spaces  24–5 communities of courageous women leaders and  35–6 feminist research  36 multilevel initiatives  36–7 and dedicated leadership  26–7 gendered leaders and leadership qualities and  27

397

Index

leadership as connecting and  28–9 and power relations  29–30 as energizing  32–3 loneliness and togetherness and  30 rehabilitation  30–2 productive ambivalence and  33 balance and quality of life  34 as challenging  34–5 transatlantic research partnership and  25–6 Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities  159 conviction, ethic of  71–2 Cooper, A. J.  91 Cooperative Extension  66 Costa Rica  258, 269–70 case study of  265–6 counter-storytelling  36 credibility and transparency  236–8 Crenshaw, K.  4, 75, 90, 103, 214, 275, 333 critical feminist scholarship  2–3 critical race theory (CRT)  167, 335, 336, 339–40 tenets of  339 critical reflexivity  97 critical social justice  76 crooked room analogy  167 cross-sector leadership  173 cultural capital  97, 170–4, 246, 261, 271. See also sociocultural capital cultural diversity  10, 86, 92, 154, 260 cultural transformation  269–70 cultural turn  90, 92, 133 Davis, A.  171 Davis, Y.  139 de Bettignies  71 decategorization  104 decolonial pedagogy  156, 160 dedicated leadership  26–7 gendered leaders and qualities of  27 leadership as connecting and  28–9 deficit ideology  95 DelphiS tool  203 Department of Education and Skills (DES) (Ireland)  244 DePree, M.  70 differential racialization  339 direct discrimination  102, 106–7 discrimination. See also intersectionality complexities of intersectional  110–13 fluidity of understanding about  112–13 forms of  102, 106–10 legislation  102–3

398

multilevel  112 discrimination-complicit culture  103, 109–10 Dlamini-Zuma, N. C.  38 double consciousness  168 double difference  159 double jeopardy  168 double marginality  79–80. See also Middle East Dr. Jean E. Winsand International Institute for Women in School Leadership (JWI)  27, 31 Du Bois, W. E. B.  168 Ebonics  172 Education Administrational Quarterly (journal)  204 Educational Management, Administration, and Leadership (EMAL) xxii–xxiv Educational Management Administration & Leadership (journal)  43, 204 Education for Ethnical and Racial Relations (Brazil)  151 Education Village, for Darlington  122 EIGE  192 emotion, significance of  287–90 emotional intelligence  17 emotional labour  288, 319–20 emotional work and  321–2 enduring nature of work and  325–6 impact on career trajectory  328–9 impact on confidence  327–8 impact on personal relationships  326–7 impact on professional practice  327 personal wellness and  324–5 research design and methodology  323–4 sensemaking and  320–1, 329–30 study findings and discussion  324 women leaders and  322 emotion regulation  287–8 Employment of Equity Act 57 (1998) (South Africa)  38 empowerment. See power enquiry-based learning  248 Equality Act (2010) (UK)  101, 103, 220 Equal Opportunity for Women Agency  22 Equal Pay Act (1970) (UK)  220 essentialism  4, 139, 161. See also women’s way of leading, and essentialism ethical critical servant leader  66–9 and soul work  67, 72, 73 and womanist thought/being  67–8 values and compassion and  69 virtue and mindfulness and  71–3 vision and love and  69–70 voice and pursuance and  70–1

Index

ethical dilemmas  162 among women principals  175–6 fixing of dynamical ethical paradigm for  188–9 women principals profile  177–8 between institutional ethics and consequentialism  181–4 and ethic of care  178–81 study methodology of  176–7 visioning of moral responsibility to resolve  176 ethical sensitivity  176, 179–83, 185, 186 ethical spotting  176, 180, 182 ethic of care  175 and institutional ethics, ethical dilemma between  178–81 ethic of justice  187 Ethiopia  230 and national, regional, and district level recommendations  236 credibility and transparency  236–8 gender bias addressing  238–40 post-appointment training  239–40 support, encouragement, positive feedback, and empathy  240–1 and national level recommendations career path/position responsibility clarity  234–5 financial compensation for leadership responsibilities  235–6 forums establishment  235 hardship position recognition  236 pre-leadership training  235 study purpose  231–2 study methodology  232 theoretical framework  232 study findings lived experiences  232–3 women’s perspectives  233–4 under-representation of women in  230 World Bank grant to  230–1, 234 ethnic identities, intersection with gender  4–5 Evaristo, C.  155 everyday activism  148–9 Faculty of Education from Baixada Fluminense (FEBF) (Brazil)  155, 157 familial capital  171 family leave  34 Federal University of Santa Catarina (Brazil)  156 feminist research  15, 17, 36, 52, 96, 191, 206, 208, 210

First National Meeting of Black Women (I ENMN)  154 Fitzgerald, T.  204, 222, 228, 307, 317 Flexible Route to Headship (Scotland)  226 focus group interviews  193–4 Ford, J.  192, 201, 221 Foucault, M.  63 4-H  66 fourth industrial revolution (4IR)  55 4-V Leadership Model  67 France, A.  146, 147 Freedom Dreaming capital  171 Freire, P.  169 Frey, W.  285 Garvey, A. A.  343 n.7 gender  27. See also class; identity; race/racial; sexuality bias, addressing  238–40 and career (see career) definition of  3 and leadership, in cultural context  58–61 masculinity and  214, 215, 223–9, 247, 268, 270 peer influence and  196 politics  20 positional leadership and  61–3 and race intersection  275–6 social justice and  80–1, 90–100 stereotypes, relating to leadership and supporting roles  222–3 topographical literature analysis and  53–5 in uncertainty context  16–17 women’s way of leading and  210–11 in Zimbabwe (see Zimbabwe, gender and school leadership in) Gender and Behavior (journal)  43 gender blindness  198 gender equality  1, 22, 101, 149, 216–17, 272, 308 career and  219, 221 in Ethiopia  230, 231, 237 power and  128, 131 in Zimbabwe  190, 192, 193, 200, 201 gender equity  15, 18, 34, 36, 53, 101 career and  214, 226, 227, 230, 231, 268–70 policy, in Australia  20–2 gender sensitivity  210 in Zimbabwe  190–201 gender socialization  191 German and American perspectives, of constructive spaces. See constructive spaces Germany  25, 246 Giddens, A.  60, 61

399

Index

Ginsburg, R. B.  272 Girl Effect  127 glass ceiling phenomenon  1, 24, 39 glass cliff phenomenon  1, 24–5, 175, 221 Google Scholar  41, 50 grace  70 Griffiths, V.  292, 301, 302 grounded theory approach  309 Gumbo Ya Ta tool  173 Hallinger, P.  40, 43, 52, 53, 204, 205, 244 Hancock, S.  95 Handbook of Research on Gender and Leadership (Masden)  6 harassment  34, 102, 105, 108–9, 148, 177, 194–8, 200, 233, 236, 309 Harris-Perry, M.  167, 174 Heart of the Race, The (Bryan, Dadzie, and Scafe)  139, 149 hegemonic leadership cultural turn and  133 harnessing and amending and  136–7 as men’s arena  129–30 naming and reclaiming and  135–6 power reclamation and  134–5 power that takes over and  129–32 traditional Western  128–9, 133 Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA)  292 Hinton, K.  341 Hislop, H.  245 Hochschild, A.  291 Hochschild, A. R.  322 homosociability  103 hooks, b.  90, 333 Hope, W. C.  203, 205, 207 Horsford, S. D.  169, 173 Idar, J.  274–5 identity  3–5, 16, 37, 43. See also class; gender; race/ racial; sexuality emotional well-being and  290, 292, 293, 307, 319–21, 333–5, 337 gender and career and  213, 215, 222–3, 228–9, 245, 248, 256, 265, 277, 278, 282 intersectionality and social justice and  77, 79–80, 89, 93, 102, 104, 116, 118–20, 125, 126, 140, 152, 153, 155, 158 moral  175–7, 179, 181, 182, 184, 187–9 multiple  4, 21, 167, 319, 334, 339 politics  140, 171 professional  37, 118, 119, 140, 166, 331 racial  106–8, 110, 111, 113, 338

400

self-  20, 105, 106, 111, 204, 224, 320, 330 social  4, 79, 140, 167, 209, 333–5, 340 women’s way of leading and  166–72, 206, 209, 210 Ilibagiz, I.  271 inclusive educational organizations and systems  22–3 in-depth interviews  57–8 India. See ethical dilemmas indirect discrimination  102, 107–8 Information and Communication Technologies (ICT)  55 Ing-wen, T.  115 Initial Teacher Education (ITE). See student teachers as mothers, and Initial Teacher Education (ITE) Inner London Educational Authority (ILEA)  143 In Search of Our Mothers’ Gardens (Walker)  67 institutional autonomy  10, 14–15, 18 institutional ethics  175–6 and consequentialism comparison of  187, 188 ethical dilemma between  181–4 and ethic of care comparison of  184, 187, 188 ethical dilemma between  178–81 instructional leadership  246 impediments to government policy directives and lack of financial support  252–3 role models  253–4 teacher confidence  253 as overarching objective  251 shared  245 intentionality  71 intercategorical complexity  104 internalization  176 International Women’s Development Agency  210 interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA)  295, 323 intersectionality  3–4, 63, 64, 128, 131, 160, 162, 290. See also class; gender; identity; race/ racial; sexuality in academia  96–9 in Australia  21–2 Black academic invisibility and  333–42 Black women’s leadership skills and  166, 167 complexity of  104–5 discrimination and  101–13 double marginality and  80, 151–60 emotional labour and  321 ethnicity and individual and  209–10

Index

feminist scholarship and  91–2 as framework  4 gender and career and  214–17, 220, 222, 226, 229 in high-poverty schools  93–6 meaning and significance of  4, 80 mentoring and  226 praxis and  91 research and  335–8 in schools  92–3 social justice and  75–8, 92–3 (see also social justice) sociocultural capital and  259 whitening of  91 women of colour and  273, 275, 286 intracategorical complexity  104 Intriligator  58 Investing in Diversity (IiD) (2003-2011)  117 Ireland 222. See also science, technology, engineering and mathematic (STEM) Irish Business and Employers Confederation  255 Israel  175 Israeli society  130 liberal feminism and Girl Effect in  131–3 Jackson, B.  274, 275 Jacob, M.  243, 246 Jeans, A. T.  275 Jeans Supervisors  275 Johnson, L. K.  147 Johnson, R. S.  146 justice, ethic of  69–70 Kagame, P.  268, 270 Karzai, H.  263 King, M.  336 labyrinth metaphor  214 Lacey, P.  70 latent thematic analysis  250 Latinas, in school leadership  274–5 Leader Behavior Description Questionnaire (LBDQ) xxii leadership. See also individual entries context of  14–16 definition of  2–3 responsible, dimensions of  71 leadership action  68, 100, 134–7, 329 definition of  134 and performer, distinguishing between  134–5 leadership content knowledge  245

leadership development  3, 5, 67, 124–5, 160, 166, 177; See also career; gender gender and career and  214–17, 258–60, 264, 275 Lebanon  83 social injustice in  81–2, 84 social justice in  84, 85 establishing school policies to promote  86–8 legal-rational legitimacy  62 Likert scale  32 linguistic capital  172–3 Love, B.  171 Lowen, R.  90 magnets-glue-drivers model  122 Mandela, N.  126 Mango Spice (Conolly and Cameron)  143 Marin, S.  115 masculinity  3, 5, 13, 15–17, 22, 103, 307, 308 constructive spaces and  27, 32 critical theories of  16 double marginality and  79, 89 gender and career and  214, 215, 223–9, 247, 268, 270 positional power and  58, 64 power and  127–31, 134 social justice and  90, 97 women’s way of leading and  204–10 work culture, dominance and persistence of  221–2 May, V.  91 Melanesian women  60 menstruation  191–2, 201 mentoring  226–8 Merkel, A.  115, 132 micro-discriminations  112 Middle East and case study awareness development to injustice  83–4 data analysis in  82 female school principals  81–2 findings  83 methods and procedure  82 participants in  82–3 school policies and actions to promote social justice  86–8 sensitivity to injustice and commitment to justice  84–6 gender, principalship, and social justice in  80–1 Mid-May-Meal (MDM) scheme (Manipur) (India)  178–9 mindfulness  72

401

Index

Ministry of Education (Ethiopia)  231 Ministry of Women Affairs, Gender and Community Development (MWAGCD) (Zimbabwe)  190 Miokhail, H.  271 mixed-methods studies  51, 102, 335 moral blind spot  176, 179–83 moral intensity  176, 179–82 moral obligation  175–84, 187, 188 moral purpose  117, 120–2, 125, 245, 321 moral reasoning  176, 179–84, 185, 186, 188, 189 moral responsibility  176, 179–84, 187, 188 Moreton-R. A.  95 motherhood and domestic responsibilities  223–4 mothering, notion of  169 Muhammadi, Z.  257 multilevel discriminations  112 Murtagh, L.  292, 295, 302, 303 Nash, J.  91 National Congress on Social Inclusion of Deaf Black (CNISNS) (Brazil)  153, 155–7, 159 National Education Policy (India)  176 National Household Sample Survey (Brazil)  154 National Institute of Deaf Education (INES) (Brazil)  152–3 National Union of Students (NUS)  292 navigational capital  172 neoliberal school restructuring  25 Nepal  175 networking  226–8 Newly Qualified Teachers (NQTs)  223, 225 New Zealand  321, 345 n.2 New Zealand Council of Educational Research National survey  321 Nexus of Black Leadership Efficacy model (NOBLE)  341 Noble, J.  336, 341 NPQH leadership programme (England and Wales)  226, 227 nudge theory  228 NUD IST software  26, 30 OECD Better Life Index  34 Oikelome, G.  169–70 Okolosie, L.  149 Organisation of Women of African and Asian Descent (OWAAD)  139 organizational culture  1, 5, 18, 77, 102, 110, 113, 174, 207 organizational development method  335 organizational navigation strategies  170

402

Pakistan  56–7 gender and leadership in cultural context in  58–61 positional power and gender in  61–4 research in  57–8 Pakistani women academics  305 data analysis  310 failure to attain key positions  306–7 interview procedure  309–10 problem for  305–6 study findings  310 career development  310–13 personal, institutional, and social barriers  313–14 perspective and experiences  314–15 research and career development  315–16 study methodology  309 study participants  309 women education and  308–9 and women in leadership  307–8 Palestinian Authority  81, 83 social injustice in  83–4 social justice in  84–5 establishing school policies to promote  86–8 partisanship  205–6 Passerson, J.  258, 260, 268 Paul, G. M.  146–8, 344 n.18 peer influence and gender  196 personal conscience, commitment to  176, 179–83 Phule, S.  91 playing the game idea  170 Policy for Measurement of Research Outputs of Public Higher Education Institutions (South Africa)  54 political blackness  343 n.6 positional leadership  2, 17, 18. See also Pakistan gender and  61–3 post-appointment training  239–40 power  29–30, 77, 116, 125, 154, 307, 308 authority and  31, 33 Black academic invisibility and  333–5, 338, 339 Black women headteachers and  139–41, 149 change and  37 critical consciousness and  98 definitions of  61 double marginality and  80, 83, 86, 88–9 dynamics of  260–1 as energizing  32–3 gender and career and  227–8, 233, 235, 237, 239, 240, 245, 246, 248–50, 263–5, 270, 275 of grace  70 harness of  135

Index

loneliness and togetherness and  30 as Macht  31–2 in organizations  59 positional  56–64, 70 reclamation of  127–8, 133–5 as relational  63 social justice and  90–3, 95, 98–100, 102, 110, 112–13 take over of  129–32, 207–8 women leaders’ lived realities and  113 women’s way of leading and  163, 165, 167, 169, 172, 181, 191–3, 200, 201, 211 praxis  25, 26, 54, 67, 70 black feminism and  98 critical  104 intersectionality and  91 radical  93 sociocultural capital and  258, 259, 261, 268, 269 pre-leadership training  235 private moral identity  176, 181, 184 professional challenges, for women leaders  312–13 Program for International Student Assessment (PISA)  14 public humiliation and shaming  240–1 public moral identity  176, 181, 182, 187, 188 pursuance  70 qualitative methodology  249 qualitative research studies  51–2, 193, 232 race/racial  6, 10, 13, 15, 17, 18, 20–3, 38, 204, 214, 247, 259. See also class; gender; identity; sexuality Black academic invisibility and  333, 334, 338, 339 gender and career and  266, 270, 272–7, 279–80, 282, 284–6 social justice and  75–7, 90, 93–6, 102, 104, 106–8, 110, 111, 113, 119, 141, 142, 151, 152, 155, 156, 158 women’s way of leading and  162, 165–7, 182 Rand Afrikaans University  39 Reay, D.  206, 211, 308, 317 recategorization  104 redistributive justice  22 reflexivity  93, 95, 99, 210 critical  97, 98 relational leadership  16, 17, 26–9, 36, 95, 98, 133, 319 relational reciprocity  176, 179–83 representational justice  22

research funding sources (South Africa)  53 research leadership  98 Research Outputs Policy (South Africa)  54 resistant capital  172 resistant knowledge traditions  92 resolution  69–70 responsibility, ethic of  70–1 responsible leadership  71 revolutionary leadership and historical factors  169 Rezende, P. L. F.  153, 159 Rio de Janeiro State University (UERJ) (Brazil)  152 Roland, E.  93 role models, significance of  196, 199–201 Rwanda  257, 269 case study of  266–8 post-genocide  260 Rwigara, D.  270 Sakho-Lewis, J. R.  169–73 Scafe, S.  139 schools@onedarlington model  120–3 Schumaker, P.  128, 133 science, technology, engineering and mathematic (STEM)  216, 223 data gathering and analysis for  250 ethical considerations and data trustworthiness  250–1 educational leadership and  244–5 subject specialism and leadership for learning  245–6 Education Review group  243 gender and  244 gendered relations with  246 beyond classroom  248 role models  247–8 self-confidence  247 subject choices  246–7 strategies to promote beyond classroom  254–5 subject choice  254 study findings of  251 impediments to instructional leadership  252–4 instructional leadership as overarching objective  251 subject specialism for leading teaching and learning  251–2 study methodology for  249 participants  249–50 SCOPUS  41 Scotland  226, 246 second generation bias  221, 225

403

Index

second shift  291 sector-led school improvement  121 segregated education  57 self-efficacy  241, 247, 248, 314–18 self-identity  20, 105, 106, 111, 204, 224, 320, 330 semi-structured interview  250, 320, 323–4 semi-structured questionnaire  232 sensemaking  323–4, 326–31 educational leaders and  320–1 making sense of  329–30 Sex Discrimination Act (1975) (UK)  220 sexual harassment  20, 108, 194, 195, 198, 200, 233, 236 sexuality  1, 13, 21, 295, 334, 337. See also class; gender; identity; race/racial gender and career and  220, 222 social justice and  76, 91, 92, 94, 102, 111, 128, 154 women’s way of leading and  202, 207–9 Singham, S.  143 single-sex education  57 Sister Citizen (Harris-Perry)  174 snowball sampling  194 social capital  171–2 social cohesion  84, 87, 89, 122 social construction  334, 339 social isolation  327 social justice xxii–xxiv, 4, 10, 13, 18, 22–3, 124, 139, 169, 229 advocacy for  153–5 discrimination and  101–13 double difference and  151, 153–5, 159–60 double marginality and  79–89 emotional labour and  320, 322, 323, 330 gender and educational leadership and  90–100 intersectionality and  75–8, 92–8, 101–13 leadership for  23 power and  130, 132 principles of  22–3 social networks  86, 171–2 social psychology research  206 social systems  60, 191 sociocultural capital  257–8 case studies of  262–8 as construct to understand women leaders  259–60 power dynamics  260–1 education as hope and path and  270–1 equality and  268 cultural transformation  269–70 gender equity  269 significance to understanding of women in leadership  258–9

404

universal  261–2 soul work  67, 72, 73, 331 of ethical critical servant leader  66–73 Soussan, M.  263 South Africa  210 South Africa, topographical analysis in  38–9 data identification, extraction, delimitation, and analysis of  40–2 gender(ed) topographical literature analysis and  53–5 leadership preparation in academic and research landscape and  39–40 women publishing on educational leadership research and  42 authorship and impact  50–3 knowledge production  42–3, 44 research topics  43, 45–49, 50 South African Department of Basic Education  55 South African Journal of Education (journal)  43 space holding, strategy of  170 spatial metaphors  24 spirituality  337–8 State Council of Educational Research and Training (SCERT) (India)  176–7 Strachan, J.  60–2 strong Black women schema  170 student teachers as mothers, and Initial Teacher Education (ITE)  291–2 case studies of  295–6 implications for leaders  302–4 literature review of  292–3 policy and practice, impact of  299 finance and ITE bursaries  299–300 institutional practices and impact  300–1 research design data analysis  295 data collection  294–5 sampling  293 study context  293 study findings of  296 emotional conflicts  297–9 professional and domestic responsibilities balancing  296–7 Support Networks for Women Principals (South Africa)  53 surface acting  322 symbolization  176 system leadership  114–16 Birmingham Black school teachers and  117, 119 Darlington school teachers and  121 Ubuntu and  117–23, 126

Index

tapping  214 Tavares, M.  153 Theory Movement xxii traditional leadership  2, 77, 115, 127, 136, 138 traditional legitimacy  60 transformational leaders xxiii transformative leadership  68, 93, 133, 193 transnational polities  14 Tubman, H.  171 TUC  291 Turkey  82, 83 establishing school policies to promote social justice  87, 88 social injustice in  84–6 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (United Nations)  270 Ubuntu  117, 125–6, 207 Black women leaders in Birmingham and  118– 20 schools@onedarlington model and  120–3 system leadership and  117–23, 126 unconscious bias  18 under-representation, of women  1, 18, 82, 101, 117, 337 career and  215–17, 219, 230, 231, 242, 243 in South Africa  38, 50, 53–5 UNFPA  201 UNICEF  192 unique voice of colour  339 United Caribbean Association (UCA)  148 Supplementary School  147, 149 United Kingdom (UK), discrimination in  101. See also Black women headteachers; career anti-discrimination legislation and  102–3 complexities of intersectional  110–13 forms of  106–10 intersectionality and  104–5, 110–13 mixed-methods research project for  105–6 social justice and  103–4 United Nations Population Fund  191 United States  25 Universal Declaration of Human Rights  261 University of Pretoria  39 University of São Paulo (USP) (Brazil)  152 value clarification  176, 179, 182 values and compassion  69 Vargas, I.  271 veil walking  172 Verloo, M.  132 victimization  102–3, 109, 312

virtue  72 vision and love  69–70 voice and pursuance  70–1 volatile, uncertain, complex and ambiguous (VUCA) conditions  25, 29, 33, 36 Walby, S.  132 Walker, A.  67, 265 Walker, S.  70 Walton, G.  200 Warren, C.  95 Weber, M.  60–2, 70, 72 Western liberal model, leadership as  128–9 We Want to Do More than Survive (Love)  171 white female savior, idea of  95–6 white habitus  90–1 whiteness  4, 10, 17, 20, 94, 96, 100, 103, 172, 214 White Racial Frame (WRF)  166–7 #WomenEd network  102, 105, 112, 113, 222, 224, 226, 227 women’s agency, confidence, and career planning  224–5 Women’s Engineering Society (Ireland)  244 women’s way of leading, and essentialism  202–3 consequences of  211 context significance and  206–7 culture  207 education phase  208–9 ethnicity, intersectionality, and individual  209–10 leadership role  207–8 religion  209 sexuality  209 gender and  210–11 inappropriate  211 issues in methodology and methods and  203–4 variety of findings and  205 explanation of  205–6 Women and Leadership in higher Education (Longman and Masden)  6 women leaders, disrupting narratives of  114–17 Birmingham Black  118–20 Darlington  120–3 study methodology of  118 2020 and  123–5 Ubuntu and  118 women of colour, as school superintendents  272 counter-stories and narratives of  276–7 gender and race intersection and  275–6 historicity of  273–5 mentoring experiences for  275, 276 new results and new meanings for  277

405

Index

and school and student characteristics district size  278–9 geography  278 priorities in superintendency  280–3 professional pathways and strides  283–5 student demographics  279–80 women vice chancellors. See Pakistan work–life balance  16, 19, 34, 223, 247, 290, 310–12 World Bank  230–1

406

Yosso, T.  170, 174 Zimbabwe, gender and school leadership in  190 discussion of findings and  199–201 literature and  190–2 mainstreaming and  192 study findings of  194–9 study methodology of  193–4 theoretical and conceptual framework of  193