The Agricultural Civilization of Ancient China 9811984689, 9789811984686

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Yaomin He

The Agricultural Civilization of Ancient China

The Agricultural Civilization of Ancient China

Yaomin He

The Agricultural Civilization of Ancient China

Yaomin He Beijing, China

This publication was supported by fund for building world-class universities (disciplines) of Renmin University of China ISBN 978-981-19-8468-6 ISBN 978-981-19-8469-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8469-3 Jointly published with China Renmin University Press The print edition is not for sale in China (Mainland). Customers from China (Mainland) please order the print book from: China Renmin University Press. ISBN of the Co-Publisher’s edition: 978-7-214-21955-8 Translation from the Chinese language edition: “中国古代农业文明” by Yaomin He, © Yaoming He 2018. Published by Jiangsu People’s Publishing House Co., Ltd.. All Rights Reserved. © China Renmin University Press 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publishers, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publishers nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publishers remain neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

This book is dedicated to my mother Bai Shuping.

Preface

The Communist Party of China, since its founding, has been attaching great importance to theoretical innovation based on practice and adhering to the use of theoretical innovation achievements to arm the party, educate the public, guide the way forward, and gather the strength for struggle. Over 70 years ago, Ai Siqi, a well-known Marxist philosopher, compiled the Philosophy for the Masses, which has guided generations of people with lofty ideals to select the right path of life and affected generations of readers in China. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, General Secretary Xi has put forward a series of new ideas, views, judgments, and requirements according to the demand of the development of the new era and responding to new expectations of the public. These latest achievements in promoting theoretical innovation have built a consensus by means of telling stories, giving examples, and presenting facts with the plain and vivid language, enhanced the public’s sense of identity and awareness of theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and highlighted the basic characteristics of the popularization of Marxism in contemporary China, thus forming a new model of popularization of theoretical innovation in the new era. Colleges and universities, by virtue of their complete disciplines, intensive talents, and strong research strength, are major bases for promoting sinicization, modernization, and popularization of Marxism and spreading theoretical innovation achievements of the CPC. Therefore, it is a glorious task and major mission for colleges and universities to develop philosophy and social sciences through gathering the wisdom, giving full play to the advantages, popularizing the outstanding achievements of the colleges and universities, and strengthening the discourse power of philosophy and social sciences. In 2012, the Ministry of Education launched the “Program of the Ministry of Education for Popular Reading Materials of Philosophy and Social Sciences”, which mobilized leading scholars from colleges and universities to popularize the outstanding achievements in the field of philosophy and social sciences, compose a batch of popular and easy-to-understand reading materials regarding scientific theories and knowledge of humanities and social sciences with correct views and high vii

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Preface

quality, so as to actively promote the popularization of Marxism, interpret and publicize the principles and policies of the CPC, and popularize the latest theoretical innovation achievements of philosophy and social sciences, thus making the masses better master and implement theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the principles and policies of the CPC and converting them into strong spiritual strength for advancing reform and opening up, as well as modernization. Compared with the academic and scientific popularization materials of general sense, the popular reading materials determined by the Ministry of Education attach more importance to the publicity and interpretation of the CPC’s latest theories, conversion and popularization of academic innovation achievements, and the concept of “Creating small books by masters”, with the aim of releasing a series of boutique books for carrying forward the Chinese path, spirit, and strength. The Chinese Dream for realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation will be accompanied by the prosperity of philosophy and social sciences. We will combine academic pursuit with social responsibility with a high sense of mission and responsibility, adhere to the right direction, keep up with the pace of the era, and meet the requirements of practice, to constantly accelerate the construction of the innovation system in philosophy and social sciences at colleges and universities, thus making greater contributions to enhancing the confidence in the path, theory, and system of socialism with Chinese characteristics and promoting the great development and prosperity of the socialist culture! April 2014

Department of Social Sciences Ministry of Education

Contents

1 2

3

Introduction: Agriculture—The Key to Understanding the Traditional Chinese Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Birth of Traditional Agriculture: Selection of Man and Nature . . . . 2.1 Natural Conditions of Agriculture Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Natural Environment for Agricultural Development . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 Social Conditions for Agricultural Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4 Interaction Between Natural Environment and Economic Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.1 Effect on Agricultural Production Structure and Production Type . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.2 Effect on Farming System and Cultivation System . . . . . 2.4.3 Effect on Agricultural Reproduction and Labor Productivity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.4 Effect on Agricultural Production Mode and Development Path . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Characteristics and Advantages of Traditional Agricultural Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Characteristics of Traditional Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.1 Significant Improvement of Farming Tools . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.2 Full Exploitation of Agricultural Power Resources . . . . . 3.1.3 Gradual Improvement of Agricultural Knowledge and Technology System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.4 Gradual Miniaturization of Agricultural Management Organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Establishment of China’s Traditional Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.1 Material and Technological Conditions Provided by Social Productivity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.2 Accelerated Establishment of the Economic Structure Based on Social and Political Reforms . . . . . . 3.2.3 The Intense Catalysis of Continuous Wars . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 7 7 10 12 15 15 15 16 16 19 19 19 20 20 21 21 22 25 27 ix

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Contents

3.3

The Glorious Agricultural Civilization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.1 Unconventional Development of Traditional Agricultural Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.2 The Development Depth and Breadth of Traditional Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.3 Single Economic Structure Formed by Traditional Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.4 Traditional Agriculture—The Solid Foundation of Traditional Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Developed Agricultural Empires . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

29

Knowledge and Technology System of Traditional Agriculture . . . . . 4.1 The Knowledge and Technology System of Traditional Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 Development of the Knowledge and Technology System of Traditional Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.1 Evolution of the Knowledge and Technology System of Traditional Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.2 Soil Knowledge and Technologies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.3 Knowledge and Technologies About the Farming Seasons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.4 Knowledge and Technologies About the Tillage Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 Development of Planting Knowledge and Technologies of Traditional Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.1 Formation of Rotation Cropping and Intercropping . . . . 4.3.2 Expansion of the Rotation Cropping and Intercropping Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.3 Improvement of the Rotation Cropping and Intercropping Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

37

Flexible Land Relations and Ownership Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 Land Relations of Traditional Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.1 Landlord Land Ownership System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.2 State Land Ownership System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.3 Owner-Peasant Land Ownership System . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Small-Scale Peasant Economy and Its Ownership System . . . . . . 5.2.1 Small-Scale Peasant Economy, a Pattern Combining Families with Production . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.2 Production Efficiency of Small-Scale Peasant Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.3 Optimized Labor Organization Form of Small-Scale Peasant Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 Tenant Farming System and Its Economic Relations . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.1 The Widespread Tenant Farming System . . . . . . . . . . . . .

51 51 52 54 55 56

3.4 4

5

30 32 33 33 34

37 41 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 49

57 57 58 59 59

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5.3.2

5.4

6

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Economic Efficiency of the Tenant Farming System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.3 Far-Reaching Impacts of the Tenant Farming System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Land Ownership Structure and Its Variation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.1 Land Sale Mechanism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.2 Land Annexation Mechanism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.3 Land Dispersion Mechanism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Extensive Irrigation System and Hydraulic Engineering Facilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 Water Harnessing in the Traditional Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.1 Water Harnessing Was an Important Function of the State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.2 More Water Harnessing Activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.3 Water Harnessing in the Yellow River Basin and the Yangtze River Basin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.4 Diversified Hydraulic Engineering Facilities and Projects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2 Hydraulic Engineering Projects for Dryland Farming in Northern China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.1 Irrigation Facilities and Projects Through Diverting Water from the Yellow River . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.2 Construction of Irrigation and Hydraulic Engineering Facilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.3 Formation and Fertilization of Fields with Rivers . . . . . . 6.3 Hydraulic Engineering Projects for Paddy Farming in Southern China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.1 Construction of Various Water Drainage and Storage Facilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.2 Continuous Construction of Coastal Dykes . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.3 Increased Activities of Land Reclamation in Low-Lying Areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.4 Abundant Hydraulic Engineering Tools and Technologies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4 Well-Known Hydraulic Engineering Projects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4.1 Twelve Canals of Zhangshui River . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4.2 Dujiangyan Irrigation System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4.3 Zhengguo Canal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4.4 Wells Connected by Underground Channels . . . . . . . . . . 6.4.5 Tashan Weir . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Complete Policies and Measures for Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 Agriculture-Oriented Policy and Principle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1.1 Firm Position of Traditional Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1.2 Agriculture-Oriented Policy and Measures . . . . . . . . . . .

60 62 63 63 64 64 67 68 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 81 82 82 83 84 84 85 87 87 88 88

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Contents

7.2

The Greatest Project in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.1 National Project: Harnessing of the Yellow River . . . . . . 7.2.2 Strategies for the Harnessing of the Yellow River: Three Strategies of Jia Rang and Flushing Sand with Water . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Solid Natural Economic Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3.1 Characteristics of Natural Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3.2 Structure of Natural Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

91 91

The Inexorable Expansion of Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1 The First Expansion of Traditional Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.1 The Establishment of Traditional Agriculture in the Yellow River Basin: The Formation of Small-Scale Peasant Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.2 Development Advantages of the Basic Economic Zone in the Yellow River Basin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.3 Impact of War on the Basic Economic Zone in the Yellow River Basin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.4 Population Migration and Development of the Yangtze River Basin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2 The Second Expansion of Traditional Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.1 The Formation of the Basic Economic Zone in the Yangtze River Basin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.2 Prosperous Traditional Agriculture in the Northern and Southern Song Dynasties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3 The Third Expansion of Traditional Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.1 Expansion and Development of Traditional Agricultural Areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.2 Development of Commercial Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.3 Introduction of New Crop Varieties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.4 Agricultural Development in Northeast China . . . . . . . . .

101 102

Value Pursuit Advocating Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1 The Ideological and Cultural Appeal Advocating Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.1 The Thought of “Coordination of Heaven, Earth and Man” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.2 Tradition of Farming and Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.3 The Circumstances of Rural China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2 Abundant Agronomy Books and Thoughts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.1 Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals ‧ Shang Nong—Four Sections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.2 Fan Shengzhi’s Farming Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.3 Arts for the People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.4 Chen Fu’s Farming Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.5 Wang Zhen’s Farming Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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7.3

8

9

92 95 96 97

102 104 106 107 109 110 114 116 117 119 120 121

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9.2.6 Agricultural Administration Encyclopedia . . . . . . . . . . . . Perfect Portrayal of Agricultural Production and Life: Farming and Weaving Pictures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3.1 Farming and Weaving Pictures (Lou Shu in the Southern Song Dynasty) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3.2 Farming and Weaving Pictures Officially Compiled by the Government of the Qing Dynasty During the Periods Ruled by Emperors Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

137

10 Dilemma and Decline of Traditional Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.1 Development Limit of Traditional Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.1.1 Increasingly Aggravated Shortage of Land . . . . . . . . . . . 10.1.2 Fewer Breakthroughs of Agricultural Technologies . . . . 10.1.3 Narrowing Input of Labor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.1.4 The Shrinking Small-Scale Farming . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2 Reasons for the Decline of Traditional Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2.1 Slow Development of Single Crop Farming . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2.2 Heavy Reliance on the Input of Labor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2.3 Decline of the Advantages of Small-Scale Peasant Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2.4 Increasing Limitations of Low-Level Flat Reclamation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

143 143 144 145 146 146 147 147 148

9.3

138 138

140

149 149

List of Books on Philosophy and Social Sciences Recommended by the Ministry of Education (Books with * Have Been Published) . . . . . 151 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155

Chapter 1

Introduction: Agriculture—The Key to Understanding the Traditional Chinese Society

In terms of agriculture, the earliest economic activity in the human society, China is one of the earliest regions with the germination and development of agriculture, especially the well-known wheat and paddy agriculture. Since China’s historical culture and tradition was bred and developed in the Yellow River Basin and the Yangtze River Basin, they were dominated by agricultural culture and tradition. In the past thousands of years, traditional agriculture, as the most important economic activity of our ancestors, enjoyed an unusual development. The constantly mature agricultural production and life made agriculture the most important production mode and life style among our ancestors. The agriculture-oriented principle and concept of governance based on agriculture were taken as the basic principles abided by all dynasties; and the prosperous traditional Chinese culture established based on farming endowed the Chinese nation with strong cultural confidence and pride. The highly developed traditional Chinese culture developed based on the simple and unique agricultural development evidently distinguished the Chinese civilization from other civilizations around the world. There are multiple factors promoting the high development of Chinese traditional agricultural economy. By virtue of the unique natural environment and conditions suitable for agricultural development, our ancestors selected agricultural economy and developed it with great conviction. The developed traditional agriculture created a number of flourishing ages in the history, effectively strengthening people’s passion for agricultural production and expectations. The solid economic structure of traditional agriculture formed in the long history can maximize the mobilization and utilization of all kinds of resources available at the ancient times, to maintain and promote the continuation and development of the Chinese traditional society. At the traditional socio-economic times, traditional agriculture and its civilization presented enormous advantages, making the status and role of traditional agriculture irreplaceable by any other economic activity. The development of China’s traditional agriculture ensured the long-term and continuous development of the traditional social economy of China. The most important reason for our constant development without decline like other nations in the © China Renmin University Press 2023 Y. He, The Agricultural Civilization of Ancient China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8469-3_1

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1 Introduction: Agriculture—The Key to Understanding the Traditional …

world is the lengthy course of development and expansion of China’s traditional agriculture for more than two thousand years. As shown in the development course of China’s traditional agriculture, there were three obvious processes of agricultural expansion and development, which could be deemed as the agriculturalization of the traditional society. The first agriculturalization of the traditional society mainly took place in the Yellow River Basin during the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, which was featured in the establishment of the traditional agricultural economy, namely the formation of dryland farming dominated by the planting of crops in North China. As early as in the Shang and Zhou Dynasties, agriculture in the Yellow River Basin was relatively developed, and the agriculture surplus supported their economic prosperity and national strength. When it came to the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period, the states vied for supremacy primarily based on the development of agriculture. Therefore, the establishment of traditional agriculture was a process of natural and historical development, and also a process intensified by anthropogenic factors. The scramble for supremacy, actually the competition for economic power, was spectacular but cruel, and almost all the scramble events were featured in the enhanced development and utilization of agriculture from the perspectives of economic system and economic policies. As a result, the intense scramble significantly expanded traditional agriculture by virtue of the rich land resources in the Yellow River Basin, which also laid the first cornerstone for the great civilization of the Chinese nation. This agriculturalization established the basic features of China’s traditional agriculture, and basically stabilized traditional agricultural techniques, tillage methods and major planting species, marking the initial shaping China’s traditional agriculture system. The second agriculturalization was represented by the expansion of traditional agriculture dominated by paddy agriculture to the Yangtze River Basin. There were excellent natural conditions and broad space for the development of traditional agriculture in the Yangtze River Basin, which, however, had not been utilized for a long period of time as restricted by human’s ability to transform nature. Prior to the Sui and Tang Dynasties, China’s economic center was concentrated in the Yellow River Basin; although paddy agriculture was developed to a certain level in the Yangtze River Basin, it could not support the whole state economy. While in the Southern and Northern Dynasties, the Yangtze River Basin was constantly developed, which attracted a large number of people from the north to the south and formed relatively stable social and political environment, creating unprecedented conditions for the development of paddy agriculture in the Yangtze River Basin. As a result, paddy agriculture ushered in unprecedented development in the Sui and Tang Dynasties. Such a transitional expansion or expansionary transition was prominent in the middle of the Tang Dynasty, China’s economic center started shifting to the Yangtze River Basin irreversibly. Paddy agriculture created unprecedented opportunities for the profound and extensive development China’s traditional agriculture, gradually making the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River the most developed regions in China. Paddy agriculture also provided richer and more extensive economic contents and vitality for previous agriculture centered on

1 Introduction: Agriculture—The Key to Understanding the Traditional …

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wheat agriculture in China, which created conditions for the expansion of traditional agriculture in the Yangtze River Basin, and gathered and fed a large population by virtue of its features of high yield, high efficiency and intensive labor, promoting the second round of prosperity and development of the traditional Chinese society. The third agriculturalization was a deepening process of traditional agriculture characterized by the introduction of high-yield crops, the development of commercial agriculture, and specialized areas of agricultural planting in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. After the Song Dynasty, China’s traditional agriculture suffered from a development bottleneck, with increasingly prominent “Agricultural Involution”; therefore, traditional Chinese society and economy faced a tough challenge, namely whether traditional agriculture can make a big breakthrough. Actually, traditional agriculture made another breakthrough in the in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, and realized a great transition. In specific, the introduction of high-yield crops, especially corn, sweet potato, potato, peanut and tobacco in the middle and late Ming Dynasty, significantly changed the traditional planting structure, and improved the agricultural production efficiency; the development of commercial agriculture for the purpose of market exchanges required more standardized production, which promoted the improvement of agricultural techniques, especially improved the quality of agricultural products, expanded the area of cash crops and increased the standardization level of agricultural production; the specialized areas of agricultural planting of cash crops such as cotton, soybean, rapeseed and sesame provided a broader development space for traditional agriculture. While maintaining and promoting the high prosperity of social economy in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, this round of agriculturalization also promoted the trend of early industrialization and urbanization in the south of the lower reaches of the Yangtze River, and created a number of cities different from those in the Sui and Tang Dynasties, attracting more people to live in the cities and forming a new rural–urban relationship. The wave-like and progressive agriculturalization provided steady development power and space for China’s traditional agriculture, and helped to form a unique economic system through long-term development and evolution, which was characterized by the operation system of small-scale peasant economy, the agricultural technology system of intensive cultivation, the grand and systematic irrigation and hydraulic engineering system, the effective and complete legal system, the profound family community system, and the continuous crop introduction system. As a result, the traditional agricultural and economic system has maintained efficient functioning, and ensured the continuation and development of traditional Chinese society and economy for thousands of years. The production and operation system of small-scale peasant economy has always been the micro-foundation of China’s traditional agriculture, which, in a typical form of household economy, has steadily developed the traditional Chinese society under the efforts of numerous individual peasants. Small-scale peasant economy, as a productive organization closely bound to consanguine families, took shape as early as in the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period, and it was taken as an important manner to rapidly enhance states’ strength and combat capability during scrambles for supremacy. Subsequently, small-scale peasant economy showed

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1 Introduction: Agriculture—The Key to Understanding the Traditional …

strong vitality and development capacity, and gradually superseded other agricultural modes, becoming one of the most important agricultural modes in Chinese traditional society. Even up to now, it still possesses a strong value of existence. The intensive farming system has been the technical base of China’s traditional agriculture, which is characterized by the intensive labor input (typical labor intensive agriculture), and technical routes of intensive planting techniques, land use techniques and soil fertility restoration techniques. This system has become an important means to solve the contradiction between people and land in the traditional Chinese society, and attract abundant labor force to engage in traditional agriculture, thus promoting the rapid growth of population in China. The grand and systematic irrigation and hydraulic engineering system has been the material guarantee of China’s traditional agriculture, for water is the basic guarantee for agricultural development, and agricultural production in China has been threatened by “flood in the south and drought in the north”. In vast regions of northern China, the shortage of water resources has been a serious threat to agricultural production, making it quite urgent to resolve the problem of farm irrigation. Generations of people have constructed a large number of irrigation and hydraulic engineering facilities, ensuring the development of traditional agriculture in northern China. In a certain sense, wheat agriculture is actually irrigation agriculture, which is the major agricultural form in the Yellow River Basin and northern China. Paddy agriculture in Southern China is also inseparable from the use of water, which should focus on getting rid of flood. Many far-reaching and world-renowned hydraulic engineering facilities, such as Quebei Pond, Dujiangyan Irrigation System, Zhanghe Canal and Zhengguo Canal, played a great role in history. Since an effective and complete legal system is the institutional guarantee of China’s traditional agriculture, the traditional Chinese society has established an institutional and policy system for protecting land ownership and small-scale peasant economy, as well as an effective policy system emphasizing agriculture. In China’s traditional society, private land ownership was determined as the most basic land system, which started eroding the original ownership of land by the state in the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period, and becoming a rapidly growing form of land possession. Private land ownership was quite common in the Qin and Han Dynasties: The order “asking the residents to register the occupied land” in the Qin Dynasty was a clear decree of private ownership of land; while what condemned by Dong Zhongshu in the Western Han Dynasty, “The rich own vast lands, but the poor have no land for living”, also reflected the severe problem of land annexation. In order to ensure the carrying out of normal agricultural production and the survival of small-scale peasant economy, governments in previous dynasties adopted a series of policies, and launched systematic policies and measures for protecting and emphasizing agriculture. The profound family and village community system is a social foundation of China’s traditional agriculture, for small-scale peasant economy was established in the vast rural areas based on the family and village community system, characterized by consanguinity and patriarchal relations, clansman concept and tradition of nostalgic provincialism. The long-term living of a family in the same place would

1 Introduction: Agriculture—The Key to Understanding the Traditional …

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highlight ancestor worship based on consanguinity and patriarchal relation, mutual assistance based on clansman concept, and stable relation by marriage based on nostalgic provincialism. Such a system, namely a “soft tissue structure” of the traditional Chinese society, could maintain development of traditional social economy, especially the small-scale peasant economy. It has not been completely destructed by previous social, political and military shocks. China’s traditional agriculture, with open planting structure and system, has been relying on the continuous introduction of crops; by virtue of activities of human beings, numerous crops in other regions have been introduced in China, participating in the establishment of China’s crop planting system. Paddy, one of the most important grain crop, originated in China; while other crops such as wheat, corn, and potato, were introduced from other countries, without which, the level and degree of development of China’s traditional agriculture cannot be that high. The highly developed traditional agriculture has created many periods of peace and prosperity in ancient China, supporting the prosperity and development of traditional social economy, and assisting China’s economy in making a brilliant achievement in the traditional era. Based on the size of the economies in the world determined by Madison by Purchasing Power Parity (PPP), the proportion of China’s economic aggregate was 26.2% in the Year One, 22.7% in 1000, 25% in 1500, 29.2% in 1600, 22.3% in 1700, 32.9% in 1820, and still 17.2% in 1870 after The Opium War.1 The high proportion of economic aggregate was achieved by the high development of traditional agriculture; however, the industrial revolution and industrialization changed the contents, scale and efficiency of human production activities, and traditional agriculture started being a factor resulting in slow development. When we were still engaging in small-scale peasant economy, the western world ushered in industrial civilization and the capitalist mode of production, challenging the whole traditional era, and promoting the development of machine industry. The exogenous shocks brought the traditional Chinese society and traditional agriculture having not reached self-denial to unprecedented confusion and predicament. Traditional agricultural economy became a factor delaying the transition of China’s economy to modern social economy. The transformation of traditional agriculture became an unavoidable historical task for developing modern social economy in China.

1

Maddison (2003).

Chapter 2

Birth of Traditional Agriculture: Selection of Man and Nature

Agriculture, as the oldest economic sector, generally makes use of the vitality of living organisms to convert the matters and energy in nature into the most basic means of subsistence and raw materials. Agricultural production is essentially a process of interaction among three factors, namely animal and plant organisms, environmental conditions for growth and development, and social production and labor. Natural conditions and environment play an important role in the development of agriculture, which means that the natural endowments in a region may highly determine and restrict the development level and development means of local agricultural production, especially at the early stages of human development.

2.1 Natural Conditions of Agriculture Development Since agriculture is the first cornerstone of human civilization, there might be no civilization in ancient times without the development and advancement of agriculture. The survival activities of our ancestors can be divided into gathering, hunting, planting, and fishing, etc., and only agriculture could provide a wider and more stable space and possibility for the survival and development of mankind. Among those economic activities, agricultural production and operation was an important selection by our ancestors. “In 8000 BC, there were only a small number of hunters and gatherers in the world”, “2000 years later, villages appeared; another 2000 years later, there were towns; and the third 2000 years later, cities developed into empires”.1 Agriculture (planting) roughly originated 10,000 years ago in several regions of the world. The ancestors in China successfully cultivated Shu (Panicum miliaceum L.), Su (Setaria italica) and paddy at the earliest; later, paddy cultivation was developed in China; ancestors in Central Asia and Western Asia took the lead in cultivating wheat, which was then developed into wheat cultivation; while in Americas, Indians 1

Barraclough (1985), Chap. I, p. 38.

© China Renmin University Press 2023 Y. He, The Agricultural Civilization of Ancient China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8469-3_2

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first cultivated maize, and started maize cultivation. Shu was the earliest dryland crop planted in the Yellow River Basin, which was replaced by Su around 6000 BC, and with wheat and rye around 2000 BC in northern China; then in the Han Dynasty, wheat cultivation was popularized. China’s traditional agriculture was mainly established on the basis of wheat agriculture and paddy agriculture. As estimated, “around the world, every 500 ha of land could support only two people at the fishing, hunting and gathering stage; which could support 50 people in the period of primitive agriculture featured by slash-and-burn cultivation; and about 1000 people in the period of continuous farming; while in the period of intensive modern agriculture, such an area of land could support 5000 people.”2 The early forming of agriculture in China and its rapid development into one of the important cradles of agriculture in the world depended on excellent natural conditions and environment. China, located in the east of Asia and on west coast of the Pacific Ocean, most parts of its territory are in the temperate zone, warm temperate zone and subtropical zone that are suitable for the survival and development of people, and the birth and development of agricultural economy. Chairman Mao once praised our motherland like this: “In this vast territory, there are vast fertile fields, providing us with food and clothing; there are numerous mountains across the state, supporting vast forests and preserving abundant mineral resources; there are countless rivers and lakes, enabling us to boat and irrigate the farmlands; and there is also a long coastline, assisting us in communicating and exchanging with overseas nationalities. Since ancient times, our ancestors have been working, living and breeding on this vast land.”3 Land, the mother of wealth, the most basic resource, and the basic means of production of agriculture, supplies residence, food and fiber for survival with its unique characters and outputs. The vast fertile lands in the Yellow River Basin and the Yangtze River Basin, especially the loess belt in the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River, have provided our ancestors with excellent survival conditions. The loose but fertile loess deposited by the dust blown from the desert and Gobi areas in northwest China is beneficial to the development of agriculture; and the columnar joints and vertical joints of loess make it easy to dig holes for constructing houses, which are warm in winter and cool in summer. The Loess Plateau in the middle reaches and North China Plain in the lower reaches of the Yellow River, as well as terraces along the river, have provided vast arable lands for agricultural activities. In Shang Shu (The Book of Documents) · Yu Gong, the whole territory was divided into nine regions, namely Jizhou, Yanzhou, Qingzhou, Xuzhou, Yangzhou, Jingzhou, Yuzhou, Liangzhou and Yongzhou, which were ranked in nine grades based on their merits. The superior five regions were Yongzhou, Yanzhou, Qingzhou, Yuzhou and Jizhou in order, all of which were located in the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River. In other words, our ancestors believed that the Yellow River Basin was the best place for survival and agricultural production. In fact, the Yangtze River Basin also provided excellent land conditions, abundant water resources and 2 3

Dong and Fan (2000), p. iii. Mao (1991).

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numerous rivers for agricultural development; the fertile lands, as well as the wet and hot climate, could make crops grow luxuriantly. Hemudu Site in Yuyao, Zhejiang Province indicated that paddy was cultivated in the Yangtze River Basin as early as 7000 years ago. While the Site of Liangzhu Culture in a later period revealed large-scale cities and vast hydraulic engineering facilities. Good climatic conditions are also indispensable to the formation and development of agriculture. The climatic conditions for agriculture refer to natural conditions based on climate in a certain region, involving solar radiation, sunshine duration, heat, moisture and air. Agricultural production is a process of making full use of these resources to promote the growth and development of animals and plants. There are diverse climates in China due to the geographical location and complex terrains. Major mountains in China, generally running east–west, and northeast-southwest, which divides the territory into the east and the west, namely the humid and subhumid region affected by the monsoon climate, and the arid and semi-arid region affected by the inland climate. Most parts in the east are plains, hills and low mountains in the temperate zone, warm temperate zone and subtropical zone, with a warm and humid climate, which can provide excellent conditions for crop cultivation. As affected by monsoon in North China, there is a great temperature difference between summer and winter: In winter, the cold and dry air invades from northwest China to the Yangtze River Basin, making the winter cold and dry in the Yellow River Basin. However, the cultivation of upland crops has had a long history. In history, China’s climate has alternated between cold and warm for several times. Zhu Kezhen, a Chinese scholar, pointed out that over the past 5000 years, the climate in China was moderate from Yangshao Culture Period to Yinxu Period, when Xi’an and Anyang were rich in subtropical plants and animals. In about two centuries at the beginning of the Zhou Dynasty, the climate turned cold, which, however, turned warm again in the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period. As proved by abundant phenological data, the climate from Yangshao Culture Period to the Warring States Period was much warmer than the present climate. The 24 solar terms were determined based on the climate observed in the Yellow River Basin during the Warring States Period. The Frost’s Descent was October 24 (solar calendar), but at present, the initial frost appears on November 3–5 in Kaifeng and Luoyang; the Rain Water was on February 21, but the latest frost appears around March 22 at present, indicating an obviously shorter growing season as compared with the Warring States Period.4 In conclusion, the climate in the Yellow River Basin before the Warring States Period was warmer and wetter than that at present, which was conducive to the formation and development of agriculture. The rivers and lakes are beneficial to people’s survival and development, but they may also bring certain harm and loss. Our ancestors attached great importance to the understanding and use of rivers and lakes to draw on advantages and avoid disadvantages. Therefore, rivers and lakes often directly affected the political system, social system and economic system in ancient times, and gestated the corresponding socio-cultural customs and concepts. Throughout human society, human civilizations 4

Zhu (1979).

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were always fostered at the banks of great rivers, such as the Nile Valley, the lower reaches of the Tigris and Euphrates, Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro in the Indus Valley, and the Aegean Region, all of which were suitable for irrigation and settlement, making them the best places for the development of planting industry. Almost all these regions with developed agriculture have established their own agricultural empires, and radiated their civilization to neighboring regions.

2.2 Natural Environment for Agricultural Development In China, the Yellow River Basin and Yangtze River Basin have always been the most important economic centers and basic economic zones featured in fertile land, convenient irrigation, gentle terrain and suitable climate; therefore, they were taken as the grain production bases and economic support by the governments of all previous dynasties; on such a basis, these governments successively established a unified centralized systems, which could help to establish the centralized and unified leadership and political rule based on decentralized agricultural operation system, and enable the central government to coordinate and concentrate the national economic strength to strengthen the management and governance of the rivers and lakes. Marx once noticed such a feature in the eastern society, and he believed that the utilization and governance of rivers in the eastern society asked the government to establish the departments of public works with strong functions. Karl August Wittfogel, an American scholar, deemed China as a “hydraulic society”, which was believed to be the foundation of the oriental despotism.5 However, there are still divergences regarding Wittfogel’s conclusion in the academic circle. Many ancient Chinese legends revealed the importance of hydraulic engineering in ancient political life. For example, the Yellow River was called the mother river, which created living conditions for the inhabitants along the river; however, periodic flooding also caused disasters to the people. In legend, at the time ruled by ancient sages Yao and Shun, people frequently suffered from floods; Gun and Yu were dispatched to regulate rivers and watercourses; Gun adopted the method of “blocking”, but failed; later, his son Yu assumed the responsibility, “he worked hard for 13 years, and dared not to go home even passing by the house”.6 Finally, Yu brought the river under control by combining dredging with blocking. It can be concluded that the first social function of the first dynasty in China (twenty-first century BC) was the organization of people to govern the Yellow River. Therefore, in addition to the breeding of China’s agriculture civilization, the Yellow River and Yangtze River also shaped China’s social system in ancient times to a certain extent. The unique topographic conditions also greatly affected the formation and development of China’s agriculture civilization. In the southwest, northwest and north, mountains and plateaus form several natural barriers; and in the east and southeast, 5 6

Wittfogel (1989). Shiji ‧ Record of Xia Dynasty.

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the land is surrounded by the Bohai Sea, the Yellow Sea, the East China Sea and the South China Sea. Such a topographic characteristic naturally formed an almost closed cultural environment or a cultural geographical circle, making our ancestors have little contact with the outside world, and maintaining the distinct cultural individuality in a longer period of time. This relatively closed geographical environment and cultural characteristics can be expressed or reflected in the following aspects, and further intensified. Firstly, the geographical environment accelerated China’s agricultural economy, promoted it to the direction of single agricultural development, and minimized the external factors affecting or interfering with agricultural economic life. Secondly, such a geographical environment also made our ancestors exploit and develop ancient agricultural economy from west to east and from north to south, corresponding to the evolution course of the three times of agriculturalization in the traditional Chinese society. Finally, such geographical and cultural characteristics promoted the Chinese nation focus on integration and unification from the very beginning, and made all the emperors regard grand unification as their political ideal and administrative policy. China’s developed agricultural economy and agricultural civilization were developed based on such natural conditions and environment. A large number of archaeological excavations showed that over 7000 years ago, the primitive farming in the middle reaches of the Yellow River Basin and the lower reaches of the Yangtze River Basin tended to develop in different types. The middle reaches of the Yellow River Basin became the place of origin of agriculture in the north by virtue of ideal conditions for developing dryland farming endowed by the low-lying terrain, temperate climate, and loose loess; while the lower reaches of the Yangtze River became the places of paddy planting In China at the earliest by virtue of the plenty of rain and hot and humid weather. It is necessary to note another historical phenomenon in northern agricultural production areas, namely, the alternation of warm and cold was also an important factor for the shifting of the boundary between agriculture and animal husbandry, and the contending between agricultural and nomadic peoples in the era of traditional agricultural economy in China. From the perspective of climate change in the history, traditional agriculture and animal husbandry were intertwined for a long period of time. The cyclical alternation of warm and cold led to the expansion and shrinkage of traditional agriculture and animal husbandry in northern China. The fluctuations of China’s traditional economy were caused by the periodic shifting of the boundary between agriculture and animal husbandry. For every 1 °C decrease in annual mean temperature, the grasslands in the north would extend to the south for hundreds of miles; and in this process, the nomadic people would migrate southward; on the contrary, for every 1 °C increase in annual mean temperature, the grasslands would be more suitable for farming, and the agricultural people would migrate northward. In the past thousands of years, the boundary between agriculture and animal husbandry in northwest China shifted inside and outside the Great Wall.7 In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the government always tried to stabilize the boundary by regime. 7

Dong and Fan (2000), Preface, p. v.

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In the Ming Dynasty, the government generally ensured the steady development of agriculture within the territory by powerful army stationed in the north, which did play a certain role. While in the Qing Dynasty, the government mainly strengthened the union with other ethnic groups to achieve lasting stability of the boundary.

2.3 Social Conditions for Agricultural Development Our ancestors selected agriculture for maintaining survival. Around 10,000 years ago, primitive gathering started transitioning into primitive agriculture. As shown by archaeological findings, a large number of stone and bone farm implements were excavated, including axes, spades, sickles, millstones and rods, as well as depots and grains in early Neolithic cultural sites in the Yellow River Basin, such as Peiligang Site in Xizheng, E’gou Site in Mixian County, Henan Province; Cishan Site in Wuan, Hebei Province; and Banpo site in Xi’an. At Hemudu Site in Yuyao, Zhejiang Province, bone spades, wooden spades, paddy, hulls and straws were excavated; the seeds were identified as indica, which proved the origin of paddy is in China. At the end of the Neolithic Age, the ancient tribes in the Yangtze River Basin and the Yellow River Basin, as well as parts of the Pearl River Basin generally formed integrated economy based on primitive agriculture, accompanied by livestock feeding, gathering, fishing and hunting. In China’s ancient historical legends, there were extensive stories about the formation and development of agriculture. For example, “Shen Nong created a spadeshaped farm tool and an ancient plough with wood, and imparted the skills to the people”8 ; “In ancient times, people sucked the dew from the grass, picked the fruits from trees and ate the meat of shellfish; therefore, they were susceptible to diseases and toxicity. Shen Nong taught the people to sow grains in appropriate lands with moisture and fertility; he also tasted a hundred grasses and water, to prevent people from having the hazardous substances. He once discovered seventy toxic substances on one day”9 ; “At the time of Shen Nong, men were responsible for ploughing and women for knitting, people could be well governed without political means and punishment, and no one would rebel.”10 What wonderful legends! The agricultural inventions were always attributed to the deified ancestor idols. However, we could still comprehend the rough formation of agriculture based on planting. In the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties, agriculture based on planting had become the leading production department. The agricultural farming areas in the Yellow River Basin and the Yangtze River Basin gradually expanded, extruding the nomadic herding and other non-agricultural economic activities to the border and mountainous areas in the north and northwest, and making livestock feeding in the vast agricultural areas the adjunct and supplement of agricultural economy. Especially in the 8

The Book of Changes · Xi Ci Xia. Huai Nan-zi · Xiu Wu Xun. 10 Shang Junshui · Hua Ce. 9

2.3 Social Conditions for Agricultural Development

13

Western Zhou Dynasty, the status of agriculture was unprecedentedly strengthened. The ancestor of the Zhou people was Qi, who served as an agricultural officer in the Shun Period, and was then respected as the God of Agriculture. The Zhou people were the members of the tribe engaging in agriculture on the Loess Plateau. Agriculture became the decisive production sector of social economy after the founding of the Zhou Dynasty. In the Book of Songs, there were a lot of poems and phrases about farming, for example, there were six articles related to agriculture in the ZhouDynasty Sacrificial Songs, and records in almost all the works in Shang Shu · Zhou Shu. In addition, we could also imagine the farmland division and irrigation in the Yellow River Basin from the numerous descriptions of the well field system. The planting structure, farming form, exchange form and operation mode of ancient Chinese agriculture also determined the family structure, social relations, village form, regional distribution and spatial structure in rural areas of China, making the development of China’s society different from other countries and regions in a lot of aspects. For example, G. William Skinner11 introduced geospatial structure and market system into the study of Chinese history, and revealed the “regular hexagon” phenomenon of village layout in China, which indicated the characteristics of village form and layout in traditional agricultural economy. In fact, the nature and layout of villages in China are also deeply affected and restricted by the agricultural cultivation form and capacity. Upon the formation of traditional agricultural economy, the distribution of small-scale peasant economy was scattered, and the distance between houses was greater, which created the wonderful memories and legends of the well field system, a system of villages formed by small peasants. In the middle and later periods of traditional agricultural economy, small-scale peasant economy gradually moved towards intensive cultivation with the increase of population and scarcity of land. The reduced spatial distance of living formed a more compact pattern of villages, and the strengthened density of villages formed the broad foundation for the development of traditional culture. With the unprecedented improvement of the status of agricultural economy, the economic policies and economic thoughts of the government also showed a trend of emphasizing agriculture. In the Western Zhou Dynasty, for promoting agricultural production, the government established a whole set of “imperial farmland” etiquette. As recorded in the preface of the Book of Songs. Zai Shan, “The emperor worked in the imperial farmland in spring to pray for a good harvest”; Zai Shan recorded the scenes of officials at all levels and farmers working in the fields in spring, which actually reflected the farming activities of the emperor of Zhou on the “imperial farmland”. In Tong Dian · Li Liu, it was recorded that “On an auspicious day in the first month of spring, the emperor personally took the tilling tool and led senior officials to work in the imperial farmland at the southern suburb. The emperor, with a red ribbon on the crown, pushed the tilling tool for three times, for respecting the heaven and earth, mountains and rivers, and the ancestors.” In specific, the emperor led senior officials to do ploughing work ritually in the first month of spring prior to 11

G. William Skinner (1925–2008), American Sinologist: Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China, The City in Late Imperial China.

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large-scale spring ploughing in the whole state. The strong rituality of this activity indicated that the government attached great importance to agricultural production. It was also recorded that at the end of the Western Zhou Dynasty, King Xuan of Zhou changed the established practice, “reduced the imperial farmland to less than a thousand mu”, which was fiercely opposed by the King Wen of Guo, who persuaded that “the most important thing involving the people is agriculture, which determines the yield of grans, the reproduction of the people, the supply of goods, the harmony of the people, the sufficiency of finance, and the prosperity of the state; therefore, agriculture is the most significant matter.” Furthermore, “The emperor should focus on farming, and do not ask the officials to do other profitable things that may interfere with farming. The government should be engaged in agriculture in spring, summer and autumn, and only do military exercise in winter, to ensure the fighting will during war and provide resources for defense. In this manner, abundant sacrifices can be offered to ancestors.”12 The thought of emphasizing agriculture was the basic characteristic and value orientation of social and economic thought in the Western Zhou Dynasty. The development of agriculture initiated the brilliant development course of agricultural civilization in China. From slash-and-burn cultivation to hoeing agriculture and then ploughing agriculture, our ancestors steadily promoted the development of agriculture in depth and breadth. In the Warring States Period, and Qin and Han Dynasties, agricultural production and agricultural economy had absolute dominance in China’s society production and social economy; agricultural civilization was fully developed; and planting and botany became the leading sources of food and clothing for people at that time, showing a great difference from agricultural development in Europe. After the Spring and Autumn Period, China’s society ushered in a great transformation, and agricultural production also stepped into a new stage. Especially in the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, agricultural productivity was substantially improved with the increasing popularity of wheat cultivation, the widespread application of iron farm tools, and the gradual promotion of cattle plow. The drastic changes in social politics and economy also strengthened the position and role of agriculture. After the Qin and Han Dynasties, China’s society was established on the basis of the foundation of traditional agricultural economy, whose structure and position was increasingly firm regardless of the change of dynasties and the rise and fall of the states.

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Guo Yu · Zhou Yu.

2.4 Interaction Between Natural Environment and Economic Life

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2.4 Interaction Between Natural Environment and Economic Life In the living environment and space that could not be selected at will, people are required to make numerous selections, which can form their own history of activities. Marx once said, “Men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under the circumstances chosen by them, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past.”13 China’s agricultural economy in ancient times was a selection made by our ancestors in the unique natural environment. Therefore, we should not underestimate the effects of natural environment and conditions on economic life, particularly those on agricultural economic life.

2.4.1 Effect on Agricultural Production Structure and Production Type Different structures of cultivated lands, grasslands and forests are bound to affect and result in different structures of planting, animal husbandry and forestry; while the abundance of water and heat resources determines the selection of irrigation farming or dryland farming. Agriculture in the Yellow River Basin and the Yangtze River Basin was developed based on the fertile and easy-to-cultivate land located in river valleys and alluvial fans. The difference between irrigation farming in the south and dryland farming in the north was mainly caused by the abundance of water resources; therefore, dryland farming was formed in the Loess Plateau, and irrigation farming in the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River; while in the north prairie, the nomadic people lived on animal husbandry. In addition to human factors, the agropastoral boundary in northwest and northern China was also determined by natural environment.

2.4.2 Effect on Farming System and Cultivation System Farming system consists of the land use patterns and technical measures for crop planting. Different land use patterns and technical measures should be adopted under different natural environment and conditions. For example, multiple cropping can be implemented in areas with warm climate and a long frost-free period; while in the areas with cold climate and a short frost-free period, only single cropping may be implemented. In view of the complex natural conditions for agriculture in China, our ancestors adopted an intensive multiple cropping system in areas with a longer 13

Marx Engels Selected Works—vol. 1, p. 603.

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growing season, better water and fertilizer conditions, and a large population with relatively little arable land, which improved the agricultural output and land utilization rate, and helped to establish the pattern of intensive cultivation. As recorded, the multiple cropping rotation system of planting wheat after harvesting Su or planting Su and beans after harvesting wheat in the Yellow River Basin during the Warring States Period. Then in the Song Dynasty, the multiple-cropping technology featured in rotation cropping was promoted and popularized in the regions south of the Yangtze River. Double cropping was adopted in these areas, while triple cropping was adopted in Lingnan area. The high land utilization rate was unique in the world.

2.4.3 Effect on Agricultural Reproduction and Labor Productivity In the traditional society, the expanding agricultural reproduction concentrated mainly on the expansion and increase of agricultural means of production. Firstly, it relied on the increase of land supply, which means that under the circumstance of more arable uncultivated land, the government generally increased production through reclaiming the uncultivated land, so as to expand the income of agricultural economy; secondly, it relied on the increase of unit yield, which means that under the circumstance of little or no arable uncultivated land, the government tried to expand reproduction through increasing the yield per unit area. The productivity of agricultural production would be higher in the environment with fertile land, hot and humid climate, and less disasters, but lower in the environment with barren land, cold climate, and more disasters, which could be clarified by the characteristics of China’s traditional agricultural economy in different regions and periods.

2.4.4 Effect on Agricultural Production Mode and Development Path The natural geographical environment in China separated ancient China from other nations and countries, and formed a natural barrier restricting economic and cultural exchanges with other countries and regions. In ancient times with poor means of transportation, the mountains and seas made it quite difficult to perform economic and cultural exchanges, which, on the one hand, ensured the independent development of China’s traditional agriculture in a relatively stable environment; and on the other hand, restricted many opportunities for economic and cultural exchanges with other regions. This relatively enclosed economic system ultimately restricted the development of economic components and sectors in China. In early days of human civilization, agricultural activities reflected the economic activities and people’s emotions. In the burial chamber of Mina, a clerk in Egypt lived

2.4 Interaction Between Natural Environment and Economic Life

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in the late fifteenth century BC, there was multiple murals of three layers recording the scenarios of agricultural harvest: On the first one, people harvested wheat with sickles, put them into baskets and carried them to the thrashing floor for shucking with rakes under the date trees. On the second one, people led the cattle to compact the wheat, for separating the wheat from the husk; they also raised the wheat to blow away the husk with the wind; later, they brought the wheat to Mina for recording by his assistant. On the third one, people measured land with ropes, and took the results as the basis for tax payment; people completed tax payment stood aside in a line, and others were whipped; finally, the wheat was packed, loaded and transported away.14 The murals vividly described agricultural production in Egypt at that time. While in China, our ancestors described the scenes of farming and harvesting in a more poetic manner. In the Book of Songs · Zaishan, the collective labor of farmers and their wishes after harvesting were recorded as follows: “They clear away the glass and the bushes; and the ground is laid open with ploughs. In thousands of pairs they remove the roots, some in the low wet lands, and some along the dykes. There is the master and his eldest son; younger sons, and all their children; strong helpers and hired servants. How the noise of their eating the viands brought to them resounds! The husbands think lovingly of their wives; the wives keep close to their husbands, then with their sharp plough-shares, they set to work on the south-lying acres. They sow their different kinds of grain, each seed containing in it a germ of life. In unbroken lines rises the blade, and well-nourished the stalks grow long. Luxuriant looks the young grain, and the weeders go among it in multitudes. Then come the reapers in crowds, and the grain is piled up the fields, myriads, and hundreds of thousands, and millions of stacks; for spirits and for sweet spirits, to offer to our ancestors, male and female, and to provide for all ceremonies. Fragrant is their aroma, enhancing the glory of the State. Like pepper is their smell, to give comfort to the aged. It is not here only that there is this abundance; it is not now only that there is such a time; from of old it has been thus.” Therefore, while studying China’s traditional agriculture, the significant impact of natural geographical environment and conditions should not be underestimated or ignored. In a sense, it is impossible to truly understand the characteristics of agricultural civilization and agricultural development path without understanding the unique agricultural development environment in China.

14

Sherman et al. (2012).

Chapter 3

Characteristics and Advantages of Traditional Agricultural Economy

After experiencing a long period of development, primitive agriculture in China gradually converted to a higher agricultural economic pattern—traditional agricultural economy, which can be traced back to the Spring and Autumn Period. Later, the traditional agricultural economy was established in the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties. Since then, traditional agriculture has been the cornerstone of social economy in China for more than 2000 years. There might be no ancient civilization or even the flourishing periods in the Han and Tang Dynasties without the developed traditional agricultural economy. All the achievements of civilization in the traditional Chinese society were made on the basis of traditional agricultural economy. The highly developed traditional agriculture supported and promoted social development in China; and it would be impossible to understand traditional Chinese society without understanding China’s traditional agriculture.

3.1 Characteristics of Traditional Agriculture Traditional agriculture was an inevitable stage of agricultural development in various countries and regions around the world; for example, agriculture in Europe prior to industrialization, and agriculture in Asia and some other regions before the nineteenth century were basically at the stage of traditional agriculture, whose characteristics can be summarized as follows as compared with primitive agriculture:

3.1.1 Significant Improvement of Farming Tools During the period of primitive agriculture, the simple farming tools were mainly made of wood and stone, which restricted primitive agriculture from large-scale expansion; while in the period of traditional agriculture, the simple farming tools © China Renmin University Press 2023 Y. He, The Agricultural Civilization of Ancient China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8469-3_3

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mentioned above were replaced with more types of tools made of iron and wood under the diversification of agricultural production activities. During the traditional agricultural activities in China, our ancestors developed and popularized numerous new tools for farming, irrigating and processing, such as iron plough, seed plough, windmill, waterwheel and stone mill. The extensive use of iron and other metal tools significantly improved agricultural productivity, and changed the development level and features of traditional agriculture.

3.1.2 Full Exploitation of Agricultural Power Resources In the period of primitive agriculture, manpower was the main driving force of agricultural production activities. “Coupled cultivation” recorded in the Book of Songs was a primitive agricultural labor pattern, namely, “in thousands of pairs they remove the roots”, and “ten thousands of people work together”. In the Spring and Autumn Period, Zi Chan commented that the ancestors of the State of Zheng “worked together to extirpate weed” upon the founding of the state,1 which was also a pattern of reclamation for primitive agriculture. In addition to agricultural producers, animal power and other natural forces were also extensively applied in traditional agriculture. Large animals such as cattle and horses were taken as important driving forces of agriculture, which created certain conditions for the wider and deeper development of agriculture. They helped to reclaim the lands that were hard to be used in the past, and improved them with tillage methods such as deep ploughing. At the same time, natural forces such as hydraulic power and wind power were also utilized to support the survival and development of people.

3.1.3 Gradual Improvement of Agricultural Knowledge and Technology System The simple technology system of primitive agriculture was gradually improved with the development of agricultural economic activities. For example, the technologies involving the selection of crops, livestock and poultry varieties, agricultural cultivation and field management, fertilizer making and farmland fertilization, agricultural irrigation system and construction of hydraulic engineering facilities, prevention and control of crop diseases and insects, and livestock and poultry breeding were all gradually improved. As a result, a complete agricultural knowledge and technology system was established in China’s traditional agricultural economy, which was the most developed knowledge and technology system in the era of traditional economy around the world, making agriculture one of the economic sectors with the most technological innovations and the best technical equipment. 1

Zuo Zhuan · The Sixteenth Year of Duke Zhao.

3.2 Establishment of China’s Traditional Agriculture

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3.1.4 Gradual Miniaturization of Agricultural Management Organizations With the development of social economy, the ancient collective labor in the field of agriculture was successively abandoned in various regions around the world. On the contrary, manorial economy supported by serfs was established in Europe, while small-scale peasant economy was established in China; agricultural management organizations tended to be miniaturized. The small-scale peasant economy was the best choice under the economic and technological conditions at the time in China, for which took full advantage of family kinship and could reasonably arrange and organize production and arouse the production enthusiasm of family members. Agriculture was the most decisive factor affecting the development of civilization in ancient society. The investigation on the development of civilization around the world indicated that civilization first appeared in regions with relatively developed agriculture; and any reform in agricultural productivity or agricultural production relations would significantly affect the development of civilization. In terms of the use of iron tools and large animals, and the changes in farming systems, people in many countries and regions started using metal tools long before, particularly the advanced plows and the rotating system. Along the Euphrates and Tigris, ploughing with cattle was adopted around 2000 BC, and iron plough and iron hoe were widespread around the tenth century BC. In ancient Egypt, plough was invented around the twentyfirst century BC, rotating system appeared around the fifteenth century BC, and iron farming tools were gradually spread around the sixth-fifth century BC. In ancient India, iron farming tools were commonly used and the rotating system and fertilization were implemented around the fourth-third century BC. In the Aegean Sea Region and Italian Peninsula, iron farming tools were widely used around the eighth century BC. In these areas, the relatively developed agriculture promoted and supported the emergence of ancient civilization and civilization achievements. China’s agriculture was not developed at the earliest in the world, and its development level in earlier times was not the most prominent either. However, China’s traditional agriculture appeared and developed in an extraordinary manner, which means that traditional agricultural economy was unusually developed in China and had a history of more than 2000 years of accumulation and development. From a worldwide perspective, it is quite unique that the traditional agricultural economy in China has been developed so adequately in such a long process without interruption or decline.

3.2 Establishment of China’s Traditional Agriculture In China, traditional agricultural economy started superseding primitive agriculture in the late Spring and Autumn Period, and it was finally established in the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties.

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In the Spring and Autumn Period and Warring States Period, dramatic changes took place in China’s social economy; economic and non-economic forces accelerated and promoted the social transformation. The patriarchal clan organization and system in the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties were severely challenged, and the patriarchal social relationship and structure were also greatly impacted. The original social order based on patriarchal clans was broken and the dominance hierarchy was surpassed. After the scramble for supremacy among the States of Qi, Song, Jin, Qin and Chu in the Spring and Autumn Period, and the struggles among the States of Qi, Chu, Yan, Han, Zhao, Wei and Qin in the Warring States Period, the whole society was caught in a situation of “ritual collapse”. The historian Sima Qian described it as “Then various states fought against each other in the Warring States Period, they respected military forces but disdained virtue and morality, emphasized on the policies for enriching the states rather than etiquette; therefore, the rich accumulated a lot of wealth, while the poor could not even fill the belly; the powerful states occupied the small ones or asked them to worship, and the weak ones lost all sacrifices and perished.”2 The great social transformation in China was realized in the process of “ritual collapse”. In this dramatic social reform, new socio-economic organizations and systems more suitable for the development of social productivity were established. In other words, the development of the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties presented evolution from the original disorder to a new order, and the forming of a new ordered social state and social sequence in the period of disorder. The establishment of new socio-economic organizations and systems was marked by the formation and establishment of China’s traditional agricultural economy structure featured in individual small-scale peasant economy, intensive cultivation and massive input of labor. In the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, there were multiple factors leading to and promoting the formation and establishment of traditional agricultural economic structure. The most significant ones are as follows.

3.2.1 Material and Technological Conditions Provided by Social Productivity In the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, the social productivity was significantly increased mainly reflected in the improvement of agricultural production tools, agricultural power structure and technology system, which provided the necessary material and technological conditions for the expansion of agriculture and the conversion to intensive and small-scale cultivation.

2

Shi Ji · Ping Zhun Shu.

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The reform of agricultural production tools was highlighted by the extensive use of iron tools, which, in China, initially appeared in the Spring and Autumn Period,3 and were widely used in agricultural production in the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties. Archaeological excavation showed that the metallurgical industry was quite developed in the Warring States Period, and various iron farming tools were developed, including big hoe, sickle, shovel, hoe, spade, rake, plough, pickaxe and short axe. As an old saying goes, “The superior metal was used to cast swords for war; and inferior metal was used to make tools for farming.”4 In which, the inferior metal refers to iron. For farmers at that time, iron tools were essential tools for agricultural activities, “the farmers should be equipped with the plough, spade and big hoe for farming”.5 In the Western Han Dynasty, iron tools played a more important role in agricultural production. As recorded in the On Salt and Iron, “Iron tools affect the survival of farmers”. The extensive use of iron tools significantly changed agricultural activities, in specific, a large amount of fields that could not be reclaimed and utilized by wood and stone tools in the past were reclaimed as farmland, the agricultural planting area was expanded unprecedentedly, and the farming activities were more convenient and labor-saving, promoting further development of the intensive cultivation pattern. The invention of plough and the use popularization of tilling with cattle represented the reform of agricultural power structure. The invention of plough had epochmaking significance in the history of Chinese agricultural tools, heralding a profound agricultural reform. The plough in the Warring States Period excavated in Huixian County, Henan Province, was a V-shaped plough without a moldboard, which was mainly used for preparing trenches. In the Western Han Dynasty, the ploughs used in the Central Shaanxi Plain region were quite advanced, with ploughshares and single or double moldboards, which could be used for soil aeration, stubble ploughing, ditching, and ridging. The extensive use and improvement of iron ploughs greatly improved the efficiency and level of agricultural cultivation. The use of large animals as the power resource for economic activities was another significant progress in utilization and transformation of nature, which strengthened and expanded human mobility. Especially in the field of agricultural production, the use of tilling with cattle was of symbolic significance. In the Warring States Period, tilling with cattle was widely used, and taken as indispensable driving force for agricultural production in the Qin and Han Dynasties; therefore, it was increasingly important to protect the cattle. Shang Yang prepared the laws and regulations for the State of Qin, in which, it was stipulated that “Those who steal horses are sentenced to death and those who steal cattle are sentenced to cangue punishment”, which means that thefts of large animals such as cattle and horses would be severely punished; the bamboo slips excavated from Shuihudi Tomb of Qin Dynasty also recorded the clauses for severely 3

Chen Zhenzhong: On the Problems of the Use of Iron Tools and the Entering into the Iron Age. Collection of Essays on Chinese Social and Economic History Vol. 2, Shanxi People’s Publishing House. 4 Guo Yu · Qi Yu. 5 Guan Zi · Hai Wang.

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punishing thefts of cattle. The application of tilling with cattle and ploughs laid a basic material and technological foundation for China’s traditional agriculture, and over the past 2000 years, such a foundation has not been fundamentally changed. The reform of agricultural technology system was manifested by the flourishing of irrigation and hydraulic engineering undertakings, and the formation of intensive cultivation. Agriculture generally requires abundant water resources, and the less developed agriculture requires more water. The Yellow River Basin is dry and short of water, and the rainfall is generally concentrated between July and September, which is unfavorable to the growth of crops in spring; the normal development of agriculture in the Yellow River Basin could only be ensured by resolving the issues on irrigation. In the Warring States Period, all states located in the Yellow River Basin constructed hydraulic engineering projects, “(The states) constructed dykes, dredged the waterways, drained ponding, and constructed reservoirs to store or release water according to the season, so as to enable the farmers to cultivate and harvest.”6 As recorded in Guan Zi, “He who is good at managing state affairs must first get rid of the five disasters”,7 namely flood, drought, disaster of wind, fog, hail and frost, plague, and insect damage. At that time, the construction of hydraulic engineering and irrigation projects effectively changed the basic conditions for agricultural production in northern China, promoting the further development of agriculture. In the Qin and Han Dynasties, the central and local governments were mainly responsible for constructing irrigation and hydraulic engineering projects, which, in turn, resulted in the first flourishing period of agriculture in China. For example, the State of Qin constructed the Zhengguo Canal, which could “irrigate more than 40,000 hectares of land with water from the canal, improve the yield per unit area to about one zhong (ancient unit of measurement). The Central Shaanxi Plain was turned to be fertile, which got rid of famine, and made the State of Qin strong and powerful to occupy all other states”.8 In the Western Han Dynasty, when the Bai Canal was constructed, the ordinary people praised it like this “At Gukou, a canal was dug to introduce water from the Zhengguo Canal to Bai Canal; the muddy water made the land more fertile, and the harvested grains can feed millions of people.”9 At the same time, there were also wells dug in arid areas for irrigation. In the Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals, there was a story took place in the State of Song, “The Ding’s family had no well, they had to assign a family member to the field for irrigation. When they dug a well, they said we could have one more worker. Other people spread the story, and then the King of Song heard and asked, the Ding’s family responded that they saved the labor of a man, rather than getting a man from the well.”10 Obviously, a well means one more worker at that time. The development of agriculture also improved agricultural techniques, and the manure field technique and intensive cultivation were gradually formed. The fertilizers applied to restore and increase soil fertility, 6

Xun Zi · Wang Zhi. Guan Zi · Duo Di. 8 Shi Ji · Rivers and Canals. 9 History of the Han Dynasty · Canals and Water Courses. 10 Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals · Shen Xing. 7

3.2 Establishment of China’s Traditional Agriculture

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and intensive cultivation techniques such as deep ploughing, careful plowing, and frequent weeding, established a successful pattern for continuous and efficient use of land and constant increase of grain output. In the Western Han Dynasty at the latest, the dry farming system featured in intensive cultivation was established in northern China.

3.2.2 Accelerated Establishment of the Economic Structure Based on Social and Political Reforms The social and political reforms in the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period helped all the states to form the small-scale peasant economy and promote the establishment of traditional agricultural economic structure. In this period, one of the main purposes of the social and political reform in each state was to make the state rich and its military forces strong, thus taking the lead in political competition. The most effective way was to strengthen and develop the traditional agricultural economy characterized by small-scale peasant economy. The active and passive the social and political reforms got rid of the widespread and profound social political and economic crisis, effectively determined the direction of future development, and also formed the shape of a new social and economic structure. Due to the rapid change of the times, various states learned from each other and implemented the reform, making it a strong social and political trend. Crises offered opportunities, and turbulence accelerated the selection. The reforms conducted by Guan Zhong in the State of Qi, Zi Chan in the State of Zheng, Qu Qi in the State of Chu, Li Kui in the State of Wei, and Shang Yang in the State of Qin coincidentally strengthened the direction of traditional agricultural economy, and promoted the formation and the establishment of the structure of traditional agricultural economy. “For a large state with over ten thousand of chariots, the military forces should be governed by the government, and the vast land should be reclaimed by peasants; otherwise, the state could not be wealth and strong.” Actually, the relationship between military and agriculture was the relation between building a strong military and constructing a wealthy state. Constructing a wealthy state was the economic goal, and building a strong military was the military goal of political reform, while both the building of a strong military and construction of a wealthy state were political goals pursued by all the states. The reform of agriculture was an important factor leading to the success of the reform performed by Li Kui (455–395 BC) in the State of Wei. He “guided the people in the State of Wei to improve the productive capacity of land”, namely, he guided the people to make full and reasonable use of land, give play to the labor enthusiasm, and solve the contradiction between big population and little land, thus improving the agricultural productivity. For achieving such a goal, the state should vigorously develop small-scale peasant economy, and maintain its reproduction; meanwhile, the state should also strengthen the government’s intervention on agricultural production,

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and enhance the ability of small-scale peasant economy to resist natural disasters and maintain reproduction through improving the measure for controlling the price of grains by government procurement and sales and the tax policies. The reform guided by Li Kui “was implemented in The State of Wei, making it prosperous and strong.”11 Duke Xiao of Qin intended to change the backwardness of the State of Qin by carrying out a political reform; Shang Yang (about 395–338 BC) took the opportunity to put forward his proposal. In order to test the determination of the Duke Xiao of Qin, he taught the concepts about the “benevolent government” and “rule by benevolence”, but the Duke Xiao of Qin did not approve and disesteemed Shang Yang, who turned to teach the “rule by force”, which impressed the Duke Xiao of Qin, and was highly praised. Shang Yang was appointed to host the reform in the State of Qin. This fact could reflect the general mentality and political aspiration of the rulers at that time. The “rule by force” for enriching the state and increasing its military force was a reasonable selection for survival. Our ancestors have clearly revealed the historical logic that “When people engage in agriculture, the land will be reclaimed, which will then increase the grain yield, enrich the state, and intensify the military force; therefore, the state can win in the war, and enlarge the territory”.12 In ancient times, agricultural economy determined the national welfare and the people’s livelihood and the survival of the state; therefore, agricultural life was given a political meaning beyond economy. Among the reforms performed in various states in the Warring States Period, Shang Yang’s Reform in the State of Qin was the most thorough and successful one with the smallest resistance. Shang Yang adhered to the principle that “It is not necessarily to govern a state in the same manner, and follow what adopted in the past. Tang of Shang and King Wu of Zhou did not realize prosperity because of the following of the ancient laws; the Yin and Xia Dynasties did not collapse because of the changing of the old etiquette. Therefore, those who break the old laws should not necessarily be blamed, and those who follow the old etiquette are not necessarily worthy of recognition.”13 Shang Yang advocated “establishing the laws in response to the call of the times, and issuing orders according to the specific conditions of the state”.14 One of the core contents of Shang Yang’s Reform was to establish the traditional agricultural economic structure based on the small-scale peasant economy. In 359 BC, under the support of Duke Xiao of Qin, Shang Yang issued the Weeding Decree, as the prelude to reform. In 356 BC, the thorough reform was performed, which took the establishment of small-scale peasant economy as the premise of the development of agricultural production. Firstly, Shang Yang promoted the policy of “encouraging the reclamation of wasteland”, abolished the old land system, and made land managers and producers combine with the land, to let them concentrate on agricultural production. “Stabilize the cause and unify the customs of the people, encourage them to engage in farming, play the role of land, and make each 11

History of the Han Dynasty · Shi Huo Zhi. Guan Zi · Zhi Guo. 13 Shang Jun Shu · Geng Fa. 14 Records of the Historian. Biography of Shang Yang. 12

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family focuses on agriculture.”15 In order to promote and ensure small-scale land management, the government ordered to dissolve big family, “if a family has more than two men, the taxation will be doubled”, and “Father and son and adult brothers are not allowed to live together”. The most extreme approach was the “agricultural war” policy, which combined agricultural production with heroic warfare. In order to reward agricultural production and heroic warfare, it was stipulated that “Those who produce more grains or clothing may be exempted from forced labor and taxation”, namely, they may be exempted from the burden of corvee. “Those who actively join the army and fight bravely will be granted with the title of nobility.” The emphasis on agriculture and war would restrain and limit all kinds of economic and social activities for non-agricultural warfare, and there was a regulation that “taking the poor due to idleness and their wives and children as the slaves”.16 At the same time, the peasants with little land or no land in the states of Wei, Zhao and Han were introduced to the State of Qin for reclamation, and the government provided them with economic support and exempted them from corvee for three generations. The high production capacity of small-scale peasant economy established a profound economic foundation for the unification of China by the State of Qin. It could be said that agriculture found its breakthroughs in production organization and management mode in the Warring States Period by virtue of the economic superiority of small-scale peasant economy. In the Qin and Han Dynasties, small-scale peasant economy was quite developed, and traditional agricultural structure was established.

3.2.3 The Intense Catalysis of Continuous Wars Wars of various sizes in hundreds of years played a strong catalytic role in the formation and establishment of traditional agricultural economy. War, as the continuation of politics and economy and also the confrontation and conflict between fierce political and economic powers, could always reflect the demands of certain political and economic relations. Frequent wars in the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties significantly shocked the old political patterns and economic relations, and catalyzed and promoted the formation and establishment of new political patterns and economic relations, especially the traditional agricultural economic structure. Firstly, the main purpose of the wars during this period was to fight for lands and people, for which were the two most important factors involving agricultural production and main concerns by rulers of the states during the scramble for supremacy. “The three treasures of the rulers are land, people and government affairs”.17 The competition for land and population was the competition for the sphere of influence. Secondly, those wars significantly changed the socio-political and economic patterns, and adjusted 15

Records of the Historian. Biography of Cai Ze. Records of the Historian. Biography of Shang Yang. 17 Meng Zi · Jin Xin Shang. 16

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the status of all orders of society. The old hierarchies were destroyed by frequent wars, and the old economic patterns were also eclipsed in fierce rivalries. Constant wars destroyed the public ownership of land and the remaining rural communes in the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties, and enabled a large number of commune members to get rid of the constraint of the old economic organization, and realize personal freedom. Thirdly, the wars generalized the possession of land, for many soldiers were given a considerable amount of land due to military exploit, which provided a possibility for the selection of a new operational form. Although the redistribution of land resources directly intended to encourage the soldiers to fight bravely, it provided an opportunity for land privatization. As recorded in Guan Zi, “If the fields are not given to soldiers, the combat effectiveness will be low in three years.18 ” At such a moment, the war disrupted the old social order like a “corrosive agent”, which, however, accelerated the growth of new social relations like a “catalyst”. Under the comprehensive action of the above factors, the preconditions for the formation and establishment of traditional agricultural economic structure were gradually maturing. The first condition was the widespread establishment of private land ownership. Prior to the Spring and Autumn Period, the principles of state ownership of land dominated, such as “All the lands in the world belong to the King” and “Land cannot be transferred or exchanged”, and the possession of land was the privilege of the patriarchal nobility. In the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, with the increase of land use value, land became a profitable form of wealth, and all orders of society tried to acquire and occupy land by various means. The government also granted land to meritorious soldiers, which cultivated a batch of new social bigwigs. Therefore, the private land ownership developed extensively, and the sales of land became more frequent. Dong Zhongshu in the Western Han Dynasty proposed that the State of Qin “changed the previous system through Shang Yang’s Reform, and abolished the well field system; as a result, the lands could be sold and purchased, making the rich own vast lands, but the poor have no land for living… Or the poor had to work for the rich, and pay heavy taxation”.19 The establishment of private land ownership laid a solid foundation for the traditional agricultural economic structure. The second condition was the generalization of individual family organization after the dissolution of the old rural communes and relaxation of personal restraints. In the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, the most prominent change of social classes was the emergence of a large number of owner-peasant families. The small peasant with “a house of five mu and land of 100 µ” as recorded in historical documents was the individual family agricultural economic organization, with an economic relation with the government by providing taxes and corvee, or with the landlords through renting land and providing land rent. Such an individual family agricultural economic organization was one of the most effective forms for reducing the threat of poverty and maintaining basic survival in the economically underdeveloped ancient times. As described by Mencius, “Let mulberry trees be 18 19

Guan Zi · Ba Guan. History of the Han Dynasty · Shi Huo Zhi.

3.3 The Glorious Agricultural Civilization

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planted about the homesteads with their five mu, and persons of fifty years may be clothed with silk. In keeping fowls, pigs, dogs, and swine, let not their times of breeding be neglected, and persons of seventy years may eat flesh. Let there not be taken away the time that is proper for the cultivation of the farm with its hundred mu, and the family of several mouths that is supported by it shall not suffer from hunger”,20 which indicated that the individual family provided the best form of economic organization and management for traditional agricultural economy. The family organization was endowed with a new economic significance and function after getting rid of the old patriarchal clan organization and the rural communes. Under the prevalence of private land ownership and individual families, China’s traditional agriculture finally discovered a universal and widely developed pattern— the traditional agricultural structure integrating intensive cultivation, the private land ownership allowing the transfer of land, and the individual family-based labor organization. Around the Qin and Western Han Dynasties, this agricultural structure was finally established.

3.3 The Glorious Agricultural Civilization After determining the economic structure, China’s traditional agriculture started a long process of glorious development. Such a structure developed a path for the development of China’s traditional agriculture in depth and breadth, tending to agricultural development based on planting only; integrated the vast non-agricultural areas into agricultural economic areas, and created a broad regional space for the expansion of traditional agriculture; raised a large number of people and laid a cornerstone for the construction of an eastern agricultural power with intensive cultivation and the pattern of small-scale peasant economy; furthermore, it fostered the unique agricultural culture and civilization, and supported the value system of the highly developed civilization. It could be concluded that ancient Chinese civilization would not be well developed without the highly developed traditional agriculture and the brilliant achievements. The rapid development of China’s traditional agriculture in the long history relied on the dominance of traditional agricultural culture. Robert D. Kaplan studied the history of human civilization and proposed that there was an important law in the process of cultural evolution, namely the law of cultural dominance consisting of two forms: (1) A culture or a type of culture shall establish its status in a special environment by strengthening its adaptability, for making the most effective use of that environment; (2) The development of a certain culture must have a stronger ability to adapt to various environments in a wider range, and could also realize a higher level of utilization of resources in these environments. In other words, this law suggested that a cultural system can only be established in such environments, where conversion ratio of human labor to natural energy was higher than the efficiency of 20

Meng Zi · King Hui of Liang (1).

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other conversion systems.21 The prosperity of China’s traditional agriculture benefited from cultural dominance. Like what indicated by the author, China is a complex civilization established based on concentrated agricultural economy by virtue of the large-scale public facilities for irrigation and drainage, and a vast network of canals for transportation. Therefore, there were abundant grains harvested, whose concentration and redistribution determined the concentration of political power. China’s culture always expanded towards the south. In consideration of particularly fertile lands in the Yangtze River Basin, the highly centralized system of China’s agricultural culture could be easily implemented, without any obstacles to its expansion to the south. In view of the huge ecological difference in northern China, especially the shortage of water in the grassland area, only animal husbandry could be developed, making it fail to be integrated into the unified agricultural culture. China’s agricultural culture was proved to be extremely productive within its environmental boundary, beyond which, however, thermodynamic advantages of China’s agricultural culture would fail, and other systems may be proved to be more efficient. Therefore, China’s traditional agriculture realized extraordinary development and made glorious achievements in the advantageous environment, which could be summarized as follows.

3.3.1 Unconventional Development of Traditional Agricultural Economy Through over 2000 years of development, China’s traditional agriculture made the highest achievement in the traditional era, which was mainly reflected in the following aspects: Firstly, in the process of agricultural production, our ancestors domesticated a large number of wild animals and plants, and cultivated tens of thousands of superior varieties during the development of traditional agricultural economy, thus making China an important birthplace of cultivated plants with the most abundant crop varieties in the world. As reported by foreign scholars, there are about 1200 species of cultivated plants in the world at present, 200 of which originated directly in China. Vavilov (Soviet scholar) issued the Plant Geographical Basis of Breeding in 1935, in which, he proposed the “theory on centers of origin of plants”, and prepared a map of centers of origin of cultivated plant. The origin of corps was divided into 8 separate centers and 3 sub-centers.22 China was deemed as “The first and the largest independent origin of world agriculture and cultivated plants”. In the 1970s, Harlan (Western scholar) put forward six centers of origin of cultivated plants, namely three centers of origin and three non-origin centers, in which, China was listed as one of 21

Harding et al. (1987). According to Vavilov, the 8 independent centers of origin include the centers of origin of China, India, Central Asia, the Near East, the Mediterranean, Ethiopia, Southern Mexico and Central America, and South America.

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the three centers of origin. A considerable number of species were highly developed in the period of China’s traditional agriculture; the crops such as rice, wheat, and Su were taken as the main grain crops; while in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, other plants including maize and sweet potato were introduced into China, enriching the diet of the Chinese people. Secondly, in terms of the utilization of land and maintenance of soil fertility, China’s traditional agricultural economy reached the highest level around the world in the traditional era. In order to make full and effective use of the limited land, maintain the large population and promote the development of agricultural civilization, our ancestors created lots of fertilizer sources, and established a series of rotation cropping methods through recovering land fertility with labor and human wisdom. The fertilizer sources such as manure, green manure, mud manure, cake manure, bone fertilizer, ash fertilizer, mineral fertilizer, and miscellaneous fertilizer, and the fertilizer making methods such as water-logged compost, manure mixture and fumigated soil, helped our ancestors to maintain and improve land fertility for a long period of time. At the same time, the methods such as rotation cropping, continuous cropping, intercropping, mixed cropping were also used in China’s traditional agriculture, which improved the land utilization rate. In the Middle Ages in Europe, the two-field and three-field systems of leisure farming were generally adopted; in China, however, the two-year triple cropping system, one-year double cropping system and even one-year triple cropping system were adopted. Thirdly, in terms of the agronomic techniques, our ancestors created a whole set of agronomic systems based on intensive cultivation in the unique environment in China, which made the per unit area yield of China’s traditional agriculture the highest around the world in the traditional era. As recorded by Columella (Ancient Roman), the agricultural yield was only 4–5 times the amount of seed sown in Europe before and after the A.D., which was more than 10 times in China as calculated according to Yun Meng Qin Jian published in the same period. In Henry’s Farming Book published in the thirteenth century, it was recorded that the agricultural yield was only three times the amount of seed sown in Britain, which was the mean level throughout continent of Europe in the Middle Ages. As recorded in Bu Nong Shu published in the seventeenth century, the agricultural yield was 30 times the amount of seed sown in the regions around Lake Taihu, which was achieved by intensive cultivation and labor. Fourthly, in terms of the accumulation and summary of experience regarding agricultural production, China’s traditional agriculture was well developed and rich in the experience of production. A lot of farming books were prepared in the history, making China a country with the most abundant agricultural classics in the world. According to statistics, there were more than 500 farming books published in previous dynasties in China, more than 300 of which have survived to this day, involving farming, forestry, animal husbandry, sideline, and fishing; some were the earliest agricultural monographs in the world with high scientific values. Although individual small peasants in the traditional era were unable to learn and apply the knowledge in these farming books due to the low degree of education, such books were created based on the rich agricultural production experience.

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3.3.2 The Development Depth and Breadth of Traditional Agriculture On the one hand, the development of China’s traditional agriculture was reflected by the continuous development and improvement agricultural production organizations and techniques, namely the development of small-scale intensive cultivation performed by individual small peasants; on the other hand, it was also reflected by the continuous expansion of traditional agricultural economic regions, namely the agriculturalization of abundant non-agricultural areas suitable for cultivation. China’s traditional agriculture formed two development trends during thousands of years of development: the trend of connotative development, namely the smallscale intensive cultivation; and the trend of extensional development, namely the constant transformation of other economic regions by traditional agriculture, both of which always coexisted, with different intensity and development paths in different historical periods. China’s traditional agriculture was firstly established in the Yellow River Basin and the Yangtze River Basin, which then expanded to the Pearl River Basin in the south of the Five Ridges, Hexi Corridor in the northwest, Bashu Region in the southwest, and the Liaohe River Basin in the northeast. The economic center of the traditional society also gradually shifted from west to east and from north to south. In the Spring and Autumn Period, and Warring States Period, the traditional agricultural economy in China was mainly concentrated in the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River; the Central Shaanxi Plain, with superior environment and resources, was an ideal region for the development of farming and animal husbandry. In the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, the agricultural economy rapidly developed in the lower reaches of the Yellow River and Sichuan Basin, as well as the Yangtze River Basin. In the Period of Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, the constant wars seriously damaged the normal agricultural production and life in the Yellow River Basin, but promoted the rapid development of agricultural economy in the south. Therefore, in the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the Yangtze River Basin became an agricultural economic zone of equal importance with the Yellow River Basin. In the Song Dynasties, the economy in the south surpassed that in the Yellow River Basin due to the prosperity of agriculture in the Yangtze River Basin and the successful agricultural development in the Pearl River Basin. While in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the Liaohe River Basin was exploited. In conclusion, the economic zone of China’s traditional agriculture was continuously expanded, and numerous non-agricultural regions were integrated into the agricultural economy with great cultural advantages.

3.3 The Glorious Agricultural Civilization

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3.3.3 Single Economic Structure Formed by Traditional Agriculture The economic structure of China’s traditional agriculture achieved single but extraordinary development of agricultural economy. The small-scale operation and intensive cultivation performed by individual small peasants endowed traditional agriculture with huge development potential and economic advantages. This economic structure gradually shifted to a single pattern of agricultural operation, which was neither the coordination of farming and animal husbandry, nor the coordination of farming and industry. Traditional agriculture, with the great superiority in economy, expelled other economic activities, which prevented mixed economy that appeared in Europe and other regions, but formed and strengthened the agriculture-based economy, namely the economic form based on planting. In terms of the national economic composition in the traditional era, the development of non-agricultural economic sectors was significantly restricted by agriculture, with a decreasing proportion. In terms of the changes in economic areas, a lot of regions suitable for farming and grazing in the north, and those suitable for fishing and farming in the south were transformed into farmlands, or it could be said that the economic zone of traditional agriculture reached its limit; while in terms of the economic activities of individual small peasants, there were almost no non-agricultural activities, and the remaining cottage craft was included in the scope of making up for the lack of agricultural income in the slack season. The extraordinary development of the single agricultural economy provided the highest level of grain supply in the traditional era, and laid a basic material foundation for ensuring a large population, promoting the prosperity of agricultural civilization, and sustaining the flourishing of the agricultural empire.

3.3.4 Traditional Agriculture—The Solid Foundation of Traditional Culture The extraordinary development of China’s traditional agriculture provided possibilities for the development of various non-agricultural economic sectors in the traditional era, such as commerce and handicraft industry, promoted the significant development of traditional industry and commerce in China, and also provided a solid foundation and fertile soil for the development of the unique China’s traditional culture in the world. China’s traditional culture, deeply rooted in the developed agriculture-based economic activities, could be regarded as a typical agricultural culture with an indestructible economic foundation, making China the only civilization that has not been completely destroyed around the world. In The Times Atlas of World History, it was described that China’s economy continued to develop in the Song dynasty, and in the period from 750 to 1100, the population was doubled, the trade volume reached

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a new level, and a large industrial center surrounding the capital Kaifeng was established. Even the north was occupied by the grasslands nationality, China was still quite prosperous at that time, and the southern territory was more productive than the northern heartland. With the rapid increase of population, and the flourishing trade and industry, the capital Hangzhou became a world metropolis. In the thirteenth century, China was still populous and productive, with stable social order and science and technology surpassed the Europe at the same time. In that period, China was the most powerful country in the world, with the most glorious culture.23 Joseph Terence Montgomery Needham, a historian of science, pointed out that the seafaring was well developed in the history of China, and it must be the greatest in the world between 1100 and 1450. The Confucian culture originated from agricultural life and patriarchal ethics ruled China for more than 2000 years, and also affected neighboring countries with strong appeal and penetrability.

3.4 Developed Agricultural Empires The development pattern of China’s traditional agriculture was rare in the world economic history, and the agricultural empires established based on traditional agriculture made amazing economic achievements and influence acknowledged throughout the world. In the agricultural age, empires of different sizes were established all over the world, which, however, soon collapsed like buildings in the desert. The only one that lasted for more than 2000 years without interruption was China. Although these traditional agricultural empires experienced split and union for multiple times, the pattern of union was lasting, and each split resulted in a larger scope and scale of union and integration. From the unification of China and the establishment of a centralized empire by the First Emperor of Qin through “making use of the wealth of the past six generations, to occupy the other six states by force”, the Western Han and Eastern Han Dynasties, Sui, Tang, Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing Dynasties were successively established, making China magnificently situated in the orient of the world. In the traditional agricultural society with underdeveloped productivity, such relatively stable and powerful centralized empires had unprecedented advantages in overcoming the discreteness of individual small-scale peasant economy in the agricultural society, fighting against natural disasters hard to be resolved, constructing large-scale public projects to promote agricultural development, preventing the intrusion of the surrounding non-agricultural forces, especially the nomads in the north, and ensuring the normal agricultural production and life. They created a highly prosperous material civilization and a quite complete system, which maintained the existence and development of the society. Scholars at home and abroad have tried to decode the existence of centralized despotism in the traditional Chinese agricultural society. Quite a number of scholars 23

Barraclough (1985), Chap. IV, pp. 126–127.

3.4 Developed Agricultural Empires

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believed that the centralized autocratic system was inevitably associated with the unique government functions of irrigation and transportation. In fact, Marx once discussed and believed that in Asia…, due to the low level of civilization and broad territory, it was impossible to realize voluntary association, but a centralized government was required to implement the intervention. Therefore, all governments in Asia had to perform an economic function, namely the function of conducting public works. The facilities for improving the fertility of soil should be constructed by the central government, which, however, would be abandoned if the central government neglected irrigation or drainage.24 As mentioned above, Wlttfogel25 (American scholar) deemed the traditional centralized society of China as a society of water control. Perkins also believed that the demands in the cooperation in largescale water control activities, the absolutism of the Chinese family system, and the defense against the savage nomadic tribes in the frontier regions, and the demands of many other traditional factors contributed to the triumph of the authoritarianism.26 Ji Chaoding, a Chinese scholar, held a similar view, who believed that “the development of hydraulic engineering undertakings or the construction of hydraulic engineering projects was actually the function of government in China, aiming at increasing agricultural output and creating favorable conditions for transportation, especially water transport of grains”; and “all dynasties took them as important political means and powerful weapons in social and political struggles”. “The development of public hydraulic engineering projects depended on the political purpose of the hierarchy to strengthen its control over the country to a large extent”.27 The public utilities such as hydraulic engineering, irrigation and transportation for the agricultural economy in the unique and historical geographical environment became important economic functions of the government of each traditional agricultural empire in China. One basic basis for the government to undertake such an economic function was that the huge public projects for agriculture could only be undertaken by the government, rather than individuals or grassroots organizations; and the second basis was that such public works served the political and economic purposes of the government, as the powerful tools for the government to control the state. Agriculture is a key to the understanding of the traditional Chinese society. Traditional agriculture laid a solid foundation for centralized empires in China, and provided the basic economic conditions for the development of the agricultural empires. As confirmed by a large number of historical documents and numerous facts, each unified centralized government of China was established based on the special nature and demands of the traditional agricultural economic structure. Firstly, the developed agricultural empires relied on the surplus agricultural products (mainly the grains) and various taxes. Agricultural products may determine 24

Marx Engels Selected Works. Vol. 2, p. 64. Kari August Wlttfogel (1896–1988), German-American Sinologist: Economy and Society of China, Chinese Society and Conquering Dynasties, Oriental Despotism, and Agriculture: A Key to the Understanding of Chinese Society, Past and Present. 26 Perkins (1984). 27 Chaoding (2014), pp. 8–9, 38. 25

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the survival of the people, and the rise and fall of the country. The more surplus agricultural products would enable the government to control more sources, thus increasing the national strength. The Ming government paid special attention to the control of grains, and in the flourishing period, it could collect 30 million dan (about 60 kg/dan) each year. The economic backing and financial income in the Ming and Qing Dynasties were supported by developed agricultural areas in the south. In each year, 3–5 million dan of grains and monetary wealth were transported to the capital. The autocratic agricultural empires could not survive for a single day without the control of the huge amount of agricultural products. Secondly, the developed agricultural empires also maintained their domination and controlled the national situation based on the regions with advanced traditional agriculture, namely the basic economic zones. As proposed by Ji Chaoding, each great agricultural empire in China “was not a country formed based on economic ties like modern countries, but a country formed by military and bureaucratic rule through controlling the basic economic zones”.28 Prior to the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the political center in China geographically overlapped with the economic center (or area with developed agricultural economy); the developed agricultural economy in the Central Shaanxi Plain maintained the prosperity of the capitals in the Qin, Han, Sui, and Tang Dynasties. After the Song and Yuan Dynasties, the political centers were geographically separated from the economic centers; therefore, it was quite important for the government to control the basic economic zones. Ming and Qing Dynasties strengthened their control over the economically developed areas in the south. The vast empires relied on the developed basic agricultural economic zones. Finally, although the autocratic government did not produce any grains, it could have a positive or negative impact on agricultural production by implementing various policies or actions. As for the small-scale peasant economy, most agricultural activities could be performed without the involvement and coordination of the government, and the peasants could engage in productive activities and realize self-sufficiency. However, the small-scale peasant economy highly depended on social stability and the degree of disaster relief; the stable social and political environment was beneficial to the survival and development of the small-scale peasant economy, while the turbulent social and political environment would endanger its production and survival. Similarly, the small-scale peasant economy was limited in the capacity of resisting natural disasters; in the case of any severe natural disaster, the smallscale peasant economy should be assisted by the government through implementing various disaster relief measures and constructing public facilities, which undoubtedly strengthened the economic and political functions of the central government, thus laying a foundation for the survival of a centralized agricultural empire. Traditional agriculture supported each huge agricultural empire, and the centralized government also strengthened traditional agriculture.

28

Chaoding (2014), p. 4.

Chapter 4

Knowledge and Technology System of Traditional Agriculture

The adequate development of China’s traditional agriculture benefited from the early establishment of a relatively systematic and complete knowledge and technology system, which was a prerequisite for the development of traditional agriculture. It could be said that the knowledge and technology system of traditional agriculture, formed with the development of traditional agriculture, was theoretical summary and improvement of the traditional agricultural practice experience, and also theoretical guidance and practical basis of the development of China’s traditional agriculture. The knowledge and technology system of China’s traditional agriculture, originated from the production and life of traditional agriculture, was the accumulation and promotion of traditional agricultural production and life experience, and also the summary of the experience of agricultural production and life closely related to the actual agricultural production and local conditions, focusing on and involving agricultural production and life in specific areas. In addition, it was developed in a relatively independent system of knowledge and technology, with relatively little exchange and cooperation with external agricultural knowledge and technology systems; it was widely and effectively promoted throughout China under the promotion and demonstration by governments at all levels in all dynasties. Therefore, it could be said that this system would not be developed into a relatively systematic system without the promotion and demonstration by the governments.

4.1 The Knowledge and Technology System of Traditional Agriculture The knowledge and technology system of China’s traditional agriculture, as summarized from traditional agricultural production experience and understanding of the laws, mainly consists of the knowledge and technology systems of dryland farming in the north, paddy agriculture in the south, and livestock feeding by northern nomadic tribes. The knowledge and technology system of dryland farming in the north was © China Renmin University Press 2023 Y. He, The Agricultural Civilization of Ancient China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8469-3_4

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established in the Yellow River Basin, where the fertile land promoted the high development of early traditional agriculture and created significant development advantages, thus forming the basic form of China’s traditional agriculture at the earliest. The knowledge and technology system of paddy agriculture in the south was established in the Yangtze River Basin, which became the most developed area of traditional agriculture after the middle Tang Dynasty with the fertile land and vast area, thus forming the classical form of China’s traditional agriculture. The time-honored knowledge and technology system of livestock feeding was established in the vast grasslands in northern China, which bred nomadic tribes and grassland civilizations one after another, enriching the ethnic integration, economic life and cultural traditions of the Chinese nation. The knowledge and technology system of China’s traditional agriculture involves a wide range of knowledge and technologies, mainly including: (1) The knowledge and technologies about the soil. In China, the theory of “fertility” was established quite early. It was technically hard to keep the soil fertile in agriculture of intensive cultivation, for fertility was crucial for the long-term development of agriculture; therefore, our ancestors invented and accumulated a set of methods to restore soil fertility through accumulating manure and applying fertilizer, and determined an equilibrium point between the maximized use of land and maintenance of soil fertility. The Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals included two works about the knowledge of soil, namely Ren Di and Bian Tu; in The Book of Fan Shengzhi and Arts for the People, the knowledge and technologies about soil for dryland farming in northern China were summarized; while in the Chen Fu’s Farming Book and Shen’s Farming Book, more knowledge and technologies about soil in the Yangtze River Basin and regions in the south of the Yangtze River were recorded. In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the knowledge and technology system of China’s traditional agriculture was further perfected; there were a large number of farming books, and the understanding of land reached the highest level in the traditional society. Experts pointed out that “Peasants in China have always actively tried to improve the soil and maintain its fertility. They have gradually established a method of comprehensive application of tillage, rotation cropping and fertilization measures, making the soil fertile for thousands of years without degradation”.1 (2) The knowledge and technologies about the farming seasons. Agricultural production is highly dependent on natural conditions such as climate, temperature, and season. Farming seasons refer to the understanding and summary of the practical law of the growth of agricultural products. In China, our ancestors recognized the importance of farming seasons quite early, and summarized “the 24 solar terms” from the experience of traditional agricultural production in China. Mencius proposed “There will be abundant grains without violating the law of farming seasons”,2 which, a classical statement about the farming 1 2

Dong and Fan (2000), p. 7. Meng Zi · King Hui of Liang (1).

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seasons, emphasized the importance of respecting the law of growth of agricultural products. Xia Xiao Zheng and Yue Ling were the earliest almanacs about farming affairs. As recorded in Shen Shi of the Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals, “The crops are planted by people, but their growth depends on the soil and weather.” In which, one of the important connotations of “weather” involves farming seasons. In Si Min Yue Ling prepared by Cui Shi in the Eastern Han Dynasty, farming activities were arranged according to the season, so as to guide the people to engage in farming. It was the earliest work prepared according to the temporal law of agricultural production for guiding the agricultural production and life. The Summary of Food and Clothing written by Lu Mingshan in the Yuan Dynasty was a pure book about the climate and phenology in lunar months, which intended to guide the people to conduct agricultural activities in different months. In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, more farming books were published, many of which were prepared for different areas and different crops, including Bian Min Tu Zuan and Nong Pu Bian Lan. Climate and phenology in lunar months were also recorded in other systematic farming books such as Agricultural Administration Encyclopedia and Shou Shi Tong Kao. (3) Knowledge and technologies of agricultural biology. In China, there was a system of selective cultivation of seeds, and intercropping. The selective cultivation of seeds was used to ensure the mass and quality of crops, and intercropping was adopted to ensure the unit yield of cross-planted crops. Therefore, such methods can guarantee normal reproduction of China’s traditional agriculture, whose intensive cultivation system relied on the creative development of selective cultivation of seeds, and intercropping. Seed cultivation was an important way for developing agriculture in long-term agricultural labor practice. For example, selective cultivation of rice seeds was performed quite early; 13 varieties of rice were recorded in Guang Zhi compiled by Guo Yigong in the Western Jin Dynasty, and 24 varieties planted in northern China were recorded in the Arts for the People; while in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, there were more varieties of rice, and nearly 3500 varieties were recorded in Shou Shi Tong Kao in the Qing Dynasty; even after excluding the duplicate varieties, there were still over 2500 varieties. Intercropping was a method created by the peasants according to the degree of compatibility between crops for increasing the land utilization rate. Many farming books for different regions refined and summarized the knowledge and technologies regarding intensive cultivation, and indicated that rotation cropping and intercropping could improve the land utilization rate, and suppress weeds and pests, thus maintaining the development vitality of traditional agriculture. For example, double-cropping and continuous cropping rice was promoted in the regions south of the Yangtze River in the Qing Dynasty, and the one-year triple cropping system of wheat-rice-rice was also promoted in individual regions. In northern dryland farming system, the two-year triple cropping system was also popular, “farming should rely on abundant manure and extensive labor”.3 3

Shen’s Farming Book · Land Processing.

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(4) Knowledge and technologies of field management. China’s traditional agriculture adopted a development path of intensive cultivation. Field management knowledge and technologies were gradually improved; small peasants should make great efforts in field management to ensure a good return. In Li Kui’s Reform in the State of Wei during the Warring States Period, great importance was attached to “diligent field management”, so as to strengthen production and management. As recorded in the Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals, “In the case of insufficient labor, the area of cultivated land should not be expanded”, namely the yield should be improved by strengthening production and management, rather than expanding the area of cultivated land. As for the farming methods of increasing labor, strengthening field management, and increasing the output per unit area, there were several programmes such as the ditching method, generation-field and section-field programmes. For example, the generation-field programme was a tillage method popularized in the Western Han Dynasty, which alternatively planted crops in different areas of the same field, to maintain soil fertility and replace the fallow system; it had multiple advantages such as drought resisting, soil moisture conservation and lodging prevention, “the annual yield is generally above one hu (a volume unit), and it could be doubled by those good at farming”. The section-field programme was also a cultivation system performed in some places in the Western Han Dynasty, which was a more refined farming method adopted for achieving wind and drought resistance, maintaining soil moisture and fertilizer, deep ploughing and close planting and high yield and high efficiency through deep digging, ditching and pitting. Such efforts for improving the yield of grains through exploring field management never stopped. (5) Knowledge and technologies of agricultural irrigation. So far, agriculture has been the most water-dependent industry, with hydraulic engineering as the lifeblood of agriculture. China’s traditional agriculture has accumulated rich knowledge and technologies in terms of the utilization of hydraulic engineering projects for avoiding water disasters, namely “People’s livelihood depends on food and clothing; while the growth of grains depends on water and soil.”4 The development of China’s traditional agriculture was inseparable from the use of water; and prevention and control of water disasters and construction of hydraulic engineering projects were main tasks of the governments of all dynasties. For example, multiple large-scale hydraulic engineering facilities and projects were constructed in the Qin Dynasty, such as the Dujiangyan Irrigation System, and Zhengguo Canal, all of which intended to provide long-term service for local people and agricultural production, and helped the Qin Dynasty to unify China. In the Western Han Dynasty, there was a tide of constructing hydraulic engineering projects, including Cao Canal, Longshou Canal, Liufu Canal, Bai Canal, Lingzhi Canal, Chengguo Canal, and Fanhui Canal in the Central Shaanxi Plain. As recorded, during the period ruled by Emperor Wu of Han, “The rulers strived to build hydraulic engineering projects. In Shuofang, 4

Guan Zi · Jin Zang.

4.2 Development of the Knowledge and Technology System of Traditional …

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Xihe, Hexi and Jiuquan, people dug canals for irrigation with water from the Yellow River and other valleys; the Fu Canal and Lingzhi Canal in the Central Shaanxi Plain connected several rivers; Ru’nan and Jiujiang were irrigated by the Huai River; Donghai was irrigated by the Juding Lake; the area around Mount Tai was irrigated by the Wen River. All the regions constructed canals for irrigating the fields of over ten thousand qing (a unit of area = 6.6667 ha). There were numerous small canals and ponds.”5 Subsequently, the governments of all dynasties focused on developing hydraulic engineering, and constructed hydraulic engineering facilities in all regions of traditional agriculture. In addition, there was also a livestock feeding knowledge and technology system in northern nomadic tribes, which was actually an important part of the traditional agricultural knowledge and technology system in China. For example, Xiongnu implemented intraspecific hybridization between horses and donkeys, and obtained two sterile species, namely mule and “Yang Di”; while the Tibetan got Pien Niu (offspring of a bull and a female yak). Mules were later introduced into the Yellow River Basin, and widely used for agricultural production.6 In this book, the development of planting-based China’s traditional agriculture is mainly discussed, without mentioning the livestock feeding knowledge and technologies in northern nomadic tribes.

4.2 Development of the Knowledge and Technology System of Traditional Agriculture The roadmap for the development of the knowledge and technology system of China’s traditional agriculture was roughly as follows: Prior to the mid-Tang Dynasty, it was mainly reflected in the formation and development of the knowledge and technology system of dryland farming in northern China; after the mid-Tang Dynasty, it was mainly reflected in the formation and development of the knowledge and technology system of traditional agriculture in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River; while in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the system reached its heyday.

4.2.1 Evolution of the Knowledge and Technology System of Traditional Agriculture China’s traditional agriculture was initially developed in the Yellow River Basin around the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, and the classical agricultural operation pattern featured in individual small-peasant operation and intensive 5 6

Records of the Historian · Rivers and Canals. Shi (1981).

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cultivation was also gradually determined. At the same time, the knowledge and technology system of dryland farming in the north was also formed around the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period, and finally established in the Western Han and Eastern Han Dynasties. Through continuous accumulation and development later, it became the most important part of the knowledge and technology system of China’s traditional agriculture at the earlier stages. Primitive agriculture appeared quite early in the vast Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River, with a long history of paddy cultivation. The prosperity of agricultural civilization and culture in the Yellow River Basin hindered the rapid development of agricultural civilization and culture in the Yangtze River Basin, and delayed its real prosperity to the Period of Wei, Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties. As affected by long-term chaos of war in the north and the intrusion of the northern ethnic minorities, a large number of agricultural people living in the Central Plains moved south, resulting in the great development of the Yangtze River Basin. In the Tang Dynasty, the economic center in China started shifting to the Yangtze River Basin, making it the most developed region in China. In this process, the knowledge and technology system of paddy agriculture in the south was formed and established, which was continuously accumulated and improved in the following 1000 years, thus becoming the most important part of the knowledge and technology system of China’s traditional agriculture.

4.2.2 Soil Knowledge and Technologies The concept “land is the mother of wealth” was formed in early days in China, and as an old saying goes, “grains and plants rely on soil”.7 As recorded in Guan Zi, “The heaven governs everything, and the land nourishes all the creatures”, “Land is the source of all things and the foundation of all creatures”.8 Without land, no agricultural production activities can be performed; therefore, the prerequisite for agricultural production is to analyze the soil quality and determine the fertility of land. Prior to the Qin and Han Dynasties, with the rapid development of China’s traditional agriculture, a theory of “soil suitability” was established in the Yellow River Basin. As recorded in Xun Zi, “field management” should focus on “judging the advantages and disadvantages, observing the fertility, arranging the five species of grains, examining the agricultural work, and following the seasons”.9 In the Rites of Zhou ‧ Dasitu, soil was divided into 12 types and it was proposed to engage in different farming activities according to different types of soils such as those in forests, wetlands, hills, flat banks, and wilderness. Especially, Shang Shu ‧ Yu Gong and Guan Zi ‧ Di Yuan were representative works about soil before the unification 7

The Book of Changes · Li · Tuan Ci. Guan Zi. Xingshijie, Guan Zi. Shui Di. 9 Xun Zi · Wang Zhi. 8

4.2 Development of the Knowledge and Technology System of Traditional …

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of China by the Qin Dynasty, the former of which divided soil into ten types, and the latter of which described the soil properties and suitable products. After the Qin and Han Dynasties, there were also multiple works on the soil. For example, in Huai Nan Zi, the suitability of grains in different areas was described, and it was believed that the east was suitable for planting wheat, the south for paddy, the west for Shu, the north for bean, and the central region for millet; in addition, there were more six domestic animals including cattle and horses.10 In the Arts for the People, there were contents about the understanding of soil, which was divided into fertile field and barren field based on fertility, high field and low field based on terrain, yellow, white, black, and blue fields based on color, and rigid, soft, and sandy fields based on texture; in addition, the topographic conditions of soil for different crops were also discussed. In Fan Shengzhi’s Farming Book, the concept “harmony soil” was proposed, which was “the optimal state of soil with the moderate rigidness, dampness and fertility” through timely cultivation.11 After the Tang and Song Dynasties, the knowledge and technologies about soil mainly focused on the promotion and summary of the traditional agricultural production experience in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River, rather than the promotion and summary of such experience in the Yellow River Basin. In the mid-Tang Dynasty, the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River became the key regions of economic development in China, and the understanding of soil in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River was also improved. Especially with the rise of the economic status of the Yangtze River Basin and the increase of the proportion of rice in the diet of the Chinese people, a large number of barren hills, barren slopes, beaches, rivers and lakes were reclaimed into farmland; therefore, people should deepen the understanding of the soil in the Yangtze River Basin and the regions south of the Yangtze River. Chen Fu’s Farming Book, Nong Sang Ji Yao, and Wang Zhen’s Farming Book reflected the agricultural production experience and soil understanding level in these regions at that time.

4.2.3 Knowledge and Technologies About the Farming Seasons As recorded in the Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals, “The grass and plants sprout in spring, but wither in autumn because of weather rather than their own reasons; therefore, all the things change according to conditions. Our ancestors review and believe that all can be used.”12 For agricultural production activities, it is important to understand the farming seasons, and the most important ones are Huai Nan Zi ‧ Di Xing Xun. Dong and Fan (2000), p. 273. 12 Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals ‧ Yi Shang. 10 11

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spring ploughing, summer weeding and autumn harvesting, and “there will be a good harvest year following the three farming seasons”.13 During the Warring States Period, people had a leap forward development in the understanding of farming seasons, and made a great progress, which was marked by the proposal of the 24 solar terms based on the knowledge and technology system of dryland farming in northern China; they can be regarded as a schedule of climate changes and agricultural activities in the Yellow River Basin. The 24 solar terms mainly include the Beginning of Spring, Rain Water, the Waking of Insects, the Spring Equinox, Pure Brightness, Grain Rain, the Beginning of Summer, Grain Full, Grain in Ear, the Summer Solstice, Slight Heat, Great Heat, the Beginning of Autumn, the Limit of Heat, White Dew, the Autumnal Equinox, Cold Dew, Frost’s Descent, the Beginning of Winter, Slight Snow, Great Snow, the Winter Solstice, Slight Cold, and Great Cold. Agricultural production is closely associated with the 24 solar terms, which are of great reference value at present. In order to better guide the agricultural activities in the northern dryland fields, people determined seventy-two pentads combining climate changes with phenological characters; and formed a relatively complete concept of climate, as recorded in Yi Zhou Shu ‧ Shi Ze Xun. In the Qin and Han Dynasties, theory of the 24 solar terms was improved, and did not change in the following two thousand years. Farming activities basically referred to the solar terms and phenology. For example, in the Si Min Yue Ling, the planting seasons of different crops were recorded: The terms about the planting of millet: in February and March with rainfall, millet can be planted; in April, when the silkworm cocoons, millet can be planted; in May, millet can also be planted. The terms about the planting of wheat: The spring wheat can be planted in lunar January, until February. In August, barley and wheat can be planted in barren fields on the day of White Dew; in moderate fields on the Autumnal Equinox; and in fertile fields ten days later. The terms about the planting of paddy: After rain in March, paddy can be planted. Due to the great differences in climate in different regions, there were more specific farming books with local characteristics for guiding agricultural production activities, especially in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. In the traditional Chinese society, governments at all levels were responsible for guiding agricultural production and life with farming books.

4.2.4 Knowledge and Technologies About the Tillage Methods Around the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, the cultivation knowledge and technologies of China’s traditional agriculture changed significantly, which were marked by the popularization of iron tools, the use of tilling with cattle and new tillage methods. Firstly, the application of iron tools and tilling with cattle greatly 13

Zuo Zhuan ‧ The Six Year of Duke Huan of Qi.

4.3 Development of Planting Knowledge and Technologies of Traditional …

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improved the agricultural labor productivity in the Yellow River Basin; the deep ploughing brought by the revolution of agricultural production tools made cultivation a more labor-saving process. In addition, the improvement of other agricultural production tools increased the level of agricultural production technologies. Furthermore, there were also new changes in tillage methods, and the fallow system was replaced with the continuous cropping system. The measures such as fertilizing the soil with manure for maintaining soil fertility also made satisfactory achievements. Both the generation-field and section-field programmes improved the land utilization rate. Around the Wei, Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties, there were various methods of rotation cropping. A tillage system for agriculture in the Yellow River Basin featured in ploughing, harrowing, leveling, pressing and hoeing was basically formed. In the Sui and Tang Dynasties, as well as the Song and Yuan Dynasties, with the rapid economic rise of the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River, paddy tillage methods enjoyed unprecedented development. The curved iron plough was widely used in the late Tang Dynasty, and “Yun Dang” (a tool for weeding and loosening the soil) was invented in the Yuan Dynasty. By virtue of transplanting, roasting, irrigation and drainage were widely used in paddy cultivation, the paddy-wheat double cropping system was established. A farming system featured in ploughing, harrowing, puddling, tilling and leveling was basically formed in the Yangtze River Basin.

4.3 Development of Planting Knowledge and Technologies of Traditional Agriculture In China’s traditional agriculture, rotation cropping and intercropping have a long history. Many scholars have performed the corresponding in-depth research, and Guo Wentao has conducted systematic research and generalization.14 The planting knowledge and technologies are the most important factors for China’s traditional agriculture to make the most outstanding achievements, and they have made a great contribution to the development of world agriculture. This planting system can utilize the land more efficiently, increase the yield of agricultural products per unit area, summarize the law of growth of crops, and explore the law of mutual adaptation and promotion among various crops. Therefore, it can play a decisive role in getting rid of the pressure of increasing population in the later period of traditional society, better resolve the grain demand, and absorb labor force.

14

Guo (1981, 1986).

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4.3.1 Formation of Rotation Cropping and Intercropping In early days of agricultural development, people only had insufficient understanding of land, which made the land utilization rate quite low. Prior to the Warring States Period, agriculture in China mainly adopted the system of shifting farming, for restoring soil fertility by means of natural fallowing. Around the Warring States Period, the cultivation system had a breakthrough development, and the continuous cropping system was developed, with the typical forms of rotation cropping and intercropping, which, of course, depended mainly on the revolution in agricultural production tools and reform of the socio-economic relations. The rotation cropping system originated in the dryland farming system in the Yellow River Basin around the Warring States Period, which was primarily developed from the Qin and Han Dynasties to the period prior to the Tang Dynasty, and then developed rapidly after the Tang and Song Dynasties, especially in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River. As recorded in Guan Zi, “From the east piedmont of the high mountains to the Yellow River and Ruhe River, the grains enjoy early growing and late withering, which are in favor of harvesting; and grains can be planted in all seasons with good harvest”,15 indicating that five crops can be realized in five years due to the excellent natural conditions in the region between the Yellow River and Ruhe River around the Warring States Period. In Xun Zi, it was also recorded that “For the planting of grains, intensive cultivation will increase the yield and realize two crops a year”,16 which is the typical rotation cropping system with two crops a year. In the Western Han Dynasty, the dryland farming in the Yellow River Basin adopted the rotation of Su and wheat, as well as the rotation of cereal, wheat, and bean; the two-year triple cropping system was widely applied. In the Sui and Tang Dynasties, rotation cropping was popularized in many regions in northern China, and “with the fertile soil, wheat and millet could be harvested twice” was recorded in Gaochang, the Western Regions.17 The promotion of rotation cropping greatly improved the production efficiency of dryland farming in northern China. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, the one-year double cropping system was adopted in the Han River Basin, which was a result of the deepening planting system. In Nan Du Fu, Zhang Heng pointed out that there was paddy-wheat rotation cropping in Nanyang. In Wu Du Fu, Zuo Si (Western Jin Dynasty) mentioned “Paddy yield two crops a year, and silkworms yield eight times a year” in southern China, indicating that there was a one-year double cropping system of paddy planting, and agricultural production in the south regions started showing its advantages. In the Arts for the People, there were eight rotation cropping methods with green manure, namely, Chinese trumpet creeper-paddy, mung bean—cereal, flax—cereal, mung bean—minoriaoi, mung bean—green onion, mung bean—melon, red bean—flax. In general, green manure plants were planted in May and June and the soil was turned in July and August. Guan Zi ‧ Zhi Guo. Xun Zi ‧ Fu Guo. 17 Xintangshu ‧ The Western Regions (1). 15 16

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The intercropping system was a great innovation of traditional agriculture, which made a positive contribution to the unique civilization of China. The intercropping was initially recorded in Fan Shengzhi’s Farming Book published in the Han Dynasty, in which, the author specially recorded that the planting of melon was intercropped with scallion and red bean, namely the melon-scallion-red bean intercropping. Based on the conditions of land and crops, different crops can be intercropped, which can make full use of the land and season to increase the yield and income. Intercropping, as a summary of the planting experience and crop characteristics by the agricultural producers, had mature theoretical understanding and practical techniques in the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties; and multiple applications of intercropping were recorded in the Arts for the People. For example, it was pointed out that intercropping was to “make use of the favorable land conditions and realize multiple crops”. The recorded intercropping involved mulberry intercropped with turnip, mulberry intercropped with beans, flax intercropped with turnip, green onion intercropped with cardamom, and soybean intercropped with millet.

4.3.2 Expansion of the Rotation Cropping and Intercropping Systems The rotation cropping system developed rapidly from Sui and Tang Dynasties to Song and Yuan Dynasties. With the increasing development of the economy in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River, the rotation cropping system was also rapidly developed and popularized in more regions in the Tang Dynasty. In Fan Yu Za Ji, Zheng Xiong pointed out that “paddy, the grain growing in water, consists of early paddy (the paddy planted in spring and harvested in summer) and late paddy (the paddy planted in summer and harvested in autumn)”, which marked the popularization of double-season continuous cropping paddy in Guangzhou; while in other regions, including Jiangsu, Hunan and Yunnan, the paddy-wheat rotation cropping system was also widely adopted. Bai Juyi once described the field in Suzhou as “Last year, I saw the yellow ears of wheat, but this year, I see the white rice flower.” In the Northern Song Dynasty, the government attached great importance to the communication of agricultural planting between the south and the north, which greatly promoted the development of agriculture in different regions. Firstly, the government focused on strengthening the planting of northern crops in the south, for example, in the early years of the Northern Song Dynasty, the government persuaded people in Jiangnan, two parts of Zhejiang, Jinghu, Lingnan, and Fujian to “plant various grains, with the seeds of Su, wheat, Shu, and beans presented by the states in Huaibei”. Such an exchange enriched the grains planted in areas south of the Yangtze River, and helped the traditional agriculture in the south to support the national economy. Secondly, the government introduced the Champa paddy in Fujian to the Yangze River Basin and Huai River Basin, and two parts of Zhejiang. In the fourth year of Dazhong Xiangfu of the Southern Song Dynasty (1012), the government

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“distributed the seeds of Champa paddy in Fujian to the Yangze River Basin and Huai River Basin, and two parts of Zhejiang with slightly drought fields, and asked the people to plant as early paddy”.18 The promotion of Champa paddy in these regions significantly improved the agricultural production. In the Southern Song Dynasty, the paddy-wheat rotation cropping was widely adopted in Jiangsu and Zhejiang, as praised by Yang Wanli, “After hardworking in the fields, the peasants go home and cook rice; with late paddy growing in the wheat field, there were buffalos lying under the sunset glow”. The paddy-wheat rotation cropping in southern China was established based on the migration of a large number of people from the north; their dietary habits naturally affected the planting structure in the south, and increased the demand of wheat directly. In Ji Lei Pian by Zhuang Chuo (Southern Song Dynasty), it was recorded that “After the year of Jianyan (1127–1130), a large number of people migrated from the northwest to Jiangsu and Zhejiang, Hunan, Fujian and Guangdong. At the beginning of the year Shaoxing, the price of wheat reached 12 thousand coins per hu, which encouraged the peasants to plant wheat rather than paddy. The peasants should only pay the rent for autumn crops, and could own all the benefits of wheat. Therefore, they were willing to plant wheat, with the area not less than that in Huaibei.” In Chen Fu’s Farming Book, it was also recorded that “After harvesting the early paddy, people ploughed and applied manure for planting beans, wheat, and vegetable, which can also make the soil fertile.” In the Southern Song Dynasty, the one-year triple cropping system for planting paddy was adopted in some regions in Guangdong. As described by Zhou Qufei in Ling Wai Dai Da, people in Qinzhou “planted early paddy in February, and harvested in April or May; midterm paddy in March and April, and harvested in June and July; and late paddy in May and June, and harvested in August and September (lunar calendar).” The intercropping system was also developed from the Sui and Tang Dynasties to Song and Yuan Dynasties. In Chen Fu’s Farming Book (Southern Song Dynasty), the intercropping system in mulberry fields was recorded, “If the mulberry field is close to the house, the trees can be taken as the fence; the mulberry trees should be sparse, to make the ridges wide; therefore, ramie can be planted under the trees, which can make the soil fertile. Due to the difference in the depth of roots, they would not interfere with each other, and the peasants may double the profit.” “More profits with less labor. One family does this, the neighbors praise and follow.” Nong Sang Ji Yao in the Yuan Dynasty further confirmed the varieties planted in this system, including sesame, melon, and taro; it also recorded the principle that “mulberry and Shu could promote each other”, especially emphasized the principle of mutual promotion of plants in the case of intercropping.

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The History of Song Dynasty ‧ Shi Huo Zhi.

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4.3.3 Improvement of the Rotation Cropping and Intercropping Systems In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, traditional agriculture came to a senior stage of intensive cultivation, which promoted the traditional society to a flourishing period. The rotation cropping system tended to adopt multiple cropping, which was mainly reflected in the following aspects: (1) Double cropping paddy was popularized in many regions in China. In Jiangnan Cui Geng Ke Dao Bian, Li Yanzhang (Qing Dynasty) pointed out that “In Wenzhou and Taizhou of Zhejiang, and Yuanzhou and Linjiang of Jiangxi, after planting the early paddy, the late paddy could be planted, which could result in double cropping, like the pattern adopted in Fujian. In Hunan and Hubei, the early paddy was harvested in March, April and May, and the late paddy was harvested in June, July and August; and the late paddy was planted after harvesting the early paddy, which was the same in counties such as Tongcheng and Lujiang in Anhui, as well as Guangdong and Guangxi.” (2) The paddy-wheat rotation cropping system was further developed, particularly in the Qing Dynasty, the paddy-wheat (vegetable, bean, miscellaneous plants) rotation cropping system was quite common, which was introduced in developed regions such as Hangjiahu Plain, Susongchang Plain, Dongtinghu Plain, and Chengdu Plain. (3) The paddycotton rotation cropping system was also promoted in certain regions; as mentioned in Agricultural Administration Encyclopedia, “As for the fields that can be planted with cotton and paddy, cotton should be planted for two years, and then paddy can be planted. In this manner, the roots may degrade to improve the fertility and get rid of the problem of bollworms; cotton should not be planted for more than three years, otherwise, there would be cotton bollworms.” In the Qing Dynasty, the rotating system of cotton and other plants was developed in some regions. In Qing Hai Jiang Jian Zhong He Mian Shu, Gao Jin (Qing Dynasty) pointed out that “The seaside regions in Songjiang, Taicang, Haimen and Tongzhou, as well as their counties, were suitable for planting cotton, so people seldom planted paddy.” “As calculated based on the fields recorded in these regions, only two to three out of ten people planted paddy, and the rest planted cotton.” (4) In Guangdong, Fujian, Guangxi, and some regions in Zhejiang, Jiangsu, and Hunan, the triple cropping system was also developed, including the triple cropping system of paddy, two-paddy and one-wheat cropping system, and wheat-paddy-bean cropping system, which further promoted the economic prosperity in the regions south of the Yangtze River. While in the Yellow River Basin, the double cropping system and two-year triple cropping system were also adopted. Therefore, it could be said that traditional agriculture realized unprecedented development in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. The intercropping system was further developed, with the following patterns in the Ming and Qing Dynasties: Paddy-bean intercropping (the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River), wheat-bean intercropping (Jiangsu and Zhejiang), wheatcotton intercropping (southeast coastal cotton producing areas), grain-green manure intercropping (southern China) and grain-vegetable intercropping in various regions. In addition, there were also many other intercropping patterns in some regions,

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which can improve the land utilization rate, maintain soil fertility and increase the agricultural income. Therefore, the knowledge and technology system of China’s traditional agriculture played an important role in the development of traditional agriculture, and traditional agriculture would not be developed without the support of such a system.

Chapter 5

Flexible Land Relations and Ownership Structure

Land ownership reflects the subordinate relationship of land resources to people, which could not completely determine the socio-economic nature of agricultural production. Such a socio-economic nature is actually reflected by the operation of land, namely the means for people to make use of land to perform the economic activities such as agricultural production and product distribution. In traditional Chinese social economy, the economic relationship surrounding land possession mode and buildings was always the most important economic relationship.

5.1 Land Relations of Traditional Agriculture The production organization structure, namely the labor organization structure, is the most basic economic connection and relation formed in the process of production, and also a basis of all kinds of socio-economic, social and political relations. The production organization structure is bound to be restricted by certain economic, social and political factors; it can neither be arbitrarily created nor destroyed. The production organization structure, as the core of the economic structure, could reflect the development level and status of social economy in a more concentrated and direct manner. Therefore, it is of multi-aspect and multi-layer economic significance. Firstly, it reflects the relationship between man and nature, namely the organization structure and development level of social productivity. Secondly, it reflects the interpersonal economic relationship, namely the interrelationship among the people formed in the process of utilizing natural resources. Thirdly, it also determines and reflects the nature and basic characteristics of social relations. The production organization structure is formed through combining the workers with production means, which inevitably reflects the nature of specific economic relations. In the traditional Chinese society, the landlords, states and owner-peasants were main owners of land, and the landlord land ownership system, state ownership system

© China Renmin University Press 2023 Y. He, The Agricultural Civilization of Ancient China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8469-3_5

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and owner-peasant ownership system were the main land ownership systems, whose structure and relations were not fundamentally changed in the past 2000 years.

5.1.1 Landlord Land Ownership System Landlord land ownership system was the most important and one of the most developed and typical land ownership systems in the traditional Chinese society. People generally classified the feudal landlord economy in China and seignorial economy in Europe as the most representative economic forms in the traditional era. In the traditional era of China, the landlord land ownership system experienced a long development course, and greatly affected the politics, economy and culture of China. The landlord land ownership system experienced four stages of evolution: The first stage was from the Warring States Period to the Western Han Dynasty. With the destruction of the pattern of “under the heaven, all the lands belong to the emperor”, people had an increasing enthusiasm for occupying land, leading to the establishment of the private land ownership, and the development of the landlord land ownership system. In the Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals, it was proposed that “The collaborative farming is low in efficiency, and the workers may refuse to do their best; if they are separated, the efficiency will be high, and the workers will do their best.”1 This might be an important factor promoting the establishment of the landlord land ownership system, which could help to improve the social productivity. There were successively aristocratic landlords (obtaining land based on blood lineage, patriarchal clan or distribution of interests among political groups), military landlords (obtaining land based on military exploits) and merchant landlords. The appearance of merchant landlords marked the exchange between commercial capital and agricultural lands, initiated a manner for merchants to annex lands, and promoted non-coagulating of lands. The commercialization of land and procurement of lands with commercial capital had a profound impact on traditional agricultural economy in China. The second stage was from the Eastern Han Dynasty to the Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties, when the landlord private land ownership was fully developed. In this period, some changes took place in the centralized state system, namely the aristocrats, privileged families and local tycoons became the groups of interest encroaching on the power of the central government. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, the government took a laissez-faire policy without restricting land annexation. Liu Xiu, Emperor Guangwu of Han, once said, “The previous dynasties collapsed because of the brutal domination, rather than the possession of lands by meritorious statesmen”. Therefore, in the Eastern Han Dynasty, the private land ownership, as well as the clan system, developed rapidly. Especially in the late Eastern Han Dynasty, the privileged families and local tycoons controlled the central government, and formed various separatist regimes, thus leading to the Three Kingdoms after the Eastern 1

Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals ‧ Shen Fen.

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Han Dynasty. In this situation, landlord manors were constructed, based on which, the corrupt rule of aristocratic families was established. In the Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties lasting for more than 360 years, there was not a strong centralized government in the Central Plains; the warlords, despotic tycoons and national minorities established various short-term governments. The third stage was from the Sui and Tang Dynasties to the Period of Five Dynasties, when the landlord ownership system gradually declined, and started transiting to the feudal landlord economy based on pure tenancy, which was a critical transition period for traditional Chinese society and economy. In early Sui and Tang Dynasties, the original privileged families and aristocrats had great political power and economic strength, based on which, they “purchase and annex land” in various regions, and “make people have no place to live, but rent land”.2 In 780, the government of the Tang Dynasty issued the “Two-Tax Law”, which stipulated that “all those with land will be recorded, and shall pay the tax based on the assets and land”, and “the tax shall be paid in summer and autumn”.3 The implementation of the “Two-Tax Law” helped to increase the government revenue, but intensified land annexation. The commodity economy and monetary relationship promoted the rapid development of feudal landlord economy, and completely disintegrated the previous privileged families and aristocrats. The fourth stage was from the Song and Yuan Dynasties to the Ming and Qing Dynasties, when the landlord ownership system featured in pure tenancy was established. This system intensified the trend of land commercialization, made the exchange more frequent, and resulted in a prominent trend of turning social wealth into land. The frequent change of land possession relation deteriorated the basic conditions of agricultural production, and also affected the agricultural production and management modes. For example, there was a widespread phenomenon “lands belong to non-cultivators, but the cultivators have no land” in the Northern Song Dynasty.4 In 1704, Shandong was attacked by a disaster, the Qing government dispatched grains for relief; Emperor Kangxi mentioned that “The small peasants have to work for those owning land, and deliver most of their crops to them in a bumper harvest year; however, in the case of any disaster, due to the absence of land, the strong would have to migrate to other places, and the weak would die in the ravine.” He expected that the local officials and the rich could “be merciful, and relieve them in famine years; if they reduce the rent and feed the tenants, the poor would be saved, and there would be works for farming later”,5 which indicated the prevalence of the tenant system.

Ce Fu Yuan Gui, Vol. 495 “Bang Ji Bu ‧ Tian Zhi”. Xin Tang Shu ‧ Biography of Yang Yan. 4 Su Xun: Jia You Ji, Vol. 5, Tian Zhi. 5 Chen (2012). 2 3

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5.1.2 State Land Ownership System The state land ownership system failed to dominate in the traditional era in China. However, there was a mechanism for the state to directly participate in economic activities, and broader state interventionist policies; therefore, the economic function of the state in the traditional Chinese society was much stronger than that in other countries and regions. The government participated in land management through various ways and means, and affected and controlled agricultural production and national economy. The state owned lands involve: (1) Lands failing to be cultivated or uncultivated, including mountain forests, deserts, swamps, and wastelands, which were legally owned by the State; however, due to the little economic significance or the lack of such significance in agricultural production, they were not deemed as the important economic resources. The State generally owned such lands, without any arrangement of operation. (2) Cultivated lands owned by the state, which were legally owned by the State and also operated by the government as an important supplement to government finance and an important means to arrange vagrants and stabilize the society. Therefore, the previous governments attached great importance to such lands, and they all owned considerable amount of lands. The most important form was official land controlled by the government, including reclaimed land, garrison-reclaimed land, official farm, confiscatory field, and un-inherited field. Such lands were mainly distributed or leased to the peasants in various ways, and they should pay the rents and taxes to the government. For example, the Equally Dividing Field System implemented in the Tang Dynasty was a system of dividing the state-owned land, based on which, one qing (6.6667 ha) of land would be provided for each man, 40 µ for the disabled; and 30 µ for the widow (20 µ more for the head of a household). 2/10 of the land is the fixed asset that can be inherited, and the rest would be recovered by the government for dispatching to others.”6 “The tax will be collected based on land, corvee based on household, and compensation for avoidance of service based on the number of people.”7 This system was implemented in early Tang Dynasty by virtue of a large amount of idle land owned by the state, which made lots of peasants without land or with less land the “registered inhabitants”. (3) Garrison-reclaimed land, which was also a widely existed form of state-owned land in the past dynasties. For reaching particular political, military, and economic purposes, the government organized and mobilized social floating population to reclaim the wasteland and border land. One of the most common forms was the garrison-reclaimed land reclaimed for providing supplies for the frontier forces, consolidate national defense and stabilize the frontier, with strong military and coercive features. It was also divided into military, civilian 6 7

Tang Hui Yao, Vol. 83, Rent and Tax (1). Lu Xuan Gong Ji, Vol. 22, Chap. 12.

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and commercial lands based on the modes of operation. In the traditional Chinese society, almost all the regimes attached importance to strengthening frontier forces with garrison-reclaimed land. For example, in the Western Han Dynasty, the government established organs in the western regions to promote garrisonreclaimed land. Furthermore, there was a large area of garrison-reclaimed land in the Ming Dynasty, reaching 600 and 700 thousand qing in the periods of Hongwu and Yongle. Most of the land was abandoned and undeveloped land, especially in various towns in the north. This system could produce obvious economic benefits, “The land of an army can feed all the soldiers”, “It can accumulate abundant grains, and exempt the government from the labor of transportation”.8 Generally speaking, in the traditional Chinese society, the area of arable land directly controlled by the state and the scale of garrison-reclaimed land showed a decreasing trend.

5.1.3 Owner-Peasant Land Ownership System The owner-peasant ownership system was the largest and the most common ownership system in the traditional Chinese society. It was actually a small land ownership system, and an agricultural production organization structure combining ownership with the right of operation. After the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, this small-scale peasant economy became an important force and solid foundation for maintaining the normal operation of social economy. The small economic organizations of “a hundred mu of land and five mu of house” mentioned by Mencius, and small families of “one man leads five members to work in a hundred mu of land” mentioned by Li Kui were small land owners. Land commercialization was the economic premise for the extensive existence of the owner-peasant land ownership system, and the dependence of the state on the tax paid by the owner-peasants was the political guarantee for the owner-peasant ownership system. In the traditional society, the owner-peasant ownership system had a profound impact on social economy and politics; therefore, the government always took various policies to ensure its existence and development. For example, in the sixth year of the period ruled by Emperor Shunzhi in the early Qing Dynasty, the government issued a decree, “The local governments must recruit and resettle the fugitives, regardless of their origin, to make them live and work in peace. The county officials shall issue licenses to them to reclaim the wasteland as their assets.”9 “With land, the fugitives will be peasants; otherwise, they will be robbers.”10 The government was required to strengthen this economic form for ensuring the long-term interests. However, due to the particularity in production scale, living conditions, organizational structure and operating mechanism, the owner-peasant ownership system had a series of features that cannot be ignored. Firstly, this ownership system could only 8

Wang (1965). Records of Emperor Shizu in Qing Dynasty, Vol. 43. 10 Huang Chao Jing Shi Wen Bian, Vol. 34. 9

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be small-scale. In view of the firm combination between ownership and the right of operation, the area of occupied land would be restricted by the operating capacity. In an environment with poor production conditions such as capital and technologies, the farming could only rely on labor and intensive cultivation. Secondly, it was quite unstable. The transfer rate of the land, with the nature of commodity, was rapid, and the old sayings “eight hundred owners of the land in one thousand years” and “three owners of the land in one hundred years” indicated this characteristic of the ownerpeasant economy. Some owner-peasants became rich peasants or landlords through purchasing land, while more went bankrupt after losing land. The stability of the owner-peasant ownership system was mainly affected by the state of owner-peasant economy, the national tax, social stability and frequency of natural disasters.

5.2 Small-Scale Peasant Economy and Its Ownership System The individual small-scale peasant economy promoted and strengthened the tendency toward miniaturization of traditional agricultural economy in China in the aspects of production structure, operation scale and land possession with its economic and social advantages. It was wondrously found that the enlargement and miniaturization of the scale and quantity of land ownership in the traditional Chinese society were restricted by various socio-economic factors; especially, the enlargement of land possession was restricted by the economic structure; therefore, it could not provide a possible or realistic path for the high development of agricultural production and the breakthrough of agricultural economic relations. In the traditional Chinese society, the organizational structure of agricultural production was the small-scale peasant economy based on single households, which was adopted in small-scale land economy of owner-peasants and also large-scale landlord or state economy. Although land ownership and possession were significantly different, there was a surprisingly consistent organizational structure of production. The owner-peasant economy, as a pattern unifying land ownership with the right of operation, was performed by individual small peasants, who owned limited land, and engaged in small-scale agricultural production based on families. The tenant peasants under the landlord ownership system and state land ownership system were also individual peasants with little or without land, who mainly lived on the land rented from the landlords or state; however, they also engaged in farming based on individual families. Although land ownership was separated from the right of operation, the organizational structure of production was the same as that adopted by the owner-peasants, and families were the natural production units of China’s traditional agriculture. As for the reason why the farming based on individual peasants could become a stable organizational pattern of China’s traditional agriculture, and why it was widely used in the history, it could be concluded that this pattern was restricted by a variety

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of economic and social factors, which made the farming based on individual families show its great superiority.

5.2.1 Small-Scale Peasant Economy, a Pattern Combining Families with Production Individual small-scale peasant economy was a socio-economic pattern combining families with basic agricultural production units; in other words, it was a comprehensive production organization involving the reproduction of people and things. In addition, it could be summarized as a social structure with strong natural features and a natural structure with strong social features. In the early days of human activity, it was generally hard to break through the boundaries of large families or clans due to the single social activities in a narrow space. In addition, people were willing to preserve the consanguineous patriarchal entity, for which was the first accepted social organization. In the traditional agricultural society in China, the consanguineous patriarchal relation gradually formed an effective form of social and economic organization and organizational resource with the development of social economy, without any weakening. Family functions were further divided and increased, making family the most basic and even the only production organization in the traditional society. Family, as an organizational structure of production, had an irreplaceable superiority at that time. Firstly, family had a broad economic significance as an organizational structure of production, which could exist extensively due to its identity with family structure and family size. In other words, as long as there were suitable social conditions, there would be the economic organization based on individual families. Secondly, as both the consanguineous patriarchal entity and a social production unit, family could be deemed as an organic unit of production based on non-economic forces. The family relation was widely used to regulate the mutual relations in production, and the common goal of family members was to maximize family interests. Thirdly, the family, as a unification of the reproduction of people and things, could adjust the production of things according to the production situation of people, and also plan the production according to the production scale of things. The use of the natural organization— family was a decisive factor promoting the high development of China’s traditional agriculture.

5.2.2 Production Efficiency of Small-Scale Peasant Economy The taking of individual families as the traditional agricultural production organization could realize the best scale economies effect under the historical conditions.

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As for China’s traditional agriculture, in view of the underdeveloped social productivity, the limited area of land, especially the land suitable for reclamation, the simple farming tools, the long-term use of wood and iron composite tools, and the serious lack of agricultural funds, labor has always been taken as the first factor for promoting the development of production; and the small-scale operation by individual small peasants has been taken as the optimal production organization based on intensive labor. Firstly, the efficiency of family labor was quite different from that of individual labor under strict surveillance. Family labor, connecting production with the life and survival of all members of a family, could arouse the enthusiasm for production. Secondly, under the background of profound development of intensive cultivation, families were the most suitable units for small-scale operation. A family would closely combine labor with the size of cultivated land based on its capacity, to make full use of the land, and obtain greater economic benefits. Thirdly, the low level of productivity made it impossible to develop agriculture through increasing capital and improving technologies; and agriculture could only be promoted through continuously inputting human resources and developing labor-intensive traditional agriculture. In this case, a family would constantly regenerate labor forces for agriculture under the direct stimulation of agricultural economy.

5.2.3 Optimized Labor Organization Form of Small-Scale Peasant Economy Individual small-scale peasant economy was the most optimized labor organization form in the traditional society. In the traditional Chinese society, as restricted by the nature of productivity and the level of economic development, there were no conditions for the establishment of large and complex social production organizations; however, the production organization of families showed its superiority. Firstly, this production organization form could facilitate the organization and management, for parents were natural organizers and managers of agricultural and sideline production, and they had authority and rationality in family production management with the consanguineous and patriarchal authority, as well as the rich production experience. Secondly, the family-based production organization tended to maximize family labor, namely, “everyone doing his best”. The interests of family members were reflected the overall interests of the family; therefore, all family members should actively participate in various labor activities and play their own roles. Under such a principle, men did farm work and women engaged in spinning and weaving, and all family members, young and old, performed auxiliary labor. This tendency could not be avoided as long as the family was commercially significant. Thirdly, this organization could also save labor, namely, it could rationalize the input of labor. By virtue of the small scale and simple structure, it was easy for individual peasants to arrange production and labor; particularly, the development of sideline production could rationalize the labor input of

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small-scale peasant economy, thus achieving the purpose of saving labor. Fourthly, this organization, with a strong ability to withstand all kinds of disasters, could pull all family members together to deal with the disasters. The consanguineous patriarchal relations could consolidate its vitality. In conclusion, these characteristics of the family-based small-scale peasant economy provided obvious economic advantages and strong vitality for China’s traditional agricultural economy, which, therefore, could be sustained and continuously developed.

5.3 Tenant Farming System and Its Economic Relations In the traditional Chinese society, the most important and typical farming patterns were the small-scale farming by owner-peasants, tenant farming on lands owned by the landlords and tenant farming on lands owned by the state.

5.3.1 The Widespread Tenant Farming System There were two major characteristics of China’s traditional agriculture: (1) The tenant farming system was adopted for lands owned by the landlords and the state, namely, the landlords and the state with a large amount of land generally did not directly engage in agricultural production and management, but lease the land to the peasants without land or with little land. The economic relation of the tenant farming system, as the most important economic relation, determined the basic nature of traditional social economy. (2) Although the owner-peasants, the landlords and the state were different owners of land, they adopted almost the same labor organization form, with household-based small peasants as the basic operation units. The owner-peasant economy integrated the ownership and the right of operation, based on which, the individual families made use of the limited land for small-scale agricultural production. In terms of the tenant farming under the landlord ownership system and state ownership system, although the ownership was separated from the right of operation, the farming still relied on individual small peasants. The tenant farming system was the most typical economic pattern among the traditional agricultural economic relations in China, which was not widespread at the early stage of the traditional society; its economic relation was not quite pure, but had different degrees of personal bondage. For example, in the manor economy of the Eastern Han Dynasty the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, the tenant farming was also accompanied by severe personal bondage. In the late Eastern Han Dynasty, Zhong Changtong once proposed that “When the well field system collapsed, the landlords expanded and occupied lots of fields.” “They always had hundreds of houses in the vast fertile land, with numerous maid-servants and tenant

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peasants.”11 Especially in the chaotic Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, lots of people had to be tenant peasants for survival. After the Tang and Song Dynasties, the tenant farming was rapidly promoted and generalized; and there was also pure tenancy. In the Northern Song Dynasty, the pure tenant farming system was basically established. As mentioned by Su Xun in the Song Dynasty, “After the collapse of the well field system, cultivators had no land, and land belonged to non-cultivators. The rich occupied the vast land and recruited tenant peasants for farming… and they should hand over half of the yield.”12 As stipulated by law in the Song Dynasty, the tenant peasants could negotiate with the landlord to terminate the tenancy relationship after harvesting, and select other landlords for farming; the original landlord should not unreasonably obstruct them.13 In this tenant farming system, the landlords or the state could lease the occupied (or owned) land to the tenant peasants without land or with little land; they should sign a tenant farming contract to identify the tenancy relationship and the responsibilities and obligations borne by both parties. The lessees may engage in farming, with the right of operation for a certain period of time; the lessors may have the rent in kind (by quota or proportion) from the yield according to the share stipulated in the contract based on the ownership of the land. The basic reasons for the development of the tenant farming system rather than direct farming by the landlords and the state were shown as follows: (1) The individual small-scale peasant economy presented multiple economic advantages; (2) The largescale landlords failed to and could not find the best pattern of direct farming. In China’s traditional society, there were large landlords, but large-scale farming was not developed, and this contrast was a peculiar phenomenon in traditional Chinese social economy.

5.3.2 Economic Efficiency of the Tenant Farming System The tenant farming system was the most advantageous and profitable pattern of farming in the traditional Chinese society. Due to the instability and variation of land ownership, the weak personal bondage, and the pursuit of maximization of land income, the tenant farming system suitable for small-scale peasant economy occupied a dominant position. Firstly, the tenant farming system could free the landlords from agricultural production and operation activities. The landlords may not directly organize and manage productive operations, but could enjoy the tent based on land ownership. This simple form of exploitation for the landlords intensified the trend of occupying land in the traditional Chinese society, “The right way to make a living is to secure an official position or engage in farming; however, if people are restricted by land, they would be poor; although my farming skills are inferior to old peasants, I am good 11

Zhong Changtong: Chang Yan “Profit and Loss”, “Control of Chaos”. Jia You Ji ‧ Tian Zhi. 13 Song Hui Yao Ji Gao ‧ Shi Huo 1. 12

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at planning, like what stated in ‘Hou Ji’.”14 Especially after the rise of the imperial examination system, people focused on “farming and attending the imperial examination”, and expected to be an official and have a carefree life with a certain area of land. They deemed land as the most basic and stable economic foundation. Secondly, the tenant farming system expanded the range of people exploited by the landlords to the family members of the tenant peasants, which maximized the exploitation. Under the system of employment and corvee, only the hired peasants or servants, rather than their family members, were exploited, but under the tenant farming system, all the family members should engage in direct or indirect productive labor, and the yield contained the efforts of all family members. Therefore, the land rent also involved the labor of the tenant peasants and their family members. Thirdly, the tenant farming system was bound to lead to the maximization of land rent; at the same time, the landlords minimized their investment in land, and they had the least risk of operation. Under the tenant farming system, the landlords minimized their investment of tools, seeds and funds. Once the land was leased, the tenant peasants would be responsible for production, and the landlords would not bother about it. Since the individual small peasants depended on the land, they would make every effort to increase agricultural investment and improve the yield. Under the limited conditions, the investment was mainly the input of labor, which was intensified with the development of intensive cultivation. Finally, the tenant farming system freed the landlords from any non-contractual obligations; namely, they were not responsible for providing economic support or political protection. The landlords could increase the land rent and aggravate the degree of exploitation by raising, transferring or seizing the tenancy. Anyone could sign the tenant farming contract, and when the contract was terminated, the tenant farming relation would be ended. In this relation, the landlords always took the initiative. Actually, the landlords did not pay any attention to the production process, and in order to increase the yield, they would supervise the production process. As mentioned by Yuan Cai in the Song Dynasty, “If the landlords have the matters for settlement, such as farms, warehouses, kitchens, and toilets, they should offer them to the tenant peasants.”15 For this reason, the tenant farming system existed for a long time and was gradually improved in ancient China. Dong Zhongshu described the tenant farming system in the Qin and Han Dynasties as “The tenant peasants plough the land of the landlords, and pay half of the yield as the tent”, which was the same in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Zhang Lyuxiang in the late Ming Dynasty stated in Bu Nong Shu that “one peasant could only manage ten mu of land, so those with much land would hire tenant peasants for farming and collect the rent. In view of the dense population, the poor could not easily reclaim the land, but had to rent land from others.” “The tenant peasants had to work hard throughout the year, but the landlords could enjoy half of the yield.” Such cases were frequently recorded in the historical materials of the Ming and Qing Dynasties. 14 15

Arts for the People ‧ Za Shuo. Yuan Shi Shi Fan, Vol. 3.

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5.3.3 Far-Reaching Impacts of the Tenant Farming System The tenant farming system had wide and profound impacts on the traditional Chinese society, and its direct impacts are shown below: Firstly, it promoted the non-production, non-agriculturalization and noneconomization of the landlord class in China, which undoubtedly had a profound impact on politics, economy and culture at that time. Non-production means that the landlords were gradually separated from production and management, and turned to the parasitic class enjoying the fruits of others and pursuing extravagant consumption. Many “landlords only live in their grand houses, without visiting the fields, and they even do not know their tenant peasants”. The landlords only cared about and pursued the minimization of the investment and maximization of the income. Their pursuit of land increased the land price, and the poor investment made it difficult to maintain production. Non-agriculturalization means that the landlords transferred most of the land rent and other wealth to other sectors, such as commercial and usury sectors, rather than agriculture, which aggravated the shortage of agricultural investment and the serious deformity of investment factors. Non-economization means that the landlords strived to get rid of the simple economic life, and get involved in the political field or other non-economic fields through attending the imperial examination. Seldom landlords were keen on agricultural activities. Yuan Cai in the Song Dynasty once put forward such suggestions for career selection of the children of the scholar-officials as “The children of the scholarofficials have no official’s salary or estate, so it would be better for them to learn Confucianism. The excellent ones could attend the imperial examination and serve as officials; the inferior ones could be teachers and enjoy the payment for private tutor; and others may serve as clerks and teachers of small children. In addition to the learning of Confucianism, they could also engage in all other fields without bringing disgrace to their ancestors, such as medicine and divination, astrology, farming, commerce and craft.”16 Therefore, the most ideal career selection was “A good scholar will make an official”. Secondly, this system made tenant peasants under the small-scale peasant economy quite miserable, for they had to rent land and pay high rents; in which case, the agricultural production conditions continuously deteriorated, and the remedies relying on labor force worsened the trend. The tenant peasants, with limited economic power, were low in the ability to resist natural and man-made disasters; in the case of any disaster, they may go bankrupt. Therefore, they could not improve their low living standard. The bankrupt of more small peasants would endanger the foundation of traditional domination, thus leading to social unrest and the periodic oscillation of the traditional Chinese society.

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Yuan Shi Shi Fan, Vol. 2.

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5.4 Land Ownership Structure and Its Variation Agriculture was the most important production sector in the traditional Chinese society. In view of the dependence on agricultural production, land was of decisive significance to agricultural production. In the traditional Chinese society, land was the scarcest economic resource and the most important means of production, and people tried to occupy more land. In the Song Dynasty, “once the scholar-officials achieved their ambitions, they would turn to occupy land”17 ; and this infinite desire of possession of land was promoted as a philosophy of life, “People should have land, for they could be free to realize their ambitions with land. If they could not be officials, they could still be teachers and maintain their integrity. Happiness relies on land.”18 Therefore, people had partiality for land. All classes in the traditional era were dreaming of land due to the non-solidification of land ownership and commercialization of land, which resulted in the interdependence and mutual transformation among various ownership systems. There were no strict boundaries, but various ways of transformation. In the traditional Chinese society, the land ownership systems, with the above characteristics, were different from those adopted in other countries and regions around the world; in addition, the transfer mechanism and trend of land ownership systems were also different. The land transfer mechanism was formed in the traditional Chinese society, and had a profound impact on China’s traditional agricultural economy.

5.4.1 Land Sale Mechanism Land sale mechanism, as the first mechanism of land transfer in the traditional Chinese society, means that land could be exchanged in land transaction as a commodity (resource commodity that can bring a variety of benefits). This mechanism derived from land commercialization and aggravated the trend of land commercialization. In Medieval Europe, land was not only the scarce and profitable resource, but also a symbol of political power and social status; such an economic and political nature of land promoted the solidification of land ownership systems and the possession relations. Therefore, the sale of land was strictly forbidden in Medieval Europe, and land was excluded from the field of commodity exchange. The relaxation of land possession relations was exactly the process of disintegration of the feudal society. While in China, there was a different situation, and the commercialization of land started quite early. For example, Yuan Cai in the Northern Song Dynasty stated that “The rich and the poor are unstable; the fields and houses do not have the fixed owners, and they could be traded.” It could be concluded that land sale in the Northern Song Dynasty was common in the society. Due to the relaxation of the 17 18

Xi Yuan Wen Jian Lu 4, Pedigree. Zhou Hui: Qing Bo Za Zhi 11.

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relation between land possession and political power and social status, land transfer would not indicate the loss of political privileges and the decline of social status. Land sale mechanism was an important condition to ensure the high utilization of land in the traditional Chinese society. When the economic conditions deteriorated, the peasants would sell land to improve their living conditions, and buy land to expand production when the economic conditions were satisfied, so as to keep the operating conditions and environment stable. This mechanism would inevitably attach the characteristic of capital to land.

5.4.2 Land Annexation Mechanism Land annexation mechanism was the second mechanism of land transfer in the traditional Chinese society, which was a mechanism of turning various social wealth into fields and concentrating the possession of land. Land annexation was a process of centralization of land, and also a process turning commercial profits, usury interest, land rent and other wealth into fields. Land annexation took place quite early, as mentioned by Dong Zhongshu, in the Qin and Han Dynasties, “The rich own vast lands, but the poor have no land for living” due to land annexation. In the past thousands of years, land annexation never stopped, but existed throughout the whole traditional era. There were multiple factors making the land annexation mechanism exert its effects. Firstly, in the traditional Chinese society, landlords were also the merchants and usurers, for there was not a strict social restriction between the operation of farming and that of commerce and usury, which undoubtedly strengthened the contact between agriculture and other industries, and accelerated the commercialization of land. Secondly, the special nature of land provided incomparable advantages over other social wealth. Although land was not the most profitable field of investment compared with commerce and usury, it was a good haven of wealth, which could reduce the corresponding risk and bring great returns with less investment. In the long run, land could bring stable and persistent profits. There was a secret of wealth passed down from generation to generation in China, namely “Collect wealth with land, and maintain it through becoming an official”, “those with land may be stable, while those engaging in commerce may be endangered”. Thirdly, land was not the terminal of wealth movement. If there was an opportunity, land would be turned into commercial and usury capital, which promoted people to purchase land with idle commercial or usury capital with the land sale mechanism.

5.4.3 Land Dispersion Mechanism Land dispersion mechanism, as the third land transfer mechanism in the traditional Chinese society, refers to a trend of miniaturization and decentralization of land by

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means such as sales. It was an important reason preventing the appearance of stable large-scale farming. There were many factors promoting the effect of the land dispersion mechanism: (1) The requirement of agricultural production organization form in the small-scale peasant economy. The miniaturized and decentralized pattern was most suitable for small-scale peasant economy, “Small households had their own land, and enjoy the whole yield; the tenant peasants should plough more land but get little yield”. (2) Heavy stress of population, which inevitably broken up the limited land resources. The traditional Chinese society nurtured a large population, which, in turn, significantly affected agricultural activities, leading to miniaturization of land. (3) The heavy tax collected by the government, which made the peasants unable or unwilling to cultivate more land beyond their capacity. For owner-peasants and tenant peasants, more land would not necessarily bring more profits; the tax exploitation of the government and landlords would squeeze their yield and make it impossible to accumulate anything. (4) The system of inheritance, which accelerated the miniaturization and decentralization of land. Therefore, the landlord and owner-peasant ownership system was always in a position of absolute dominance in traditional society. The problems brought by small-scale land and its operation made it impossible to achieve a qualitative breakthrough in land operation and breed any new economic relation. Small land could neither form new economic forces highly intensive in capital and technology, nor establish a new, complex and organic economic relation; any impact may lead to bankruptcy. In the Warring States Period, Li Kui evaluated practices of small-scale peasant families, and concluded that the small peasants “were always poor and unwilling to cultivate more land”; while Bao Xuan in the Western Han Dynasty believed that there was almost no way to live for small peasants. Therefore, in the small-scale peasant economy, the small peasants were extremely miserable. In a word, land was taken as a rare form of wealth that was endlessly pursued by the people in the traditional Chinese society. However, land transfer failed to change and break through the traditional agricultural economic structure. The three mechanisms resulted in a violent oscillation of the land ownership, thus forming unstable largescale farming and fragmented small-scale farming. Such a cycle made it impossible to form any new economic relation and economic power.

Chapter 6

Extensive Irrigation System and Hydraulic Engineering Facilities

In the past several thousands of years, hydraulic engineering facilities and projects were always taken as the works with the greatest government and private investment, the most labor and the longest duration. The construction of hydraulic engineering facilities, namely the lifeblood of agriculture, was an important tradition of China’s traditional agriculture and also an important supporting system. Agriculture was greatly dependent on water resources, and the Chinese people intended to describe environment and nature with “water and soil”, which roughly reflected the importance of agriculture and hydraulic engineering. As recorded in Guan Zi, “People rely on food and clothing; while food relies on water and soil.”1 Water and soil are the most basic means of agricultural production, both of which are indispensable. Water, ad a critical factor for farming, determines whether the land can be cultivated as the arable land, and whether it is suitable for agricultural production. Shockingly, the archaeologists found that Liangzhu Ancient Dam Site (5000 years ago) was composed of the dyke on the hill (upper dam), the dyke at the root (lower dam) and the city wall on the plain (ancient city), in which, the upper dam was used for water storage and irrigation, and the lower dam was used for resisting the tide, and storing water for irrigation; the wall of Mokaoshan Ancient City could also resist the flood and tide. It could be concluded that our ancestors were profound in understanding and skilled in application of hydraulic engineering facilities beyond imagination. During two thousand years of development, China’s traditional agriculture accumulated rich experience and practice in terms of water use and conservation, and constructed grand hydraulic engineering facilities and projects, as well as a large number of irrigation systems of different sizes. These hydraulic engineering facilities and irrigation systems expanded the development of traditional agriculture and ensured the trend of intensive cultivation. Therefore, for understanding China’s traditional agriculture, we must understand the hydraulic engineering facilities and irrigation system in the traditional society. 1

Guan Zi ‧ Shui Di.

© China Renmin University Press 2023 Y. He, The Agricultural Civilization of Ancient China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8469-3_6

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6.1 Water Harnessing in the Traditional Society China’s traditional agriculture originated from the Yellow River Basin, the cradle of China’s traditional agriculture; while the traditional agriculture in the Yangtze River Basin developed later, but it provided the optimum development space for further development and expansion of traditional agriculture, and laid a solid foundation for the durable development of traditional agriculture. The dryland farming system in northern China was the main industrial form at the early stage of traditional agriculture, and the paddy farming system in southern China was the main industrial form at a later stage of traditional agriculture, both of which were heavily dependent on water resources. In the course of development and practices, China’s traditional agriculture attached equal importance to water and soil. Our ancestors tried to regulate and utilize various water resources for intensive cultivation. In the Basic Economic Zones in China’s History, Ji Chaoding analyzed the historical data regarding water harnessing in ancient China, and summarized the “Statistical Table of Historical Development and Geographical Distribution of Water Harnessing Activities in China”.2 In combination with the practices and facts of water harnessing, the following characteristics of water harnessing in the traditional Chinese society could be concluded.

6.1.1 Water Harnessing Was an Important Function of the State In the traditional Chinese society, water harnessing was an important function of the state, and all the previous dynasties took it as the basis of major public works. From the story “King Yu Tamed the Flood”, water harnessing was always taken as the basic criterion for evaluating the wise monarchs. All dynasties established their own agencies and officials for water harnessing, such as Sikong for “harnessing water and soil”, and “reporting the achievements of harnessing water and soil at the end of each year, for deserving award and punishment”.3 After the Qin and Han Dynasties, almost all dynasties arranged officials for specially managing hydraulic engineering affairs with clear duties, but at the beginning, they only had low official positions. While after the Song Dynasty, due to the increasingly serious flood in the Yellow River Basin, the governance of the Yellow River became more important; imperial commissioners or central officials were dispatched to manage the corresponding affairs. This tradition was basically continued in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, and the governments attached great importance to the governance of the Yellow River. In the Qing Dynasty, the Governor-Generals (three at the most) were appointed. The establishment and change of these posts for hydraulic engineering affairs reflected 2 3

Chaoding (2014), p. 40. Book of the Later Han Dynasty ‧ Officials.

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the increasing importance of the governance of the Yellow River and the development of hydraulic engineering in the traditional society. Our ancestors always took hydraulic engineering as an important aspect of the national “agricultural administration”. For example, in Wang Zhen’s Farming Book, it was recorded that “At present, agriculture has not been fully developed, and there are still unclaimed fields. Besides the Yellow River, Han River, Yangtze River and Huai River, there are tens of thousands of rivers, with numerous branches, which can connect all regions in China, and can also be dredged as canals or ponds for irrigation and getting rid of the problem of drought”, and “irrigation can bring about great profits, and all the rivers and water bodies can be diverted to fields to create fertile regions.”

6.1.2 More Water Harnessing Activities In the traditional Chinese society, the quantity of water harnessing activities was significantly increased with the development of China’s traditional agriculture. From the Warring States Period to the Qing Dynasty, about 7372 water harnessing activities were recorded; but the frequency was different in different periods. In terms of the development trend of water harnessing, the frequency increased with the passage of time, reaching a peak in recent times. There were 65 water harnessing activities from the Warring States Period to the Qin and Han Dynasties (around 600 years), about 60 activities from the period of The Three Kingdoms to Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties (around 370 years), about 294 activities from the Sui and Tang Dynasties to the Five Dynasties Period (around 370 years), about 1110 activities in the Southern and Northern Song Dynasties (around 320 years), about 333 activities in the Jin and Yuan Dynasty (around 250 years), and about 5504 activities in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. It could be seen that from the Song Dynasty, the frequency of water harnessing activities was significantly increased, and there were 2270 activities in the Ming Dynasty, and 3234 in the Qing Dynasty. Of course, there might be some errors due to the collection of the data from historical documents and records, but the development trend was beyond doubt. On this basis, Joseph Needham calculated the annual mean quantity of water harnessing activities in each dynasty, as shown in the following form.4 Dynasty

Quantity of projects completed each year

Zhou and Qin 0.0175 Han

0.131

Dynasty

Quantity of projects completed each year

Dynasty

Quantity of projects completed each year

Sui

0.932

Jin

0.166

Tang

0.88

Yuan

3.50 (continued)

4

Chaoding (2014), p. 41, Note 2.

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(continued) Dynasty

Quantity of projects completed each year

Dynasty

Quantity of projects completed each year

Dynasty

The Three Kingdoms

0.545

Five Dynasties

0.245

Ming

8.2

Jin

0.110

Song

3.48

Qing

12.0

Northern and Southern Dynasties

0.118

Quantity of projects completed each year

6.1.3 Water Harnessing in the Yellow River Basin and the Yangtze River Basin In China, water harnessing activities were mainly concentrated in the Yellow River Basin in early days, and then in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River. In those days, the Yellow River and other rivers in the basin were mainly harnessed, involving the following two aspects: (1) Since the Yellow River Basin was the birthplace of dryland farming in northern China with relatively restricted water resources, and various drought-tolerant crops were planted, almost all the early irrigation systems were established in this region. Although dryland farming required relatively little water, there should still be adequate irrigation capacity for ensuring its development. In ancient times, our ancestors constructed a set of irrigation systems along the river, which made good use of the water resources of the Yellow River and other rivers, and promoted the establishment of the pattern of dry farming. (2) An important responsibility of the government and the people along the Yellow River was to prevent and control the seasonal flood. People along the Yellow River had mixed emotions. On the one hand, the seasonal flood could bring silt to fertilize the land and wash away the salt and alkali, thus securing the fertility of the land; while on the other hand, the seasonal flood would also destruct the fields and houses. Therefore, the relation between the prevention of flood and the application of irrigation must be handled for dryland farming in the Yellow River Basin. The proportion of water harnessing activities in dryland farming regions such as Shaanxi, Henan, Hebei, and Gansu showed that there were 51 water harnessing activities in the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, accounting for 78.5%; 26 in The Three Kingdoms, and Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, accounting for 43.3%; 124 in the Sui and Tang Dynasties, and the Period of Five Dynasties, accounting for 42.2%; 78 in the Northern and Southern Song Dynasties, accounting for 7%; 82 in the Jin and Yuan Dynasties, accounting for 24.6%; and 2014 in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, accounting for 36.6%.

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Later, the harnessing activities were mainly performed for the rivers and lakes in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River. The abundant water resources provided by zigzag rivers and countless lakes made the environment quite favorable for the planting of paddy and other crops requiring more water. However, they also created heavy tasks for flood prevention and control. There were numerous forms of water harnessing activities in these regions, and the frequency was gradually increased with the development of agriculture. Further development of traditional agriculture required more water harnessing activities. In Jiangsu, Anhui, Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Hubei and Hunan, there were 12 water harnessing activities in the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, accounting for 18.5%; 32 in The Three Kingdoms and the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, accounting for 53.3%; 109 in the Sui and Tang Dynasties and the Period of Five Dynasties, accounting for 33.1%; 514 in the Northern and Southern Song Dynasties, accounting for 46.3%; 139 in the Jin and Yuan Dynasties, accounting for 41.7%; and 2436 in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, accounting for 44.3%.

6.1.4 Diversified Hydraulic Engineering Facilities and Projects Hydraulic engineering facilities and projects for China’s traditional agriculture were increasingly diversified, including large-scale hydraulic engineering projects, and various small hydraulic engineering facilities. In view of the rich and colorful natural environment consisting of surface water resources such as rivers, lakes and seas, and various underground water resources, our ancestors explored different ways of water harnessing based on different natural environments and demands of production and living, and established different patterns of water governance and application, which can be generalized as follows: (1) The governance and application of the Yellow River, which was an inescapable issue in the economic life of northern China, involving various political, economic and social aspects; therefore, the governance of the Yellow River was the common ideal of the government and the people. (2) The irrigation facilities in northern China, which were mainly constructed to resolve the dependence of agricultural production on water resources. Almost all the hydraulic engineering projects constructed in northern China in the history had a clear function of farmland irrigation, such as the Twelve Canals of Zhangshui River, Zhengguo Canal, and Bai Canal. (3) The hydraulic engineering facilities in southern China, which were generally provided with the drainage and storage functions, for drainage of stagnant water and irrigation; for example, there were various hydraulic engineering facilities in the south such as dykes, weirs, pools and ponds, almost all of which were constructed to ensure the production of traditional agriculture and the livelihood. (4) Embankments in coastal areas, which could better protected the farmland, and maintain the agricultural production and life in coastal areas. The Ancient Seawall of Qiantang River was a great example, which was praised as the “Great

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Wall of the Sea”, and after dynasties of construction, it has been constructed as an embankment of 6–7 m in height and over 300 km in length. As recorded, the Ancient Seawall of Qiantang River was initially constructed by King Qian Miu of The State of Wu and Yue in the Period of Five Dynasties, to protect the farmland from the tidal erosion and enable the irrigation, which made “the Qiantang River Basin richer than the southeast”. In addition, what should be especially mentioned is that hydraulic engineering projects in the traditional Chinese society could also have the functions of economic exchanges and national reunification. For example, Hangou Canal was a canal constructed by the State of Wu in the late Spring and Autumn Period for connecting the Yangtze River and the Huaihe River, which was located at the northeast of Yangzhou, introducing water from the Yangtze River to the Sheyang Lake, and then extending to the Huaihe River at Huaian City. Honggou Canal was a canal constructed by the State of Wei in the middle Warring States Period for connecting the Yellow River and the Huaihe River, which was located at Xingyang in Henan, introducing water from the Yellow River to the east, passing through Zhongmou and Kaifeng, and then to the south, finally flowing into the Huaihe River through the Yinghe River. These two canals effectively ensured economic exchanges between the north and the south, and connected the Yellow River, the Huaihe River and Yangtze River for the first time.

6.2 Hydraulic Engineering Projects for Dryland Farming in Northern China Agriculture is inseparable from water, especially the dryland farming in northern China, making it urgent to construct hydraulic engineering projects. Compared with southern China with abundant rivers and lakes, there are fewer rivers and lakes in the north, and many of which are seasonal; the concentrated rainfall may easily lead to flooding, bringing great inconvenience to the development of irrigation and hydraulic engineering facilities. However, our ancestors constructed numerous hydraulic engineering facilities and systems, which ensured the development of dryland farming in northern China. In the past 2000 years, our ancestors constructed countless large-scale hydraulic engineering projects to give full play to the functions of irrigation and fertilization of the Yellow River; they constructed various dike and canal systems to provide sufficient water for dryland farming; and continuously expanded and developed mountains, rivers and lakes to cultivate large areas of fertile fields. All these projects effectively changed the environment of dryland farming in northern China and also created conditions for further development of traditional agriculture.

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6.2.1 Irrigation Facilities and Projects Through Diverting Water from the Yellow River The harnessing projects have exploited various advantages, such as the exploitation of the sediment brought carried by the Yellow River. The irrigation with water from the Yellow River could also fertilize the soil and wash out the salt and alkali of the cultivated land. In the late Western Han Dynasty, Zhang Rong, who was responsible for irrigation, discussed the difficulties in harnessing the Yellow River, and expressed that the peasants should reduce the diversion of the Yellow River for irrigation, so as to ensure the rapid and smooth flow, and resolve the problems of sediment deposition and bed elevation of the Yellow River. He mentioned that “Water flows downwards, and the rapid flow can make the river deeper. The water of the Yellow River is quite turbid, with six-tenths of sediment. Nowadays, peasants in western prefectures and eastern ones from the capital irrigated the fields with the Yellow River and the Wei River. In the days with less rainfall in Spring and Summer, the flow of the water is retarded, and more sediment would be deposited; while in the rainy season, it would easily result in the breaching of dyke. The government has reinforced the embankment and made it slightly higher than the ground, in which case, however, the embankment should be further reinforced. We should follow the nature of water, and persuade the peasants not to take water from the Yellow River for irrigation, and then the water may resolve the deposition and breaching of dyke by itself.”5 “Six-tenths of sediment” was obviously a bit exaggerated, but it could indicate that the peasants commonly irrigated the fields with the Yellow River and made use of the high sediment content for fertilization. In the Han Dynasty, the irrigation with the Yellow River was quite common. In the period ruled by Emperor Wu of Western Han, Pan Xi, Chief of Hedong Prefecture, suggested constructing a canal from the Fen River for irrigation of the farmlands in Pishi and Fenyin, also a canal from the Yellow River for irrigation of the farmlands in Fenyin and Puban; they turned the 5000 ha of uncultivable land on both sides of the Yellow River into arable farmland, and increased two million dan of grains each year.6 The irrigation was also recorded in the middle and upper reaches of the Yellow River, “The water from the Yellow River and other rivers was used for irrigation in Shuofang, Xihe, Hexi and Jiuquan”.7 Such an irrigation method was adopted in various dynasties after the Han Dynasty. Zhou Yong in the Ming Dynasty recorded in Zeng Ding Jiao Jia Shu that “River harnessing and land reclamation are mutually supported, and land reclamation leads to river harnessing”. “There are numerous rivers and canals, which can store abundant water; the construction of canals means that all can harness the rivers. River harnessing, closely associated with land reclamation, can help to gain profits from agriculture and resolve the flooding.”

History of the Han Dynasty ‧ Canals. History of the Han Dynasty ‧ Canals. 7 Records of the Historian ‧ Rivers and Canals. 5 6

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6.2.2 Construction of Irrigation and Hydraulic Engineering Facilities As early as the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period, hydraulic engineering in China reached a considerable scale. In addition to irrigation of farmlands with various rivers and lakes and construction of all kinds of hydraulic engineering facilities, our ancestors also constructed canals to exert the transportation role of the rivers and lakes. Together with the development of transportation, all states engaged in constructing hydraulic engineering projects for irrigation, and “constructed dykes, dredged the waterways, drained the ponding, and constructed reservoirs to store or release water according to the season”.8 They constructed hydraulic engineering facilities for enriching the country and strengthening the army, such as Zhengguo Canal, Bai Canal, and Dujiangyan Irrigation System. From the Qin and Han Dynasties to the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the construction of hydraulic engineering projects was not interrupted in dryland farming regions in northern China, and various types of hydraulic engineering projects and facilities were constructed. Hydraulic engineering projects were well developed in the Western Han Dynasty, which promoted the development of traditional agriculture. For example, the one-year double cropping system (paddy-wheat rotation cropping) was adopted in Nanyang in the Western Han Dynasty, which created developed traditional agriculture. Through careful analysis, it was found that the development of traditional agriculture was closely related to the developed hydraulic engineering facilities. As recorded, Zhao Xinchen, the Governor of Nanyang, “personally encouraged the people to engage in agricultural production; did not stay in post houses and had little time to rest. He inspected the rivers and guided the construction of canals, including dozens of sluices, to expand the irrigation area, and increase the area of paddy fields to 30 thousand hectares. People benefited from this and had surplus grain to store. He also made provisions on even distribution of water, and carved them on stone tablets to prevent fights”.9 He organized the construction of the well-known Liumen Weir (Rangxi Stone Weir) and Qianlu Pond. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, Du Shi served as the Governor of Nanyang, and continued to construct the hydraulic engineering facilities, leading to mutual development of agriculture and hydraulic engineering projects. As praised by Zhang Heng in Nan Du Fu, “Water is diverted from the river to irrigate the paddy fields. The various canals were connected with each other to irrigate paddy in winter and wheat in summer. There were hemp and mulberry paints, as well as beans, wheat and Shu. All the grains had good harvests.” In areas with more developed traditional agriculture in northern China, hydraulic engineering projects were also developed. Various canals for irrigation ensured the development of traditional agriculture. In the Ming Dynasty, Xu Guangqi, in combination with the current situation, population, land, hydraulic engineering and national defense, clearly pointed out 8 9

Xun Zi ‧ Wang Zhi. History of the Han Dynasty ‧ Biography of Zhao Xinchen.

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that “In a peaceful environment, the population will increase, requiring more grains; the insufficient application of soil due to the failure in hydraulic engineering facilities may restrict the yield.” He believed that “hydraulic engineering is the foundation of farming, without which, no fields could be cultivated.” Therefore, he stated that “hydraulic engineering facilities can get rid of the drought, and can also get rid of the flooding”, “The hydraulic engineering facilities in the six counties accounted half of all facilities in the state.” The “six counties” were located in the Susongchang and Hangjiahu Regions. In Hantian Yongshui Shu, he divided hydraulic engineering measures into five aspects, namely the use of springs, rivers, lakes and swamps, fresh water of tides, and wells, ponds and reservoirs, all of which could be used for irrigation. Based on circumstances, “all the water sources could be used for irrigation”.

6.2.3 Formation and Fertilization of Fields with Rivers In northern China, there is a long history for irrigation and fertilization with rivers, and almost all the dynasties had their own records. In the Xining Period ruled by Emperor Shenzong of the Northern Song Dynasty (1068–1077), there was a climax of the construction of hydraulic engineering facilities. From the third to the ninth year of Xining Period, 10,793 irrigation and hydraulic engineering facilities were constructed, covering 36.118 million mu of folk fields and 192,000 µ of official fields.10 At that time, irrigation and hydraulic engineering were performed for desilting and warping, namely the fertilization and formation of fields with the sediment in rivers in northern China. Desilting refers to the use of the sediment in rivers for land reclamation by warping and improving soil fertility; and warping refers to the formation of fields on barren land with sediment from the floods. For example, in the fifth year of Xining, canals were constructed for warping 240,000 µ of land in Mingzhou with the Zhanghe River and Minghe River, 400,000 µ of land in Shenzhou with the Hutuo River in the sixth year, 560,000 µ of land in Kaifeng with the Yellow River and Bian River in the seventh year, 200,000 µ of land in Hezhong with the Yellow River and Sushui River in the eighth year, 1.77 million mu of land in Kaifeng and fields along the Bian River with the Yellow River and Bian River, 1.2 million mu of land in Yongjing with the Yellow River, and 1.5 million mu of land in Shenzhou with the Hutuo River and Hulu River in the ninth year, 580,000 µ of land in the east and west of capital with the Yellow River and Bian River in the tenth year,11 6.45 million mu in total; although there were repetitions, we could still imagine the scale of land reclamation by warping. In all regions of northern China, land reclamation by torrential flood was adopted, and it was also a common practice to improve the barren soil through warping and silting, especially the warping in Shanxi.

10 11

Yao (2005), p. 246. Yao (2005), p. 247.

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In a certain sense, hydraulic engineering projects and facilities should be constantly constructed and maintained with continuous investment. Our ancestors had a profound understanding, as recorded by Xu Zhenming (the Ming Dynasty) in Lu Shui Ke Tan, “Water is meant to benefit people, but not harm them; there may be certain disadvantageous, can we blame water? The convergence may harm but dispersion may benefit people; and the abandon may harm but application may benefit people.” He mentioned that hydraulic engineering projects in northwest China achieved remarkable economic benefits in the history, but there were frequent water disasters in the Ming Dynasty; and asked “why can those hydraulic engineering projects benefit people in the history, but lead to disasters nowadays?” He pointed out that “The northwest was originally known as the region with fertile soil that can be cultivated. Without hydraulic engineering facilities, there would be no measures to deal with the drought and flood, thus leading to desolation. The vast area of fertile land finally disappeared, which was caused by the policy fault.” There were serious harms of drought in northwest China, “In the northwest, there would be a thousand miles of dry land in the case of drought, and ten thousand acres of torrent in the case of a flood. People could only rely on climate and pray for good weather and good harvest. Only hydraulic engineering facilities could help to deal with drought and water disasters”. These deficiencies of hydraulic engineering facilities and projects in northern China in the Ming Dynasty were due to the fact that “people in the north suffer from water disasters rather than benefits because of the failure in constructing hydraulic engineering projects”. Therefore, regions in northern China should learn from southeast China to develop hydraulic engineering projects. Xu Zhenming believed that “People could not determine the weather, but could retain water for dealing with drought”.

6.3 Hydraulic Engineering Projects for Paddy Farming in Southern China In traditional agriculture in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River was rapidly developed around the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, and gradually surpassed that in the Yellow River Basin and became the center of China’s economic development in the Sui and Tang Dynasties. The densely covered rivers, lakes and seas frequently caused flood disasters in the history, and the effective drainage and timely irrigation could ensure traditional agricultural production and life. The hydraulic engineering facilities and projects can be divided into two types: (1) Water drainage and storage facilities in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River for draining flooded fields and irrigation, such as dykes, weirs, ponds and pools; (2) Various dykes in coastal areas for defending against sea erosion and marine disasters; (3) Various land reclamation activities, such as reclaiming land from water bodies, lakes and sea; (4) A variety of water taking tools and technologies for turning water disasters into benefits.

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6.3.1 Construction of Various Water Drainage and Storage Facilities In the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River, the abundant water resources can provide beneficial conditions for agricultural production and life. There are densely covered lakes and rivers, as well as abundant natural resources, making agricultural production conditions far better than the Yellow River Basin. People should adjust and make good use of water storage and drainage functions, to protect the fields against flood and marine corrosion. Compared with the dependence on weather in the Yellow River Basin short of water resources, traditional agriculture in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River was more dependent on human efforts due to the abundant water resources. Fu Xuan in the Jin Dynasty commented that “Dryland farming depends on the weather, and the drought or flood may destroy the harvest; while paddy farming depends on human efforts, and the productivity of soil can be exerted.” Therefore, he concluded that the characteristic of agricultural production in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River was “Right place is better than right weather, and human efforts are better than right place”.12 In the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, hydraulic engineering facilities and projects were mainly concentrated in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River. (1) Irrigation between the Yangtze River and Taihu Lake. A batch of irrigation facilities, including Chishan Pond (known as Jiangyan Lake in the Tang Dynasty), Lian Lake (also known as Lian Pond and Danyang Lake) and Xinfeng Pond, were successively constructed, which irrigated lots of fields and greatly increased agricultural output. For example, the Lian Lake promoted the irrigation in surrounding regions. (2) Irrigation in the Qiantang River Basin. The irrigation facilities such as Jianhu Lake, Dongqian Lake, Nanhu Lake, Ditang Pond, Wuxing Pond, and West Lake laid a foundation for the prosperity. For example, it was recorded that in Danyang and Kuaiji, “A year’s harvest may feed several prefectures. Beside the sea and lakes, there is more than ten thousand mu of fertile land with a high price”.13 (3) Irrigation between the Yangtze River Basin and the Hanjiang River, and in the Hanjiang River Basin. The irrigation facilities such as Liumen Weir and Maren Pond could irrigate more than 10,000 ha of farmland and their effects were quite obvious. In the Sui and Tang Dynasties, hydraulic engineering facilities and projects in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River were further developed, and many dilapidated facilities and projects were extensively restored. The rapid economic development especially promoted the construction of a new round of hydraulic engineering facilities and projects. In the Yangze River and Huai River Basins, there was Chengong Pond, Baishui Pond, Furen Pond and Guben Pond, each of which could irrigate thousands of hectares, even nearly ten thousand hectares of 12 13

Gao (2008). Book of Song ‧ Biography of Kong Jigong.

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fields. There was Lian Pond, North–South Xie Pond, Chishan Pond, Meng Du, Taibo Du, West Lake, Dannong Pond, and Jiangyan Weir in Fujian, Zhejiang and Southern Jiangsu, which made this region a main economic development area of the state with the prosperous agricultural economy and intensive hydraulic engineering facilities; as recorded, Meng Du, Danong Pond and Jiangyan Weir could respectively irrigate four thousand hectares, fifty thousand mu and twelve thousand hectares of farmland. There was Yongtai Canal, Jinshi Pond, Cui Pond, Cha Pond, Beita Weir, Kaogong Weir, Youli Weir in the Yuan River Basin, many of which could irrigate thousands of acres of farmland. Agriculture in the Minjiang River Basin dotted with hydraulic engineering facilities was rapidly developed in this period. In the Northern Song Dynasty, Wang Anshi launched a reform, and in order to strengthen agricultural production, he issued the Regulation of Irrigation and Hydraulic Engineering in 1069, in which, the local officials were asked to make recommendations on local hydraulic engineering matters. It was stipulated that “local officials should promote the appropriate planting methods, repair the ponds and weirs, construct ponds, dykes, weirs and canals, or construct hydraulic engineering facilities to irrigate the fields not far away from the rivers; reclaim the waste fields, dredge the watercourses and construct facilities for irrigation; they should submit their suggestions to the superior department.”14 It was recorded that more than 10,000 hydraulic engineering facilities and projects were constructed nationwide after the issuance of this decree, which irrigated more than 360,000 ha of farmland. The subsequent dynasties basically inherited and maintained the hydraulic engineering facilities and projects constructed in the Northern and Southern Song Dynasties, and made them continuously play their roles. As recorded, there were 40,987 ponds, 4162 rivers and 5048 canals and dykes in the twenty-eighth year of Hongwu in the Ming Dynasty (1395), which were developed and utilized.15

6.3.2 Continuous Construction of Coastal Dykes In China’s south-east coastal areas, the agricultural production and life have been affected by oceanic tides and marine corrosion, especially severe tidal damage and seawater encroachment. The agricultural production and economic development in these areas could only be ensured through continuously reducing such damages. For this purpose, our ancestors created a number of methods and approaches, including the construction of dykes, weirs and ponds, as well as sluice gates and irrigation gates, all of which were the crystals of labor wisdom of our ancestors. The coastal hydraulic engineering facilities and dikes in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River were important parts of the local hydraulic engineering facilities and projects. Prior to the Sui and Tang Dynasties, these regions were sparsely populated, with underdeveloped economy and agricultural cultivation, 14 15

Song Hui Yan Ji Gao ‧ Shihuo. Yao (2005), pp. 363–364.

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and there were only a few small-scale hydraulic engineering facilities and projects. Later, with the increase of population and the deepening of agricultural development in the coastal areas, people accumulated a lot of experience in resisting tidal erosion, resisting seawater and storing fresh water during long-term production and living practice; and also constructed lots of major hydraulic engineering facilities and projects. Taking Zhejiang for an example, there were several well-known hydraulic engineering facilities, such as Tashan Weir and Mulan Pond, all of which played their important role at that time. As for Huangyanguan River, people in the Song Dynasty described it like this, “The river, with the length of 45 km and 936 branches, flows through eight towns into the sea; with 200 dams, it can irrigate more than 700,000 µ of farmland”.16 In some regions in Zhejiang, our ancestors also constructed various sluice gates for the dykes and weirs, so as to regulate the amount of water. For example, Shigang Sluice Gate in Ruian can irrigate more than 2000 ha of farmland, and Shatang Sluice Gate in Pingyang can irrigate 400,000 µ of farmland. There was also Jiangdong Gate, Maozhou Gate, Zhanjia Gate, Pengshan Gate, Jinlin Gate, Changshan Gate, and Hujia Gate. Sanjiang Gate in Shaoxing was quite famous, which was constructed to reduce the impact of tides on plain agriculture in Xiaoshan and Shaoxing, and protect more than 800,000 µ of farmland. There were also facilities and projects for resisting tides in other regions such as Fujian and Guangdong, and all those facilities and projects protected agricultural production and life, and promoted the development of traditional agriculture in coastal areas.

6.3.3 Increased Activities of Land Reclamation in Low-Lying Areas In the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River, land reclamation in low-lying areas was quite common after the Tang and Song Dynasties. The increase of population, the development of agriculture, and the shift of economic center accelerated the rise of land value; therefore, it was irresistible to increase land and land income by using various methods. After the Tang and Song Dynasties, with economic development of the lower reaches of the Yangtze River in depth and breadth, traditional agriculture was rapidly developed, with an important sign of the expansion of low-lying paddy fields surrounded with dikes. Yao Hanyuan, a historian of hydraulic engineering pointed out that “From the late Tang Dynasty to the Northern Song Dynasty, there were low-lying paddy fields surrounded with dikes and diked fields in the south of Anhui, Taihu Basin and the south of Jiangsu, as well as land reclaimed from lakes in eastern

16

Zhejiang Tongzhi. Chong Xiu Huang Yan Zhu Zha Ji.

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Zhejiang, forming a comprehensive development network land and water control in the regions with countless watercourses.”17 The low-lying paddy fields surrounded with dikes refer to the fields being suitable for the south regions and closely associated with hydraulic engineering facilities; as the fields reclaimed from river shoal and lake silt areas through building embankments, they could prevent drought and flood disaster. As for diked fields, also known as low-lying paddy fields surrounded with dikes, it was recorded in the Wang Zhen’s Farming Book that “diked fields refer to the fields formed by building dikes. In the area between the Yangze River and Huai River, there was a large area of wetland that could not be used for planting. Local people built dykes according to the terrain, and formed thousands of acres of fertile land”.18 The fields reclaimed from lakes were paddy fields on lake shores protected by dykes. Fan Zhongyan (Northern Song Dynasty) submitted a written statement on the benefits of low-lying paddy fields surrounded with dikes in 1043, “In the Period of Five Dynasties, all states developed agriculture to realize self-sufficiency. There were low-lying paddy fields surrounded with dikes in the regions south of the Yangtze River, and each project covered tens of li, with canals inside and gates outside. In the case of drought, the gates would be opened to introduce water from the rivers, and in the case of waterlogging, the gates would be closed, to support agricultural production.”19 In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, with the development of the economy in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River to a higher level, small and medium-sized cities sprung up, and the population increased sharply, leading to unprecedentedly prominent between man and land; therefore, our ancestors constructed various facilities to reclaim fields at the lakeside. For example, the region around Taihu Lake was a developed region traditional agriculture by virtue of the relatively complete hydraulic engineering facilities. Since the water level was higher than the paddy fields, hydraulic engineering facilities should also be able to drain flooded fields in addition to the ensuring of the water needs of paddy and other crops. Therefore, the system of low-lying paddy fields surrounded with dikes was gradually formed around the Tang Dynasty, which was then developed to an irrigation and hydraulic engineering system consisting of criss-crossed shores and dams. In the Ming Dynasty, there were thousands of fields surrounded by embankments, and in the Qing Dynasty, there were official, civilian and private fields surrounded by embankments; in other words, rich and influential families and civilians also constructed such fields.

17

Yao (2005), p. 238. Wang Zhen’s Farming Book. Vol. 11. 19 The History of Song Dynasty ‧ Rivers and Canals. 18

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6.3.4 Abundant Hydraulic Engineering Tools and Technologies During the long-term construction of hydraulic engineering facilities and projects, our ancestors created and invented lots of hydraulic engineering tools and technologies, as the powerful weapons to fight against flood and drought disasters. It was arduous to construct hydraulic engineering facilities and projects, for which required the active advocacy and support of government, the long-term persistence, and coordination of various forces. As recorded in the Shen’s Farming Book published in the Ming Dynasty, “The construction of dykes to prevent floods and drought affects the taxation, and it should not be delayed.” It was further commented in the Bu Nong Shu that “The canals should be dredged, and ponds of various sizes should be constructed. If the facilities are not maintained in the case of leakage and obstruction, they would be disabled and make the harvest less with more efforts.” “For a facility constructed by one family, it should be appropriately maintained; if not, different families should be gathered for maintenance, and no one is allowed to refuse due to self-concern.” Based on what recorded in the Wang Zhen Farming Book, the basic conditions of hydraulic engineering tools and technologies in China during that period could be roughly concluded: (1) Water irrigation. According to the conditions of the fields and the manner of irrigation, the fields could be divided into pitting field, garden field, low-lying paddy field surrounded with dikes, diked field, small-scale diked field, dam field, floating field, water chestnut field, terraced field, shoal field, tidal land, and sludge land. For example, floating field and water chestnut field were typical fields created by our ancestors through setting wooden stands and planting crops with mud; the fields floated on the water; the small-scale diked field and dam field were the fields constructed through building dykes and dams, and draining water inside; such fields could be set in deeper waters. (2) Canal buildings. Various water diversion and drainage facilities could effectively regulate water resources, including water lattice, sluice, pond, pool, connected tube, frame groove, tile tube, stone cage, dredge channel, covered drain, and water pot. For example, a connected tube refers to the tube connected by bamboo for irrigation; a tile tube refers to the tube connected by semicircle-shaped tiles for irrigation; a stone cage refers to a bamboo cage filled with stones, for strengthening the foundation of the embankment. (3) Water lifting tools. According to different local conditions, our ancestors created various water lifting tools such as windlass, scoop, waterwheel, shadouf, turnover water lift, scoop waterwheel, cattle-driven water lift, water-driven water lift, donkey-driven water lift, high scoop waterwheel, water-driven scoop waterwheel. For example, turnover water lift, also known as the dragon-bone water lift, was commonly used; and the more common scoop waterwheel was animal-driven scoop waterwheel. (4) Hydraulic engineering devices refer to the facilities and technologies integrating water resources, irrigation and processing of agricultural products, including water-powered mill, waterpowered roller, water-powered blast, water wheel for three purposes, water-driven sheller, water-driven continuous grinding mill, water-driven processing machine,

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pounding device, water-powered hammer, turnover water lift powered hammer, water-powered spinning wheel, and timekeeping apparatus. For example, the water wheel for three purposes refers can realize milling, hulling and grinding with one axle; water-driven continuous grinding mill refers to a facility driving various hammers with a large vertical wheel we; and the water-driven processing machine refers to a facility combining grinding with sieving.20 These tools and technologies created by our ancestors formed an important part of the Chinese civilization.

6.4 Well-Known Hydraulic Engineering Projects There were numerous hydraulic engineering projects in the traditional Chinese society, many of which have been playing their roles in the long-term economic development. In this book, only a few hydraulic engineering projects with far-reaching influence are introduced.

6.4.1 Twelve Canals of Zhangshui River Twelve Canals of Zhangshui River, also known as Ximen Canal, were the representative hydraulic engineering projects constructed in the State of Wei during the Warring States Period. Zhangshui River, originated from the mountainous areas in Shanxi, would always cause mountain torrents in the period of rainfall concentration, resulting in severe disasters to the areas affected. Marquess Wen of Wei appointed Ximen Bao as the Director of Ye District to deal with the problem, “Ximen Bao organized the people to construct 12 canals for irrigation”.21 He adopted the method of “constructing 12 canals from the same river”, namely making 12 canals through constructing 12 retaining dams at different heights, for irrigating the fields in different regions. 100 years later, Shi Qi served as the Director of Ye District, and continued to construct canals for “irrigating Ye District with the Zhangshui River”.22 There was originally saline and alkaline land with low agricultural yield in Ye District, “In the State of Wei, the land in Ye District was barren with a low yield”. Through the Twelve Canals of Zhangshui River, water containing abundant sediment and organic matters made the land in Ye District one of the richest areas in the State of Wei. Local people highly praised this project, “With the order of the state, Shi Qi dug the Zhangshui River for irrigation, making the fields suitable for planting paddy.”23 In later generations, people continued to maintain and expand this project, which

20

Yao (2005), pp. 393–395. Records of the Historian ‧ Biography of Comical Characters, Ximen Bao. 22 History of the Han Dynasty ‧ Canals. 23 Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals ‧ Le Cheng. 21

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could irrigate 100,000 µ of farmland in the Tang Dynasty, and still played the role of irrigation u in the Qing Dynasty.

6.4.2 Dujiangyan Irrigation System Dujiangyan Irrigation System, as a representative hydraulic engineering project in the Warring States Period, was constructed in period ruled by King Zhaoxiang of the State of Qin by Li Bing (302–235 BC), Governor of Shu, and his son based on the local water harnessing experience and careful investigation and design. It is a comprehensive hydraulic engineering project integrating flood control, irrigation and shipping, and it is composed of the Baopingkou, Water Diversion Mouth, Feisha Weir and the large and small canals. Firstly, Baopingkou was constructed to break through the Yulei Mountain, and introduce the water of Minjiang River to the east, thus preventing flooding in the west and ensuring irrigation in the east; secondly, the Water Diversion Mouth, actually a diversion dyke, divided Minjiang River into the inner river flowing into Baopingkou in the east and outer river in the west; in the flood season, the system can divert most of the water to the outer river, and intercept 60% of the water into the inner river in the dry season; thirdly, Feisha Weir was constructed by bamboo cages with pebbles, and at the tail of the diversion dyke, there were horizontal cuts and spillways; in the case of water higher than the top of the weir, the sediment would flow into the outer river, and the vortexes can wash the sediment and stones; finally, the irrigation system throughout the Chengdu Plain could deliver water to various regions, which ensured the agricultural production and life in the Chengdu Plain. Dujiangyan Irrigation System made Chengdu Plain a rich granary. As recorded, “Li Bing, Governor of Shu, guided the construction of the Dujiangyan Irrigation System, and made the inner river and outer river flow through Chengdu, both of which could be used for shipping and irrigation, and local people can profit from them. All the fields along can be irrigated, covering a large area.”24 The Dujiangyan Irrigation System greatly promoted the development of local economy, “The woods and bamboo on Minshan Mountain can be easily transported by the two rivers, which can also irrigate other three counties, creating fertile fields covering thousands of square li. In the case of drought, water can be introduced for irrigation, and in the case of flooding, the gates can be closed. Therefore, the region was free from drought and flooding, and famine, and it is called the Land of Abundance”.25 Up to now, the Dujiangyan Irrigation System still plays an irreplaceable role in irrigation.

24 25

Records of the Historian ‧ Rivers and Canals. Hua Yang Guo Zhi ‧ Shu Zhi.

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6.4.3 Zhengguo Canal Zhengguo Canal (300 li in length), constructed before the unification of China by the First Emperor of Qin, was a hydraulic engineering project introducing the Jing River in the west into the Luo River in the east. The Canal was not constructed due to the demand of irrigation, but as persuaded by the State of Han; the King of Han dispatched Zheng Guo to persuade the State of Qin to construct a canal, and expected that the State of Qin would not invade the State of Han. The First Emperor of Qin saw through the plan and intended to kill Zheng Guo, who, however, argued that “The canal will bring benefits to the State of Qin; I will construct a project for supporting the long-term dominance of the State of Qin at the cost of years of survival of the State of Han.”26 The First Emperor of Qin countermined and allowed Zheng Guo to guide the construction of this project in 246 BC, which was completed ten years later. It was recorded that “The canal of 300 li in length was dug from Jing River to the Luo River in the east for irrigation.” “When it was completed, the water containing silt was used for irrigating more than 40,000 ha of fields, and resulting in a good yield. The Central Shaanxi Plain became fertile, making the State of Qin rich and powerful, thus unifying the six states.”27 It could be seen that Zhengguo Canal was an important support for the unification of China.

6.4.4 Wells Connected by Underground Channels Wells connected by underground channels, commonly constructed in northwest China, especially in Turpan and Hami of Xinjiang, have a history of more than 2000 years. There was the term “well canal” in the Records of the Historian, referring to the wells connected by underground channels constructed in the Central Shaanxi Plain. As recorded in the History of the Han Dynasty ‧ Canals, Yan Xiong led his soldiers to construct “well canals”, they dug “wells connected by underground canals”, and the deeper ones could be more than 40 zhang (a unit of length) in depth. Wells connected by underground channels in Xinjiang were determined by the climate and terrain conditions: (1) The dry climate, perennial water shortage and strong surface evaporation; (2) The abundant underground water resources, and the large work quantity due to uneven terrain. Wells connected by underground channels can resolve these problems. Each system, consisting of open canals, covered canals, wells and waterlogging dams, diverts the undercurrent to the covered canals, and then to the surface as required; and finally to the farmland or waterlogging dams through the open canals. Open canals refer to the canals constructed on the ground, and covered canals refer to those underground; wells refer to the channels for digging mud and ventilation; and waterlogging dams can receive the water for irrigation. Wells connected by underground channels promoted the development of agricultural 26 27

History of the Han Dynasty ‧ Canals. Records of the Historian ‧ Rivers and Canals.

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production in Turpan and Hami of Xinjiang, and fully reflected the great wisdom of the Chinese people.

6.4.5 Tashan Weir Tashan Weir, constructed in the 7th year of Dahe (833) in the Tang Dynasty, was a project for resisting seawater, storing fresh water and performing irrigation at the tail of Yinjiang River, a branch of Yongjiang River. Prior to its construction, the tidal current could flow backward to Zhangxi along the Yongjiang River; seawater encroachment led to severe salinization in this region, and made the land fail to be reclaimed. Tashan Weir was constructed to resist seawater and store fresh water, and prevent the harm of seawater encroachment, thus playing the function of hydraulic engineering and irrigation. Tashan Weir, 113.7 m in length, 4.8 m in width and 10 m in height, was stacked with rock bars layer by layer, including 36 steps up and 36 down. It blocked the Yinjiang River, and divided the water from Zhangxi into two branches, heading to Nantang River and Xiaoxigang River, both of which flow through the Yinxi Plain and can irrigate thousands of hectares of farmland. This weir was specially designed with the functions of regulating water flow and volume. In the case of a flood, seven-tenths of water would be introduced into the Nantang River and three-tenths water into the Xiaoxigang River; while in the case of drought, seven-tenths water would be introduced into the Xiaoxigang River and three-tenths water into the Nantang River, to ensure the steady flow of water into the Xiaoxigang River. In addition, there were also three sluices for seawater resistance, fresh water storage, water diversion, and flood discharge, namely Wujin, Jidu and Xingchun. After the Tang Dynasty, they were maintained and applied from time to time.

Chapter 7

Complete Policies and Measures for Agriculture

The policy objectives and principles of any government should not be randomly formulated or changed. Unlike expedient policies and measures, those as systems and objectives could reflect the fundamental interests of the government. In other words, the policy system, as an objective and principle, is bound to be restricted and affected by the society. Firstly, it could not get rid of the restriction and impact of the social and economic structure. Economic structure, the most basic and important aspect of society and the object of the economic policy service, restricts the policy objectives, and makes them adapt to and promote the stability and development requirements of the economic structure. Secondly, it could not get rid of the restriction and impact of the socio-political structure, which, as the concentrated reflection of social relations, reflects different status relations and requirements for interests of each class, and naturally constrains and affects the policy objectives and principles of the government. Thirdly, it could not get rid of the restriction and impact of the dominant values or value orientation in the society. In addition to people’s recognition and understanding of the society, the values or value orientation could also reflect their expectations to the society and their selections.

7.1 Agriculture-Oriented Policy and Principle In the traditional Chinese society, the agriculture-oriented policy and principle were never wavered. All the previous dynasties took “agriculture-oriented policy” as the basic starting point and guiding ideology for determining the objectives and principles of their governing policies. Almost without exception, they all attached importance to agricultural production, and established various measures to ensure the normal progress of agricultural production. In the traditional economic thought, the thought of emphasizing agriculture was also considerably developed, and sometimes extremely emphasized. Around the Western Han Dynasty, a complete system of policies and measures for agricultural production was established. © China Renmin University Press 2023 Y. He, The Agricultural Civilization of Ancient China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8469-3_7

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7.1.1 Firm Position of Traditional Agriculture The importance attached to agricultural production was directly associated with the strengthening of the position and role of agriculture in the national economy. After the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, due to the high development of agriculture, its economic superiority was more distinct, and gradually recognized by all orders of society; agriculture gradually superseded other economic sectors that were far less profitable. Under this background, the thought of emphasizing agriculture developed rapidly; especially with the political and economic reforms of various states in the Warring States Period, the emphasis on agriculture became a common view and proposition of the politicians and thinkers. Guan Zhong, Li Kui, and Shang Yang focused on improving the status, strengthening the functions, and promoting the development of agriculture. Especially, Shang Yang’s Reform extremely emphasized the thought and policies of emphasizing agriculture, and took “agricultural war” as the core thought, which closely intertwined agriculture and war. On the one hand, Shang Yan vigorously developed agricultural production, expanded reclamation area, and encouraged population proliferation and the development of small-scale peasant economy, to improve and strengthen the economic strength; on the other hand, he actively expanded the arms, and improved the military combat capability, to participate in the competition for national unification. Shang Yang’s Reform in the State of Qin made obvious achievements, and laid a solid foundation for the State of Qin to unify the whole country. At the same time, his thought and policies of valuing agriculture also pioneered the implementation of policies and measures on agriculture in the successive dynasties. The objective and principle of agriculture-oriented policy formed in the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties effectively accelerated the trend of agriculturalization in the traditional Chinese society, and promoted the final establishment of the economic structure of China’s traditional agriculture. Due to the change of era and the difference in requirements, the trend of agriculturalization had a serious development limitation after the Song Dynasty. However, on the whole, this policy objective and principle were not changed in the whole era of traditional agriculture.

7.1.2 Agriculture-Oriented Policy and Measures Taking the Han Dynasty as an example, we could clearly identify the implementation of the objective and principle of agriculture-oriented policy. Firstly, the government actively promoted the agriculture-oriented principle, namely the “policy of promoting agriculture”. In the field of economy, all the previous dynasties vigorously emphasized the absolute leading position of agriculture and the agriculture-oriented principle. Jia Yi, a political theorist in the Han Dynasty, pointed out that agriculture played an extremely important role, and the state, the monarch and the officials should take

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agriculture as the foundation. Therefore, the government should provide various preferential policies for those engaging in agricultural production. He suggested that the government should cancel the taxes and corvee, to make the peasants devote themselves to agricultural production. For example, in the Han Dynasty, the diligent people were given land for farming. The government should also reward the peasants with contributions to agriculture and great yield, and ask others to learn from them. Furthermore, the government should take the performance of agricultural production as an important factor for the assessment of local officials at all levels. Therefore, all the officials also took measures to promote agriculture under the guidance of the central government, such as the construction of hydraulic engineering facilities, the promotion of tilling with cattle, and the improvement of farming technologies. Secondly, the government implemented “the policy emphasizing on grain”, namely the policy of attaching great importance to grain production. “The policy emphasizing on grain” did not only focus on the production of agricultural products such as grain. It intensively reflected the basic value of the traditional society and government: since agriculture was the only source of wealth, those engaging in agriculture production should have a higher social status and political honor. Many politicians once discussed this issue. Chao Cuo in the Han Dynasty commented that “For encouraging the people to engage in farming, the government should implement the policy emphasizing on grain, and reward and punish them based on grain production; and also select officials and get rid of sin based on grain production.” “Numerous officials could be determined by the government, and continuous yield of grain could be realized.” He suggested promoting agricultural development by making use of the psychology of seeking good fortune and avoiding misfortune. This policy could combine political status and social status with production contribution. Thirdly, the government implemented a policy of light taxation on agricultural production. Light taxation on agricultural production was an important economic policy for the traditional government to promote agricultural development and also a criterion for assessing a government. On the one hand, the agricultural taxation depended on the state of agriculture, namely the level of development of agriculture and the quantity of surplus products; on the other hand, it also depended on the fiscal needs of the government; agriculture was always a major source of traditional government finance. Therefore, for implementing the taxation policy, the government should ensure the smooth agricultural production and maintain the normal operation of government finance. In the Han Dynasty, the government “implemented light taxation (1/15), and calculate the taxation based on official salaries and government expenses”. The tax rate was then reduced to 1/30. The later dynasties followed this policy of light taxation on agricultural production. Fourthly, the government restricted the migration right and career selection, to ensure that the peasants concentrated on farming. The normal operation of agricultural production depended on the stability of the combination of agricultural producers with land. If the agricultural producers

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migrated and changed the career frequently, it would hinder the normal agricultural production. For example, the government of the Western Han Dynasty strictly restricted the outflow of the agricultural population or prevented them from engaging in other non-agricultural economic activities, and ensured the practical implementation of this policy by the strict household registration system and anti-exile measures; at the same time, it also promoted the combination of agricultural producers with land, and guided the agricultural population to move to a vast territory with a sparse population or the border for reclamation. All these policies firmly bound the peasants to land, and prevented the idea of migration; they basically remained unchanged in the following two thousand years. Fifthly, the government established a variety of relief measures, and the evernormal granary system. Due to the great periodical changes of natural conditions in China, there was disastrous weather from time to time. The small-scale peasant economic organizations with weak economic power could not well resist natural and man-made disasters, but would go bankrupt in the event of a disaster. When the conditions were improved, they would be established again. In view of the extreme vulnerability and resilience, the government should provide the necessary protection and support. Therefore, the government in the traditional society should provide relief loans and establish an evernormal granary system to adjust the surplus and shortage of agricultural products and the fluctuation of price, for the high or low price would harm the peasants. Sixthly, the government adhered to the policy of stressing agriculture and restraining commerce. In the traditional society, although the people engaging in industry and commerce could become rich rapidly, they were determined by the government as insignificant or detrimental to social production; therefore, the industry and commerce failed to be fully developed, and sometimes even suppressed and discouraged. The commodity economy and cultural value based on it were deemed by the orthodox tradition of thought as the trifles. The policy tendency of valuing agriculture over commerce, valuing virtue over skills, and valuing morality over implements tightly shackled the development of industry and commerce in traditional Chinese society like a huge net. For example, the government of the Han Dynasty frequently restricted and cracked down on industry and commerce. The merchants were not allowed to gain a high social and political position and their wealth would be pillaged. Emperor Wu of Western Han implemented the Gao Min Ling, which caused an uproar for a time. As recorded, “Under the decree, the medium and above merchants generally went bankrupt.” and “the rich merchants went bankrupt, people had to steal food and clothing, and no one engaging in animal husbandry”.1 This decree resulted in serious consequences. In short, such a whole set of policies effectively promoted the trend of agriculturalization and made the agricultural economic structure firmer in the traditional Chinese society.

1

Records of the Historian ‧ Ping Zhun Shu.

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7.2 The Greatest Project in China In the traditional social economy, the most important hydraulic engineering project in China was the harnessing of the Yellow River, which could be regarded as the greatest project in China. The Yellow River was called the mother river of the Chinese nation due to the earliest establishment and development of agriculture in the Yellow River Basin; the dryland agriculture in northern China depended on the water from the Yellow River. The Yellow River Basin with loose soil is dry and short of water all the year round, and the rainfall is concentrated between July and September, leading to seasonal flooding. Therefore, the perennial drought and seasonal flooding in the Yellow River Basin have always restricted the development of agriculture in the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River. The normal development of dryland farming in the Yellow River Basin could be ensured through minimizing the harm of flooding and giving full play to the advantages of the Yellow River for irrigation. “There are four major rivers in China, and the most important one is the Yellow River”.2 In the process of harnessing the Yellow River for thousands of years, our ancestors have accumulated rich experience and made outstanding achievements.

7.2.1 National Project: Harnessing of the Yellow River In the traditional Chinese society, there were only a few national projects, including the Great Wall, the reclamation in border areas, and the coastal and border defense. However, the harnessing of the Yellow River was always taken as the greatest project. The harnessing of the Yellow River would require strong national mobilization and abundant human resources, and only the government, rather than any social organization, business group, and local rich family, had such a capability. Therefore, the government of each dynasty attached great importance to the harnessing of the Yellow River; a specialized agency was generally established and special officials were appointed to be in charge of the harnessing. In more than 1000 years from the Qin Dynasty to the Tang Dynasty, the harnessing of the Yellow River was mainly conducted by local governments and the central government also appointed some officials, such as River Head in the Qin Dynasty, River Emissary and Dike Emissary in the Han Dynasty; local governors must assume the responsibility of protecting the dykes. In the Sui Dynasty, there was a River Supervisor and an Assistant Supervisor; in the Tang Dynasty, a department of water (led by the assistant minister) was established under the Ministry of Works of the Department of State Affairs; there were also dike supervisors for flood prevention. From the Northern Song Dynasty, the pressure on the harnessing of the Yellow River was increased, and the agencies were expanded; the central government and local governments appointed special 2

The four major rivers refer to the Yangtze River, the Yellow River, the Huaihe River and the Jihe River. History of the Han Dynasty ‧ Canal.

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officials, and formed a flood prevention system combining two levels of officials. In the Jin Dynasty, the harnessing of the Yellow River was divided into 25 sections, and each of which was attached with a supervisor; the branches were divided into 6 areas, with 6 supervisors. At that time, there were 12,000 flood prevention soldiers. In 1201, Emperor Zhang of Jin issued the Flood Prevention Order, which stipulated that all counties should take turns to “supervise the flood” from every June to August. In the Yuan Dynasty, the assistant ministers, department directors and supervisors were arranged in the Ministry of Works to maintain canals and dykes, hydraulic engineering facilities, bridges, sluices and weirs; in addition, the Division of River Affairs was also established for the harnessing of the Yellow River. In the Ming Dynasty, the capital was moved to Beijing, and the finance of the central government and frontier defense cost were mainly provided by the regions south of the Yangtze River. The canal maintenance and the harnessing of the Yellow River were state affairs, and the harnessing of the Yellow River was presided over by Shangshu, Assistant Minister or Censor. In 1471, the assistant minister of the Ministry of Works took charge of the harnessing of the Yellow River; and a harnessing system led by the central government and controlled by the officers of each county was also established. In the Qing Dynasty, the capital was also set at Beijing. Emperor Kangxi took “Getting rid of vassal states, river affairs and canal transport” as three major tasks. The River Governor was appointed under the Ministry of Works, who was responsible for leading the civil and military institutions to manage the river and construct the dykes; in addition, there were also many flood prevention camps, each of which had hundreds of soldiers for maintaining the dykes.

7.2.2 Strategies for the Harnessing of the Yellow River: Three Strategies of Jia Rang and Flushing Sand with Water The harnessing of the Yellow River also gathered the great wisdom and strength of our ancestors, who accumulated rich harnessing experience and theory in the long-term practice. In the historical legend of “King Yu Tamed the Flood”, different harnessing methods of Yu and his father Gun were recorded. In ancient times, the Yellow River flooded, Yao and Shun respectively appointed Gun and Yu as Chongbo and Xiabo to take charge of the harnessing of the Yellow River. Gun intended to block the flood, but failed after nine years of harnessing; and then Yu took over the task, and focused on dredging based on the lessons of Gun’s failure. He “worked hard for 13 years, and dared not to go home even passing by the house. He attached no importance to personal life but the harnessing. He took various means of transport to examine the land, the river, the swamp and the mountain. He took the gauge, connected nine states, dredged nine channels, constructed nine ponds, and measured nine mountains.”3 He made a great success and his achievement was greatly praised by later generations, “the contribution made by Yu was so great, and without Yu, we would have become 3

Records of the Historian ‧ The Xia Dynasty.

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fish and shrimps.”4 This legend reflected the positive and negative experience in the long-term the harnessing of the Yellow River. Another example enthusiastically discussed by the later people was “Three strategies of Jia Rang”. In the Western Han Dynasty, the watercourse was occupied and the Yellow River frequently inundated in Henan. In order to thoroughly harness the Yellow River, the government decided to solicit proposals from the society. In 7 BC, Jia Rang submitted his three strategies for the harnessing of the Yellow River based on his unprecedented understanding of hydraulic engineering and water disasters; he mentioned that in the Warring States Period, all states took water as a weapon to harm each other. “In the Warring States Period, the states started constructing dykes; they obstructed the rivers for their own benefits. The States of Qi, Zhao and Wei competed with each other in the utilization of the Yellow River. The States of Zhao and Wei were located near the mountains, while the State of Qi was located in a low terrain, so it built several dykes. When the flood reached these dykes, it would turn to the States of Zhao and Wei, which then also built their own dykes.” All the states constructed their own dykes, which were not conducive to water harnessing but would easily cause greater floods. In his opinion, the superior strategy was to “migrate the people affected in Jizhou, and excavate at Zhehaiting, to make the water flow north into the sea.” In this manner, “the flood can be controlled with Taihang Mountain in the west and the previous dyke in the east”. The diversion of the Yellow River would be bound to cause some losses, “destroy tens of thousands of cities, fields, mounds, and tombs, and make the people resent”, but “the ten counties along the river had to spend millions of money to maintain the dykes; in the case of any breaching of dyke, people would be destitute and homeless”; if the government decided to “take the cost of harnessing to subsidize the migrated people”, the issue could be resolved, and the people could live and work in peace and contentment. He commented that “In the vast territory, we do not need to occupy this small area of land. If this strategy is implemented, there will be no flood in the following thousands of years, so it is the superior strategy.” The intermediate strategy was to “construct canals in Jizhou for irrigation and water diversion.” Specifically, the government could construct stone dykes and gates, such as “stone dykes in the east of Qikou, with several gates”; construct long dykes and guide the water of the Yellow River to the Zhangshui River, the long dykes in the east of the gates “stretch more than 300 li to the north, and head to the Zhangshui River”; set multiple canals along the long dykes for irrigation, “in the case of drought, the lower gates in the east could be opened to irrigate the fields in Jizhou; while in the case of flood, the higher gates in the west could be opened for diversion.” In this way, the three harms could be resolved and three benefits could be realized. The three harms were “people have to frequently deal with water issues, and cannot focus on farming; the water level is above the ground, people may easily get sick, the plants may wither and no grains may grow; in the case of overflow, people may be destitute and homeless.” The three benefits were “With canals, the salt brine could be flushed, and the fields could be fertilized; paddy could be planted after wheat, with five times 4

Zuo Zhuan ‧ The First Year of Zhao Gong.

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the yield of high-quality fields, and ten times the yield of the poor fields; the canals could also be used for transport.” During that period, each county along the Yellow River had to organize thousands of people for harnessing with the cost of millions of money, which could “construct canals and gates”, “all counties would be willing to construct canals in view of the benefit of irrigation, and free the people from frequent harnessing. The fields could be fertile and dykes could be built,” thus realizing “a prosperous state with peaceful people, creating favorable conditions for farming and supporting the later generations”. The inferior strategy was to “maintain the original dykes and reinforce the weak parts” if the first two strategies could not be implemented. But this might “result the minimum at a huge cost, and this is the inferior strategy”.5 The guiding idea of the harnessing strategies proposed by Jia Rang was to “widen the river and discharge the flood”. He believed that the best way was to divert the Yellow River artificially, which could get rid of the issue of flood for a long period of time; the second way was to construct canals for flood diversion, irrigation and transportation, which could benefit the people and get rid of the harms, and maintain hundreds of years of peace; he was unwilling to implement the conservative way of repairing the old dykes, for which would require great labor and cost. In later dynasties, people should still select one for the harnessing of the Yellow River from the three strategies. Wang Fuzhi in the Qing Dynasty once said, “Jia Rang provided a reference for the harnessing of the Yellow River in later generations”.6 In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the harnessing of the Yellow River became the focus of the government for another time. At that time, the Yellow River Basin was densely populated, with prosperous economy and dense cities. The harms brought by the flooding of the Yellow River were must greater than those in the Han, Wei, Sui and Tang Dynasties. Similarly, the difficulty in harnessing was also aggravated, with a smaller space for decision making and less options. In this context, the idea of flushing sand with water was proposed. In the late Ming Dynasty, Pan Jixun (1521–1595) implemented this idea for the harnessing of the Yellow River. He presided over four times of the harnessing of the Yellow River and the Canal in 27 years. He improved the idea of flushing sand with water based on the predecessors’ experience and his own practice; and proposed the overall ideology of harnessing the Yellow River, the Haihe River, the Huaihe River and the Canal through thoroughly analyzing the hydraulic engineering, namely “connect the Canal to the Yellow River, and the harnessing of the Yellow River could benefit the Canal; connect the Yellow River to the Huaihe River, the harnessing of the Huaihe River could benefit the Yellow River; converge the Yellow River and the Huaihe River and make them flow to the sea, and the harnessing of the Yellow River and the Huaihe River could benefit the sea.”7 As for the harnessing of the Yellow River, he advocated “harnessing the river and flushing the sand with the water of the Yellow River”, for he believed that “The Yellow River is quite turbid, with 6/10 of History of the Han Dynasty ‧ Canals. Wang Fuzhi. Tong Du Jian Lun. Vol. V. 7 Wang Xijue. Epitaph of Pan Jixun. 5 6

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silt, and even 8/10 in autumn, which would result in sedimentation”. “Water diversion would slow down the flow, and lead to sedimentation, thus causing riverbed rise with the silt contained in water. The confluence could speed up the flow, and flush the sand, thus deepen the riverbed. Through constructing dams to gather water for flushing the sand, the silt at the bottom would be removed.” He also summarized the experience in constructing large dykes, and divided the dykes into remote dyke, lower dyke, lattice dyke and crescent dyke. The remote dyke refers to the dyke far away from the river, which was mainly used for flood discharge in the case of a flood; the wisp dyke refers to the lower dyke near the river, which was mainly used to store water and resist general flood; the lattice dyke refers to the horizontal dyke between the remote dyke and lower dyke, which was mainly used to prevent flood from overflowing the lower dyke and washing the foundation; the crescent dyke refers to the semicircular dyke at the key part of the lower dyke, either outside or inside of the dyke, which was mainly used to strengthen the embankment. In addition, he also directed the project of introducing the water from the Huaihe River to the Yellow River, and established the method of “flushing the Yellow River with fresh water”, namely flushing the silt in the downstream channel of the Yellow River with the water from the Huaihe River through constructing dykes to increase the level of Hongze Lake and store water. As recorded, “The two rivers were regulated, the silt of the Yellow River was flushed, the estuary was clear, and fields were protected, the exiled persons went back, the crops were planted, and the livelihood was ensured.” Under the direct guidance of Pan Jixun, the harnessing of the Yellow River was smoothly performed, and remarkable achievements were made. It was recorded that after the third harnessing, “The high weir was constructed, the watercourse was smooth, and there was no flood in several years”. The method of flushing sand with water was taken as the most important experience in the harnessing of the Yellow River by later generations.

7.3 Solid Natural Economic Structure In the traditional Chinese society, the agriculture-oriented policy and measures continuously strengthened China’s traditional agricultural economy, which was also an economic cornerstone for the long-term existence of the traditional Chinese society. Economic structure is the combination of various economic factors in a society, and also the sum of various economic relations. In addition to the structure of productivity and that of production relations, it also contains economic relations and proportional relations among various sectors, industries and regions of the state economy. In an economic structure of any society, there may be several subordinated economic structures, such as the technological structure reflecting the relations between technological means of different advanced degrees in a productive force system at a given time, and the development status and level of productivity; the structure of labor forces reflecting the relationship between different types of labor forces and their

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status and level; the ownership structure reflecting the relationship and form of the possession of land and other social assets in a certain period of time; and the industrial structure reflecting the distribution of productivity factors among industries and their mutual relations in a certain period of time. In brief, the social economic structure could intensively reflect the status and development of social productivity, as well as the status and development of social productive relations. The social economy of the traditional Chinese society took the traditional agricultural economic structure as the core, which always occupied a dominant position, affecting and determining the development of other economic factors and economic structures.

7.3.1 Characteristics of Natural Economy Each traditional society must be a society with the nature of natural economy, which was the same in China’s traditional agricultural society, and the traditional societies in Europe and Arab Region. Natural economy, as a social economy opposed to commodity economy, was a widespread economy in the pre-capitalist world established based on agriculture and animal husbandry or other primary industries. The nature of natural economy in the traditional Chinese society can be investigated from the aspects of owner-peasant economy, feudal landlord economy and state economy. The individual small-scale peasant economy, a typical natural economy, combined small-scale agriculture with cottage craft, making each family a solid organization of production and a natural barrier to production scale. “Men tilling the farm and women weaving” was the true portrayal of this natural economy. The combination of tilling and weaving could meet the basic and lower needs for survival, and reduce the contact between small peasant families and the market; it could also provide the sites for women to perform auxiliary works such as weaving, and overcome the matter of labor idleness due to the large difference in seasonal labor expenditure. In addition, in the individual small-scale peasant economy, there was a tendency that agriculture rejected the breeding industry, and crop cultivation rejected the cultivation of other cash crops, which strengthened the nature of this the economic structure. The limited surplus products of the small-scale peasant economy could not establish the extensive commodity economic relations, making commodity economy fail to be established, “in the case of a small disaster, the peasants may borrow usury; while in the case of large disaster, they may have to sell the fields and houses.” The ideal state of a family was the possession of “100 µ of fields and 5 µ of houses”. The feudal landlord economy was also a form of natural economy with the main purpose of meeting self-demands of the peasants, which was established based on small-scale peasant economy in the traditional Chinese society, and was inseparable from the tenant farming. It was more typical after the Song Dynasty. The feudal landlord economy could be deemed as the aggregate of several individual small-scale peasant economies. The economic purpose of land annexation for tenant farming

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was not to meet the requirement of operation or commodity exchange, but meet the consumption needs of the landlords. Liu Zongyuan in the Tang Dynasty reflected the ideal of the landlord class in China, “With a large house surrounded by mulberry trees; 300 servants and 500 µ of fields; realizing self-sufficiency through planting crops and hemp, raising animals and making carts, without any call for help from others.”8 Furthermore, the exploitation of the feudal landlord economy, the parasitic operation mode, the transfer of wealth into fields, and the speculative nature of non-agricultural activities reflected the nature of natural economy. The state economy, although complicated, also had the feature of natural economy. In the traditional Chinese society, the economic foundation of the state was traditional agriculture established based on the small-scale peasant economy. Therefore, the state economy was only the combination of multiple individual small-scale peasant economies, and the foundation of the state economy was the small-scale peasant economy. Marx vividly described the widespread small peasants in France as a bag of potatoes, which was also applicable to the understanding of small-scale peasant economy in the traditional Chinese society. The small-scale peasant economy failed to form new economic organizations, relations and structures at the national level; for multiple natural economic factors could not form an open national economic system. Due to the lack of extensive economic links and the failure in forming an open economic network, the horizontal economic links were not fully developed. The unity of the state was mainly maintained by political power rather than economic power. Commodity economy only had a limited impact on the disintegration of the traditional society, and it was frequently suppressed by the government.

7.3.2 Structure of Natural Economy The China’s traditional social economy was a typical pattern with the features of natural economy as investigated from the individual or local aspects, such as the relations among the small-scale peasant economy, feudal landlord economy, and regional economy, as investigated from the whole, such as the relations between state economy and international economy. Such features are presented in the following respects: (1) Self-sufficiency Natural economy was generally featured in the narrow spatial–temporal world of economic activities; in other words, natural economy, with underdeveloped social pattern and social demands, was mainly established to satisfy the consumption needs of its own economic entities, rather than social exchange. This self-sufficiency was mainly reflected in the aspects such as production, distribution, exchange, and consumption. In terms of production, the conditions of production and reproduction were prepared and accumulated by a certain economic unit; the production process 8

Liu Zongyuan. Song Cong Di Mou Gui Jiang Ling Xu.

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was completed independently without the participation of other economic units; the natural division of labor was generally adopted, while the social division of labor was underdeveloped. In terms of distribution, the underdevelopment of social labor and completeness of family labor made the distribution of products lagged behind, and the pattern of shared labor and production results within the family was dominant. In terms of exchange, the exchange of social labor and products was quite backward, and the common forms of exchange included the exchange of labor due to natural division of labor, and that of limited household surplus products. In terms of consumption, the low-level consumption minimized the connection between different economic units, making consumption severely constrained by low productivity. This self-sufficiency economy was bound to result in enclosure of the economic organization and economic structure, namely, the lack of economic connection and effective mutual promotion between economic entities would make the cohesion far greater than the expansion of economy. The existence of individuals does not necessarily depend on that of groups, but the existence of groups must depend on that of individuals. (2) Discreteness The so-called discreteness refers to a feature of dispersion and independence of different economic organizations, economic regions and economic sectors due to the lack of extensive economic cooperation and connection. In the traditional Chinese society, the underdeveloped social productive force, the low social division of labor, and the strong natural economic orientation of all regions, sectors and production units made it hard to develop the multi-level and multi-faceted economic relation and economic cooperation; while the empire was mainly maintained by political and cultural forces. The traditional small-scale peasant economy is a type of smallscale economy without depending on the production conditions provided by other economic organizations. Therefore, it always maintained the social relation of “the villagers may hear the sound of chickens and dogs raised by others, but they would not get in contact with each other until death”; in other words, people required no rich social connections and exchanges. There was no obvious economic difference between regions, and the economic structure based on agriculture was widespread, which would be bound to result in the loose regional economic links. For example, the Beijing-Hangzhou Grand Canal, as a great channel connecting the north and the south, should play an important role in linking the logistics between the north and the south, promoting the development of commodity economy and fostering new economic organizations and economic forces, but its major function was to ensure the transportation of grains and government supplies, showing an obvious feature of ensuring the political and national security. Each previous empire was a cohesive economic organization, with a large number of relatively independent and unconnected economic factors. It was like a sack of potatoes, and the economic factors lack of an organic connection were potatoes. Therefore, in traditional Chinese society, once the political authority of the central government declined, it would be inevitable to lead to national secession. Compared with political needs, economic needs only played a relatively weak role in consolidating the unification.

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(3) Stability Stability refers to slow development and change of the economic structure and organization, as well as the economy, which could be deemed as high in stability in the long run. The structure of natural economy would lead to stability based on its organization and structure, or it could be said that this economic structure was always durable and stable. It did not particularly require but strongly reject the introduction of external economic factors and forces, making it a stable combination of various components. The change of this stability structure depended on the intensity of the internal change and the impact of external forces. In the traditional Chinese society, both the internal change and external impact failed to shake this stable economic structure. The economy in the traditional Chinese society was in a low level of development, and showed a trend of inward-oriented development particularly after the Northern and Southern Song Dynasties. In the past thousands of years, no profound changes took place in social economic organization and structure, which did not mean that the aggregate of the traditional social economy in China failed to increase; in fact, it achieved the most commendable achievements in the world in the traditional era. However, no significant changes took place in the economic organization and structure. It could be said that in the traditional Chinese society, the great fluctuation and the qualitative stability of the economy were always ingeniously integrated. (4) Isomorphism The isomorphism refers to the identity or similarity of organizational structure of the economic organizations at different levels with different scales. The isomorphism of economy in the traditional Chinese society was mainly reflected in in the following aspects: (1) Interfamily isomorphism, namely each production organization of smallscale peasant economy had identity or similarity in organizational structure. Obviously, the small-scale peasant economy utilized the family-based economic organization structure, for the family was the natural production organization of smallscale peasant economy. (2) Regional isomorphism, in other words, there may be differences in the level and degree of economic development in different regions; for example, the economic development of dryland farming in northern China was greatly different from that of paddy farming in southern China, but they were identical or similar in the economic organization and structure. (3) Family-state isomorphism, namely, the state and various families had identity or similarity in economic organization and structure, and they were strikingly consistent in several respects. The family-based economy, like the national economy, was a closed, stable and discrete organizational structure. The family-based economy mainly combined farming with weaving, without depending on other external structures, which was similar to the national economy. This isomorphism could typically reflect the natural economy nature of China’s traditional social economy. In conclusion, the traditional Chinese society had prominent characteristics of natural economy, which became the important characteristics of the traditional Chinese society, just like what described by Bai Juyi in the poem “Zhu Chen Village”, “In Gufeng County of Xuzhou, there was a village called Zhu Chen. In the area

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about 100 li away from the county, people planted numerous mulberry and hemp plants. Women were busy at weaving, and men worked with cattle and donkey. Women collected water from the stream, and men collected wood from the mountain. Since the county government was far away, people here are quite simple. People are unwilling to engage in commerce and join the army. All maintain their property in the village, and do not go out of the village until death. They live and die in the village. The old and young play in the fields happily. There are only two clans connected by marriage. They are all relatives, and the young and the old sit together, enjoying the chicken and wine. People would not travel, and girls and boys in the village get married. The death would be buried near the village. They do not worry about the life and death, or concern about the appearance and spirit. People could be longevous, with great-great-grandsons…”. What a leisurely scene of life!

Chapter 8

The Inexorable Expansion of Agriculture

In the long run, China’s traditional agriculture enjoyed the driving force and huge space for inward and outward development, leading to the long-term existence of the traditional Chinese social economy. It was not quite smooth for China’s traditional agriculture to expand northward. Because of the climate, it always took a long time and a high cost to transform the animal husbandry areas into agricultural planting areas, and such transformation was hard to be consolidated. In general, the expansion of traditional agriculture to the south was quite successful. In the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period, most of the regions in the Yangtze River Basin and south of the Yangtze River were not suitable for the development of traditional agriculture, and people could not overcome the obstacles in the local natural environment. After the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, a large number of people moved south to transform the local natural environment and develop paddy farming in the Yangtze River Basin, thus making the expansion of traditional agriculture increasingly smooth. In particular, it should be mentioned that all the previous dynasties actively promoted the process of agriculturalization, and constantly improved and strengthened the status of agriculture in social economy. The situation of agricultural production and the status of small-scale peasant economy were directly related to the rise and fall of a traditional empire, as well as social stability. Therefore, the government’s economic policies were prepared to ensure the smooth operation and continuous development and expansion of agricultural production, thus guaranteeing the basic financial resource and grain supply; and actively support small-scale peasant economy to ensure smooth and effective agricultural production, thus maintaining social stability and development. In fact, after the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, the small-scale peasant economy, with its small scale and strong vitality, became the most important factor of economic development and economic stability; and its status directly affected the smooth and effective operation of traditional social economy. Therefore, the government in the traditional society always focused on strengthening agricultural production and supporting small-scale peasant economy, so as to promote the agriculturalization of social economy. © China Renmin University Press 2023 Y. He, The Agricultural Civilization of Ancient China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8469-3_8

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The status of agricultural development was closely related to the prosperity of a state. The state economy could be determined by agriculture, as recorded in Guan Zi, “Through visiting the fields and examining the farming, we may determine the prosperity of a state. If there are fields with grass but without deep ploughing or fertilization, and there is a large area of uncultivated land, although there is no drought or flooding, it would still be a poor state.”1 In the process of development of China’s traditional agriculture, there were roughly three expansions.

8.1 The First Expansion of Traditional Agriculture The first expansion of traditional agriculture was the formation and establishment of traditional agriculture based on dryland farming in northern China, and its expansion to the Yellow River Basin. The formation of China’s traditional agriculture was a natural process of historical and economic development, and also a process of artificially accelerating the formation of traditional agriculture in the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties. Especially in the Warring States Period, the fierce political and military competition was actually the competition of economic strength, which was quite wonderful but cruel. Almost all the economic strength competitions were featured in the strengthening of the development and utilization of agriculture, represented by Shang Yang’s Reform in the State of Qin. Once the intense economic competition was transformed into a pattern of traditional agriculture, it would be bound to lead to the expansion of agriculture. The rich and fertile land resources in the Yellow River Basin provided a natural stage for this expansion, which also laid the first foundation for the great civilization of the Chinese nation.

8.1.1 The Establishment of Traditional Agriculture in the Yellow River Basin: The Formation of Small-Scale Peasant Economy The intensive cultivation system was formed around the Warring States Period, when there was already a relatively complete farming technique system. Firstly, the small-scale peasant economy adopted a tillage method of intensive cultivation. In the Warring States Period, people had a deeper understanding of the tillage method. As recorded in Xun Zi, “Soil produces grain, and intensive cultivation may have a good harvest”.2 There were the terms such as “deep ploughing and lump crushing”, “deep ploughing to remove grass”, and “deep ploughing and weeding” in many literatures; therefore, it could be seen that deep ploughing, lump crushing and 1 2

Guan Zi ‧ Ba Guan. Xun Zi ‧ Fu Guo.

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weeding were relatively mature at that time; and these tillage methods were mastered by the peasants, which set a path for the continuous and efficient use of land and the increase of the output of traditional agriculture. In the Western Han Dynasty at the latest, the dryland farming system featured in intensive cultivation was formed in the Yellow River Basin. One of the major innovations of China’s traditional agriculture was to restore and increase soil fertility through fertilization, which was also a key factor for improving the land utilization rate. The intensive cultivation must be accompanied by the measures for increasing soil fertility. In the Warring States Period, the peasants mastered the technology of fertilization and understood the principle of restoring soil fertility through fertilization. It was recorded in Xun Zi that “The peasants should divide the field by area, remove the grass for planting grains, and fertilize the soil with manure”.3 During that period, the peasants generally used the farmyard manure, plant ash and humus. Secondly, the development of small-scale peasant economy profited from the implementation of the land grant system, which was a pattern that the state provided the agricultural producers with the public land for faming by families, and collected the rent and tax. For example, in the State of Wei, Li Kui “strengthened the guidance for the peasants”, to energetically cultivate the small-scale peasant economy, and collected “tithe” from the peasants. The State of Qin actively promoted the land grant system, and implemented the agricultural warfare policy, which closely combined agriculture with war. On the one hand, the state vigorously promoted the land grant system, developed agricultural production, expanded the reclamation area, and encouraged the increase of population and the development of small-scale peasant economy; on the other hand, it actively expanded the arms, enriched and improved the combat capabilities, and participated in the strive for unification. The huge production capacity of small-scale peasant economy was an important economic factor promoting the State of Qin to unify the whole country. The production scale of the small-scale peasant economy was generally small, and the typical pattern was “A family of five cultivated one hundred mu of land”. As recorded in many literatures in the Warring States Period, “The family with five mu of house and one hundred mu of land may get rich if the planting is not interrupted” and “the peasants engaged in farming throughout the year”. Although the small-scale peasant economy was small in scale and agriculture surplus was not quite sufficient, it was higher in labor productivity with greater vitality as compared with the previous collective labor such as “coupled cultivation”. As for a state, small-scale peasant economy could directly increase the economic strength and undertake the taxation and corvee; in addition, it could ensure the source of troops. Thirdly, the rapid growth of population was also an important factor promoting the development of small-scale peasant economy. In the Warring States Period, the economic and military strength of each state was determined by the size of population; therefore, all the states implemented their own policies for increasing population. There were numerous policies for early marriage and childbearing. For example, 3

Xun Zi ‧ Fu Guo.

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Gou Jian, the King of Yue, regulated that “The mature men should not marry old woman, and the old men should not marry young women. If a woman of seventeen does not get married, and a man of twenty does not have a wife, their parents would be punished. As for any woman awaiting delivery, the state would arrange a doctor for treatment. The birth of a boy would be awarded with two pots of wine and one dog; and the birth of a girl would be awarded with two pots of wine and one pig. In the case of triplets, the state would be responsible for feeding; and in the case of twins, the state would also provide rewards. If the head of a household dies, tax would be exempted for three years, if a son dies, tax would be exempted for three months”.4 Shang Yang also implemented the policy of encouraging birth. These policies led to a rapid increase in population in the Warring States Period, and some people were anxious, “One man has five sons, one son has another five sons, and the grandpa may have twenty-five grandsons. People would compete for the limited wealth, and the labor would gain fewer yields.”5 In fact, the increasing demand for population was a major feature of the traditional agricultural economy, and the intensive cultivation required abundant labor force. There was a classic dialogue in history when Confucius and his disciples visited the State of Wei and viewed the flourishing population, The Master observed, “How numerous are the people!” Ran You said, “Since they are thus numerous, what more shall be done for them?”, “Enrich them”, was the reply. “And when they have been enriched, what more shall be done?” The Master said, “Teach them.”6 The teachings of Confucius are still valuable at present. In short, the fundamental manner to develop agriculture was to strengthen and develop the traditional agricultural economy based on individual small peasants. In the Warring States Period, traditional agriculture found its breakthroughs in production organization and pattern of operation, expressing the great economic superiority of small-scale peasant economy.

8.1.2 Development Advantages of the Basic Economic Zone in the Yellow River Basin The traditional agriculture always tended to expand, and the newly reclaimed agricultural areas attached vitality to traditional agriculture. In the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, agricultural production and economy occupied a dominant position in social production and economy, and the crop farming and planting became the major sources of food and clothing for the Chinese people. There was a great difference from agricultural development in Europe. The development of traditional agriculture in this period was reflected in the following two aspects: (1) The continuous expansion of agriculture in size and area: Guo Yu ‧ Yue Yu. Han Fei Zi ‧ Wu Du. 6 The Analects ‧ Zi Lu. 4 5

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The agriculture continuously expanded from the narrow areas in the Yellow River Basin to the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River, as well as the Central Shaanxi Plain, which were then integrated as a whole economic zone through the expansion of traditional agriculture, and the agro-pastoral boundary moved northward and westward. (2) The continuous improvement and development of agricultural production organization and technologies, especially the formation of the traditional agricultural economy featured in small-scale farming, intensive cultivation and massive input of labor. This form of agricultural economy made the land utilization rate and grain yield per unit area reach the highest level around the world in the traditional era. The basic economic zone in the Yellow River Basin, namely the most basic and leading economic development area of traditional social economy, was established around the Qin and Han Dynasties. It was a basic pillar of the survival and development of the traditional social economy, an area with the most complete traditional social and economic relations, and the main source of the government’s fiscal taxation. This basic economic zone covered the Central Shaanxi Plain Economic Zone and Eastern Shaanxi Plain Economic Zone. At that time, the Central Shaanxi Plain Economic Zone was larger than the Central Shaanxi Plain Region today, and mainly covered the upper reaches of the Yellow River, the Weishui Basin, and Bashu Region; while the Eastern Shaanxi Plain Economic Zone, namely the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River, mainly covered the former places of the States of Han, Zhao, Wei and Qi. The Central Shaanxi Plain Economic Zone was the political and economic center in the Qin and Han Dynasties, “The Central Shaanxi Plain covers one third of the territory and the population accounted for three tenth, but the wealth accounted for six tenth”7 ; the Eastern Shaanxi Plain Economic Zone was the most economically developed area after the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period, with the most land and population and the most developed agricultural production. In the Qin and Han Dynasties, the governments constructed various irrigation and hydraulic engineering facilities in the basic economic zone. After the establishment of the basic economic zone in the Yellow River Basin, it was increasingly significant to ensure the normal agriculture production in the Yellow River Basin, and the harnessing of the Yellow River became an important task of the state. The governments of the Qin and Han Dynasties mobilized labor forces to harness the Yellow River for several times. For example, in 69 AD, the government of the Eastern Han Dynasty appointed Wang Jing and Wang Wu to “Build the Bian Canal, and construct the dyke from Xingyang to the estuary, lasting for more than one thousand li”.8 This harnessing of the Yellow River guaranteed the safe flowing of the Yellow River for hundreds of years. The governments of the Qin and Han Dynasties also extensively maintained the original hydraulic engineering facilities; for example, the Emperor An of the Han Dynasty “ordered the Sanfu, Henei, Hedong, Shangdang, Zhaoguo

7 8

Records of the Historian ‧ Huo Zhi Lie Zhuan. History of the Later Han Dynasty ‧ Biography of Wang Jing.

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and Taiyuan to maintain the old canals and dredge the waterways for irrigation”9 ; in addition, the governments also constructed many new hydraulic engineering facilities. For example, the Emperor Wu of Western Han ordered Xu Bo to guide the excavation of the Cao Canal (about 300 li in length) from Chang’an to the Yellow River; furthermore, the government also constructed Longshou Canal in the Central Shaanxi Plain, Liufu Canal in the upper reaches of Zhengguo Canal, as well as the Bai Canal. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, the government constructed a number of reservoirs for water storage and irrigation.

8.1.3 Impact of War on the Basic Economic Zone in the Yellow River Basin In the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, the basic economic zone in the Yellow River Basin was severely damaged by war, making the previously prosperous region fall into constant warfare. For example, during the period ruled by Emperor Hui of The Jin Dynasty (290–307), “There were countless robbers, and famine in Si and Ji Regions, leading to the action of eating people. At the end of the period ruled by Jilong…The state fought against the Qiang and Hu nations almost in each month. Millions of people in Qingzhou, Yongzhou, Youzhou and Jingzhou, as well as the Di, Qiang, and Man people moved to their origins; they killed each other, and only two or three tenth reached the destinations. Due to the chaos, no one engaged in agriculture”.10 The endless war harmed the social economy and led to severe chaos; people could not engage in agricultural production. As recorded in The Book of Jin, “The over 60 years of chaos led to mass mortality, and only one hundredth survived. The towns were in ruins, the fields were damaged, leading to desolation.”11 The ethnic minorities living in the western regions and northern desert, such as Xiongnu, Xianbei, Qiang, Di and Jie, abandoned their nomadic activities, and migrated to the Yellow River Basin under the leadership of their tribal leaders; they shocked the politics, economics and culture in the Yellow River Basin, combing the chaos with national fusion. Firstly, these ethnic minorities lived in the western and northern borderlands, and mainly engaged in animal husbandry; in peacetime, they lived a stable nomadic life; while in the event of war, they would plunder the people living in Central China, threatening the regions of traditional agriculture. Secondly, they were backward in the economic development level, and their invasion in the Yellow River Basin would be bound to harm the traditional agriculture, especially the handicraft industry, commerce, and urban economy. Thirdly, their social and cultural system also lagged behind that of the Han people in the Yellow River basin. Their migration inevitably destroyed the culture and institutional system of the Han History of the Later Han Dynasty ‧ Emperor An. The Book of Jin ‧ Biography of Shi Jilong, attached with the Biography of Ran Min. 11 The Book of Jin ‧ Biography of Sun Chu, attached with the Biography of Sun Chao. 9

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people, and their cultural and institutional systems were generally adverse to the socio-economic recovery and development in the Yellow River Basin. For example, the ancient city Luoyang was once quite prosperous, which was located in Central China with highly developed agricultural civilization; however, the nomadic people turned it into a place for nomadism. Yuwen Fu of the Northern Wei “set a pasture from Shiji in the east to Henei in the west, extending to the north and south of the Yellow River for one thousand li for horse breeding; and other animals were also raised. Yuwen Fu was good at breeding”.12 “Emperor Shizu led ten thousand soldiers and occupied Gansu; he set Hexi as the pasture, and raised two million horses, one million camels, and countless cattle and sheep. Then Emperor Gaozu took the area north of the Yellow River as the pasture and raised ten thousand military horses for protecting the capital”.13 The prosperity of nomadic economy in these areas inevitably led to the decline of traditional agricultural economy. However, their regimes also took some measures to promote the recovery of social economy in the Yellow River Basin. For example, Fu Jian of Former Qin (357–385) appointed Wang Meng (Han nationality) to take a series of measures for developing the social economy: Strengthening the centralized rule and containing the undesirable extension of clan aristocracy, “making the officials shocked and the aristocracy restrained, and improving the personal honesty”; developing agricultural production, improving farming technologies, and asking the peasants to adopt the sectioning method; organizing 30,000 servants of the aristocracy to “construct dykes and canals for irrigating the saline and alkaline land”, which recovered and developed agriculture in the central area; stabilizing the social order and promoting the recovery and development of industry and commerce, “The area was in peace, and people could get a good harvest; from Chang’an the various states, there were locust and willow trees along the roads, with a pavilion every twenty li, and a post house every forty li. The travellers may have a rest, and the vendors may sell goods along the roads”.14 For another example, the government of Northern Wei also took some policies and measures to restore and develop the social economy.

8.1.4 Population Migration and Development of the Yangtze River Basin As affected by the continuous warfare in the Yellow River Basin during the period of the Three Kingdoms and the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, a large amount of agricultural population displaced from their homes and moved southward for avoiding the war. Their high-level agricultural planting techniques, agricultural varieties and farming experience greatly promoted the development of agricultural The Book of Wei ‧ Biography of Yuwen Fu. The Book of Wei ‧ Shi Huo Zhi. 14 The Book of Jin ‧ Biography of Fu Jian. 12 13

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production and agricultural economy in the Yangtze River Basin, preparing conditions for the prosperity and development of traditional agriculture in the Sui and Tang Dynasties and the Northern and Southern Song Dynasties. Of course, this should be examined from a long historical perspective. This migration of population was a prerequisite for agricultural development in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River. The economic development in each region should rely on the gathering of all kinds of human resources. The gathering of people this time expressed the following characteristics: (1) The officials and privileged families of the former Eastern Han Dynasty brought abundant experience in state governance and social management, and cultural resources. As recorded, “At that time, a large number of officials moved to the lower reaches of the Yangtze River”.15 (2) The peasants in the Yellow River Basin brought the mature experience in organization and management of agricultural production, and the rich knowledge and experience in agricultural planting and weaving. For example, the Kingdom of Wu required cloth, and Hua He suggested that “The official families generally have several sons and daughters, we can order one daughter of each family to weave a bunch of cloth each year, and then we may get a lot of cloth.”16 (3) The massive labor forces provided endless labor for agricultural development and economic development. For example, Lu Su (an official of the Kingdom of Wu) took 300 men and women to the south. In the 18th year of Jian’an (213), more than ten thousand families moved southward for avoiding the order of internal migration of the Kingdom of Wei.17 The relevant data of population showed that about 900,000 people (namely 1/8) migrated southward during this period18 ; about 530,000 families at the end of the Kingdom of Wu, and 900,000 families in the period of the Kingdom of Liu Song migrated southward.19 In addition, people were generally friendless and helpless, but had to rely on the rich families, “As affected by the chaos, people leaved their hometowns; and the despotic families acquired land, making such people have no place to live.”20 They also accounted for a high proportion. The agriculture in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River was mainly developed through reclaiming the mountains, forests, swamps and wastelands. All the large and small states in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River encouraged the migrated people to engage in reclamation. Firstly, the government organized the reclamation of land, including civil reclamation and military reclamation. For example, the Kingdom of Wu started reclamation of land around the fifth year of Jian’an (200), which lasted for more than 80 years, and more than ten thousand people engaged in agricultural production. It was recorded that the military of Western Jin Dynasty occupied the land of military reclamation in Wancheng City at the later period of the Kingdom of Wu, and “burned 18 million hu Records of the Three Kingdoms ‧ The Book of Wei ‧ Biography of Hua Xin. Records of the Three Kingdoms ‧ The Book of Wu ‧ Biography of Hua He. 17 Records of the Three Kingdoms ‧ The Book of Wu ‧ Biography of the King. 18 Ning (1999). 19 Han (1979). 20 New Anecdotes of Social Talk—Vol. 1, Government Affairs. 15 16

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of grain, more than 4000 qing of paddy fields, and 600 boats”,21 from which, we can see that the scale of military reclamation was quite large. Secondly, the governments persuaded people to engage in farming and sericulture; for example, Liu Yu at the end of the Eastern Jin Dynasty implemented the policy of “developing farming and restraining commerce, and encouraging people to store grain and collect plants, to live on farming”.22 Emperor Wen of Song continued to implement this policy, “Making the migrated people engage in farming, examining their efforts, and implementing the strict official promotion and demotion.” “All the local governments should encourage farming, mulberry planting and silkworm breeding.”23 Many mountains, forests, and swamps were transformed into fields. Thirdly, the ethnic minorities in the regions south of the Yangtze River also actively participated in the agricultural development. Due to the large-scale reclamation of forests, the Man, Liao, Xi, and Li people were forced to move out of their homes; in the process of agricultural development, they got rid of the primitive slash-and-burn farming and gathering economy, and started merging with the Han nationality. The relatively stable social environment ensured the development of agriculture in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River Agriculture. It was true in the history that without the stable socio-political environment, there would be no development of social economy. During this period, the relatively stable social environment in southern China significantly promoted the local development of agriculture. As recorded, “Within 39 years after the migration of Sima Xiu in the 11th year of Yixi (415) to the last year of Yuanjia (453), there was no war, people were not forced to provide corvee, and the tax was lowered; as a result, the population was increased, and each family stored grains and other products; and there were even no thieves.”24 Some privileged families had solid family properties and great wealth, and some had “thousands of servants”; the trade of servants was common at the time. It was also recorded that “After the coming of the Jin people, the trade of servants, cows, horses, fields and houses with documents should pay 400 wen for the trade of 100,000 wen, 300 of which should be paid by the seller, and 100 by the buyer.”25 Through the above efforts, the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River became more important regions for the development of traditional agriculture.

8.2 The Second Expansion of Traditional Agriculture The second expansion was the expansion of traditional agriculture to the Yangtze River Basin, which created the glorious traditional agriculture and society in the The Book of Jin ‧ Biography of Wang Hun. The Book of Song ‧ Emperor Wu. 23 The Book of Song ‧ Emperor Wen. 24 The Book of Song ‧ Biography of Kong Jigong. 25 The Book of Sui ‧ Shi Huo Zhi. 21 22

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Yangtze River Basin, and also provided a good prospect for the development of traditional agriculture. Around the middle Tang Dynasty, the economic center in China irreversibly moved to the Yangtze River Basin, creating the main economic center of China. In particular, the large-scale planting and high yield of paddy created an opportunity for China’s traditional agriculture to realize the development in depth and breadth. In the Sui and Tang Dynasties, China’s traditional agricultural economy reached a high level. By virtue of the long-term stability, agricultural production in various regions was recovered and developed, making significant achievements particularly in southern China. In the early Tang Dynasty, the government implemented the Equally Dividing Field System, which cultivated the small-scale peasant economy and developed it with an unprecedented speed and scale, thus making it the principal part of agricultural production. The level and technologies of agricultural production were significantly improved, and various irrigation and hydraulic engineering projects were constructed; the landlord manor economy disintegrated, and the relatively pure tenancy relationship was gradually established; in addition, the attachment of tenant peasants to landlords was further weakened, and the agricultural pattern was greatly improved.

8.2.1 The Formation of the Basic Economic Zone in the Yangtze River Basin In the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the traditional Chinese social economy made an important progress, namely, in addition to the basic economic zone in the Yellow River Basin, several other economic zones were also established; in particular, the economic development in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River formed the second basic economic zone, thus changing the landscape of the traditional Chinese social economy. (1) Rising of the basic economic zone in the Yangtze River Basin The middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River were developed more profoundly in the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties, and they were the most important regions of expansion of the China’s traditional agricultural economy. In the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the social economy in the Yangtze River Basin was further developed, making it another basic economic zone equivalent to the basic economic zone of the Yellow River Basin. After the development in the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties, the agricultural economy in the vast areas of southern China made a great progress, “The abundant goods could be supplied to various regions; and the silk and cloth could satisfy the demand of all the people”.26 Pi Rixiu also pointed out that “In addition to the nine existing rivers, there is also the Grand Canal connecting 26

The Book of Song—Vol. 54. Zhuan Lun.

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the Zhuojun County with Jiangdu, which can produce great profits.”27 This basic economic zone can provide abundant goods for the central government; in the Tang Dynasty, the financial revenue was mainly obtained from the regions south of the Yangtze River, “In each year, the taxes were mainly collected from 40 prefectures, including Zhexi, Zhedong, Xuanxi, Huainan, Jiangxi, Eyue, Fujian and Hunan, with 1.44 million households, accounting for a quarter of all the taxes during the period of Tianbao.”28 The households in the regions south of the Yangtze River regions were only 1/4 of the total households, but they undertook heavier taxes than other regions. In the eighth year of Zhenyuan (792), Quan Deyu mentioned that “The grain harvested in the Jianghuai Region can feed several other regions, so the governance relies on the regions south of the Yangtze River.”29 “The taxes and grains from the Jianghuai Region can support the national defense and administration.”30 Han Yu also said that “Nine tenth of the taxes came from the regions south of the Yangtze River”.31 The national finance depended on the support of the basic economic zone in the Yangtze River Basin, which gradually became a prosperous economic center. The increase of the number of households in the Yangtze River Basin also indicated the growth of this basic economic zone. The changes in population of Hangzhou and Suzhou showed that in the fifth year of Daye (609), the years of Zhenguan (627– 649) and the 28th year of Kaiyuan (740), the number of households in Hangzhou was 15,380, 30,571 and 86,256, and that in Suzhou was 18,377, 11,859 and 76,421 respectively; while in the period of Yuanhe (806–820), the number of households in Suzhou exceeded 100,000.32 Without the economic development and agricultural expansion, the population growth could not be achieved. (2) Expansion of agricultural planting areas in the Yangtze River Basin In the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the planting areas in the Yangtze River Basin were continuously expanded, the reclamation area was rapidly increased, and the agricultural production technologies and tillage methods were constantly improved. The agricultural production in the traditional society was accompanied by the reclamation of land, the improvement of agricultural production technologies and agronomic techniques, and the increase of agricultural population, which were mainly supported by the reclamation of land. There are many poems on the reclamation of land for agricultural development in the regions south of the Yangtze River, such as “An old man living in the mountain, with three or four mu of land. Under the heavy tax, he cannot feed himself, but the grain in the official barn would decay. At the end of each year, he had to ask his son to collect acorn. But on the boats of the rich merchants, the dogs may eat meat” in “Ye Lao Ge” of Zhang Ji; “People boil water to collect 27

Pi Zi Wen Sou. Vol, 4, Inscription of Bian River. Tang Hui Yao. Record of Households. 29 The New Book of Tang: Biography of Quan Deyu. 30 On the Flood in the Yangtze River and Huai River Basins. Collected Works of Quan Zaizhi, Vol. 47. 31 Preface to the Poem Sent to Lu Xizhou. Annotations to Changli Anthology. Vol. 4. 32 Liang (1980), p. 430. 28

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well salt, and burn the plants for farming” in “Qiu Ri Kui Fu Yong Huai” of Du Fu; “There are peach and plum flowers on the mountain, and houses with smoke from kitchen chimneys. Women collected water from the river, and men take the tools to burn and reclaim the land.” in “Zhuzhi Chant” of Liu Yuxi; and “Men burn plants and cut trees for farming, startling various insects” in “Zeng Tian Sou” of Li Shangyin; all of which described scenes of reclamation for cultivation. In addition to the establishment of the basic economic zone in the Yangtze River Basin, several other economic zones were also established in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River: Bashu Economic Zone was developed in the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, and maintained long-term and relatively independent development due to the constraints of natural geographical conditions. Pearl River Economic Zone was initially developed, but its economic development level was still low. The distribution of the above economic zones showed that the pattern of the central region traditional agriculture combined with the peripheral non-agricultural regions was formed in the Sui and Tang Dynasties, namely the basic agricultural economic zone—economic zone focusing on agriculture rather than husbandry (fishing)— nomadic (fishing and hunting) zone radiated from the Basic Economic Zones in the Yellow River Basin and the Yangtze River Basin. The radiation of traditional agricultural economy showed a feature of ink infiltration. (3) Impact of the basic economic zones in the Yangtze River Basin In the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the formation of the basic economic zone in the Yangtze River Basin had a profound impact on the socio-economic and political patterns of the traditional Chinese society. On the one hand, two economic centers were established in northern and southern China, namely the Yellow River Basin Basic Economic Zone and Yangtze River Basin Basic Economic Zone, and the development level of the Yangtze River Basin Basic Economic Zone gradually exceeded that of the Yellow River Basin Basic Economic Zone. On the other hand, the political center was always set in northern China, and the government should focus on strengthening the control of the economy in southern China. Fu Zhu, a Chinese scholar, once pointed out that “Although the Sui Dynasty was a short-lived dynasty, it was still a dynasty with great strategies and capacity; it incisively noticed a great historical change after the Northern and Southern Dynasties, namely the transfer of the national economic center to the south due to the destruction of the northern economic zone, but the political center could not be moved. In view of this great historical contradiction, the Emperor Wen of Sui Dynasty found a resolution and constructed the Grand Canal to connect the separated economic and political centers.”33 (4) Development of traditional agriculture in the Yangtze River Basin and the Yellow River Basin In the Sui and Tang Dynasties and the Period of Five Dynasties, China’s traditional agriculture reached another peak. With the improvement of agricultural tools and 33

Fu (1986).

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technologies, the construction of irrigation and hydraulic engineering projects, the utilization of vast wastelands, and the improvement of intensive farming, agricultural production enjoyed vigorous development. Firstly, remarkable achievements were made in the improvement of agricultural production tools and the transformation of agricultural production technologies. As the most important production tool used in traditional agriculture, the plough (straight iron plough) invented in the Qin and Han Dynasties effectively promoted the development of agricultural production; then in the Tang Dynasty, this heavy, inflexible, laborious and time-consuming plough was replaced with the curved iron plough. With a short and curved shaft, this effort-saving plough was easy to operate and flexible in turning, and could be pulled by one cattle. In the process of development of agriculture in southern China, various water lifts were invented for irrigation, including turnover water lift, dragon-bone water lift, water wheel, and paddle wheel water supplier. In addition to windlass and shadouf, the peasants generally used various water lifts powered by manpower, animal power and water power. For example, there were bamboo tube water lifts in Sichuan. In the second year of Taihe (828), the government ordered Jingzhaofu to manufacture water lifts for the people living in the irrigation areas of Zhengguo Canal and Bai Canal, and then it gathered craftsmen in regions south of the Yangtze River for concentrated manufacturing. Secondly, irrigation and hydraulic engineering facilities and farmland projects were developed. More than 200 hydraulic engineering projects were recorded in Xintangshu ‧ Geography, with unprecedented scale and quantity, most of which were constructed for agriculture production. There were several well-known hydraulic engineering facilities in history, such as Zhengguo Canal and Bai Canal, and more were newly constructed hydraulic engineering facilities. In the Tang Dynasty, hydraulic engineering facilities were divided into the following types: (1) Irrigation facilities in northern China, which were mainly used to solve the dependence of agricultural production on water resources; (2) The drainage and water storage facilities in southern China, such as dykes, weirs, ponds, and pools; (3) Embankments constructed in coastal areas. Thirdly, the level of intensive farming was continuously improved. In the Sui and Tang Dynasties and the Period of Five Dynasties, vast wastelands were reclaimed, farmlands abandoned due to war were recovered, and more mountains, slopes and swamps were reclaimed as farmland; in particular, this trend was intensified with the development of agriculture in southern China. At the same time, the intensive farming was also significantly improved, and a new method of seedling and transplanting of paddy was developed in southern China. The planting of early season paddy promoted the two-year triple cropping system in the regions south of the Yangtze River; and in some regions, one-year double cropping system was adopted. The intensive farming significantly improved the land utilization rate. As recorded, “For each qing of paddy, people should work for nine hundred and forty-eight days, which were two hundred and eighty-three days for planting millet”. Paddy planting required more labor than the planting of other5 crops, which further strengthened the

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intensive farming of China’s traditional agriculture and made traditional agriculture attract more labor forces. Fourthly, commercial agriculture developed rapidly. The development of commercial agriculture depended on the development level of trade and maturity of the market. In some areas, agricultural production was increasingly diversified, which strongly promoted the expansion and development of rural commodity production and exchange, especially the production of tea. In the Sui and Tang Dynasties and the Period of Five Dynasties, the tea planting and drinking trend was popular in urban and rural areas, especially among the scholarbureaucrats and monks. It was recorded that “The tea leaves picked earlier are called tea, and those picked later are called “ming”. It can quench thirst but make people sleepless; and the southerners like to drink, unlike the northerners. In the period of Kaiyuan, a great monk in the Lingyan Temple on Mount Tai intended to promote Zen, all the learners studied day and night, and he provided tea for them; then others imitated and made tea drinking a custom. From Zou, Qi, Cang and Di to the capital, there were teahouses, and all could buy and have tea.” “Then tea drinking became popular among the officials.”34 There were numerous documents recording tea in the Tang Dynasty, such as Mengding Tea, Shihua Tea, Zisun Tea, Shenquan Xiaotuan Tea, Changming Shoumu Tea, Bijian Tea, Mingyue Tea, Fangrui Tea, Zhuyu Tea, Luya Tea, Xiangshan Tea, Nanmu Tea, and Dongbai Tea. Peasants in tea-producing areas generally engaged in planting tea; in the harvesting season, merchants came in great numbers to buy new tea. For example, in Qixian County, “There are over 5,400 registered households in the county; with more mountains and less fields, clear water and fertile soil, about seven or eight out of ten peasants engage in tea planting, which can enable them to buy food and clothing and pay taxes. Tea in Qixian County is yellow and fragrant, which attracted merchants from other regions. In each February and March, they would come to buy tea and sell it to other counties”.35 This scene was the same in other tea-producing areas.

8.2.2 Prosperous Traditional Agriculture in the Northern and Southern Song Dynasties In the Northern and Southern Song Dynasties, intensive farming was further developed. With the stabilization of social and political order and the rapid increase of population, agricultural production was restored and developed in the Yellow River Basin and Yangtze River Basin. Particularly, with the migration of people to the south, the regions south of the Yangtze River were reclaimed and utilized. In the Period of Five Dynasties, and the Song, Liao, Jin and Yuan Dynasties, the traditional political center in northern China was affected by long-term military confrontation, 34

Feng Yan: Feng’s Records. Vol. 6. Zhang Tu: Record of the Construction of Lumen Stream in Qimen County. Quan Tang Wen, Vol. 802.

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and the economic foundation and cultural achievements accumulated for hundreds of years were destroyed by war, leading to massive migration of people from the north to the south in hundreds of years. The population in the south was significantly increased; in the early Northern Song Dynasty, “There were 967,553 households, which increased to 2,508,065 at the end of Kaibao; after exploiting the boundary by Emperor Taizong, the quantity reached 3,574,257. Later, it constantly increased, and reached over 18.78 million in the period ruled by Emperor Huizong”, “After the migration to the south, and people in regions north of the Yangtze River and Huaihe River were captured, the quantity of households in the period ruled by Emperor Gaozong was still 11,705,600, decreasing by only seven million as compared with that before the period Xuanhe.”36 The peasants overcame the limitations of natural conditions in the regions south of the Yangtze River, and reclaimed fields in the areas of rivers, lakes and seas, as well as mountains and depressions, such as low-lying paddy fields surrounded with dykes, sludge land, floating field, hillside field, shoal field, and tidal land. Many new hydraulic engineering projects were constructed, particularly in the Southern Song Dynasty, “The paddy fields were more productive than the fields in the Central Plains, and people constructed numerous hydraulic engineering facilities”.37 The massive migration of people from the north to the south promoted the development and utilization of land in the regions south of the Yangtze River, which, combined with the increasingly intensive farming, made the population grow rapidly. Therefore, the contradiction between people and land became prominent in the Southern Song Dynasty. For resolving such a contradiction, there should be more idle land that can be reclaimed for cultivation, and the government should strengthen intensive farming. In view of the limited idle land, the intensive farming had to be adopted. From then on, the disadvantages of China’s traditional agriculture were rapidly accumulated. The continuous expansion of farmland and the development of intensive farming in the Northern and Southern Song Dynasties gradually formed a distinct development road. As for China’s traditional agriculture, the investment of labor and land would improve the agricultural productivity. The investment of labor would continuously accelerate the intensive farming and promote the changes in the planting structure; while the investment of land would continue to expand the space for agricultural development in wider regions. This was a basic trajectory of traditional agricultural development. In the Southern Song Dynasty, with the moving of the political center southward and the increase of population in southern China, the vast newly reclaimed land provided traditional agriculture with new vitality. The prosperity of the Yangtze River Basin Economic Zone exceeded that of the Yellow River Basin Economic Zone, and its further development resulted in the complete southward movement of the economic center of the Chinese traditional society.

36 37

Yuan Jiong: Feng Chuang Xiao Du. Vol. 1. The History of Song Dynasty ‧ Shi Huo Zhi.

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8.3 The Third Expansion of Traditional Agriculture The third expansion took place in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, when the traditional Chinese society enjoyed great prosperity, with multiple fields reaching the peak in the traditional era. For example, the traditional society maintained the longest period of unification, namely 540 years from the founding of the Ming Dynasty in 1368 to the collapse of the Qing Dynasty in 1911. It was quite rare to maintain basic stability and development of politics and economy in such a long period of history. Although there was a transfer from the Ming Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty, the chaos only lasted for a short period of time. In this period, the population also enjoyed rapid growth. He Bingdi believed that the population had three peaks in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, namely 150 million in 1600, 313 million in 1794, and 430 million in 1850.38 While population was the basic economic force of the traditional society, population growth was an important symbol of social and economic development. These factors created a good environment and excellent conditions for the third expansion of traditional agriculture, making it develop to the highest level from the perspective of depth or breadth. In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the development of traditional agriculture was also reflected in the following aspects: Through examining the profound changes of traditional agriculture in this period from the perspective of agricultural expansion, it could be found that the most prominent features were the improvement of the original traditional agricultural economic zone, the development of commercial agriculture and the emergence of specialized planting and breeding areas, as well as the introduction of new crop varieties and agricultural development in northeast China. The Times Atlas of World History commented that in 1393, China’s population was just over 60 million, decreasing by 40% as compared with that in the late Song Dynasty. When it came to peace and internal stability, the population started increasing for another time, reaching around 130 million in 1580. Although the population declined sharply due to the epidemics in the late sixteenth century and the 1640 s, the improved agricultural techniques enabled China to feed the increased population. Several new crops were introduced, for example, cotton was commonly planted in the Yangtze River Basin and north of Jiangsu in the Yuan Dynasty; and sorghum was widely planted in the arid west and northwest. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Spanish and Portuguese traders reached China, and they brought more new crops, such as sweet potato, maize, peanut, Irish potato and tobacco, which could grow on land not suitable for conventional crops.39

38 39

He (1989). Barraclough (1985), Chap. V, pp. 126–127.

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8.3.1 Expansion and Development of Traditional Agricultural Areas The development of traditional agriculture in the Ming and Qing Dynasties can be reflected in the following two aspects: (1) The expansion of agricultural production and planting areas: Many uncultivated fields were reclaimed as new farmlands; in view of the increase of land value, people were wild about acquiring land; (2) Further enhancement of intensive farming: A variety of production techniques and tillage methods were developed. In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, people tried every possible way to expand new farmlands. As estimated, the area of cultivated land was about 600 million mu in the early Qing Dynasty, which increased to 1.1–1.2 billion mu in the period ruled by Emperors Jiaqing and Daoguang (1796–1850) due to the continuous reclamation of land from mountains, forests, swamps, river and lake banks, and shores in the traditional agricultural economic areas; and the expansion of the vast land failing to be fully developed in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, especially the Qing Dynasty, including agricultural development in northeast China and Xinjiang. Such expansion provided traditional agriculture with a huge development space and a broad economic area. As restricted by the land increment, people continued to reclaim land from mountains, forests, swamps, river and lake banks, and shores around the state, especially in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River. For example, there were lots of slum dwellers in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, who were restricted from reclaiming land from mountains, forests, and swamps by the ban on the development of mountainous areas in the Ming Dynasty. While in the Qing Dynasty, more slum dwellers engaged in land reclamation, especially in southern Shaanxi, western Sichuan, Hubei, western Hunan, the junction of Fujian, Zhejiang and Jiangxi, as well as mountainous areas of Anhui and Zhejiang.40 In the regions south of the Yangtze River, the reclamation of land from lakes, ponds, and the sea was more popular, and low-lying paddy fields surrounded with dykes, diked fields, and embankmentprotected fields were developed, especially in the Jianghan Area, Dongting Lake Area, Poyang Lake Area, and Taihu Area. Objectively, a large number of mountains, forests, swamps, river and lake banks, and shores were reclaimed as the cultivated land, which promoted the development of traditional agriculture, but weakened the ecological environment; the adverse effects became more obvious with the passage of time. When Zuo Zongtang put down the rebellion in Xinjiang, large-scale agricultural development was started. It was put forward that Xinjiang “has a large area of fertile land, and the reclamation of wasteland can produce a good harvest; if the mainlanders are recruited for farming, the grain could be stored for the military, and the landless peasants could survive”.41 Agricultural development in Xinjiang was mainly 40

Peng (1990). Collection of Memorials in the Qing Dynasty—Agriculture ‧ Environment, p. 242, The Commercial Press. 2005.

41

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performed by traditional garrison reclamation, including military reclamation, civil reclamation and commercial reclamation. In the Qing Dynasty, military reclamation was the main manner to promote the agricultural development in Xinjiang, which could consolidate the border defense and provide certain military supplies; civil reclamation, consisting of banner reclamation, peasant reclamation and prisoner reclamation, depended on the material and financial support from the government, and was hard to be maintained; commercial reclamation was another effective manner of reclamation, which encouraged merchants to engage in agricultural development in Xinjiang. In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the excellent tradition of intensive farming was further deepened, effectively increasing the land utilization rate and the yield per unit area. Agricultural production throughout the state was characterized by the increasingly intensive farming, especially in the Yangtze River Basin and the regions south of the Yangtze River, people mainly increased the yield per unit area by means of intensive farming. To this end, in view of multiple cropping, the peasants cultivated several varieties suitable for planting in various regions; they actively improved soil fertility by increasing the amount of fertilizer, and applied commercial cake fertilizer in addition to natural manure and farmyard manure, significantly enhancing the effect of fertilization; with the higher and more detailed requirements for agricultural cultivation, they developed the heavy ploughs and the pattern of alternative cultivation; they also strengthened field management of agricultural production and attached unprecedented importance to the aspects such as pest control, and also implemented delicacy management of arable farming. Intensive farming in the Ming and Qing Dynasties was featured in improving the yield per unit area, and the peasants explored a variety of fertilization methods in the regions south of the Yangtze River. “For planting, regardless of the paddy field or dry land, the application of manure may increase the yield by two hoppers”.42 Since agricultural planting required more labor, in the regions south of the Yangtze River, “A large family may manage 20 µ at the most; a medium family may manage 12–13 µ; and a small family may manage 4–5 µ”. Therefore, the intensive farming in this period can be concisely summarized as “the input of more manure and labor”.43 In the period ruled by Emperor Qianlong, what commented by Yin Huiyi, Governor of Henan, could roughly reflect the status of agricultural development in northern and southern China in the Qing Dynasty, “With the same effort, the yield per mu in the south may be much higher than that in the north. It is not because that people in the south are wiser and more laborious than those in the north, or the soil in the south is more fertile than that in the north. But because of a narrow territory with dense population, one man may manage 10 and 20 µ at the most; the intensive farming can obtain a higher yield. Due to the vast land in the north, a man can manage 70 or 80–100 µ; the peasants paid more attention to extensive farming rather than the application of manure, making the soil less fertile. They could not concern all the fields. The small fields managed by small families may have a good harvest; 42 43

Bao Shichen: An Wu Si Zhong—Qi Min Si Shu, Vol. 2. Geng Chen Za Zhu II. Dong and Fan (2000), Preface, p. 6.

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while the tenant peasants planted more but gained less. The local officials should persuade the landowners to hire more tenant peasants, and make each tenant peasant plant less than 30 mu. The tenant peasants should weed thoroughly and apply fertilizer. Ploughing should be implemented for three times, manure should be applied twice, and hoeing should be applied for four times, but more hoeing is acceptable for planting cotton. The less land managed by each tenant peasant may result in a higher yield, the landlords may enjoy more profits and more landless people would have the fields, thus reducing the vagrants.”44

8.3.2 Development of Commercial Agriculture The development of commercial agriculture in the Ming and Qing Dynasties was also an important symbol of agricultural expansion in this period. Especially in the Qing Dynasty, the development of commercial agriculture was not completely established on the transformation of traditional agriculture, but driven by foreign trade. The degree of commercialization of agricultural products reached a certain level before 1840. As estimated, the grain, cotton, cotton cloth and silk accounted for 10.5, 26.3, 52.8, and 92.2% of the total output respectively.45 However, the commodity exchange was mainly the exchange between small peasant producers. The rapid development of commercial agriculture was due to the high profits. There were obvious disadvantages of grain cultivation. As calculated by Zhang Qiancun (Qing Dynasty) in Bei Huang Tong Lun, “For each mu of field, the cost of tilling, seed, hired labor, sacrifice, and cattle would be one thousand coins.” The direct production cost would account for 15–25% of grain price, and in addition to the labor cost, the profit of grain cultivation would be quite low. If the cultivation was performed on the rented land, the profit would be minimal. The development of commercial agriculture based on the urban demand and export induction promoted the planting of cash crops in various regions. For example, when the silk price rose, in regions such as Jiangyin County of Jiangsu, the planting of mulberry was continuously expanded; in some regions in Guangdong, the original paddy fields were also transferred into mulberry fields. When the cotton price rose, the peasants in many regions turned to plant cotton. When the demand for tea export increased, some regions in Fujian reclaimed tea hills. In Danling County, Sichuan, “The peasants and monks plant tea trees in gardens”. In the case of high profits from making sugar, people in Dongguan of Guangdong “plant sugarcane to make more profits”. The development of commercial agriculture was popularized in the economically developed areas of southeast China, as well as rural areas in Mainland China. The strengthened specialization of agricultural production in some regions promoted the changes in traditional planting structure, leading to the formation of 44 45

Yin Huiyi: Jing Chen Nong Sang Si Shi Shu, Huang Chao Jing Shi Wen Bian. Vol. 36. Wu (1985).

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agricultural production areas with a higher degree of specialization. For example, major cotton producing areas were formed in Jiangsu, Hubei, Shandong, Hebei, Henan, Shaanxi, and Zhejiang; major tea producing areas were formed in Anhui, Jiangxi, Fujian, Zhejiang, Hunan, Sichuan, and Yunnan; and major silkworm breeding and mulberry growing areas were formed in Zhejiang, Guangdong, Jiangsu, Sichuan, Anhui, Hubei, Hunan, Shandong, and Henan. In addition, there were also tobacco, soybean, peanut and paddy producing areas. The specialization of agricultural production was not achieved due to domestic economic development and market needs, but the needs of the world market. With the development of domestic commerce and foreign trade, commercial economy and commercial development penetrated deeply into traditional agriculture, based on which, commercial agriculture developed significantly.

8.3.3 Introduction of New Crop Varieties The research on China’s traditional agriculture should also pay high attention to the introduction, cultivation and promotion of high-yield crops. The previous history indicated that wheat was widely cultivated in the Yellow River Basin during the first expansion of traditional agriculture; and it took nearly a thousand years to replace mille and barley. Paddy was widely cultivated in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River during the second expansion of traditional agriculture, and gradually expanded to northern China; aat present, paddy agriculture is still prosperous. Corn, sweet potato, potato, peanut and tobacco were widely cultivated in China during the third expansion of traditional agriculture, satisfying the demand of the rapidly growing population in China. Agricultural development was achieved through introduction and promotion of crops. In all countries around the world, the native crops could not meet the requirement for food diversification, and they should constantly introduce and spread crop varieties. Many varieties that we consume today were introduced by the exchange of agricultural production and the spread of crop varieties in the past thousands of years. In traditional agriculture, the introduction and spread of crop varieties played an important role in promoting the development of agricultural production. In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, five crops, including corn, sweet potato, potato, peanut and tobacco, were introduced and spread, in which, maize and sweet potato were smoothly introduced, for they could be planted on barren hills, with the drought and flood resistance and without competition for land with the original crops; therefore, they could be accepted by the majority of agricultural producers. Potato was introduced and planted later, and rapidly promoted with low land requirements, early maturity and high yield. Peanut and tobacco were introduced in Guangdong and Fujian, and gradually spread to the north; it soon became a widely accepted cash crop by the Chinese people. The crop planting structure formed in this period established the basic pattern of agricultural planting in China.

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8.3.4 Agricultural Development in Northeast China The large-scale agricultural development was relatively late in northeast China, because the government of the Qing Dynasty deemed it as “The Land of Dragon Rising”; therefore, the government “enclosed” this region and prohibited the Han people from moving to engage in agricultural development activities. However, from the perspective of the historical development of the Qing Dynasty, the migration and development in northeast China never stopped. During the period ruled by Emperor Shunzhi, the government published the Regulations on Recruiting People for Reclamation in Eastern Liaoning, to encourage agricultural producers inside the Shanhaiguan Pass to reclaim land for farming in northeast China. During the period ruled by Emperor Kangxi and Emperor Yongzheng, the government established official farms owned by the royal family, princes and marquises, and the government, which were responsible for the organization and management of agricultural production. During the period ruled by Emperors Qianlong, Jiaqing and Daoguang, although the government implemented a strict “enclosure” policy, the immigration of the inside the Shanhaiguan Pass for reclamation was not completely eradicated. During the period ruled by Emperors Xianfeng and Tongzhi, this policy was gradually loosened, and the Han people were recruited for reclamation, promoting the agricultural development and production in northeast China. Probably from the late Qing Dynasty, the status of northeast China as the main grain production area in China was gradually revealed. Later, with the in-depth development of agriculture, northeast China became one of the “granaries” in new China.

Chapter 9

Value Pursuit Advocating Agriculture

In the traditional Chinese society, the cultural and value pursuit advocating agriculture was of long standing, which formed the unique feature of the Chinese culture and civilization. The “good cropping weather, peace and prosperity” has been a beautiful pursuit of the Chinese peasants over thousands of years, reflecting the most basic and simple aspiration and ideal of the traditional agricultural society. The smoothness without floods and droughts, the peace and stability without chaos, and the stabilization of life without harsh duties formed a portrayal of harmonious countryside. Agricultural knowledge and agricultural techniques were praised as the “national scientific knowledge and techniques”; the pursuit of cultural value based on traditional agriculture was the pursuit of national cultural value, and played an important role in the traditional Chinese society. Francesca Bray studied that before the nineteenth century, although all the countries depended on agriculture, few countries put the improvement of agricultural techniques as the core of the ruling philosophy. For example, most western governments did not get involved in the production and spread of agricultural knowledge before the nineteenth century. However, Imperial China got involved in this aspect after its founding. The spread of agricultural knowledge was a core function of the government.1 This characteristic of the traditional Chinese society cultivated the rich agricultural science and technology culture and profound agricultural civilization achievements.

1

Bray (2017).

© China Renmin University Press 2023 Y. He, The Agricultural Civilization of Ancient China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8469-3_9

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9.1 The Ideological and Cultural Appeal Advocating Agriculture The most typical cultural characteristic of the traditional Chinese society was to advocate for the value pursuit of agricultural production and life. Chinese scholar Zhang Qizhi believed that the core concept of the Chinese excellent culture can be summarized as “the thought of nature and human, imitation of nature, being vigilant in peace time, perseverance, honesty, self-discipline, people-oriented policy, benevolence, respecting of teachers, harmony in diversity, rapid change, and universal peace”,2 which was the best summary of the core ideas of China’s outstanding traditional culture. It could be seen that almost all of these core ideas are closely associated with the long agricultural life and intense agricultural environment. The traditional agricultural production and life fostered the ideological and cultural appeal advocating agriculture. For example, the “thought of nature and human” in Chinese philosophy conceived in China centered on agriculture, which was a life style centered on family, an empirical world respecting the ancestors, and a special way of thinking of the Chinese people. There were also many other regions centered on agriculture around the world, but such a philosophic thinking was only established in China. The thought “valuing human affairs over the way of heaven” became the driving force for the development of the Chinese nation, namely “man can carry forward tao, and not vice versa”.3 Agriculture and culture were integrated in the traditional Chinese society. Fu Xuan of the Western Jin Dynasty once said, “If a family has enough food, the children would be filial, the father would be gracious, the brothers would be friendly and amiable. If the state is out of famine, kindheartedness and justice could be voluntarily realized. The officials should be appointed based on the number of people, and tasks should be determined based on people; the division of scholar, farmer, artisan and merchant should be clear. If no system can be formulated precisely, the civil and military officials should be examined, to make the competent ones learn and rule, and others engage in farming. The surplus of artisans and merchants should also be asked to engage in farming. In this manner, sufficient grain can be stored.” “When the people get rich, they would focus on education and worship; while the poor may gather and rebel against the government. In the case of hunger and cold, people would rise in revolt.”4 Actually, many thinkers at home and abroad have attached extraordinary functions and values to agriculture. Marx said, “The ancients believed that agriculture was the only business suitable for the freeman, and the school for the training of soldiers.” “Agriculture enjoys great honor.”5 However, only the traditional Chinese society gave full play to the thought and value of advocating agriculture, which can be outlined in the following aspects.

2

Zhang (2014). The Analects ‧ Wei Ling Gong. 4 Gao (2008). 5 Marx (1956). 3

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9.1.1 The Thought of “Coordination of Heaven, Earth and Man” The core of agronomic thought in China is the coordination between man and nature, based on which, our ancestors tried their best to seek the maximum harvest and development. The thought of “Coordination of Heaven, Earth and Man” is a classic expression of this coordination. In the Chinese cosmology, heaven, earth and man are the most basic elements; and this coordination is expressed as the “timing, geographical convenience and harmonious human relations”. Compatibility and conflict form a pair of contradictions, in which, compatibility is beneficial to the development and success, while conflict plays an opposite role. Agricultural production and life should also focus on the “Coordination of Heaven, Earth and Man” rather than conflict. “Crops are planted by men in soil, and their growth depends on the weather”,6 which was a concept established based on the development of traditional agriculture in the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties. Agricultural production and life must deal with the relationship between “heaven, earth and man” and the planting, and the lack of any condition would directly affect the normal agricultural production. Such opinions highlighting wholeness, connection and dynamic state were quite common in the traditional agricultural development view in China. For example, the 24 solar terms and farming knowledge are developed based on traditional Chinese agricultural production and life formed a knowledge system integrating phenology, astrology, meteorology and farming, which could be used to guide agricultural production and life from a holistic, relational, and dynamic perspective. For another example, the system of knowledge and technologies such as crop planting and intercropping also fully reflects the holistic, relational, and dynamic perspective, and takes into full consideration of the factors such as soil, hydraulic engineering, climate, and crops. Such a thought is reflected in “soil adaptability theory” and “soil vein theory”. The so-called “following the timing and acting according to circumstances” is the embodiment of this thought. In terms of the “Coordination of Heaven, Earth and Man”, the factor man is the key. A man would not passively adapt to and accept the results of the movement of nature, but serve as the key role in coordinating and dealing with the relationship between various factors. As recorded in Guan Zi, “Crops cannot grow without soil, the fields cannot be suitable for farming without reclamation, and people cannot get rich without hard working. The wealth can only be produced by labor.”7 Wealth may be created based on various basic conditions, but it should be ultimately created by labor. Such an opinion was vividly reflected in the Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals, “Plants grow in spring and wither in autumn due to the weather. When there are conditions, the plants would change accordingly; otherwise, they would not

6 7

Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals ‧ Shen Shi. Guan Zi ‧ Ba Guan.

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change. Through observing the conditions, our ancestors could engage in planting”.8 Chao Cuo in the Han Dynasty also commented that “millet and cloth are produced by the crops planted and harvested in the right season.”9 In agricultural production, the development trend of traditional agriculture disapproved the pattern of extensive farming, but advocated deep ploughing and intensive farming. For example, Fu Xuan in the Western Jin Dynasty advocated intensive farming, and he discussed agricultural production that “For farming in the early Western Jin Dynasty, people may not reclaim vast fields, but should spare no efforts in farming; then they could have a good harvest. The tax was gradually increased, and the soldiers engaging in farming could not pay the tent. It was not due to the disasters, but the planting of more fields that made people fail to rest.” The later agronomy basically followed this thinking, especially focused on the enthusiasm of people and attached the spiritual pursuit of “man can conquer nature” to the “Coordination of Heaven, Earth and Man”. For example, in traditional agricultural production, the canal agriculture, irrigation farming, and intensive farming developed under the harmony between man and nature. For another example, the agricultural development and transformation in some areas not suitable for farming such as mountains, slopes, and hills in northern China, as well as land reclamation from lakes and sea, and the construction of terraced fields, reflected the enhancement of enthusiasm of people in the relation of “Coordination of Heaven, Earth and Man”. The brilliant achievements of China’s traditional agriculture were made based on the entrepreneurial spirit and enthusiasm of our ancestors.

9.1.2 Tradition of Farming and Education The inheritance of farming activities and the pursuit of cultural values should be realized by families (clans), especially the traditional agricultural knowledge and technologies based on the accumulation and refinement of practical experience, and traditional social and cultural knowledge based on the refinement and sublimation of ethical values. Therefore, family instructions, centered on farming and education, became the important carriers for families (clans) to inherit agricultural knowledge and technologies, and carry forward excellent traditional cultural achievements. A family instruction was generally the edification and admonition of the representative of a family (clan) to the descendants, which may involve the aspects such as production and operation, behavior and household management. Family instructions, with a positive role in personal growth, family harmony and social stability, formed an important part of family (clan) culture in the traditional Chinese society. Farming and education, the basic economic characteristic and cultural pursuit of the families (clans) in the traditional society, was prominently reflected in many long-standing family instructions. We would introduce the economic characteristics and cultural 8 9

Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals ‧ Yi Shang. History of the Han Dynasty ‧ Shi Huo Zhi.

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pursuit of farming and education in the traditional Chinese society based on The Family Instructions of Master Yan and The Family Instructions of Zhu Bailu. The Family Instructions of Master Yan was prepared by Yan Zhitui (531–591) in the Southern and Northern Dynasties, who lived through four dynasties and became “the person of subjugation for three times”. The ups and downs of his life and the change of dynasties made him accumulate profound experience and philosophy of life. The Family Instructions of Master Yan was praised highly by people in later dynasties. The Family Instructions of Zhu Bailu was prepared by Zhu Bailu (1627– 1698) at the late Ming Dynasty and early Qing Dynasty. Zhu Bailu, Gu Youguang and Gu Yanwu were known as “Three Sages of Kunshan”, and Zhu devoted himself to teaching and study of the Neo-Confucianism, and advocated the synergy of knowledge and practice and the personal involvement of practice. The Family Instructions of Zhu Bailu, with plain writing, was widely spread and easy to recite. Firstly, all these family instructions attached great importance to the improvement of personal cultivation, and took moral cultivation as the foundation of settling down to a quiet life. Yan Zhitui described the ideal living that “The custom and enlightenment should start from the seniors, and then may be reflected by the acts of the juniors. The seniors should implement them before the juniors. Therefore, the father should be gentle, and the sons should be filial; the brothers should be friendly and respectful to each other; the husband should be humane, and the wife should be compliant.” “People’s livelihood depends on crops and clothing of mulberry and hemp. The fruits and vegetables may be planted in gardens, and chicken and pigs may be raised in stalls. The houses, farming tools, wood and lamps are obtained through working. Although the family could independently survive, it should get the supplies such as salt from others. In northern China, people are diligent and thrifty, and can ensure the food and cloth; while in the regions south of the Yangtze River, people are luxurious and do not focus on frugality.”10 Zhu Bailu put forward the specific requirements for personal life, “One should wake up early to clean the house; and should also sleep early after inspecting the lock of the gate.” “The apparatus should be clean and the food should be fine; one should mainly take the vegetables in the garden rather than delicacies.” “One should gain extra advantage by unfair means in the case of buying something from the dealers, and help the poor neighbors.”11 The ultimate goal in almost all the family instructions was to cultivate the honest men. Secondly, these family instructions repeatedly emphasized the importance of “farming” and warned all family members not to break away from agricultural production. Yan Zhitui commented that “Our ancestors taught people to understand the hardship of farming, so as to make them cherish food and attach importance to agricultural labor. Food is the paramount necessity of the people, and one would have no energy without having food for three days. Grains can only be stored through farming, weeding, harvesting, processing and winnowing. People should not ignore agriculture and highlight commerce. The officials moved southward with the rise of the Jin Dynasty, and eight or nine generations have passed. They once lived on 10 11

The Family Instructions of Master Yan ‧ Zhi Jia. The Family Instructions of Zhu Bailu.

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salary rather than farming. Those with fields only asked their servants to plant crops, and they had no knowledge about farming; then they could not handle other affairs, and all were because of their living on velvet.”12 Zhu Bailu expected that his family could remember that “It is hard to cook porridge and meal, and produce a piece of cloth”.13 Agriculture was deemed as the source of living and also a process of cultivating personality, tempering conduct and forming temperament. Thirdly, these family instructions also repeatedly emphasized the importance of “education”, and asked the family members to highlight education. Yan Zhitui emphasized that “People should engage in certain industries, for example, the peasants should engage in farming, the merchants should discuss goods and wealth, the craftsmen should be good at manufacturing, the skilled should develop techniques, the soldiers should learn horseback riding and archery, and the scribes should study the classics. However, the officials are ashamed to be involved in agriculture and commerce, and are unwilling to learn technical skills or archery, but hold the brush pen and drink; they are empty until death. Some could be officials because of the achievements of their fathers, and then they become complacent and forget what they learned. They cannot participate in any discussion on any affair.”14 Zhu Bailu pointed out more specifically that “Although our ancestors are far away from us, we should be faithful in sacrifice. Although the children are not quite clever, they should learn the classics. One should be honest and simple, and educate the children with the best method.” “The family is peaceful, and all members are happy even if there is no abundant food. After paying the tax, they could be happy without much grain. They intend to learn from the sages but do not only aim at becoming officials. After becoming the officials, they should be patriotic and loyal to the throne rather than the family.”15 Education was required after completing the tasks of farming; because in the traditional society, all the learners intended to inherit the cultural knowledge and the thought of the sages through education. Therefore, the family instructions of all dynasties in China can be taken as the best teaching materials for farming and education.

9.1.3 The Circumstances of Rural China Rural China was a beautiful portrayal of traditional social economy and agricultural life. In the traditional Chinese society, there were “four circles” around the countryside, respectively representing rural political power, clan power, cultural power and mutual aid power. The rural political power was mainly charged by country gentlemen, who were generally from the official families, rich farmers, and the team of clan elders; they were actually responsible for the distribution of rural power and The Family Instructions of Master Yan ‧ She Wu. The Family Instructions of Zhu Bailu. 14 The Family Instructions of Master Yan ‧ Jiao Zi. 15 The Family Instructions of Zhu Bailu. 12 13

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rural governance. The rural clan power, determined based on consanguinity, was the patriarchal power maintaining the family and clan, which was quite strong in rural areas. The power and authority of the clan elders made them competent in dealing with disputes. Rural cultural power was mainly reflected in the important function of rural private schools in family education; such schools were mainly supported by the country gentlemen or families. In the traditional society, some senior officials and rich merchants would go back to their hometowns, and they could promote the stability and harmony of the countryside and the construction of public facilities. The mutual aid power was implemented by the distribution of the common property of a family; the income from the public property (such as clan land) of the family (clan) was provided for family members in financial difficulties, so as to ensure their basic livelihood and the stability of the countryside. In general, the greater overlapping of these four powers would make the rural society more stable. In the traditional Chinese society, rural governance was a remarkable feature in China, which was different from other countries in the world; it was also one of the most effective patterns of national and social governance in the traditional society. The rural governance was closely associated with the patriarchal clan relationship, and kinship was improved as the patriarchal clan relationship and then the social relation; in such a process, the Confucianism plays an important role. “Imperial power does not reach the countryside” was a major characteristic of the traditional Chinese society. Rural governance experienced the evolution from village system to baojia system and duty system. It was a natural relationship of the rural society, without involving the external factors of the government; it combined consciousness with coerciveness, without expensive cultivation and maintenance; it could attract widespread support, especially in the regions with clans gathered; it was an economical and convenient way of governance, and the countryside could support its operation based on its own economic power; it was a mutually beneficial and encouraging cultural organization, the family-based private schools could realize the inheritance of cultural traditions. In the traditional society, rural governance was performed based on folk regulations. It was recorded that the government implemented “twelve teachings” of rural governance in ancient times: Teaching people to respect with sacrificial rites, to make them careful; teaching people to be humble with upright rites, to make them free from strife; teaching people to be intimate with wedding rites, to make them love each other; teaching people to be amicable with music, to make them docile; teaching people to be distinguish with etiquette, to prevent them from arrogation; teaching people to settle down with customs, to prevent them from drifting along; teaching people to abide by the law and discipline rite with criminal law, to prevent them from riots; teaching people to be cautious with pledge, to prevent them from slack; teaching people to be moderate, to make them satisfied; teaching people the skills, to make them employed; awarding the title based on morality and ability, to make people cultivate the virtue carefully; determining the salary based on performance, to make people committed to make achievements.16 The earliest written folk regulation 16

The Book of Rites ‧ Di Guan ‧ Da Si Tu.

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was the Lyu’s Regulation prepared by Lyu Dazhong and his brothers in the ninth year of Xining ruled by Emperor Shenzong of the Northern Song Dynasty (1076), which was mainly used to ask the neighbors and villagers to “cultivate morality, supervise the faults, respect the etiquette and custom, and help the ones in need”. In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, people in various regions prepared their own folk regulations. The government also attached great importance to the formulation of such folk regulations. For example, Emperor Hongwu in the Ming Dynasty issued the Sheng Xun Liu Yu, while in the Qing Dynasty, Emperor Shunzhi issued the Sheng Yu Liu Tiao, Emperor Kangxi issued the Sheng Yu Shi Liu Tiao, and Emperor Yongzheng issued the Sheng Yu Guamng Xun, all of which further strengthened the guiding and restricting roles of folk regulations. In the traditional Chinese society of more than 2000 years, rural governance was relatively successful, stable and harmonious in most periods. Historically, the change of dynasties was not mainly caused by the peasant uprisings but internal struggles of the ruling clique and intrusion by the neighboring ethnic groups. Poets in the previous dynasties were keen on the rural scenes; let’s enjoy some of the poems: “Gui Yuan Tian Ju III” of Tao Yuanming in the Eastern Jin Dynasty: “I plant beans at the foot of the South Mountain, but there are more grasses. I go to work in the morning and come back in the evening. Along the narrow path, the grass is luxuriant, with dew wetting the cloth. It does not matter, I still have my aspiration.” In this poem, the poet expressed that he expected to abandon himself to nature and engage in farming. “Ti Nong Fu Ku She” of Qiu Wei in the Tang Dynasty: “When the east wind comes? The peaks around the lake have been turned green. Spring is evident on the lake, the peasants start busy farming. They take the tools to construct canals and extirpate weed. After feeding the cattle in the evening, they go back and sleep early.” The poet described the leisurely and comfortable pastoral scenery. “You Shan Xi Cun” of Lu You in the Southern Song Dynasty: “Do not laugh because it’s muddy, year-end wine brewed in country homes; harvests were good to make the guest linger, fowl and pork plenty. Mountains multiply, streams double back, I doubt there’s even a road; willows cluster darkly, blossoms shine, another village ahead. Pipe and drum sounds tagging me, spring festival soon; robe, cap of plain and simple cut, they honor old ways here. From now on, if I may, when time and moon-light allow, I’ll take my stick and, uninvited, come knock at your gate.” This poem expressed the praise of the lively festival and simple life in rural areas. “Cun Ju” of Gao Ding in the Qing Dynasty: “In the early spring, green grass grows and orioles fly. Weeping misty willows are whisking the causeway. School is over now, the children fly the kites”, which described a vivid picture of rural children flying kites in twos and threes after school.

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9.2 Abundant Agronomy Books and Thoughts In the traditional Chinese society, there were lots of farming books studying and discussing agricultural production and life due to the important status of agriculture in social and economic development; and these farming books formed an important part of the knowledge and technology system of China’s traditional agriculture. As studied by Wang Yuhu, there were around 540 known farming books and over 200 lost ones, which could be divided into nine categories: Comprehensive farming books, monographs on weather and farming, various books on specialized books, sericulture books, veterinary books and wild vegetables, books on locust control, books on climate and phenology in a lunar month, and almanacs.17 We may only introduce the major ones here.

9.2.1 Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals ‧ Shang Nong—Four Sections Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals was a book organized by Lyu Buwei, Minister of the State of Qin (300? BC–236 BC) prior to the unification of China, which contained four sections about the agriculture, namely Shang Nong, Ren Di, Bian Tu, and Shen Shi. The four sections formed a complete system of agricultural thoughts and theories, with the core idea of highlighting the importance of developing agriculture, and emphasizing the importance of agricultural production to national politics, economy and military; as well as guiding the officials and peasants to master the experience and law of agricultural production. The officials should supervise and urge, and the peasants should concentrate on agricultural production. This book reflected the highest level of agricultural policies and thoughts in China at that time. Shang Nong mainly discussed the importance of agricultural production, and the necessity of the government’s attention to agricultural production. It was recorded at the beginning that “The ancient sages taught their people to engage in farming, to develop land resources and realize ideological cultivation.” At the same time, agriculture was endowed with many important functions, and three aspects of the significance of agricultural production to the state and the people were put forward: “The peasants are simple and compliant, and they may make the border stable and the central government honorable. They are sedate without engaging in private discussions, making the public law executable. They can produce abundant products and are unwilling to migrate, making them live in one place until death.” Similarly, without engaging in farming, there would be three aspects of harm: “People who do not engage in farming would not obey the order, and cannot be arranged for defense or fighting. They would be simple in assets and be free to migrate, so in the case of any difficulty, they would move away. They would also make a fool of ingenuity 17

Wang (1979).

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and break the law, confusing right and wrong. Hou Ji said, ‘People should focus on farming and weaving, for which is the basis of enlightenment’.” It could be seen that Shang Nong combined the thought of valuing agriculture with that of fooling the people, which was the policy implemented by the State of Qin after Shang Yang’s Reform. Ren Di, Bian Tu and Shen Shi mainly discussed the methods of farming, and the relationship between agricultural production and farming seasons; they summarized the agricultural knowledge and technologies at that time, which could provide an important reference. For example, the five principles of farming were proposed, namely, people should engage in farming according to the actual conditions of the soil: “The dense soil should be loosened and the loose soil should be tightened; farming should be combined with fallowing; the poor land should be fertilized and the fertile land should not be over-plumped; the soil with quickly released fertility should be retained, while for other fields, the release of fertility should be accelerated; the wet soil should be dried, and the arid soil should be watered”, namely, farming should consider the hardness of soil, the fallowing, the fertility, the tamping and the moisture of the soil. It was proposed that great efforts should be made to perform intensive farming, “For dry fields, the crops should be planted in the concave place, and for wet fields, the crops should be planted in the high place, rather than ditches. Prior to sowing, it should be ploughed for five times, and after sowing, it should be hoed for five times. The depth of planting should be determined by the moisture of soil, and there should be no weeds or pests”, which was the dialectic of farming. Furthermore, it was proposed that crop planting should pay special attention to the waste of soil, dense seedlings and loose seedlings, so as to reduce the waste of agricultural production caused by improper production practices. The waste of soil refers to the waste caused by the size of field; the waste of dense seedlings refers to the waste caused by the dense and out-of-order seedlings; and the waste of loose seedlings refer to the waste caused by the loose and out-of-order seedlings. Therefore, the peasants should prepare broad and flat fields, and small and deep ditches. In addition, there were also specific methods and discussions about sowing, soil covering and final singling of seedlings.18

9.2.2 Fan Shengzhi’s Farming Book Fan Shengzhi’s Farming Book was prepared by Fan Shengzhi in the late Western Han Dynasty, who, as recorded, once guided agricultural production in regions around the capital, “teaching the peasants in Sanfu Region about farming”19 and “supervise wheat planting in Sanfu Region, making the Central Shaanxi Plain abundant in grain.”20 Fan Shengzhi advocated the thought of valuing agriculture, and put forward 18

Xia (1979). History of the Han Dynasty ‧ Wen Yi Zhi. Commented by Liu Xiangyu. 20 The Book of Jin ‧ Shi Huo Zhi. 19

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that “Shennong taught that although the leader had millions of soldiers in a solid city, they could not defend without millet. Therefore, grain determined the destiny of the world.” He attached great importance to crop cultivation technologies and the mastery of farming, and proposed the general principle of farming “People should engage in timely tillage, improvement of soil, fertilization and irrigation, intertillage and harvest”, “For barren soil, timely tillage could still get 10 dan of grain”. He specially introduced the cultivation of 13 crops, such as millet, Shu, wheat, paddy, barnyard grass, soybean, red bean, Xi hemp, hemp, gourd, taro, and mulberry, particularly discussed the links of tillage, sowing, intertillage, fertilization, irrigation, plant protection, and harvesting, which truly reflected the intensive farming of China’s traditional agriculture. He also specially introduced the section-field programme, making it an important document for understanding this planting pattern.21 Fan Shengzhi’s Farming Book was the most important agricultural work after the four sections about agriculture in the Mister Lyu’s Spring and Autumn Annals, for which objectively reflected the development level and technical level of agricultural production in China in the Western Han Dynasty, and fully expressed that China’s traditional agriculture adopted intensive farming in the Western Han Dynasty.

9.2.3 Arts for the People This book was prepared by Jia Sixie (with unknown date of birth and death) around 630s–640s in the Northern Wei Dynasty, for providing the peasants with knowledge and technologies about farming. He insisted on the principle of “extracting contents from ancient books and chants, learning experience from the experienced peasants, and verifying them in practice”.22 Therefore, this practical and scientific book was taken as the model of writing farming books in later dynasties. For example, it quoted more than 150 previous works and 30 folk chants, and lots of contents were from his experience in agricultural production and management. Arts for the People, consisting of 92 chapters of 10 volumes, was a work on agricultural production activities and technologies. The first six volumes respectively introduced the agricultural knowledge and production techniques in farming, forestry, animal husbandry and fishing; the following three volumes respectively introduced the knowledge and technologies in processing agricultural and sideline products; and the last one introduced the plants in southern China. This book mainly introduced planting, involving silkworm breeding, forestry, animal husbandry, fishing, and processing and storage of agricultural and sideline products. As for planting, the growing of grain crops, horticultural crops, fiber crops, oil crops, dye crops, and feed crops were introduced; as for the cultivation techniques, the field selection, variety breeding, rotation arrangement, soil tillage, seed treatment, sowing period, 21 22

Dong and Fan (2000), pp. 199–208. Arts for the People ‧ Preface.

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sowing technology, intertillage weeding, fertilization and irrigation, plant protection technology, harvesting and storage were introduced. Therefore, the Arts for the People could be deemed as an encyclopedia of agricultural production and life in northern China during that period. As Jia commented, “It covers various experience and techniques from farming to processing”. In terms of the core thought, this book firstly attached importance to agricultural production activities, namely “agriculture precedes politics”. From the perspective of promoting the progress and development of agricultural production, Jia Sixie refuted conservatism but encouraged production practices, “Shennong and Cangjie were the sages; but they were also not good at something. Zhao Guo adopted tilling with cattle, making people benefit from tools; Cai Lun made paper, to get rid of the disadvantage of bamboo tablets. Geng Shouchang established ever-normal granary, Sang Hongyang determined the average law, for benefiting the country and the people. As an old saying goes, ‘A clever mind is not enough, and people should participate in practice’. Fan Chi asked for farming, Confucius replied, ‘I am not as good as an old peasant’. Even the sages could not master all the knowledge, let alone the ordinary people.”23 He vividly recorded the people promoting agricultural production technologies in the history. Both the state and the peasants should highlight agricultural production, and he believed that “family is like a state, and the state is like a family”. Secondly, it highlighted the law of agricultural production, advocated the combination of natural conditions, geographical conditions and materials, and emphasized the measures according to timing, local conditions and materials. Jia Sixie pointed out that “one may have a good harvest through adjusting measures to timing and local conditions; but may fail in the case of any violation of the law.”24 Intensive farming, rather than scale, should be pursued. He illustrated the necessity of intensive farming through quoting “extensive farming is inferior to intensive farming”, and pointed out that “for farming, each family should determine its strength, and perform intensive farming rather than extensive farming on more fields”.25 Thirdly, it attached great importance to the diversified farming, involving the planting of food crops, cash crops, and horticultural crops, silkworm planting and silkworm breeding, animal husbandry and processing of by-products; particularly, it recorded many techniques and methods of processing agricultural and sideline products, including brewing, vinegar making, sauce making and fermented bean making, which were not recorded in previous farming books. Arts for the People summarized the farming knowledge and technologies in the Yellow River Basin after the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, making it a milestone in the process of the development of Chinese agronomy.26

Arts for the People ‧ Preface. Arts for the People ‧ Zhong Gu III. 25 Arts for the People ‧ Za Shuo. 26 Dong and Fan (2000), pp. 238–240. 23 24

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9.2.4 Chen Fu’s Farming Book Chen Fu’s Farming Book was prepared by Chen Fu (1076–?) around the 19th year of Shaoxing in the Southern Song Dynasty (1149). Chen Fu was a Taoist, who “read books, without seeking for an official career, and plant crops and herbs for selfsupporting”. This book was divided into three volumes, in which, Vol. 1 discussed soil cultivation and crop planting; Vol. 2 discussed the breeding of farm animals; and Vol. 3 discussed silkworm breeding and mulberry growing. Vol. 1 (“Twelve Appropriate Factors”) of Chen Fu’s Farming Book emphasized that agricultural production should be coordinated and appropriate. These twelve appropriate factors include: Finance: The scale of operation should be adapted to financial and human resources; terrain: Basic construction of farmland should be adapted to the terrain; ploughing and weeding: The farming should be adapted to the landform; weather: Agricultural arrangements should be adapted to the solar terms; climate and phenology: Crop production should be adapted to the climate and phenology; residence: Agricultural production should be adapted to the life; manure fertilization: The types of manure should be adapted to the soil form; weeding: Weeding should be in line with season and local conditions; consumption: The consumption should be adapted to production; rewards and punishments: Rewards and punishments should be combined with diligence; material: The preparation of materials should be adapted to production; mental status: Mental preparation should be adapted to production. In other words, people should learn to deal with various relations in agricultural production, so as to achieve the best production effect. For example, in terms of finance, he quoted the phrase “It is better to plant a smaller area of land with intensive labor”, and proposed that “A good harvest does not depend on the area of land, but the suitable finance and labor”; in terms of the weather, he commented that “Farming relies on weather, which can promote the planting, growing and harvesting.” In Vol. 2 of Chen Fu’s Farming Book, the use of farming cattle was systematically discussed for the first time. After the Qin and Han Dynasties, farming cattle were widely used in agricultural production, but there were few works regarding the use of farming cattle. Chen Fu took the lead to study farming cattle, and pointed out that people could not accumulate much wealth without the help of farming cattle, and all should cherish farming cattle. It could be seen that farming cattle played an important role in the Northern and Southern Song Dynasties. He discussed this matter from the aspects of herding, application and medical treatment. For example, in terms of herding, he emphasized on “timely adjustment”, the combination of herding and feeding, and cleaning of pen; in terms of application, he emphasized on “no exhaustion”, “prevention of cold and summer-heat” and “prevention of excessive work”; in terms of medical treatment, he emphasized on treatment according to syndrome differentiation, act appropriate to the situation, and epidemic prevention. In Vol. 3, the technologies and methods of silkworm breeding and mulberry growing

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were introduced, all of which were collected from the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River.27 Chen Fu’s Farming Book, as the earliest book summarizing the traditional agricultural knowledge and technologies in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River, had a special position in the history of Chinese agriculture.

9.2.5 Wang Zhen’s Farming Book There were three farming books in the Yuan Dynasty, namely the Nong Sang Ji Yao, Wang Zhen’s Farming Book and Nong Sang Yi Shi Cuo Yao. Only Wang Zhen Farming Book would be introduced here. The author Wang Zhen (1271–1368, Yuan Dynasty) was “a famous scholar in eastern Shandong with erudition, and he visited various places around China”. This farming book was composed of three parts: (1) “Comprehensive discussion on farming and sericulture”, which mainly introduced agricultural production and management, involving the relations between weather, topographical advantages and labor, as well as spring ploughing, summer weeding, autumn harvesting, and winter storage; (2) “Knowledge about Crops”, which mainly introduced the cultivation, protection, harvesting, storage and processing technologies and methods of more than 80 crops; and (3) “Farming tools”, which collected 306 tools, many of which were lost, making this part quite important. Wang Zhen’s Farming Book had an important position in the history Chinese agriculture because of its groundbreaking achievements: (1) It combined the knowledge and technology system of dryland farming in the Yellow River Basin with that in the Yangtze River Basin and regions south of the Yangtze River into one book. He commented that “This comprehensive book is prepared for peasants in northern and southern China, and all could learn from it and give full play to the cultivation methods.” For example, he did not judge the difference between the cultivation methods adopted in northern and southern China, but collected all of them, “In this book, I collect all the cultivation methods adopted in northern and southern China, and the peasants may select the appropriate ones”.28 The agricultural production knowledge and technologies in northern and southern China were combined in this book. 2. It collected various “pictures of farming tools” and recorded the structure, function and usage of each tool in words, and depicted in verse and poetry. It created conditions for the promotion of agricultural knowledge and technologies. In the era of traditional agriculture, the peasants did not have high literacy and cultural level, so the pictures were more suitable for them. At the same time, these pictures preserved various valuable tool forms and cultural memories, forming the irreplaceable value of Wang Zhen’s Farming Book.

27 28

Dong and Fan (2000), pp. 451–455. Wang Zhen’s Farming Book ‧ Hoeing VII.

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9.2.6 Agricultural Administration Encyclopedia In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the agronomy vigorously developed in China. The improvement of printing technologies and level accelerated the printing and publication of agricultural works. In the Annals of Chinese Agronomy (Wang Yuhu), over 540 farming books were collected, 329 of which were published in this period due to the fact that China’s traditional agriculture reached its heyday of development, and the knowledge and technology systems of dryland farming in northern China and that of paddy farming in southern China reached a high level. They were represented by Agricultural Administration Encyclopedia. Agricultural Administration Encyclopedia was prepared by Xu Guangqi (1562– 1633), who was born in Songjiang (Shanghai), the most developed region at that time; therefore, he had a personal understanding of the thriving agricultural economy. He studied agricultural production and agronomy for a long period of time, and personally participated in agricultural production activities, helping him to accumulate the rich agronomy knowledge. “He is quite knowledgeable, and insists on pragmatism. He especially focuses on farming, for it is the source of people’s livelihood and foundation of national prosperity.”29 He once said “I was born in a developed region, and viewed the poverty; I started travelling when I was young, and learned abundant knowledge”.30 His son Xu Ji introduced that “He likes learning, especially the economics. He likes reading ancient books and consulting others; he may record what he learned and engage in in-depth research.”31 Agricultural Administration Encyclopedia, a collection of his lifelong efforts and wishes, was published in 1639, namely six years after his death. This book consists of 12 chapters: Farming basis, field system, farming, hydraulic engineering, agricultural tools, arboriculture, silkworm breeding and mulberry growing, wide category of sericulture, planting, herding, manufacturing, and famine relief. It focused on reclamation, hydraulic engineering and famine relief, which also reflected his thoughts. Compared with the previous farming books, Agricultural Administration Encyclopedia had its epochal characteristics, and it was more scientific, standardized and practical. He was concerned about the cultivation of new crops, “when he knows that there is any profitable local crop, he would go and acquire it”. When he knew the sweet potato in Fujian, he introduced and successfully planted; them he submitted the Memorial of Sweet Potato to promote its planting. He also carefully studied cotton planting, and specially introduced the cotton cultivation experience in the lower reaches of the Yangtze River, including cotton planting system, soil tillage, and high yield measures; in addition, he also summarized the cotton planting tips of “seed screening, early sowing, deep rooting, shortening the stem, sparse planting, and fertilization”.

Agricultural Administration Encyclopedia ‧ Fan Li. Agricultural Administration Encyclopedia ‧ Vol. 38. 31 Xu (1984). 29 30

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In Agricultural Administration Encyclopedia, Xu Guangqi made two contributions: (1) His idea of agricultural administration was the inheritance and promotion of the traditional Chinese agriculture-based thought. Since his understanding of commodity economy was different from the previous thought of stressing agriculture and restraining commerce, he stressed both the agriculture and commerce. In terms of farming, he mainly introduced the reclamation, hydraulic engineering and famine relief, as well as agricultural production techniques. (2) He paid much attention to agricultural production practice and practical experience, and scientifically analyzed the former research results, to eliminate the false and retain the true, which was rare in the social environment at the end of the Ming Dynasty. Therefore, Agricultural Administration Encyclopedia could be deemed as an encyclopedia reflecting and recording the knowledge and technology system of China’s traditional agriculture.

9.3 Perfect Portrayal of Agricultural Production and Life: Farming and Weaving Pictures In the traditional Chinese society, the government attached great importance to agriculture and agricultural production through establishing and implementing various policies and measures, providing a variety of rewards and proposals, and publicizing and advocating by the means familiar to the peasants. Therefore, the Farming and Weaving Pictures was prepared.

9.3.1 Farming and Weaving Pictures (Lou Shu in the Southern Song Dynasty) The earliest Farming and Weaving Pictures was prepared by Lou Shu32 in the period of Shaoxing, Southern Song Dynasty. He drew the farming and weaving scenes of paddy agriculture in southern China, including 45 pictures, 21 of which were about farming, and 24 were about weaving. This work was praised as “The World’s First Album for Agricultural Popular Science”. The 21 farming pictures described the steps from seed soaking to storage, involving soaking of seeds, ploughing, raking, puddling, rolling, paddy transplanting, harvesting, winnowing and storage; while the 24 weaving pictures described the links from bathing to silk cutting, involving bathing, silkworm placement, feeding, sleeping, supply of mulberry leaves, cocooning, cocoon selection, reeling, jacquard weaving, and silk cutting. With 32

Lou Shu (1090–1162), Ningbo, Zhejiang. In 1133, he served as the Magistrate of Yuqian County (Lin’an, Zhejiang) and drew 45 farming and weaving pictures, and attached a poem to each picture, to reflect the agriculture in regions south of the Yangtze River. In 1135, he served as the Magistrate of Shaozhou, and the Magistrate of Yangzhou in 1155; finally, he served as a senior official in the court.

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pictures and poems, Lou Shu recorded the advanced agricultural production and agricultural science and technology knowledge in southern China, and achieved an unexpected effect of dissemination. Firstly, the dissemination with pictures was popular among people, for the production experience, labor process and production links could be clearly expressed by illustration, without complicated text interpretation. Secondly, the poems could enable the old and the young to chant and remember seasonal requirements, production tips and disaster preparedness knowledge. In addition, in view of the low literacy rate and education level among the peasants in the traditional society, most people could not read complex farming books; therefore, this work provided a basic way for the peasants to understand and master the production knowledge and technologies. Since this work was prepared based on the production practice, it had a great influence. Lou Shu performed in-depth observation and experience of agriculture and handicraft production in southern China. As recorded, when he served as the Magistrate of Qianxian County, he often went to the fields and the peasants’ families to learn the production experience and technologies about farming, mulberry planting and silk weaving. For example, the pictures of irrigation and weeding showed the scenes of irrigation with scoop, shadouf and dragon-bone water lift in southern China; the picture of harvesting showed the busy harvest scene in rural areas; the pictures of weaving and jacquard weaving showed the weaving with plain weaving machine and jacquard weaving machine. Lou Shu also attached a poem with five characters in a line to each picture, many of which were concise and catchy. His nephew Lou Yue said, “The pictures can depict the scenes and the poems can provide full description. All the people could recite them.”33 Only a few are cited here for appreciation. Soaking of Seeds: “After a night rain, the water level rises. Upon the sprouting of green grass, the paddy seeds germinate. The peasants fix their tools and organize a sacrifice, to pray for a good autumn harvest.” Paddy Transplanting: “The morning rain moistens the wheat, and the wind at the noon becomes cool. People are transplanting the paddy while singing. They never stops and transplant in order. As for the manner of transplanting, the peasants should remember.” Storage: “Cattle stay in the pen in winter, and people store grains in the granary. The peasants have time for resting, and warm themselves in the house. But they are anxious about the tax, for the clerks are busying collecting the tax. After paying the tax, they have no enough grain.” Worship: “After a year of farming, the people are finally at ease. They sing ballads in the village, sharing the peaceful life. To pray for good weather for the crops, they worship the god of grain.” Silkworm Bathing: “Farming and sericulture should be performed in the appropriate seasons. When the swallows come back, it is the time for silkworm bathing. Women in spring cloth perform silkworm bathing around the spring. The imperial concubines take the lead in this.” 33

Lou Yue: Gong Kui Ji. Vol. 76. Postscript of the “Farming and Weaving Pictures”.

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Mulberry Collection: “Children sing a song and go to collect mulberry leaves. Neighbors chat happily, without any bullying. They take their own baskets and climb the ladder for collection. The orioles have mulberries and other birds chirp in the trees.” Weaving: “The lamp reflects shadow on the curtain, and pests call outside. Women are weaving, and the temperature declines. They are busying with weaving at the cold night; people should remember them.” The government of the Southern Song Dynasty vigorously promoted the Farming and Weaving Pictures to all the counties. In the Yuan Dynasty, the government included it into the Nong Sang Tu Shuo, and Bian Min Tu Zuan in the Ming Dynasty, for better spreading.

9.3.2 Farming and Weaving Pictures Officially Compiled by the Government of the Qing Dynasty During the Periods Ruled by Emperors Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong The Farming and Weaving Pictures was praised and highlighted by Emperors Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong in the Qing Dynasty. Through re-drawing, the number of pictures was increased to 46, with 23 farming pictures and 23 weaving pictures. They were added with poems for promotion. The local governments competed to publish this work, making it popular around the state. As for the Farming and Weaving Pictures compiled during the period ruled by Emperor Kangxi, the farming pictures and poems involve soaking of seeds, ploughing, raking, puddling, rolling, paddy transplanting, early seedling, fertilization, seedling pulling, transplanting, the first weeding, the second weeding, the third weeding, irrigation, harvesting, placement on courtyard, ear holding, pounding, sieving, winnowing, hulling, storage and worship. The weaving pictures and poems involve bathing, the second sleeping, the third sleeping, lifting, selection, division, collection of mulberry leaves, cocooning, warming, off cocooning, cocoon selection, cocoon storing, processing, screen of silkworm moths, sacrificing, weaving, reeling, staining, jacquard weaving, silk cutting, and clothing. Compared with the poems of Lou Shu, these poems were lack of the flavor of life and countryside. The poems of Emperor Kangxi are shown below: Ploughing: “On a sunny day in the spring, the old peasants are ploughing in the fields. They all work hard on the land, with cattle moo aside.” Raking: “For every meal, we should remember the efforts of the peasants, and should not disturb the timing of farming. After deep ploughing, people engage in raking on drizzle days.” Early Seedling: “The harvest depends on what does in the spring, and all the peasants expect a good harvest. They like the sunny days the most, for seedlings may sprout.”

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Fertilization: “The soil fertility can be maintained by fertilization, and the harvest depends on labor. The peasants applied plant ash for fertilization, and expect the vigorous growth of paddy.” Harvesting: “Viewing the vast area of mature paddy in yellow, people are happy to have a good harvest. The children pick the ears of rice, and their parents carry poles of paddy.” Weaving: “More women engage in weaving, we should cherish the clothing. They continue to weave, even in the cold night.” Farming and Weaving Pictures was the summary of the experience of the Chinese people in ploughing and weaving, and also the precious treasure of Chinese civilization.

Chapter 10

Dilemma and Decline of Traditional Agriculture

It could be concluded from cultural anthropology that once the inherent potential of a culture reaches its limit and fully adapts to its environment, then the cultural system will be stable, and its potential to evolve to a higher level will be weakened. In this case, it will be hard to realize re-adaption of the cultural system. Adaptation means self-limitation and internal restriction at a certain time, once a culture is fully adapted, its development will stop. In other words, any cultural system may experience a process of transformation from superiority to inferiority; and the cultural system enjoying long-term stability and dull and supernormal development will have stronger disadvantages. China’s traditional agriculture expressed its huge advantages during its long-term development. It has destroyed and transformed various non-agricultural economic patterns, and shaped the cultural and economic landscape of the traditional agricultural society. Was there a transformation of the agricultural civilization from superiority to inferiority? Can traditional agricultural economy maintain the intense impulse and development potential? Was the growth of traditional agriculture approaching the limit of development? What adverse effects were caused by the supernormal development of traditional agriculture?

10.1 Development Limit of Traditional Agriculture Agricultural production is an economic activity integrating natural, biological and human activities, which would be restricted by the laws of nature, biology and economics. Therefore, the change in any factor or law would affect and limit agricultural production. For example, the seasons, as the natural conditions and factors, had a natural constraint on the growth of crops that cannot be overcome in traditional times. The seasons (spring, summer, autumn and winter) were combined with the growth cycles of crops, leading to the time and space constraints on agricultural production. For another example, the law of biological growth was also insurmountable, for in © China Renmin University Press 2023 Y. He, The Agricultural Civilization of Ancient China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8469-3_10

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the traditional era, people only had a limited cognition of biology and biological laws, and their economic activities still maintained at the level of adaptation and utilization of biological laws. Furthermore, the operation based on individual small peasants was proved to be most efficient form of production in traditional times, and all attempts to surpass this pattern in terms of organization and scale failed. The restriction of various agriculture production factors and laws, as well as the limitation, inevitably led to the limit of development of agriculture under certain conditions. The limit of development refers to a definite limit of the development of a matter in a specific situation, which can be expressed as the status of approaching the limit and a trend approaching the limit. Within such a limit, the development can be continued according to the original manner, structure and factors; while beyond this limit, the development must change the original manner, structure, factors, and the original track; otherwise, it would be stabilized and rigid because of the limit of development. Was there a limit of development of China’s traditional agriculture? Yes, there was; and we believe that traditional agriculture approached its limit of development after the Song Dynasty, expressing obvious disadvantages.

10.1.1 Increasingly Aggravated Shortage of Land Agricultural production relies on land, and the limitation of land, especially cultivated land, would inevitably restrict the development and expansion of agricultural production. The area and quality of land, especially the area of cultivated land per capita, may directly restrict the level of social and economic development. In the traditional Chinese society, there were no abundant land resources; with the explosion of population, land became scarce. Prior to the Yuan Dynasty, the area of cultivated land was less than 400 million mu, which was rapidly increased in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. However, it should be pointed out that only a small area of the newly cultivated land was fertile and high-yield land, and a larger proportion of land was barren, involving the land reclaimed from saline and alkaline land, hills and lakeshores. The extensive reclamation of barren land marked the deterioration of agricultural production conditions, which aggravated the increase in labor input and the decline of agricultural output. In addition, although the total area of cultivated land increased, the rate of increase was far lower than the rate of population growth, which led to a long-term downward trend of per capita cultivated land. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, the per capita cultivated land was about 10 µ, which decreased to 5 µ in the Southern Song Dynasty, and about 3 µ in the Qing Dynasty. The increasing scarcity and decline of quality of land resources restricted agricultural development. The irrational use of land by traditional agriculture also greatly harmed the development of agriculture. The expansion to grasslands, forests, water bodies and hills led to a serious ecological crisis, and severe social and economic consequences.1 1

Fu (1988).

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145

China’s traditional agriculture originated from the plain agricultural area, which was narrowed after hundreds of years of reclamation and reproduction; therefore, people had to expand and reclaim the land. Land expansion was the expansion of agriculture from the Yellow River Basin to the Yangtze River Basin, the Huaihe River Basin and the Pearl River Basin, and the large-scale expansion slowed down around the Tang Dynasty. Land reclamation was not suitable for various low-quality and sporadic regions, and it was extensively performed around the Song Dynasty. The reclamation from water bodies and mountains expanded the cultivated land to a certain extent and increased grain output. However, the benefits of reclamation could not compensate for the consequences of maximum seriousness.

10.1.2 Fewer Breakthroughs of Agricultural Technologies Agricultural production technologies and farming tools were backward and rarely changed, and there was not a significant reform after the establishment of the farming system in the Han Dynasty. The most significant characteristic of traditional agriculture was intensive farming, which was incorporated into the knowledge and technology system of dryland agriculture in northern China and paddy agriculture in southern China. Abundant labor was input into farmland reconditioning, hydraulic engineering, irrigation, field management, fertilization and breeding. Generations of people inherited and strengthened the previous modes of production, used and maintained the previous farming tools, and followed and improved the ancient production experience. Since such agricultural production technologies were still in the form of experience and the peasants of each generation should learn the experience under limited direct instruction, they might be easily interrupted by various factors. Therefore, “The traditional small agricultural technology system in China cannot be continuously accumulated; although it can be improved at a certain level of development, the sticking to convention in terms of development cannot be overcome”.2 The revolution of traditional farming tools was even more subtle, and the simple iron tools, wood-stone tools and wooden tools were applied for a long period of time. The power of agricultural production mainly depended on large animals, such as horses and cattle, which, however, were rejected in the Ming and Qing Dynasties; therefore, among the agricultural input factors, the input of labor, rather than capital and technology, increased the fastest. In other words, the development of traditional agriculture highly depended on the input of labor. The backwardness and stagnation of agricultural technologies and farming tools made it almost impossible for traditional agriculture to improve labor productivity through reforming the production technologies.

2

China Rural Development Research Group: Systematic Survey of Rural Economic Reform, pp. 19– 20, China’s social Science Press. 1984.

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10.1.3 Narrowing Input of Labor In view of the constraint of capital and technologies, traditional agriculture turned to a path of development relying on the input of labor, which became narrower and finally came to a dead end. There were two reasons for the input of labor: (1) There were abundant low-cost human resources in the traditional society and the addition of laborers would not significantly increase the economic burden of individual small peasants; (2) The individual small peasants could only expand reproduction through adding laborers due to the severe lack of capital and technology. In the short run and from a microscopic point of view, there seemed to be no harm from the constant addition of laborers. However, in the long run and from a macroscopic point of view, there would be obvious hazards. In view of the status of men as both the producers and consumers, the massive input of labor in the case of severe shortages of capital, technology and land would increase the tension between man and land, and man and capital, thus preventing the unilateral input of labor from creating the positive social and economic effect. In fact, the marginal income of agriculture diminished after the Sui and Tang Dynasties, namely, each added laborer would produce less grain, which could be seen from the amount of grain per capita. In the traditional Chinese society, the peak of grain per capita was 1000 kg in the Tang Dynasty, which sharply declined to the lowest level (250 kg) in the late Qing Dynasty.

10.1.4 The Shrinking Small-Scale Farming Traditional agriculture was mainly implemented by individual small peasants, and this form of farming gave full play to its great superiority in the early period of traditional agricultural era. However, in the later period of the traditional society, it severely hindered the agricultural development due to the obvious disadvantages. (1) Its production scale and organization scale fundamentally restricted the development of agriculture, and the small-scale farming constantly shrank and reached its limit in the era without modern technologies, namely it could not be further shrunk. (2) The intensive farming based on traditional technologies reached a fairly high level, and its potential became quite limited, without more room for development. The development of agriculture in depth and breadth were limited by the technologies, capital and production organizations. (3) The increasing input of labor in small-scale peasant economy could not increase the agricultural income, but created a heavy population burden. In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the input of labor was saturated in many regions. The situation of small-scale peasant economy deteriorated day by day and its ability of resisting natural and man-made disasters declined, thus greatly hindering the agricultural development. Based on what mentioned above, the development of China’s traditional agriculture reached its limit in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. There would be no way out without completely changing the development path of traditional agriculture.

10.2 Reasons for the Decline of Traditional Agriculture

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10.2 Reasons for the Decline of Traditional Agriculture Agricultural modernization in China has experienced an irreversible historical trend; however, the supernormal development and severe deviation made traditional agriculture caught in a serious dilemma, and also made it hard to transform the traditional agriculture. The development deviation of China’s traditional agricultural economy could be understood as an error in selection, which could be manifested in the following aspects.

10.2.1 Slow Development of Single Crop Farming China’s traditional agriculture selected a path of single crop farming quite early. Agriculture was increasingly flourishing in the Yellow River Basin and the Yangtze River Basin. Agricultural economy evolved from the primary agriculture and animal husbandry economy (around the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties) to the economy emphasizing agriculture rather than animal husbandry (around the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period) and the pure agricultural economy (After the Qin and Han Dynasties). Agriculture continuously pushed aside nonagricultural industries, such as livestock, in the agricultural regions, as well as the mixed farming and pastoral areas and non-agricultural areas. The general social consciousness of emphasizing agriculture also promoted the government and the people to further strengthen this deviation and error. Especially after the Warring States Period, the formation of intensive farming and the reclamation of vast wasteland fully demonstrated the superiority of agriculture, leading to the agricultural civilization and social prosperity that cannot be achieved by other economic activities. Therefore, the crop-based rotation cropping system was adopted. This system had three deviations during development: (1) The deviation in agriculture and animal husbandry, namely the selection of agriculture and exclusion of animal husbandry led to supernormal development of the pure agricultural economy and the animal husbandry was pushed to the steppe desert areas; (2) The deviation in agricultural production, namely, the plant cultivation was promoted and strengthened, and livestock and poultry breeding was neglected and weakened; and family breeding became the auxiliary economy of family agriculture, leading to the supernormal development of the crop-based pure agricultural economy; (3) The deviation in planting industry, namely, the crops were highlighted due to their importance to the survival of the nation, and the planting of cash crops was neglected and weakened; therefore, the planting industry gradually became an economic activity for maintaining the survival of the huge population, but the social division of labor and intensive labor were underdeveloped. The increasingly simple and consistent deviation made the agriculture in China lose the possibility of various forms of development, and accelerated the arrival of the limit of agricultural development.

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In fact, the Great Wall was the most obvious agro-pastoral boundary in the traditional Chinese society, along which, the range of agriculture and animal husbandry expanded and shrank. Joseph Needham put forward that the construction of the Great Wall depended on the possibilities of agricultural production. It divided the grasslands from the cultivated land, for resisting the nomadic horsemen and keeping the agricultural population within the Great Wall. Traditional China was based on agriculture, rather than animal husbandry; therefore, for consolidating the stability of the agricultural empire, the government must push aside the non-agricultural economies and non-agricultural peoples.

10.2.2 Heavy Reliance on the Input of Labor China’s traditional agriculture selected or emphasized the input of labor rather than technology and capital, which led to an agricultural development path stressing labor but neglecting technology and capital. The expanding agricultural reproduction relied heavily on the massive input of labor, which formed the labor-intensive agriculture of abnormal development. Such a pattern of agricultural development was also an important cause of the increasing population pressure after the Song Dynasty. In the traditional Chinese society, the wealthy class was keen on the possession of land ownership rather than agricultural production, leading to insufficient input of economic factors in agricultural production. Individual small peasants could not input any resource into agricultural production due to long-term economic deprivation. Therefore, these peasants who really cared about agricultural production could only seek the limited development of agriculture through the massive input of labor. The high population density severely suppressed the possibility of the development of animal husbandry (because more feed would be required to produce meat or dairy), and aggravated the scarcity and deterioration of agricultural production conditions. Such a pattern of development resulted in high land productivity and low labor productivity; and the unique development conditions of traditional agriculture heavily restricted its further development. This pattern caused the following serious consequences: (1) It aggravated the acute contradiction between population and land, and formed a vicious circle due to the increase of population and the decrease of land: Population pressure → Agricultural intensification → Population demand → Population pressure → Further agricultural intensification… (2) It greatly reduced the ability of agricultural production organizations to resist various natural and manmade disasters, thus making the small-scale peasant economy vulnerable; (3) It made lots of people idle and poor, thus leading to social instability.

10.2 Reasons for the Decline of Traditional Agriculture

149

10.2.3 Decline of the Advantages of Small-Scale Peasant Economy Individual small-scale peasant economy was adopted in the traditional agricultural society, but its advantages were continuously weakened and the disadvantages were increasingly obvious; in addition, it also showed great historical backwardness with the development of traditional agriculture, hindering the reform of agricultural organization and operation. The principle of the small-scale peasant economy was “intensive farming of less land rather than extensive farming of vast land”. The small-scale peasant economy was prone to bankruptcy, and any flood or drought would make the people destitute and homeless, and fail to engage in large-scale or new land operations. The vitality of the small-scale peasant economy continued to weaken.

10.2.4 Increasing Limitations of Low-Level Flat Reclamation Low-level flat reclamation was selected in traditional agriculture. The land was continuously reclaimed, the agriculture continued to develop, and many nonagricultural areas were transformed in the process of agriculturalization, until “all the possible regions were reclaimed” and “all the regions, including mountains and valleys, are covered with cultivated land”. However, in terms of the economic structure and development level, the quantitative expansion of productivity and output could not further promote the social division of labor and lead to a higher level of economic development. Since the agricultural expansion was mainly caused by the failure in fully and reliably meeting the demand for food, the simple demand could be satisfied by simple efforts. Marx pointed out that the motherland of capital was not the lush Torrid Zone, but the Temperate Zone. The natural basis of the division of labor was not the absolute fertility of the soil, but its differentiation and diversity of natural products; and the changes in natural environment promoted the diversification of the people’s needs and abilities, as well as the means and methods of work.3 In other words, the emergence and development of capital, a new economic factor and economic relation, was not promoted by the abundance of resources, but the level of division of labor based on the use of natural resources. The diversification of the use of natural resources reflected the advanced division of labor, which was bound to form the rich social relations. China’s traditional agriculture, featured in infinite expansion of land and invariability of nature, could not create new and rich economic relations and structures. Therefore, it could be concluded that the enormous traditional agricultural economy in China with a similar internal organization failed to foster and promote the emergence of a new economic structure. After more than 2000 years of development, the intrinsic economic motivation of China’s traditional agriculture tended to shrink, and the development prospect also 3

Marx and Engels (1972).

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darkened, presenting distinct disadvantages. In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the capitalism developed and the Industrial Revolution took place in the West, making a huge contrast in development between the East and the West. As a result, China’s traditional agriculture was caught in deep dilemma and crisis. The First Opium War (1840–1842) started the prelude of China’s society and economic modernization. With the invasion of political and economic forces of Western Capitalism, the structure of agricultural structure in China started disintegrating. In the process of globalization dominated by international capitalist imperialism, the structure of traditional agricultural economy in China suffered from severe distortion under government-driven industrialization, which made the traditional agricultural economy unable to adapt to new situations and undertake new tasks, thus losing the basic conditions for maintaining reproduction. Under the deteriorating economic conditions, the crisis of traditional agriculture has deepened, making the issues on rural areas, agriculture and peasants unprecedentedly severe, which was the most important economic factor for the Communist Party of China to launch and lead the New Democratic Revolution and the Socialist Revolution.

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