The Asian Village 9789814377461

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The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies

Established as an autonomous organisation in May 1968, the bstitute of Southeast Asian Studies is a regional research centre for scholars and other specialists concerned with modern Southeast Asia. The Institute's research interests are focused on the many-faceted problems of modernization and development, and political and social change in Southeast Asia. The Institute is governed by a twenty-four-member Board of Trustees on which are represented the University of Singapore and Nanyang University, appointee~ from the Government, as well as representatives from a broad range of professional and civic organizations and groups. A ten-man Executive Committee oversees day-to-day operations; it is ex officio chaired by the Director, the Institute's ~hief academic and administrative officer.

··copyright subsists in this publication under the United Kingdom Copyright Act, 1911, and the Singapore Copyright Act (Cap. 187). No person shall reproduce a copy of this publication, or extracts therefrom, without the written permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore."

The Asian Village as a Basis for Rural Modernization

by

Robert Orr Whyte

Occasional Paper No. 44 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Price:

S$8.00

Dr. Robert Orr Whyte's "The Asian Village as a Bas i s for Rural Modernization" is the f o rty-fourth publicati on in the Institute's Occasional Paihrs ser i e s. This s eries was inaugurated in 197o and for t e most oart c on sists o f discussion and other papers presented at the Inst i tute's Occasional and In-House seminars. Growing out of a larger research proJ ect curre nt ly i n progress, "The Asian Village as a Basis f or Rura l Modern i zation" is a preliminary inves ti gation of the pote nt ial f or rural progress of the Asian Village , e spe cially i n monsoon al and equatorial areas. It should prove t o b e o f c on siderable interest, particularly to students o f r ural modern i zation and development. Let us hope it will c i rculate wi dely and generate the type o f "feed-back" that a ut ho r s o f such p apers look forward to in the way of further improvement a nd refinement of their sub j ect matter and its analys i s. In the meantime, while wishing Dr . Whyte and hi s paper a ll the best, it is clearly understood t h at res pon s ib1l ity f o r facts and opinions expressed in the work that f o llows rests exclusively wi th Dr. Whyte and his interpretati ons do no t necessarily reflect the views o r poli cy o f the Insti tute or its supporters. 19 August 1976

Di recto r Institute o f Southe ast Asi an Studies

CONTENTS Page List of Figures 1:

Objective and scope

1

2:

The setting

3

3:

Diversity of man

5

4:

Distinctions and relations between rural and urban

7

5:

Origin and evolution of ecosystems involving rural man

9

6:

Location and morphology of villages

13

7:

Social and agrarian structure

15

8:

Sociology of labour

25

9:

Sociology of land use

31

10:

Sociology of rural water use

37

11:

Fishing communities

40

12:

Economic structure and status

46

13:

Housing

51

14:

Health and environmental sanitation

58

15:

Nutrition and food customs

60

16:

Rearing and education of children

63

17:

Rural evolution at the present time

67

18:

Acceptance of change

70

19:

Conclusion

75

LIST OF FIGURES Page

2

1

Monsoonal and equatorial Asia

2

Varying degrees of intensification of cropping systems based on rice

11

3

India: Village in Rajasthan showing spatial segregation based on castle

16

4

India:

5

India, Nagaland: Swidden village and its adjacent lands

6

Malaysia:

7

Indonesia, Java: Village based on clustered hamlets

8

Taiwan:

9

Malaysia:

Rajput village in Uttar Pradesh

Linear village

A clustered village Seasonal employment and among men and women

17 18 19 20

21

underem~loyment

28

10

Philippines: Calendar of farming activities in a swidden ecosystem

29

11

Thailand: Calendar of farming activities in a wet rice ecosystem

30

12

Indonesia, Bali: Hamlets and irrigation societies in a single catchment

38

13

Malaysia, Kelantan: Village of typical, scattered Malay dwellings, showing close interrelation of fishing and agriculture

43

14

South Korea: Village showing integration of fishing and agriculture

44

15

Japan:

Proportion of farm households

gaining part of their income outside agriculture

so

Page

16

India, Uttar Pradesh: Extended family hone (Rajput) with double c ou rtyard

17

Laos:

18

Bo rne o:

19

Philippines: house

20

Japan:

Yao h ouse Lo nghouse o f Iban community

52 53

54

Prosperous Illocos farmer's

Plan of a farmer's house

55 56

1:

OBJECTIVE AND SCOPE

In an appreciation of the potential for modernization in the rural areas of monsoonal and equatorial Asia, it is essential to understand the vil lage in all its diversity. This study is not to be taken as a definitive review of this vast and complex subject . Rather it is a preliminary attempt*to: (a) introduce p lanners, f ield workers, teachers and students in the land sciences to the basic factors of rural l ife which it is essential they consider when introducing change aimed at increased production, and (b) indicate to anthropologists and sociologists that the biological environment plays a more important r ole in the evolution of social customs than some may have been prepared to accept. The study is made on an ecological rather than a national basis. Its geographical scope is defined as covering mainland south , s outheast and east Asia from Pakistan to Korea, together with the island countries of Sri Lanka, Indonesia, East Malaysia, Philippines, Taiwan and Japan (Figure 1 ). This region has such a unique mosaic of comparable climates which make it so distinct from other regions of the world that it has been considered desirable to show the degrees of similarity or difference within it; and also to indicate how monsoonal and equatorial Asia resembles or differs from other parts of the subtropical, tropical and equatorial world. It will be seen that already some patterns of regional or subregional significance are appearing, even at this early stage of the study . There have been many valuable investigations of villages in most of the countries of Asia , conducted primarily by anthropologists, sociologists, S?ecialists in health and human nutrition, and rural economists. They have thus tended to focus on only certain aspects of village life - often of only one village, and in many cases to omit some of the basic

*

This preliminary text is based on an extensive literature; bibliographical references have, with apologies to authors, had to be omitted at this stage for reasons of space, but will all be given in later versions.

2

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·o •• "•

....."' (I)


-

Japan :

Figure 20 :

V1 0'1

Plan of a farmer ' s house 13

11

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....

I

I

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__. ~

-

~

I

J.

r...

-

•

~

I=

14

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~

2

1

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~ ~

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7

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~ f-!----

4

3

:I

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~

10

,

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t= I-

15 ....._ 12

@ 1• 17

I . Goeat room 2 . Livint room 3 . Shrine r oom 4 . Bedroom ( others con be used

as bedroofM )

5 . Dinint room 6 . Corridors 7 , 10, 11. Cloeets

Sour ce:

8 . Tokonomo - honouroble centre of houee with acroll and flower~

I. 12. 13 . 14.

Shrine Main ent rance

E1

Bock door

17. Lavat or y

Kitchen I~ . Bathroom

16 · We ll

0

4 Mttrtt

Chie Nakane, Kinshi and Economi c Or anization i n Rural Japan (London: Athlone Pr ess, 19 7 , p . 3 .

57

underprivileged are characterized by the limited space accorded each individual, and frequently sleeping arrangements are overcrowded , perhaps in the only room which is also used for daily living and cooking. Ventilation is often as poor in the equatorial zone as in the colder regions of the Himalaya, where smoke from the fires must seep out through the roof. The spread of infection within families is therefore inevitab le. The mud brick dwell1ngs of the arid zones and the bamboo and thatch of the tropics both r equire to be repaired or replaced at regular and quite frequent intervals. Only the more costly constructions in timber and stone are durable. Progress in housing is represented by changes such as the replacement of woven split bamboo (p e lukok) with t1rnber, and by the introduct1on of galvanized metal roofs. The latter, however, provide far less effective insulation against heat than traditional thatch. Likewise attempts by the state to introduce subsidized, concrete dwellings may be rejected by villagers for the same reason . Cultivators must find room to store their surplus grain and capital equipment to keep them secure from theft or damage by the elements. Animals must be penned at night, in an internal courtyard in western monsoon Asia , or under the house, o r nearby , Throughout the region some societies traditionally store grain within the house, while others build separate granaries, which they attempt to keep rat-proof. There are many ritual beliefs associated with the storage and withdrawal of grain from such constructions. Some societies have centrally located buildings which serve as sleeping quarters for men and boys (Figure 4) and where they also spend a good part of their leisure. More rarely there are separate constructions for unmarried females, who spend their days in the family horne. Residual hunting and collecting groups build fragile shelters to keep them dry. Cultivators of swidden may construct temporary shelters where they spend a good proportion of their time in protecting their growing and ripening crops from marauding animals and birds. Migratory groups maintain a horne in their base village , but may also build accommodation on the temporary site(s) to which they move seasonally with their livestock for work for the men and/or fodder and water for the animals. Nornadi c grour:s

58

require temporary shelters which are readily transportable and easy to erect . In many parts of Asia 1 among agricultural, fishing and boat-dwelling communities , a newly married couple often remains for some time in the home of one of the parents, until they be come relatively independent economically, or until the birth of the first child . In the People's Republic of China , where migration to towns is virtually closed and the young are perhaps more economi cally dependent upon their . parents than elsewhere in the region, a couple will live for up to ten years in or adjacent to the husband vs parents' home, saving for the heavy cost of a new house ~ The splitt ing of an extended family in western monsoon Asia . may . be heralded, or alcernative ly indef1n1tely postponed, by the provision (or not) of separate cooking arrangements to the dissident couple. Sets of married brothers may set up separate kitchens to avoid domest i c trouble while they continue to share the same house, property and work . After separate hearths within a household may come new walls to i ndicate physical partition, foreshadowing later economic and legal partition . This may be followed by t he de velopment of separate farming or craft activities , l eading to the legalization . of joint family partition . At any of these successive stages the influence of the father tends to diminish . The death of a father and the arrival of new wives , in south As1a as in traditional China, are the main causes of rupture. 14 :

HEALTH AND ENVIRONMENTAL SANITATION

Cultural practices and level of education play an i mportant part in determining the degree of cleanliness of villages and of individual homes . An overriding factor beyond the control of villagers , however, is the availability and proximity of uncontaminated water, and, apart from Japan , the very limited availability of latrines or . measures for the disposal of human and animal excreta . The traditional use of nightsoil has ensured the removal of this common source of infection from the vicinity of homes in eastern monsoon Asia, but only recently has the product been treated to avoid the spreading of d1sease among agr1cultural workers . In much of Asia, the water-courses provide water

59

for all domestic purposes, but the banks may be used for defecation also. Wells are subject to contamination by wind-blown dust in the dry season, and seepage in the wet, while their . distance from the horne may occupy many hours of a woman's time in the course of a week. The tanks which provide the focus of many an Indian village are often contaminated . The prevention of water and soil-borne diseases, and especially those carried by insect vectors, is a major problem . Significant efforts have been made in China to limit the incidence of disease vectors, with community-wid e efforts at cleaning the village environs and removing the favoured places of reproduction of these vec tors . Some of the advances made in the control of malaria over recent decades have been offset by inadequate follow-up and maintenance efforts, and the disease has again become widespread in some areas. The successful prevention and curing of disease are closely linked with the rat1o of medical centres and personnel to the rural population. In most Asian countries, trained medical personnel are concentrated in the cities, and only a very limited number work in the rural areas. Some Aaian countries are trying to introduce, with varied success, measures which require doctors to give an initial two or more years to government service in rural areas after graduation. Only in China has a nationwide network of paramedical personnel been created to provide basic medical help and advice on family planning in rural areas, the more seriously ill being referred to more highly trained practitioner s in urban centres. The incidence of disease often fluctuates considerably in relation to environmenta l characterist ics, and to the availability of food to ensure the greater resistance afforded by a relatively adequate diet. Disturbance of the natural ecosystem may introduce new forms of disease, an example being the opening up of forest permitting malaria-carry ing species of AnopheLes to enter. The supernatural plays an important part governing how and by whom disease is treated. Diseases believed to have been caused by spirits will not be brought to such centres of modern medicine as may be available - at least not until all other measures have failed. A vast pharrnacop.:·· e1a of folk medicines will be administered without recourse to a health centre, but again, with varying degrees ot ~u~ss .

60

15:

NUTRITION AND FOOD CUSTOMS

The person or authority who would introduce innovations should be informed of the nutritional status of rural people who are called upon to make the greater physical and mental efforts required of them in the achievement of new production targets . For this purpose, and for the optimal allocation of scarce foods, it is customary to separate the special needs of the so-called vulnerable groups from the rest of the population. Specialists in human nutrition in India estimate that one- fifth of the total population of 600 million is biologically vulnerable (mainly children between o-5 years of age, pregnant and nursing mothers). This means that for Asia as a whole , some 400 million require special consideration in nutritional planning, with a view to creating a healthy workforce for the future . Asia can be divided into three ethnodietary regions: (a) Western monsoon Asia: principal staples in order of importance are: rice, millet and wheat . Milk is acceptable and tolerated by most, especially in the north, when available . Flesh food {except beef) would be acceptable to a large proportion if economically available (especially mutton and chicken ) . Pulses play a regular part in the diet in the north, appear less frequently in the south, but are nowhere consumed in consistently adequate amounts. Consumption of vegetables and fruits is inadequate. (b) Eastern monsoon Asia: principal staples in order of importance are: rice, wheat, sorghum, sweet potato, maize and barley . Milk becomes acceptable only after special training and adaptation from an early age, as in Japan. The preferred source of animal protein and that best adapted to east Asian agriculture is the pig; its use is severely limited for economic reasons. The soybean is an important source of plant protein, but its contribution has been greatly exaggerated. Vegetables are acceptable, but with marked seasonal fluctuation 1n availability; intake per caput is small. The distinction between rural and urban diets so characteristic of the region does not apply to the farming communi ty within access of the markets of urban Japan . (c)

Southeast and equatorial Asia:

princi pal stapl e is

61

rice, with some communities subsisting on cassava , maize, sweet potato and sago. Preferences for flesh foods have been influenced by the intrusion of Buddhist, Islamic and Chinese cultural traditions. Most of Asia's 25 million families of shifting cultivators live in this region; these will eat most animals, fish and insects that they can hunt or trap. They will also forage for edible roots and plants in addition to any vegetables they may grow. In contrast, wet rice farmers have little variety and inadequate balance in their diets. The only significant variety in the diet of settled dryland farmers may be in the form of secondary cereals arid rootcrops . There is a small production of some of the Indian pulses and soybean , but again they play a quantitatively insignificant part in the diet. This is a difficult environment for the economic production of milk; consequently fresh milk is unavailable, unacceptable and not well-tolerated, although there is a market for various forms of condensed and dried milk. In the western section of monsoon Asia, fish is consumed fresh in small amounts by coastal peoples, by communities along rivers, and, in season, near lakes and large ponds. In the rest of Asia, fish is acceptable fresh, dried, salted or fermented as a sauce. It is consumed along the coasts and rivers of China, Korea and Japan, but is most important in sector (c). Again, quantities consumed pe~ caput are small. Eggs are an expensive luxury to rural people, and almost universally sold. If the total estimated annual production of India or China is related to their total human populations, availability pe~ caput is not more than twelve eggs per person per year - an artificial figure, since most of the eggs are consumed in urban areas. The figure for sector (c) is even lower. The seasonal swing from sufficiency to deficiency of rainfall in a subsistence dryland economy is expressed in terms of human nutrition - for example, from a condition of adequacy and diversity of food in a good season to that of scarcity and monotony in another - Z ap a~ b ias a , the usual hunger of Indonesia, and the barley pass of Korea. It is essential to recognize the parallel responses in terms of rural diets which are in turn dependent on seasonality in production, especially of the perishable foods.

62

It is currently fashionable to minimize the reality of the "protein problem" . Some authorities believe that protein deficiency can be eliminated if adequate calories are provided by the normal diet, that is, that the problem is not deficiency of protein, but of total energy. It is assumed that 1f the total intake meets calorie recommendations t then the foods which are consumed in any partic ular part of Asia wiil automatically meet protein requirements . It is clear, however, that over much of Asia diets a r e seasonally or regularly qualitatively deficient as well as quantitatively deficient, in respect not only of protein but of vitamins and minerals as well. Eating more of the same food - supposing it to be available -will not meet these deficiencies, and certainly not for the vulnerable groups . Potential sources of vitamins and minerals , fruits and vegetables, may actually be available within easy reach of the kitchen, but are not consumed for traditional cultural reasons . In daily life, it may be customary to ensure that men and boys will be served first, followed by other children, while the wife may take the generally inadequate remains. The simplicity or monotony of the normal diet may be relieved . from t 1me to time by ceremonial events, such as the harvest, New Year, or important events in the life cycle . Such occasions are of particular benefit to the village poor, since they may represent their only opportunity to consume animal food . When estimating the amount of grain required by a family , an allowance must be made for contributions to important ceremonies involving kin among Malays, and to monks in Buddhist countries . A complex network of beliefs and traditions, both ancient and modern, determines the foods that people will or will not eat at any given time . Many of these are naturalistic concepts regarding human growth and health, and the properties of foods to disturb or rectify what is considered to be the body's natural balance . Indian, Chinese, Greek and Arab medical theories introduced throughout much of Asia the belief that health and sickness are caused by bodily 1mbalance between the humours; the heating and cooling properties of foods and herbs can influence this balance . These, together with innumetable older bel1efs regarding the su1~abil1~y of certain foods, and even more the avoidance o f cer ~ ain foods

63

appropriate to pregnancy, nursing, sickness and childhood, play a significant part in the food habits of almost all Asians. 16:

REARING AND EDUCATION OF CHILDREN

The way a woman raises her child depends greatly on her temperament, upon the degree of emotional and economic security she enjoys, upon the help she receives from other family members, the number of children she already has, and on the personality of the child itself. There are nine the less a number of cultural norms in different parts of Asia which determine her attitude and behaviour; the concept~on of the ideal child and adult personality also varies greatly. A key factor in the raising of children is ecological; the distance from the home to the fields, and the type of crop which can be raised. This determines whether the mother can work in the fields, or whether, if the agricultural activities are traditionally a male preserve, as with ploughing, she will spend more time in and around the home, and herself take the main responsibility for her children. Infants left in the charge of young siblings are not likely to be well cared for. If the grandmother is responsible, then innovations in diet have a lower chance of adoption than if the mother is responsible. Asian villages exhibit the complete range, from the rice village where, during transplanting, the mother is working all day in the fields, to the Rajput village of north India where pu~dah prevents the mother from leaving her courtyard, except to reach a neighbour by the roof. There is controversy betwen those who maintain that intelligence can be permanently impaired by deficient diet at the critical stages of brain development, and those who hold that the most vital factor is the quality and quantity of stimuli received from the family environment. In both cases, however, the educational level of the mother is clearly of paramount importance. A further social variable is the degree to which interaction with other villagers is considered as desirable - whether other mothers and their children take part to a greater or lesser degree in the daily background of the child's life. And finally the availability of primary education, and the

64

liberty of the child from agricultural tasks to be able to attend, has considerable bearing on its development. The most important person in an infant's life is obviously its mother; one set of grandparents, especially a grandrnother , . and older siblings a ls o soon assume major roles. The role of the father varies considerably in different parts of Asia; he is generally an object of respect , even fear ~ Apart from a period of indulgence in early childhood,_ he may become a remote and distant figure, particularly to male children . The link between father and daughter is a close one in western m·onsoon Asia , lasting throughout his life, even after she has rnarrieQ and left the horne, often the village ~ Sons traditionally 'VIOrk with their fathers in both eastern and western monsoon Asia , but less consistently so in Southeast Asia, where adult sons may not often return to their parent's homes. It is reported that a Javanese farmer is more likely to turn for help to his son-in-law than to his son. Young Malays in western Peninsular Malaysia are more often to be found with peer groups, though on the more traditional east coast, they help in the fields, possibly because fewer opportun i ties for acquiring independent cash income are available to them. The Asian child learns more by experience and example than by admonition or punishment. Threats of supernatural intervention , or punishment by a fearsome stranger, are often used to obtain obedience. In the Southeast Asian world, children are praised as an incentive to good behaviour, but this is considered an encouragement to sloth in eastern monsoon Asia, and an i n vitat ion to supernatural disfavour in the South Asian subcontinent. It i s unusual for a child to be left to cry , though some Chinese mothers consider this good for development. Asian infants are given the breast on demand, and spend the first few months of life on their mother's back or over her hip, or that of an older sibling. Weaning, however, is often a period of stress for both mother and child; it may be started and abandoned and taken up again, and is generally prolonged, particularly if the mother has no employment outside the horne , and if she has not become pregnant again. In the Chinese world, however , weaning is abrupt, since it is believed that milk not taken from

the breast is bad

for the child.

Bitter substances are

used throughout the region to discourage the infant from

65

the nipple. It may pass a week with a sibling or grandparent, thouqh normally it sleeps with its mother until displaced by the next child. Toilet training is casual throughout Asia, with none of the stress this may cause· in the western world. The sleeping mat is easily washed, young children generally wear no clothes below the waist, or in eastern monsoon As~a the trouser seam is not stitched, and they soon learn to follow older children to urinate and defecate outside . The Chinese mother says she can sense when her child wants to urinate as early as at five months of age, and holds it out accordingly. The main responsibility for correcting a child lies with the mother, although in eastern monsoon Asia the most feared punishment may finally come from the father . Different cultures tolerate differing degrees of corporal punishment; this is rare in the Malay world, but common in the Philippines and among Chinese, where a mother may lose her temper and it is customary for onlookers to i ntervene to avoid injury to the child . Generally, however, it is considered that a very small child is not a complete person, does not "know" or "understand," and considerable indulgence is shown to it. Early life is also thought to be particularly vulnerable to baneful supernatural influences, and great care is taken to avoid angering spirits or arousing their jealousy. Everything is done to avoid "shock" {China and Java)- when spirits invade the child, it loses its soul and dies. Aggression is frowned on, particularly that of an older sibling to a younger (this is said to be rare among Malays and Indonesians), and above all to neighbouring children, since it is likely to precipitate adult quarrels and disrupt village harmony. Japanese children are taught deference to the oldest son who will eventually become head of the family at a very early age; it has been suggested that the lack of clear distinction dur~ng childhood among brothers in China and India has traditionally led to adult strife among them . Indulgence diminishes and discipline and responsibilities increase with age. A small girl soon has to take care of her younger siblings and help with housework, a boy to watch a buffalo or other farm animals, and both to run errands. Generally, however, boys enjoy

66

greater freedom than girls until school age. Where lineage plays an important part in social structure, and where inheritance in the male line is the norm, female children have traditionally been less prized. They may, however, be valued by mothers for the help they give them, and (in western monsoon Asia) be treated with especial indulgence because they will so soon leave the home. Economic considerations have coloured attitudes towards girls, who will need a dowry to obtain a suitable husband, and to ensure the consideration of in-laws with whom she will live, a situation which is reinforced where hypergamy is common. This is, however, an aspect of traditional Asia which has changed greatly, and ill-treatment of girls is now rare. None the less, there is evidence from both Chinese and Indian sources that they may be discriminated against in less obvious but important ways; sons may receive better quality food, and medical care be more promptly called upon for boys than for girls. More boys than girls attend school, even though the proportion of girls has steadily increased. In the People's Republic of China, male offspring are still preferred, because of the economic advantage gained from their labour and the security they provide parents in their old age. Early training is mostly directed towards forming an individual who will be well-integrated into his community, who will know how to behave in public and not bring shame or embarrassment upon himself or his family by socially inappropriate behaviour. Initiative and creativity are not fostered. The child of eastern monsoon Asia very soon has to face a high degr1:e of application to study and a sense of the honour that success, and conversely, if he fails, the shame, that· failure will bring to his parents. 'lhe Malay ideal, however, is not that the child should achieve wealth or prominence, but that it should become an emotionally contented happy individual. A facet of life in the Islamic world which has received much attention is the instability of marriage, a factor common to Malaysia and Indonesia. The lack of any social stigma to divorce, the ease and speed with which dissension may thus be resolved, and the ease with which children are absorbed into kinsmen's families (often their maternal grandparents where their mother returns) apparently combine to eliminate the psychological

67

disturbances and deviant behaviour commonly noted in children of broken homes in the west. So far, only a few impressionistic reports on child care in the People's Republic of China, gained on visits of limited duration, are available . It is not possible to foresee the effect on personality of early daytime removal from maternal care to the creche in the care of elderly women, less often a trained worker. It may be supposed that lack of shyness and considerable self- relianoo will result, as well as early conformity to socially acceptable behaviour. No evidence is yet to hand, however. Moreover it is clear that over much of rural China, institutionalized day care for small children is uncommon and unacceptable . The extended stern family, with grandmother looking after the horne and small children, releasing the mother for active work in the fields, is the norm . Adolescence is not usually a recognized category in Asia . Boys soon participate in field work or help in fishing, either full time or after school and during holidays: school may close to facilitate harvesting. Girl~ know how to perform most household tasks by the age of twelve, and are then carefully supervised to ensure their virtue in preparation for early marriage. Attitudes towards female education have, however, changed greatly in recent decades: many girls attend school, though not as many as boys, and some are withdrawn at puberty for early marriage. Within this framework of child rearing, t.he most obvious aims of modernization are to reduce the number of children and space their births, to postpone the age of marriaqe and improve health care and knowledge of good nutrition. Asian Governments without exception include these aims among their programmes: the difficulty lies in obtaining enough trained and locally sympathetic individuals able to win the confidence o f rural women and to break down age-old beliefs and traditions, both supernatural and social. 17:

RURAL EVOLUTION AT THE PRESENT TIME

The villages of Asia have, in varying degrees related primarily to proximity to market centres, towns and

68

cities, become exposed to the factors of change which are so characteristic of the modern world. Much of this evolution has been unguided or haphazard, some has been the outcome of the activities and policies of national governments and bilateral and international agencies directed towards planned evo lution i'n supposedly desirable directions . But over and above this, it is the region-wide increase in rural population which is perhaps the basic cause of greatest change. So we see increasing fragmentation of land and thus reduced ability to meet traditional family obligations. resulting in weakening of kin ties. Villages increase in size, while smaller units may be consolid ated into large communes or co-operative or industrial enterprises. There is change in the freedom of acquisition of land by newcomers in settled and already overpopulated areas . Market trends and national policies lead to greater special ization of production, particularl y in respect of dairy and poultry products and vegetables in procurement areas around urban centres of high population and greater purchasing power. The sequel to this trend caused primarily by 1ncrease in population is the ever-increasing degree of planned or haphazard settlement which is occurring of peoples who formerly practised a system of land use which allowed for seasonal or periodic movement. The largest of the four migratory groups of Rajasthan, the animal husbandmen, are no longer welcome in the areas of settled agriculture, primarily because there is no longer sufficient room nor water resources for them and their free - grazing livestock . Tribals and swidden cultivators generally are finding their available resources seriously reduced, and are hav1ng to adopt some form of settled agriculture . Also to be considered under this head is the directed migration of surplus populations from one area to another l ess densely settled, for example , Java to Sumatra, Luzon to Mindanao . Rural evolution in desired directions is stimulated by state extension and advisory services working at the village level . The effective coverage of such services up to acceptable standards must remain in doubt, when one calculates the number of state village workers available or planned per number of cultivators, animal husbandmen and f1shermen in an Asian rural population approach1ng 2,000 mill1on . The techniques of approach which are

69

adopted according to circumstances include location of extension staff and village level workers in the villages or smaller rural towns, field demonstrations, press (in communi ties with one or more literate members ), radio, farm television programmes (long important in Japan, beginning in India), drama and through the intermediary of a village leader. The new principles and practices learned from the extension officers are further disseminated at market centres, places of pilgrimage and festivals, at the interpersonal level of village gossip " News of the outside world comes in with the return of village sons, and to a lesser extent daughters, from higher education, urban jobs and military service. This is a favourable expression of the radial influence of large centres of population and their ancillary towns and market centres. Itinerant traders, and rel1gious and dramatic performers are other channels of extraterritorial information. While there is evidence of mobility within the social structure based on acquisition of wealth and political influence in modern times, there is none of fundamental change 1n the social structure itself, following the 1ntroduction of modern technology. It has, however, reduced dependence of larger landholders on the labour provided by those with holdings inadequate f o r subsistence, and the landless. This liberation from traditional systems of interdependenc·e within the village is combined with a weakening of the sense of moral responsibility for the welfare of dependents. It has also changed the relation between village employers and the artisans, and has thus contributed to a weakening of village solidarity. The greater economic independence of the young married couple is rapidly modi fying the quality of relationships within the family, particularly the degree of deference shown by the young wife to her formerly all-powerful mother-in-law. The change is reinforced by the fact that the younger woman now often has at least some education, while her mother-in-law has probably been less favoured in this respect. Older women in Japan and India have voiced resentment at the changes, and concern at the insecurity of their old age. There are universal efforts throughout Asia by governments to bring t .h e benefits of improved nutrition, simple health practices and preventive measures, and

70

family planning into the rural areas, but the equally universal shortage of sufficient suitably trained staff willing to work in rural areas is making this form of directed change very difficult to achieve. Some of the mos t successful innovations in China · since 1949 have been the community organization of campaigns to maintain village cleanliness, to eradicate disease vectors and, by means of the barefoot doctors, to bring simple medical care and family planning to rural areas which had never seen a medi cal practitioner. Many of these barefoot doctors are local, part-time cultivators, thoroughly familiar with and attuned to local mores. A UNESCO/FAO seminar concluded that the problems of rural life may . be reduced to a common denominator: the need for modernization or, more exactly, the need to fill the gap between urban and rural life through the introducti on of new ideas and techniques in country areas. The essential effort must come from the rural people themselves. The innovator has to operate through those with minds open to progress . But too often the young people who now receive the benefit of a good education leave the villages to work in shops and offices in the towns . Those with a minimum of educati on and the least ab i lity remain in the village. Their daily liveli hood will be earned according to the precepts to which they have long been accustomed and because of which they are not likely to accept change willingly . 18:

ACCEPTANCE OF CHANGE

It is often assumed that change comes into the village as a result of conscious efforts by national governments through their extension officers and other functionaries. Change -whether of crop, tool or technology -has, however, long been adopted more or less spontaneously in Asian villages, the most conspicuous example being intensification of agricultural practices due to increased pressure on the land, the need to feed more people from the same land area. The agricultural . involution .described for Java is an extreme form of this type of change . Widespread adoption of new crops which fitted well into exi sting systems, such as the spread of rubber smallholdings in Malaya i n the earl y twent1eth century, is another examp l e o f c h ange whi ch was not imposed, but stimulated by market demand.

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It has been said that an important characteristi c of countries in the developing stage in the twentieth century is rapid change. The endeavour is to expedite desired changes in as short a time as possible in order to achieve the goals of modernization and to do this at minimum cos t. The achievement of those objectives involves quite considerable change in methods of crop and animal husbandry, the adoption of a new technology involving more irrigation and the use of costly inputs t o promote optimal yields in an unfamiliar crop cultivar, combined wherever possible with an improvement in rural standards of nutrition and health. Yearround availability of irrigation water in a formerly rainfed one-crop area means that the farmer and his family have to work in the fields through a long hot season which they formerly devoted to house repair, hunting, the celebration of rites de passage or other religious functions, etc., all of which formed an essential part of their annual calendar of work and social activities. Urban planners of such changes have therefore to be fully informed of the social and agrarian structures of the village communities and of their probable attitudes or resistance to the introduction of change, which they see as primarily designed for the ultimate benefit of the urban centres and export industries . It is not always easy to decide what incentives should be applied in any particular case to induce rural cultivators to make the extra effort expected of them in the interests of greater national productivity . An important variable is the attitude of people towards the accumulation of capital and property. This differs greatly between societies. Where lineage is important and inheritance is either patrilineal or matrilineal, the desire to hand on wealth to offspring is sufficient incentive to justify austerity. Among the more loosely structured, bilateral societies of Southeast Asia, however , short-term consideration s are more likely to dominate. Innovations are diffused by stages, such as awareness - gaining knowledge - (interest and evaluation) - trial and adoption. This generalizatio n applies to the administrativ e systems where the acceptance of change is left to the choice of individual farmers. The situat1on differs considerably in communities in centrally-dir ected administratio ns, and in newly established large agricultural / business enterprises, to which almost instant modern1zatio n can be applied. It would be interesting to know wh1ch system leads to increased production on a national scale most rapidly .

72

In a village in Rajasthan in which all the processes of official advice and assistance are available, the most important unofficial agents, and incidentally the most successful in introducing new crops, are the farmers from Gujarat. These provide technical know-how and additional labour for which they claim two-fifths of the produce, while the local farmer ploughs the land and supplies manure and water for irrigation. After a few years the local farmer acquires sufficient proficiency to undertake cultivation of the new cash crops independently. Other unofficial agents of communication are the progressive farmers and individuals within the same community . The mean score for adoption of innovation noted in a particular state in western India is highest for the household heads in the 45-54 years age group. It is higher for farmers of agricultural castes. The mean adoption score tends to increase with size of agricultural holding, extent of sale of agricultural products, literacy and participation score. Farmers discuss their farm and their problems with persons most suited to give the desired information, with preference for the experienced farmers within their own lineage and caste groups, or from other groups when none of their own are available. Village level workers and extension officials figure less prominently in inducing the trial or adoption of innovations , although they function in the first two stages of the adoption process. Mass . communications in this particular area have little influence. Interpersonal communications along informal channels are far more important. A preexisting organizational framework for co-operatlon within the village makes the introduction of change which requires joint action much simpler. It has, for example, been possible to introduce credit co-operatives throughout rural Japan, because of a historical tradition of joint village organization. In Thailand, on the contrary, where the village society has .always been much more loosely organized and where community unity is weak, such innovations have little success . New models of complex societies will have to evolve an analysis .of technical innovation developed to improve not only the agroecosystem and structural variables , but also all the other rural factors which are affected in any way by innovation and change. An FAO document notes tha--c the new technology offers scope for profitable inves t ment ,

73

which sets in motion deep currents of change, not always beneficial, in the relations between land, labour and capital, between owners, tenants and labourers (especially among hereditary labouring castes of India, Pakistan and BanglaDesh) , between agriculture, commerce and industry, and between town and country (in , for example, commercialization of grain storage, processing and transport , and in the supply of new inputs, t ools, machinery and fue l) . At Taching oilfield in Heilungkiang Province in the People's Republic of China, reclamation of former wasteland has made possible a combination of industry and agriculture which bridges the gulf between the urban and rura l living. New mud-tamped o r brick dwellings are scattered over 3 districts, 60 industrial/ag ricultural centres and 164 residential districts. The oilfield has 180 ,000 square metres of hothouse or plastic-cover ed sheds providing fr esh vegetables throughout the year. There are now 41 worker/ peasant villages, with over 120 hamlets (central village and 5 hamlets with a population of S,SOO, mostly construction workers and their families; it is the latter who tend the 660 hectares of cultivated land per vi llage). Taching is put forward as a model of the integration of agriculture and industry in a centralized administratio n, just as Tachai, in Shansi Province, serves as an example of what can be achieved by the efforts of a wholly rural community situated in an unfavourable environment. Government of India agencies (Indian Coun c il of Agricultural Research and the Food and Nutrition Board) in association with State Governments are developi ng two agro-industr ial complexes of 10,000 hectares each, one in Bihar, the other in Karnataka. They are designed t o indicate appropriate methodology and the feasibility of linking production and consumption more efficiently. In these pilot studies, methods of ensuri ng maximum pr oduction (consolidatio n of fragmented holdings and integration of transport, processing and marketing) are supported by nutrition education, fortification of food, supplementary feeding, fertility control and measures of public health. The industrial services that develop in support of agricultural programmes will also provide increasing employment in the rural area itself. It has been said in relation to the Philippines that the adoption of innovations has led to new trends, norms and behaviour patterns in village life, among them increased

14

mobility, growth of contractual relations, heightened aspirations and expectations, emerging entrepreneurial behaviour. New related requirements have developed in the need for collective action, better contact with the outside world and wide application of the land reform programme. In . the progress of land reform, institutional development is aimed at the establishment of farmers' co-operatives to serve as vehicles for technical services, farm credit, market services, land amortization guarantee, crop insurance and other services relating to agriculture. Farmers are also organized into productive units, in progressive organizational steps: (a) individual farms, lb) compact farms, formed by pooling contiguous farm lands or srnallholdings ·when they become . no longer economic, (c) co-operative farms of several hundreds of hectares formed by the merging of compact farms, and involving the initiation of agri-business. When the co-operative farmers gain momentum in their agri-business activities, expansion of the processing services will become inevitable, involving perhaps consolidation of several co-operative farms into agro-industrial estates or municipalities. The Japanese Government allotted some US$275 million in public funds to Ogata village in Akita Prefecture for the initiation and development of a model in terms of productivity and profitability for future Japanese agriculture. Elite rice farmers from all parts of Japan were selected for the project. Some may have thought tha~ here they could live by agriculture alone, without taking part-time work in addition, others that they would finally be able to .escape from the irksome rules and restrictions of the old farming villages. They sold their land, left theii native places, found the US$10,000 (3 million yen) necessary for acceptance and to finance the first year of operation; their ages ranged from 19 to 44, with an average of 30.8 years . However, after the initial difficulties of establishment and the cultivation of virgin and immature, strongly acid soil, the settlers had to face the regulation of production or gentan introduced by the Ministry of Agriculture when rice carne into surplus. Some farmers changed to hakuaai lChinese cabbage) and pumpkin, but they immediately also went into syrplus in the local market . The Food Agency then asked Ogata village to grow glutinous rice for the manufacture of moahi (rice cake) but this also soon became surplus to demand, and in August 1973 the farmers had, on

75

governmen t instructio ns, to harvest their rice green, before it was ripe. At the mercy of the winds of agricultu ral politics this attempt to produce a model agricultu ral village has little by little collapsed . This is a lesson to all agricultu ral administr ations in Asia, that they must not vacillate from one ill-concei ved policy to another, but that they must now evolve a long-range food policy for the next thirty to fifty years, and stick to it . This will necessari ly demand the evolution of new model farming communiti es of the Ogata type. 19:

CONCLUSION

It is premature to attempt to draw conclusion s at this early stage of a long-term study. For the centrally directed administr ations of Asia, the complex interplay of matters considered here is of little more than historica l interest, since a new sociology involving the eliminatio n of all existing principle s and practices which may be said to conflict with moderniza tion has been introduced to accompany the new land technolog ies. Sociology as a subject is no longer in the curricula of centres of learning in the People's Republic of China. But for all other countries which are applying the various technique s of moderniza tion and transfer of technology on the basis of existing social and agrarian structure s, the present study is relevant. It is inevitable that change in the technology of land managemen t will became increasing ly widesprea d and rapid, and that it will be made more effective if accompani ed by essential changes in rural structure . It is for the planners and administr ators of rural moderniza tion to become fully informed of all aspects of the present situation before they attempt to introduce social changes as part of a programme of agrarian reform incorpora ting component s such as the improveme nt of systems of land tenure and managemen~ and the developme nt of institutio ns and infrastruc ture and of agricultur e in general. Moderniza tion involving the transfer of technolog ies and other major changes in rural life and practices will occur, whether it is planned and guided, or haphazard

76

under the influence of economic and social pressures. But modernization has within itself the danger of int.roducing or exacerbating social disruption. The new technology , being most economically applicable to the best (i rrigated) land, 1s most acceptab le and most widely adopted by already privileged groups of farmers , thus widening the already existing gap between them and the less privileged (dry land) farmers . Better access between villages and urban centres means that the supposed benefits of oute r civilization, especially consumer goods , become available to the well-to do, and the poor become more conscious of the ir poverty. A primary aim of Asian Governments in modernizing the1r societies is to bring the benef1ts of such social welfare as funds and staff permit to people in rural areas . In trad1tiona l societies , the handicapped and the elderly members played a useful role, and were 1ntegrated into the daily lives of their communities < The 1nt~oduction of western- oriented forms of social welfare tendsto reduce the sense of responsibility fo~ distant , troublesome kin, and to institutionalize and isolate the handicapped , the elderly and the sick, exacerbating their own sense of loneliness and inadequacy . Government resources cannot cover the needs of all who may be considered el1gible to apply for assistance. It would thus appear more economic, as well as humane, to concentrate limited resources on the truly destitute, the seriously ill and the wholly 1ncapacitated, and to foster as far as possible tradit1onal forms of help whereby people are able to remain in their own, familiar surroundings , In the People ' s Republic of China, it is state policy that those too old to work and who have no sons to provide for them should be maintained by the production team - the vi llage or hamlet to which they belong . In the present contex~ it is appropriate to ask specific questions, the answers to which would in themselve s indicate the directions in wh1ch the situacion is evolving at the present time - what 1s seen to be the course of evolution , guided or not guided , of the villages and villagers of Asia? Throughout the foregoing sections, che rap1d inc rease of rural population is shown to be the major con straint in planned progress . It may therefore be asked at what density of population or nutrit1on dens1cy per unit a r ea of food-producing land does a rura~ area cease to be operative and viable as a rura~ area, wi~h 1~s componenc

77

hierarchy of hamlets, villages and associated urban centres; when has such an area to be considered as an embryonic or evolving w:ban area, to be so t.reated in te:rms of planning, investment, adjustment of social structure, urban amenities and services, with the essential food and other biological requirements to be provided from elsewhere? We are told that the population of Asia will double in the next twenty-five years and that most of the increase will be in urban communities. The urban sociologist may conclude that some of the inevitable new cities of the future may have to be specially constructed to house the greatly increased populations to be expected. They may just as well arise from the amalgamation and urbanization of groups of former villages. But if self-sufficiency in food at reasonable levels of nutrition for both urban and rural Asians ~s to be the target, the great effort which will be called for must necessarily be based on a full and objective consideration of the potential of the existing rural social structure, or some new type of productive rural community which may be evolved . Any attempt to create large farming units by merging village lands as is required by efficient, productive agriculture is bound to encounter stiff resistance from the villagers. Even in the People's Republic of China, the production teams, based on hamlets or parts of larger villages, are still the basic rural accounting units; there is strong opposition by villagers and the village leaders to accepting the overall authority of the production brigades or communes. Rural modernization in Asia will therefore have to take into account the inherent strength and individuality of the village.

INSTITUTE OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES LIST OF PUBUCATIONS

Occasion al Papers 1

Harry J. Benda, Research in Southeas t Asian Studies in Singapor e , 19 70 . lOpp. Gratis (Out of print)

2

P. Lim Pui Huen, NewspapB rs publishe d in the Malaysia n Area: With a union list of local holdings , 1970. 42pp. Gratis (Out of print)

3

Chan Heng Chee, Nation-B uilding in Southea st Asia: The Singapor e Case , 1971. 19pp . S$2.00 (Out of print)

4

Eva Horakov a, Problems of Filipino S$2.00 (Out of print)

5

Mochtar Nairn, Nerantau : Causes and Effects of Ninangka bau Voluntar y Migratio n, 1971. 19pp. S$2.00 (Out of print)

6

Paul Pedersen , comp . , Youth in Southea st Asia: A Bibliogr aphy . Modified and expanded by Joseph B. Tamney and others, 1971. 69pp. S$4.00 (Out of print)

7

J.L.S . Girling, Cambodia and the Sihanouk Myths, 1971. 26pp. S$2.00 (OUt of print)

8

R.P. Dore, Japanese I ndustria lization and the Developi ng Countrie s: Node l . Wam·ing or Source of Healthy Doubts? 1971. 18pp. S$3. 00

9

Michael Stenson, The 19 48 Communis t Revolt in Malaya: A Note of Historic al SourcBs and Inte rpretati on and A Reply by Gerald de Cruz, 1971. 30pp. S$3.00 (Out of print)

10

Riaz Hassan, Social Status and Bureauc ratic Contacts Among the Public Housing TBnants in Singapor e , 1971. 16pp. S$2.00 (Out of print)

11

Youth in Southea st Asia: Edited Proceedi ngs of the Seminar of ~th - ?th March 19?1. Edited by Joseph B. Tamney, 1972. 7Spp. S$4.00 (Out of print)

12

A.W. Stargar dt, Problems of Neutra lit y in South East Asia: The Relevanc e of the European Experien ce , 1972". 29pp. S$3.00 (Out of print)

ll

William R. Roff, Autobiog raphy & Biograph y in Ma lay Historic al Studies , 1972. 2lpp. S$2.00 (Out o f print)

Settler~

1 1971 .

24pp.

The S$3.00

14

Lau Teik Soon, Indonesia and Regional Seau~itN: D.fak.arta Conference on Cambodia, 1972. 20pp.

15

Syed Hussein Alatas, The Second NalaN•ia Plan 1971 1975: A Critique, 1972. 16pp. S$3.00

16

Harold E. Wilson, Educational PolicN and Performance in Singapore. 1943 - 1945, 1973. 28pp. S$3.00

17

Richard L. Schwenk, The Potential for RMral Development in the New Seventh Division of Sarawak: A PreliminarN Background Report, 1973. 39pp. S$4.00

18

Kunio Yoshihara, Japanese Direct Investments in Southeast Asia, 1973. 18pp. S$4.00

19

Richard Stubbs, Counter-insurgency and the Economic Factor: The Impact of the Korean War Prices Boom on the MalaHan Emergency, 1974. 54pp. S$5.00

20

John Wonq, The Political Economy of Malaysia's Trade Relations with China, 1974. 3lpp. S$3.00

21

Riaz Hassan, Interethnic Marriage in Singapore : A Study of Interethnic Relations, 1974. 85pp. S$6.00

22

Tatsumi Okabe, Revival of Japanese 1974. 26pp. S$3.00

23

Chin Kin Wah, The Five Power Defence Arrangements and ANDA: Some Observations on the Nature of an Evolving Partnership, 1974. 2lpp. S$3 . 00

24

Peter Carey, The Cultural Ecology of Early Nineteenth Century Java: Pangeran Dipanagara. a Case Study, 1974. 56pp . S$4.00

25

Chandrasekaran Pillay, The 1974 General Elections in Malaysia : A Post-Mortem, 1974. 20pp. S$3.00

26

I.W. Mabbett, Displaced Intellectuals in Twentieth Century Chi na, 1975 . 45pp. S$4.00

27

J. Stephen Hoadley, The Future of Portugueae Timor : Di lemmas and Opportunities, 1975. 28pp. S$4.00

28

M. Ladd Thomas, Political Violence in the Muslim Provinces of South1rn Thailand, 1975. 27pp. S$4.00

29

Joseph Camilleri, Southeaat Aeia in China's Foreign Policy, 1975. 37pp. S$5.00

Militarism~

30

Wellington K.K. Chan, PoLitias and IndustriaLization in Late ImperiaL China , 1975. 19pp. S$4.00

31

Leslie E. Bauzon, PhiLippine Agrarian Reform 1880-1965: The RevoLution that Never Was , 1975. 2lpp. S$4.00

32

Paul H. Kratoska, The Chettiar and the Yeoman: British CuLturaL Categories and RuraL Indebtedness in Mataya, 1975. 29pp. S$4.00

33

Morris I. Berkowitz, The Tenacity of Chinese FoLk Tradition - Two Studies of Hong Kong Chinese , 1975. 32pp. S$4. 00

34

M. Rajaretnam, U.S. Energy - Security Interests in the Indian Ocean , 1975. 36pp. S$5.00

35

Chandran Jeshurun, The Growth of thQ MaLaysian Armed Some Foreign Press Reactions, Forces ~ 1963- 73: 1975. 25pp. S$4.00

36

Peter Polornka, ASEAN and the Law of the Sea : A PreLiminary Look at the Prospects of RegionaL Co - operation , 1975. 16pp. S$4.00 (Out of print)

37

Sharon A. Carstens, Chinese Associations in Singapore Society: An Examination of Function and Meaning, (Out o f print) 1975. 30pp.

38

Hans H. Indorf, ASEAN: 62pp. S$5.00

39

Robert o. Tilman, In Quest of Unity: The CentraLization Theme in MaLaysian FederaL-State ReLations ~ 1957-75, 1976. 69pp. S$6.00

40

Sarasin Virapho1, Directions in Thai Foreign PoLicy , 1976. 63pp. S$7.00

41

Somporn Sangchai, CoaLition Behaviour in Modern Thai PoLitics: A Thai Perspective , 26pp. S$4.00 1976

42

Richard L. Skolnik , An Introduotion to thQ Nation - wide Learning System of Singapore, 1976 . lOOpp. S$7.00

43

Somporn Sangchai , Some Observations on the ELections and CoaLition Formation in ThaiLand, 1976. 75pp. S$6.00

44

Robert Orr Whyte, The Asian ViLLage as a Basis f or Modernization, 1976. 77pp. S$8.00

ProbLems and ProspQcts, 1975.

Ru~2Z

Field Report Series 1

Yong Mun Cheong, Confliots within the Prijaji World of the Parahyan gan in Wes t Java , 1914-1927 , 1973. 24pp. S$4.00

2

Patrick Low and Yeung Yue-man, The Proposed Kra Canal : A Critical Evaluation and Its Impact on Singapore , 1973. 39pp. S$3. 00 (Out of print)

3

Robert Fabrikant, Legal Aspects of Production Sharing Contracts in the Indonesian Petroleum Industry , 2d Edition. 1973, 235pp. S$25.00 (Out of print)

4

The Indonesian Petroleum Industry : Miscellaneous Source Materials . Collected by Robert Fabrikant , 1973. 516pp . S$25.00 (Out of print)

5

C. V. Das and V.P. Pradhan , Some Inter-national Law Problems Regarding the Straits of Malacca , 1973 . 95pp . S$10 . 00 (Out of print)

6

M. Rajaretnarn , Politics of Oil in the Philippines , 1973. 8lpp. S$5 . 00 (Out of print)

7

Ng Shui Meng, The Population of Indochina: Some Preliminary Observations , 1974. 126pp. S$7.00

8

Ng Shui Meng, The Oil System in Southeas t Asia: A Preliminary Survey , 1974 . 93pp. S$10.00

9

Wong Saik Chin , Public Reaction to the Oil Crisis : The Singapore Case, 1975. 87pp. S$6 . 00

10

Kawin Wilairat, Singapore's Foreign Pol i cy: First Decade , 1975. 105pp . S$ 10 . 00

11

Eddie C. Y. Kuo , Families Under Economic Stress , 1975 . 72pp. S$6.00

12

Lee Ting Hui, The Communist Organization in Singapore: Its Techniques of Manp ower Mobilization and Management, 1948-66 , 1976. 15lpp. S$10.00

The

Cur rent Issues Seminar Series 1

Mul tinational Corporations and their Implications for Southeast Asia. Edited by Eileen Lim Poh Tin, 1973. 140pp. S$12.00 (Out of print)

South~ast

Asia ,

2

Eaonomia and Politi oal Trends in 19 73 . 66pp. S$6.00

3

Soktheast Asia Today : llOpp. S$10.00

4

Jap an as an Economic Power an d its Implications for Sout heast As i a. Edited by Kernial S. Sandhu and (Singapore Uni versity Press), Eileen P.T. Tang. 1974. 147pp. S$15 . 00

5

The Futu r e Pa t t ern of J apan ese Economia and Poli t ical ReLation s wit h Sou theast Asia , 1975. 82 pp . S$6.00 {Out of print)

Pr oblems and Prospects , 1973.

Oral History Programme Series 1

Philip Hoalirn , Senio r, The Malayan Democratic Union : Singapore ' s Fi r st Democratic Political Party , 19 73. 26pp. S$3.00 (Out o f pri nt)

2

Andrew Gilmo ur, My Role in the Rehabilitation of Singapore: 194 8- 1953 , 1973 . l OOpp . S $6. 00

3

Mamo ru Shi nozaki, My War~ime Experiences in Si n gapore , 1973. 124pp. S$6. 00 {O ut of print )

Southeast Asian Perspectives 1

U Khin Mg. Kyi and Daw Tin Tin, Admin istrative Patterns i n Histo r ical Bu r ma , 1973. 67pp . S$3.00

2

Harsja W. Bachtiar, The Indonesian Nation : Some Pr oblems o f Integr ation and Disin tegration , 1974 . 62pp. S$5. 00 {Out of print)

3

Political and So c iaL Change in Singapo r e . Wu Teh-yao. 205pp. S$10 . 00 1975 .

Edited by

Monographs 1

Sarto no Ka rtodirdjo, Protest Movements in Rur al Java {Oxford Uni versity Press), 1973. 229pp. S$18 .00

2

Modernization in Southeast Asia. Edited by HansDieter Evers {Oxford University Press), 1973 . 249pp . S$18.00

Libra~y

Bulletins

1

Rosalind Quah , Library Resourc es in Singapore on Co ntemporary Mainland China , 1971. llpp. S$2.00

2

Quah Swee Lan, comp., Oil Discovery and Technica L Change in Southeast Asia: A Preliminary BibLiography, 1971. 23pp. S$2 . 00

3

P. Lim Pui Huen, comp., Directory of MicrofiLm FaciLities (Out of print) in Southeast Asia, 1972. 24pp.

4

Checklist of Current Serials in the Library , 1972. 30pp. S$4.00

5

Tan Sok Joo, Library Resources on Burma in Singapore, 1972 . 42pp. S$4.00

6

Quah Swee Lan, comp., Oil Dis c overy and Technical Change in Southea s t Asia: A Bibliography, 1973. (Out of print ) 32pp.

7

P. Lim Pui Huen, comp., Directory of Microfilm FaciLities in Southeast Asia. 2d Edition . 1973. 32pp . S$4.00

8

Ng Shui Meng, comp . , Demographic Materials on the Khmer 54pp. S$5.00 RepubLic ~ Laos and Vietnam , 1974.

9

Saengthong M. Ismail, Libr ary Resources on Thailand in Singapore , 1974. 130pp. S$7.00

Trends in Southeast Asia 1

Trends in Indones ia: Proceedings and Background Paper, 1971. 58pp. S$3.00 (Out of print)

2

Trends in Malaysia: Proceedings and Background Paper, Edited by Patrick Low, 1971. 120pp. S$5.00 (Out of print)

3

Trends in the PhiLippines. Edited by Lim Yoon Lin. (Singapore University Press), 1972. 140pp. S$5.00 (Out of print)

4

Trends in Indonesia II. Edited by Yong Mun Cheong. (Singapore University Press), 1972. 140pp. S$5.00

in Thailand. Edited by M. Rajaretnarn and (Singapore University Press), 1973. Lim So Jean. 142pp. S$7.00

5

T~ends

6

T~ends

7

T~ends

8

T~ends

in Mataysia II. Edited by Yong Mun Cheong . (Singapore University Press), 1974. 154pp. S$7.00

in Singapo~e. Edited by Seah Chee Meow. (Singapore University Press), 1975. 15lpp. S$10.00

in ThaiLand II. Edited by Somporn Sangchai and Lim Joo-Jock. (Singapore University Press), 1976 . 184pp. S$12.50

Annual Reviews 350pp.

S$15.00

1

Southeast Asian Affaitts 1974. (OUt of print)

1974.

2

Southeast Asian Affaitts 1975. 1975 . 256pp. S$30.00

(FEP Internationa l Ltd.)

I

3

Southeast Asian Affaitts 1976 . 1976 . 486pp. S$30.00

(FEP Internationa l Ltd.)

I

Ad Hoc Publication 1

Leo Suryadinata, Pettanakan ChinQse PoLitics in Java 1917-1942 1 1976. 184pp. S$12.00

The above publications are available for sale at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Cluny Road, Singapore 10. Tel: 514211

THE AUTHOR Robert Orr Whyte obtained his Ph.D. from Cambridge University in Botany. He was Director of the Commonwealth Bureau of Pastu(es and Field Crops at Aberystwyth, United Kingdom, in 1931-49. He later became Chief of the Crop Production and Imp,rovement Branch of the Food and Agriculture Organization (of United Nations). Rome, and also FAO Adviser to the Governments of India and Japan. Among his numerous publications are Crop Production and Environment (London, 1964); Grasslands of the Monsoon (London and New York. 1968); Rural Nu.trition in M onsoon A sia (Kuala Lumpur, 1974); and Land and Land Appraisal (The Hague, 1976). Dr. Whyte is currently a Research Associate at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies where he is completing a book on "The Asian Village as a Basis for Rural Modernization".