The Apocalypse of John and Liberation Theology in Africa 1666945560, 9781666945560

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The Apocalypse of John and Liberation Theology in Africa

The Apocalypse of John and Liberation Theology in Africa Humphrey Mwangi Waweru

LEXINGTON BOOKS

Lanham • Boulder • New York • London

Published by Lexington Books An imprint of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 www​.rowman​.com 86-90 Paul Street, London EC2A 4NE Copyright © 2024 by The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Waweru, Humphrey, author. Title: The Apocalypse of John and liberation theology in Africa / Humphrey Mwangi Waweru. Description: Lanham, Maryland : Lexington Books, 2023. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2023039482 (print) | LCCN 2023039483 (ebook) | ISBN 9781666945560 (cloth) | ISBN 9781666945577 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Bible. Revelation—Criticism, interpretation, etc.—Africa. | Liberation theology—Africa. Classification: LCC BS2825.52 .W38 2023 (print) | LCC BS2825.52 (ebook) | DDC 228.06096—dc23/eng/20230822 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023039482 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023039483 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992.

Contents

Preface vii Introduction: An African View of the Apocalypse of John Chapter 1: In the Beginning (1:1–8)



1



39

Chapter 2: Christ in the Living Church (1:9–3:22)



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Chapter 3: The Lamb as the Redeemer (4:1–6:17)



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Chapter 4: The First Survivors of God’s People (7:1–11:19) Chapter 5: The Signs of the Times (12:1–14:20) Chapter 6: The Seven Bowls (15:1–16:21)

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Chapter 8: The Victory of the Lamb (19:6–22:6)

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Conclusion: A Contrapuntal Way of Reading the Apocalypse Index

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Chapter 7: The Fall of the Great City (17:1–19:5)

References



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169

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About the Author



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v

Preface

This book is tailored to make readers understand the Apocalypse of John in a new light. It seeks to examine the dialogue already taking place between the three major voices currently: the Apocalypse community, the African cultural heritage, and the contemporary Christian trends within biblical studies, where the context of the reader is taken into consideration. Hence, this is an African reflection of the Apocalypse of John in a contrapuntal perspective. It is simply listening to the voices for a counter point rather than a comparative approach. This publication on my part represents a new way of “producing theology.” Therefore, I invite biblical scholars to consider this new way of generating biblical knowledge, where listening to others is prioritized. This paradigm shift represents an initiative to have a biblical discourse in the new realm of postcolonial criticism. It is another way of seeking new forms of understanding the field of biblical studies. The euphoria that accompanied the advent of independence in the African states in 1950s and 1960s is now giving way to the reality on the ground. We now see clearly that we inherited a Bible from the colonialism system with a multitude of social, economic, and human problems. This publication is a byproduct of postcolonial thinking, as it gives a perspective of where we have found ourselves after colonialism and the experiences of neocolonialism, or what we may normally call postindependence practices of the African elites. There is no doubt that the Bible played an important role in the legitimating of Western imperialism, since it did construct a “self-validating” world in which colonialism and domination appear normative and permanent (Waweru 2011). The challenge for African biblical scholars is to discern the signs of the times without being swallowed up by the Western biblical scholarship, which has been in existence even before colonialism took shape in Africa, representing Christ in an abstract way. There is need to discover how we could render Christ to be visible in Africa despite the challenges of corruption, poverty, and ignorance. vii

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It is now emerging that the Bible did not only legitimate imperialism but also liberation of the Africans in a world where neocolonialism, marginalization, domination, and oppression appear normative and permanent. Considering that Africans gained independence for their states almost three-quarters of a century ago, the current experience is enigmatic. It did carry operations and mechanisms that were counter to the survival of the historical standards of the African people. This commentary seeks to restate in its own way a way forward for the Africans whose independence has turned out to be utopia. In this commentary, we address the real depth of spiritual and moral poverty in our communities. We confront the million-dollar question on how the socalled civilized and evangelized societies in Africa have continued to impoverish their people. The poor education infrastructure, which is inadequate, has guaranteed that the majority of Africans remain in servitude. Moreover, with the ethnic divisions and stereotyping of communities entrenched as cardinal principles of life during the entire colonial period, this commentary on the Apocalypse of John comes in handy. All this happened against a backdrop of colonial and imperialistic cultural hegemony which sought to erode and subordinate our culture and cultural practices of Umundu (humanity), resulting in a knee-jerk repugnance of African culture. Africans were made to despise their history; children were no longer taught their mother tongues in order to appear elite, thus creating a sense of guilt about our traditions. Colonialism took our languages, our idioms, and our pride in blackness; it went on to name and to define our reality. In this understanding, Africans live in a radically damaged environment which calls for radical remedies. Against the plethora of these issues, postcolonial criticism offers a perspective that must be trusted to illuminate the African world. Revelation offers a home to the Africans in such cases, due to its utopia in character. This book is written because our communities’ cultures are broken. As we search for a solution on the threshold of the twenty-first century, the greatest challenge is for us to identify the elements that will allow us to rebuild them. The task we have is to reconstruct these communities with a common purpose and common goals, as well as a shared future. This book invites everyone to hold hands with each other in this mammoth task of reconstruction. Mugambi (1995, xv) terms this as “deed-oriented rather than word-oriented.” One area that obviously threatens to thwart our realization of the potential of the new technological age is the danger of not breaking with the colonial legacy which is so much embedded in our structures. It is within this context that this book raises further questions. In the midst of the optimism which characterizes the Book of Revelation, we honestly need to define those issues which threaten to destroy our hopes and thwart our potential. A responsible

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theological interpretation of the Revelation is a must as we enter this dialectic of the different potentialities, which we face in our present postcolonial context.

Introduction An African View of the Apocalypse of John

Kenya has been going through elections every five years since it gained independence from Britain on December 12, 1963. On December 27, 2007, Kenya went through the fourth multi-party elections, since the repealing of article 2A in 1992. There was an apocalyptic announcement by the Electoral Commission of Kenya that, President Mwai Kibaki had won his second term as the third president of the Republic of Kenya. The announcement sparked off countrywide violence, where thousands lost their lives. The violence locked Nairobi, Nyanza, and Rift Valley regions, which are part of the old eight provincial administrative units that are essentially ethnically based. Coincidentally, the prominent political leaders at the time—namely Hon. Raila Odinga,1 Uhuru Kenyatta, and William Ruto, the current president, and others—hailed from these three regions. Back then, I called an Anglican priest in Eldoret, the second largest town in Rift Valley and the worst hit by the violence, to inquire on the general situation in my former town of residence; he mentioned one word to describe the situation: “apocalypse.”2 This was a very surprising and shocking appropriation of the Apocalypse. It demonstrated how African theologians knowing or unknowingly appropriated the biblical texts in their daily lives. Though saddening, it was interesting to hear even an African priest using a single word to describe the worst violence ever experienced in postindependence Kenya. This single word was enough to epitomize the destruction, the cataclysm, and the sheer destruction of life, particularly the burning of a Full Gospel Church at Kiambaa that was full of women and children. Here, the Apocalypse as the Book of Revelation, otherwise so neglected and despised, and not commonly read in our churches provided a slate through which this terrible event was evaluated. The Apocalypse of John has always been viewed 1

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as prophecy of things to come in the near future, but now it has been applied to offer a solution in a very devastating situation. The new view is about cataclysm, death, and destruction. This view without any hesitation invited the African Christian theological scholarship to enter into a contrapuntalism mode of reading the Apocalypse afresh. A conversation is required between Africa’s religious population, democratic voices of liberation, and the Christian voices of peace for a counterpoint. Kenya is definitely experiencing very worrying trends that shock the foundations of humanity, and the Bible is becoming a solution, particularly the Apocalypse.3 However, this does not rule out the misuse of the Apocalypse by the African apocalyptic communities, the majority of which are in the lower cadre of the society. This gives us all the more the reason for reading it in a contrapuntal style. The apocalypse offers pictures that convey the magnitude and malignity of our experience, not only at national level as a country, but also at the level of individual life. The Apocalypse of John, which is a favorite subject of millenarian movements and recently to a number of scholars (Waweru 2007a), has continued to provoke the thinking of thousands of Africans and the whole of humanity who are suffering today in one way or another. Not only are the African faith communities among the poor, in several cases they are the poor.4 The way John dealt with the conflict in Asia Minor may be instructive for our own engagement in our primal contexts. For these very reasons we need to clarify exactly what we mean by the Apocalypse. THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CONTEXT OF AFRICAN LIBERATION The Apocalypse of John has been received, read, and interpreted in the African soil, and its meaning as a biblical text to the marginalized peoples has been accepted, resulting in the rise of various contextual hermeneutics being understood and predictable. (cf. Lategan 1997). Lategan’s conversation entails shift of hermeneutics from historical perspective to the meaning of the text. Such a shift allows African readers to read, not just as recipients of the text, but as dialogue partners in the interpretation for liberation. It is therefore necessary at this point to reflect on the meaning of the Apocalypse to the African readers as they have read and understood this unique text. The purity of contrapuntal reading in liberation theology is not the primary concern in African biblical scholarship, neither of the Apocalypse or any other text. Our major concern is liberating the poor, marginalized, and discriminated-against people of Africa. The real meaning of the word “apocalypse” derived from the Greek apokalypsis, is in fact not the cataclysmic end of the world, but an “unveiling” or

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“revelation,” a means through which Africans gain insight into their present situation after colonialism. Such seeds of liberation insights gained from this meaning of the word are now being utilized by the Africans to subvert the colonial oppressive imperialistic readings that dominated the past. It offers that alternative horizon which gives a different perspective. Further, the Apocalypse is not just for the community of the last days but is applicable to every age, offering a way to view our own history from Eden and the fall, Jerusalem as well as Babylon, and new Christian communities in Africa today, more so to the African fraternity that is now rapidly becoming the center of gravity for Christianity. The foregrounding of our culture, ethnicity, and Africanacity in Africa in postcolonial context has definitely opened interpretations of the biblical text to the rich resources within us. So, the Apocalypse of John presents a world that is not new to Africans, who spent so much time agitating for independence of their nations. The Apocalypse mentions things that Africans know, though they are different from the way we understood them to be; for instance, that animals have more than one head, two eyes, or two horns, while cities are made of gold. Nevertheless, Africans are less interested in appropriating liberating readings that may lead them into conflicts in their communities. Such a view had unconsciously resulted in a contrapuntal view. The role of the Church now in Africa extends beyond the spiritual and material progress of its members. It must find a way of dealing with marginalization, poverty, corruption, ignorance, and decease, and the worst of all, ethnic cleansing. At such a time Africans turned to the Bible, a text used by the colonialists, which has now become a tool in their hands.5 It is notable and equally critical that many African Christians have not and will not abandon the primal imagination and spirituality as a tool of liberation. Such a view is captured well by Musa Dube’s (1998) arguments that we need to capture the techniques of reading employed by our own biblical readers, who read the Bible poetically and dramatically and loudly as they burned their midnight oil. This means that the primal worldview has continued to play a prominent role in how we read and interpret the text, how we react to reality as it unfolds, making the Apocalypse of John a popular text among the many African cults that are now thriving in the twenty-first century. In a modern theological culture, one needs just a chat or a talk with one or two members of African indigenous churches to understand how apocalyptic thinking has been entrenched into their way of perceiving or doing things. This book is closely linked to a political literature: a type of literature which flourished during the reign of the first African leaders. In Nigeria, Things Fall Apart6 by Chinua Achebe, and in Kenya, The River Between7 are equally apocalyptic, very similar to the Apocalyptic that arose in the last two centuries

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before the coming of Christ and the first century CE. The Apocalypse of John occupies a special place in the New Testament coming at the tail end of the whole Bible. It is the only writing that is one of its kinds as a whole to be found in the New Testament. In the Old Testament, the Book of Daniel is the clearest example of the same. Therefore, our interest will be to investigate and examine not only the type of literature constituting this book but also the various items that relate to the background of the Apocalypse of John that concerns us as Africans. We shall start with the question of apocalyptic literature, authorship, and date even though these will be briefly touched, since they may help us to gain deeper insights which will enable understanding the main issues of Revelation that relate to postcolonial Africa today. Here, no critique will be offered; we will only offer a mere presentation of facts. Last but not least, there will be an investigation into the situation that prompted the author to write and the thoughts behind this kind of apocalyptic writing commonly known as imperial cult, which is similar to postcolonial presidency in Africa. Today, can this be termed as the dynastic way of life? And finally, we shall engage in an exegetical exploration just before offering an African perspective of the text. INDIGENOUS METHODOLOGICAL PRESUPPOSITIONS The position of African biblical scholars, in the current debate of postcolonial criticism, allows us to investigate the kinds of methodologies employed by African scholarly readers in their theological liberative readings. The postcolonial theory is not a theory in the strict sense of the word, for it does not involve deductions on the basis of a number of axioms applicable to indefinite number of empirical descriptions (Waweru 2020). On the contrary, it articulates a range of indigenous theories and draws on a constellation of theoretical insights. Perhaps it is important to note at the outset that before postcolonialism, there were plenty of theories and analyses of colonialism, although such theories were rarely considered from the point of view of the colonized Africans the way postcolonial analysis is. According to Young therefore, postcolonial theory is designed to undo the ideological heritage of colonialism by operating through the dimension of history and reordering of the world through forms of knowledge reworked from their entanglement in long-standing coercive power relations (2001, 65). Postcolonial indigenous theories hence facilitate the naming of activities by which the new subaltern identities are fashioned and performed by redressing power imbalances. In this way, postcolonial key issues include the colonial, imperial, and anti-colonial past, the postcolonial present, peoples,

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and cultural rights, emigration and immigration, and the Diasporas. In the real-life situations, no other literature of the first century presents the life experiences of that time better than the Apocalypse of John. It is a complete drama of first-century Christian experiences, now unfolding in the eyes of the African Christians, who are facing similar circumstances in the twenty-first century. Africans are in the same situation the apocalyptic community of John found itself. In particular, Kenya is more than ever before becoming a hub for the new religious movements that are turning out to be very apocalyptic in their teachings, and more often than not, many lives have even been lost. We are all aware that Africa has entered a new era of postcolonialism, in which her people are challenged to discern new ways and insights to propel the continent to greater heights (Waweru 2011, 73; 2020, 7; 2022). Therefore, a new way of reading, interpreting, and explaining situations in life is more than necessary. Such a paradigm shift will require serious thinking on how we can move forward. Do we continue with the colonial system that considered us primitive and savage? Do we continue to read the Bible in the same ways that legitimatized the imperial assumption of control? Do we go back to our African cultural way of life that portrayed us as people of Stone Age and abandon electricity, shoes, new modes of transport, and clothes in order to remain true and faithful to our cultural heritage, or do we adopt modernity that has no regard for our traditional practices that are worth retaining? In such a dilemma, we need to reflect on a methodology that will allow a blended behavior. Although scholars like Sugirtharajah (1998) and Waweru (2005) would express the major terms in postcolonialism as hybridism, ambivalence and mimicry, in Africa we need a well-balanced blended behavior of reading. In contemporary times, African biblical scholars often opt for reading methods that allow a privilege to our concerns to shape the conversation of the interpretive process. This is where scholars like Gerald West proposed that we ought to engage in a collaborative reading process that offers an epistemological privilege to ordinary readers. In such an attempt, we have opted for a reading in contrapuntalism theory, not comparing but listening to the various categories for a counterpoint. A contrapuntal liberative reading is a heterogeneous discourse, which is involved in listening to two or three voices being heard at the same time. For Waweru (2007, 23), a rhythm comes as a result of the voices of the African culture, democracy, modernity, and Christianity interacting, resulting to a proper counterpoint. In such a case, we only turn to “a contrapuntal perspective.” This is a reading theory that is able to deal with the power relations that had resulted in inequality among the dialoguing partners.

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IMPLEMENTATION OF CONTRAPUNTALISM CONCEPT IN REREADING THE APOCALYPSE This is a new theory of reading developed by professional readers of the texts from Postcolonial criticism theory. The term would mean several things, which on relating would result in counterpoint resulting from voices composed of two or more relatively independent practices being experienced together. In this case of reading the Apocalypse, it would mean listening to it alongside other voices from African Christianity, African liberation voices, African cultural voices, or even world democracies as we would listen to melodies sounded together. Perhaps a clearer definition of contrapuntal as an adjective would be having two or more independent cultural practices: like harmonically related melodic parts sounding together to produce a rhythm and at the counterpoint, music is produced. This music then will become our way forward in the African continent. It is clear we are completely in a quagmire. African cultural heritage is no longer the way it was and it will never be again. Modernity has entrenched itself beyond our control; Christianity has become an African religion. Therefore, any serious reading of biblical texts in Africa has to get a new methodology of doing so, in our case we have adopted contrapuntalism as a method to help us delve deeper into understanding the Apocalypse of John within our own worldview in Africa. Hence, we are taking into serious consideration the position Africa has now found itself in after colonialism. For Okure (2001, 43), Africa was left fragmented and multi-faceted in the real sense of divisions. For Edward Said, literary texts play an important role in legitimating status quo in that they construct a “self-validating” world in which their assumptions appear normative and permanent (1993, 62–80). While our cultures are not reducible to literary texts like that of the Apocalypse, even though such a text is not a product of sociological current, it is important to recognize that cultural practices cannot remain static since traditions are usually dynamic, the Bible has become a triple religious heritage of Africa, as our Gospel.8 Such cultural practices construct “essentialist” readings of the subjugated people. Hence, Said (1993, 216) proposes that such cultural practices and our practices should be understood “contrapuntally” in the modern postcolonial world with understanding and critique of the social world which both propounds and legitimates (1993, 51–52, 194). Africans have come to discover themselves in the Bible the moment it is read within their own cultural contexts of the postcolonial world. Therefore, contrapuntal reading theory is not a comparative theory, although there is a thin line between, once it involves reading of several literary texts together. Contrapuntal means reading a text with an understanding

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of what is involved when a leader indicates that, for instance, a postindependent policy is seen as important to the process of maintaining a particular style of life among the formerly colonized societies (cf. Said 1993, 66). For Mugambi (2001, 25), Africa is in a new era, in which her theologians are challenged to discern new metaphors and insights to propel the continent into the realms of the twenty-first century. This is the reason why we are proposing that contrapuntal reading is such an insight and that the Apocalypse of John can provide a fresh impetus for this new era of rethinking balance: do we go back to African culture and walk without shoes and half-naked, do we abandon the culture completely for Western civilization to thrive, or do we forget about religion altogether and become atheists? The contrapuntal theory becomes paradigmatically more relevant than intercultural and indigenous hermeneutics. This is not to suggest that contrapuntalism is an exemplary method. Rather, it is to propose that it provides a mirror through which we can see our endeavors to understand our position in the new era of neocolonialism and ideological branding of the black race. This paradigmatic shift from the traditional way of reading texts will also require a hermeneutic shift. It requires a search for biblical text which will focus on the initiative of the community to redefine their own social situation and reconstruct their own societies. In such a case the Apocalypse of John comes in handy to cater for African communities that have finally found themselves in unfamiliar ground. Hence the desire for modern exegetically based, linguistically informed, communication-oriented, and reporter-sensitive interpreters of the text rose to its highest levels in post independent African states (Musa Dube 2001). In such circumstances the Book of Revelation, due to its nature of apocalypticism, became very appealing to many neo-Pentecostal movements in Africa. The Apocalypse has played an ambivalent but key role in both the construction and deconstruction of modern Christianity and the construction of the Africans as people who need prophecy and traditional spiritual revival. Such a reading will then allow a transaction of both the culture and the Apocalypse to interact and bring out the desired rhythm (Waweru 2011). In such a rhythm, a counterpoint is reached (Said 1993). The Apocalypse of John cannot be read in isolation from its context because it was a cultural product of the first century. It requires contrapuntal “readings” by the Africans, who are experiencing similar situations of life to that of the Johannine apocalyptic community. Listening to the Apocalypse Contrapuntally Globally the Apocalypse has been subjected to a historical scholarship, which resulted in a perspective of focusing more on a historical meaning rather than on contemporary way of life. The historical perspective emphasized detailed

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textual analysis and comparison with other ancient sources in understanding the Apocalypse (Kovacs and Rowland 2004). In that endeavor Africans equally engaged enculturation, liberation, and comparative paradigms linking the text to the African context (West 2001). However, of late, the Apocalypse of John has experienced various changes in the way it has been interpreted and explained to those who are close and afford to listen from the text. One such way is contrapuntalism (Waweru 2006; 2007; 2020; 2022). It is no accident that the emergence of independent states in Africa was often accompanied by emergence of leadership that was characterized by self-rule, corruption, and ruthlessness. African Christians have attempted to construct a counter reading to what was asserted by the historical and missionary perspectives. Sometimes constructing their own indigenous new “essentialist readings,”9 which is a model of reading that has emerged as indigenous in Africa in the recent times. Africa has been struggling to come up with methodologies that are indigenous, which could equally shift the motif of focusing on reactive and apologetic way of reading that has been on a mission of recovering and legitimizing an African culture that has long been condemned as demonic and immoral by missionaries and colonialists (Waweru 2023). Contrapuntal reading is a methodology that involves a listening, a conversation as well as balancing the various stories. Here, the intention is to listen and allow a conversation between the Apocalypse of John and our African contexts (Waweru 2007a), not for comparative purposes but to dichotomize the two strands for a new meaning. The conversation must be rooted in the culture of a people, biblically speaking; the conversation is about the incarnation aspect of the Christian message in Africa. The Bible has constantly positioned itself in refreshing indigenous forms and traditions, with symbols, images, and narratives that make it a rich vein for creative reading (Waweru 2006). A contrapuntal model offers a balanced conversation to the Apocalypse particularly in postcolonial Africa (Waweru 2007b, 139). The Book of Revelation has been a favorite not only to emerging religious groups in Africa but also to the well-founded (mainline) churches. Contrapuntalism is what the apocalyptic scholarship is all about. Indeed, apocalyptic community itself is the result of a counterpoint, resulting from the rhythmic conversation taking place within the Jewish community, the Roman rule, and the message of Christ. In the Apocalypse of John, African communities find the encouragement they need to face pandemics, famine, drought, political instabilities, and economic crisis, as well as the impunity that bedevils the African societies in postcolonial world of freedom. Moreover, the communities delve into the Apocalypse for revelation, witness, and prophecy (Rev 1:1–6), as the book encourages, challenges, and maintains the prophetic praxis of the future. The Apocalypse is suited to the African context not only because it was written at

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a time when Israel had lost her sovereignty (Ruiz 2003), but also because this is where culture and traditions are viewed as they are (Waweru 2007b, 140). Contrapuntalism as an indigenous model allows two or more texts to be read together for a counterpoint, which tells us more about the original rhetoric of the text, as it interacts with our oral context even though they are not from the same origin. For Mugambi (2001, 11), the diversity of the African cultural heritage has always been over emphasized at the expense of its cultural unity, since the imperial powers were interested in maintaining their spheres of dominance and molding particular African subjects each after its own colonial enterprise. As G. E. Ladd (1960, 53) strongly maintains, the Apocalypse embodies the prophetic tension between history and eschatology. In such a case a contrapuntal hermeneutics offers Africa a chance to transcend its dark history, similar to the Jewish community experience under the Roman rule. In such a scenario, the Apocalypse is unique in the sense that it offers hope and utopia in a marginalized society. It becomes an alternative text to an African community that had much hope before independence but is now faced with impunity. Although the Bible may have been used to construct Africa as a benighted heathendom in need of the gospel of Christ, it also underpinned and legitimated the imperial assumption of control and the colonial occupation of African settlements (Draper 1997; Waweru 2007b; Comaroff and Comaroff 1991). It can, therefore, be used to reclaim self-independence; thus, the Apocalypse plays a major role in helping the African people to look to the future with hope. This is because after African countries gained freedom, they are now confronted with a culture of impunity, similar to the Roman culture that confronted the recipients of the Apocalypse in the first century. Therefore, a contrapuntal model enables the Africans to listen to the old culture, the new culture (impunity), and the Christian teachings at the same time for a counterpoint. Contrapuntalism as advocated by Edward Said (1993; Waweru 2020), allows the indigenous community that has continued to experience neocolonial control and theft of land as well as property, to think through and interpret its experiences that are now discrepant to their expectations. There is no turning back; they can neither reclaim their cultures wholly nor adopt the modern imperial practices completely. In such a dilemma, the Book of Revelation becomes their savior. Using a contraputalism model allows the message of the Apocalypse to be infused to the veins of the African cultural fiber, rendering its kerygma effective for the situation of the African folks, who after half a century of self-rule still find colonial practices common, making similar circumstances to the apocalyptic community or even worse. It is not surprising that although Domitian was presented as one of the worst dictators; he may be ten times better than the majority of our African

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heads of states. Such an ideology is stated with the understanding that the dualism of the good-guy-versus-the-bad may be a pleasing plot structure, but it is unhistorical (Botha 1989, 46). Doing a contrapuntal reading allows careful articulation of facts, knowing that we are not able to gather enough information to pierce the opacity of the past as represented by the Genre of the Apocalypse (Waweru 2011). For we assert our humanity to the extent that our communities are free to name themselves and interpret their world in which they live and exercise their being (Acts 17:28), as a hermeneutical circle. This would then mean that personal arguments are and must be truly spiral: an imaginative conversation, which integrates, explains, describes, and illustrates all the experiences as well as one’s premises and perspectives so far as to understand the Apocalypse through contrapuntal reading, hence the need to identify the literature of the Apocalypse. GENRE OF THE APOCALYPSE The Book of Revelation is an apocalyptic type of a genre. Apocalyptic literature arose with the decline of the prophetic ministry in Israel to continue and further the development of inspired messages (Waweru 2001). The first apocalypse in the Bible of which we have any knowledge is the Book of Daniel, which was probably written during the Maccabeus revolt (167–63 BCE). Such literatures flourished within the Jewish circles until the close of the first Christian century. The rise of the apocalyptic literatures was as a result of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit after the ascension of the Lord. In Africa, the rise of apocalyptic behavior is equally associated with neo-Pentecostalism, which preceded independence of African states and the exit of colonialism, ushering in neocolonialism. The apocalyptic writings rose in an attempt to explain the discrepancy between the sufferings of the Jews and their faith in the almighty God. They saw Yahweh their Almighty as the one in charge of their history, who was in the process of working out his plan and purpose for them as the chosen race. For Judith Kovacs and Christopher Rowland (2004, 4), the Apocalypse borrows from an earlier Jewish apocalyptic tradition of end-time, which had dominated popular perceptions of the Apocalypse. Jews were then under the Romans, who were ruling them with an iron fist; many suffered extreme persecution and oppression. This persecution and oppression are debatable as to whether it was physical or mental. In simple language, apocalyptic literature may rise and fall depending on the contexts (times of peace and suffering) surrounding the people of God. It is a text of the margins whether in Africa or anywhere else.

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It is commonly accepted that the Book of Revelation falls in this category of apocalyptic literature. The very name “Revelation” is taken from the first word of the book apokalipse. As such, it is unique in the New Testament as a name of a book. Here language becomes a tool of identity for the marginalized, which have been manipulated to adopt a foreign language. For Mugambi (2001, 13), it is through language that a community nurtures its people to be responsible citizens. Such an idea is supported by Paulo Freire (1996), who argued that imperial domination and missionary propaganda had thrived through the undermining of socialization process of the marginalized communities through a language. It is for such a reason that African liberation movements resisted against domination and alienation of the local languages that had resulted in oppressive socialization.10 According to Beale (1998) and Bauckham (1993), for one to interpret the Book of Revelation, it is important to be aware not only of the many allusions it makes to the Old Testament but also of the apocalyptic literature of the inter-testamental period which it so strongly resembles. One cannot rule out the relationship between the Qumran scrolls and the Apocalypse of John. This resemblance is seen most clearly in its use of symbolism, as Bauckham (1993, 297) has explained. Its words of comfort to God’s people who are undergoing suffering and oppression, and its confidence concerning God’s future intervention to raise the dead, judge the wicked, and inaugurate a new heaven and a new earth (21:1) (Morris 1969, 23). At the same time, however, it should be noted that there are also differences between the Book of Revelation and Jewish apocalyptic works: the book is not pseudonymous and does not claim to transmit secret information preserved from an earlier age; there is therefore no recounting of past events in the guise of predictive prophet as in Jewish apocalyptic literature; though angels appear as reveals of heavenly truths, there are relatively few explanations given of the revelation they give. Perhaps most important for the writer of the Book of Revelation is the messiah, so eagerly awaited by his Jewish counterparts. That he has already come in the person of Jesus and has already won a significant victory over the forces of evil, with the results that the final overthrow of Satan and his allies, is seen as the logical outcome of a process already underway. Apocalyptic literature is not a particular collection of literature like the apocrypha or the New Testament. Rather, it is a particular type or genre of literature within the Judeao-Christian tradition. In the Old Testament, apocalyptic may be found especially in the Book of Daniel and Zech. 9–14, though there are also traces of it in the passages of Isaiah 24–27 and Ezekiel 38–39. In the apocrypha Esdras is an apocalyptic work and most of the pseudepigrapha and Qumran literatures are apocalyptic (Beale 1998, 101). In the New Testament, the Book of Revelation is a typical example of

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apocalyptic literature. Nevertheless, we also have apocalyptic passages in the eschatological discourse of Jesus (Mk 13) and in 2 Thessalonians 2 and 1 Corinthians 15. WHAT THEN IS APOCALYPTIC? Apocalyptic is revelatory literature, in particular about the future. As Moule (1981) argues, apocalyptic is the anticipatory raising of the curtain to display the final scene as way of conveying, pictorially and in symbol, the conviction of the ultimate victory of God. It is from this interpretation we deduce the title of this book. It was usually written in times of adversity when everything seemed helpless. It expresses the writer’s conviction that God will intervene decisively and usher in a reign of justice and peace. The nature of this book makes it very appealing to the African communities that fought colonialism with all their might, only to find themselves in worse hands. The Apocalypse has finally been received within the popular culture and repertoire of the Africans. It has regularly emerged in surprising and refreshing indigenous forms and traditions. The Biblical symbols, images, and narratives have supplied a rich vein for creative reformation, especially in the emergent African dynastic lifestyles that have turned out to be worse than the colonial enterprise that brought the Bible. Hence, for a better understanding of this type of literature, we need to investigate the sources of the apocalyptic thoughts. Sources of Apocalyptic Thoughts Without many stories, the apocalyptic thinking is directly related to the primitive mythological and cosmological world religious traditions, particularly the Judaism of the first century BCE. In this literature it was a common religious practice that the prophetic eye of the seer was able to penetrate the secrets of the future. The apocalyptic thought may be the most common similar thought between the Jewish and the African mythology. The Africans had the prophetic orality, while the Jews had the apocalyptic text, so the complexity of a relationship between the two should never be minimized in our search for apocalyptic thoughts within the African primal religions. A number of different influences on the minds of the apocalyptic writers may be traced within the Jewish apocalyptic thoughts. However, a difference between the Jewish and the African Apocalyptic thoughts is equally found in time sequences. While the Jewish time is chronological, the African time is ontologically rhythmic. The Apocalypse of John is a unique piece of writing that is profoundly indebted to Jewish

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apocalyptic thinking, though different in more than one way. Obviously the Johannine Apocalypse is different in content and form from the rest of the New Testament. Nevertheless, before we delve into it, it would be appropriate to look at the historical context of the apocalyptic thoughts. The apocalyptic writings came from a definite era in history of almost 350 years, 165 BCE– 135 CE (Collins 1979; Collins 1984). This was the period of great tribulations encountered by the Jewish race. The Apocalypse of John may have been influenced by the Book of Daniel to a large extent, for instant the vision of “one like the son of man” in chapter 1, the vision of the beast in chapter 13, and the message of the book as “what is to take place after this” (Rev 1:19). However, as Kovacs and Rowland (2004) argue, a difference is noted in Daniel who is pseudonymous and probably written during the tough crisis of Seleucid King Antiochus IV in the second century BCE. The apocalyptic period covers the years of Judas Maccabeus’s opposition to the final defeat of the Antiochus IV (Epiphanes), to the reign of Emperor Hadrian. Israel was for several centuries a subject to foreign oppressors, one after another (cf. Collins 1984, 54–83; Thompson 1990, 13–17). The Jewish community had dreams of restoration after the Babylonian captivity, which became disillusioned. The Persians had allowed the Jews to go back and rebuild the temple but quickly stopped them from restoring their kingdom. This made the Jews to change from a nation to a religious community with a priest as its head. In the contemporary theological culture, which not only fears and eschews apocalyptic thinking but also shies away from it, we are faced with a huge surprise of how much the Apocalypse of John has been influential either directly or indirectly on Western art, literature, and theology (Kovacs and Rowland 2004). Serious New Testament minds have reflected on this literature in an amazing way (Allo 1921; Bousset 1906; Charles 1910; Elliot 1851; Wainwright 1993; Waweru 2005; Boesak 1987). The apocalyptic thought may also have had a relationship with a Persian influence as the Jews were colonized by the Persians for a long time. This is because they allowed the Jews to continue their Jewish religion, since the Persian religion was congenial to Judaism in that both worshipped one supreme God, they equally shunned idolatry, and both focused on a golden age to come (Bauckham 1993). So, the Jews relaxed during the term of Persian rule. The two centuries of the Persian rule saw Judaism undergo various changes through the unconscious stimulation of ideas that were present at the time. Gradually these ideas were internalized and became integral to the Jewish unique glorious heritage. The Persian belief in an age to come must be seen here to favor the Jewish belief of the expected messiah within the community that was emphasized by the words of prophet Jeremiah and Ezekiel. In those days, they shall no longer say the fathers have eaten sour grapes and the children’s teeth are set on edge,

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but everyone shall die for his own sin (Jer 31:29–30; cf. Ezk.18: 4). Therefore, the Persian influence made the Jews change their ideology of Sheol. There is no work or thought or knowledge or wisdom in Sheol, to which you are going (Eccl. 9:10). So that the individual being will be rewarded or punished after death, and they emphasized this later idea until it became part of their belief. The Persian wind was completely dualistic for they saw two forces in struggle: the powers of light and darkness. They also believed that at the end of a period of about twelve thousand years, Shaoshyant, the last expected savior of the Persian would appear and would prepare people for a new age free from evil and also preside over a final judgment. By the time the Jewish apocalyptic literatures begun to flourish, the above ideas were firmly engraved within the Jewish thoughts. Hence the apocalyptic thoughts offer that alternative horizon, producing a different perspective to different readers of the text (Kovacs and Rowland 2004). However, the chief influence was that of the Old Testament itself. Reading Daniel 7:9–14 and the vision of the heavenly court in Rev 4–5, offers a clear parallel because both are indebted to Ezekiel 1. Equally, the beast’s story in Daniel 7:1–8 and Rev 13 are indications of the Jewish thoughts influencing the Apocalypse of John. The writers show a thorough acquaintance with the Old Testament scriptures and respect for all the institutions of Judaism even though not necessarily for those who ran them. They have a particular affinity with prophetic literature in the Old Testament canon in their belief in the Lord as the lord of history and in their belief in a coming “day of the Lord” when wickedness would be punished and a new redeemed order begin. Therefore we are bound to conclude that, apocalyptic thoughts were a product of a Judeo-Christian worldview, which may have constructed a “self-validating” world where domination was a normal way of doing things as well as living, making the Apocalypse a “sociological current” which located the believers within a community and gave their life meaning by relating it to the end, soon to come (Morris 1972, 27). Such a belief would assure them a reversal of their current status. The key to the interpretation of apocalyptic literature has usually been rightly, in its restlessness with the imperfection of the present and its quest for a new and total solution to the human problem, making it an African text.11 The text is so much appealing in postcolonial Africa because it suggests resistance and any accommodation is seen as apostasy. The Apocalyptic thinking for a messianic hope as vindication and defeat of the enemy parallels in many ways African liberation movements of the early twenty-first century (Boesak 1987; Boesak 1984). Nevertheless, the apocalyptic vision of the end is noticeably different from that of the prophetic whereby the prophets tended to see the climax of history in this worldly term, as earthly prosperity within history, involving the living only while the apocalyptic writers tended to see it in other worldly terms.

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That is, a heavenly kingdom breaking in from outside of history and involving the dead who would be raised as well as the living. Again, whereas the prophets tended to exhort God’s people to repent before it was too late, the apocalyptic writers tended to comfort God’s people with assurance of their own salvation and God’s imminent judgment on their enemies. The theme of reward due to the works in 2:23 must be seen in the light of this precarious condition of their state of salvation (Waweru 2007a). Despite these differences of emphasis, apocalyptic still has much in common with the Old Testament prophetic tradition out of which it grew. It equally fits in well with African future expectations of better living, which has turned out to be very elusive. Historical circumstances also had a strong influence on the minds of the apocalyptic writers and never flourished when life was smooth and straightforward. The writings made life tolerable under intolerable situations with its emphasis on God’s final and perfect solution. This is the element that makes Africans more attracted to this book. From an African worldview, apocalyptic is a literature of the oppressed that saw no hope for the nation simply in terms of politics or on the plane of human history. This compares well with Daniel, which for instance was probably written at the time of Antiochus Ephanes, and Revelation as argued earlier, probably at the time of the Emperor Domitian’s persecutions (Mounce 1998; Moyise 1995). The writers were faced with the apparent triumph of the wicked; their faith led them to believe that triumph would be short lived. The pictures of God’s intervention helped to make life livable in intolerable conditions. This is particularly true to the Africans for whom liberation was a real apocalyptic dream that thrived among its people for the whole period of colonization. Also, personal experiences must have played a part, since there are many references in apocalyptic literature to dreams, trances, visions, auditions, and many others. Though these experiences are usually attributed to others (as is the authorship of the book itself), they are to be interpreted, read, and understood in African culture as described of the true author’s own experiences. The writers were sure that they were writing under divine inspiration. Conclusively foreign influences are visible within the apocalyptic writings that flourished during the colonial domination that was experienced by the Jewish community before the birth of Christ. The Hellenistic world permitted a free flow of philosophical and religious teachings, which bore profound consequences for both Judaism and Christianity, especially in the latter period of time leading to the birth of Jesus Christ (Newsome 1992, 23). The eschatological dualism found in apocalyptic contrasts the present evil age and the future glorious age, the interest in good and bad spirits (angels and demons), and the strong belief in the future resurrection of the dead for final judgment all owe something to the influence of Zoroastrianism, which

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became stronger following the conquests of Alexander the Great. Similarly, Alexander’s conquest aided the spread of Greek philosophy, whence the idea of the preexistence comes and immortality of the soul, an idea to be found in a number of apocalyptic works (especially the latter half). We now need to explore the characteristics of this literature. This perspective is similar to the African way of thinking about the present versus the future life. Only that the African time is ontologically rhythmic. The Characteristics of Apocalyptic Literature One of the main characteristics is that of pseudonym. The books are ascribed to well-known figures of the past such as Adam, Enoch, Moses, Baruch, Ezra, rather than to their real authors. Why? Probably to avoid persecution that would accompany any suspicious thought at the time. Nonetheless, anonymity would have served their purpose equally well in this case because of the closure of the canon. This was the view of Charles (1920) who thought that when the law became superior and the canon was already closed, the new writers could no longer get a hearing, hence the apocalyptist attributed his work to an illustrious ancient. However, he thinks that Christians still believed in the reality of prophecy and since the New Testament canon was not closed Paul and John wrote apocalypses under their own names (Morris 1972, 52). Apocalyptic idea is very similar to African mythology. Within the Kikuyu culture for instance, the figure of prophet Mugo Wa Kibiru brings life to the majority of the Mountain People. Currently12 they are thriving on an earlier prophecy: Mugo wa Kibiru had predicted that in the early nineteenth century, the Kikuyu community would not have a leader and a non-Kikuyu would be in charge that time, but it would be through the death of the non-Kikuyu leader that a Kikuyu woman will come to leadership as the second “Wangu Makeri.” Previously, Wangu Wa Makeri was a chief who ruled the community with an iron fist in the seventeenth century slightly before the arrival of the white men. The aim of such apocalyptic thinking among the political elites was to influence voting systems within Mount Kenya, which flopped. The idea that apocalyptic writers used other names in order to gain a hearing seems to create a charge of deliberate deception. However, according to Russell (1965, 114–18), they were using a literary device understood by their readers whereby they were expressing their belief that their writing was an inspiration to the one to whom they ascribed their work. Thus, they wrote the kind of things earlier writers may have written would they still be alive at the time. This too is reflected within the African culture through the role of the ancestors to the living.

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Symbolism is another characteristic evident to any reader of Revelation or the second half of the Book of Daniel. Extravagant imagery is often used to convey the writer’s message. Animals are often used to represent men or nations, men often represent angels, and the stars, demons, and numbers are usually interpreted symbolically. The correct interpretation of all these symbols is not an easy matter for us today. The symbols in apocalyptic literatures may change in bewildering fashion as read in 1 Enoch about stars falling from heaven and changing into bulls which then live with cows and sire elephants, camels, and asses (1 Enoch 86:1–4), and the bulls that sired big and small creatures such as lions, tigers, wolves, squirrels, vultures, and the rest (89:10). All such wonders are just common within apocalyptic writings; nevertheless, the use of conventional symbols does not imply that apocalyptists were unable to express their personal experiences. Otherwise, apocalyptic literature may be characterized by its esoteric nature and predictive content. The author portrays the ancient hero in whose name he is writing as receiving divine secrets, which are only shared to those capable of understanding them. These secrets include information about natural phenomena and the affairs of heaven which are chiefly about history. This “future” history is in fact partly past history from the point of view of the true author, but it includes material that is genuinely predictive from the writer’s point of view, enabling the readers to guess what will happen at the time of the end. Usually, the end is conceived as being imminent. So, what is the message of the apocalyptic? Effective African Apocalyptic Thoughts The most common paradigms within which African liberative scholarship functions are the intercultural and liberation paradigms, because although a comparative paradigm exists as foundational to all biblical studies linking the Bible to an African context, its limitations has equally become more and more apparent. Hence, we have to try our level best to come up with a new thought pattern that may work within African apocalyptic thinking. However, it is very difficult, to come up with a systematic African theology, just like it would be very difficult to compile a “systematic theology” of apocalyptic literature because the writings vary so much over the details of their expectations. Nevertheless, a common systematic theme can be traced both in African theology as well as in apocalyptic literature. That is, the future is bright, regardless of the troubles experienced currently. Indeed, the Africans themselves require this encouragement more than any other society because their own leaders have perhaps become worse than the colonialists that they are

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eager to critique at the slightest provocation. The majority of the first African presidents were worse than the first-century emperors, when the Apocalypse was penned off. More than any other reason African apocalyptic thoughts could be based on the rule of these dictators, Idi Amin of Uganda, Mobutu Sese Seko of Congo, Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia, and Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, among many others. The dictators of the African states immediately after many African nations gained independence in the early 1960s made African readers of the Bible to not only admire the apocalyptic literature, but a utopia was created by reading the Apocalypse of John. Both the Jews and the Africans found themselves at the receiving end. First, they are utterly negative about the present. They regard the present situation (i.e., that of the true author’s own time) as being hopeless. There is nothing people can do except to seek God to intervene. It is true that some Jews such as Maccabeus and the Zealots believed in armed rebellion, but they believed that God was using them to answer the people’s prayers, so their actions were not necessarily inconsistent with the apocalyptic vision. Second, they were confident that God would intervene and that the powers of evil will be overthrown. That God will reign triumphant, and his people will be set free from their oppressors. As noted above, this intervention was normally thought of as being imminent. Third, in many apocalypses, the coming of God’s Kingdom is associated with the coming of a messiah (Lit. “anointed one”), who will be his agent in bringing the old order to an end and setting up the new. In many works, the messiah is an earthly figure who will come as an ideal king or priest. For instance, the Qumran community expected two messiahs: one kingly and the other priestly. Morris (1972, 17) says that knowledge of apocalyptic has in recent days been enlarged by the discovery of the Qumran scrolls. In other readings, he is seen as a heavenly figure, a transcendent of the Son of man who will come to judge mankind and set up an eternal kingdom. 2 Ezra combines the two conceptions: the earthly messiah dies but will reappear as the heavenly Son of man. Last, in most apocalyptic writings the coming of God’s Kingdom will be accompanied by a general resurrection of the dead to face judgment based on individual acts (cf. Daniel 12:1–3). Once again there is a variety of belief. For some, only the righteous will be resurrected but for others resurrection is for everybody. Still others presume that the resurrection body will be the same as our present bodies, fit for life on earth, while for others the resurrection body will be a transformed to a spiritual body, fit for life in heaven. The doctrine of an intermediate state also flourished all the more (between death and resurrection). For moral change is a possibility during this period, however for most Africans, one’s fate was sealed at death and was even anticipated during the intermediate period before the “final” judgment. So, the message of the

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Apocalypse finds its place in the New Testament, as much as it is prioritized in African theological thinking.13 John Mbiti (1986) argues that none of the Christian preachers, both missionary as well as the African catechist, could be able to exert an impact upon the Church as the Bible did once it was translated into a local language. So, within these paradigms the African context becomes the subject of biblical interpretation. APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE AND THE NEW TESTAMENT To what extent was apocalyptic an influence to the New Testament writers and the early Christianity? Some scholars have declared that its influence is considerable. According to Morris (1972), the relationship between the Christian movement and that of the apocalyptic movement cannot be ignored. In fact, the language of the earlier movement must have influenced the latter, as many scholars think that apocalyptic is behind the New Testament as a factor of its literature. Nevertheless, Morris is of the opinion that Christianity is indebted to the apocalyptic for some of its ideas and expressions. Thus, the apocalyptic movement as was largely responsible for the appearance of Christianity or the New Testament’s writings is essentially apocalyptic in character. The evidence does not simply bear out such contentions (1972, 87). According to Kasemann (1969), apocalyptic literature cannot equally be ignored on its own impact upon the later writings; it was the mother of all Christian theology. In support of this, one may argue that the controlling factor in the literature of the New Testament is apocalyptic. Kasemann and many others contend on the importance of the apocalyptic to the Christian movement. However, how far are these estimates correct? As already noted, the New Testament itself contains examples of apocalyptic literature: Revelation, Mark 13, and parallels, 2 Thessalonians 2; and parts of 1 Cor. 15. Moreover, there are few allusions to apocalyptic books in the New Testament (the assumption of Moses in Jude 9; 1 Enoch 14–15 in 1 Pt 3:19; possibly various parts of the New Testament of the twelve Patriarchs in Mt 18:21, 22, 37–39; Lk. 6:27–28) and one direct quotation (1 Enoch 1:9 in Jude 14–16). More important still, a number of concepts which were developed by the apocalyptic writers during the inter-testamental period are found on the pages of the New Testament; such as the figure of the messiah, the title “Son of man” (though there is some debate as to whether apocalyptic speculations on this figure predates the teaching of Jesus), the idea of the coming of the kingdom of God, the idea of “mysteries,” being revealed, the presence of angels and the final judgment. Nonetheless, it should not be assumed that these ideas are wholly absent from the Old Testament at least in embryonic

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form; there can be little doubt that they received extensive elaboration during the Inter-testamental period and that Jesus and the New Testament authors were both working against the background of this development. Despite these varied ideas, it should be noted that the New Testament’s perspective differs from that of the apocalyptic writers. A case in point is when the disciples came together and they asked him, Lord, will you at this time restore the kingdom to Israel? He said to them, it is not for you to know times or seasons which the Father has fixed by his own authority. But you shall receive power when the Holy Spirit has come upon you (Acts 1:6–8). They were already talking to the messiah himself and he made a new promise to the disciples. Then he said to them, these are my words which I spoke to you, while I was still with you, that everything written about me in the Law of Moses and the prophets and the Psalms must be fulfilled (Lk. 24:44–45). One thing is clear though, for the New Testament writers, the messiah is no longer awaited but has come in the person of Jesus. Moreover, he is not the kingly or priestly figure many were expecting, and his coming does not bring about the end—that awaits his second coming—neither is his message on pure judgment for sinners. Rather, it is one of grace for all who repent. It is worth nothing here that Jesus’s strongest words of judgment are reserved for the Pharisees, Scribes, and the Sadducees. These are the very people whose salvation the apocalyptic writers gave the greatest grounds for hope, because salvation is available now, there is hope for the present world even before the final climax of history; obviously this was contrary to apocalyptic expectations, and there is a place for ethical exhortations directed toward the people of God, and not simply words of comfort about salvation or of a salvation which lay in future (at this point Revelation and Mark 13 differ from other apocalyptic writings). Perhaps most significantly of all, the New Testament signals the end of the Jewish particularism, whereas the apocalyptic writers prophesied its destruction as a judgment from God. Here, I see Israel redefined. No longer does it mean just the descendants of Abraham but rather all those who believe in Jesus whether they are Jews or Gentiles. Thus, the whole basis of salvation is different in the New Testament. Newsome (1992, 89) argues that caution is important as we observe the relationship of the two writings, because the realization that the apocalyptic literature was embraced and transmitted by early Christians, does not help us to draw the line of their interaction, since one may not always be able to tell in which direction the influence flowed. Taking the idea of both Newsome (1992) and that of Morris (1972), I contend that while apocalyptic provided the New Testament with many of its basic concepts it does not anticipate its fundamental message. Further, we assert that Hellenization was the mother of all Jewish apocalyptic literatures

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embraced by various Jewish sects who now regarded themselves as the righteous remnant, since they were founded on particular responses. Therefore, Revelation was written to the tiny communities of Christians in the cities of Asia Minor. Such communities were also no more than sectarian groups of the first century. This calls for the investigation of the date this book was written, that is, when such communities existed in Asia Minor. The Date of Apocalypse of John The common assumption concerning the date of this book is that it was written toward the end of the first century, when the emperor’s power seems to be more stable.14 The Apocalypse language fits relatively a peaceful period, rather than the late 60s CE when several emperors in a row quickly met their violent deaths. However, knowing the date of Revelation remains a complex task for which there is evidence of different theories. Most scholars locate the origin of this book to either during the reign of Nero (54–68 CE) or Domitian (81–86 CE). With the birth of scholarly commentaries published in the early twentieth century by a number of scholars such as R. H. Charles (1920), Sweete (1911) and Beckwith (1919), the dating of the book to the reign of Domitian was popularized.15 These scholars adopted the methods and interpretive style of their day known as historical criticism applied from an “objective” perspective.16 R. H. Charles, a major proponent of a Domitian date, produced work that is seen by many as the starting point of the history of research on Revelation. He notes that during Paul’s lifetime, who possibly lived until about 67 CE, the church of Smyrna did not exist, meaning that during the reign of Nero no church could have received the letter of Revelation 2:8–11 (1920, 1, xciv; cf. Mounce 1998, 19). The three scholars’ commentaries are keen to interpret Revelation within the context of the persecution of Christians by the Roman authorities, during the reign of Domitian. Perusing the commentaries, one notices how these scholars agree with claims of persecutions during the reign of Emperor Domitian, warranting a dating during his reign. For Beckwith (1919, 204), the testimony of early writers leaves no reasonable doubt that Domitian was a persecutor of Christians. He further argues that Christians in Asia Minor were not able to avoid the empire-wide persecution of Domitian (1919, 206–7). Another group of commentators who support the dating of Revelation toward the end of the first century was led by E. F. Scott (1940), Kiddle (1940), L. Morris (1969), and Beasley-Murray (1974). This group seems to follow their forerunners in arguing that Revelation was a book that was written during a time of persecution, when the Christians of Asia Minor were in need of encouragement. While Scott argues that Revelation was written as a result of the Domitian persecution and Christians’ refusal to worship the

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emperor, Kiddle (1940, xl) concludes that it is appropriate to date Revelation toward the end of the reign of Domitian, who was a known persecutor of Christians. Also the argument of Leon Morris (1969, 6), there is a common consent that Revelation was as a result of persecution, and on the whole it appears that dating it in the context of Domitian best suits the facts. No other greater course can be seen in the interpretation of Revelation than the way the Christian tradition unanimously represented Domitian to be the first persecutor of Christians after Nero, concludes Beasley-Murray (1974, 38). This scholar argues that John was banished to exile because of his powerful ministry, so the authorities viewed him as a dangerous leader of the Christian sect. There are several voices of research on the Book of Revelation from German scholars, and we need to note that very few German scholars had a major interest in Revelation in the early twentieth century.17 Perhaps the most important commentaries are those by W. Bousset (1906), E. Lohmeyer (1953), H. Kraft (1974) and Kümmel (1975). These commentators agree that dating Revelation against the background of persecution under the reign of Domitian supports existing facts. Favoring a post-70 CE date, Kümmel (1975, 467–69) goes on to propose an interpretation of 17:9, wherein the counting of the emperors begins with Caligula so that Domitian would be the sixth in succession. He concludes by favoring the end of the first century as the date of Revelation basing his facts on the argument that the church of Smyrna has been persevering oppression for a long time (Rv. 2:8–11). He says that the likelihood is therefore that the book was written toward the end of the reign of Domitian, in order to encourage Christian communities threatened by persecution and to make them confident of the imminent victory of God over the powers of the evil one. The German scholars are in agreement that Revelation 17:9–11 is internal evidence for dating Revelation during the reign of Domitian. They see Caligula as the first emperor in the first century to demand worship as a living emperor. They then omit after him the short-lived emperors Galba, Otho, and Vitellius as insignificant so that they bring Claudius, Nero, Vespasian, and Titus into their list, making Domitian the sixth emperor.18 They conclude with a hypothesis that Revelation was written before the accession of Nerva onto the throne at the end of 96 CE.19 According to these German scholars, Irenaeus, who wrote circa 190–200 CE, is the earliest extant witness to the dating of Revelation toward the end of the first century CE.20 The debate concerning the date of the Apocalypse has been attracting quite a number of scholars for a long time, however, a few (but still a considerable number of) scholars have taken issue with this line of reasoning which dates Revelation during the reign of Domitian (cf. Ladd 1960; Ford 1975; Robinson 1976; Wilson 1993; Wilson 2005), presenting objections to it. They maintain that the internal evidence at hand would point toward an earlier date for

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Revelation, viz. before the “destruction” of Jerusalem in the year of 70 CE. They argue that there is no convincing proof for an empire-wide persecution during the reign of Domitian (Wilson 1993, 589); their scholarly research asserts a pre-70 CE date for the Book of Revelation with a persecution during the reign of Nero. G. E. Ladd (1960, 53) strongly maintains that Revelation embodies the prophetic tension between history and eschatology. He argues that while the churches of Asia Minor were facing persecution, such persecution in the first century CE may not have been as much as the portrayal in Revelation. Such sentiments were equally echoed by Robinson (1976, 221–53), who disputes any dating of this book on the basis of Domitian persecution; he therefore suggests the sporadic persecution before Domitian as the context of Revelation. He further argues that we can be certain that the Book of Revelation, unless a product of a perfervid and psychotic imagination, was written out of an intense experience of the Christian suffering at the hands of the imperial authorities, represented by the “beast” of Babylon, which he interprets to be Nero (1976, 230–31). Robinson, who may be considered one of the astute critics of a post-70 CE date, sees the first king in Revelation 17:9–11 as Augustus and, interestingly, mentions the so-called soldier emperors and little known Galba, Otho, and Vitellius in their list..21On the grounds of these verses, he suggests that Revelation needs to be dated during the reign of Galba (68–69 CE) and before Otho came to power. Robinson is of the opinion that when Christians in Rome faced persecution in the hands of Nero, Christians in other parts of the empire may have encountered local harassment (1976, 230). In support of Robinson, J. C. Wilson gives his view that Revelation was written on a historical background of recent persecution preferably during the reign of Nero. He argues that “the persecution under Nero in 64 and 65 is a documented historical fact. Second, the five kings who have fallen in Revelation 17:10 are Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero or Julius. The one who ‘is’ is either Galba or Nero. The ones who have not yet come cannot be fitted into any subsequent Roman history. Third, the temple is still standing in Revelation 11.1–2” (1993, 605). This argument by Wilson was based on the assumption that the Book of Revelation is a typical “apocalypse” and, therefore, ought to have been written “in an historical background of recent persecution” (1993, 605). The scholars favoring this dating also indicate that in several passages Revelation describes the destruction of a city called Babylon (14:8; 16:9; 17:5; 18:2, 10, 21); they argue that the vindictive intensity in these passages about Babylon “drunk with the blood” of Jesus’s followers necessitates a Neronian date. In support of such an argument is M. Wilson (2005, 166), who argues that the Christians in Rome during the reign of Nero may have begun to interpret

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the capital city prophetically as the new Babylon. He further suggests that the cipher Babylon may have been in use pre-70 CE and that Peter used this cipher in 1 Peter when he addressed the suffering Christians in Asia Minor, including those in the province of Asia. He then (2005, 166) sees John as having been familiar with the use of “Babylon” as a metaphor for Rome through 1 Peter or through contact with Roman Christians. The two Wilsons (1993, 587; cf. 2005, 166) then conclude that the background for the description of the destruction of the city of Babylon by fire in Revelation chapter 18 may have been the actual burning of the city of Rome during the reign of Nero. They then assert that a Neronian date best suits the circumstances of Revelation. Dating of the Apocalypse during the persecution has been doubted by Yarbro Collins (1984, 70–101),22 who also dates the Book of Revelation during the reign of Domitian. She argues that there is nothing in the Book of Revelation that makes us believe that Christians were persecuted under the reign of either Nero or Domitian. She argues that John and his community were going through a perceived social crisis and a kind of trauma, which may not mean a real persecution at any particular time (1984, 84, 143, 165). For her, it was the perceived social crisis and traumatic experiences that apparently led to certain feelings, which are reflected and dealt with in Revelation. Hers is a strong rejection of persecution as a historical situation for the context of Revelation, which makes her coin a theory of “perceived crisis.” “Relative,” not absolute or objective, deprivation is a common precondition of millenarian movements. In other words, the crucial element is not so much whether one is actually oppressed, as whether one feels oppressed (1984, 41). From this argument, she then describes a situation of conflict, strained relation, and trauma in the area of the seven churches. She argues that there is nothing in Revelation that could make an ironclad case for a great persecution. Collins idea of perceived crisis is based on the ideology of the imperial cult, which she contends was particularly strong in Asia Minor (1984, 101). Thompson is equally unconvinced by assertions of an empire-wide persecution during the reign of Domitian. He argues that the conflict and crisis reflected in Revelation was a tension between Christian commitment and the social order coming from John’s perspective on Roman society rather than from significant hostilities in the social environment (1990, 175). Thompson argues that we would be making a mistake by interpreting Revelation as a response to Domitian’s supposed excessive claims to divinity or even to a reign of terror at the end of Domitian’s rule (1990, 116;23 cf. Botha 1989, 45–59). A number of scholars are in disagreement with Collins. For instance, Bauckham (1993, 14) argues that the general function of Revelation is to

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inform every church in Asia Minor what it needs to do in order to become spiritually strong enough to endure the coming apocalyptic trials in order to “enter the New Jerusalem” as the climax of John’s visions. Wilson (2005, 189), on the other hand, argues that the hypothesis that the situation in the Asian churches was simply a perceived crisis is untenable. He sees real persecution as the background of John’s writing. Such was also the conclusion of Beasley-Murray (1997, 1029) that John’s perception of the nature of the imperial cult accordingly was conditioned by his own experience rather than prejudice. Conclusively, dating the Book of Revelation is not an easy task. Some scholars now accept that the debate may not reach a consensus soon and they have come up with a more generalized view on dating and persecution in relation to the Book of Revelation. As Aune (1997, lxii) argues, any logical listing of the kings in Revelation 17:9–11 places the composition of the book between 54 CE and 79 CE; he thinks the work went through various editions. Therefore, there is no consensus among commentators regarding the listing of emperors for the dating of this literature.24 Hence, we agree with Michaels (1992, 46) that the researchers of Revelation need to accept a considerable degree of uncertainty about the date and other issues of historical settings of the Book of Revelation. Establishing the date when Revelation was written is of minimal effect to our understanding of this book as we argued earlier, and therefore, we intend to go with the general views that it may have been written during the reign of one of the persecuting emperors (Nero-Domitian).25 But establishing the socio-historical background of Revelation helps the reader to understand the circumstances that were prevailing during that period. The stand taken here is that the Apocalypse of John is best dated during the reign of Domitian, and the book is read within a Domitian context. Knowledge of the situations under which the composition of Revelation may have taken place, allows one to imagine the setting with all of the attendant surroundings and comprehend more fully the message of Revelation. In such an understanding, one may cast oneself into the history of the time and feel the very mood of the age. Through the mind’s eye, we can project ourselves into the spirit of the era through our own colonial experiences and, to an extent, share the experience of the original recipients of the book. Without more discussions on the history of research on date and persecution, we would settle for a date during the first century CE during the reign of either Nero or Domitian. Having settled on this general view on date and persecution, we now need to look at the authorship of this book.

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Authorship of the Apocalypse Many scholars currently agree that the Book of Revelation and the Fourth Gospel were authored by different authors.26 Some do not even want to hear a mention of a possibility that both could have originated from the same author. The Gospel of John is usually regarded as an example of the type of Christianity that objected apocalyptic, but the main thrust of its message has a remarkable affinity with apocalyptic thinking (Kovacs and Rowland 2004, 5), others, even calling the gospel “an apocalypse in reverse” (Ashton 1991, 371). Such makes the dating of one of the most disputed issues in the Apocalypse. The book itself says that the writer is John, who presents himself as a servant and prophet of God (1:1–3; 10:11; 19:10; 22:6–10). It is thought unlikely that this is a pseudonym; the true author would surely have made clearer in whose name he was writing, if so, probably by calling himself John the Apostle. But if the real author was called John, the question remains, was he John the Apostle or another John? Most scholars today agree that a close examination of the two works indicate that much of the vocabulary is the same but applied differently depending on the genres. In favor of the view that the author was John the Apostle, Morris (1969, 26) gives the view that the testimony of the early church fathers clearly supports apostolic authorship. Justin Martyr, the Moratorium canon, Clement of Alexandrian, Origen, Tertullian, and Hippolytus all ascribe Revelation to John the Apostle. The dissenting voices do not carry much weight in this matter. Kümmel (1975, 470–472) argues that the Alogoi and a Roman called Gaius, who are said to have attributed Revelation to Cerinthus, did it because they were anti-Montanists who made much of Revelation. Dionysius of Alexandria also objected to apostolic authorship, but this was because he believed that the apostle had written the Fourth Gospel and that the author of Revelation must have been different on stylistic grounds. While there is nowhere the author claims to be an apostle, he seems to assume the apostolic authority toward the churches he addresses. He clearly knows them well and believes that God wants to speak to them through him. This fits the situation of John the Apostle well, since, according to early tradition, he spent his final years toward the end of the first century in Ephesus in Asia Minor; the very area where the seven churches addressed in Revelation lay. According to Kümmel (1975, 470), the simple use of the name John indicates a commonly known personality, and the self-evident manner in which he sets forth his claims to be heard shows a man of high authority. The themes of Revelation fit well with the character of John as presented in the gospels as sons of thunder (Mk 3:17). “Do you want us to bid fire to come down from heaven” (Lk 9:54).

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These similarities equally impress me to note that John witnessed the transfiguration of Jesus and the resurrection. I tend to relate the Revelation to the gospel as the work of one school of thought but at the moment I prefer to keep an open mind. If John the Apostle was not the author, what alternative is there? Some scholars, ancient and modern, have suggested “John the elder” as the author. According to Morris (1969, 35), the very existence of this John is in doubt, so resting as it does on a passage in Papius, which are writings that may also be interpreted to refer to John the Apostle. John Mark is a very unlikely candidate, since there is little in common between Mark’s gospel and Revelation. In addition, there is no evidence that Mark ever spent time in Asia Minor. We seem to be left then with either the apostle John or a John who left no other mark on the church’s history. Morris (1969, 30) says that the use of the words “I think” by Dionysius shows that he was only making a guess and had no exact knowledge or information about such a John. This argument seems to favor the former alternative. Against the view that the author was John the Apostle: it was noted by Dionysius of Alexandria as mentioned earlier that the style and vocabulary of Revelation is far different from those of the gospel, which he ascribed to the apostle. This point has been extensively elaborated by modern scholars particularly R. H. Charles (1920, 1, xx1x, cxv11). Those who maintain the apostolic authorship of both the Fourth Gospel and Revelation have to overcome this obstacle somehow by suggesting that they were written at quite different times and points in John’s career, or when he was in a different emotional state, or that John in writing Apocalypse was consciously imitating an apocalyptic style of writing. Concerning the language of this book, Morris (1969, 30) says that the book was written in exile and the writer had no access to the tools required for a good scholarship and he had no opportunity for a leisurely scholarship approach. It was also written in excitement, but it should be remembered that this argument against apostolic authorship of the Apocalypse is only valid if one accepts the apostolic authorship of the Fourth Gospel. Along similar lines, it has been pointed out that Revelation and the Gospel of John have different theological emphases (the wrath of God as opposed to the love of God; futuristic as opposed to the eschatology). The same comment as made above applies here also, in addition to the fact that the differences are on emphasis rather than actual contradictions. Revelation, as noted above, makes no claim to have been written by an apostle, nor is there any indication that the author had first hand contact with the historical Jesus. In fact, verse 18:20 states, rejoice over her, o heaven, o saints and apostles and prophets, for God has given judgment for you and against her. Verse 21:14 states, and the

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wall of the city had twelve names of the twelve apostles of the Lamb. To some scholars, this seems to set the author at some distance from John the Apostle. Those who argue against John’s authorship, of the Apocalypse have to contend with the author naming himself as John, an eyewitness to the things that must happen soon (Rev 1:1–2). He claims to have been in the Island of Patmos on account of faith without much elaboration (Rev 1:9). While at Patmos, John received a message which he must transmit to the seven churches of Asia Minor (Rev 1:10). Those opposed to this testimony of John suggest that he died early as a martyr, and therefore could not have written a work which is normally dated at the end of the first century CE during the reign of Domitian 81–96 CE. However, the evidence for John’s early death is much weaker than the traditional view mentioned above that John survived to the end of the first century in Ephesus. One thing we can agree about the authorship of this book is that it is obscure, and we can only go with the general idea that the writer was a well-known prophet on the Island of Patmos for a purpose that is also not clear to us. He may have been exiled due to his resistance to the imperial cult which he seems to have condemned strongly in his writing (cf. Tenney 1985). DEBATE ON THE IMPERIAL CULT Those Christians who refused to worship the imperial cults were either killed or banished (cf. Rev 1:9). Such an argument has made the research on imperial cult in Asia Minor to take a center stage among scholars such as Hemer (1986), Giblin (1991), Sinclair (1992), Slater (1999, 18), and Barr (2003),27 among others. The scholars do agree that imperial cult was an issue that could not be ignored in the first-century Christianity in Asia Minor. John’s own experience and that of his fellow believers who shared his urban environment is a case in point, this social discrimination and occasional violence (like the murder of Antipas, 2:13), could easily have given rise to a perception of persecution for rejecting idolatry. Maggie (1950, 577) argues that the inscription on the pedestal of a statue of Domitian, which identified him as the “god invincible” founder of the city, may shed some light on Domitian’s claim of emperor worship for himself, even though all the other Domitian inscriptions found in the city of Ephesus studiously avoided innovative claims of divinity for himself. These scholars argue that it is imperative to bear in mind that the Christian recipients of Revelation were living in Asia Minor, where many people enthusiastically adopted the worship of the rulers, possibly more than anywhere else in the Roman Empire (Giblin 1991, 10). Throughout the seven cities of Asia Minor, the worship of the emperor was practiced particularly during

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festivals of the emperor’s birthday (Hemer 1986, 6). According to Sinclair (1992), the pagan societies used emperor worship as their means of declaring patriotism. Emperor worship was a tangible sign of loyalty to the government and was expected of everyone except Jews. Consequently, such worship was a basic component of civic social life. Indeed, in Asia Minor, there were special festivals that involved the participation of the whole city. The festival might include parades and athletic contests as well as strictly cultic activities like sacrifices to or for the imperial family (1992, 57). The major issue seems to have revolved around Christians’ relation to adherents of the imperial cult. It is believed that Christians suffered simply because they were Christians; that is, because they identified themselves with the name of Christ rather than their relation to the cult of the emperor (Slater, 1999:18). Hence, Revelation generally addresses several issues, key among them being the manner in which John’s community should relate to the imperial cult. Christians are known for their refusal to participate in imperial cult sacrifices and other pagan expectations, not only in the first century but even today: such a behavior has always resulted in tensions and social detriment in their lives (cf. Sinclair 1999, 21). Therefore, there is very little doubt that one of the main bones of contention between Romans and Christians centered on emperor worship. The attempt to divinize the emperor could be traced to the time of Alexander the Great; it reached its climax at the time of Nero (54–68 CE) and continued in the time of Domitian (81–96 CE). This emperor worship was strongly enforced during the reign of Domitian, with reprisals against those who refused to adhere to it. Such a conflict was the backdrop against which the Book of Revelation may have been composed. According to Price (1984, 222), the Romans would have pressured Christians to be less exclusive and at least become more accommodating to the ancient regional religio-political traditions. Scholars accept that a Roman emperor during whose reign Revelation may have been written may have become a persecutor, if he embraced the imperial cult and particularly if a city erected statues of him and demanded that they be worshipped (Slater 1999, 22). The imperial cult played a key role in the establishment of the new symbolic universe for the Roman province of Asia (Knight 1999, 44). Barr (2003, 14) argues that Christians who denied the validity of these religio-political traditions constituted an affront to Asian pagan social sensibilities. For Thomas (1992, 253), the imperial cult was practiced strongly in Asia, and in most of the Eastern Mediterranean regions of the Roman Empire, and more importantly, cities competed vigorously for the privilege of being declared an official center for imperial cult. The seven cities addressed in Revelation 2–3 received the neokorate either in the late first century or early second century28 (cf. Hemer 1986). Thomas concludes that, even though we may lack a clear picture of whatever may have made the author of Revelation view this

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emperor as a worse persecutor than his predecessors, the Christian movement was always on the receiving end during Roman rule in the first century. Barr (2003) concludes that this in turn fostered the prophetic-apocalyptic desire for a definitive manifestation of God’s justice on the “sinful nature” of the pagan society. Both Gager (1975) and Schüssler Fiorenza (1998) are of the opinion that the real situation that was threatening John’s community in Asia Minor may have been prompted by a new emphasis on the imperial cult in Ephesus, which was begun during the reign of Domitian (81–96 CE). Both agree that Christians were under pressure to participate in the imperial cult’s religious festivals, with the threat of persecution or death if they did not. This means that there was a real problem facing John’s community. In such circumstances, John wrote to resolve this crisis by clearly demarcating the boundaries. John cautioned them against the enticements of participating in the pagan worship and the imperial cult. As Gager (1975) and Schüssler Fiorenza (1977) argue, the mechanism for John in this demarcation is the use of symbolic language that makes a new sense of the cosmic reality in which John’s community was living. For them at the center of Revelation, both literarily and ideologically, is the “mythic” scene of the woman and the beast (Rv. 12), which results in the beast being thrown down to earth where it will continue to persecute the Christians.29 They then conclude that the two beasts of chapter 13 symbolized the Roman colonial power placing the cosmic drama on the side of Satan. For them, the rest of John’s visions then portray what will occur as the cosmic drama unfolds. Babylon will be destroyed, the armies of God will triumph, and the New Jerusalem will descend as God’s city on earth. For John’s community in Asia Minor, the battle lines are clearly drawn; it is only a matter of time before God is victorious. On the other hand, these claims of emperor worship have been disputed by some scholars (cf. Webber 1999; Botha 1989). They have argued that no empire-wide persecution of Christians occurred in the late first century. For Webber (1999, 84), the hypothesis that Roman persecution made the author of Revelation hostile remains defensible. He argues that the impetus for imperial cults arose largely from the indigenous population rather than from the rulers themselves, and that Domitian’s provincial officials did not go out of their way to persecute the author’s followers on the basis of their Christian affiliations or practices. These officials simply attempted to collect tax from the Jews even-handedly from all who lived in accordance with Jewish customs (1999, 18). He, however, agrees that when such cults were well established, the rulers had no reason to discourage imperial worship of Rome and public benefaction by wealthy provincials. Hence, the probability that John’s community found this practice offensive provides no occasion for surprise (1999, 10).

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For Botha (1989, 46) although Domitian acquires undoubtedly a very negative description in the literary traditions, we need to be open and candidly critical and suspicious of these traditions. Hence, we should not exaggerate the worship of the emperor in early Christianity, since Domitian was probably one of the few serious, religious emperors which resulted in pressure on the Christians to conform. For Webber (1999) the Greco, the Roman society in general was in fear of new movements and had little respect for such movements. He argues that the Roman authorities were suspicious of any new assembly or association, lest it might develop into a political organization in conflict with Roman state (1999, 84). In conclusion, the imperial cult was a real threat to the Christians of Asia Minor. So it was paramount for them either to heed John’s call and be protected or to worship the imperial cults and wait for condemnation. It is clear from these scholars’ arguments that the message of seals, trumpets, and bowls, is that woes are to punish the godless and that it calls them to repent. So they represent cycles with a series of social and natural catastrophes such as wars (Rv 6:3–4; 8:8; 16:12–16). John had a two-fold ministry. He wanted to encourage the elect to hold firm in the midst of tribulations, so that they would finally enter the New Jerusalem, and he also wanted to combat the heresy that was slowly creeping into some of the churches. Whether there was much stress on emperor worship under Domitian or not, from the time of Augustus onward there was an ideology of the Roman Empire as the divine instrument of peace in the world. John challenges this, and this is possibly what he sees as the main heresy. As part of his response to challenge and encourage the Christians, John had to structure his message in a particular way so that his community would be able to grasp it. But today, various approaches to the Apocalypse have been applied. LIBERATION AND CONTRAPUNTAL APPROACHES For a proper reading of the book of the Apocalypse, one has to come up with a style of interpretation that is contextual, in order to avoid any misinterpretations of the book as has been the case with majority of twenty-first century cultic leaders. The message of John is full of diversity in the way it has been interpreted. Some have used it for personal motivation and others use the image of Babylon to describe their enemies. One thing is clear about the Apocalypse; it has no less than the Bible as a whole offered an unambiguous message (Kovacs and Rowland 2004, 7). Here, we shall survey some interpretive approaches that have been popularized by various readers of the Apocalypse of John, which are common to the interpretation and attempt to

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link some of them to our adopted African interpretive approach of postcolonial criticism. READERS PREDICT HUMAN HISTORY In all religions in the world, there is a common prediction of a better future than today. John’s prediction to the history of his people is that life is symbolic, hence all that is in this book relates only to events of the day in which the book was written. The background of this school of thought is postmillennialism (Tenney 1985, 386). They expect the world to be a better place and be reconstructed as the kingdom of God advances and more and more people will believe in the Gospel of Christ. This view considers the events in Revelation as already fulfilled by either the fall of Jerusalem in 70 CE or that of the Roman Empire in 476 CE. They believe that the Apocalypse was written either under Domitian in the 90s or under Nero in the 50s or 60s. Concerning Babylon, their interpretation is that it is most likely Jerusalem, although some consider it to be Rome. Most of the liberal scholars embrace this school of thought whereby they see the writer as simply expressing his indignation about the abuses feted on his community by the colonial powers of his own time; hence, he spoke of future judgment. Readers Offer Principles of Human History The religious people as well as all the humanity generally suffers both natural and divine calamities which are difficult to comprehend at times. Therefore, John offers his community a symbolic enduring of struggle between good and evil taking place in the first century. The idea here does not see any historical events in the symbols described in the Book of Revelation either for the past or present. The school of thought interprets it spiritually or symbolically, mainly as the battle between good and evil, where evil will be defeated, but only at the very end. It has two interpretations for Babylon: it is either the world that is in open rebellion to God and persecuting the saints or it is the world in the church, the immoral element that has corrupted the bride of Christ. The message is that although the saints may have to endure suffering and persecution by the world, God will ultimately triumph over evil, and the world will receive the judgment it deserves. This idea has the advantage of focusing the attention of the reader on the ethical and spiritual truth of the Apocalypse rather than on the real meaning of its symbolism (cf. Tenney 1985, 386). Such a view makes the Apocalypse to be an appealing literature of all time to the human history.

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Readers Predict the End Time of Humanity This view sees the Apocalypse as outlining in symbolic terms the entire course of history of the church from Pentecost to the advent of Christ, trying to match the events of Revelation with the unfolding events of the world history. The thinking here is that the Apocalypse is a calendar of events written in advance. This is a literal way of thinking, but it has failed in unanimity on what the individual symbols found in the book mean. Most of the twenty-first-century Bible scholars have discarded this view because it fails to accurately identify the different events in Revelation with the events in history. It was popular with the leading figures of the reformation, and they saw papal Rome as the Antichrist. Even if some scholars tried to identify some of the events, they never had an agreement about it. Africans may not be attracted to this way of reading because their future is eventful rather than chronological. The African time is ontologically rhythmic (Waweru 2011). The Future of Humanity The reading of the Apocalypse in terms of the future of humanity divides human history into different eras, in each God gives special grace to people, humankind fails to live up to God’s expectations, and God brings judgment upon them. The book is read literally. Christ will come back twice: first to take his saints to spare them from the great tribulation, and on the second coming, he will come to judge the world. There will also be a thousand-year peace where Christ will reign and the evil will be bound up. For these readers Babylon is literally a city on the Euphrates, and it will be rebuilt and probably gain a strong status before God destroys it. However, another view of future of humanity is that of balancing the act between the future and now. In a nutshell, it is the “already and not yet.” They think in terms of the kingdom of God that has already come with the coming of Christ and his work of salvation, but it has not been completely realized. The salvation of God’s people has been secured but it has not been fully consummated: that is going to happen in the future. The reading adopted in this commentary is a contrapuntal perspective,30 conversation takes place involving all voices in order to come up with a harmony from a common rhythm, whereby readers are free to listen to different views in order to come up with a counterpoint. The message was for the people of John’s time about events that happened or were about to happen. He wrote the Apocalypse to create utopia as an encouragement for the Christians who were suffering or were about to suffer persecution by the dominating colonial power of their day: the Roman Empire. But, as any other historical book of the Bible, it has important messages for us today. Today,

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the African Christians can learn valuable spiritual lessons which they can apply in their lives, even if seemingly their situation is very different from that of the first-century believers. The Apocalypse mixes elements of the Old Testament culture of prophecy, with an apocalyptic style, which is similar to the African prophetic culture. Such a mix allows Africans to be home with a genre that remains attractive to their course. The reading of the Apocalypse will be carried out from this perspective in this book. LIBERATIVE READINGS OF THE APOCALYPSE The Apocalypse of John has received much attention from both the global and African readers, further research in apocalyptic scholarship will test the depth of the impact that Apocalypse has made not only on the global stage but also upon Africa. Such a reading will point to the significant role the Apocalypse has played in the creation of new theological insights globally (Tenney 1985, 390). Unfortunately, such insights perhaps give the impression that the encounter between the Apocalypse and readers, particularly in Africa, is in one direction, from the Apocalypse to the readers. The Apocalypse in such a formulation becomes the subject, while the readers in Africa or elsewhere are the objects. However, the real key to the understanding of the Apocalypse is not in any way dependent on the many theories that have been employed, but rather on the structure of the book as it reveals Christ to the marginalized persons. The Apocalypse as subject appears to be static, containing a self-evident message which impacts on its readers, making one to wonder, what would happen if the apocalyptic readers are the subjects, while the Apocalypse becomes the object? It would then be that the formulation would be, more study in reading of the Apocalypse will test the depth of the impact the readers have made upon the Apocalypse: this is the African reality of iterative reading. The role readers have played in the interpretation of the Apocalypse, would demonstrate the fact that the Apocalypse is not the object and the readers are the actors. Putting these two arguments alongside each other, we can speak of the counterpoint between the Apocalypse and its readers as a result of contrapuntalism. Contrapuntalism would then mean that the process of reading the Apocalypse is not innocent. A more comprehensive account of contrapuntalism is necessary if we are to construct a true image of readers’ encounters with the Apocalypse. Such research is possible only when we trace the account of the transaction that constitutes the history of the encounters between the readers and the Apocalypse of John as Africans and Pentecostals in modern times, particularly after missionary work took roots in the continent.

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The majority of African readers of the Apocalypse have turned into Pentecostalism as a platform of engaging a conversation with this text as an eschatological scenario (Newsport 2000, 31). They use it to critique the traditional ways of interpreting the Bible, as they challenged the Catholics and Protestants who had introduced readings, which had seen the book of the Apocalypse as a description of the past of the Church. The African interpreters have used the image of Babylon to justify their arguments as they chronologically interpret the Apocalypse. They comfortably linked the Apocalypse images with the past, present, and future. Chronologically, the eschatological visions (Rev 6–22) grew out of the past (Rev 5) and got into new reality of life at the present (Rev 2–3). Equally, the Apocalypse of John has been read through decoding on one side and actualizing on the other side of the apocalyptic mysteries. Interest in this case is on the real meaning of the text in relation to the contemporary situations in life. The Franciscans are noted for their spirituality as they decoded Saint Francis as the angel holding the living seal of Rev 7:2. Then Hal Lindsey is observed decoding Rev 9 as an attack of ballistic missiles on the world cities (Kovacs and Rowland 2004). When actualizing the Apocalypse, the interpreters juxtapose it with their own circumstances, in order to allow the images to inform understanding of current happenings and events to guide for action (Dulaey 1986). Such an interpretation is in contrast with “decoding,” which preserves the integrity of the text by avoiding the use of the text to identify a particular historical personage or event. This means that the text can be actualized on different occasions for different purposes again and again. Example of such actualization is demonstrated well by Dante’s Divine Comedy and Bunyan’s pilgrim progress literary texts, which used the images of the Apocalypse as an allegory of the struggles of the individual soul, where the Apocalypse demonstrates progression from despair and darkness in life to the brilliance of the New Jerusalem (Waweru 2005). On the other side there is the appropriation of the text by the dreamers, who take the words of the Apocalypse to offer them an opportunity to dream again, similar dreams to John’s visions or new ones, such as Hildegard of Bingen where the text may reappear, or William Blake’s, where a less direct relationship to the text is observed (Kovacs and Rowland 2004). Conclusively the interpretations of the Apocalypse of John are differently offered depending on the interpreter’s viewpoint. Some will see the Apocalypse as a sequential text narrating the human history, while others understand the Apocalypse as repetitions common in the dream world. For the Africans, it is reading the Apocalypse contrapuntally.

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PROPOSED METHODOLOGICAL READING OF THE APOCALYPSE The readership advocated in this commentary, is contrapuntal in nature, no paradigm of reading is better than the other, but contexts make the difference in readings. There is a common reading enterprise among the African readers that although African contexts are different from each other, they are equally found to be similar in many areas, which makes it possible to have a common way of listening to each other in any given conversation. To the African biblical scholars, it is not the purity of a paradigm that matters but the dialogue taking place between our context and that of the apocalyptic community. For social engagement, African readers of the Apocalypse employ a listening style of reading (Rev 1:3), which allows them to loudly read and listen to the text alongside other texts. In African biblical scholarship, the role of the Apocalypse in the ethnic cleansing taking place in the continent, the corruption that has thrived among its postindependence leaders, the nepotism that has been watered in their democratic space, and the crazy amassing of wealth by individuals at the expense of the poor masses invites a contrapuntal conversation in the interpretation of the Apocalypse of John. NOTES 1. A historical loser of elections in Kenya for over twenty-five years, who is now currently conducting demonstrations after losing 2022 general elections that were conducted on August 7, 2023. 2. The Africans had already received the “text.” It was here to stay, and Africans must study it,;they were equally becoming apocalyptic. 3. H. M. Waweru, “The Bible in African Hands: a ‘Contrapuntal Perspective,’” African Theological Journal for Church and Society 3, no. 2 (2022): 1–19. 4. See Deryke Belshaw, Robert Calderisi, and Chris Sugden, “Introduction,” in Faith in Development (World Bank and Regnum Books International, 2001). 5. H. M. Waweru, “The Bible in African Hands: a ‘Contrapuntal Perspective,’” African Theological Journal for Church and Society 3, no. 2 (2022): 1–19. 6. See Gikandi Simonm, Reading Chinua Achebe: Language and Ideology in Fiction (London and Portsmouth, NH: James Currey; Heinemann, 1991). 7. See. Ngugi wa Thiong’o, The River Between (London: Heinemann, 1965). 8. See H. M. Waweru, “The Bible in African Hands: a ‘Contrapuntal Perspective,’” African Theological Journal for Church and Society 3, no. 2 (2022): 1–19. 9. See Jonathan Draper, “The Bible in African Literature: A ‘Contrapuntal Perspective,’” Bulletin for Contextual Theology in Southern Africa & Africa 4, no. 3 (September 1997): 1.

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10. Cf. Paulo Freire, Cultural Actions for Freedom (London: Penguin, 1972) and Franz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (London: Penguin, 1978). 11. The new triple religious heritage in Africa continues to construct a “self-validating” world, where colonial domination had appeared normative and permanent through the spread of the missionary gospel in Africa. Reading the Bible afresh becomes “a sociological current” in the Majority World. 12. During the political campaigns in 2022, a mythical story rose that there was a prophecy predicting the current situation of the Mountain People missing a presidential candidate, having been in leadership for the last sixty years since independence. The prophecy stated that a Kikuyu woman will come to reign through the death of a strong non-Kikuyu male leader and the woman will equally rule with an iron fist. 13. See H. M. Waweru, “African Theology in the 21st Century: Mapping Out Critical Priorities,” European Scientific Journal 14, no 8 (2018). 14. See H. M. Waweru, “A Critical Analysis of the Vision of the New Jerusalem in Revelation 21:9–22:5 in the Light of the Kikuyu Concept of Dreams and Visions,” PhD thesis, University of KwaZulu Natal (2005): 40–46. 15. For information, see R. H. Charles (1920, 1, xcv). 16. See Decock 2005, 58. He argues that in modernity interpretation of scripture became a predominantly “historical science” and its aim was to establish “objectively” what the text originally meant. 17. For more information, see Kümmel 1975, 467. 18. For a list and debate on these emperors, see Keener 2000, 37–40. 19. See Barr (2003, 1), who argues that the Apocalypse was written late in the first century at around 95 CE, a date commonly accepted by scholars, although a few argue for a date as early as 65 CE. 20. For more information, see Kiddle (1940, xxxix–xl), Wilson (1993, 590); and Ladd (1972, 8). 21. Also see Wilson (2005, 170–73), who argues that John’s list begins with Augustus, not Julius Caesar or Gaius. 22. See Thompson (1990) and J. C. Wilson (1993), who argue that there was no official or systematic persecution of Christians in Asia Minor during the reign of Domitian. 23. See Ruiz (2003, 45). He argues that it was the Roman officials who were killing Christians when provincials had brought charges, who were playing into the divine plan to hasten the return of the expected Christ and the New Jerusalem. 24. There is also no consensus on the Nero redivivus myth, a myth that reflected the belief that Nero would come to life again and lead an army of Parthians against Rome. Against the allusion of this myth for a late dating, see Wilson (2005, 167). Also see J. C. Wilson (1993, 597–604), who argues that there is no Nero redivivus myth in the Book of Revelation at all. Instead, he quite interestingly argues that Rev 13:3 is referring to the assassination of Julius Caesar and not to the death of Nero. He further suggests that we should translate “the first of the heads” instead of “one of the heads”; also see Guthrie (1990, 948–62) and Adu Rand (1991, 228–34) for this debate on date.

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25. See H. M. Waweru, “Postcolonial and Contrapuntal Reading of Revelation 22:1–5,” Churchman (2007): 23f. 26. See Craig S. Keener, IVP Bible Background Commentary: New Testament (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2000), 757. 27. See Ruiz (2003, 126–27). He argues that reckoning with the Revelation requires us to recognize the depth and the extent of Roman imperial influence on the cities of the seven churches in Asia Minor, a region first came under Roman control in 133 BCE and became the Roman province of Asia in 126 BCE. 28. From such an argument it is clear that the imperial cult existed in Asia Minor during the first century. The neokorate symbolized for these cities a kind of civic pride and devotion to their religious traditions. Perhaps more importantly, the imperial cult established a means by which these cities came to understand their relationship to the new Roman imperial power by representing it to themselves in forms longestablished for the gods. For more information, see Hemer 1986; Price 1984; and Barr 2003. 29. Decock during a session of discussions commented, “Maybe John was rejecting the symbolic universe constructed by the ideologies of the Empire, of which the divine position of the emperor was an important element.” This comment was to the point that John’s use of the beast and the woman was a way of explaining to his community that although they were weak, the beast would not be able to harm them. 30. See Waweru 2007b, 2020, 2022, where contrapuntalism has been discussed in several ways to enhance a counterpoint, when dealing with different orientations.

Chapter 1

In the Beginning (1:1–8)

The only way to understand John in the way he introduces his book as modern-day readers is to see him as a prophet, a seer, and a dreamer, like other prophets either before him or comparatively to the African seers. One agreeable thing is that John wrote an apocalyptic letter of prophecy to communities living in Asia Minor during the first century already known to him. We are not sure who founded the churches, but we are sure John knew the seven churches. THE PREFACE 1:1–8 John introduces the book in (1:1–3), a statement that confirms the origin of the book, and he explains that all those who will read it will be blessed. The book gets its title from 1:1–2; it is a revelation given to John. Many readers view this title as misleading, since the book contains the revelation of Jesus Christ rather than John’s revelation. The Greek word translated as “revelation” is apokalypsis, from which the word “apocalypse” is derived and the message unveiled. The use of the word here reflects both meanings. For him, revelation was particular kind of writing that was able to communicate the message intended: setting forth things previously hidden, describing both the process and the message revealed. The word has since come to designate the entire apocalyptic writings, beginning with the Book of Daniel, with which the Book of Revelation has close affinities. The Revelation was the revelation of Jesus Christ that came to John through Christ. Jesus was both the subject and the mediator of the revelation. The revelation was concerned with events that were to take place in the near future: what must soon take place. The “must” here translates the Greek dei, which implies necessity. Understood properly, this word prohibits an interpretation of the book in strictly futuristic terms. And I repeat, strictly the book does not require futuristic interpretations in all situations. Whatever John 39

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expected largely had to happen in the immediate future. Although Revelation has a contemporary message, its primary reference was to the immediate situation in which John’s community found itself. Scholars have proposed two basic views concerning what John believed would occur in the immediate future. The first view, held by the majority of modern scholars, is that John expected the end, the final crisis of history and the return of Jesus in victory. The second view, adopted in this book, is that the crisis expected by John was a severe persecution of the church in the province of Asia; John interpreted this approaching crisis in the light of the whole plan and purpose of God in human history. The revelation was intended for those who served the Lord (Greek: doulois, “bond-slaves”). The word doulos was used both by Paul and the John of Revelation to indicate the absolute sovereignty of the risen Christ over the life of the Christian. The message of Revelation was for the committed, not for the curious. The message was delivered by the Lord’s messenger (angel) to his servant John, who identified himself with his readers. Both he and they were servants of Jesus Christ. The words “made it known” translate the aorist tense of the verb semaino, which comes from the same root as the noun semeion, “sign.” The Authorized Version appropriately translates the verb signified. A modern translation would be “revealed it through signs.” John’s use of the verb in this context indicated his intention to make use of symbolic language in the presentation of his message, a characteristic common to other apocalyptic writers, Daniel 10 and Ezekiel 1 and 9, linking John with the Old Testament prophetic tradition. For Knight (1996), the calling of John is similar to the Ascension of Isaiah (6:10–12). This means that the vision of the “one like the son of man” is not a new concept introduced by John, making the prophecy and the Apocalypse closely related. 1:2 That the content of the revelation is intended by the phrase, “the word of God and the testimony of Jesus Christ” is indicated by the apposition clause “even all that he saw.” The revelation contained a message from God and the witnesses borne by Jesus. John bore witness to the revelation; that is, faithfully communicated the message he received from the risen Christ. The verb martureo (“bear witness”) and the noun martus are cognate words. Martus can be translated either to imply a witness or martyr. A martyr is one who has borne witness through his death. Although John was not a martyr, he had borne witness through deportation to exile and he was not bearing witness through his book. He viewed both himself and his readers as believers dedicated to the Risen Christ, even to the point of death.

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1:3 A blessing is pronounced on the faithful recipients of the revelation. The blessing is the first of seven beatitudes scattered throughout the book (1:3; 14:13; 16:15; 19:9; 20:6; 22:17, 14). The first beatitude is for the public reader—he who reads aloud the words of this prophecy and those who listen to the reading of the prophecy. A special blessing is reserved for those who obey the instructions contained in the prophecy—those who keep what is written therein, will be the saints in the New Jerusalem, hence they must keep the faith. In verse 1, the book is called an “apocalypse”; in verse 3 it is called a “prophecy.” It is therefore appropriate to regard Revelation as an “apocalyptic prophecy”; in verse 3, it is called a prophecy which made use of apocalyptic imagery. The fact that the book was intended for public reading in the churches indicates a conviction on the part of the writer that this was an authoritative book. The primary purpose of the prophecy was not a forecasting of the future, although prediction was a definite part of prophecy. The primary purpose of prophecy was to present the message of God to his people in the situation in which they found themselves. It demanded an obedient response to that message. God’s message always demands such a response. John’s message from the risen Christ to the seven churches in Asia Minor as they faced prophecy that grew out of the shortness of time. The time is near and the promises are soon going to be fulfilled. EPISTOLARY INTRODUCTION 1:4–8 This section is not strictly an epistle, but it is being sent out to readers; hence, the introduction in 1:4–8, which serves a twofold purpose: it identifies the recipients of the book and serves as a general introduction to the letters in chapters 2 and 3. The author of the book was so well-known to the churches in Asia that he needed no further identification than saying he was John (Rev 1:1–2). It is common even in Africa to identify a well-known figure using one name, for example, Kenyatta, Moi, Mandela, Nyerere, and so on. So it is not unique for the Apocalypse to do so. John cast his “apocalyptic prophecy” in the form of a letter addressed to the seven churches located on the western extremity of Asia Minor. In accordance with the custom of the day, the salutation contained a blessing upon the recipients. The blessing found here (or some variation of it) was common in the salutations of New Testament letters, particularly those of Paul. The standard greeting in the salutations of Hellenistic letters in the first century was Chaire! “Hail!” The word grace (charis)

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probably developed from the infinitive form, charein. In the New Testament, charis denotes the undeserved favor of God toward his people, mediated through Jesus Christ. Peace (Hebrew, shalom) was the customary greeting of the Jews. The salutations demonstrate the concept within the New Testament as a message for gentiles who were undeserving of grace and also to the Jews who were rightfully the children of inheritance. The grace and peace are from the Father, the Holy Spirit, and Jesus Christ. The description of God the Father as he “who is and who was and who is to come” is a clear use of the Septuagint translation of Exodus 3:14, where the name of God is translated “I am who I am.” This borrowing stresses God’s eternal purpose and his involvement in the ongoing process of history. There is some uncertainty concerning the meaning of the seven spirits who are before his throne. This phrase was probably as a result of a design of thought that makes the Apocalypse more than a haphazard accumulation of weird symbols (Tenney 1985). But John might not be thinking of the archangels, since the number seven meant divine perfection and completeness. The positioning of the phrase between the description of God the Father and the name Jesus Christ indicates that the writer intended the words as a symbolic description of the Holy Spirit, stressing here the fullness of his power and activity. The name Jesus Christ completes the triad. What is given here appears to be traditional Trinitarian formula expressed in symbolic language. Probably the name Jesus Christ is placed last in the triad because the writer may have wanted to comment on the name as well as emphasize the great power contained in the name, for there is no other name above it. 1:5 Jesus is said to be the faithful witness and the firstborn of the dead, he is the ruler of kings on earth. The three attributes of Christ are brought forward to express their importance to the first readers. Jesus Christ in whom John and the readers believed is the faithful witness who gave a true revelation about God (cf. 14:6) and he was that truth, the firstborn of the dead, whose resurrection was the beginning of eternal life for all the faithful people (cf. 1 Cor. 15). In the context of the Semitic custom of giving the place of preeminence to the firstborn, these words emphasize his exaltation to a position of sovereignty: and was the ruler of the kings of the earth, who was in control of them no matter how powerful they might be. The message to the believers in Asia would be clear; in spite of all appearances to the contrary, ultimate sovereignty belonged to the risen Christ, not to Domitian or any other emperor, in other words, Christ was in control. What was true in John’s day remains true today. The modern believer can rest assured that, in spite of all

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appearances to the contrary, God in Christ remains in ultimate control of the historical process. 1:5b–6 This gives us the first of the five doxologies to Christ contained in the book (4:9, 11; 5:13; 7:12). Praise (glory and dominion) is given to the one who loves us. The present participle, agaponti affirms the abiding nature of Christ’s love. Such love could only be expressed through the death of Jesus, by which the believers have been freed from the bondage to sin. They have been made into a new people, a holy community composed of kings and priest to represent the human race before God (cf. Exodus 19:6). Believers who share the sufferings of Christ share also his sovereignty. In addition, they form a priesthood of believers. A priest is one who speaks to God on woman’s behalf and who delivers the message of God to man. In Christ, the believer has direct access to God, without going through a mediator. At the same time, the believer has the responsibility of sharing the word of God with the world. 1:7 The coming of Christ with the clouds invokes an Old Testament symbolism of the presence of God (Dan 7:13–14). This coming with the clouds should customarily be taken to be referring to the final coming of Christ (parousia of Christ), and the parousia expectation—which embodies the concept of the ultimate victory of the Son of man—may form a background to this text. The dominant theme, however, is the victory of Christ. This was the emphasis in Revelation 1:7. John was by no means preoccupied with the idea of the parousia but the manifestation of God. The Christ who comes at the end of the age is the risen Lord who comes continually to those who receive him by faith (3:20). The description of Christ coming in 1:7 is symbolic of his victory. While the ultimate expression of that victory will be in the parousia, the New Testament descriptions of his resurrection and exaltation are also expressions of his victory—a victory realized through suffering. The victory of Christ is a judgment on all those who were responsible for his death—all those “who pierced him”—not merely the Roman soldiers who crucified him. This expression is derived from Zechariah 12:10–12, where God had assured his people that he “will pour out a spirit of compassion” on the house of David and to all the people of Jerusalem, so that those who pierced him will reflect back and mourn for him as one mourns for an only child. For Zechariah, Israel would repent. But John talks of “all the tribes of the earth.” Whether the mourning (wailing) is mere remorse over the prospect of judgment or is representative of an actual repentance is unclear. In the light

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of overall emphasis in Revelation, however, the latter is a real possibility (cf. G. B. Caird 1984, 52–53; Beasley-Murray 1978, 58–59). THE CONCLUSIVE MESSAGE The prologue concludes with an affirmation of the eternal sovereignty of God. 1:8 The alpha and the omega. These are the first and last letters of the Greek alphabet. Thus, the assertion, “I am the alpha and the omega,” is the equivalent of “I am who was and who is to come,” which simply means the beginning and the end. Almighty (Pantokrator) is one of the Septuagint translations of Yahweh Lord of Hosts. Here, the power of God is expressed in practical terms. While there are several similar voices between the Old Testament and the Apocalypse of John, there are also many striking voices between the present phenomenological sociopolitical and cultural transactions with the Apocalypse which makes contrapuntal readings of the text heuristically valuable. For Mbiti (1997, 513), Africans apply their traditions and biblical dream cultures side by side, even hand in hand as the case may dictate, or parallel to each other, sometimes interchangeably, finding a balance within divergences and converges. Hence the Africans reading this prologue get the counterpoint within their own teachings and practices; they are able to identify their own voices within the transaction being encountered.

Chapter 2

Christ in the Living Church (1:9–3:22)

John introduces his first vision by calling the attention of his readers informing them of his whereabouts in Revelation 1:9. “I John was on the island called Patmos.” This is a prophet on a mission (on account of), his preaching of the gospel and though far from his people, he was still in fellowship with them. Here John begins the main body of his message to the believers in Asia, which may be viewed as a one-act drama consisting of seven scenes. In the first scene (1:9–3:22), John is commissioned to write a vision of the risen Christ visiting his churches, in form of letters addressed to all the seven churches in Asia Minor. Although a number of scholars would view this whole section as introductory, there are strong indications that John intended this section to be the first major division of his book. The entire section forms an integrated whole, since the risen Christ who gives John his commission to write also sends the letters to the churches (chapters 2 and 3), and these letters appear to form an integral part of the book as a whole. However, this section of the Apocalypse is the clearest of all. The writer has been exiled in defense of his own community. He is a brother to them, one being used by Christ to deliver the message of hope and encouragement to them as someone sharing their afflictions. This is similar to what was happening in Africa during the struggle for independence: many African liberators found themselves in detention camps very similar to the Island of Patmos. In fact, Kenya had Jomo Kenyatta, who was exiled to Kapenguria (a remote village in the northern part of country) for six years, while Nelson Mandela was in Robben Island for twenty-seven years. Hence, Africans find themselves at home with apocalyptic literature. The counterpoint from the two scenarios allows the Africans to be encouraged in overcoming the growing hostility and as a warning to the careless collaborators and negligent Africans who are being tempted to lapse into essay conformity with neocolonialism and corruption. For Hellholm (1989, 27), the Apocalypse underscores God’s provision 45

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of confidence and victory to the faithful followers of Christ. So the African readers of the Apocalypse hear a familiar voice in the current happenings of the twenty-first century. THE CALL OF THE WRITER (1:9–11) It was in the Jewish tradition for a prophet to give an account of his calling, and in line with this practice, John gave an account of his prophetic commission. John, in describing this commission, identified himself with his readers, reminding them that he was one of them—their “brother.” The one through whom the risen Christ delivered his message of encouragement and hope to the persecuted believers in Asia. He adds he was the one who shared their affliction. John says that he is a partaker of “the tribulations and the kingdom and the patient endurance.” Translated, tribulation is thlipsis, which conveys the basic idea of “severe affliction” or “distress.” Hupomone, the word translated to “patient endurance,” contains the basic idea of steadfastness. A possible translation of verse 9a then is: I am John, your brother, who shares all the troubles, afflictions as well as the Kingdom and steadfast endurance with you in Jesus. The language used here is in line with other New Testament phrases such as the Pauline phrase: in Christ’s affliction and tribulations. Those who partake in this affliction, which is a sign of being one with Christ in the spirit of patient endurance, will also share with him the sovereign kingdom. John was on the island called Patmos when he received his revelation. Patmos was a tiny rocky island in the Aegean Sea off the coast of Asia, about sixty kilometers southwest of Miletus. The Romans used this island as a place of banishment for those who were considered dangerous to the community. John was there for “the word of God and the testimony of Jesus.” This may mean that John had gone there to preach the gospel, but it is more likely that he had been exiled because of his bold and faithful proclamation of the word of God. More likely it was his insistence that Jesus alone was “Lord,” in disobedience of the edict to confess that “Caesar is Lord,” that may have caused him the banishment. The word Lord (Kurios) possessed definite religious overtone, since it was used to refer to the God of Christians and Jews as well as of the many gods of the Romans; to say “Caesar is Lord,” therefore, was to attribute deity to the emperor. 1:10 Here John declares that he was in the Spirit on the Lord’s Day, meaning he received his vision on the Lord’s Day (kuriake hemera) while he was dreaming.1 This expression of the Lord’s Day occurs only in this passage in the

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whole of the New Testament, and it is the clearest indication of Sunday as the weekly day of Christian worship. Christians had adopted the first day of the week as their day of worship—Sunday. in commemoration of the resurrection of Jesus on that day. The tradition has it that in Asia and in Egypt, the first day of the month was called Sebaste. This was the emperor’s day called “Caesar’s day” (literally, “Augustus” day); and Christians called it Sunday, the Lord’s Day, in reaction. It was fitting that John should receive his vision on that day set apart by believers for the worship of their lord. The words “in the Spirit” occur elsewhere in Revelation (4:1; 17:3; and 21:10). In each case, the words indicate a trance-like state in which John was particularly open to the influence of the Spirit and thus capable of seeing dreams/visions. There appears to be no reason for denying the dream character of the revelation received by John. Many students have, in speaking to me concerning their “call” to the ministry, described their call experiences in terms of “visions” or “dreams.” The people of the Near East are also very apt to have visionary experiences. Some people naturally “see” visions. John may have been in a trance of a kind. On the other hand, to insist that John literally saw everything he recorded in Revelation is to create many problems of interpretation, as can be seen clearly in 1:12–20. John chose apocalyptic imagery as the means by which to transmit his message of encouragement and hope which he had received through his dream experiences from the Holy Spirit. 1:11 Christ spoke to the author of the Apocalypse directly with a loud voice like a trumpet. The voice later identified as the voice of the risen Christ, commanded John to record his dream in a book to be read by the Christians and send it to the seven churches. The churches were Ephesus on the coast near present-day Kusidasi, which was one of the largest cities in the world; Smyrna, present-day Izmir, which was a great port; Pergamum, now called Bergama, which was a great religious and cultural center; Thyatira, presently known as Akhisar, a well-known city for the manufacture and dyeing of cloth; and Sardis, a great city of the Lydian Kingdom. The book was equally to be read in Philadelphia, presently known as Alesehir, which was a prosperous town, and Laodicea, now a splendid ruin. When the Apocalypse was written, there were more churches than these in Asia, and the number seven has the symbolic significance of completeness. Thus, the prophecy was almost certainly intended for all the churches in the province of Asia. At the same time, the message would be for the churches throughout the world, and the message remains valid for the church of today, particularly in the African setting where conflict, oppression, and suffering are rampant. The reason these particular churches were mentioned was representative. For ordinary

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interpreters of the Apocalypse in Africa, they are less constrained than their scholarly compatriots in the strategies they use to appropriate the Apocalypse, because their strategies reflect a hermeneutic characterized by looseness, even playfulness, vis-à-vis the Apocalypse itself (cf. West 2001). THE TRIUMPHANT CHRIST (1:12–20) Turning in the direction from which the sound of the voice came, John saw “seven golden lamp stands” which are identified in 1:20 as the “seven churches,” The lamp stands symbolized the churches as spiritual lighthouses (cf. Matthew 5:14–16). In the midst of the lamp stands, meaning in the midst of the churches, stood the risen Christ, described as “one like a son of man” (cf. 1:7), which simply means a human being. Here, John simply means that he saw not an angel but a human figure. The victorious, exalted Christ is in the midst of his Church in the midst of its afflictions. The “long robe” and “golden girdle” that were traditionally part of the high priest’s dress (Ex 28:4) are symbolic of dignity and majesty. 1:14–16 Reading these verses leaves us with no unanimity concerning the precise significance of the various symbols used in the seven fold description of the risen Christ offered in them (14–16), these symbols are only suggestive. What is clear is that the description is to be viewed as one whole and that it was intended to indicate the exalted position and dignity of the risen Christ. The “white hair” (cf. Daniel 9:7) indicates wisdom, and “the eyes . . . like a flame of fire” indicate the penetrating nature of Christ’s judgment. The voice “like the sound of many waters” is the voice of God, indicating the divine authority of the words of the risen Christ and “the sharp, two-edged sword” is a reminder that the word of Christ is a word of judgment. Such signifies the element of the word in establishing the Church. The feet “like burnished bronze” indicates strength, and his face, “like the sun shining in full strength” symbolize the glory of God revealed in Christ. The “seven stars” in his right hand are “the angels of the seven churches” (1:20) and they indicate his control over the destiny of the churches. We can state with certainty that John did not actually see the risen Christ as he is portrayed in this passage. The kind of a being described here would be monstrous; and having seen such a being would produce a sense of terror rather than a feeling of assurance. The important thing here is that John has in a symbolic language described the dignity and power of the risen Christ with his churches. A contextual reading which is a principle of interpretation

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affirms that symbolic language must be interpreted symbolically and needs to be applied in every passage in Revelation containing such language. 1:17–18 “Fear not” is a common phrase in the Bible. The author may have had an experience of the usage of such a language. The vision of the risen Christ overwhelmed the author so much that he fell at his feet as though he was dead, and in the midst of his consternation he received assurance from the risen Christ. The words of assurance that Christ is the first and the last, the Living One, shows that it is God speaking; hence, the identification of the risen Christ with the Father (cf. 1:8) is a full claim to deity. The first person singular “I died” indicates Jesus, who through his death and resurrection has gained the victory over humanity’s ultimate enemy—death. Christ is in charge; he holds the Key of Death and Hades. In the Greek myths, Hades is the god of the dead, and this name is also a common reference to the underworld. In the Old Testament, it stands for Sheol, the realm of the departed dead who were dead and not immortal spirits. The New Testament has changed this real meaning of Hades to some extent, but we shall never comprehend the New Testament meaning of resurrection unless we accept that the dead are dead. Therefore, the phrase may be translated: “I have the keys of death and the grave.” The statement is an assurance that the risen Christ has rendered death meaningless. 1:19 In this verse a reaffirmation of John’s commission to record the contents of his vision is given. It includes “what is” as present and “what is to take place hereafter” as the future. Here, we have John’s way of portraying a continual movement between past, present, and future throughout the Apocalypse. In Revelation, as well as in all other prophecies, the future gains its meaning by being interpreted in reference to the present. 1:20 Here, John was told that the seven golden lamp stands are the seven churches. These are not heavenly counterparts of the churches but the real ones on earth which are harassed by the enemies and exposed to threats of persecution. And the seven stars are the angels of the seven churches in the hands of the risen Christ with power over the world. The angels here are understood as the heavenly beings characteristic of apocalyptic literature.

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However, the angel appears to be some kind of guardian angels. But the word angel (angels) means “messenger”; this has led some commentators to view the angels as symbolic of the pastors or bishops of the churches. Nevertheless, while the seven letters are addressed to the angels of the seven churches, the Christians are continually portrayed as the key recipients of the messages contained in the letters. It is possible, therefore, to identify the angels with the churches themselves, and to interpret them as the heavenly counterparts of the earthly churches. In such a contextual view, the angels must then symbolize the spiritual nature of the churches, seen in the light of their being “in Jesus.” Although the Christians of Asia Minor are in the world, they are not of the world. They have their right position in Christ’s right hand, which shows that they are under his protection and control. PRESENCE OF CHRIST IN THE SEVEN CHURCHES (2:1–3:22) The letters to the seven churches appear to be too brief to have existed as separate letters sent by John to the seven churches in chapters 2 and 3. However, they form an integral part of the message of the book as a whole and they must have been specifically composed for inclusion in the Apocalypse. Therefore, it appears that the letters contain actual messages addressed to the churches and that they are not mere literary devices. The Apocalypse was addressed to a specific situation in which the churches of Asia found themselves at the end of the first Christian century. They further reflect specific themes useful for moral exhortation and serve as guides for the spiritual life as to what we know of the actual situations in the cities in which these churches were located. These themes are so explicit that they appear to indicate that the writer had specific congregations in mind. The seven churches were in a circular postal route, beginning with Ephesus and ending with Laodicea. Equally, they may have been chosen because they were centers of missionary activity and not necessarily as the only churches in Asia Minor. However, the most plausible argument is that John had some special relationship, probably as an elder or overseer to these churches. Therefore, he had seen the conditions reflected in them and the circumstances typical of the churches in Asia during the critical time in which he was writing. Like many other letters of our modern times, the seven conforms to a standard pattern, consisting of an address that incorporates a description of the risen Christ, a commendation to the members and sometimes a reprimand, an exhortation to them and also a promise. Nonetheless, not every letter contains each one of these various elements. For instance, letters to Smyrna

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and Philadelphia contain no reprimand, and the letters to Sardis and Laodicea contain no commendation. THE SERMON TO EPHESUS (2:1–7) The first of the seven letters was addressed to the angel of the church in Ephesus. In the Apocalypse, angels are supernatural beings who are guardians or representatives of the churches (Kovacs and Rowland 2004, 53). Each of the seven letters was addressed to “the angel” of the church who is an intermediate between heavenly and the earthly community. According to (Hemer 1986), Ephesus was a city in Asia Minor situated thirty miles south of Smyrna and was well-known for its business enterprises. The church in this city had already suffered more than its share of persecution from without and division from within. Those who will overcome the suffering are promised the right to eat from the tree of life in the paradise of God (2:7) and to be fulfilled in 22:14, 19. Ephesus was more powerful politically than Pergamum and more favored than Smyrna for the imperial cult (Van Daalen 1986). So it was no mistake that it was addressed first in the seven letters to the churches in Asia Minor, although its geographical position could also be a factor. This city is known to have hosted a new cult of the emperors that saw the temple of Sebastoi being built in the year 89/90 CE (Ruiz 2003, 126). According to Kraybill (1996, 27), the city had even honored Domitian at the Olympic Games just shortly before the Apocalypse was put together. The Christians of this city are said to have lacked the first love that was required of them. According to Hemer (1986, 36), Ephesus reached the height of its wealth and influence in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. The Jews possessed the citizenship in Ephesus, which resulted in the racial bitterness that persisted in the city (Hemer 1986, 55). Christians found that life in this city made John’s extreme alternative position difficult to cope with. Keener (2000, 107) says that this church required an overcoming or a conquering (2:1–7) that was more than the vigilance of theological watchwomen and men; they needed the internal unity of love and their promise was that they would finally enter the city through the gates (22:14). 2:1 Here in this letter, Christ introduces himself as the one who holds the seven stars in his right hand and walks among the seven golden lamp stands. Even if Christ is in heaven, his presence within his churches through the Holy Spirit is imminent and he holds them securely in his hands.

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2:2 At first, Christ praises this church with the words I know. This verb (Greek, oida) is applied to each of the seven letters and reflects an intimate knowledge. Because he is in the midst of his churches, the risen Christ is intimately acquainted with what is going on in the church: I know your works. The believers in Ephesus are known for their toil in maintaining the faith and their steadfastness in the midst of trials and afflictions. The word toil (koplon) had the ordinary simple meaning of a beating, but it had the derived meaning of “excessive labor.” The believers in Ephesus were also commended for their insight, they had examined the wicked men, who called themselves apostles but are not, and they were further identified as false teachers and had rejected their teachings. Paul had in another occasion warned the Ephesians’ leaders about such false teachers (Acts 20:28–31). The word translated to false in the Revised Standard Version is, literally, liar. Such false teachers were not just mistaken; they were deliberately attempting to lead the congregation astray. Many people use the words “disciple” and “apostle” carelessly as if they mean the same thing, but a disciple is a close follower of Christ, and hence could refer to every Christian, while an apostle is someone with a special task. It is reserved for the overseer of the Church. 2:3 In the midst of the trouble they have not grown weary because of the false teachers in their midst, they had remained true to their Lord. Such a commendation from Christ would have made them proud of themselves, for even in the midst of trouble, they had endured patiently. 2:4 However, they had no reason to be proud since they had abandoned the first love. Warm surf of love had characterized the Ephesians’ church in its earlier days (cf. Acts 20:36–38). In their great zeal to defend the church against evil and false doctrine, the members of the church had become harsh and hard in the way they dealt with others. There is always a danger in this. That is, putting emphasis on sound doctrine, it is all too easy to lose that attribute which is most characteristic of the Christian faith, without which everything else becomes meaningless (1 Corinthians 13). The African church faces a similar threat today. African Christians feel the responsibility to influence the abolition of social and ethnic injustice. In the process, it is all too easy to become harsh and hard in dealing with

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those responsible for such injustice. In trying to have a Christian influence, it is sometimes difficult to be “Christian like”; it is easy to “abandon our first love.” 2:5 Since the love had grown cold, the church was exhorted to remember the height from which it had fallen. The members of the church were to remember those early days when their fellowship of love had characterized their filling of the Holy Spirit. They were to repent and do the things characteristic of the first love. It is not just enough to acknowledge that we have forsaken our original love, we must start afresh, because failure to do so would result in judgment, for Christ would come to remove his lamp stand from its place (this obviously is a temporary judgment and not an eschatological exhortation to be prepared for the final judgment at the end of the age). The loss of the first love threatened the destruction of their testimony to the world, or perhaps even the destruction of the church itself, since it could only die if it lacked love. Hence, a loveless community church is either dead or is dying. 2:6 The Nicolaitans were a sect of people who pretended to be true witnesses but are the wicked men and women alluded to in verse 3 and 15. Not much is known about the Nicolaitans beyond what is recorded in the Apocalypse. The attempt to connect them with Nicolas of Antioch mentioned in Acts 6:5 does not appear to have much support from scholars. A similarity between their teaching and the teaching of the Balaamites in Pergamum (2:14–16) and the followers of “Jezebel,” the false prophetess in Thyatira (2:20–21), appears real. All were following immoral practices by saying that what we do in the body does not affect the spirit and therefore does not matter. 2:7 The exhortation by the Spirit closes with an admonition that is recurrent throughout the letters: He that has an ear, let him hear what the spirit says to the churches. The term Spirit is representative of the risen Christ as he addresses his churches. The words translated to him who conquers (to nikonti) probably should be translated to the Conqueror, the particular participle having a substantial force. To those who shall conquer the Spirit, a promise of life is given. The letter says, “I will grant to eat of the tree of life which is in the paradise of God.” This promise takes us back to the mythical story of the creation and the fall of man. That which has been lost through man’s

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disobedience will be restored through faith in Christ. Those who conquer are clearly identified as the reader progresses through the letters. These are those who will remain victorious over evil through their faithfulness to Christ. Though the letter is addressed to the church in Ephesus, it is also relevant to the church today. If we overcome the grand corruption, nepotism, and tribalism in Africa, we shall receive the right to eat from the tree of life, which is in the paradise of God, and having eaten from it, we shall receive eternal life. SERMON TO THE CHURCH IN SMYRNA (2:8–11) Smyrna is the city of Izmir in present-day Turkey. Within Christian circles, this name is usually linked with the name of Polycarp, and was only thirty miles north of Ephesus. Smyrna, as Ford (1975, 394) puts it, was founded in 1200 BCE, destroyed in the sixth century BCE, and rebuilt by King Lysimachus, following a plan previously made by Alexander the Great in 300 BCE. The city was located at the terminus of the trade route that went east to the hinterland, and this made it not only proud of its riches and splendor but also an important worship center with an imperial temple dated 45 CE. Hemer (1986, 67) argues that the letter to Smyrna is the least Jewish of the seven despite the presence of a considerable Jewish community in the city. He further argues that Smyrna was an important center of the imperial cult (1986, 69). Looking at Revelation 2:8, we realize that Smyrna only receives praise and support from the writer of the letters. He says, be faithful unto death, and I will give you the crown of life. This promise is fulfilled in 20:6; 21:4. For a long period of time Smyrna was one the most important cities in Asia Minor (Hemer 1986, 57). This as well as its location may have made it number two in the reading circuit of the churches. As long as Christians remained within Judaism, they were safe in Smyrna, and only when the synagogue leaders distanced themselves from Christians would the church suffer. According to Keener (2000, 115), at the beginning of the second century, some Jewish people betrayed Polycarp to the Romans as a disciple of the apostle John and the bishop of Smyrna, leading to his execution. John’s critique was, therefore, directed more to the enemies of the Christian Church in this city than to the Christians themselves. In this letter, John has portrayed an effective artistic arrangement of constant contrasting of extremes: “first and last; became dead but came to life; poverty but in abundance; say they are Jews but are not; unto death and crown of life” (Ford 1975, 394). This is common throughout the Apocalypse and climaxed at the vision of the bride as a New Jerusalem as a counter discourse to the vision of the whore as Babylon.

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Like Ephesus, it was a prosperous city. It was a strong center of the emperor cult, the temples to Tiberius and Roma (the personification of the city of Rome) were located here. The church in Smyrna has remained a strong center of Christian witness to the present day. In the first century, there was a large Jewish community in Smyrna which apparently opposed the Christian community. A resurrected Christ is brought upfront by a language taken from 1:17–18; the first and the last, who died and came to life. Here, Christ’s victory realized through resurrection and his sovereign control of history is announced. These words are quite reassuring to those facing a real possibility of persecution and even of martyrdom then and now. 2:9 Smyrna like the church of Philadelphia received no reprimand from the Christ of the Apocalypse. The Christians in Smyrna had faced oppression, persecution (apparently of a very serious nature), poverty (ptocheia) and slander. The word ptocheia describes a condition of extreme destitution. The poverty may have been exaggerated by the imperial policy of confiscating the possessions of Christians. Although their poverty was extreme, Christ has called them rich. Once they were in Christ, their poverty is no more because their wealth was found in the richness of their spiritual life in Christ. The slander (blasphemy) originated from the Jews. John accused them of being counterfeit Jews; he even called them a synagogue of Satan. John was convinced that his attacks were directed against the fulfillment of Judaism in the church. Calling them “a synagogue of Satan” was typically using a word descriptive of the congregation of the faithful to epitomize the real embodiment of evil among Jewish leaders opposed to Christianity. 2:10 In this church more troubled waters were ahead for the devil is about to throw some of you into prison. In modern times, prison is associated with punishment, while in the ancient world, prison was a remand place for one awaiting trial, not a place of punishment. For the Christians in Smyrna, remand might well mean the reality of dying for their faith. The troubled waters were to last “ten days” (symbolic of an indefinite but limited time of severe persecution that was soon to come upon the church in Smyrna). Those who remained firm and endured persecution in those ten days, even if it was martyrdom, would receive “the crown of life,” that is, the eternal life (cf. Mk 13:13; 1 Cor 9:25; 1 Pt 5:4). Our enemies might take our physical lives, but they cannot separate us from eternal life of God.

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2:11 The second death mentioned here refers to eternal death as the final punishment for all evildoers. In Revelation 20:14, it is termed as the lake of fire, and in 21:8, it is called the fiery lake of burning sulfur. However, the Conqueror, the faithful servant even to death would not experience such a death, because such is separation from God and is therefore the very antithesis of life. The verse ultimately refers to the death penalty at the last judgment. People must learn and understand all is not finished; we shall pay for our deeds whether in this life or later. SERMON TO PERGAMUM (2:12–17) Pergamum was another city, which was about forty miles north of Smyrna, and was the center of Roman administration. The presence of a Roman administrative center means that the cult of the emperor with a temple dated 29 CE played a significant role in the religio-cultural life of the society2 in Pergamum. Being a first center of emperor cult, this is where Satan’s throne was situated. The angel as a servant of God was the one holding a double-edged sword, an instrument of destruction and punishment from the Old Testament’s background. Reading the passage about this church in 2:12–17, we are struck by the boldness of the Christians of this city in the face of grave persecution, that even led to the killing of a certain Antipas.3 The case of Antipas mirrored the real situation that the believers were facing. The church is promised a new name written (2:17), similar to 19:12; 22:4. Nevertheless, within the community there were some shortcomings, since they were blamed for compromising and syncretism. They were holding the teaching of Balaam, who taught Balak to put a stumbling block before the children of Israel, eating food sacrificed to idols, and committing fornication. John hates this kind of compromise and he tells them they must repent in order to enter the New Jerusalem. Already the twin temples to Augustus and Roma were located here, as well as temples of Zeus, Athena, Dionysius, and Asclepius. There was also a medical college for the priests, which served sufferers from all over the Mediterranean world. No wonder then that the risen Lord is announced as the one who has the sharp, two-edged sword (cf. 1:16). Christ’s sword is significant, denoting the Lord as the administrator of divine justice. The symbol of the authority of the proconsul of Asia was a sword, but Christ’s authority was greater than that of the proconsul. He has final authority over both death and life. He does not only put people to eternal death but also has power to give eternal life.

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2:13 Pergamum as the capital city formed the center of the Roman’s authority; therefore, it was Satan’s throne, that is, it was the seat of the emperor. For John, the emperor cult was representative of Satan, making Pergamum the very center of idolatry in Asia. Although the believers had remained faithful, even after one of their own, Antipas, had suffered a martyr’s death, they had a difficult time maintaining their faith in such an environment. Here, we may not be able to tell whether the death of Antipas resulted from a judicial decision or from a mob action. No matter the case, the indications are that his death resulted from his faithfulness to the word of God and his refusal to participate in the worship of the emperor cult. Although John singled out Antipas, he was convinced that all members of the church faced the threat of martyrdom. 2:14–15 The Christians in Pergamum had been faithful to Christ even in the midst of adversity; however, they had tolerated those who were introducing sub-Christian doctrines within their circles. John rebukes the church for being lax toward the Balaamites. It appears here that the teaching of the Balaamites in Pergamum is similar to that of the Nicolaitans in Ephesus. Balaam is the one who had enabled Balak to lead the children of Israel into idol worship and fornication (Numbers 22–25). Similarly, the Balaamites in Pergamum led the Christians to feast on food sacrificed to idols and to participate in immorality. Probably this refers to accidental eating of what had been sacrificed in the pagan temples and perhaps later sold in the market (compare 1 Corinthians 8). Most likely in the contemporary context, the reference John is making might have been that of eating meat during religious rites within the pagan temples. The evil of Israel referred to in Numbers 25 apparently was some kind of syncretistic worship, which now may have recurred in this present passage. In such a case, “immorality” (literally, fornication) might be the metaphor for unfaithfulness to God. At the same time, a reference to traditional activities often associated with pagan worship may not be ruled out. In either case, the Christians in Pergamum had allowed within their circles those who were participating in some form of traditional worship (in case of the African context, it may refer to ancestor worship). 2:16 The entire membership of the church in Pergamum was exhorted to repent— those who held the doctrines of the Nicolaitans and those who tolerated

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them. Failure to repent would bring judgment: it is noted, if not, I will come to you soon and make war against them with the sword of my mouth. While the warning was for the entire church, the threat of judgment was directed primarily against the offending Nicolaitans. The present tense of the verb emphasizes the imminence of the judgment while the temporal judgment is indicated by the conditional nature of the warning (e.g., Ephesians 2:6). The sword of my mouth is the word of judgment that God speaks through the risen Christ. The Church in Africa is not immune from the danger of involvement in some form of syncretistic worship and must guard against such involvement. The attempt to contextualize the Christian faith can, unless care is taken, result in some kind of accommodation, and such accommodation often leads to some form of syncretism. A Kikuyu elder recently gave testimony that he had seen a certain indigenous church offering sacrifice the same way it is offered in a traditional way. While this may be an extreme example, it does illustrate the danger of secularization. There is always a tendency toward syncretistic worship for those coming into the Christian community from non-Christian faiths. Any such syncretism, mild or severe, may result in worship similar to Balaam’s day or John’s day. Syncretistic worship is completely unacceptable; this because it stands in contradiction to the absolute Lordship of the risen Christ. While contextualization is a necessity, the church must guard against syncretism in any form. 2:17 The Conqueror is simply the one who was faithful to Christ in spite of the temptation to fall into error of the Nicolaitans. One who was promised a share in the “hidden manna.” Some Jews believed that when the messiah comes, manna would once again fall from heaven. Here food “sacrificed to idols” is contrasted with the food from above. One has to be faithful to Christ and refuse to partake of the “food sacrificed to idols,” the conqueror was assured a place at the messianic banquet. Eating food sacrificed to idols defiled the Christians. Today, the rejuvenation of the African cultural practices is the major defiling factor that Christians must avoid. The Conqueror would also receive a white stone with a new name written on it. The significance of this is not clear. In the African culture, world stones collected from the river bottoms were given for a variety of reasons. Some items with different colors were often used to ward off demons. At festivals, sticks were used to indicate victory. Possibly something of the kind is intended here. The white stones given to the Conqueror were a sign of God’s power in one’s life, victory over sin and a ticket of admission to the messianic banquet. The new name may indicate the newness of life experienced by the

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believer, or it might be the name of Christ, indicating the power of the risen Christ in the lives of believers. The second interpretation provides the closest link with the African context, whereby getting a new name is common. Your character will quickly earn you a new name in our African culture. Reading the Bible in Africa is both contextual and event specific. SERMON TO THYATIRA (2:18–29) Thyatira was an industrial city most famous for its fabrics and dyes (Act 16:14). It was located about forty miles southeast of Pergamum (Knight 1999, 48). According to Hemer (1986, 107), the city’s most obvious peculiarity was its unusually large number of influential trade guilds. The letter is addressed to a growing church in a growing city (2:19). Although this church is commended for being rich in virtues, it is perhaps found as the least important of the cities addressed but it also receives the longest letter (2:18–29). It is a community that is deeply rooted in God and in belief that God has acted definitively in Christ Jesus, for his death, resurrection, and the ultimate return are central to this community’s existence. However, they are also accused of improper compromise to the seductions of Jezebel. It seems that their entry into the New Jerusalem was obvious, and they required no promise. Thyatira had no temple dedicated to the imperial cult, but there were other temples. This could be because it was located about sixty-four kilometers southeast of Pergamum, on the banks of the Lycus River. The trade guilds were very influential in Thyatira. The city produced a very expensive purple dye that was in great demand. The self-designation of the risen Christ given here reflects the language 1:14–15. The special eyes looking like a flame of fire indicated the judgment by the risen Christ anticipated in verse 23, while the feet looking like burnished bronze anticipated the judgment of verses 26–27. We then encounter the special title “Son of God” only used here in the whole book. This compares well to the Book of Psalm 2, in which the messianic king is called God’s son. 2:19 The Church is highly regarded and commended for its works. It had demonstrated love, faith, service and patient endurance. The believers in Thyatira were progressing in their Christian faith. In contrast to the members of the church in Ephesus, their latter works were greater than the earlier.

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2:20 However, the Church was equally reprimanded for being too tolerant toward the self-appointed prophetess called “Jezebel”; she led the local believers into sin. Jezebel’s sin is similar to that of the Balaamites and the Nicolaitans: she led them into practicing immorality and eating food sacrificed to idols. “Jezebel” is a nickname used as a pseudonym for the prophetess in Thyatira because her character resembled the character of the original Jezebel with the cult of Baal. Apparently, she was a prominent member of the church whose assertion that her teaching came from God gave added weight to her heretical views. 2:21 Repentance does not easily come; even “Jezebel” had been given ample opportunity to repent. The refusal to repent made her sin more serious and, apparently, the church had remained silent. It is possible that the offense in Thyatira grew out of the centrality of the guilds in the socioeconomic life of the city. Because of the prominence of the trade guilds, success in business would depend largely on membership in these guilds. The main problem for the believer would be that membership in the guilds involved participation in pagan social and religious events in which idolatry and sexual immorality had a prominent place. 2:22–23 Failure to repent provoked a judgment to be pronounced on “Jezebel” and her “children,” who accepted and followed her teaching. She will be thrown into on a sick bed, along with those who committed adultery with her, and they will face great tribulation. “Sick bed” is a harsh punishment to those who will not repent. The word adultery most likely refers to religious infidelity, although there may be a reflection here of the sexual immorality connected with pagan worship. The emphasis that her children will be struck dead, stresses the inability of the risen Christ to tolerate such depravity. John has used typical prophetic language to indicate that the entire group of “Jezebel” and her followers would come to an end. From this judgment, the Africans have a great lesson and their churches ought to know that the risen Christ is the one who searches the mind and heart. Those who practice the sins of “Jezebel” will reap the retribution of “Jezebel,” for the risen Christ knows the thoughts and feelings in everyone.

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2:24 The remnants are found in this Church, because not all the members of the Church had learned the so-called “deep things of Satan.” The term “deep things of Satan” refers to an ironic description of the teachings of “Jezebel.” The prophetess had claimed that she was able through the Holy Spirit to understand the deep things of God, which she called “deep things of God.” John renamed them “the deep things of Satan,” having their origin not in heaven but in hell. This may mean that the heresy had as its basis, some claim to a secret “spiritual knowledge.” There was a heretical movement in the first century called Gnosticism which had claimed the so-called spiritual knowledge. Therefore, the assumption of what is meant by deep things of Satan is valid; it gives additional insight into the nature of the heresy of the Nicolaitans, the Balaamites, and the followers of “Jezebel.” Gnosticism asserted that salvation resulted from the possession of an esoteric knowledge, and it affirmed an extreme dichotomy between the flesh and spirit. Therefore, the “enlightened believer”—according to the view could live as he pleased, since what was done in the flesh had no effect on the life of the spirit. Even today, such teaching would be particularly attractive to those African believers who are threatened with grave curses and suffering for their refusal to participate in the current African cultural practices, just as the first century Christians could compromise by participating in the state worship of the emperor, thus escaping persecution and affliction. They could avoid further persecution by participating in other aspects of pagan worship, since such participation had not actual effect on their spiritual lives. To the feasibility of such a position, the author of the Apocalypse has a resounding answer, an emphatic “No!” The issue was the Lordship of Jesus Christ, and absolutely nothing could be allowed in the believer’s life which in any way compromised that Lordship. It is either the believers adhere to Jesus as Lord or to cultural practices. There is no room for middle ground. Believers who have converted to the Christian faith from other religious backgrounds face a similar problem today. Especially this is true for Africans who become Christians and had a background of traditional religion. In their attempt to contextualize their Christian faith, they face the question: “Are there elements in traditional religion which are compatible with the faith in Jesus Christ?” The key is the Lordship of Christ. Only those elements of traditional religion which are compatible with the absolute Lordship of Jesus Christ can be incorporated into the Christian faith, and these elements must be incorporated in such a way that the Lordship of Christ is kept at the center.4 The exhortation to the believers in Thyatira was that they should be firm and hold fast what they had. They were to maintain the Christian life which they

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had already established, characterized by the love, faith, service, and steadfast endurance for which they were commended in verse 19. 2:26–27 The Conqueror here defined as the one who keeps God’s works to the end. The works of the Christian are the works of Christ. The words “until the end” stress the need for steadfastness in the believer’s life. The promise to the Conqueror was two-fold: power literally, authority (exousia) over the nations and the gift of “the morning star.” The authority here is a share in the sovereignty of Christ. A problem arises for the Christian from the statement in verse 27 that the Conqueror will rule the nations with a rod of iron, as when earthen pots are broken in pieces.5 Verse 27 is a reflection of John attaching both meanings to the word in the present context. Such a meaning allows us to see the Conqueror being promised the authority to crush all opposition by the will of God. However, the Conqueror is to receive his authority in the same way that the risen Christ received this authority; that is, through victorious suffering. Thus, the Conqueror crushes the opposing forces through his obedient commitment to the risen Lord, not through the literal exercise of physical might.6 Those who conquer will receive a gift of the morning star, parallel to the promise of verse 27. In Roman times, Venus, the morning star, was a symbol of victory and sovereignty. If this is the background of verse 28, then the promise of the morning star is a reiteration of the promise of the Conqueror of a shared victory. SERMON TO SARDIS (3:1–6) Sardis was situated about twenty miles southeast of Thyatira and was once the capital of Lydia. Captured by King Cyrus (546 BCE), it was made the center of trade and commerce (Knight, 1999, 49). It was prosperous, luxurious, and licentious. In this church, reputation and reality are contrary. So the author knows their works, they have the name of being alive, but they are dead.7 Such provoked the author to reassure them that their names will never be deleted from the heavenly book. The community seems to be alive but it is dead (3:1–6). It has to repent for it to be clothed with white clothes (3:5). The call to this community is that they should uphold the little good that remains. The promise is presented as fulfilled in Revelation 22:14. This city, which is situated about forty-eight kilometers southeast of Thyatira, had degenerated from its earlier position. Although strongly situated, it had fallen twice (in 546 BCE to Cyrus and in 218 BC to the Romans), owing largely to a lack of vigilance. This fact may have provided the setting

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for the warning about watchfulness. Christ is the one with the seven spirits of God and the seven stars. This is the reference in 1:4, where the seven spirits of God symbolize the identification of the risen Christ with the Spirit. The “seven stars” as the angels of the seven churches symbolize Christ’s control over his Church. Hence, the reprimand of the church in Sardis: it bears the name of being alive but it is dead. Although the church presented itself as being a prosperous community, it was dead. The language used here indicates that very little morality remained. It simply means their actions were completely not acceptable. 3:2 The believers in this church were to be alert to preserve and strengthen the little spiritual vitality remaining,8 as ta loipa is a small residue of spiritual vitality, not a numerical remnant. Whatever may have been the appearance of the church before men, before God the church fell short of what it was intended to be. So they are told: I have not found your works perfect in the sight of my God. These words may also be translated to, “I have not found your works completed in sight of my God.” The life of the church was characterized by half-heartedness, lack of zeal; therefore, they were never completed. There is no mention of heresy or false teacher in the letter to the church in Sardis. The sin of Sardis was that of mediocrity. This mediocrity was most evident in the church’s failure to bear a positive witness. 3:3 The believers in Sardis were exhorted to remember what they had received and heard. They were expected to return to the kind of life demanded by the gospel of Jesus Christ. Failure to return would bring a severe and sudden judgment to the church: the author uses the language of parousia, Christ will have a sudden return, coming like a thief. This invokes the parable of Jesus in Matthew 24:43–44 and Luke 12:39–40. Ordinarily, such a language was associated with the suddenness and unexpectedness of the parousia, even though the coming does not refer to the parousia. The eschatology does not depend on whether the church is watchful. It is mainly a threat of the judicial action of the risen Christ in everyday life to the Christians. This seems to fit the African eschatology, which is ontological rather than chronological as the rest of the New Testament assumes.

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3:4–5 There was a small remnant in the church which did not share in the sin of their fellow brothers and sisters, a few had not soiled their garments with the sin of spiritual apathy so characteristic of the church. They were promised that they would walk with Christ in white garments, symbolic of both victory and purity. Those conquerors were offered a three-fold promise; they would be clad, as the remnant of verse 4, “in white garments”; their names would not be removed from “the book of life”; and they would have their names confessed before the angels and the Father. This was an assurance that God preserves those who are faithful to him; to have their names confessed before God and the angels was an affirmation that they had been faithful witnesses (cf. Matthew 10:32; Luke 12:8). The African churches need to take warning from the reprimand of the church in Sardis. African churches are very similar to the one in Sardis, which was apparently giving the superficial appearance of vitality without any real spiritual depth: it had a name of being alive, but it was dead. This is exactly what happens when the African Christians go back deeply to their cultural practices. The reason why a church would today be seen to have the superficial appearance of vitality without possessing any real spiritual depth is the possession of a highly structured ecclesiastical organization. African churches have often highly copied structured ecclesiastical organizations to justify the desires of globalization which end up contextually unsuited to the needs and culture of the African people. These highly structured ecclesiastical organizations often lead to an excessive number of church activities and formal types of worship which present the appearance of spirituality but lack real spiritual life. At the same time, it is possible for such highly structured ecclesiastical organizations to miss the real teachings that would produce Christian growth and effective Christian witness. In Africa, like anywhere else in the world, it is possible to mistake religious activity for spiritual life. There is a real need to distinguish between structure and life. A related danger is mistaking emotional expressions of religious faith, for the faith itself. The majority of African Indigenous Churches (AICs) find the expression of religious emotion quite normal and natural, making them face the same danger because the expression of religious emotion can become an end in itself. In such situations, religious feeling is sometimes mistaken for true spirituality. The believer in the African community, for that matter, must always remember that true spirituality comes only through a vital relationship with the living creator. In Africa, emotional expressions of religious faith are natural and proper, but they should never take the place of spiritual

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development and vitality. The African churches have to take heed as they face the same reprimand as that given the church in Sardis. SERMON TO PHILADELPHIA (3:7–13) Christ continues to preach to the churches as he now turns to the Christians living in Philadelphia, a city with its temple dated 55 CE. It was situated about thirty miles southeast of Sardis and was founded by Attalus II in the mid-second century (159–138 BCE) before Christ.9 It was the center of the Greek culture, until an earthquake destroyed it in 17 CE. Tiberius later rebuilt the city and he renamed it Neo-Caesarea.10 This is one of the churches John is well pleased with. For an open door has been set before them, which no one is able to close. This community is not condemned but were encouraged for remaining faithful although they had limited strength (3:7–13). They will become a pillar in the temple of God and the New Jerusalem (3:12), fulfilled in 21:2, 10 and 22; 22:4.11 The name of the city meant “brotherly love.”12 The city was situated on a fertile plain and was famous for growing fine grapes. At the same time, it was subject to devastating earthquakes. The fear of earthquakes led many to prefer to live in the surrounding villages. In Philadelphia, there was a substantial Jewish population, which apparently was a source of harassment to the believers. The risen Christ is announced as the holy one, the true one, who has the key of David. Such a description of Christ as holy and true is to identify him with God and to ascribe divine authority to his words. To be true is to be faithful. The possession of the key of David sets him out as the messiah. As the messiah, Jesus opens the door to his Kingdom. 3:8–9 Interestingly, the risen Christ had no word of reprimand for the church of brotherly love. As always, Christ’s commendation of the church was based on intimate personal knowledge that the Christians really worshipped in this church. Therefore, the suggestion has been made that the open door in verse 8 is also the door to the kingdom. In verse 9, it is asserted that the unbelieving Jews now called the synagogue of Satan will bow down before the believers in acknowledgment of God’s love for his own. In the Old Testament, the image of the gentiles falling down before the Jews is used to describe their conversion. The author here may have reserved the image, so that in verse 9, John’s description of the conversion of the Jews is taken to be the same. In such a scenario then, the open door in verse 8 would be an open preaching opportunity, in order to convert the

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unbelievers, particularly since the statement comes in the nature of a commendation, following the assertion that its works are known. 3:9 The author once again indicates victory in spite of the little power they had. This shows that though they were poor and were small in numbers, the believers had remained loyal to their Lord. They had kept the word and had not denied the name of the Lord. The commendation of the believers in Philadelphia for refusing to deny the name of Christ is an indication that they had already suffered some kind of persecution. The designation of the unbelievers as “synagogue of Satan” means that the persecution originated with them. 3:10 The believers in Philadelphia are faithful and full of patient endurance, for this reason they were promised preservation from the hour of trial which is coming to the whole world. A difficult time for those living on the earth is expected. It would be a time of testing. The author makes it clear that the crisis is short-lived and not the end of the time. At such a time, the believers are kept from undergoing the trial, although not promised any immunity from the physical effects of temporal judgments. 3:11–12 The believers must hold fast, lest they lose their crown; the coming soon of Christ was to protect them in the coming crisis, but not his final parousia. The victor was to become a pillar in the metaphorical temple of God. The word pillar suggests fixedness, stability, and hence, security. The believer is secure in the Temple, which refers to external presence of God. The faithful Christians will have a name on them, a name above every name is the name of God, and the city of God, and this is the New Jerusalem coming down from God out of heaven. The name is an indication that one belongs to God. Bearing the name of the New Jerusalem indicates one’s membership in the redeemed body of Christ. In the Apocalypse, the New Jerusalem is the kingdom of God, viewed as the Church’s redeemed state. The possession of Christ’s new name indicates that the Conqueror bears the character of the risen Christ in his life.

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SERMON TO LAODICEA (3:14–22) Laodicea was situated forty miles southeast of Philadelphia and was a center of commercial activity such as banking, merchandising, and the study of medicine. The city suffered a natural catastrophe: an earthquake in 60 CE; it was later rebuilt.13 There is reason to believe that an influential Jewish community existed in the Lycus cities, which was closely assimilated to the character of pagan society due to the presence of many Greek deities, such as Zeus, Apollo, Asclepius, Hades, Hera, Athena, Serapis, and Dionysus, among other deities. The Christians were safe as far as they remained part of Judaism.14 The community in this city was rich; hence, they easily thought they needed nothing. The author rebukes them in verse 15, for they were neither cold nor hot, they better be one. The author tells them that they needed three things: fire-tested gold, white clothes, and eye ointment. They will be seated on the throne (3:21), fulfilled in 22:3. This would make them what they think they are. We note that all the seven churches are under the threat of persecution and tribulation. The image we derive from these letters is that of small religious communities in the face of a dominant power, which requires them to recognize the Roman power as the divine agent on earth. Christians were expected to compromise with this proud pagan cult and culture, with divinization of their emperor as an element of worship.15 The author was combating a serious, and growing, phenomenon and making promises to these communities to be fulfilled in the New Jerusalem. What is our current situation in Africa? Can we say we have comfortably chalked up successes that add value to our gains since the 1960s, when the majority of African states gained independence? The Apocalypse of John still offers the comfort that things will be better tomorrow. The seven churches in Asia Minor were situated at an approximate distance of forty miles apart. The Roman generals and their emperors were mostly increasing their prestige by founding new cities or by reestablishing the old cities. The Apocalypse portrays a God behaving in a similar manner. The churches and the cities were all situated within the centers of Roman life. The Jewish people formed a citizen-body within these cities, so they comprised the population of the city. Nevertheless, they remained under the Roman/colonial rule. The integration of the Jewish community into pagan society only made life more difficult for both Jews and Christians, who could not agree to worship the gods of their colonizers. It was particularly difficult for the first century Christians to practice their Christian values due to the affluence of city life. The Christians were tempted to simply join in the public life with its imperial state religion

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and pagan influence that was in clear conflict with their faith.16 The travelers would start in Pergamum and then move to Smyrna, Ephesus, and other cities that are singled out for attention in the Apocalypse. The author demands that the Christians choose between Christ and the empire, making the conflict a climax. He points out that the choice of the empire will meet the fate of Babylon, while the choice for Christ will end up in the New Jerusalem. A contrapuntal reading perspective involves a balancing act whereby one continues with their way or making an about turn to the new demands of the marginalized community. Posterity will certainly judge the Africans for their decisions and actions; they cannot afford to compromise the creation of a bright future for the coming generations that require the holistic well-being of the community. Laodicea, located in the Lycus river valley near Colossae and Hierapolis, was an important commercial center. There were three thriving industries in Laodicea: banking, the manufacture of woolen garments, and the production of medicine, “Phrygian” powder, a medication for weak eyes, was produced in Laodicea. There was a sizable Jewish community in the city. In this letter, the description of the risen Christ does not come from 1:12–20. Christ is announced here as the “Amen,” who is the faithful and true witness, the beginning of God’s creation. The word “Amen” is derived from the Semitic root meaning strength and firmness. Its use here may indicate the consistency of the character of the risen Christ in contrast to the character of the church of Laodicea. The expression “the faithful and true witness” has the same meaning. God’s character stands behind his word revealed in the risen Christ. The description of Christ as “the beginning of God’s creation’ does not mean that he is the first of God’s creatures, but that he is the moving force in the creative process. Here, the stress is on the new creation, the Church of Christ. 3:15 The church in this verse received the most severe reprimand of all the seven churches. The reprimand grew out of Christ’s knowledge of their true spiritual condition, their “works.” The members were reprimanded for being lukewarm in their faith: “You are neither cold nor hot.” There is no indication that the church was plagued with moral evil or with heretical teaching; they were merely indifferent. The church practiced their faith with neither conviction nor enthusiasm. Even open hostility would have been preferable to this complete lack of conviction and enthusiasm, as it is indicated by the words of Christ: “neither would that you were cold or hot.” The attitude of the church was so repulsive that the risen Christ threatened to reject it: “I will spew you out of my mouth.”

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3:17 The indifference of the church here grew out of its arrogance. The members of the church were convinced that they were rich, prosperous and in need of nothing. The complacency of the church may have grown out of the relative affluence of its society, which was due to the material prosperity of the city. It is relatively easy to mistake material prosperity for spiritual excellence. Their arrogant appraisal of themselves stood in sharp contrast to Christ’s true appraisal of them. They were ignorant of the fact that they were wretched, pitiable, poor, blind, and naked. They were in reality spiritually poverty stricken, but their spiritual blindness prevented them from seeing their true spiritual condition. African churches must guard themselves from the error of the church in Laodicea. When spiritual excellence is interpreted in terms of the display of affluence and the ostentatious titles given to church leaders and the construction of ostentatious church edifices completely unsuited to the spiritual needs of the people, the heresy of the church in Laodicea is repeated. In such situations, there is customarily a real lack of a true spiritual witness. More to be imitated is the attitude of the little church in Smyrna, whose rich, spiritual witness overshadowed the material destitution of the church. Like the church in Smyrna, the African churches of today need to keep their priorities in order. 3:18 The exhortation to the church was extensive, indicating a hope that they would yet repent. They were challenged to allow Christ to provide them with the spiritual gifts lacking in the church. True spiritual wealth was symbolized by “gold refined by fire.” The white garments were symbolic of the true Christian character needed to alleviate their spiritual blindness. 3:19 Those whom I love I reprove and chasten. Christ reminded them that his rebuke to them was a sign of his love for them. The rebuke was intended to encourage them to repent and to exchange their spiritual complacency for spiritual zeal. The approaching crises made a vital spiritual life mandatory. 3:20 The exhortation closes with an invitation: If anyone hears my voice and opens the door, I will come in to him and eat with him and, he with me, although this was often taken as an invitation to the church. If the members of the

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church would only allow him, Christ would renew his fellowship with them. Repentance would open the door to renew fellowship between Christ and the church. 3:21 The promise is limited to the conqueror. Here, we at last have the central clue to the identity of the Conqueror. I will grant him to sit with me on my throne, as myself conquered and sat down with my Father on his throne. The Conqueror was to conquer in the same way that Jesus conquered. Jesus gained this ultimate victory through the cross. The Conqueror then is the one who follows Jesus in the way of the cross. He is the one who follows the way of the cross to the end (cf. 2:26). Because of this, he shares the sovereignty (victory) of the risen Christ. This does not imply that the Conquerors are to be limited to the martyrs. All martyrs are conquerors, but not all conquerors are martyrs, the Conqueror is faithful to the end, whatever the cost—even if the end is martyrdom.17 THE CONCLUSIVE MESSAGE The reading of these letters in Africa today means that the Church is being cautioned by the risen Christ to overcome the neocolonialist crisis; it is dawning to the Africans that they inherited from colonialism a multitude of social, economic, and human problems. The counterpoint voice is that Africans must be neither hot nor cold (3:15–16); they cannot afford a middle ground at the moment. The conditional threats of judgment contained in the several letters will be hard hitting before the parousia. Those virtues introduced to the Church through these sermons such as steadfastness, endurance, faithfulness, and courage would be of particular significance to our African leaders and our churches, currently facing poverty, corruption, and tribalism from the African elites who are more or less behaving like the Roman governors. The threat of suffering indicated in the letters lies just below the surface throughout the entire Apocalypse. As Guthrie (1990, 979) puts it, the message is clear, “faith in Christ will triumph over all the forces of the evil” and the Lamb’s judgment of the evil is inevitable, for God is moving everything to a final satisfactory consummation.

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NOTES 1. Although the New Testament does not state that John was in ecstasy, being in Spirit may mean so or as we might say in a trance, in African language people may understand it well, if John was in the dream. Actually, the use of capital “S,” implies an influence of the Holy Spirit. See H. Waweru, “A Critical Analysis of the Vision of the New Jerusalem in Revelation 21:9–22:5 in the Light of the Kikuyu Concept of Dreams and Visions,” PhD diss. University of KwaZulu Natal (December 2005). 2. See Yarbro Collins (1998, 165), who supports the idea that the temple played a major role in the life of the people in Rome, equally this idea of the lifestyle is supported by Flegg (1999, 71), who adds that emperor cult was equally elevated in Pergamum as the throne of Satan. 3. For Hemer (1986, 860), the peril of the church in this city is surely to be related to the pressure of the imperial cult. 4. The Africans do not read the Bible word for word; they practice a free reading of the text. The question that arises then is how do they read? If you read portions of the African translated text and translate them into English, they would not make any sense to the English. This is a decisive factor among the Africans doing a contextual reading. 5. See R. H. Charles, The Revelation of St. John 1:76, where he argues that the word translated rule in the Revised Standard Version is the Greek word peimonein, which means to shepherd, and compare it with Psalm 2:9, where poimonein translates homophonous with Hebrew tirecem. 6. See Caird G. B (1984, 46), who argues that the Conqueror is empowered through obedience to Christ. 7. See Hemer (1986, 151), who argues that some Christians had gained acceptance in the synagogue at the cost of implicit denial of the “name” Christ, while the faithful few may perhaps have faced deletion from the synagogue register. 8. Hence the clarion call “Awake,” which translates an imperative joined to a participle, ginou gregoron, which is then translated as “be watchful.” The African Church is in a quagmire: does it go back to African cultural practices or remain firm where it has found itself in the twenty-first century? In such a scenario the African Church ought to read the Apocalypse “contrapuntally” in the modern postcolonial world, such that the book is read on its own terms, with an appreciation its spiritual contribution, but in intimate connection with an understanding critique of the African world which it propounds to evangelize. 9. See Yarbro Collins (1998, 167), for a more detailed history of this church. 10. Cf. Knight (1998, 49), for a clearer understanding on the history of the city. 11. See H. Waweru, “A Critical Analysis of the Vision of the New Jerusalem in Revelation 21:9–22:5 in the Light of the Kikuyu Concept of Dreams and Visions,” PhD diss., University of KwaZulu Natal (December 2005). 12. According to Ruiz (2003, 128), these were Christians who responded differently to the challenge of resistance versus assimilation in the face of the dominant imperial ideology, which was so prevalent in the province of Asia. See also Hemer (1986, 175), who argues that the final promise of strength and stability is addressed

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to the church in a city of repeated earthquakes, where living “outside” had become a way of life, making brotherhood something to cherish. 13. See Ford (1975, 394), who argues that the city was later reconstructed. 14. See Hemer (1986, 209), who argues that the trials and conflicts were only acute when Christians stood apart from Judaism rejecting the compromising standards of the pagans. 15. For Ruiz (2003, 127), the author is denouncing the imperial worship in these cities, rather than just attacking a marginal socio-religious phenomenon; it is clear that such worship played an increasingly important role in society. 16. For Thompson (1990, 160), more than a hundred delegates met annually to conduct business and benchmark on how to represent their interest in Rome as well as learn how to carry out activities of the imperial cult. 17. See Caird (1984, 27–28), who argues that the expected crisis was a severe persecution of the church and not the parousia. Africans need to understand that trouble does not signify the end; it may equally be the beginning of a good future to come.

Chapter 3

The Lamb as the Redeemer (4:1–6:17)

This chapter reflects close affinities with Jewish visions in the Old Testament, and it is clearly indicative of verse 8, which shows a clear relationship between the visions of prophet Isaiah 6:3 and John’s vision, where the song of seraphim is being sung. So in the beginning of this chapter, there is a change of scene from earth to the throne room in heaven. There is no sharp break in terms of the action from the previous occurrences. As the risen Christ finishes his message to the seven churches, and John is attracted to a “door opened in heaven.” As it is the tradition of the apocalyptic narratives, the action progresses smoothly without interruption from churches to heaven. This ideological thinking sits very well with the African way of dreaming and storytelling (Waweru 2005). The vision equally places God’s throne as central in Jewish mysticism. Such trend has a long history from the return from exile in Babylon to the Hasidic movements in our contemporary world (Kovacs and Rowland 2004). The seven letters already written to the churches offer the reader the chance to discover the imminent crisis that must soon take place. The reader is now immediately faced with a question: are there enough resources available to the believers in Asia to overcome such crisis? John gives an answer to this question by describing the throne room in heaven. The ancestral spirits in African thinking are once again provoked by the author’s imagination. It is like alas! Here we are as Africans, all is not lost. For Adamo (1998), Africans are rediscovering their dignity and their “Africanness” in recognizing, recovering, and reviving their presence in history, including the Bible. Hence, in chapter 4, the reader is reminded that Ngai (the Lord God), the Creator of the universe, is the sovereign Lord of history who is on the throne.

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THE THRONE OF GOD (4:1–11) The author looked up and there in heaven was an open door, a motif derived from the early belief that the sky was a strong dome holding the heavens, but had an opening. The English has always used the term “firmament” meaning a firm structure. The open door to heaven “meant an opening in the structure through which one could see beyond,” what human eyes could not capture (Van Daalen 1985, 58). It was a common device of apocalyptic language, similar to the African primal world view of their ancestors in another world. Kwame Bediako (1995, 105) posits that the primal imagination helps us restore the ancient unity of theology and spirituality in restoring the crucial dimension of living religiously and making no apology. So John received from the first voice that he hears speaking to him like a trumpet (1:9, 12), with a command summoning him to come up and enter. At the beginning of the Apocalypse in 1:1, the speaker was the risen Lord, and it appears logical to make the same conclusion here. The author was shown what must take place after this. What is currently happening in Asia is not the final episode. More is expected to take place, but such was to occur on an entirely different level. 4:2 The author is aware of who is calling him, so immediately he is in the spirit1 (cf. 1:102). The first thing he saw was a throne in heaven with God seated on it, rather than what must take place after this, as already promised. John is aware of “the general belief” in the public domain (Van Daalen 1986, 58), that there were intelligent beings between the earth and the highest heavens, and without being bothered by the traditional mythological beliefs of ancestors, divinities, and intelligent beings between earth and heavens (Mbiti 1969), he concerned himself with God’s heaven and the earth we live. The throne in heaven demonstrated God’s power with absolute sovereignty of God. In Rome an emperor sat on the throne, just like our African leaders are powerfully seated on their capital thrones today. But for John in heaven there is a throne above all thrones, and his readers must understand this throne and the one seated on it was the “Lord God almighty” (4:8), being worshipped by the twenty-four elders day and night (4:10) and for whom a doxology of praise and worship is offered by all creation. 4:3 The author made no attempt to describe the being of God. What he described was the glory of God, represented by the glorious nature of the precious

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stones, jasper, and carnelian. It is difficult to be certain of the meaning of traditional ancient names of these stones. The importance of them is that they were very bright, suggesting the presence of the Lord. Any attempt to find symbolic meanings in the colors of the stones may not add value. However, since the colors of jasper and carnelian are varied, but seen to be brightest, they could indicate the glory of God. The rainbow around the throne reflected the Genesis story of the flood, juxtaposed with an African rainbow,3 reminds the African readers that God keeps the promises as he did with Noah’s covenant. While the throne symbolized God’s sovereignty, the rainbow symbolized his mercy.4 The sovereignty of God is always to be understood from the standpoint of his mercy and justice. By nature, Africans are people of many hopes and optimism created here in John’s Apocalypse (Waweru 2020). 4:4 The author saw the twenty-four elders seated on the thrones. There have been many suggestions about the significance of the twenty-four elders. Some see them as representative of the twenty-four star gods of the Babylonian pantheon, but such identification appears unlikely for the author. More feasible are the following suggestions: twelve patriarchs and the twelve apostles, symbolic of the two covenants; the elders of Israel; the twenty-four priestly and twenty-four Leviticus orders; the old Israel and the new Israel, indicating the totality of the redeemed. Of these, the third and fourth suggestions are the more likely. In favor of the third suggestion is the fact that one of the primary functions of the elders was that of adoring and serving the Lord of the universe. However, the white garments appear to be symbolic of victory and the thrones and the golden crowns definitely indicate sovereignty. The most plausible suggestion appears to be that the twenty-four elders are representative of the totality of the people of God. They are symbolic to the victorious people of God, reigning with him.5 4:5 The flashes of lighting, voices, and peals of thunder suggest God’s awe-inspiring majesty and power, while the “seven torches” of the fire before the thrones are identified as “the seven spirits of God.” As in 1:4, the words probably refer to the Holy Spirit. 4:6 What John saw around the throne and on each side of the throne is an awkward Greek way of expressing the appearance of the throne. But once before

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the throne, the glorious sea of glass appeared, it was crystal clear. It was symbolic since it is something that looked like a sea. It was awesome “sea” probably stressing the holiness and transcendence of God, who had summoned the author. Another second group of attendants around the throne appeared, this was made up of the four living creatures. In Ezekiel, the four creatures were in form of a language. One creature was like a lion, one was like an ox, one had the face of a man, and one was like a flying eagle. Each had six wings, and they were praising God continually, both day and night. We are not told what these creatures meant to John. In the Jewish tradition, the creatures of Ezekiel represented the whole creation. John probably intended the same opinion of the creatures representing all animate creation in the act of ceaselessly worshipping God.6 4:8 The four living creatures were full of eyes all round and within, they were signing a doxology. The stars were often seen as eyes, indicating that the creatures were awake they sung the doxology that demonstrated, God’s holiness, sovereignty, and external nature. The repetition in the doxology of the words “holy, holy, holy” stressed God’s transcendence as the “Lord God Almighty7 4:9–11 The elders joined the creatures in singing a hymn of praise to God now, seated upon the throne. This hymn proclaimed God’s worthiness to receive glory and honor and power; because he was the creator and sustained all life, they worshipped, prostrating themselves and placing their crowns before the throne. It was a full expression of God’s sovereignty. THE LAMB OF GOD (5:1–14) The hermeneutical question in this section of the text is unique. The writer saw on the right hand of God who was seated on the throne a scroll, which in Greek is biblion. From the Greek meaning, it was a document folded and sealed that contained a message from the Almighty. The scroll was firmly restrained with an inscription “within and on the back” with seven seals that had sealed it. It was traditional for messages to be sealed by the sender in the first century. When the message was originally revealed in a vision, it seldom needed interpretation. The reason being the message had immediacy for the community receiving it, inasmuch as part of the effect was its ability to catch the hearers. But

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for us the message came in written form, requiring interpretation precisely because today we lack the immediate understanding of the original context experienced by the first century community. Hence, we struggle to identify the scroll as received. For us this was a revelation of those events which were to take place soon, now put in a book for us to read and even interpret. The book simply contained a final plan and purpose of God for the salvation of humanity. This way of interpreting the vision is more appropriate for us in Africa, as recipients who are used in receiving messages that were not written but oral, unlike the first century world, where there was a common practice of writing and sealing messages with several seals, accompanied by a writing of a general description of the contents on the outside. From both oral and written perspective of a message, the scroll then contained the testament of God’s will and purpose, detailing the destiny8 of humanity. THE SCROLL WITH SEVEN SEALS (5:1–5) In this section John was moved into tears, he sees in the hand of Him seated on the throne a scroll that was sealed with seven seals, but no one was able to open the scroll. In verse 5, a clear answer is given to him by an elder, so in verse 6, the Lamb is there to open the scroll. What must soon take place is the message from the scroll once it is opened adds support to such a view of the contents. The prediction of events that would soon occur is in line with Rev 4:1. Here as always, our concern is basically with the scroll in its present biblical context. An examination of the events connected with the opening of the seals demonstrates that from the standpoint of John, a number of things have taken place. Thus, the view that the scroll contained a revelation of the redemptive plan of God seems best to fit the overall theme of the Apocalypse. According to this view, the contents of the scroll included both the past and future events with an interpretation of these events in the light of the eternal sovereignty of God. The feasibility of such a view will be seen more clearly in the interpretation of the passage containing the description of the opening of the seals. A contrapuntal view brings out the danger of viewing the contents of the scroll in the light of apocalyptic determinism rather than the view that the scroll contained predictions of events to come which must take place. Such a view will not rule out our freedom. In such a scenario, our response to God, whether in obedience or disobedience, will determine to some extent the course of future events. The encounter being experienced once we read the Apocalypse is more than an encounter with a book. The translation of

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the Apocalypse into African languages opened a new listening between the Africans and the Apocalypse of John (Waweru 2020). The voice that is heard in chapter 5, asking: Who is worthy to open the scroll and break its seals? Terribly grieves John, that no one was found who could open the scroll. But an assurance was given in the midst of his consternation that someone had been found who was worthy to open the scroll and its seven seals. The Lamb who was the Lion of the tribe of Judah, the Root of David (Gen 49:9; Isaiah 11:1, 11) was capable to open the scroll. John presents Christ in new light; he was the only one worthy as the messiah, to open the scroll, for he had conquered death.9 Africans found themselves in crossroads: when the Bible arrived and they could not read or understand it on their own for over fifty years; now that it is available they are able to listen to it in dialogue with their cultural experiences (Waweru 2020). The Lion of Judah has made things possible. In the verses that follow, it becomes evident that his victory had not come in the traditional way of reading but through the counterpoint. THE OPENING OF THE SEAL (5:6–14) The sacrificial Lamb was now in position as John looked to the direction of the throne. It was no longer the Lion of Judah, but a lamb. It was standing, though injured, and it appeared that he had been slain. The image of the Lamb contrasted to the Lion of the tribe of Judah who was, of course, Jesus, in this case, who had conquered through sacrificial death. Hence the reason John applies symbolism to disguise the narrative. He now presents a very symbolic Lamb with seven horns, demonstrating his power, and seven eyes, representing the seven spirits of God, showing the sovereignty of Christ now full and complete with knowledge and wisdom of the Lamb. In African way of life the lamb was used to upgrade peoples’ lives in their social status (Wachege 1992). In Rev 5:7–10, the scroll is now taken by the Lamb from God, who was seated on the throne, demonstrating that it was him who had authority to proclaim God’s will and purpose. Such authority is affirmed by the four living creatures and the twenty-four elders who fell down before the Lamb in an act of worship, ascribing a similar doxology of praise as they do to God. They offered with their praise “incense” as the prayers of “the saints.” The prayers of the believers, as part of the worship of the Lamb, are brought into the very presence of God. Cultures are usually creations or patterns of shared meaning and feelings which are able to combine to shape the social world of a given community (Waweru 2020). The prayers of believers are always heard.

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Obviously, there was an outbreak of praise from the living creatures and the elders singing a new song. The song was purely in praise of the Lamb, who was worthy to open the Scroll. One who had been slain is now worthy, for through his own death bought the community for God made of men and women from every tribe and tongue and people and nation. The saints shared in his reign by becoming a kingdom and sharing in his ministry. The chosen were now made priests to our God. Those who conquer shall reign on earth, a statement taken to indicate a future reign at the parousia by commentators. Depending on the text one is read, a present, instead of a future, will be noticed. However, read from the context of the Johannine community as an original reading, the emphasis is on the present overcoming of the believers. On the other hand, if the future tense is retained, the reign of the believers will be the immediate result of Christ’s sacrificial death on the cross. The sacrifice has sealed the believers as inheritors of the kingdom of God. The contrast between the Lion and the Lamb was deliberate as a way of liberation and remains meaningful. 5:11–14 The worship being witnessed here is so amazing that the multitude of angels was innumerable: it was made up of ten thousand of ten thousand (myriads of myriads). The voice of many angels worshipping the Lamb was heard. It was of ten thousand, which was the largest number used in Greek, such demonstrates the worthiness of the praise offered to the Lamb. The Jewish use of large numbers is a way of fantastically explaining that the praise of the Lamb was not comparable with the worship of the Roman cult. The praise of the angelic host was seven-fold; ascribing power and wealth and wisdom and might and glory and honor and blessing to the Lamb. The seven-fold nature of the praise is probably indicative of its completeness and perfection. The entire creation, both in heaven and on earth and under the earth and in the sea, joined in praise of the Lamb. The joint praise of God and the Lamb in 5:13 was a clearer indication that the Lamb had virtual equality with God. The praise was such powerful adoration by the angelic host that the four living creatures added their voice by saying Amen! While all the elders fell down and worshipped the Almighty. This meant that all the creation of the universe was answerable to God’s reign in the present. The metaphor or the metaphorical language among the African people is pervasive in African anthropology (Waweru 2020). For Mugambi (2001), the use of imperial languages is at the expense of national cultures. He argues that it is through language that a people nurtures its infants and socializes its youth toward responsible citizenship. The Apocalypse is read and understood in this sense in Africa.

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The contrast between chapters 4 and 5 remains a paradox which we may never resolve rationally, though it reveals God’s own heart. Hence the opening of the seals in chapter 5 is a clear reminder, that the creator is also the Redeemer who had completed his redemptive act through the Lamb. The Lamb has through his death on the cross “conquered,” thereby gaining the right to open God’s book of destiny and to carry out what is written in it. Because he has conquered, he has been raised to a position of sovereignty. In African religion, sacrifice played a major role in the lives of both the individual and the community. This is not a new concept to them. The healing of the sick as victorious and the sovereignty of the animal sacrifices in Africa was liberative. The Lamb is effective and relevant in this harsh world where believers actually live. For the Africans, in particular, who got their independence from the colonial masters, they must have had very high expectations since they achieved victory. Among the Africans more attention is given to the actual events that took place than to the chronological time in which the events took place, since they employ what we call linguistic agency in expressing their own faith (Waweru 2020). The breaking of the seals was an indication of the victory of the Lamb being effective for the group of believers in Asia as they faced the threat of affliction, persecution or even martyrdom. The author shows how the sovereignty of God was able to cope with the hard reality of life being experienced in the little province of Asia Minor in the last decade of the first century. The breaking of the first six seals becomes a partial answer to the many tribulations that were being experienced by the Church in Asia Minor. For the Africans reading this chapter of the book, one realizes that the scroll contained God’s redemptive plan as it is being worked out in history. Postcolonial criticism has emerged as an alternative voice within the African ways of reading the Bible. The revelations connected with the breaking of the seals did not constitute the entire contents of the scroll. So we need to read the whole book of Revelation, which gives a description of working out a liberation plan, not only for the Jews but also for Africans. Such makes a contrapuntal perspective an effective way of reading. THE CONCLUSIVE MESSAGE The writer in this section hears a new tone in heavenly worship. When the worship is offered to both the Lamb and God, it is certain that our salvation is equally a major theme in the text. The praise is given to the creator of all things as well as to the Lamb for his love to all of us. The mystery of God’s love is revealed to the humanity, through the sacrifice of the Lamb. It is a conclusive idea that the contents of the scroll revealed the redemptive plan of

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God in history. So while the breaking of the six seals gives partial answers to questions posed, the rest of the questions will be dealt with later. This chapter concludes by indicating that the beast, the Lamb, intrudes into the heavenly scene as agent, not object, of judgment. Both the African and the Jewish dream-vision, with their mythological symbols, are not usually merged with heavenly ascent vision as demonstrated in Rev 4–5. The interpretations of these chapters regard them as pivotal moments in the visions of heavenly vindication of the Lamb. In terms of liberation theology, the freedom of the readers is now vindicated with the presence of the Lamb next to the throne. African readers build upon formal logical progression, starting from the basic principles and facts which may be taken for granted and from which all practical application for liberation must flow in a point for point fashion in a contrapuntal style. John offers an awe-inspiring description of the holiness and sovereignty of God in this chapter. The message is reassuring all the believers in Asia that despite their tribulations there was a God in heaven. God’s throne stood above all earthly thrones, he was in charge of all that was happening and the destiny of humanity was under his control, this inclusiveness of all people demonstrated that God was concerned with them. The inclusion of women in the vision meant that humanity will be saved in totality. The African women recognize that women are by nature destined by God to be specially covenanted with life (Okure 2001, 50). This message is valid to the African Church, where “the word of God” continues to dominate every stage of life. Even though what it means is sometimes difficult to understand. The believers in Africa are suffering due to leaders who usurp the place of God. The dictators use names that suggest they are the ones on the throne rather than God. African countries are riddled with corruption, poverty, tribalism, famine, and the raping of economy, making the dictator’s sword felt everywhere. The rejuvenation of cultural practices makes the believers generable in the face of temptations to compromise the Christian standards. They need a reassurance that still a throne above all thrones is there. Africans must maintain the faith in God who remains in absolute authority. In situations where we cannot fully abandon our culture, a balancing act is required and has to be attained through listening to the voices for a better dialogue through contrapuntal reading. For Waweru (2020), Africans believe that God is transcendent, one who is in charge of the world and worth our worship. This calls for a shift in African hermeneutics from history to structure, a reflection of the text as it speaks to us today. That allows us to listen and engage the visions in this chapter in a conversation that will produce a dialogue that finally encourages the believers in Africa to remain faithful to the one seated on the throne in heaven.

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THE FOUR HORSEMEN ON THE LOOSE (6:1–8) The drama of the horses brings to life the prophecy of Zachariah 1: 8–11, where angelic horsemen were sent by God to go and patrol the earth. So when the Lamb opened the first of the seven seals, the first of the four living creatures issued a command in a voice like thunder, “Come!” immediately a white horse appeared, whose rider held a bow. He was given a crown, and he went out conquering and to conquer. So in 6:1–8, each of the four living creatures in turn issue the command “Come!” And each time the command is issued, immediately a horse and rider appear. There are different views about the white horse and its rider. African readers aver that, it is symbolic of the victorious return of Christ to earth. Such a view would break the obvious unity of the passage, because the Lamb opening the seals does not make him one of the riders. The horses and their riders form an obvious unity, and the white horse and its rider are followed immediately by riders symbolic of war (slaughter), famine, and pestilence. The rider on the white horse conquered with a bow; the Christ of Revelation conquered with the sword of his mouth, which is the word of God. In the African sense, the first rider represented the victorious spread of the gospel (cf. Mark 13:10), but due to the suffering the African Christians are facing in their contemporary situations, such a suggestion may not hold, though anticipated to take place soon. Africans are fighting day and night to overcome neocolonialism in the continent, which may be termed as “agentivity.” For Boesak (1987), there are familiar voices in this text and the African political context, where suffering, marginalization, and oppression are rampant, making the counterpoint, which gives meaning of the Apocalypse to our context. 6:1–2 The white horse and its rider clearly represent conquest, because it went out conquering and to conquer. The rider on the horse carried a bow; some African reading identifies the horse and its rider with the colonial domination of the African lands by Europeans who came riding a horse, conquering Africa, and dividing it into portions. Other readers preaching in our streets have been more explicit and have identified the finest rider with the African dictators who have butchered their people even after independence was been attained in African nations. It is doubtful whether identification with an individual leader in Africa should be made; however, what is clear is that the writer was evidently using the Old Testament imagery (cf. Zechariah 9:13: Habakkuk 3:8–9), and the bow was used in the Old Testament as a symbol for armed might. In Revelation 6:2, therefore, the bow most likely

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represents the armed might customarily associated with conquest. While the persecutors of the Christians may have been in the thought of the writer, his thoughts are not limited to persecution alone. Such a view allows us to see the book speaking directly to our African situation. This would mean that while the reader might be reminded of particular historical events in life, the four horsemen appear to represent general situations which occur throughout history. It is quite interesting how human beings are resistant to change in any part of their lives; in that case, listening to other voices for a dialogue allows a change in a middle ground (Waweru 2020). THE RED HORSE (6:3–4) With the breaking of the second seal there came the command of the second living creature: “Come!” A bright red horse appeared who was given a great sword. The mission of the rider was to take peace from the earth. With the result that men should slay one another. The red horse and its rider evidently represented the slaughter which inevitably accompanied many armed Roman conquests in Palestine, only contrasted to African colonization. Wars of conquest always had as their consequences bloodshed, famine, and pestilence. Such a view is not only appealing to the African readers who were subjected to a world in which empire and dominion was normative and permanent, but also to the first century Christians under the Roman rule. THE BLACK HORSE (6:5–6) When the Lamb broke the third seal, a third horse and rider were summoned. This horse was black, and its rider carried a balance in his hand. A voice from offstage announced: A quarts of wheat for a denarius and three quarts of barley for a denarius, but do not harm the oil and wine. The balance could indicate judgment, but in the light of the announcement concerning wheat and barley, the balance appears to be a measure of weight. Thus, the black horse and its rider symbolized famine. A denarius was a coin equivalent to a day’s wage (John 12:6). In a famine such as is portrayed in this passage, people would have to work an entire day for enough wheat for themselves, while a day’s labor would provide barley for a small family. A severe famine is indicated, but one in which survival is possible. It is clear here that an African reading this text would definitely position them in the desperate situation being experienced in Africa today. The statement concerning oil and wine is a bit confusing. The statement might indicate that although grain was scarce, oil and wine were plentiful.

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African readers would definitely say that although the necessities were scarce, God would still intervene, and, finally, even if the passage appears to portray a famine, it will not be disastrous. THE PALE HORSE (6:7–8) With the breaking of the fourth seal, a fourth horse and rider were summoned. This time the rider was named, making the reference explicit. The color of this horse was a sickly pale, in Greek: klorus—pale yellow or greenish-gray. The rider was named death, and he was followed closely by his inseparable companion, Hades. The mission of this rider was to kill with the sword and with famine and with pestilence and by wild beasts of the earth. The death portrayed in these words was death caused by conditions created by war and famine. The effects of the plague of death portrayed here were limited, involving only a fourth of the earth. At the same time, it was quite severe. Hades was the realm of the departed dead, not the place of torment.10 Death was not the end both in African culture as well as in Christianity, for yet the believer need have no fear, since Christ has destroyed both Death and Hades (cf. 20:14). As the Lamb began the process of opening the scroll containing the testament of God’s will and purpose, the breaking of the first four seals resulted in the appearance—in rapid succession—of images of conquest, slaughter, famine, and pestilence. At a first glance this appears to be incongruous. Surely armed conquest and its accompanying evils are not part of the redemptive plan and purpose of God. The breaking of the seals did not create the conditions portrayed in 6:1–8. However, what is presented with the breaking of the first four seals is a series of revelations—revelations of the harsh realities of the world in which the believers lived and in which the sovereignty of the victorious Lamb must be actualized. The images connected with the breaking of the first four seals reflect general historical situations and conditions. At the same time, both John and his readers would be reminded of the conditions of the Roman empire of their day. They had seen the Roman lust for conquest lead to bloodshed, famine, and pestilence (which in turn led to more death). Since John was primarily concerned with threatened persecution related to the demand for the worship of the state, the policies of Rome would be uppermost in his mind. But his images cannot be interpreted solely in relation to the historical situations in the Roman Empire in the first century. Throughout history, whenever there has been armed conquest, there is always slaughter, famine, and pestilence. Whenever and wherever one finds a group of people or a government seeking to exercise power through the use of armed might, one also finds

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conditions similar to the conditions reflected in this passage. The hydride takes place when a minority attempts to control a majority through force, or when the majority attempts to keep a minority under suppression by the same means, such conditions result. Whenever a nation or a government attempts through the exercise of force to gain additional territory, enforce its views on others, or oppress others because of political, social, religious, or ethnic differences, it runs the risk of unleashing slaughter, famine, and pestilence. Whether the oppression is political or ethnic in nature in Africa or a religious one, the effects of the use of force are visited on both the oppressed and the oppressors. From one standpoint, therefore, the bloodshed, famine, and pestilence resulting from any policy of conquest may be viewed as a judgement on those instituting such a policy. John surely viewed the results of the Rome’s policy of conquest and control as part of a judgment on the empire. Tragically, however, the judgment resulting from conquest and oppression are never restricted to those initiating the use of force; they are also visited on those who are the objects of conquest. In a real sense, the threatened persecution facing the believers in Asia could be viewed as a result of Rome’s general policy of conquest. And the faithful believer in the province of Asia just like the faithful believers in all ages finds this situation difficult to understand or to accept. How then, could the situations reflected in Revelation 6:1–8 be expressed in the light of the sovereignty of the Lamb? How can one explain the apparent delay of God’s judgment on wicked people who create the situations that produce the evils reflected in the imagery connected with the breaking of the first four seals? What word of hope was there for the believers in Asia as they faced the threat of persecution and even of martyrdom? The full liberation of humanity occurs the moment we look indifferently to injustices that are inherent in their political systems. THE MARTYRED SAINTS (6:9–11) The halves, which are normally the dominant, may not be impressed by John’s use of the Martyrs language here. When the Lamb broke the fifth seal, John saw the souls of the martyrs under the altar. The altar here appears to be a symbol of sacrifice, and the martyrs are thus portrayed as having given their lives as a sacrifice to God on the “heavenly altar” (cf. Philippians 2:7; 11 Timothy 4:6). Their position under the altar probably indicates that they are in a place of honor, under the watchful eye of God.11 They had lost their lives as a result of their faithful witness; they had been slain for the word of God and the witness they had borne (cf. 1:2). Although the immediate

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reference would be to those who had died for the word of God and the testimony of Jesus (1:9), the general application is to the martyrs of all ages. 6:10 The martyrs cried out to God with a question that was also a plea for vindication through the judgment of those who had caused their deaths. The words, avenge our blood, imply a spirit of vindictiveness which appears to be sub-Christian when compared to Jesus’s admonition against retaliation. In the midst of affliction, it becomes difficult to maintain a loving attitude toward our enemies. On the other hand, the attitude reflected in these words may not actually be as harsh as it at first appears. In the Hebrew system of justice, all cases were treated as civil cases. The plaintiff could be vindicated only through the condemnation of the defendant. It is possible that John is using the traditional Hebrew Law language here. If so, the prayer for vindication naturally involved a plea for judgment on those taking the lives of the martyrs. 6:11 In answer to their plea, the martyrs were given white robes-symbolic of victory, purity, and bliss—and told to rest a little longer, until the number of those who were destined for martyrdom was complete. This does not mean that God has a certain number in view who are to become martyrs, and that he delays judgment until their number is complete. John here stresses the conviction that those who have already gained through their martyrdom are one with those who are yet to experience martyrdom, and that the ultimate victory of God awaits the completion of their witness. The delay is to give an opportunity for the completion of this witness. The judgment is delayed, but it will surely come; it is to be delayed only a little longer. THE OPENING OF SIXTH SEAL (6:12–17) The martyred saints under the altar were assured that judgment and vindication would surely come. With the breaking of the sixth seal there was a portrayal of the certainty of this judgment. When the Lamb broke the sixth seal, the universe fell apart. John saw depicted before his eyes an earthquake, together with all the horrors associated with it. The sun turned black, the moon became red as blood, the stars fell from heaven, the sky rolled up like a scroll, and mountains and islands disappeared. All people, great and small,

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rich and poor, fled from the wrath of God and the Lamb, for the great day of their wrath has come, and who can stand before it? Since apocalyptic imagery is used in the description of judgment in 6:12– 17, the language is not to be taken literally. This passage is to be compared with Peter’s application of Joel’s apocalyptic vision (Joel 2:28–32) to the phenomena present on the day of Pentecost (Acts 2). John used symbolic language in order to stress the awfulness of judgment. As the sixth seal is opened, John sees terrible events occurring in the natural cosmos and everyone is thrown into panic, both high and low by the dreadful acts of God in 6:12–17. There is an assumption that the historical events portrayed in the Apocalypse follow one another in a chronological sequence. However, the passage occurs at the wrong place to contain a description of the last judgment, which appears to take place later in the narrative at 20:15. Therefore, the passage is said to contain a symbolic representation of temporal judgments meted out through natural disaster, using the earthquake—a phenomenon quite familiar to the readers—as the central symbol in the Apocalypse. It is evident, however, that the events depicted in the Apocalypse of John do not necessarily follow one another in chronological order. John freely moved from the past, to the present, to the future, and back again in the presentation of his message. Therefore, as African readers we are able to see in this passage a description of the final judgment. It contends that the great day of God’s wrath must be final judgment at the end of human history. In support of this interpretation, it needs to be pointed out that the writer often describes the same event in different verses using different symbolism. THE CONCLUSIVE MESSAGE One interesting thing encountered in this section of the Apocalypse is the philosophy that the Lamb that was slain appears as an Avenger who brings death and destruction. One common thread not only in this section, but throughout the Apocalypse is that it is literary negative about the present political situation and focuses on the future. Contrapuntally, this section and the African mythology of disaster allow the reader to see disaster as a result of supernatural events. People are able to see the hand of God even when disasters strike; they finally acknowledge the acts of God. As Okure (2001) puts it, Africans undertake their own projects of self-liberation and growing in Christological self-knowledge, justice and peace finally emerge. Normally, people would wish to hide their faces from God who is seated on the throne and from the punishment of the Lamb. Reading for a counterpoint is searching a

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self-liberating hermeneutics to affect the liberation of humanity from the current oppressive political systems, followed by the trumpets of victory. We must note that the Lamb has not written the scroll but is able to open its seals to show John and the Church what must soon take place. The vindication of the saints will be made public at the last judgment, but they are even now innocent. At the end, even those who never respected God are proclaiming the mighty acts of God. NOTES 1. Being in Spirit is not a difficult thing for the Africans to comprehend, in fact they are more at home with this concept than any other in the Apocalypse. 2. For Caird (1984, 62), these words suggest that John’s universe was a three-storied one. He has moved to the world of ancestors, such makes Africans join the dialogue of another world. For the Kikuyu people there are two worlds (the world before birth and the present one), while the third one is for the married. 3. See Waweru (2020). African culture provides the first basis for intercultural hermeneutics focusing on life. Africans value life as the highest good, where the community forms the natural context for experiencing the very good of life. 4. This is in agreement with proverb, “They that have rain do not get lost.” 5. See Charles (1920, 1, 128), for a better explanation on the elders. 6. A number of scholars seem to give support to such an interpretation (cf. Caird 1984; Beasley-Murray 1978; Farrar 1949; Kiddle 1940; Sweet 1979). In the African thinking, Mbiti (1969) brings in the idea of African eschatology. 7. Cf. Revelation 1:9, which stress God’s sovereignty, while the expression “who was and is and is to come” stress his eternal nature. 8. In Africa the oath was a definite seal. There would be no one to reveal an oath. 9. Cf. Genesis 49:9 and Isaiah 11:1, 11, where Jesus is described as the messiah. 10. In the African thinking, it would be the place of the living dead (kwa Ngoma), a place of the recently dead. 11. See Beasley-Murray (1978, 136).

Chapter 4

The First Survivors of God’s People (7:1–11:19)

This chapter is similar to Rev 2:13 and 13:16 which brings the image of the Apocalypse as a text for the martyrs; it presents us with a two-part vision of an Assembly of God’s people. The scattered Jews are being gathered back in Zion (Isa 2; Mic 4; Deut. 30:2). Here the breaking of the seventh seal is ready to complete the opening of the scroll of destiny. Such will further usher in the consummation of God’s purpose for humanity. The survivors are in two categories, for Rev 7 has a wider membership. These categories form a transition between scene two and three. The aim is to give a partial answer to the question, who is able to stand before it? The reader is now prepared to witness the breaking of the seventh seal. This means that it is the responsibility of every generation of thinkers to review and even critique the body of knowledge they have been nurtured into. Such interpretation was a common phenomenon among early Christians, who identified themselves as a chosen generation between the time of Jesus and his return in glory. In contemporary Africa, the breaking of the colonial seal is more than urgent. RESTRAINING THE FOUR WINDS (7:1–3) When the sixth seal is broken, the four angels appear standing at the four corners of the earth, restraining back the four winds of the earth, which are used to predict the outbreak of chaos on earth in the Jewish traditions (cf. Jer 59:36; Dan 7:2; Zech 6:5). If it were not for God’s grace, the agents would be immediately released as they indicated the destructive nature of God’s judgment. God will not destroy the earth for the moment, until a fifth angel could seal the faithful servants of the Lord with the seal of the living God. The saints are protected once the sealing is placed upon their foreheads. They are now able to survive the destructive forces of the four winds. To those who have 89

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read about the hurricane, they can understand the restraining. The earth, the sea, and trees are particularly vulnerable to the hurricane once it struck, and therefore they are used to symbolize the serious nature of divine judgment. THE 144,000 FROM THE TWELVE TRIBES (7:4–8) In every tribe, a 144,000 sons and daughters of Israel have been sealed. Who are they? It is difficult to identify them because two groups of people are mentioned in this chapter, as the 144,000 and a great multitude from every nation, and they are all sons and daughters of all peoples and tongues. At first glance it looks like they are all Jewish Christians and the Gentile Christians. These are the saints, the first fruits of the redeemed people, suggesting that they are to be distinguished by their location: the 144,000 on earth and the great multitude in heaven. This gives us a logical flow of who they are. For Mijoga (2001), African readers build their case upon formal logical progression, starting from the basic principles and facts which are taken for granted and from which all practical application flow in a point-for-point fashion that can be sketched. Theologically, there is nowhere a distinction is made between Jewish and Gentile believers. But if the Jewish-Gentile distinction is maintained, one is hard pressed to explain why the 144,000 were sealed and the great multitude was not. Since the primary purpose of the sealing of God’s servants was to protect them from the destructive force of the four winds, the sealing must include the totality of believers both Jewish and Gentile.1 It therefore appears logical to take the 144,000 as representative of all those who are saved as the redeemed community currently facing trials and afflictions of its earthly existence, and the great multitude as representative of the redeemed community in its triumphant state. Today, this may refer to the African Christians currently facing the poor leadership crises in Africa. The reading of this section has inspired many interpreters in Africa, making it attractive to sect leaders. The sealing of the 144,000 indicated that Africans (every tribe) as well as all saints are under the protection of God. The 144,000 must then never be taken to mean a specific number but the totality of the believers as they faced trials and tribulations. The text has to be interpreted as indicative of their security in the midst of the trials and afflictions to which Africans are facing in their own continent as subjects of their own leaders. The four winds thus are symbolic of temporal judgment to which the people on earth were subject and which previews the final judgment. That the believers were protected from the temporal judgments which were coming on the earth did not mean that they were literally exempt from physical dangers. The believers in Asia were experiencing

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persecution and they were feeling the effects of the temporal judgments set in motion by the evils of men (cf. commentary on 6:1–8). Apparently, some had been martyred, like the one named Antipas in 2:13, and still others were facing the real possibility of martyrdom. The believers are protected once they are under the protection of the seal of God, and their ultimate victory was certain. The assurance of this message was not limited to the believers of the early Church in the first century.2 It is an assurance to believers throughout the Christian history. Revelation 7:1–8 pictures the security of the believers in the midst of trials and afflictions; for Aulen (1931), the victory over the supernatural powers is historical in Christian theories of atonement. THE MULTITUDE IN WHITE ROBES (7:9–17) The idea of a great multitude which no man could number, from every nation, from all tribes and peoples and tongues mentioned in verses 9–10, was identical with the 144,000 of 7:1–8, now viewed in a different setting. These are the overcomers who have been redeemed, now in heaven; Christ’s salvation has been achieved by them, for they are no longer subject to earthly trials. They are now pictured being in the veritable presence of God and the Lamb seated on the throne. Like the martyrs under the altar, they were settled in the presence of God. They are now dressed in white robes as symbols of their victory, very symbolic of winning were the palm branches which they carried. They are now singing a song of triumph for salvation belongs to their God, currently on the throne and to the Lamb, who died and rose again. For their deliverance ultimately is the work of Christ their first born of resurrection. In verses 11–12, we encounter the numberless multitude before the throne, being joined in praising God by the numberless host of angels (cf. 5:11). The worship offered to God is a seven-fold ascription of praise almost identical to that given to the Lamb in 5:12; the Lord of hosts will soon begin to reign over the whole earth (Wainwright 1993, 51). In verses 13–14, one of the elders requested John to identify the great multitude, already dressed in white robes and where they came from. But John is unable to do so, prompting the elder to give an answer. These are the ones who have come out of the great tribulation, having washed their robes and made them white in the blood of the Lamb. The martyrs referred to here represent those who had passed through great affliction and had become victorious through suffering. The great tribulation in verse 14 “has been a central feature of some modern eschatological interpretations” (Kovacs and Rowland 2004:104). The passage is often taken literally by many modern-day readers as referring to the great trouble at the

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end of the age.3 Others believe that such sufferings are similar to current tribulations in general being experienced in Africa or elsewhere in the Christian world.4 To the Johannine community receiving the message, the phrase would point to the great persecution which appeared to be imminent. But to those in Christ, victory has been achieved through suffering, for it belongs to their God not themselves. There is a misconception concerning suffering and hardships among Christians based on the view that the primary purpose of religion is to protect believers from evil. The majority of cult leaders misuse such a perception, teaching their followers to hold that those who are living in faith in Christ are immune from hardships, suffering, and physical evil. It has a spiritual meaning: what is physical to us, it is spiritual to them. Any belief that Christians should not suffer is invalid for several reasons. It ignores the realness of life that faithful Christians do actually experience hardships, suffering, and even tragedy. The New Testament in general and the Apocalypse in particular indicate that the believer is not immune to tribulations. In fact, the indication is that believers are to expect afflictions and tribulations just because they are believers. The Apocalypse was written in part to encourage believers in Asia who were experiencing the threat of persecution because of their faithful witness to their risen Lord. Actually, in African countries, believers have suffered great affliction because of their faithful witness to Christ, resulting in several martyrs. The believers are promised ultimate victory in Christ. At the same time, they are not promised immunity from hardship and suffering which are common to humanity. In fact, the faithful believer can often expect affliction for the very reason that they are faithful. In verses 15–17, the saints were continually in the presence of Christ seated on the throne, worshipping God day and night, with no interruption. These ones are under the eternal protection of Christ, who sits on the throne sheltering them with his presence. They are fully satisfied, lacking nothing, neither hungry nor thirsty anymore; they are free from torment. Even the sun will not strike them, nor any scorching heat. To them, grief is a thing of the past. God will wipe away all tears from their eyes. The divine protection is epitomized in the words of 17a: “The Lamb will be their shepherd,” a term used for any leader of his community (Jer. 2:8): the leader leads them to springs of living water. The Lamb is taking care of the redeemed, whom he secured through his sacrificial death and his resurrection. THE CONCLUSIVE MESSAGE The chapter has identified the angel from the sun. It has brought out the presence of different groups in the vision; such are the sealed on the forehead as well as the multitude that is unnumbered. The groups are identified as the

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martyrs who died in Christ through persecution and suffering. The chapter brings out the eschatological aspect of final judgment and the escape of the chosen people of God, capturing a perspective of many early Christians, who counted themselves as a privileged generation. The idea of “great tribulation” has offered a direct link to other scriptures of the same nature (cf. 1 Cor 10:11; 7:29–31), (Kovacs and Rowland 2004, 99). THE ANGEL AND THE INCENSE (8:1) This single verse brings to conclusion the vision of the Lamb and the scroll with the seven seals, because once the Lamb opens the seventh seal, total silence in heaven for half an hour is experienced. With the breaking of the seventh seal, we should expect to see portrayal of the end. Instead, there was total silence in heaven. There is some uncertainty as to the significance of this brief period of silence. We suggest that the silence represented a delayed judgment. However, the judgments unleashed with the sounding of the seven trumpets were temporal judgments which were intended to lead to repentance and are typical of judgment which occurred throughout history. The difficulty with this suggestion is that the reference to the brief period of silence occurs in the context of judgment, making a reference to the new creation (cf. 21:1 ff) out of the place.5 A third suggestion is that the period of silence was for the purpose of allowing the prayers of the saints to be heard (8:2).6 Following the period of silence, John saw the seven angels stand before God. The use of the definite article in verse 2 indicates that they were the angels of presence, who are named in Enoch 20:7: Gabriel, Michael, Raphael, Uriel, Sariel, Raguel, and Remiel. They were angels who stood in the presence of God to offer the prayers of the saints. These angels were given seven trumpets. Trumpets were used by the Jews to proclaim the ascension of a king, to summon Israel to repentance in the face of imminent judgment, and to announce religious ceremonies and national festivals. In the present passage, they are used to warn of the approaching judgment. African communities will always appeal to ancient material without naming it in order to solve a particular crisis or handle circumstances that have arisen in special moments (Waweru 2005). In Kenya, kikuyus are known to have turned into their dreams to rekindle hope that things will be better tomorrow than they are today. Reading a biblical text in this way, for Upkong (1995), allows the concerned community to make Christianity relevant for the Africans.

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8:3–4 Before the sounding of the trumpets, incense was mingled with prayers of the saints which were offered. Another angle of the prayers of all the saints is that, when the incense was poured out of the altar, the smoke of the incense, together with the prayers of saints, rose before the throne. The saints are to be identified with the 144,000 of 7:1–8. The meaning intended here is that the prayers of the persecuted believers are heard by God. 8:5 The angels filled the censor with fire from the altar and threw it on the earth. There followed peals of thunder, loud noise, flashes of lightning, and an earthquake, symbolic of judgments that are to come on the earth. The fact that the fire comes from the very altar upon which the prayers of the saints have been offered indicates that the prayers were for vindication. The prayers of the afflicted saints for vindication are heard and answered. The judgments that come with the sounding of the trumpets are in part vindication of God’s persecuted saints. Believers may receive political, social, economic, ethnic, and religious persecution at the hands of their enemies. They may be the objects of this affliction because of their faith, but the affliction sometimes comes because of the type of world we live in. In their case, believers can be sure that the evil men who bring the affliction are subject to the judgment of God, which is at the same time vindication of the persecuted believers. THE FIRST SIX TRUMPETS (8:6–9:21) Following the pouring out of the fire on the earth, the seven angels stepped forward and prepared to blow their trumpets. The logical assumption would be that the sounding of the trumpets was intended to introduce detailed descriptions of the judgment indicated in verse 5. In interpreting the trumpet visions, one should be warned against imposing a strict chronological scheme on the reading. In addition, the language here should not be interpreted in a literal sense. The language used involved apocalyptic symbolism, and no attempt was made to make all the details fit into a whole consistence. The background of the imagery used in the descriptions of the trumpet plagues appears to have been the plagues of Egypt described in Exodus. A contrapuntal reading allows the voices both from the Apocalypse and the African community to bring out the continuities and discontinuities for a new voice to emerge (Dickson 1984).

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To the extent that the seal scenes in chapter 6 reflect judgments, they indicate judgments set in motion by the evil committed by the people, although God is viewed as the ultimate judge. The judgments connected with the trumpet visions, however, are presented as the result of the direct intervention by God. Also they are judgments which are precursors of the final judgment. This is borne out by the fact that the effects of the judgments are presented as limited and the indications that the judgments were intended to produce repentance. The sounding of the trumpets themselves was intended as a warning.7 THE PLAGUE ON THE LAND (8:7) The blowing of the trumpet by the first angel resulted in a rain of hail and fire, mixed with blood. Hail and fire appear in combination in the seventh Egyptian plague mentioned in Exodus 9:24. The picture in Exodus is of a severe thunderstorm; the fire appears as a flashing of lightning in the midst of the hail. The damage in the Egyptian plague was done by the hail. In the first trumpet plague, the damage is done by the fire. The words “mixed with blood” most likely indicate the color of the hail and fire. The effects of this judgment were limited. The fire destroyed a third of the earth, a third of the trees, and all green grass. The earth was subjected to a severe but limited destruction. The limited nature of the judgment implies that it was intended to produce repentance. THE PLAGUE ON THE SEA (8:8–9) When the second angel blew his trumpet, something like a fiery mountain fell into the sea. The volcanic eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 79 CE may have suggested the imagery. A third of the sea became blood, a third of ships were destroyed. The first Egyptian plague, the turning of the waters of the Nile into blood (Exodus 7:20 ff), is in view here. Again, while destruction was extensive, it was limited: only a third of the sea was affected. The limited nature of the second plague again indicates that the trumpet judgments were intended as warnings. THE PLAGUE ON THE FRESH WATER (8:10–11) With the sounding of the third trumpet, a blazing star fell on a third of the rivers and on the fountains of water. The earth’s sources of fresh water were

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affected. The name of the star was Wormwood. Wormwood was a very bitter poisonous substance; in the Old Testament the word is used metaphorically to designate the bitterness of God’s judgment (Jeremiah 9:15; 23:15).8 THE PLAGUE ON THE HEAVENLY BODIES (8:12) The fourth trumpet recalls the Egyptian plague of darkness (Exodus 10:21– 31). John has modified the description of the Egyptian plague in order to show the limited effect of the judgment. The effect of the fourth trumpet plague was that a third of the day was kept from shining, and likewise a third of the night. The images connected with sounding of the first four trumpets—as well as of the last three—are not to be interpreted literally. They are symbolic representations of temporal judgment set in motion by God which affect the natural order. John apparently viewed these natural disasters as expressions of God’s judgment. This does not mean that all natural disasters are to be viewed as expressions of divine judgment, but John believed that God is able to use nature to bring judgment upon wicked people or nations. Thus, what is represented here is natural judgment instigated by God. Natural disasters interpreted as expressions of divine judgment are easily understood by those who are familiar with traditional religion. The destruction caused in a section of a Yoruba city by a recent storm was interpreted by local traditionalists as judgment of Sango (the Yoruba god of thunder and lightning), brought on by the fact that too many traditionalists in the area were turning to Christianity. According to this view, judgment is seen primarily as a punishment. The view of divine judgment reflected in the trumpet plague is quite different. In these passages judgment is seen as primarily redemptive. The limited nature of the judgments reflected in the trumpet plagues implies what is made explicit in what follows: these were temporal judgments intended to produce repentance. INTERLUDE: THE FLYING EAGLE (8:13) Before the sounding of the fifth trumpet, there was a brief interlude, as eagles flew cross the heavens, crying out in a loud voice: woe, woe, woe, to those who dwell on the earth, at the blast of the other trumpets which the three angels are about to blow. The imagery of the flying eagle here is both a dramatic device used to build up suspense and the means by which John emphasizes the severity of the remaining trumpet judgments. While the first

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four judgments were serious, they were not as severe as the judgments to come. The first four trumpet judgments were directed against nature and affected man indirectly; these judgments were directed against the rebellious mankind. THE DEMONIC LOCUSTS (9:1–12) When the fifth angel blew his trumpet, John saw another angel, whom he described as a star fallen from heaven to earth. The fact that the angel fell from heaven does not necessarily indicate that he was an evil or fallen angel, but the apparent identification of this angel with the kind of the demon locusts in verse 11 would indicate that such an interpretation was intended. The angel of the bottomless pit (Greek, abyss) is portrayed as carrying out the command of God. The Abyss was not Shell or Hades; neither was it Gahanna, the place of external punishment. It was the temporary dwelling of demons and fallen spirits. Here it is the symbol of the storehouse of all spiritual evil. 8:2–4 When the angel opened the shaft of the bottomless pit, smoke like the smoke of a great furnace poured out of it, obscuring the sun and the air. Out of the smoke came a great plague of locusts. The demonic nature of these locusts is suggested by their origin and their task. Ordinarily, locusts attack vegetation, thereby harming men indirectly. These ones attack the people directly. The task of the demonic locusts was to attack all people who did not have the seal of God on their foreheads. The judgment of the locust plague, like the first four trumpet plagues, was directed against the Godless. The fact that those bearing the seal of God on their foreheads were exempted from the judgment of the locust plague indicates that this represented a spiritual judgment, not a physical suffering, whether instigated by men or affected through natural disaster, such as the one reflected in the imagery of the first four trumpet plagues. 9:5 The demonic locusts and stingers like scorpions were allowed to torture their victims for five months. The life of a locust lasts for about five months; therefore, the locust season is about the same period of time. At the same time, locust swarms usually move from place to place. Thus, the fact that the torture caused by the demonic locusts is said to last five months indicates the severity of the plague. For John of the Apocalypse, the period of five months

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demonstrates the limited time for any power of evil that comes to the faithful people of God, overcoming is the target. While natural swamps of locusts last only a few days, these demonic swarms bring their torments throughout the whole time of locusts. While the five months are indicative of the severity of the plague, they also are indicative of the limited nature of the plague: it is for a limited period of time. The contrapuntal reading allows a holistic approach to African culture and involves, among other things, a commitment to the world of the readers and their historical life experience (Upkong 2001). 9:6 The severity of the torment and function of the demon locusts is given by John’s description. They looked like horses armed for battle, since the head of a locust is somewhat similar to the head of a horse, in movement a swarm of locusts might be said to resemble a ccavalry. On their heads were objects that looked like crowns, representative of authority? Their human-like faces indicated intelligence, and their teeth like lions suggested an insatiable appetite. The breastplates . . . like iron were suggestive of battle dress, while the noise of their wings was suggestive of the noise of horses going to battle. John adapted the description of the locust plague in the Book of Joel for his description of the demonic locusts. 9:11 The host of demon locusts had a king: the angel of the bottomless pit. His name in Hebrew was Abandon; his Greek name Apollo, “Destroyer.” Apollo is not the exact equivalent of Agaddon, and it may have been used in this verse to suggest the name Apollo. Domitian liked to style himself as the incarnation of Apollo, and John may have been making the ironic suggestion that the demonic hosts from hell had as their king the occupant of the Roman throne. 9:12 The reader is reminded that while one woe is past, two are yet to come. The implication is that they are to become progressively worse. THE DEMONIC CAVALRY FROM THE EAST (9:13–21) When the sixth angel blew his trumpet in 13–14, John heard a voice coming “from the four horns of the golden alter before God. The voice commanded the

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sixth angel to release the four angels . . . bound at the great River Euphrates. These were the demonic angels who were to lead the demonic cavalry. The Euphrates River was the ideal boundary between Israel and her enemies to the east. It also formed the eastern boundary of the Roman Empire. Beyond the Euphrates was the domain of Parthian, the perennial foes of Rome, who had inflicted severe defeats on the Romans. The fearful might of the Parthian lay in their mounted archers, and John most likely used them as the basis for the imagery of this passage. John was not actually describing the Parthian or any other specific historical group, either contemporary with him or future to him. The cavalry in this passage was a demonic cavalry, representing the forces of evil employed by God in judgment. 9:15–16 The demonic hosts led by the four angels had been prepared for a specific period of time, the hour, the day, the month and the year. It was for the purpose of destroying a third of mankind. Although the devil may cause affliction on the human race, God holds the time in his hand. This judgment was more severe than the previous ones—note the progressively increasing severity of the trumpet judgments—but it was still limited, involving only a third of mankind. God has the final say in all these things. 9:17–19 The demonic monster of the cavalry is stressed in John’s description. The heads of the horses were like lions’ heads, and from their mouths they produced fire and smoke and sulfur, by which a third of mankind was killed. The horses also had power in their tails, which were like serpents. An inconceivable picture is given here, which was intended to be both horrifying and revolting. The creatures described in this passage are not of this earth but are representative of the demonic forces of evil. Although in the contemporary world people have a great difficulty with the belief in the reality of demonic forces at work in the world, such was not the case with John; neither is it with the African communities. While he made use of symbolic language in 9:1–12 and 9:13–21, he was convinced of the reality of demonic forces of evil. What was true for John remains true for the African communities and the great majority of the world, even in the modern age. In the so-called third world, including a great portion of the continent of Africa, the vast majority still find themselves threatened by evil demonic forces. For Muraya (2013), the Africans and Kikuyus in particular still see and interpret challenges in life from an untransformed indigenous worldview, continuing to view their life challenges in their traditional beliefs and practices. To those

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of us who face the necessary of dealing with the demonic forces which continue to threaten our lives, the writer of the Book of Revelation has message of great assurance. In the present passage the demonic hosts are presented as the instruments utilized by God to bring judgment upon the humanity, which has become rebellious. Thus, the first message of hope for the believer is that demonic forces are not unlimited in their power. They are ultimately under the control of God. The second element in the message of hope is that the demonic hosts have no control over the lives of the believers. Their power is only over those who do not have the seal of God on their foreheads. Because God of the Apocalypse has conquered the spiritual forces of evil, the African reader who lives in faith need have no fear of the demonic forces, of corruption, nepotism, tribalism, discrimination, whatever or wherever they may be, because overcoming is the promised inheritance and their portion in life. 9:20–21 What was implied in the descriptions of the first five trumpet plagues were made explicit in the judgment inaugurated with the sounding of the sixth trumpet. These judgments were not final and complete. Their purpose was redemptive; they were intended to lead the wicked to repentance. God’s judgment is never vindictive; it is always redemptive. It is always intended to lead men to repentance. The tragedy is that the judgments reflected in chapters 8 and 9 did not lead to repentance. Those who were not killed by these plagues did not repent because of the works of their hands (their sins). The chief of these was idolatry, but they also included murder, sorcery, immorality, and theft. These sins were very prominent in the Greco-Roman world in the first century. John viewed the emperor worship as a particularly horrible example of idolatry. John would view Rome as a particularly horrible and striking example of the refusal to repent. Later in the book, he was to describe yet more severe judgments against the empire. The tragedy of divine judgment is that all too often it does not lead to repentance but increased rebellion. The judgments connected with the first six trumpets were temporal judgments, the purpose of which was to lead the recipients of the judgment of repentance. From the standpoint of John and his readers, the judgment depicted in the trumpet visions were representative of the judgments directed primarily but not exclusively against Rome. These were not actual judgments; they were symbolic representations of judgment. No actual connection between the judgment depicted here, both natural and supernatural, to actual historical events sought, although certain historical events possibly formed the basis for the imagery used.

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The message contained in chapters 8 and 9 would be a grim reminder to the believers in Asia of the type of world in which they lived. In such a world— where the judgment of God leads not to repentance but to greater sin—the Christian can only expect affliction and persecution. Further, the mercy of God reflected in his delay of the final judgment carried with it a price the believer must pay. As long as the mercy of God continues to be extended to the enemies of his people, they will be free to bring affliction and persecution upon the believers—in the province of Asia in the first century or in the world today. INTERLUDE: THE ANGEL WITH THE SCROLL AND THE TWO WITNESSES (10:1–11:14) Following the picture of severe judgments and gross impenitence in 9:13–21, the reader is prepared psychologically for a description of God’s ultimate judgment on unrepentant mankind. Before God’s judgment can be completed, however, his mercy must be extended to its fullest limit, expressed through the prophetic witness of the Church. Therefore, before the sounding of the seventh trumpet, John interposes an interlude, containing two symbolic descriptions of this prophetic witness. THE MIGHTY ANGEL AND THE LITTLE SCROLL (10:1–11) Following the sounding of the sixth trumpet, John saw another mighty angel descending from heaven, and unlike the “star” in Rev 9: he is not fallen, but wrapped in a cloud, with a rainbow over his head. His face was like the sun and his legs were like pillars of fire. The description here contains echoes of Exodus 14:19, 24, where we read about the angel’s presence who accompanied Israel in her wilderness wanderings. Farrar’s (1949) suggestion, that the angel of the presence accompanies God’s servants in the new age as he accompanied Israel in the desert, is unlikely. The language appears to be used here to reflect the majestic splendor of the heavenly messenger. 10:2 The angel, who had a little scroll, open in his hand, was able to cover the whole world by placing one foot on the sea and one foot on the land, indicating that his message was for the entire world.

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10:3–4 The angel shouted in a loud voice and the seven thunders uttered their message. John was forbidden to record the message of the thunders; he was told; seal up what the seven thunders have said and do not write it down. This message may not yet be released. Such a prohibition stands in sharp contrast to the command in Rev 1:11, where the author was instructed to write what he saw in a book. Many suggestions have been made concerning the context of the message of the seven thunders. While few of these suggestions are fully convincing, there is one, although it does not answer the question of the content of the message of the seven thunders, that may indicate that there is more to the plan and purpose of God than the prophetic word can communicate.9 10:5–7 Following the sealing of the message of the seven thunders, the angel declared that there should be no more delay, but at the sounding of the seventh trumpet, the mystery of God remains a mystery as it is announced to his servants the prophets, and it should be fulfilled. The suggestion that the last clause in 10:6 should be translated to no more delay is wrong for two reasons. The angel did not say that the end would come with the sounding of the seventh trumpet, rather the occurrence here was that the sovereignty of God was proclaimed with the sounding of the seventh trumpet (cf. 11:15). However, the delay may be accepted if God was giving time for as many people as possible to repent. 10:8–11 John is now being commanded to take the scroll from the angel standing on the sea and on the land, and to eat it (cf. Ezekiel 2:8). When he ate it, he found it to be sweet in his mouth but bitter in his stomach. The mixture of sweetness and bitterness indicated that the little scroll contained the prophetic word (cf. Ezekiel 2:8–3:3). The sweetness reflected the hope of the fulfillment of the plan and purpose of God, while the bitterness indicated that the fulfillment of the plan and purpose of God that involves judgment. In the context of the Apocalypse, the fulfillment of the plan and purpose of God wrapped up with the witness of his martyrs, and this added to the bitterness of the message for John. John was commissioned to proclaim the prophetic word which is for many people, nations, tongues, and kings. The bittersweet message of the scroll is a message of both hope and judgment for all people.

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The scroll here is just an open book containing no secrets; it represents the word of God as a message for all to hear it as it is written in the Old Testament scriptures as well as in the gospel brought by Christ and not yet in scripture. The idea of eating the scroll, which was sweet to taste, meant that John must read, mark, learn as well as inwardly digest the gospel. The vision that then follows indicates that the whole Church must receive, swallow, and digest the gospel in order to preach and to live. THE MEASURING OF THE TEMPLE (11:1–3) The author here was given a measuring rod and told to measure the temple of God and the altar and those who worship there. He was told not to measure the outer court, for it belonged to the Gentiles. This area was to be given over to the nations, who would trample over the holy city for forty-two months. The measuring of the temple, then, has the same meaning as the sealing of the 144,000. It is for protection, so that the inner court would be preserved as the outer court would be desecrated by the unbelievers. At the time of authorship of the Apocalypse, the temple had been in ruins for twenty-five years. Perhaps the author in this case was using a source written before 70 CE, which proclaimed that God would preserve the inner sanctuary against the Romans. One is left to wonder why the author would make use of an unfulfilled prophesy. Could it be that the author was here referring to the church? One could argue that the author in this case did not deal specifically with the Jewish-Gentile problem, which was a thing of the past when he addressed the churches in Asia. Rather, he may have concentrated on the problem of believers and unbelievers, using Hebrew terminology in a symbolic sense. The temple here represents the Church: both the inner and outer courts, as well as the holy city itself, viewed from different vantage points. The measuring of the temple, like the sealing of the 144,000, symbolizes the security of the Church against spiritual dangers. The trampling of the outer court and the holy city proclaimed the truth that, while the Church is secure in the midst of spiritual danger, it is not immune to physical suffering and death. The persecution of the Church was for a limited time; they will trample over the holy city for forty-two months. Although the enemies of the Church are able to oppress it, they are unable to destroy it. During the period of the oppression of the Church, she was to have her prophetic witness: I will grant my two witnesses power to prophesy for 1,260 days, clothed in sackcloth. One thousand two hundred and sixty days is equivalent to forty-two months, and both expressions interpret Daniel’s time, two times and a half (Daniel 12:7) (for the view that the two witnesses represent the witnessing church, see

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commentary on 11:4–14). The context of affliction and persecution is emphasized by the fact that the two witnesses wore sack clothes. THE TWO WITNESSES (11:4–14) Two witnesses were identical with the two olive trees and the two lamp stands in Zechariah 4:14, representing Zerubbabel of the loyal family and Joshua the high priest. For the author, the two olive trees are the two lamp stands. He appears to indicate that the two witnesses represent the witnessing church of Christ. He uses the lamp stand as symbolic of the churches in Asia in Rev 1:20. The presence of two lamp stands (cf. Zechariah 4:2) reflects the fact that the testimony of a single witness was not permissible in a Jewish court. Perhaps this is the reason Jesus had sent his disciples two by two (Mark 6:7). 11:5–6 While the two witnesses were engaged in their prophetic ministry, they were immune to harm. They were equipped for all their needs as they carried out their task, being protected by fire which pours from their mouths and consumes their foes. They are comparable to Elijah, who called down fire from heaven to consume the forces sent by Ahaziah (11 Kings 1:9–16). They are equally empowered to shut the sky and the power over the waters to turn them into blood (cf. 1 Kings 17:1) (Exodus 7:20). 11:7–10 Nothing will hinder the completion of the task given to them. The period of prophesying was completed, giving a chance to the beast from the bottomless pit to attack and kill them. The beast signifies the evil, though it will appear later in the vision of Rev 13, which simply means that Revelation is not chronologically arranged as a future history. The bodies of the two witnesses were left in the streets for three days and half. These words indicated a brief, limited time. The defeat of the witnesses was only apparent. The death of the two witnesses was symbolic of the rejection of the prophetic word by unbelievers. John and his readers would see a secondary reference to the threat of martyrdom. John would remind those threatened with affliction and persecution that the real source of their tribulation was not Rome, but the beast, coming from the bottomless pit.10 The bodies of the two witnesses were left in the street of the great city, which is allegorically called Sodom and Egypt, where their Lord was crucified. Some commentators have seen here a veiled reference to Jerusalem,

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while others identify the city as Rome. It seems best, however, to take the description as a symbolic reference to forces of evil that attempted to destroy the Church. Sodom was a symbol of the oppression of God’s people. The enemies of the two witnesses gloated over their death, and the testimony of the two witnesses was a judgment on their death; it was a judgment on their stubborn refusal to repent—those two prophets had been a torment to those who dwell on the earth. So elated were they over the defeat of the two witnesses that they exchanged gifts. 11:11–13 A breath of life introduces a premature rejoicing, since the defeat of the witnesses was not as complete as it appeared to be. After the three and half days, a breath of life from God entered them; this imagery is derived from Ezekiel 37. Their death was not final; it was followed by resurrection not of the two individual witnesses, but it symbolized the ultimate victory of the witnessing Church. These words were an assurance to those threatened with martyrdom that even in their death they would be victorious. Because of their union with the risen Christ, they part of his victory. The witnesses being persecuted and afflicted are the true witnessing community, which is always subject to persecution and affliction and cannot ultimately be defeated by the forces of evil; hence, even the faithful witness should lead to martyrdom. The resurrection of the two witnesses was followed by a great judgment. There was a great earthquake, and a tenth of the city fell; seven thousand people were killed in the earthquake. Those who were not killed were awestruck and gave glory to the God of heaven. Like in Joshua 7:19 and Jeremiah 13:16, “to give glory to God” means to confess sin and repent of it. So the imagery is borrowed from the Old Testament to show that the enemies are made aware that the dead will live with Christ. The faithful witness of the Church and the witness of the martyrs would succeed where retributive judgment had failed. As Tertullian noted, the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the Church. That such an idea was a possibility for John is evidenced by his apparent confidence that the faithful believers in Philadelphia would be able to convert members of the synagogue of Satan. The African indigenous churches of today are called to a prophetic witness. African believers are called to faithfully proclaim the word of God, not add to the complacency of the people. Long gone are days when Africans were thought to be irreligious, requiring a new religion. The African church must rise to the occasion and to speak against social, moral, and ethnic injustices. It must be equally aware that any faithful witness faces a hostile world, and very often, any faithful prophetic witness will face affliction and even martyrdom.

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On the other hand, failure to exercise a prophetic ministry ultimately threatens the very life of the church in Africa today where dictators have camped. The Church in Kenya led by Bishop Okullu, Gitari, and Alexander Muge, among others, had exercised a vital prophetic ministry at a great cost in Kenya. Although they died before 2010 constitution was realized, today Kenya is enjoying a democratic space that was born when the church spoke. This is an indicator that this faithful ministry is bearing fruit. The prophetic ministry of the Kenyan evangelical churches has equally borne much spiritual fruit. It is the high time the African Christians realize that they are called to such a prophetic ministry, whatever the cost may be. In a nutshell, the Apocalypse of John has a message for the African churches. The message found in chapter 11 is for the church to witness today in Africa. It will be ultimately victorious against all odds, even if its faithful witnesses should end up in martyrdom. The world will never over run the Church. The work of the Church is not an individual task, but done in the city; it is universal. THE VICTORY WITH THE SEVENTH TRUMPET 11:15–19 At the blowing of the seventh trumpet after the breaking of the seventh seal, the reader expected a description of the climatic judgment. Instead, there was a period of silence, which was followed by the sounding of the first six trumpets. In the light of the progressive development of the descriptions of judgment connected with the sounding of the first six trumpets, the reader should now expect a description of the End. Instead, there is a description of the victory of God and his witnessing Church. 11:15 Therefore when at last the seventh trumpet was sounded, John heard loud voices in heaven proclaiming: The kingdom of the world has become the kingdom of our Lord and of his Christ, for he has resumed direct rule and he shall reign forever and ever. The actual meaning is that God never lost the initiative; he is still in control of his kingdom and sovereignty. God through Christ becomes victorious over the forces of evil. This announcement reflects the fulfillment of the proclamation of Rev 10:7 that with the sounding of the seventh trumpet, the mystery of God would be fulfilled. The mystery is God is still having dominion over the whole world. In a every sense, God has always been king. In the Incarnation, God’s sovereignty has been revealed in a special sense in Jesus Christ. Finally, the Church looks forward to the full manifestation of the sovereignty of God at

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the consummation of the age. With the announcement of 11:15, the future was caught up in the external present. In the Christ event, God has already entered fully into his reign. While this is an established reality, it is apparent only to those who have come under this sovereignty through faith. The sovereignty of God is no temporary phenomenon. It is an external sovereignty—he shall reign forever and ever. The visions connected with the sounding of the first six trumpets made two assertions concerning the temporal judgments of God: they are directed against the unrepentant humanity, and they are intended to bring about repentance. The announcement in 11:15 implies a third characteristic of these judgments; that they are manifestations of the sovereignty of God. 11:16–18 The nations are raged, such words are an allusion to the hymn of worship sung by the twenty-four elders in Psalm 2. They praised the Lord God Almighty, who art and who wasn’t. They gave thanks to God because he had assumed his power and sovereignty: thou hast taken thy great power and begun to reign. God’s assumption of his sovereignty was a judgment on the world. This judgment involved a rewarding of the faithful—thy servants, the prophets and saints, and those who fear thy name, and the destruction of the wicked—the destroyers of the earth. 11:19 John in Rev 21:22 saw no temple in heaven, but an Ark of the Covenant in God’s temple in heaven was present. John has Solomon’s temple in mind, where the Ark of the Covenant stood within the holy of holies. The ark disappeared in 586 BCE, but the hope of restoring the temple remained within the Jewish primal world view that someday it would be restored, the author used the imagery of the ark to indicate that God’s presence remained with his people and that he remained true to his covenant. The scene closes with flashes of lightning, peals of thunder, an earthquake, and heavy hail—reminders of God’s power and majesty. THE CONCLUSIVE MESSAGE The seventh trumpet brings into closure the second series of visions, allowing John to have another glimpse of the End which the whole creation is expecting. Here, John does not experience the total winding of the creation but the end beyond it. The words in this vision are few, though very important. The

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worldly kingdoms are moving toward a fundamental change: they will finally become the kingdom of our Lord. At the end of the vision, the ark of God’s covenant that had disappeared now has its counterpart in heaven, showing that God’s liberation is eternal. Africans may be experiencing hard times currently, but like other nations of the world that have attained real democracy, they will finally be liberated. As Emmanuel Katongole (2001, 253), opines, there is a postmodern new world of reinvention of the African continent already underway. In terms of liberation, there are definitely new directions being charted, both by women theologians as well as by African-initiated church theologies. Africans are working hard to drink from their own wells. What better possibilities do we have than to do a contrapuntal reading of the Apocalypse, which has taken place in this commentary in terms of liberation readings? As John saw in this vision, the faithfulness of God is eternal. NOTES 1. See Charles (1920, 1). He argues that the number of the sealed, 144,000, is the product obtained by multiplying the square of 12 by 1,000. The result is a very large number which carried the idea of completeness within the Jewish community. 2. It includes all the believers who trust in Christ, who died and rose again for their sake. 3. See Beasley-Murray (1978, 147). 4. See Leon Morris (1969, 117), who argues that the multitude represents the totality of the redeemed, and not all the redeemed will experience the final crisis of history. This is usual even in Africa not all the Africans faced the wrath of colonialism, the children of the collaborators were privileged. 5. Rissi (1972, 4–6), argues that if the present quietness represents the total silence which existed at creation, then the present context represents a brief period of silence which precedes the new creation. 6. Cf. Beasley-Murray (1978, 150) and Morris (1969, 119), where the mingling of the plausible suggestion appears to be indicated by the brief silence is a dramatic device used, as in the case of the flying eagle of 8:13, to build suspense (cf. Sweete 1911, 107). 7. See Morris (1969, 122). 8. Caird (1984) sees Wormwood as a star of Babylon referred to in Isaiah 14:12–20; he argues that the reference is to the start of the new Babylon as Rome, who has poisoned the springs of her life through her idolatry. Again, the scope of the judgment is limited.

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9. Cf. Beasley-Murray (1978, 175), who argues that a solemn oath was common in Greek culture as well as in the Old Testament and perhaps in the Jewish literature later on. 10. See Caird (1984, 137); the beast was the major cause of the tribulations of the Christians.

Chapter 5

The Signs of the Times (12:1–14:20)

In comparison to other passages of the Apocalypse, this passage is very prominent in Christian lectionaries because of its association with the feast of all angels. The appearance of the seven seals being followed by the seven trumpets brings in a different view, because the seven trumpets ought to be followed immediately by the vision of the seven bows. But in this section John placed another section (12:1–14:20), which has been treated as the fourth scene in John’s drama. It was composed of seven separate signs. The sounding of the seventh trumpet brings out the announcement of the actualization of the sovereignty of God (11:15–19). Such makes the scene four a commentary of this passage. Although God was sovereign, the believers in Asia were still faced with the problem that they were still living in a world apparently controlled by men and women living in open rebellion against God. They faced persecution and affliction as well as the continued threat of martyrdom. Scene four offers another part where John explains why things are as they are. THE WOMAN AND HER CHILD (12:1–6) When scene four opens, a great portent in Greek, semeion “sign” had appeared in heaven; the language sounds mythical, as the event takes place not in heaven but in the sky. The woman becomes a constellation-being, clothed with the sun. The moon as her footstool, she wore a crown of the twelve stars. The use of the images here does not justify John’s astrological beliefs; rather, the images are merely used to color his message. The woman was in the pangs of birth. In verse 5, it is stated that she brought forth a male child who was to rule all the nations with a rod of iron. The male child, therefore, was the messiah, and the woman clothed with the sun in verse 5 is the mother of the messiah, while in verse 6 she symbolizes the persecuted Church. Hence the woman is a representative of the totality of the people of 111

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God, including both the old Israel and the new Israel. The abrupt introduction of another sign in heaven of a woman now clothed with the sun being pursued by the serpent, and a war in heaven between the Archangel Michael and Satan, brings in a complex of visions that are linked to ancient popular culture in early Christian mythology (Kovacs and Rowland 2004). 12:3–5 The woman is accompanied by a great red dragon, which had seven heads, ten horns, and seven diadems upon his head, and his tail swept down a third of the stars of heaven. The dragon is symbolic; it represents Satan. The dragon took its place before the woman, ready to devour her child when it was born. This is a symbolic description of Satan’s attempt to destroy Jesus. The attempt was abortive because the child was caught up by God and to his throne. The basis of this imagery was the scriptural account of the ascension. Here, the imagery is descriptive of the victory of Christ over Satan. Hence the war in heaven and the ejection of Satan are not new concepts among the early Christians; they are familiar concepts in Jewish and Christian sources (Collins 1976). 12:6 God intervenes and the child was caught up by God, the woman fled into the wilderness. The background for the imagery used here was most likely the sojourn of Israel to Egypt. Hence the flight is not to be identified with the flight of the child Jesus with his mother to Egypt; nor Hagar running away from Sarah. This sign is a symbol description of the Church undergoing persecution and affliction. In the wilderness, the woman had a place prepared for her by God, in which to be nourished for 1,260 days. The Church is protected for the period of her affliction. The period indicated here is exactly the same as the period of the prophecy of the two witnesses. God protects the Church during her period of witness. WAR IN HEAVEN (12:7–12) In this section, John demonstrates a war that broke out in heaven between Michael and his angels on one side and the dragon and his angels on the other. At the end of the war the dragon was defeated, and he and his angels were thrown down to the earth. Here, the dragon is specifically identified as Satan, the deceiver of the whole world who initiated the battle on earth between God and the devil. The statement of Jesus recorded in Luke 10:18 that “I

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saw Satan fall like lightning from heaven” refers to the defeat of the demonic powers through the evangelistic mission of the disciples. At the same time, the Lukan saying may have formed the basis for the imagery of this passage. Christ is victorious on behalf of the saints, who share in this victory, such are the conquerors found in the seven churches of Asia Minor, for they too had shed blood for Christ. There are two additional reasons for rejecting such an interpretation. First, no description of the battle is given; no weapons are indicated and no fatalities are reported. In a literal battle, Satan would have been slain following his defeat. Second, verse 11 makes it quite clear that the dragon was not defeated in any literal warfare but by the blood of the Lamb. Thus, the warfare in heaven was symbolic of the defeat of Satan, and Michael and the dragon were symbolic of the forces of good and evil. Satan was defeated in the incarnation which culminated in the cross. 12:10 John heard a voice from heaven proclaiming that the salvation and the power and the Kingdom of our God and the authority of his Christ had come. In the defeat of Satan, the sovereignty of God and the messiah were established. In the present context, it is in the cross that the sovereignty of God is established. 12:11 Through the sacrificial death of the Lamb and his vindication in his resurrection, he conquered Satan and made manifest the sovereignty of God, following the concept that the brethren have conquered Satan by the blood of the Lamb and by the word of their testimony, for they loved not their lives even unto death. The Christians on the earth, especially the martyrs, have shared this victory over Satan through their faithful commitment because they loved not their lives even unto death. They demonstrated their commitment through their faithful witness through the word of their testimony. 12:12 But woe to you, earth and sea, for the devil has come down to you in great wrath, for he knows that his time is short. The defeat of Satan was occasioned by great rejoicing in heaven; Rejoice, then O heaven and you that dwell therein. As heaven celebrates, the earth is in distress; it was the occasion for great consternation on earth. The wrath of Satan is now directed against the Church on earth. The second sign explains why. His wrath grows out of his recognition of his defeat—he knows that his time is short. Therefore, his

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wrath is poured out against the believers. The Church must be prepared for the violent attacks of Satan. WAR BETWEEN SATAN AND THE WOMAN (12:13–18) The Church did not long await the onslaught of Satan: When the dragon saw that he had been thrown down to the earth, he pursued the woman who had borne the male child. Knowing that he had been defeated and that only a limited time remained before his final destruction, he vented his fury upon the people of God. Unable to destroy Christ, he made a final effort to destroy the Church. Because of his frustration, the fury of his attack increased. 12:14 The woman (here, the Church) escaped because she was given the two wings of the great edge. The background of the imagery used here was the picture of an eagle as she bears her young offspring high in the air on her wings to prevent harm to them. The words present a striking picture of God’s deliverance of his people. The woman was to be nourished (protected and cared for) for a time and a half a time (cf. commentary on 12:6). The Church was to be protected for the entire period of her persecution, which coincided with the period of her prophetic witness. There have been several attempts to identify the flight of verse 14 with some specific historical event. Such attempts have been inconclusive and are too restrictive of John’s imagery. 12:15–16 The serpent (Satan) made one last effort to destroy the woman by attempting to sweep her away using a flood of water out of his mouth. The woman was saved when the earth opened and swallowed the river which the dragon had poured from his mouth. There is no way to determine the exact meaning of these symbols. The most plausible interpretation of the river is that it represented a flood of evil, but this interpretation gives no clue to the significance of the river being swallowed up by the earth. At the same time, the general meaning of the imagery is quite clear. God’s people, persecuted by Satan, are saved from his attacks. 12:17 Angered by yet another defeat, the dragon made war on the rest of her offspring, on those who keep the commandments of God and bear testimony to

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Jesus. These were, from the standpoint of John and his readers, those who were currently undergoing persecution. The passage closes with the statement that the dragon stood on the sand of the sea. The significance of these words is made clear in the verses that follow. THE BEAST FROM THE SEA (13:1–10) Chapter 13 contains a more detailed description of the activities of the dragon presented in chapter 12. The two beasts of chapter 13 are temporal manifestations of the evil forces symbolized by the dragon. The dragon was “pseudospiritual” manifestation of evil; the beast from the sea and the beast from the land are earthly manifestations of that same evil. 13:1–3 In this section the dragon was standing on the sand of the sea. There is no reference to war but the dragon, seeking to wage war against the believers, was calling forth an ally in the battle. The beast from the sea had seven heads and ten horns, with ten diadems on its horns, and a blasphemous name upon its head. He resembled a leopard, with feet like those of a bear, and a mouth like a lion’s. The dragon conferred on the beast his power and his throne and great authority. One of the heads of the beast had received a mortal wound which had been healed, with the result that the whole earth followed the beast with wonder. The imagery in the description is from Daniel 7. Daniel’s four beasts represented four kingdoms—Babylon, Media, Persia, and the kingdom of Alexander the Great—and the ten horns represented the ten kings of the Seleucid Kingdom. John has created a composite beast out of the four beasts from Daniel. 13:1 John saw a beast a rising out of the sea, such is to be identified with “the bottomless pit” of Rev 9:1–2. It represents a reservoir of evil, the home of both the dragon and the beast. It was from the Abyss that the dragon called forth his ally in his war against the Church. The beast was a carbon copy of the dragon, sharing his character and his nature. As John presented him in chapter 13, however, the beast was distinguished from the dragon. He was the temporal manifestation of that principle of evil symbolized by the dragon. He was the incarnation of that evil, a parody of the incarnation of God in Christ, and as such, he was the earthly representative of the dragon.

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The dragon gave his power and his throne and great authority to the beast. If the beast from the sea was the temporal manifestation of the authority to the beast, was that manifestation actualized? For John, the answer to this question was both simple and transparent, for the authority of the beast from the sea resided in the Roman imperial authority. This identification helps us to understand the symbols used in the description of the beast. The seven heads represented seven successive rulers of Rome, and the ten horns represented the allied kings. The significance of the blasphemous name is now clear. It may represent the blasphemous names that increasingly were applied to the emperors during the school half of the first century AD. These included God, Lord, Son of God, and Savior. On the other hand, the words may simply be a general reference to emperor worship. By his reference to the head that had received the mortal wound, John apparently intended to indicate one of the Roman emperors. Some think that the description could fit only Emperor Nero. After his death, a belief arose that Nero had not actually died, but he would return to take vengeance on Rome for her rejection of him. This belief was later modified to say that Nero would rise from the dead to lead an army of Parthian against Rome. This belief, known as the Nero redivivus myth, developed out of fear that the reports of the suicide of Nero were false, coupled with the apprehension of the Romans concerning the Parthian. 13:4 Instead of worshipping God, people worshipped the dragon in the person of the beast. This appears to be a reference to the emperor cult. The worship of the beast arose from the fact that the people were overwhelmed by his power: Who is like the beast, and who can fight against it? Emperor worship had risen as a spontaneous expression of gratitude for the peace and prosperity brought about by the Roman imperial power and law. Since the empire had brought to the people what the old gods had been unable to bring, it seemed only natural that Rome should receive the worship formerly reserved for the pantheon. For John, however, the worship of the emperor was worship of the dragon from the Abyss, in the person of the beast who came out of the sea. 13:5 For a period of forty-two months, the beast was given a mouth uttering blasphemous words; and he uttered blasphemies against God. The blasphemy was directed against God’s name and his dwelling, those whose citizenship is in heaven (Philippians 3:20); that is, those who dwell in heaven. God lives in the

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midst of his people, and therefore, to utter blasphemy against God’s people is to utter blasphemy against God. Domitian demanded that his subjects addressed him as “Lord and God” as the tradition may suggest, that he was psychotic and a cruel tyrant (Bengtson 1979, 182). Others think he was the first emperor to systematically enforce the worship of his person as an able just administrator (Pleket 1961) and a moderate, decent man (Waters 1964, 69). But John considered enforcing worship on himself as a blasphemy against God’s name. Since God’s name reveals his character, to blaspheme his name is to bring into question his very being. For J. J. Botha (1989), there are divergent opinions about Domitian. 13:7–8 Although the beast is able to wage war against the saints and to conquer them, its authority is not absolute; it was limited. It is able to do this only because it has been allowed to do so. The beast claimed divine hours for it, but was able to function only by the permission from God. He was able to exercise the authority of the dragon under the sovereignty of God. Further, he was allowed to exercise this authority for a limited period of time—forty-two months (Rev 13:5). Just like that of the dragon, the time of the beast was short. It appeared to John as if the whole world was involved in the worship of the beast: all who dwell on earth will worship the beast, i.e., every one whose name has not been written in the book of life of the Lamb that was slain. Only those who possessed the life that only God can give were not deceived by the blasphemy of the beast. 13:9–10 The Lord has chosen his people; this is a solemn message being delivered to the readers. Here we recall Christ’s farewell to his disciples “you did not choose me but I chose you,” (John 15:16), such is the formula with which the writer concluded each of the letters to the seven churches: If anyone has an ear, let him hear; if anyone is to be taken captive, to captivity he goes; if anyone slays with the sword, with sword he must be slain. As the believer in Asia faced the prospect of suffering and death, he was to resist the temptation to resort to arms against his enemies. Just as Jesus allowed himself to be conquered, so the believers were to submit in faith to their conquest by the forces of evil, actualized in the person of the beast. Only through such submission in faith will the believer experience the full victory that only God in Christ can give. In his willingness to allow God to fight his battles for him, a believer’s steadfast endurance and faithfulness is revealed. For the book of life is not a closed list.

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This message remains valid for the churches of Africa today. The churches in many parts of Africa have experienced persecution or have been threatened with it. Many places have witnessed Christian-Muslim confrontations or a threat of such a confrontation. In such situations, there is often the temptation to resort to force in order to combat oppression. Sometimes a statement is heard like: If this continues, it means war. This is not the way it should be. Force is never the ultimate answer to religious oppression or any type of oppression for that matter. Religious oppression and persecution can never be overcome through the exercise of force. The exercise of force in such situations does not solve the problems at hand. It only results in slaughter, famine, and pestilence, commonly experienced in Africa today between rival ethnic groups. If the African Christians take the sword, they will not establish the faith, for the truth of Christ cannot be defended by violence (Morris 1969). To affirm this is not to call for a “passive resistance” in Africa. It is to call for a faithful living out of one’s commitment to his Lord, being confident that God remains sovereign and works out his ultimate plan and purpose for this beautiful continent. The final word is not with the new colonialists who are oppressing the very people who fought for independence but with God. THE BEAST FROM THE LAND (13:11–18) John now saw a second beast, arose out of the land, the land is mentioned here in contrast with the sea. This beast—which had two horns like a lamb— was also a parody of the risen Christ, who is portrayed in Revelation as the Lamb of God. The identification of the second beast appears to be obvious. While it looked like a lamb, it spoke like a dragon. This beast had as its chief function the promotion of the worship of the first beast. Thus, he must have been representative of some kind of priesthood. Most interpreters have taken the beast from the land as symbolic of the priesthood of the imperial cult. In Asia, the imperial cult was under the supervision of a provincial council—the commune. Asia was made up of the representatives from the major towns of the province. Historically, this council had shown great enthusiasm for the cult of Rome and the emperor. It was very likely that it was this council that John saw as an embodiment of the beast who rose out of the earth. 13:12 The second beast was invested with the authority of the first beast, and it caused all the inhabitants of the earth to worship the first beast, whose mortal wound was healed.

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13:13–15 In order to lead the people to worship the first beast, the beast from the land worked great signs, even making fire come down from heaven to earth in the sight of men. Through the miraculous signs which the second beast was able to perform, he was able to deceive those who dwell on earth. There is no ground for doubting the accuracy of John’s statement that sorcery was used in the imperial cult. Many reports of such happenings circulated in the ancient world. Sorcery and ventriloquism were prominent among pagan priesthoods. In addition, most of the emperors were enamored with the practice of magic, and the Book of Acts testifies to the wide influence of sorcery and ventriloquism in Acts 13:6 ff; 16:126; 18:13 ff. Whether John considered the miraculous signs to be genuine manifestations of demonic power or merely tricks of magicians or ventriloquists is not clear. In either case, John may have seen something demonic in these phenomena. The greatest wonder of all was to make the image of the first beast to speak. This apparently involved a priestly deception involving ventriloquism. When the image spoke, it commanded that all who did not worship the image of the beast should be slain. It was common practice in the first century to set up images of the emperor in temples dedicated to the imperial cult. It is altogether probable that the imperial priesthood used ventriloquism to cause the image to “proclaim” the will of the Divine Caesar. These images could be used also to pass condemnation on those refusing to participate in the cult. Believers would be compelled to stand before an image of the emperor and take an oath of allegiance to the emperor. If a believer because of his conviction that such an oath in such a setting involved him in an act of idolatrous worship, the believer refused, the image came to life and commanded that the offender be put to death. 13:16–17 As John explains the second beast caused the marking of all people on the right hand or on the forehead. The image indicates an influence by the custom in many ancient religions of tattooing as a sign of belonging to either a group or a god. No one was able to buy or sell unless he had the mark—that is, the name of the beast or the number of the name. The fact that the mark of the beast appears to be a parody of the seal of God on the foreheads of the believers leads to the conclusion that no visible mark was intended. Certainly, the seal of God on his people was not a visible mark. The meaning of the mark of the beast is that refusal to participate in the ritual connected with the imperial cult could lead to economic reprisals. The commune of Asia apparently had some sort of control over the economic activity of the province.

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Whether conditions had become this severe cannot be determined. In any case, John saw that continued resistance on the part of believers could lead to such a result. 13:18 The wisdom is required when dealing with numbers, for John figuring out who “666” refers to is a task to be carried out. What was the precise meaning of the mark? In verse 17, it is described as the name of the beast or the number of its name. Here the number of the beast is a human number, “six hundred and sixty-six.” John’s statement that it was a human number representing a man’s name indicates that he had a particular individual in mind. In Greek, Latin and Hebrew, letters of the alphabet were used for numbers. Therefore, the number 666 could be resolved into letters which does not add up to the full sevens of God’s design. Whoever is being indicated here by the author is represented by the number 666, it is certain that he did not intend to pose for his readers, but wisdom is need. They would know the secret of the name. Several names have been suggested, but the most common suggestion is that John intended to indicate the name Nero. If Neuron Caesar—the Greek name for Nero—it translated into Hebrew, the sum of the number represented by the Hebrew characters in 666. The identification with Nero is supported by the Nero redivivus myth reflected in the description of the beast. With this identification, the significance of the head with a mortal wound that had been healed becomes clear. For John, the authority of the dragon was actualized in the Roman imperial power. At that moment, the power was embodied in the person of Domitian. John viewed Domitian as the reincarnation of the demonic spirit present in Nero, revealed now on a far greater scale. To present this view, he made use of the Nero redivivus myth. The message of the Apocalypse to the churches in Asia concerning the Roman demand for the worship of the state in the person of the emperor remains valid for the churches in the world today. The majority of African Christians are living under totalitarian or semi-totalitarian governments, which, if allowed, are no different from the Romans of the first century. In such situations where the state demands the central position in the life of the people, there is always a danger that situations similar to the situation in Asia in John’s day may become a reality. In such situations, the African leaders have mainly taken one of the three positions in regard to religion. For one, they attempt to destroy religion; secondly, they attempt to control religion; thirdly, they attempt to take the place of religion. From the African Christian viewpoint, all these three positions represent usurpation of the position that belongs to God alone. If care is not

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taken such a behavior would very often result in religious oppression, social and economic oppression, or even ethnic or racial oppression. The author of the Apocalypse would view each of these attitudes toward religion as an expression that is demonic. Today, as in John’s day, the only valid attack against these evils is a faithful commitment to God revealed in Jesus Christ and the bearing of a faithful prophetic witness, in the firm conviction that the ultimate sovereignty is in the hands of the almighty God. THE LAMB ON MOUNT ZION (14:1–5) When John talks about Mount Zion, he may have had Psalm 2:6 in mind as God’s dwelling place in heaven. Rev 14 opens with a vision which stands in sharp contrast to the situation reflected in Rev 13. Christ as the Lamb is now on Mount Zion, with him the 144,000 who had his name and his Father’s name written on their foreheads. The Lamb is the one alluded to in 5:6–14, and the 144,000 are to be identified with the 144,000 of 7:1–8. The key thing here is that on their foreheads, they bear the names of both God the Father and the Son. What does Mount Zion symbolize? Would be a better question rather than its location, for the concern is not its whereabouts but the value and meaning of it. The heavenly Jerusalem is most likely intended in this scenario (cf. Hebrew 12:22; Galatians 4:26), which in 21:2 is described as the New Jerusalem, coming down out of heaven from God, prepared as a bride adorned for her husband. If this identification is correct, then Mount Zion represents the redeemed Church, and in this passage, the victory of the Lamb is contrasted with the temporary authority of the beast and his followers. The 144,000 standing with the Lamb on Mount Zion had the name of the Lamb and his Father’s name written on their foreheads, contrasting them with the ones who had the mark of the beast or his image on the right hand, thus exposing themselves to persecution, afflictions, and even martyrdom. Through their faithfulness to God and the Lamb, they had come to share in the victory of the Lamb, and they are internally secure in the presence of the Lamb on Mount Zion. 14:2 The authority behind the beast from the land was the beast from the sea, and the authority behind the beast from the sea was the dragon—Satan. Behind the Lamb stood the authority of the omnipotent creator, whose voice was like the sound of many waters, indicating his power, and like the sound of loud thunder indicating his majesty.

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14:3 A difficult song is introduced as being sung by the 144,000 (cf. 5:9); it is a new song, which no one could learn except the 144,000 who had been redeemed from the earth. The point being delivered here is that the song remains a mystery beyond our understanding until we join the saints in heaven. The singers were not the angelic hosts of 5:9; they are the redeemed who could understand the song and they are also able to join in the singing of the new song. 14:4–5 If verse 4 is taken literally, the meaning of chaste in Greek is parthenos, which would imply that all women and all men other than celibates are excluded from the 144,000 as the redeemed from the earth. Such a view does not accord with the New Testament teaching in general, and is impossible if the 144,000 on “Mount Zion” symbolized the Church. It is not possible that John meant that the redeemed in heaven were celibates, rather they were martyrs as the first fruits. Therefore John was speaking symbolically, referring to the refusal of the believers in Asia to participate in idolatrous worship, often described in the Judeo-Christian tradition as fornication. Thus, the imagery of chastity here stresses the fact that the 144,000 had not participated in the worship of the beast. They followed the Lamb wherever he went. They had set no limits on where the service for the Lamb should lead them. They had followed him in the way of the cross, and now they had followed him into his kingdom. Only in the following in the way of the cross can believers hope to share in the victory of Jesus. The 144,000 were dedicated to God and the Lamb; they had been redeemed from mankind as first fruits for God and the Lamb. 14:5 As with their Lord, in their mouth no lie was found; their witness had been true. This is in contrast to the beast, who maintained his position through deception. INTERLUDE: THE CALL TO REPENTANCE (14:6–13) In the first three signs, the reason behind the persecution of the believers was presented. In the next two signs the agents of this persecution is described.

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In the sixth sign, a description was given of the victory of the saints. In the seventh sign, John was to present a description of the judgment of God. Before the presentation of the seventh sign, however, John interposed another warning: a word to the believers. 14:6–7 John saw an angel flying in mid-heaven, who proclaimed an eternal gospel to every nation and tribe and people. In spite of the suggestion by some commentators that this did not represent a genuine proclamation of the gospel, but only an announcement of impending judgment; the context appears to leave no room for doubting that John intended to suggest a serious legitimate presentation of the gospel message. Here, in the very shadow of impending judgment, stands one more appeal for repentance on the part of the enemies of God’s people. The God of Revelation takes no pleasure in the destruction of the wicked. There were several factors that support the view that this represents a genuine proclamation of the gospel. The gospel proclaimed by the angel was an eternal gospel, rooted in the external character and purpose of God. It was intended for every nation and tribe and tongue and people; it was universal in scope. It involved a call to repentance (cf. commentary on 11:13). The basis for all to repent was the certainty of impending judgment—the hour of judgment has come. All these features are in line with the presentation of the gospel in the New Testament as a whole. 14:8 A second angel appeared, announcing the fall of Babylon: Fallen, fallen is Babylon the great. In Isaiah 21:9, the prophet used similar words to describe the destruction of the city of Babylon, which to the prophet’s mind exercised a destructive power over the nations. Here, John views Rome as a second Babylon, and speaks of her demise as if it were already an accomplished fact. The reason for her destruction was that she had made all the nations drink the wine of her impure passion. John has combined two ideas here. Rome had led the nations into impure passions; that is, she corrupted them with her evil ways. Secondly, she thereby brought on both herself and them the judgment of God: the wine of her impure passion. 14:9–11 A third angel appeared, proclaiming a warning against yielding to the attempts of the second beast to enforce the universal worship of the beast

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and his image. Those who worshipped the beast would also drink of the wine of God’s wrath, thereby learning the implications of the cry of the angel in verse 8. The words, “poured unmixed”; translated could be rendered “mixed unmixed” meaning undiluted wine; God’s wine is strong stuff. They shall be tormented with fire and brimstone. The imagery here appears to have been taken from the description of the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah in Genesis and forms a fitting description of the destruction of the city figuratively called Sodom in 11:18. The meaning appears to imply that the worshippers of the beast would have to share the fate of the city that fostered that worship, a fate similar to that of Sodom and Gomorrah. In verse 11, it is said that their torment goes on forever and ever, and they have no rest, day or night. The primary emphasis in these words is not the external torment of the wicked, set over against the bliss of the righteous. What is portrayed here is the finality of God’s judgment. Just as the judgment of Sodom was final, the judgment on the beast and his worshippers would be final. John was attempting to show the seriousness of one’s choice to follow the path of evil as opposed to the way of God. There is a point at which the unbeliever succeeds in building an external wall between himself and the loving mercy of God. When this has happened, he has gone beyond the point of no return. John made an ironic comparison between the worshipper of the beast; that they shall have no rest day or night—and the righteous, that they may rest from their labor (cf. 14:13). In the Apocalypse description of the fate of Rome and worshippers of the beast, there was a powerful message for the believers in Asia, a message which remains valid for believers today. That is, there is always the danger of yielding to the temptation to compromise with the imperial cult in order to escape affliction; and even martyrdom. The believers in Asia might have thought that it would be easier if they denied their faith. In a powerful way, John was saying that the price to be paid for compromising with the world was a price no one is able to pay. Whatever may constitute modern temptation, to compromise—whether the temptation to compromise one’s prophetic witness, or perhaps even to participate in non-Christian worship—the price of compromise remains more than the believer is able to afford. In modern times, many African Christians have faced the demand of non-Christian totalitarian states to compromise their faith or even to deny it. And in some cases, their commitment has led to extreme persecution and even martyrdom. The experience of many Kenyan Christians during the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya is a good example. Thus, those of us who have far been free from such pressures need to believe that this will not necessarily be the case always. And when the pressure of extreme persecution becomes a reality, the temptation to compromise is always a real temptation and the price of such compromise remains more expensive than we are able to afford.

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Hence the Christians should never take freedom of worship for granted at any given moment, for millions have suffered before them. 14:12–13 John warns the saints not to join in the sins of the wicked. The saints are being called to be steadfast and endure; they have to keep the commandments of God and the faith of Jesus in the face of persecution and the threat of martyrdom. In view of the fate of the followers of the beast, they must do so at all costs. Those who follow this course share in the fullness of God’s blessing; blessed are the dead who die in the Lord. This blessing centers in two striking realities; they will rest from their labors, and their deeds will follow them. The word “labor” signifies sometimes “pain,” or something of that sense; the martyrs’ ordeal is over, but their deeds follow them. The testimony of their faithful obedience outlives them and continues to bear fruit. THE JUDGMENT OF THE WORLD (14:14–20) According to the previous descriptions of judgment, John’s emphasis has been on temporal judgment, viewed as a precursor of the final judgment. In 14:14–20, John has moved from a consideration of the finality of the approaching judgment on Rome to a description of the final judgment presented here fewer than two symbols, the grain harvest and the grape harvest. The judgment on Rome was not to be the last word on the subject. Rome’s approaching judgment was but a precursor of God’s ultimate judgment upon all mankind. In the present passage, John has described the final judgment at the consummation of the age as if it were already an accomplished fact. 14:14–16 Here John witnesses the one like son of man in a white clad, seated on the cloud. On his head was a golden crown. Here, is a symbolic description of the victorious Christ, patterned after Daniel 7:13 and Mark 14:62. In his hand he held a sharp sickle, indicating that he was the agent of judgment. From the heavenly temple came an announcement that the time for the judgment of the world had now arrived; the harvest of the earth is ripe. The imagery of the harvest was prevalent in descriptions of judgment, both in the Old Testament and in the parables of Jesus. The word which is translated to “ripe” in the present context indicates that the evil of mankind has reached its fullest development. God’s judgment against the wicked may appear to be delayed, but it is certain. When God has determined that the time for it has arrived, it

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will come. When the angel had finished his announcement, Christ thrust his sickle and harvested the earth. 14:17–20 Another angel to exercise judgment came out of the temple in heaven and he had a sharp sickle. He was told to gather the clusters of the vine of the earth, for the grapes are ripe. The ripeness of both the grain and the grapes indicated that the time for judgment had fully come. The grapes were to be thrown into the great wine press of the wrath of press, as high as a horse’s bridle, for 1,600 stadia. This imagery is not to be interpreted literally. The significant point in the symbolism is the number 1,600 (the square of forty, which was the traditional number for judgment). The number was therefore symbolic of the total judgment of the earth. THE CONCLUSIVE MESSAGE In this section, John’s revelation concerns the human endeavor being naturally focused on prophecy, endurance, and witness, rather than force of arms. The section allows the interpreter to experience the whole gamut of interpretive methods and exegetical possibilities that focuses on the Jewish hope of a male messiah. The idea of war in heaven being won through an angel poses a theological challenge to scholars because the victor should be Christ rather than an angel. However, if considered to indicate the cosmic struggle between God and the evil forces, then it becomes a proof text for a prediction of the final fall of the Satan. The figure of the woman has been taken to mean various things by different readers of this section. Some take her to represent the Church while others take her as the Blessed Virgin (Thompson 1996). The image of the woman in Rev 12 has much influence on the iconography of the Virgin Mary throughout the Christian history.

Chapter 6

The Seven Bowls (15:1–16:21)

John saw another vision of seven angels, and their task is equally liberative in the sense that a new stage of events expected to happen is set. This is a new expression of God’s judgment; the liberation points to the end of the colonial power. For John, the liberation tactics applied here are the last plagues. Similar to the Exodus motif applied in Egypt with a similar purpose, just as the deliverance was expected in Egypt, the Christians who have remained faithful will be liberated. As Kwame Bediako (1992) puts it, the early Christian experience amid Graeco-Roman culture and the modern African Christian belong to one and the same story. Therefore, the visitation of judgment at the end of the fourth scene (14:14– 20) leads naturally into the bowl visions of the fifth scene. In the seal and the trumpet visions, the primary stress was on judgment as a temporal phenomenon, pointing to the final judgment at the end of history. In scene five, the primary emphasis is on the finality of judgment, although some attention is still given to judgment, viewed in its temporal sense. A bow in an African setting is for blessings or even feeding, so if it turns to be a bow of judgment, then it would signify a harsh judgment. Liberation from such impending calamity must be sorted immediately. God’s judgment is liberative, for God judges the oppressor. PREPARATION FOR THE BOWLS (15:1–8) The introduction to the bowl visions consists of a superscription, a vision of the risen saints, and an introduction to the seven angels who were to pour out the bowls of wrath. In the African primal world, judgment was a way of liberation to those already oppressed by their neighbors. As Mugambi (2001, 23) explains, the imperial partition of the continent ensured Africans’ sense of belonging was arbitrarily shattered and colonial territories were created, cutting across cultures with no regard to the context of socialization among 127

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African peoples. Africans would definitely welcome the visions of the last plagues. The vision here would definitely be one of the favorites being read in the context they were in. SUPERSCRIPTION (15:1) John saw a great and wonderful sign. It was great and wonderful because it was a source of encouragement to the persecuted saints. He saw seven angels with seven plagues, which are the last, for with them the wrath of God is ended. These plagues were last in the sense that they led to the final judgment; they were not part of the final judgment itself. The stress was on finality, but the setting was still temporal. THE REDEEMED BEFORE THE SEA OF GLASS (15:2–4) For a moment, the seven angels were forgotten, as John saw what appeared to be a sea of glass mingled with fire (cf. 4:6 and the comments on it). Here, the sea is red in color, suggesting either the fire of tribulation through which the saints had shade or the blood of the martyrs. Again, the stress is on the security of the redeemed rather than on the transcendence of God, as in chapter 4. Standing by the sea of glass were those who had conquered the beast and its image and the number of its name. They had conquered by refusing to worship the beast and its image. They had harps in their hands, indicating that they were about to sing a song. The song sung by the redeemed was called the song of Moses, recalling the song sung by Moses and Israel after they had crossed the Red Sea. The image here is that the Israelites had passed through great tribulations. Africans reading this would understand struggles are for a short while. The continent has suffered both in the hands of the colonialists as well as its own postindependence presidents and prime ministers. But the song of the Lamb brings assurance of victory, since it was through him that the Africans have been redeemed. The song the Jews sang was made up of quotations from the Old Testament (cf. Psalms 89:7; Jeremiah 10:7; Isaiah 66:23); it was a song of praise to God. It extolled him as the God who acted in history: “Great and wonderful are thy deeds, O Lord God almighty, and as the righteous king of the ages.” John continued to be steadfast in his hope for the repentance of mankind. In the end, all nations Africans included shall come and worship him, for his judgments have been revealed.

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THE GIVING OF THE SEVEN BOWLS (15:5–8) John now turned his attention again to the angels. The temple of the tent of witness in heaven was opened. The imagery here is a reflection of the Old Testament description of the tent of meeting, and it signifies God’s faithfulness to his covenant and his presence among his people. God’s faithfulness to his covenant involves a judgment upon the unrighteous. There is a possible connection with the story of the Exodus. If so, the deaths of the martyrs might be viewed as a second Exodus, but such an interpretation would appear to be a comfort zone for those who are now facing death and persecution in the present African context. The seven angels came out of the temple, most likely indicating that the judgments depicted by the pouring out the seven bowls were part of the working out of God’s covenant relations with his people. The clothing of the angels possibly suggested their priestly function. They were robed in pure white linen, and their breasts girded with golden girdles. One of the four living creatures gave the seven angels seven golden bowls full of the wrath of God. With the giving of the bowls, there was a striking manifestation of the glory of God and his power, and no one could enter the temple until the seven plagues of the seven angels were ended. These words seem to indicate that once the judgment of God has been set in motion, nothing can deter or alter it. Once judgment begins, no one can enter the temple to intercede. Here the African principle of causality is in play. THE BOWLS OF GOD’S WRATH (16:1–21) In this chapter, John is ready to witness liberation of the earth, the sea as well as the fresh water sources and the sun. It is really a natural liberation to the whole world. Like the first four trumpet plagues, the plagues of the first four bowls affected the earth, the sea, the sources of fresh water, and the heavenly bodies. However, the bowl plagues progressed more quickly; they were more severe, and there was less stress on repentance. Throughout the twentieth century, the African thought world was mentored by Euro-American learning, because of the imperial domination that was muted in 1884–1885 during the Berlin conference.

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THE PLAGUES ON THE EARTH (16:1–2) The voice that John heard was almost certainly the voice of God, for all judgment starts from God and is under the control of God. It was a loud voice from the temple, commanding the seven angels to pour out on the earth the seven bowls of the wrath of God. The descriptions of the bowl plagues reflect the imagery of exodus motif of liberation with the Egyptian plagues in the Book of Exodus, and like the other visions of judgment, they are to be interpreted symbolically and not literally in Africa as well as in Asia Minor. When the first angel poured out his bowl on the earth, foul and evil sores came up upon the men who bore the mark of the beast and worshipped its image. The symbolism probably indicates bodily diseases which result from sin. The background for the imagery in verse 2 was the plague of boils on the Egyptians (Exodus 9:8–12), which consisted of sores on both men and animals. A significant point here is that the judgment was reserved for those who worshipped the beast. THE PLAGUE ON THE SEA (16:3) Kwame Bediako (1992) has very constructively demonstrated the relevance of comparing and contrasting the happenings in the early Church with those of twentieth century in Africa. When the second angel poured out his bowl, the sea became like the blood of a dead man, and every living thing in the sea died. The background for this plague was Exodus 7:14–15, where the waters of the Nile were turned into blood, killing all the fish. The severity of the second plague should be noted. In the judgment of the second trumpet plague, only a third of the sea was affected. Here, all the sea was affected. The sea was the Mediterranean as the center of the oikoumene, the inhabited world. From John’s viewpoint, the Roman Empire coexisted with the inhabited world; therefore, the destruction of all sea life would have dire effects on Rome. John has this world and its adjacent territories in mind in this plague. Such would imply that punishment would affect all that were involved in the disobedience. THE PLAGUE ON THE FRESH WATERS (16:4–7) When the third angel poured out his bowl, the rivers and fountains of water turned into blood. The background for this plague is Exodus 7:19–20. In the third trumpet plague only a third of the fresh water becomes blood. The

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horror of this plague derived from the idea of the complete absence of drinking water. Especially repugnant to the mind of John would be the thought of the necessity to drink blood. During the liberation movement of the 1950s in Kenya, the liberation movement of the Mau Mau, only comparable to the Jewish Maccabeus movement, had a tendency in Kenya of hiding in the forests at water sources as they struggled to liberate their people from colonialists. The angel of the water sang a song in justification of the wrath of God, as represented in the judgments of the bowl of the plagues. These judgments were righteous because they were directed against those who had shed the blood of saints and prophets. Therefore, God has given them blood to drink. The probable meaning of this is that those who kill with the sword shall perish by the sword. Those who persecute and oppress their fellow men God will unleash forces that in turn will bring judgment on the oppressors. This has been aptly illustrated again and again throughout the course of human history. The temporal nature of the bowl of plagues is clearly reflected in this passage. THE PLAGUE ON THE SUN (16:8–9) The fourth trumpet plague darkened one third of the light of the sun. The fourth bowl plagues however, affected the whole sun. The sun became so hot that it was allowed to scorch men with fire. There is no parallel in the Egyptian plagues for this plague. Apparently, the background was the concept of fire as a symbol for judgment. The African liberation movements were popular in setting ablaze the houses of those suspected to be collaborators. The temporal nature of this judgment is reflected in the fact that it was intended to produce repentance. The result was completely opposite from what was later intended. Even though men were able to see the hand of God in this judgment, they cursed the name of God in bitterness refusing to repent and give God glory. Their hearts had been hardened, just like the heart of Pharaoh in Egypt. Although the overall purpose of divine judgment is to bring men to repentance (cf. Exodus 11:13), there are many whom the judgment of God only brings increased hardness of heart. This is true in the African experience; the moment the missionary Christianity failed to save people from colonialism; they used the same Bible that had legitimized imperialism for their own freedom (Waweru 2011). After the Second World War, the continent of Africa became an ideological battleground between the world powers. Such experience resulted into an abortion of any creative thought among the African elites.

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THE PLAGUE OF DARKNESS (16:10–11) The throne of the beast refers to the administration of the Roman Empire. But John uses the plague of darkness as an allusion to the darkness that had earlier engulfed Egypt in Exodus 10:21–29. Just like in Egypt the contents of the fifth bowl were poured out on the throne of the beast, it resulted into its kingdom being thrown into darkness. The current reference is the Roman Empire as the beast on the throne as in Rev 13:2, indicating that the judgment now was directed against Rome herself. The darkness may be a reflection of the political chaos which followed the suicide of Nero in 68–69, when three emperors succeeded each other within a few months. More likely, it signified the coming eclipse of the empire. The people continued to be hardened; instead of repenting, they cursed God of heaven for their pain and sores. Hence the result of the fifth plague was the same as that of the fourth plague, where people did not repent their evil deeds. Even the severity of this judgment did not lead to repentance. One interesting thing to note here is that although God’s judgment is supposed to call people into repentance, God never coerces people into faith. Hence hell is a reality in Christian faith. The free choice is given to the people to either accept repentance or reject the offer. The first four bowls demonstrate the enmity between humanity and the natural world. The judgment is for now not future as already pronounced in Genesis 3:17–19. THE CALL TO ARMAGEDDON (16:12–16) Beyond the River Euphrates was the land of the Parthians; those seeking a detailed world history do not get it here, but the Parthians were the real threat to the Roman Empire. But the Roman Empire was to last several more centuries. In these verses 12–16 more is said about the pouring out of the sixth bowl than about any of the first five. The pouring definitely prepared people for the final End, which was never to be for the Roman Empire, which had a longer life than expected. The sixth angel poured his bowl on the great River Euphrates, and the river dried up in order to allow the remnant of Israel to return from the Assyrian captivity. In this passage, a miracle of redemption has been transformed into a symbol of the preparation for judgment. It should be noted that no further mention is made of the kings from the east.

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13:14 The false prophet mentioned here is the second beast referred to in Rev 13:11–17. John saw issuance from the mouth of the dragon, the beast, and the false prophet, three foul spirits like frogs, which were demonic spirits. In the ancient world demons were believed to exist in large numbers of evil spirits (Mark 16:17, Luke 9:1, Luke 10:17,19). These demonic spirits were represented as frogs because in the ancient world, frogs had sinister associations attached to them. In Zoroastrian thought, frogs were related to evil spirits.1 In African culture, as Turaki (2006) posits, the Africans strive to live in harmony with the spirit world. For Cagnolo (1933), the Kikuyus had equally to strive appeasing the ngoma, “the spirits,” so that they do not return to torment them. 13:15 Here John’s vision is interrupted unexpectedly; John’s third beatitude appears at this point (cf. 1:3; 14:13). Lo, I am coming like a thief! John is simply reminding his readers to be prepared all the time. Blessed is he who is awake, keeping his garments that he may not go naked and be seen exposed! This beatitude is in the form of an exhortation to be prepared for the coming judgment on Rome. Jesus had warned his disciples not to be caught unawares by the approaching destruction of Jerusalem. John here exhorts his readers not to be caught unaware by the approaching demise of Babylon.2 13:16 The real battle place the Armageddon, comparable to the “English Waterloo,” is introduced (cf. Judges 4–5; 2 Kings 23:29). The foul spirits like frogs assembled the kings of the earth at a place which is called in Hebrew, Armageddon, which means the hill of Megiddo, the place of two decisive battles in Israel’s history. In this place, Barak defeated the king of Hazor, freeing the northern tribes of Israel. It is in the same place; King Josiah had been defeated and killed. So Armageddon was a site of many decisive battles in ancient times. However, John must have used this language purely in symbolic terms as is common in the Apocalypse, since this is the only place the name “Armageddon” occurs. As can easily be seen from a reading of 16:17–21, John’s primary focus at this point was the inevitable destruction of the Roman imperial power, which he viewed as an embodiment of the dragon from the Abyss. But beyond the quickly approaching judgment on Rome, he could see the ultimate destruction of all the forces of evil.

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THE DESTRUCTION OF BABYLON (16:17–21) With the pouring out of the contents of the seventh bowl by the seventh angel into the air, the severity of the plague is depicted. Since all men depend on air, the seventh bowl plague affected everyone. The statement made by the voice from the throne, it is done, indicated that this was the last plague. Whatever message that was meant to be said by the risen Christ to his churches in Asia concerning the significance of divine temporal judgment had been said. Thus, what remained now were the descriptions of the final judgment and the ultimate manifestation of the sovereignty of God. This announcement was followed by great manifestations of the awesome power of God in nature; there were flashes of lightening, voices, peals of thunder, and a great earthquake. So great was the earthquake that the greater city was split into three parts and the cities of the nations fell. God remembered the great Babylon and made her drain the cup of the fury of his wrath. The immediate reference was to the coming demise of Rome. Throughout this book, John speaks of Rome in the imagery of Babylon, and this imagery is very prevalent in his description of the downfall of Rome in 17:1–19:5. John viewed Rome as the epitome of man’s attempt to usurp the place of God, and therefore, the judgment of Rome epitomized for him the judgment of all who refuse to come under the sovereignty of God. That temporal judgment is still evident here because John indicated the refusal of men to repent because of the plague, they cursed God for the plague of hail. The stage was now set for the portrayal of the final judgment and ultimate manifestation of the sovereignty of God. Before John presented these, he interposed to give a description of the final overthrow of Rome; the incarnation of the dragon, in the person of the beast (17:1–19:5). THE CONCLUSIVE MESSAGE The message here is that the readers of the Apocalypse have a practical help in their current situations in life. This message is still relevant in today’s life particularly in African situations of economic oppression, where poverty has been entrenched by the very people who are supposed to eradicate it. It means that though much in Africa has changed, the problems have remained the same. Today our attacks may not be of the beast as John saw it, but quite similar to the contemporary beasts of corruption and oppression in neocolonial Africa. In Africa today, people do not look beyond the end of their current troubles as their countries continue to be policed by oppressive political systems; they

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are eager for liberation now. This vision makes it quite clear that the last judgment will definitely come. Africans are looking forward to the day of liberation and not beyond. This is natural to humanity and indeed it is necessary that they deal with their immediate tasks of liberation first. God’s judgment will be final and a good one. NOTES 1. See Riss (1972, 485), where he argues that the demonic spirits performed signs; they existed solely for the purpose of calling together the kings of the earth, “to assemble them for battle on the great day of God the Almighty.” 2. Cf. Caird (1984, 208).

Chapter 7

The Fall of the Great City (17:1–19:5)

The basis of the vision here is the earlier vision of the beasts encountered by John coming from the land and the sea (Rev 13). The narrative of the beasts seems to have been derived from the narrative of Daniel 7. The context of this vision is the Hebrew Bible, where Israel is seen as the harlot due to its rebellion against God and its love of other divinities and cultures, mostly brought by foreign wives and conquests. So in this vision harlotry is symbolic for Israel’s involvement in false religion and cultural practices unacceptable in Jewish religion. Therefore, with the pouring out of the seven bowls, the scene was set for a description of the final judgment and the ultimate manifestation of the sovereignty of God against rebelliousness. John got a closer look at the collapse of his world. In chapters 17 through to 19:5, John receives an invitation to view the judgments upon the great harlot and the lamentations over the fall of Babylon. Since she is called “Babylon” in 17:5, evidently, she was a symbolic representation of the city of Rome. The woman, now seated on many waters, echoes Jeremiah 51:23, where the imagery is related to the actual geographical situation of the city of Babylon. The Euphrates River flowed through the city, which was surrounded by canals and irrigation ditches. In applying the imagery to Rome, John may have been thinking of the Old Testament practice of referring to streams of water as peoples (cf. Rev 17:5). Rome has on her forehead a name of mystery and is the mother of harlots and many of earth’s abominations. Just as in Rev 13, this section has specific references to issues, conditions, attitudes, and events that John is able to relate with. 17:2 The scarlet woman represents immoral cites such as Nineveh (Nahum 3:4), Jerusalem (Isaiah 1:21), and here, the city of Rome. Even the ordinary African 137

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readers are able to relate the situations and circumstances of this section to their own situations in life. The punishment meted to the harlot was based on two crimes: she had committed fornication with the kings of the earth (idolatry), and she had seduced the dwellers on earth by intoxicating them with the wine of her fornication. The reference here may be to the idolatry of emperor worship, or it may be a reference to the temptation to reject God which grows out of secularist materialism. The great city corrupted people of all nations. The kings of the earth who had committed fornication with the harlot and those who became drunk with her wine represent those nations who participated in her idolatries and evils. 17:3 Here the wilderness is regarded as the dwelling place of demons, and John was being carried away by the spirit into a wilderness. In chapter 12, the wilderness represents the situation that the people of God were facing whereby they were undergoing persecution and affliction. Here, the word used to describe the true spiritual condition of Babylon means that the city was spiritually barren. In chapter 13, the beast had no color. The scarlet color here may be indicative of the close relationship between the beast and the dragon. The beast in chapter 13 had blasphemous names on its heads; here it is said to be full of blasphemous names, indicating the multitude of the forms of idolatry embraced by the empire. 17:4 The woman was in purple and scarlet a sign of being luxuriously dressed, indicating the luxury and wealth of the city represented. She held in her hand a golden cup full of abominations and the impurities of her fornications. The abominations within the cup are not so much horrible practices, from the moral point of view, as idolatrous practices. Rather, abomination was a characteristic Jewish term for an idol. Thus, the reference here could be the idolatrous worship Rome required of her subjects. 17:5 John wanted to warn his readers of the drunkard harlot, who has taken the blood of the saints and of the martyrs. And just like the harlots in Roman society had their names on the headbands customarily worn by Roman women, so this most notorious of all prostitutes had a mysterious name on her forehead, a name that was symbolic. The name was Babylon the Great, mother of harlots and of the earth’s abominations. So the city represented by the woman was

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to John’s day the case of the earth’s apostasy from God and devotion to evil ways. The woman was drunk with the blood of the saints of the martyrs of Jesus. Although it is possible that these denote Christian martyrs, it is feasible that the double expression included the saints of the old covenant and the witnesses to Jesus who had died in earlier persecutions (cf. Hebrews 12:1–2) THE MYSTERY OF THE HARLOT (17:6–14) John gave an explanation of the mystery of the woman and of the beast with the seven heads and ten horns. The seven heads of the beast, now used as a seat by Babylon, represent seven mountains and seven kings. However, John’s interpretation is more concerned with the beast than with the woman. The mystery of the harlot is understood as referring to Babylon and Rome as the two beasts. 17:8 The beast was and is not, and is to ascend from the bottomless pit and go to perdition. In 13:3 it was said that the beast suffered a mortal wound, but recovered. So at this time the Church is safe, but for a short while before the beast raises its ugly head. The evil in troubling the Christians has ceased for the time being, but persecution will return in all its ferocity once the beast is healed. The Nero redivivus myth associated with this verse is an excellent illustration of what John meant. The projection of women as the image of immoral Babylon and Rome, as Jezebels or even passive wives and mothers, creates a problem in Africa, where patriarchalism has been used to oppress women. As Okure (2001) opines, the belief in man’s innate superiority and woman’s innate inferiority has resulted in the exclusion and marginalization of women in almost all areas of life. The enemy who was thrown down from heaven became the reason why Christ came to earth to save humanity. But now he is not; does not signify that he is no longer in existence. After a short while the Son of man will be heard again. He is to ascend from the bottomless pit (cf. 9:1; 11:7). This identifies him with the forces of evil and indicates that his final attacks will be the climax of the efforts of the evil one. But it will fail because he will go into perdition. This was not so evident to the dwellers on earth, whose names have not been written in the book of life from the foundations of the earth. These will marvel at the beast. The beast has a fascination for worldly minds. Those who do not have their lives centered on Christ are unable to see that the way of sin and evil inevitably leads to destruction. Those who gave their allegiance to the beast went down to perdition with the beast.

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17:9–11 John continues to identify the woman. The seven heads are the seven mountains upon which the woman is seated. From the earlier days, Rome was known as the city of the seven hills. The harlot then was the symbolic representation of the city of Rome, in which John saw the power of the beast from the sea incarnated. The beast then is to be identified with the beast from the sea of chapter 13. From this point the woman and the beast tend to be merged into one image. The identification of the woman goes further in verse 10–11, where the seven heads were also seen as the seven kings. Five of these had died, while the sixth was now ruling; the seventh was yet to come. When he comes, he would remain only for a little while. The beast that was and is not was the eighth, who at the same time was one of the seven and was destined for perdition. Trying to explain the kings would definitely be meaningless to the modern critics, because even to John’s community, the arrangement of kings was not clear. The explanation appears very confusing to us, but to the recipients of the text, it might have been less confusing. The Apocalypse community understood their prophet more than we could ever do in modern times. The writer was well aware of whom he was writing to and he knew that his message will be understood well by those who knew his language. The modern interpreters have to appreciate that John certainly developed the symbolism out of the historical context in which he lived. John was not writing to New Yorkers, Londoners, and Nairobians, or residents of other African cities; his primary concern was the community he was addressing. John’s message was simple and clear to his readers: the beast from the sea and the incarnation of the dragon from the Abyss has a very short time before it is destroyed. 17:12–14 The ten horns were identified as ten kings who had not yet come to power. When they did come to power, they would rule only for one hour, as allies of the beast, as they give their power and authority to the beast. The exact identification of these kings is impossible, although numerous suggestions have been made. The two most plausible suggestions are that they represent allies of Rome or the demonic allies of the beast. In either case, they wage war with the Lamb. Like the beast, however, their power and time are limited—for one hour—and like the beast, they go down in defeat. The Lamb will conquer them, for he is Lord of Lords and Kings of Kings.

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THE PUNISHMENT OF THE HARLOT (17:15–18) Chapter 18 contains a description of the fall of Babylon, depicted in the Old Testament’s doom songs. Before presenting this description, John gives a reminder of the power of the beast. The harlot is seated on many waters. In Rev 17:15, the waters are interpreted as representing peoples and multitudes and nations and tongues, over whom the harlot ruled. This could be because most of the known inhabited world was under the control of the city of Rome. 17:16–17 The destruction of Rome would come ultimately from within, not from without. In fact, most of our African problems are from within not from outside. Colonialism occurred almost seventy years ago but Africa is not yet independent. The author of the Apocalypse says that the ten hours and beast would come to hate the harlot and will make her desolate and naked, and devour her flesh and burn her up with fire. The beast, from whom Rome derived her power, at last became the agent of her destruction. The tragedy of idolatrous worship, whether the state or of false deities is that it carries with it the seed of destruction for those who participate in it. In the end, the beast destroys his own worshippers. If the ten kings are to be identified as the allies of Rome, the author of the Apocalypse may have been saying in part that in the end of the imperial forces of Rome, her allied kings would revolt and deliver her to the judgment she deserved. Although John’s prediction was fulfilled, it was not as soon as he expected it nor as explicitly as he stated it. The moral and corruption of the empire eroded it so that when the end came, it was forceful to the extent that forces were unable to stand against it.1 17:17 John indicated that in reality, the fall of the harlot was God’s judgment. Although the people and multitudes and nations and tongues were performing the beast’s will, God remained in ultimate control. The beast and the ten kings were simply carrying out God’s purpose, because God had put it into their hearts to carry out his purpose. 17:18 John concluded by reminding his readers of the identity of the harlot; the woman that you saw is the great city which has dominion over the Kings of

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the earth. The great city was Babylon, the symbolic representation of Rome. Finally, the woman and her friends make war on the Lamb, who had been raised from the dead, but The Lamb is out of reach, so the people will suffer. They will be rescued as the Lamb overcomes as the Lord of lords. A PROPHECY OF THE FALL OF ROME (18:1–3) John saw another angel coming down from heaven who had great authority, announcing the fall of the beast. The great authority possessed by this angel was derived from the authority of the message he carried. The African prophets were equally regarded with high esteem. The earth was made bright by his splendor. The splendor of the angel was a reflection of the glory of God, and it indicated that he had come from God’s presence. 18:3–4 The angel sang a prophetic dirge over Babylon, speaking of her demise as if it were an accomplished fact. Although he spoke of Babylon, he clearly had Rome in mind. The site of the city would be abandoned by men and inhabited by demons, foul spirits, and hateful birds. This was a picture of extreme desolation. The reason for the desolation is the sin of corrupting others. The city had not been content with sinning herself; she had led others into sin. For all nations have drunk the wine of imperialism as her impure passion, and the kings of the earth committed fornication with her, and the merchants of the earth grew rich with the wealth of her wantonness. The impact of colonialism in Africa is felt long after it’s gone. The power of the arrogance of the colonialists has left an inexorable mark both to the African economy as well as to the people. 18:4–5 The announcement of the destruction of the city, was followed by another voice from heaven calling all the believers to leave the city. It is very likely that John was not speaking of a literal removal, since there would be no place to go; Rome’s authority reached far to the whole Mediterranean world. The readers of the Apocalypse are called to guard themselves against surrendering to the great city. The community was being urged to avoid making peace with Rome in order to escape persecution, because a temptation to avoid persecution would be great. Hence the urgency of keeping guard from the danger of taking part in the sins of the beast was necessary in order

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to escape the judgment of the city. By this time, Rome had accumulated a hoard of sins which piled as high as heaven. As a result, her destruction was inevitable, since God had remembered her iniquities. God forgives those who will repent, but the unrepentant, whether the individual or the nation, will be judged. 18:6 Not only was Rome to receive a punishment in keeping with her sin, but a double one, she is worth a double portion of judgment for her arrogance. This was due to the fact that the type of sin committed by Rome had an accumulative effect, multiplying itself in other sins and afflictions. 18:7–8 Rome was an arrogant power, making her evil to be seriousness, she even boasted that her position was secure and that she was immune from judgment. God would judge her suddenly and unexpectedly, throwing her into mourning because her plagues will come in a single day. Those who indulge in her sins will equally be judged alongside her. All African countries who now indulge in corruption, who follow the colonial footsteps of oppression, will share the fate of the beast. Sooner or later all those who took power from the colonialists and damaged the African economy even more than the colonialists will be judged harshly. 18:9–10 Finally, a time has dawned for all those who had shared both in the corruption and in enriching themselves with the prosperity of the city to lament. It had become obvious to them, that there was a looming destruction. Who would be affected first rather than her kings, who shared her power, her immoral and religious corruption? The kings of the earth had committed fornication with her. They will now mourn because her destruction meant their destruction. Her judgment fills them with fear and consternation resulting from the suddenness and unexpectedness judgment coming within an hour. 18:11–17 The merchants of the earth were the second group from the kings of the earth to mourn her destruction. The city had become a dominant maritime power and the business capital of the world. So her destruction would mean the end to their profitable business enterprises, for no one would ever buy

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their cargo any more. The city had a list of the products, which now John produces, and in total they were twenty-eight items. Such a great number of items showed the laxity and wealth of the city, coming from the outgrowth of idolatrous worship connected with the imperial cult. John regretted that even slaves were included among the items imported, demonstrating the inhuman nature of Roman culture and society. The city was immoral and inhuman, for it even usurped the place of the Lord of the universe by any form of idolatrous worship. As the city burned, the merchants stood far off, in fear of her torment, weeping and mourning aloud. Part of grieving was due to the loss of income; in a very short time, all this wealth had been laid to waste. As it always happens, those who dined with her in her businesses have now abandoned her in distress. Again, it should be noted that judgment would come suddenly, in one hour. 18:18–19 Another group as a third brigade to mourn the harsh destruction of the city included the wealthy shipmasters, seafaring sailors, and everyone else whose livelihoods depended on the sea. It was a very distressful time to all those maritime businesspeople who had gotten wealth and power from the city. Just like the merchants, their mourning was due to the loss of revenue. John gives the warning for the third time, that her judgment would come in one hour. 18:20 John now vindicates the innocent saints, the apostles, and the prophets by declaring their rejoicing because God had given his judgment against Rome. This is a reflection of the principles underlying judgment in the Old Testament, that God will always vindicate his people. THE MILLSTONE THROWN INTO THE SEA 18:21–24 18:21 It now appears that the worst is to happen, for a mighty angel has thrown a great millstone into the sea, telling John this is an act illustrating how Babylon would be destroyed, never to rise again. John now symbolically demonstrated in finality and suddenness the total destruction of the great city.

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18:22–23 There was total silence indicated by the absence of sounds usually associated with the life of a city. John does not hear music, neither the sound of craftsmen at their work nor the noise from household activities. The bridegroom and bride were equally silent, and the city was utterly dark, without a single lamp. The final desolation of the city was achieved. The primary objective of the Old Testament justice is realized. 18:24 John offers particular lessons behind the fall of the city of Rome. For one, the merchants represented the wealthy men and women on earth. Rome had associated her greatness with material prosperity, and thereby fell victim to the corruption that always comes when the gaining of material wealth becomes the only important goal in life. Secondly, the city had deceived her people through sorcery and black arts, destroying the people who use them to gain their own ends. Thirdly, the city rulers had killed the saints and the prophets, making her to share the corporate guilt of the persecutors of God’s people in the world. The city was drunk with the blood of prophets and saints, and all those who had been slain on earth. Africa has gained independence and all the wealth formerly in the hands of the colonialists is now in their hands. This chapter now warns them that they too could be destroyed just like Rome, because in spite of Africa’s resistance and denunciation of corruption, their ideas and policies are now corrupt and have proved resilient. African heads of states and their cronies are traveling abroad for personal gains, becoming the highest culprits of corruption, just like Rome yielded wealth by prioritizing the amassing of it at the expense of everything else. When this occurs, as it has been observed to occur in Kenya during the reign of the first four presidents, all kinds of abuses emerge. People often yield to the temptation to resort to unethical and, sometimes, illegal means to amass wealth. In the process, a line is often drawn between the haves and have-nots, resulting in a situation where many find it difficult to acquire even the basic necessities of life. Africa has become the center of gravity for Christianity; hence, the need to resist the temptation to adopt the Roman attitude toward material wealth. In addition, the African churches must continually sound a prophetic warning against such an attitude and the evils it engenders. Moreover, they are required to resist the temptation to resort to the use of wealth as a magical stick to peace and good life, because it is not. Africans often yield to the temptation to use ethnic charms to award positions to people of corrupt morals as conduits for gaining more wealth. Those who do this eventually

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discover, however late, that all is vanity. Vanities, just like Rome, eventually destroy the very people who put their trust in them. Finally, while African Christians need not be warned against the killing of church ministers and the prophets, they surely need to be open and receptive to the prophetic word, whenever and wherever it is preached. The above two chapters, 17 and 18, assure the faithful Africans undergoing persecution and affliction at the hands of their evil leaders that God remains sovereign. He will surely, in his own time, deal with the dynasties and install the hustler nation in his own way. In the present age, as in the day of John, evil and wicked men are unable to escape God’s judgment. CELEBRATION TO THE FALL OF ROME (19:1–5) The songs of exultation bring a final pronouncement of judgment upon city of Babylon as the harlot. Such inspired a celebratory Psalm 113–118 as a hymn of praise to God now heard all over with a repeated hallelujah. As African Christians, we do not have to live by the norms of greed and the destruction that mark the practices of the harlotry city of Babylon. African music and dance would signify a victorious achievement. It is common both in the Bible as well as in African culture to celebrate any fall of the enemy through hymns and songs. 19:2 The Hebrew Psalter is a mighty praise of God for his judgments are true and just. The retributive justice of God’s righteousness was revealed through the punishment of the great city. The judgment that was pronounced for the evil leadership was being justified through two main reasons. First, Rome had brought moral ruin upon the earth and had corrupted the earth with her fornication. Secondly, the city of Babylon had persecuted the saints by enslaving the poor. In Africa this would be clear depiction of neocolonialism of the highest order. Postindependent leaders have not spared their own people; on many occasions, Africans have suffered more than they did during imperialism. There is a call for them to come of the city. 19:3 God is dealing with Babylon in a finality of judgment; the smoke emanating from her goes up forever and ever. The imagery goes back to the prophecy of Edom’s desolation in Isaiah 34:9–10. It also brings to mind the overthrow and destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah due to the immoralities of the two

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cities (Genesis 19:24–28). For sure, Rome is another Sodom, and it must suffer the same fate. 19:4–5 The praise is joined by the twenty-four elders and the four living creatures, who respond to the song of praise as they protract themselves before the throne in worship and acknowledgment of the sovereignty of God. This singing invited all the servants of God to equally join in praising him. John gave a detailed description of the judgment that was to come upon the city of Rome. He further offered his view of Rome’s persecution of the Church and the judgment as something that must be done by God in the light of the whole plan and purpose of God. The apocalyptic thinking is rekindled here as a description of the fulfillment of that plan and purpose. THE CONCLUSIVE MESSAGE While the opening of this section is a continuation of praise from the previous chapter 18, it is climaxed in the vision of the rider of the white horse, which becomes key in this section of much praising to the Lord. Salvation, glory, and power are now introduced, where those whom Christ saved are restored to perfect health physically, spiritually, and mentally. Finally, God’s judgments are true and just. Those who have suffered under the tyranny of Rome will finally be vindicated. NOTE 1. The evil of corruption makes every leader unable to stand destruction when it strikes. All African dictators of the first generation of African leaders have fallen for the same reasons; some of them were even hanged by the very regimes they had created, and others died in exile.

Chapter 8

The Victory of the Lamb (19:6–22:6)

While the sixth scene presented a portrayal of the destruction of the great city of Babylon representing Rome in the scenario, the closing scene of the Apocalypse of John (10:6–22:6) is a portrayal of the fulfillment of God’s plan and purpose. The seventh scene is concerned with the victory of the Lamb. Yes, by the end of the day things will change for better; this idea has kept Africans going on even after elections are rigged year after year. There is a high expectation of new life in marriage of the Lamb. MARRIAGE OF THE LAMB (19:6–10) 19:6–8 The author now hears the sound of a great multitude. The multitude was singing a song, and their singing sounded like many waters and like the sound of mighty thunder peals, indicating a mighty chorus. It is possible to identify the great multitude with the multitude of 19:1. It was song of praise because of the manifestation of the sovereignty of God, the Lord our God, the Almighty who reigns. The sovereignty of God has been manifested in his judgment upon the idolatrous African leadership and the whole mankind. It will now to be manifested in the fulfillment of his plan and purpose. The song was also joyous. The basis of this joy was that the marriage of the Lamb had come, and his bride had made herself ready. In all African cultures, a marriage is the occasion of great rejoicing. This was also the case of a marriage among the people in John’s days. It was therefore only natural that he should describe the joy of consummation in terms of the marriage of the Lamb. John shifts into the future and described the consummation as if it were already a present reality. At the same time, since the bride of the Lamb was the Church, there was a sense in which the marriage of the “Lamb” was 149

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already a reality. The Church came into being in the victory of Jesus through the cross and resurrection. To the believers of the first century, and to believers in the twentieth century, the age that is to come had come. The bride of the Lamb was named the holy city; New Jerusalem in 21:2, symbolizing the redeemed people of God, the African Church. She has prepared herself for the marriage by being clothed in fine linen, which is bright and clean, that the angel indicated symbolized the righteous deed of the saints. 19:9 We now encounter the fourth beatitude in the Apocalypse of John. Blessed are those who are invited to a marriage supper of the Lamb. Who are those invited to this banquet? They are members of the body of Christ, the Church, who have responded to the invitation of the Lamb through repentance and faith. The followers of the Lamb constitute the bride mentioned in verse 9 as the guests at the feast. The teaching of certain rabbis that the kingdom would be like a marriage feast stands behind the symbolism in this respect. The hustlers who are now the redeemed were invited to share in the blessings of the consummated kingdom. 19:10 When John attempted to worship the angel, he forbid him to do so. The angel identified himself as a fellow servant with John and his brethren who hold the testimony of Jesus. The angel who mediates the revelation is one with the prophet who delivers it, and the faithful believer who obeys its commands. Only God is worthy of worship. To hold the testimony of Jesus is to remain faithful to him in every circumstance of life, even in affliction and persecution. THE FINAL INVASION (19:11–16) Following the portrayal of Jesus Christ as the bridegroom at the messianic banquet, the marriage supper of the Lamb, Christ is portrayed as the Conqueror. John saw a white horse, whose rider was called the faithful and true one. This name identifies him as the risen Christ, who was described as the faithful and true witness in 3:14. The white horse upon which the risen Christ rode was the horse of the Conqueror, who had appeared earlier in 6:1– 2, where conquest had a much different significance. What is described in this passage is not the parousia. This is a description of the risen Christ, prepared

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for battle. It is said of him in verse 11 that he judges and makes war, and in verse 14, it is stated that the armies of heaven followed him on white horses. 19:12–13 The penetrating judgment of the risen Christ was symbolized by his eyes which were like a flame of fire (cf. 1:14; 2:18). The dragon had seven diadems, the beast ten, but the risen Christ has many diadems, indicating that his kingly authority far exceeds theirs, for he is King of Kings and Lord of Lords (cf. 5:16). The risen Christ is wearing a robe washed in blood and he is called the word of God. Many commentators have taken the blood on the robe to be the blood of his foes. The only weapon that the rider on the white horse has had was the sword which came out of his mouth. Elsewhere this sword is identified as the Word of God, and the name given to the risen Christ in verse 13 was the Word of God. Therefore, the risen Christ conquers with the sword of the Word of God. Hence, it seems best to take the robe dipped in blood as symbolic of the victory gained by Jesus through the cross. The multitude in white robes (7:9–17) is those who have washed their robes in the blood of the Lamb; that is, they shared in his sovereignty through their suffering with him. In verse 12 it is stated that the risen Christ has a name . . . which no one knows but himself. In the Jewish thought, an individual’s name revealed his character. The unknown name of Christ therefore indicates that there are many facets to his nature that are beyond the understanding of man. 19:14 The armies of heaven, arrayed in fine linen, white and pure, followed the conquering Christ on white horses. The white horses symbolized victory. For some commentators, the view of the pure appears to indicate that they symbolized the victorious martyrs (cf. 14:14). The believers who conquered in Christ would share in the reign of Christ (cf. 2:26–27). In one sense, the victory of the martyrs was judgment upon the world. 19:15–16 With the sharp sword coming out of his mouth, Christ was to unite the nations and rule them with a rod of iron. This meant that he was to exercise absolute sovereignty; this was in line with the fact that the name written on his robe and on his thigh was King of Kings and Lord of Lords. The sovereignty of the risen Christ was to be exercised in judgment. He will tread the wine press of the fury of the wrath of God. In fact, the primary task of the conquering Christ

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in this passage is judgment. This is the significance of him being called the Word of God (cf. Hebrews 4:12), where the word of God is said to be living and active, sharper than any two-edged sword. Here, as in Hebrew, the stress is on the Word of God as the word of judgment; thus, to call the risen Christ the Word of God was to designate him judge. THE DEFEAT OF THE WICKED (19:17–21) Having portrayed the victorious Christ as he sat in judgment over the nations, the author of the Apocalypse of John proceeded to give a description of the battle in which Christ’s victory was won popularly known as the Battle of Armageddon, although the name does not occur in this passage. The description containing the present passage is almost certainly intended as already fulfilled 16:14–16. Revelation 16:16 contains the only occurrence of the word Armageddon in the Bible. John did not actually describe the battle itself. He only gave the call to battle, a list of the adversaries, and a description of the results of the battle. 19:17–18 The birds flying in mid-heaven represents God’s anger. John saw an angel standing in the sun, that is, in mid-heaven, calling in a loud voice, summoning all the birds of prey to the great supper of God. They were called to feast on the corpses of those slain in the great battle. These included persons from all classes: kings, captains, mighty men, horses and their riders, and all men, both free and slave, both small and great. The great supper of God is an awful counterpart to the marriage supper of the Lamb (verse 9). The image of vultures preying on the victims of war has to be understood metaphorically. The account indicates the complete nature of God’s judgment. 19:19–21 The false prophet appearing is the second beast named in Rev 13. The forces of evil, led by the beast and the kings of the earth, gathered to battle with the one who sits upon the horse and against his army. No description of the battle is given. Instead, the writer immediately goes ahead to describe the results of the battle. The beast, along with the false prophet, were defeated, and the two of them were thrown alive into the lake of fire that burns with sulfur. The rest were slain by the sword of him who sits upon the horse. Most interpreters agree that the battle portrayed in 19:16–21 represents the decisive battle between the forces of good and those of evil (although

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many preterists would take exception to this). Most futurists view this as the description of a literal battle which will bring in the kingdom at the consummation of the age. The beast, according to this interpretation, will be the persons who are anti-Christ at the end time. His army will be a literal military force, brought to Palestine to wage war against the Jews. He will take possession of the land and the Lord with his army will overthrow him and set up the millennial kingdom. However, there are certain characteristics of the passage that appear to indicate that this was a symbolic battle. For instance, no description of the battle is given. The writer simply gives a description of the forces prepared for battle to a description of the results of the battle. The rider on the white horse conquered by the sword coming out of his mouth, which was not a literal weapon, but was symbolic of the Word of God—in particular, God’s word of judgment. To make this a literal battle is to affirm that the risen Christ will establish his sovereignty by means rejected by Christ in the gospel. Further, such an interpretation is out of line with the overall message of the Book of Revelation: that Christ was victorious through the cross, and that his followers are victorious through being united with him in that victory. The position taken here is that this passage contains a symbolic description of the ultimate defeat of evil by God in Jesus Christ. Although the victory appears to be described as occurring in the future, the time element is secondary. For the Church of the twentieth century, the consummation was, in a real sense, already a present reality. In the cross, the age to come has been realized as eschatology. It was the victory of Jesus in the cross that made possible the Christian hope for a full realization of the sovereignty of God at the end of the age. For the Church, the victory of Christ over the beast is a past reality, a present reality, and a future reality. The beast and the false prophet were thrown into the lake of fire. This was the author’s way of expressing hell, and it is to be distinguished from the Abyss. It is the permanent abode of the beast, the dragon, and the false prophet. All the wicked and those whose names are not found in the book of life will spend eternity in this place of punishment (cf. 20:15; 21:18). There is no way to determine whether John intended to describe a literal torment. The problem connected with this question, together with the hesitancy of many to ascribe to God the sending of anyone to a place of external punishment, has created theological difficulties for many people. Whether or not John had a literal fire in mind, he certainly intended to indicate an external separation from God. Such an existence was one chosen by the wicked. While the beast symbolized the incarnation of the dragon in the Roman imperial system in chapter 13, the reference in the present passage is wider. The beast is used as a virtual synonym for the dragon or Satan, and it symbolizes the spiritual forces of evil as they are aligned against the sovereignty

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of God. For believers in the twentieth century in all parts of the world, as well as for believers in Asia in the first century, the message of Revelation 19:17–21 is clear: the holy righteous God remains the sovereign Lord of the universe. Those who participate in any form of idolatry—whether the usurpation of the place that belongs to God alone by totalitarian states, or other worship of gods other than the Holy One of Israel—will face judgment meted by a righteous God. Therefore, the believer must take care lest he allows the state to take the place of God in his life. Further, he must continue to refuse to compromise his faith in his relations with non-Christians. Those who follow the way of the beast and the false prophet share the judgment of the beast and the false prophet. THE MILLENNIAL REIGN (20:1–3) In the dramatic symbolism of chapter 19, the defeat of the beast and the false prophet has been portrayed. In 20:1–3, the dragon is dealt although no battle is portrayed here. For Beasley-Murray (1978), a nameless angel suffices to reduce the devil to impotence when God so decrees. 20:1–2 Next, John saw an angel coming down from heaven, holding in his hand the key to the bottomless pit and a great chain. This was probably the angel in 9:1. The angel seized the dragon . . . and bound him for a thousand years. The mention here of a thousand years coincides with the thousand-years reign of Christ described in 20:4–10, and it also introduces one of the most difficult passages in the book. Those interpreters who hold to the millennial position take this passage as one of the primary bases for the development of their views. There has been much disagreement concerning the interpretation of the millennium. Basically, there have been three major positions: pre-millennialism, post-millennialism, and a millennialism or non-millennialism. Pre-millennia lists interpret the millennium literally. They believe that Christ will return to earth before the millennium. The Christian dead will be caught up with the returning Christ. They will reign with Christ on earth for a brief period. This brief period will be followed in turn by the raising of the rest of the dead—the second resurrection. Then, there will come the great white throne judgment. Post-millennialists believe that the return of Christ will follow the millennium. Some post-millennialists view the millennium literally as a thousand years in which peace will reign. Some see the millennium as a symbolic representation of the triumph of the gospel in the present age.

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Millennialists do not believe in a literal millennium. They view the thousand-year period as symbolic of the entire period from the life of Christ on earth until his second coming (parousia). Most of them interpret the first resurrection as the new birth of the believer. Most pre-millennialists view the binding of Satan as a literal binding for a period of a thousand years whereby Christ will reign on earth (the millennium). The post-millennialists and the millennialists take a more symbolic view of the passage. In either case, the binding of Satan was for the purpose of making possible the thousand-year reign of 20:4–10, and it is in the light of this passage that 20:1–3 must be understood. 20:3 Verse 3 states that after the completion of the thousand years, Satan must be loosed for a little while. The significance of this statement must be determined from the interpretation of 20:4–10. THE MILLENNIUM (20:4–10) 20:4 John saw thrones. He does not say where they were, and those who believe in a literal millennium tend to place them on earth. John mentions thrones over forty times, and with the exception of the throne of the beast and the throne of Satan, they all appear to be located in heaven. Apparently, this was the case in the present passage. John indicated that judgment had been committed to those on the thrones. John also saw the souls of those who had been beheaded for the testimony of Jesus and for the word of God, and who had not worshipped the beast or its image. This is clearly a reference to the martyrs, who are apparently to be identified with the ones seated on the thrones. This identification is the key to an understanding of the chapter as a whole. It is said that the martyrs came to life and reigned with Christ for a thousand years. The reign here appears to have been limited to the martyrs. Their sitting on thrones was descriptive of their sharing in Christ’s resurrection and reign. 20:5 The rest of the dead did not come to life until the thousand years ended. The resurrection of those who reign with Christ for a thousand years is called the first resurrection. A fifth beatitude in the Apocalypse is pronounced upon

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those who share in the first resurrection, that upon them the second death has no power. The meaning of the second death is relatively clear. It involves eternal separation from God (Waweru 2005). Pre-millennialists usually interpret the phrase “the first resurrection” literally, and therefore see two resurrections here: a resurrection of the righteous to share in the millennial reign and a resurrection of the unrighteous at the end of the thousand-year reign in preparation for the final judgment. There are two factors which make such a meaning unlikely. In the first place, the term “second resurrection” does not occur in the Book of Revelation or anywhere else in the biblical writings. In the second place are the clear intentions of verses 4–6 that both the first resurrection and the millennial reign were limited to the martyrs. The context of the book as a whole indicates that the blessings of the consummated kingdom are not exclusively those of the martyrs, but are intended for all the faithful. Therefore, it appears obvious that some sort of symbolic interpretation must be given both to the first resurrection and the thousand-year reign. If, as it has been suggested here, the first resurrection was the resurrection of the martyrs to share in the reign of Christ, then John may have intended the first resurrection as a symbol for the death of the martyrs. To those persecuting the believers, the death of martyrs would appear to be the end. On the contrary, their death was actually their coming to life again. Thus, their apparent defeat was in reality their victory. In the same way, the death of the faithful martyr was his victory. It marked the completion of his faithful witness to his living Lord and his entrance into the full realization of his eternal life with the father. Over the faith of the martyr, the second death has no power. African Christians need to be reminded of the redemptive nature of suffering. For many believers in Africa, suffering is viewed as being evil and should have no part in the life of the Christian. In a theological seminary in Nigeria, a teacher was discussing the place of the cross in the lives of believers. He was interrupted by one of his students who asked the question: If that is the way for a Christian, what is the need in being a Christian? The religious background of the African Christian often makes it difficult to accept the fact that the Christian is not immune to suffering. If may also blind him to the fact that suffering in the Christian context may have redemptive features. John viewed affliction that resulted from one’s faithful Christian witness as redemptive. It was redemptive in that it was part of the believer’s victory over the world and part of the process of the believer’s being transformed into the likeness and image of the risen Lord. Thus, the suffering of the faithful witnesses—even that of the martyrs—is not defeat; it is victory. If the interpretation of the first resurrection presented above is valid, then the thousand-year reign would be symbolic of the victory of the martyrs over their enemies. In this case, the thousand years would be symbolic of their

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full and complete victory. The number, one thousand, would be symbolic of completion or perfection. The interpretation adopted here is not intended to suggest that for John the blessings of the future kingdom were limited to those who had sealed their testimony through martyrdom. It is only that he had the martyrs particularly in view in this passage. The beatitude in verse 6 includes the affirmation that the martyrs have been set apart as priests of God and of Christ. In the present context, the most likely interpretation is that their testimony will be the means of drawing men to God in Christ. The verse closes with a reaffirmation of their total victory: they shall reign with him a thousand years. THE FOLLY OF GOG AND MAGOG (20:7–10) After the thousand years, Satan will be loosed from his prison. In verse 3, it is stated that at the close of the thousandth year, he must be loosed for a little while. The “must” again translates to dei, which denotes here a “moral necessity.” The loosening of Satan is in God’s plan and purpose. Most pre-millennialists view both the binding and loosening of Satan in a literal sense. If, the first resurrection and the millennial reign of the martyrs are to be interpreted symbolically, then binding and the loosening of Satan must also have some kind of symbolic meaning. If the thousand-year reign symbolized the victory of the martyrs, then the binding of Satan for a thousand years was symbolic of the complete defeat of Satan through the victory of Christ. The victory of Jesus on the cross was at the same time victory for the faithful as it was a defeat of the forces of evil. Why is it stated that Satan will be loosened from his prison at the end of the millennial reign? The loosening of Satan for a little while was symbolic of the fact that Satan, although he had been defeated by the death and resurrection of Jesus, did not give up the struggle. Although ultimate destruction of the forces of evil is assured, the believers must contend with evil in their earthly existence. They must continue to face affliction in the hands of those controlled by Satan, and they must continue to resist the temptation to follow the current manifestation of the beast and the false prophet. At the same time, the little while is indicative of the limited authority of Satan in the world. In verse 8 and 9, it is stated that Satan will come out to deceive the nations “Gog and Magog,” to gather them together for their last battle with God. The number of them is like the sand of the sea. Most futurists see this as descriptive of the final conflict between the wicked and the righteous following the millennium. Efforts are often made to identify Gog and Magog with actual nations in existence at the end of the age. The weakness connected with such

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a procedure has been demonstrated by the multitude of these identifications— changing with the constantly changing historical situations. In the light of the apparent symbolic nature of the chapter as a whole, it seems best to interpret verse 8 as meaning that the forces of evil strive against the forces of the righteousness to the very end. In this case, Gog and Magog would be symbolic of the nations gathered against God. Here, the expression Gog and Magog seems to signify all the people who stand in opposition to God. The forces of evil surrounded the camp of the saints and the beloved city. Both expressions appear to signify the people of God. The use of the word “camp” may reflect the wilderness where God’s people wandered. In that case, John would be suggesting that believers have no permanent home in this world. Though in the world, they are not of the world. Therefore, the believers cannot afford to participate in the activities of the world. The saints have no fellowship with the world. No actual battle occurred, but fire came down from heaven and consumed them. This is reflective of the overwhelming power of God. The defeat of the forces of evil is sure. Verse 10 contains a description of the final defeat of Satan. His judgment follows from the fact that he deceived the nations. He was thrown into the lake of fire and sulfur to join the beast and the false prophet. Together they would be tormented day and night forever and ever. Their defeat is final. THE FINAL JUDGMENT (20:11–15) At the end of chapter 20, we encounter an awe-inspiring description of the final judgment (20:11–15), which closely follows the previous section (20:1– 10), the ultimate destiny of the spiritual forces of evil. In the present passage, the people of the earth are dealt with. 20:11 John saw a great white throne. No indication is given of the identity of the one who sits upon it. The majesty of the scene is indicated by the fact that the earth and the sky fled away from the one sitting upon the throne. So majestic was the one on the throne that even the universe was unable to stand before his glory. In John’s mind, the fleeing away of the earth and the sky may have prepared the way for the coming of the new heaven and the new earth. Evidently, it was a throne of judgement considering what follows.

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20:12 Before the throne, stood all the dead, great and small. Books were opened, and the dead were judged according to their deeds, as recorded in these books. The New Testament teaches that judgment is on the basis of one’s works (cf. Matthew 25:31–46). The basis for this is the conviction that one’s character is revealed in one’s deeds. Another book opened . . . the book of life. It contained the names of all those who possess eternal life. It is to be noted that, according to this view, no one is acquitted on the basis of his deeds. Only those whose names were recorded in the book of life were acquitted. This would appear to indicate that the only significance of the deeds recorded in the books is that they indicate the true character of the one being judged. 20:13–15 The sea gave up the dead in it, death and Hades gave up the dead in them. This indicates the inclusion of all the dead. All men who have ever lived on the earth are included in the final judgment. None is excluded. Death was destroyed. Death and Hades were thrown into the lake of fire. The ultimate enemy of man is death, but even death itself cannot stand before the victorious power of God. Ironically, the final destiny of death and Hades is death itself: the second death is the lake of fire. The chapter concludes with the affirmation that all whose names were not in the book of life were thrown into the lake of fire. Some commentators view this passage as descriptive of a literal judgment scene. Since there are difficulties in such apposition, others interpret it symbolically. In either way, it seems clear that John intended to affirm the final separation of the wicked from God; he called it the second death. Beyond it there is no hope. THE PROMISE OF THE WORLD TO COME (21:1–8) Here, the victory of the Lamb and his followers and the defeat and destruction of the dragon and his followers is affirmed. Chapter 20 contains a portrayal of the final destiny of the redeemed, described in terms of a new heaven and a new earth.

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21:1 John saw a new heaven and a new earth; for the first heaven and the first earth had passed away, and the sea was no more. As part of the consummation of the plan and purpose of God, John expected a new creation. This apparently was not a creation ex nihilo but a renovation of the existing order. However, it was not merely a renovation. The universe was to be so transformed so that it would be as if everything was entirely new. In the new creation, there will be no sea. There are two possible meanings here, and both may have been in the mind of John as he was writing. In the Book of Revelation, the sea is portrayed as the ultimate home of evil, the place of origin of the dragon and the beast. By his mention of the removal of the sea, John may have been affirming the complete absence of evil in the new creation: the dragon, the beast, and everything else that they stood for. The absence of the sea in the new creation would also have a further significance for John. The sea of glass in chapter 4 was symbolic of the transcendence of God. On the island of Patmos, John was separated from his fellow believers by the sea. In the new creation, the sea is no more. Therefore, John may have been suggesting that there was no more separation in the new creation. No longer will man be separated from man and no longer will man be separated from a full and complete communion with God. 21:2 John also saw the holy city; New Jerusalem coming down from of heaven, from God, prepared as a bride for her husband. This new creation was entirely different from the earthly Jerusalem in that it was symbolic representation of the redeemed Church (cf. commentary on 21:9–14) 21:3–4 In a real sense, heaven is where God dwells. In the New Jerusalem, the redeemed experience the presence of God in the fullest sense: He will dwell with them and they shall be his people, and God himself will be with them. Since God dwells among his people in fullness, he will dispel all the evils of the older order; he will wipe away every tear from their eyes, and death shall be no more, neither shall there be mourning nor crying nor pain, for the former things have passed away. These evils find no place in the ultimate and full presence of God. They are part of the old order which has ceased to be in the new creation. Here, John is describing the situation as it will exist at the end. Because for the believer, the age to come has already come, he is able to experience the blessings of the new age in the present time. But the

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fullest expressions of the blessings portrayed in this passage are reserved for the consummation, when all evil will be destroyed forever. 21:5 The one seated on the throne now spoke: behold, I make all things new. It is to be noted that this is one of the few times in Revelation that God himself is said to speak (cf. 1:18 and possibly 16:1, 17). The verb used is in the present tense, indicating that the new creation, which is to be completed at the consummation of the age, is already in progress in the present time. The new creation is present in all those who receive the new life through faith. John was commanded to record the message of the one seated on the throne, because it was faithful and true, having originated in the character of God himself. God’s word to man is always true, because he himself is true. 21:6 The content of the message was simply, it is done, literally, they have come to pass. The consummation plan and purpose of God is spoken as if it is already accomplished, because it is guaranteed by the faithfulness of the one who is seated on the throne. As the alpha and the omega, God stands at the beginning and the end of creation and he is in complete control of the entire process. He is the satisfier of man’s deepest spiritual needs; to the thirty, I will give from the fountain of the water of life without payment. 21:7 The Conqueror reappears in this passage. Because he has overcome suffering and persecution—he has been faithful—he will inherit the blessings of eternal life and will be designated God’s son. The reference here is twofold; he will share an intimate relation with God and he will be like God. To the Hebrew, the idea of sonship always carried with it the idea of likeness. The Conqueror will come to share the character of God. 21:8 In verse 8, the salvation of the righteous is contrasted with the doom of the ungodly. A list is given of those whose rewards will be the lake that burns with fire and sulfur. They include the cowardly, the faithless, the polluted, murderers, fornicators, sorcerers, idolaters, and all liars. Their lot will be external separation from God and this is the second death.

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THE GLORY OF THE NEW JERUSALEM (21:9–27) 21:9–11 The author is hereby invited to come and view the bride, the wife of the Lamb. He was carried to a great mountain and saw, not a woman, but a city: the holy city Jerusalem, coming down out of heaven from God, adorned with the priceless splendor of the glory of God. Some futurists hold this to be a literal earthly Jerusalem to be established in the future. Against this view is that fact that the city is called the Bride of the Lamb. That is, it is the Church, viewed here in its redeemed and consummated state. The portrayal of the descending city is descriptive of a reunion. The martyrs have been waiting in heaven; the saints undergoing affliction and hardships have been waiting on earth. With the descent of the holy city, heaven and earth are reunited and God’s victory is complete. Therefore, the New Jerusalem is symbolic of the victory of the purpose of God in Christ and the full and complete salvation of God’s people-the faithful believers of all ages. 21:12 The city was surrounded by a great high wall. The wall cannot be for the purpose of defense, since the forces of evil will already have been destroyed. At the same time, the wall likely indicates the security of the city. It symbolizes the security of the believers in the redeemed, consummated Church—the Bride of Christ. The city had twelve gates, three on each side (verse 13), with an angel stationed at each gate. The symbolism here is twofold. The twelve gates indicate that the city is accessible to all people of the world (cf. Isaiah 45:22, Luke 13:29; 1 Timothy 2:3–5). The redeemed Church is a universal. The twelve angels who guard the gates symbolize the fact that nothing improper or evil can enter the life of the redeemed community. The names of the tribes of the sons of Israel on the twelve gates symbolize the completeness of the people of God. Within the security of the holy city are the totalities of the redeemed of the Lord. 21:14 The city wall has twelve foundations, upon which the names of the twelve apostles of the Lamb are inscribed. These are symbolic of the completeness of the church. The use of the designation “the Lamb” (rather than the personal name) in this verse is indicative of the means by which the salvation of God’s people was brought about.

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The author saw an angel with a measuring rod of gold, with which to measure the city, its gates, and the walls. In the present content, to measure the city was to describe it. Although the description is given in very literal terms, it is unlikely that John intended to describe a literal city. Especially in the light of the fact that the New Jerusalem in Revelation is the Church in its redeemed state. John has given a symbolic description of something he considered to be beyond actual description. 21:16 The city lies in a square. The length of the city, the width of the city, and the height of the city were all equal: twelve thousand is the product of the number twelve and the number one thousand. Both numbers symbolize fullness or completeness. The dimensions of the city, together with its cubical nature, symbolize the city’s perfect size. It is large enough to accommodate the totality of the redeemed. The Jews of John’s day, speculating about the city in which God would replace the ruined Jerusalem, found scriptural support for the view that it would extend north to Damascus, west to the ocean, and that it would extend upwards to the throne of God. The city of God and the Lamb will extend far over the territories of men and unite earth and heaven into one. 21:17 The measurement of the wall was 144 cubits. A city wall of this height is great, but in relation to the height of this city it is quite small. If the reference is to the thickness of the wall, the same problem is encountered here. But if we concentrate on the symbolic message of the number, 144 (the square of twelve, the number of fullness), the meaning becomes apparent. The size of the wall symbolizes the perfect protection afforded by the city. The redeemed church rests secure in the presence of the Almighty God. 21:18–20 The beauty and magnificence of the city were boundless. The glory of the holy city is portrayed by the splendor of precious stones, by pure transparent gold, and by magnificent pearls. John was attempting to use the imagery in these verses to portray the majesty of God. The twelve jewels adorning the city’s foundations were the stones that adorned the breastplate of the high priest (Exodus 28:17–20) It is unlikely that the Jewels named in our English translations are the same as those represented by the Greek and Hebrew

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names. However, whatever gems John had in mind, he was using the names to express the glory of God’s presence. 21:21 The gates were made of pearls, one huge pearl per gate (cf. Isaiah 54:11–12). The street of the city was made of pure gold, transparent as glass. In verse 18, the whole city is said to be made of Jasper, which could be diamond or pure gold being as clear as glass. The imagery stresses magnificence and not the suitability in terms of the building materials. John was stressing the overwhelming glory of the city. 21:22–27 John saw no temple in the city, for its temple is the Lord God, the Almighty, and the Lamb. The temple was the symbol of the presence of God in the midst of his people. In the New Jerusalem, there is no need of a temple for the holy city is the dwelling of God and the Lamb, as well as the redeemed saints who are conscious of living in the veritable presence of their Lord. The city does not need the sun nor the moon; for the glory of God is the light of the city. In other words, the light of the sun and moon are eclipsed by the glory of God. The kings of the earth shall bring their glory into the city. This reflects the Old Testament’s belief that the nations will respond to God, and it also means that the inhabitants of the New Jerusalem will be made up of all people. The gates of the city shall never be shut by day —and there shall be no night. Earthly cities shut their gates when night falls. The holy city does not shut its gates; there is no night. Heaven’s gates are never closed. The city is open to all who would enter. There is one great exclusion in the city: nothing unclean can enter, nor anyone who practices abomination or falsehood, for such a person shares the character of the dragon and the beast. The inhabitants of the city are limited to those who live in conformity with the will of God and the Lamb, for their names are written in the Lamb’s book of life. THE NEW PARADISE (22:1–5) John concluded his description of the consummation with a portrayal of life in the holy city. The tree of life is a luxuriant growth, in fact the words in Rev 22:2 indicates a whole orchard rather than a single tree. Included in this description are: the river of the water of life, the tree of life, the throne of God and the Lamb, and the absence of night.

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22:1 Then he showed me the river of the water of life, bright as crystal, flowing from the throne of God and of the Lamb. Water is a symbol of life. Such a symbol was especially appropriate in the dry climate of the biblical world, and it was used extensively by the Jews. In the fourth gospel, Jesus describes himself as “the water of life.” Here, the river symbolizes the source of life, the external life given by God which is inexhaustible. The river flowed through the middle of the street of the city (verse 2a) indicating its ready accessibility. 22:2 The author uses a second symbol for eternal life. On either side of the river stood the tree of life, with its twelve kinds of fruits, yielding its fruit each month. The number twelve is symbolic of the abundance of the fruit, and indicates the abundance of life in the city (Waweru 2007a). According to the Genesis account, man, because of his sin, was denied access to the tree of life. Now, in the New Jerusalem, man will be able to feast freely from the tree of life. The leaves of the tree were to heal the nations. John probably intended to indicate the nations that had responded in obedience to the Lamb, and this statement is a further affirmation of the hope expressed in Revelation that the temporal judgment of God would lead to repentance (cf. 7:9 and the commentary thereon). 22:3–4 God and the Lamb are central in the holy city: the throne of God and the Lamb shall dwell in it. The presence of God’s throne in the city is indicative of the full and complete manifestation of the sovereignty of God. Therefore, in the city, nothing will be accursed, since rebellion against God is unthinkable in the holy city. The central activity of the inhabitants of the city will be the worship of God and the Lamb: His servants shall worship him. Their close relationship with him is indicated by their wearing his name on their foreheads. 22:5 Because God is in the city, night shall be no more. Life in the city is eternal. The believers share fully in the sovereignty of their God; they shall reign for ever and ever.

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22:6 The scene closes with a fresh affirmation of the reliability of the message contained in the book: these words are faithful and true. Then a statement follows reconfirming the statement in 1:11: The Lord, the God of the spirit of the prophets, has sent his angel to show his servants what must soon take place. THE CONCLUSIVE MESSAGE John’s vision has brought a new understanding, the change comes gradually, in Rev 21: 22–27 can now be linked either with verse 9–21 of the chapter or with Rev 22: 1–5. The very first section is concerned with the Church, while the last section is concerned with the world. Here the middle verses could be read together with this last part. The city appears to be conclusive on the mercy of God to all nations. It is the vision of the future, the eternal future with the coming of all nations together into the city due to God’s love for all people. Africa has entered a new era of postcolonialism, her biblical scholars are tasked to discern new ways within African indigenous research methodologies to propel biblical studies into the twenty-first century (Waweru 2007b; 2022). Africa’s future is like John’s image of the city which portrays God’s future as beyond our reach and knowledge, hence he explains to us that the kingdom of God is real and solid, something to touch, smell, and be enjoyed. It is in the city that God will be enjoyed and glorified by his people forever. This is what gives the Africans hope in the Apocalypse of John. THE LAST WORDS OF THE APOCALYPSE (22:7–22) The temptation to feel guiltier than the ones we are ministering worship to is a common phenomenon in the apocalyptic community. In African culture, kings are seen as gods and they must be reverenced. It is human to consider ourselves less than our leader. In the same spirit, John is more often than not portrayed as a humble seer who falls down to worship the angelic interpreter, but unlike in Africa culture, where leaders will enjoy veneration, John only experiences a great rebuke. For William Tyndale (2000, 156), the Apocalypse of John is allegories whose literal sense is difficult to find in many places. But in many respects, the Revelations of John are the most modern existing in a book. The last words of this prophecy are behold, “I am coming soon” (Rev 22:7), and these words have caused much confusion both in the early Church

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as well as in the present modern day Christianity. But Luke was keen to remind his readers that no one knew the day of the Lord’s coming (Acts 1:7). Jesus is coming with a reward to everyone according to what he has done (Rev 22:12). But the structure of the Apocalypse demonstrated that the end of the present world was not as soon as some people expected, and that the end of John’s world would not be the end of the world in totality; for John a delay is obvious. However Jesus is the alpha and the omega, the first and the last, the beginning and the end. This is the epilogue message from the Apocalypse. In Rev 22:8, the author falls down to worship the messenger of the visions, but the angel tells John, “I am a fellow servant and a brother to you as we serve the Lord together.” It was a common practice in Rome for leaders to receive worship from their subjects. For the angel confirms to John that he was a fellow servant. In 22:10, John informs his readers that the end is coming, for the time is near for them to face persecution. No one should take grace for granted, everyone will be paid for what they have done or committed. Jesus invites all the Christians finally to come as well as waiting for Christ’s return. John has come to the end of the Revelation. The last words of the Apocalypse offers a final promise: “I come soon.” These are the last words that were found worthy to close the New Testament. These words equally point to the final appearance of the Son of God in the second parousia, when he shall appear for the second time. Thus the prophet is keen to assure his readers that he did not send the message on his own authority; hence he is equally keen to warn the scribes on verse 18 not to add anything of their own, nor to leave anything out. In Africa, the last word of a dying person is more feared than the word of the living; as Mbiti (1969, 116) opines, the last words of the dying could cause death, and people fear breaking them in order to avoid being cursed. The words of John would be given maximum value as they are spoken by a sage. They would be words of wisdom to liberate, instruct, and guide, rather than predict the human destruction whether present or in future. Having read and listened to the Apocalypse, one gets the utopia required to face any issues in life that are uncertain. Africans are faced with a bleak future, not being very sure of present and near future; the last words of this book remains a sure bet for all those who will read aloud and hear the words. Christ is He who comes; He is on the way, coming soon; let us be confident and patient to wait till the end, for Matthew 18:20, once people gather to worship, there Christ is. The African time is not chronological but eventful, so any meeting of believers allows Christ’s presence in their midst. The Apocalypse finally closes with the repetition of the invitation of Rev 19:1–6: people are invited to come and take water of life, which is now being offered freely, but those who refuse are strictly warned.

Conclusion A Contrapuntal Way of Reading the Apocalypse

Not many readers of the Apocalypse will dispute the fact that Apocalypse of John is a unique narrative requiring a different level of understanding as compared to the rest of the New Testament. This text has two common thinkers: those who read it as a text in detail relating it to persons and events, past, present, or future, and those who read it as symbolic using the images time and again to illuminate situations or even provoke new dream experiences. In the former, a close examination of the text has been experienced, while in the latter, the concern is how the images can inform the present reality of either the individual or community. African peoples, traditions, religions, and customs were to a large extent viewed in exodus motif; enculturation was a point to the readers of the Bible. African leaders both in the political arena as well as in the Church are all in agreement that something has gone terribly wrong. Africa has witnessed so many evils which cause pain and suffering to its people. Africa has become an enigma, because although it has what it takes to be stable, tribal wars, cattle rustling, political divisions, and rampant corruption have affected all sectors of governments. For the Apocalypse, Jesus is coming soon to reward everyone according to their deeds (Rev 22:12). This is a clear indication that there are signs of John’s Apocalypse for a while now, just as the Book of Revelation foretold. When one keenly reads the above exposition of the text of the Apocalypse, it becomes evident that every detail in the book is now replicated all over the world, and more especially in Africa. Africa is like a seedling taken out of its bed, its roots cut off, and then planted in another bed; in the cool morning of the day it looks all right, unfortunately it is withering in the afternoon sun. Africa has no roots to support it, so how can it stand? How can it grow? 169

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A contrapuntal reading of the Apocalypse seeks to encourage an engagement with the stakeholders of the African world view. The Church in Africa is little more than a copy of the Western Church in name, ethos, liturgy, and even theology. Hence an indigenous reading could only emerge from the dialogue between Africans’ own experience, revelation, and reflection through analyzing the Apocalypse while taking seriously its cultural context. The Apocalypse prediction that tribe would rise against tribe, as Jesus taught his disciples in the Book of Luke, makes Africans view the widespread political divisions in their countries as prophetic. In addition, the African society today is plagued with frequent inhuman acts within families which include spouses killing all their children and finally committing suicide, a brother killing another, political parties fighting each other, and pastors raping children who see them as their safe heavens. All these occurrences only indicate that biblical values slipping away from our societies. Governments have become embarrassments to their own people because they do not serve the people’s interests. A culmination of all these happenings will definitely trigger serious thinkers to reevaluate everything. At the moment when everyone is undergoing a period of depression, either spiritually, economically, or socially, God Almighty has his plan and purpose for the human race; this is intended to train us on how to live life better. The colonial setting of the Christian church has created a community suffering from amnesia and struggling with its own identity. A reading that allows an interaction between indigenous cultural heritage and the Bible is necessary for a thorough understanding of the present. The Apocalypse of John comes to the African stage to enhance rather than to frustrate African life struggles. Interestingly, Africans are now at the edge of their missionary religious experience or even none at all; there is a general dissatisfaction among the people that nothing is working and it is like the world is coming to a halt. This is not just because of the economic struggles but because of the many calamities, like the invasion of locusts in the East African region, wildfires ravaging parts of the African forests, the common terrorist killings, an untold number of missing persons, flooding—like the recent flooding in Kenya, which threatened to merge the fresh waters of Lake Baringo and the alkaline waters of Lake Bogoria—and in a little while, drought, which has threatened to wipe out communities. Apparently, all these events and many more are described as apocalyptic. The story of apocalypse in Africa is not only interesting, but also one of the unique scenarios to be experienced in African history. It transcends all the African cultures that preexisted Christianity in Africa. It has become a kairos narrative that surprises all Africans: political leaders who had promised heaven to their own people as they climbed the political ladders becoming dictators and massacring their own people during moments of social and

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political crisis. Once the Africans are trying to understand the unprecedented shocking events that have thrived in the continent, an apocalyptic thinking has grown more than ever before, hence those who study and practice religion are now called upon to see the unveiling of deeper truths in an apocalyptic manner. In fact, the twenty-first-century crisis reveals health care inequalities and class divisions in our modern society in a very shocking way. Therefore, all the recent happenings simply reveal the fault lines in the system that has always existed, but now they are very apocalyptic because the system is stressed. The majority of African preachers across the board perceive the struggles and the economic meltdown in African countries as a wake-up call to religious faith, a sign of God’s anger, and a temporal judgment; indeed, it is viewed as the most apocalyptic thing that has ever happened to the world, to the African communities. For African Christians and theologians, one of the most well-known apocalyptic narratives in the New Testament is the Book of Revelation, which tells the story of the defeat of an evil beast, a final divine judgment, and the coming of a New Jerusalem. Although the elite and a number of biblical scholars read the book of the Apocalypse as a story about the destruction of corrupt political systems, African evangelical preachers have positioned themselves as propagators of the rapture of Jesus’s second return to save believers from a period of tribulation, just as He did with colonialism. The Pentecostal preacher spends time reading the narrative and interpreting its symbols, written nearly two thousand years ago. In modern times and in an attempt to relate these readings, the preacher is often left with questions whose answers are not forthcoming. That is, the mark of the beast; will all people of the world be forced to bear this demonic mark? Will this mark be in form of a pin or a real mark on their foreheads? Africans are not chronologically oriented people and therefore, this idea of rapture is difficult to drive home. However, quite a number of African evangelical Christians find hope in the divine promise that God has saved them for eternity. This brings a feeling of security in the midst of so much uncertainty. Hence, for Africans, whatever is happening is a reminder that God is sovereign, and regardless of what happens to the world, God is in control. Religious traditions have offered a way for human beings to understand apocalyptic moments. Over and over again, terrible events being witnessed within humanity have shaped religion itself. For Africans studying religion and other theology students from all over the world, it should be noted that the earliest apocalyptic speculations are found in Jewish scriptures. This is in the Book of Daniel, then the Hellenistic age gave way to the Romans around the second and first centuries BC. Thereafter, the Jewish communities experienced violent persecution. Some Jews speculated again about the end of time when the Roman army destroyed the Second Temple in Jerusalem in

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70 CE. This is very similar to the arrival of colonialism in Africa, whereby the African culture was turned upside down. Therefore, when African culture was under serious threat and colonialism was implanted in the African soil, Africans turned to an external savior in the name of Christianity, ironically introduced by the white missionaries who termed the African cultures barbaric, primitive, savage and backward. Africans realized that they needed to survive in the world as they knew it. In their own intelligent ways, the African leaders of the time quickly developed systems of survival whereby Africans could live anywhere, under any system, and live meaningful lives connected to their neighbors and to God. This was the African culture that enabled Africans to live through colonization, plagues, and slave trade eras and on through to the two World Wars, which were in some ways the most difficult periods for the Africans. One notable thing in the Africans’ thought is a distinction between the end of the world and the concept of apocalypse. To us as Africans, Apocalypse is more of what happens when one’s eyes are opened. When the Africans discovered that the white people would die just like everyone else when shot during World War II, they had a fresh reflection. They turned to books as tools of liberation and read them afresh; this was an apocalyptic moment as a true realization in their lifetime. In African thinking, Mbiti (1969) explains time as chronologically rhythmic, not linear, making apocalypse both an end and a beginning. When Apocalypse takes place, a new order starts a new social order and a new moral order. The narrative repeats itself again in a cycle; this is the African way of life. Apocalyptic narratives within the African culture are embedded in proverbs, riddles, and mythical narratives sharing similar themes, often including an unjust ruler, social inequality, plagues, and giants that do not live harmoniously with people, but often appear to frustrate them. Such stories are found in the oral traditions of Africans. In African traditions, apocalypse comes as a result of collective rites of passages, where everyone’s actions toward one another and the world are premeditated. The African cultural practices are often means to an end in themselves, even though they are dynamic. African people are kinder to each other, and they tend to spend more time in social events. This is not an accident; it is embedded in the culture. At any given stage of life, one has to change the course of one’s actions; they bring back compassion, empathy, and develop social equality. African modern life is filled with its own apocalyptic visions, where the Apocalypse is a flexible script, a sense of shared external evil of colonialism really brought African folks together. The Apocalypse is also a reminder that across several African traditions, the memory of past crises can offer hope that human beings have survived such moments before, and that the truths being revealed can become a call to action.

Conclusion

173

CONCLUSION OF CONTRAPUNTAL READING OF THE APOCALYPSE Reading the Apocalypse contrapuntally leaves no dispute that a unique thing is taking place, the moment a rhythm takes shape. The differences in underlying contrapuntal thought patterns between African orality and the Apocalypse of John are probably less problematic than is often alleged. The African reading of the Apocalypse had remained elusive for a long time. Now we have the most persuasive paradigm within African biblical scholarship to delve deeper into this text by allowing it to converse with our own culture. Contrapuntal reading is able to deal with the division mostly experienced in the interpretations between those interested with the details of the text concerning persons, events, past, present, and future, and those concerned with images to prompt new dreams and visions as experiences. The contrapuntal reading has emphasized a counterpoint world of understanding. Africans were more attracted to the comparative paradigm for a long time, linking the biblical text to the African context. Contrapuntal is a methodology of reading that juxtaposes the text and the reality of contemporary life situations by holding them up alongside images of the Apocalypse for a rhythmic sounding that brings out the real meaning of the text. This commentary has emphasized readings in which interpreters are drawn into the visionary world of their own and relate it to the visionary world of the Apocalypse, in such a way that their own prejudices and preferences and those of their contemporaries are listened to for an alternative perspective on divine and human affairs for a new message to be born. The story of Jesus in the Apocalypse offers an alternative story. It gives the perspective of the victim of colonialism who otherwise has remained silent, one way of reading the Apocalypse that is revealing the true nature of a world in which violence and oppression has been prevalent. The story of the Lamb being slain offers the Africans a critique of human history and of our neocolonial delusions being used to maintain status quo. In this reading, Africans are able to recognize the importance of this book as a witness to the horizon of a future in their own continent as Christians in the twenty-first century. Many Africans, who have experienced situations parallel to that of the Apocalypse community of oppression and marginalization requiring endurance and wisdom, can discover a new voice from listening to their own experiences and those of the Apocalypse of John.

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Index

Abandon (king of demon locusts), 98 Abyss, 97 adultery, 60 adversity, 12 affluence, 69 Africanacity, 3 Africanness, 73 African church, 52 African context, 8, 18 African cultural heritage, 5 African eschatology, 63 African mythology, 16 African primal religion, 12 African text, 14 African worldview, 15 agentivity, 82 Alexander the Great, 54 Alogoi, 26 Amen, meaning of, 68 amnesia, 170 angelic horsemen, 82 angels and demons, 15 Antipas, 56 Apocalypse, 1, 39 Apocalyptic literatures, 10 Apocalyptic thinking, 13 Apocalypticism, 7 Apocrypha, 11 Apokalypsis, 39

Apollo, 67, 98 Asclepius, 67 assumption of control, 5 astrological beliefs, 111 Athena, 67 Babylon, 3 Babylonian captivity, 13 Babylonian pantheon, 74 Balak, 56 barley, of Black Horseman, 83 beast of Babylon, 23, 30 beatitude, 133 benighted heathendom, 9 biblical symbols, 12 bitterness, 102 blasphemous names, 116 blended behaviors, 5 blood of the Lamb, 91 bloodshed, of Red Horseman, 83 bones of contention, 29 book of life, 64 bottomless pit, 97 bow, of White Horseman, 82 bowls, 31 brotherly love, 65 cardinal principles, viii catastrophes, 31 183

184

Index

cavalry, 99 chastity, 122 Christian mythology, 112 Christological self-knowledge, 87 churches of Asia Minor, 27 cipher Babylon, 23 cold nor hot, 68 colonialism system, vii colonized societies, 7 comparative paradigm, 7 compassion, 43 complacency, 69 completeness, 40; and perfection, 79 compromise, 56 conformity, 45 Conqueror, 66, 54, 62 constellation-being, 111 consternation, 49 constitution, 106 consummation, 149 consumption, 70 contemporary message, 39 contemporary world, 73 context, 3, 31; cultural, 170 contrapuntalism, 2, 6; perspective of, 5; reading, 8, 68 conversation, 8 conversion, 65 corruption, 3, 54 cosmic drama, 30 cosmological world, 12 counterfeit Jews, 55 counterpoint, 2, 82 creative reformation, 12 cross, 70 crown of life, 54, 55 Cult of Baal, 59 cultic leaders, 31 dark history, 8 date, of the Apocalypse of John, 21 Day of the Lord, 14 death penalty, at last judgment, 56 deep things of Satan, 61 democratic space, 106

demonic, 8; forces, 100, locusts, 97 deprivation, 24 designators, 39 destiny, 80 devil, 55 dialectics, ix diasporas, 5 dignity, 73 Dionysus, 67 discourse, 5 disobedience, 53 divine hours, 117 double-edged sword, 56 doxology, 76 dragon, 112 dream, 15, 46, 169 eagles, 96 earthquakes, 65, 87 eating food sacrificed to idols, 56 economic crisis, 8 emigration, 5 emotional state, 27 emperor cult, 54 emperor worship, 28 enculturation, 8, 169 Ephesus, 54 eschatological discourse, 11 eschatological interpretations, 92 esoteric knowledge, 61 essential readings, 6 eternal death, 56 eternal life, 54, 55, 56 ethical exhortations, 20 euphoria that accompanied, vii excavation, 43 exodus motif, 169 extravagant imagery, 16 eye of God, 85 failure to repent, 58 faith in Christ, 54 faithfulness, 54 fall, of Babylon, 123 false doctrine, 52

Index

false prophetess, 53 famine, 83 fellowship of love, 53 firmament, 74 first readers, 42 flame of fire, 60 fornication, 56 Gaius, 26 garments, 133 genre, 10 Gnosticism, 61 god invincible, Domitian as, 28 Gog, 157 Golden age, 13 grave persecution, 56 great chain, 154 Greek culture, 65 Greek philosophy, 15 grief, 92 gross impenitence, 101 Gumut, 126 Hades, 67, 84 hail and fire, 95 harassment, 65 harlot, 137 hatches, 49 heavenly altar, 85 hegemony, viii Hellenistic age, 15, 171 Hera, 67 heresy, 31; heretical movement, 61; heretical teachings, 68; heretical views, 59 hermeneutics, 2, 76; hermeneutical circle, 10; hermeneutic shift, 7 hidden manna, 58 Hierapolis, 68 Hinterland, 54 history: human, 40; perspective, 7; scholarship, 7; standards, viii hoard of sins, 143 Holy Spirit, 19 hurricane, 90

185

hybridism, 3 iconography, 126 identities, new, 4 ideology: battleground, 131; branching, 7; of school, 13 ignorance, viii imagination, primal, 3 immigration, 5 imminence of judgment, 58 immorality, 8, 57; immoral practices, 53 immortality of the soul, 15 imperialism, 4 imperial cult, 4, 24, 28, 54, 59 imperial languages, 79 imperial state religion, 67 impotence, 154 improper compromise, 59 impure passion, 123 impunity, 8 incarnation aspect, 8 indigenous hermeneutics, 7 indigenous population, 30 inexorable mark, 142 instrument of destruction, 56, intelligent beings, between earth and heaven, 74 intermediate state, 18 iterative reading, 34 Izmir, 54 Jewish community, 13 Jezebel, 53, 59 Johannine apocalyptic community, 7 Judaism, 54 Judeo-Christian tradition, 11 Kairos narrative, 170 Kerygma effective, 9 King Lysimachus, 54 Kingdom of God, 66 lake of fire, 152 Laodicea, 68 last judgment, 87

186

laxity, 144 letters, 54 liberation, 7; of humanity, 88; theology, 81 Lion of the tribe of Judah, 78 literature, of the apocalypse, 10 little scroll, 101 liturgy, 169 living creatures, 82 loveless community, 53 loving attitude, toward enemies, 86 Lycus river, 59 Magog, 157 manufacture of woolen garments, 68 marginalization, 82; marginalized persons, 2, 34 martyrdom: martyrs as conquerors, 70; then and now, 55 Mau Mau uprising, 124 mediocrity, as sin, 63 messiah, 13 messianic banquet, 58 metaphor: of unfaithfulness, 57; template of God, 66 methodologies, 4 millennialism, 154 mimicry, as part of postcolonialism, 5 missionary propaganda, 11 missionary work, 34 moral necessity, 157 morning star, as gift, 62 mortal wound, of beast, 116 Mount Zion, 121 narrative, 169 natural catastrophe, 67 negligent Africans, 45 neo-Caesarea, 65 neocolonialism, vii neokorate, 29 neo-Pentecostal, 7 nepotism, 54 Nero redivivus myth, 116 New Babylon, 23

Index

New Jerusalem, 40, 66 new name, of the Conqueror, 58 New Testament, 11 ngoma (the spirits), 133 Nicolaitans, 53 non-millennialism, 154 oil, and the Black Horseman, 84 Old Testament, 65 ontologically rhythmic, African time as, 16, 63 oppression, 10, 82; oppressive socialization, 11 oral texts, 8 original love, 53 original rhetoric, 8 pagan temples, 57 Pale Horse, 84 paradise, 53 paradox, of Revelation chapters 4 and 5, 80 parody, 118 passive resistance, 118 patient endurance, 59 patmos, 27, 45 patterns of shared meaning, 78 perfection, of the number seven, 42 Pergamum, 56 persecution, 10, 21, 66 Persian rule, 13 pestilence, 83 Philadelphia, 65 Phrygian, 68 pillars of fire, 101 plagues, 128; of locusts, 97 political instability, 8 popular culture, 12, 112 popular perceptions, 10 postcolonial thinking, vii post-independence practices, vii post-millennialism, 154 poverty, vii, 3 predictive content, Apocalpyse as, 17 pre-millennialism, 154

Index

production of medicine, 68 promised inheritance, 100 prophecy, 2 prophetical eye, 12 prophetic-apocalyptic desire 29 prophetic dirge, 142 prophetic orality, 12 prophetic praxis, 8 pseudonym, 11, 16, 26, 59 pseudo-spiritual, 115 public benefaction, 30 purpose of God, 40, 84 Qumran scrolls, 11 Red Horse, 83 rejuvenation, of African cultural practices, 58 relationships, 4 religious community, 13 religious-political traditions, 29 resurrection, of Christ, 43 retaliation, Jesus’s admonition against, 86 retributive judgment, 105 risen Christ, 66, 68 River Euphrates, 99 Roman state, 30; administration of, 58 Root of David, 78 sacrificial death, 78 saints, 40 sanctuary, of temple, 103 Saoshyant, 14 Sardis, 62 Satan’s throne, 56 scarlet woman, 137 second death, 55 seductions of Jezebel, 59 seedling, Africa as, 169 self-evident message, 34 self-liberating hermeneutics, 88 Semitic customs, 42 Semitic root, 68 separation from God, 56

187

Septuagint, 43 Serapis, 67 seven spirits of God, 74 seven stars, 63 sharp sword, of Christ, 151 sickle, of Christ, 125, 126 sick bed, 60 sinful nature, 29 slander, 55 Smyrna, 54 social crisis, 24 social engagement, 36 Sodom, 123 Son of God, 59 Son of man, 19 sorcery, 100, 119 sovereignty, 42, 74; of Christ, 78 spiritual apathy, 64 spiritual blindness, 69 spiritual knowledge, 61 steadfast endurance, 62 stereotyping, viii stimulation of ideas, 13 subjugated people, 6 suffering and oppression, 11, 82 sword of my mouth, of Christ, 58 symbolism, 16; of language, 42, 100; of sacrifice, 85 synagogue leaders, 54 synagogue of Satan, 55,66 syncretistic worship, 57 tattooing, 119 teaching of Balaam, 56 temporal judgments, 66 ten days, of troubled waters, 55 theology: culture, 13; insights of, 34; and spirituality, 74 thousand years, of Christ’s rule, 154 Thyatira, 53 Tiberius, 65 time sequences, 12 trade guilds, 59 trances, 15 trauma, 24

188

Index

tree of life, 54 tribalism, 54 Trinitarian formula, 42 troubled waters, 55 twelve stars, 111 twenty-four elders, 74 twin temples, to Augustus and Roma, 56 ultimate victory, 43, 91 usurpation, of God, 120 utopia, 8 veritable presence of God and the Lamb, 91 victorious Lamb, 84 victory, 43, 65 vindication, 81 vindictiveness, 86 violence, 1

visions, 15, 46 wars, 31 Western civilization, 7 Western imperialism, vii white clothes, 62, 64 White Horse, 82 white stone, 58 wickedness, 14 wilderness, 138 wisdom of the Lamb, 78 works, 68 world powers, 131 worldview, 14 wormwood, 96 Zeus, 56, 67 Zoroastrianism, 15

About the Author

Humphrey Mwangi Waweru is a senior lecturer of philosophy and religious studies at Kenyatta University in Nairobi, Kenya. He holds a PhD from University of Kwa Zulu Natal in South Africa and a postgraduate diploma in education (PGDE) from the University of Nairobi. He is the author of The Bible and African Culture: Mapping Transactional Inroads and African Theology in a Postcolonial Perspective, which have sold over a thousand copies each. He is a specialist on the Bible and African cultural studies. He is also an outstanding Anglican minister in Kenya. He has lectured at several universities, including St. Paul’s University Limuru, Daystar University, Africa International University, and African Leadership University. Humphrey is a dynamic African theologian who has undertaken the challenge to repackage African theology in a contrapuntal model within the postcolonial perspective.

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