The Agora of Athens: the history, shape and uses of an ancient city center 9780876612149

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THE ATHENIAN AGORA ‘THE AGORA OF ATHENS

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The program had a good beginning under an outstanding architect, but then it faltered, presumably because public works had a lower priority than national defense. Some parts of the structure were finished in a very frugal fashion; other parts were not even begun. Much of the building, nevertheless, was carried to the point where it could be used, and in this condition it continued in service into the 2nd century B.c. The new building was simple and clear-cut in its overall plan: a great square peristyle comprising a central courtyard measuring 38.75 m. to the side, bordered on all four sides by colonnades with the generous width of 8.60 meters. There was to have been a monumental entrance in the west side, i.e. from the side of the Agora square, and a simple doorway in the opposite wall; neither was ever finished. The earthen floor of the court sloped very gently down from

THE LAW COURTS: NORTHEAST CORNER OF AGORA 61 south to north, and the rain water was carried off through two drains beneath the north colonnade. The outer wall was of brick. The colonnades surrounding the court were built of hard limestone, in the Doric order, and, for their period, they were of excellent quality (Pl. 40, a). Water was made available in a cistern beneath the south colonnade. The cistern was supplied by a pipeline coming down from the south; water was drawn from manholes, one in the south colonnade and one near the southeast corner of the court. A combination of evidence makes altogether probable a continuity in function between the group of old buildings and the Square Peristyle. In the first place the new building was set down directly over the site of the old, and its area was very close to the combined areas of its predecessors. An effort was made to provide for the functions of the old buildings while the new was under construction by setting up within the courtyard of the new a section of columnand-parapet barrier evidently taken from one of the old structures which had been demolished. Both the old complex and the Square Peristyle were approached chiefly from the side of the Agora proper, but each was accessible also through a secondary entrance on the east side. In the southeast corner of the court of the Square Peristyle the excavation brought to light a series of postholes in alignment with the colonnades. The wooden posts stood about 0.90 meters, or three feet, from the stylobate on which the columns rested, one post opposite the mid point between each pair of columns. In all likelihood these posts supported a rope barrier encircling the courtyard, its purpose, no doubt, to control access to the colonnades. The arrangement is thus reminiscent of that which flanked the south side of Building C. The ready availability of water is another point in common between the old and the new establishments. Thus we may conclude with some assurance that the Square Peristyle, like its predecessors, was designed for the use of law courts. We may assume that individual courts functioned simultaneously in the various colonnades. Since each of the colonnades offered approximately 870 square meters of clear floor space between columns and back wall each could have accommodated a court of 500 jurors. That a court could meet in a stoa is evident from the known

fact that courts did meet in the Stoa Poikile (p. 93). Beyond this we cannot at present venture. The style of its architecture and the associated pottery suggest for the start of work on the Square Peristyle a date in the neighborhood of 325 B.c.,1% a little late to have been seen by Aristotle before writing his Constitution of the Athenians. On the other hand the group of earlier

buildings on this site, though they would qualify in date, seem altogether too informal and irregular to be identified with the series of law courts (dikasteria) to which Aristotle repeatedly refers in his discussion of the courts. That series, it seems, is still to be found or recognized. A second concentration of equipment proper to law courts was observed by the excavators in the area to the south of the Tholos, just outside the official limits of the Agora.’4 Here was found the terracotta water clock noted above, as also a number of ballots, tokens and bronze balls. Several small buildings of the 5th and 4th centuries B.c. had stood here before the area was cleared for the Middle Stoa in the 2nd century s.c. None of them, however, stands out as suitable for a law court. They may nevertheless have contained storerooms for the equipment of the law courts. We must also reckon with the possibility that certain items of equipment, such as kleroteria, water clocks and ballots, might have been used in the Bouleuterion as well as in the law courts. 173 One of the clearest indications of the date of the Square Peristyle was the discovery in its construction filling of a stele bearing a law against tyranny passed in 337/6 B.c. (I 6524; Hesperia, XXI, 1952, pp. 355-359, no. 5; XXII, 1953, p. 129; our Pl. 58, a). The stele was probably taken down when the Macedonians occupied Athens in 322 s.c. and put out of sight by being thrown into the earth fill of a building then under construction. The stele when found in 1952 was remarkaan Gide’ pp. 111f., no. 58, p. 214 (bibliography).

62 FACILITIES FOR CIVIG ADMINISTRATION THe HEiara We turn next to a building in which no dikastic equipment has been found but which by virtue of its design and location invites consideration in our present enquiry. This is the large rectangular structure at the southwest corner of the early Agora (Fig. 19, Pls. 5, 41, a).’” Rising

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on high ground at the junction of important north-to-south and east-to-west roads the building was exceedingly prominent until the 2nd century B.c. when it was incorporated in the South Square. In its original form the structure was a walled enclosure, not quite a true rectangle in plan, with interior measurements of about 26.50 x 81 meters yielding an area of about 821 square meters. An earthen floor sloped down gently from south to north assuring natural drainage. The principal entrance was in the middle of the north side; a lesser doorway opened near the middle of the east side. The enclosure wall stood on a stepped foundation across the north side, elsewhere on a rough packing of limestone (Pl. 42, b); enough of the foundation remains in place to make the plan certain. The visible wall was built of squared blocks of Aeginetan limestone (Fig. 20). It was topped by a saddle-shaped crowning member with a projecting cornice on either side (Pl. 42, a). On one side the soffit of the cornice was adorned with a hawksbeak bed moulding delicately painted. We have no clue to the height of the wall. It was presumably high enough to keep out intruders, and its height may have been greater on the south side where the roadway outside the enclosure was about 1% meters higher than the floor inside. Of this wall only a few scattered blocks survive; all are unmistakable because of their material, dimensions and outstandingly fine workmanship. 175 Guide*, pp. 106-108, no. 55, pp. 206, 312 (bibliography).

THE LAW COURTS: HELIAIA 638 On the evidence of associated pottery and the profile of its cornice moulding the enclosure wall may be dated at the beginning of the 5th century B.c. Its orientation 1s identical with that of the earlier buildings beneath the Old Bouleuterion. The very considerable mass of soft bedrock that was removed to level the interior of the enclosure may well be the filling that was employed to bring up the ground level in the area where the Old Bouleuterion was to be erected a few years later.1”6 Omen 0.78 -_—0

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By a process of elimination one is virtually driven to the conclusion that this enclosure was a law court, indeed the largest and most famous of them all, viz. the Heliaia before which were tried the most important cases affecting the public.” It does in fact meet the requirements of the literary evidence which calls for an enclosure as old at least as the middle of the 5th century

and large enough to allow as many as 1500 jurors to sit together under the open sky. In its position our building happily balanced the early meeting place of the Council of Five Hundred,

the Old Bouleuterion. In the early times of which we are now speaking the general assembly of the whole citizen body, the Ekklesia, undoubtedly still held its meetings in the 176 Hesperia, VI, 1937, pp. 4, 120 (fig. 64), 134.

177 On the Heliaia as both institution and building cf. Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, II, pp. 8359-365; Wycherley, Agora, ITI, pp. 145f. The recent proposal (Hesperia, XX XV, 1966, pp. 40-48) to identify the rectangular enclosure with the principal sanctuary of Theseus is less plausible than the identification with the Heliaia that was put forward when the building was first cleared (Hesperia, XXIII, 1954, p. 38). Particularly damaging to the heroon hypothesis has been the failure to find any indication of a repository for the relics of the hero. The Theseion is presumably to be sought in areas still unexcavated to the east of the Agora (p. 125).

64 FACILITIES FOR CIVIG ADMINISTRATION Agora and toward the southwest corner of the square. It would have been proper for the two major representative bodies, the Council for legislation, the Heliaia for the enforcement of the laws, to be accommodated in convenient proximity to one another and to the meeting place of the Ekklesia. Another parallelism may be noted. The Prytaneis who presided over the meetings of the Council had their office and dining facilities in the near-by Tholos. Elsewhere we shall find reason to believe that the Thesmothetai who presided over the meetings of the Heliaia had corresponding accommodations in South Stoa I which rose near the east side of our enclosure (pp. 77-78). In the course of its long history the Heliaia underwent many alterations. One of the first major changes is to be dated in the 4th century B.c., probably its third quarter. At that time a series of rooms was inserted in the west side of the original enclosure; they were provided with a light colonnade that faced on the remaining unroofed area. Water was piped in from the adjacent aqueduct to a deep basin in one of the western rooms. The construction of the rooms necessitated the removal of the crowning member from the wall on the west side of the enclosure. A number of the distinctive crowning blocks were re-used at this time in the foundations for the south part of Building C at the northeast corner of the Agora.

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THE LAW COURTS: SOUTH SQUARE 65 At about this same time, certainly within the 4th century, a water clock was installed against the north wall of the Heliaia toward the northwest corner of the building (Fig. 21, Pl. 41, b).1%8 It was activated by water drawn from the great stone aqueduct. Situated as it was beside one of the principal entrances to the Agora the timepiece must have been a convenience for the public in general, but its location may well have been determined in part at least by the need of precise timing in the administration of the courts (p. 202). The next major event in the architectural history of the Heliaia involved the roofing of the remaining part of the old enclosure. This area was almost exactly square in plan, and the roof was supported internally by a peristyle centered in the square space. The corners of the peristyle consisted not of columns but of L-shaped sections of wall; this implies that the central part of the roof was elevated in the form of a lantern the better to illuminate the interior of the building (Fig. 22, Pls. 7, 11, 12, b, 18, a). This operation appears to have been carried out in the middle of the 2nd century B.c. THE SoutH SQUARE

Likewise in the 2nd century, in the course of its second and third quarters, a dramatic change occurred in the setting of the Heliaia. The old building was incorporated in a great new complex which is most prudently designated as the South Square (Fig. 22, Pls. 7, 18, 48). In addition to the Heliaia this square comprised the Middle Stoa, the East Building, and South

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Bk \\ The building in its present form cannot, to be sure, be as early as the time of Solon. But the free re-use of old material in the foundations of the Stoa suggests the prior existence in the neighborhood of a building sufficiently early to lend some credibility to Aristotle’s statement. We are on firmer ground when we come to the revision of the codes of Drakon and of Solon that were carried out in the closing decade of the 5th century.*6 A marble stele found in 1848 during the construction of the Cathedral at a point ca. 700 m. to the east of the Stoa proves to contain a revision dating from 409/8 s.c. of part of Drakon’s law on homicide (PI. 48, b).?” According to its own text the stele was to be set up in or in front of the Stoa Basileios. The Agora excavations have yielded a number of fragments of other marbles engraved likewise with revisions of the old codes and datable from their letter forms to the close of the 5th century ; several pieces of similar documents had been found earlier.28 The surviving parts include both secular and sacred law; in the latter category calendars of festivals are prominent. In one case the marble has the form of a normal stele like that bearing the revised code of Drakon. But most of 23 Ath.Pol., 55, 5.

24 The Stone of Injury (‘YBpis) and the Stone of Ruthlessness (Avaidelfa) on which the Accused and Accuser stood when appearing before the Court of the Areopagus are described by Pausanias (I, 28, 5) as unworked: d&pyoi Aifo1. These stones are probably identical with the “‘Altars of Injury and Ruthlessness”’ referred to by Theophrastos (apud Zenobios, IV, 36). The object in front of the Stoa Basileios is referred to by Demosthenes (LIV, 26) as an altar (Bwpds); but Harpokration (followed by Suidas) in quoting the passage reads ‘‘stone’”’ (Ai€os). Cf. Agora, III, no. 9 and Frazer’s note on Pausanias I,

6 4th. Pol, 7, 1. On the vexed question of where the axones and kyrbeis were kept cf. Agora, III, pp. 30f. 26 A. R. W. Harrison, ‘“Law-making at Athens at the End of the Fifth Century B.c.,” J.H.S., LX XV, 1955, pp. 26-35. 27 1.G., I,2 115. See the new edition by R. S. Stroud, Drakon’s Law on Homicide, University of California Press, Classical Studies, vol. 3, 1968. We are grateful to Professor Stroud for the photograph shown in Plate 48, b. 28 Cf. J. H. Oliver, Hesperia, IV, 1935, pp. 5-32; 8. Dow, “The Athenian Law Code of 411-401 B.c.,’’ Hesperia, X, 1941, pp. 31-87 ; idem, ‘‘The Law Codes of Athens,” Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, LX XI, 1953-57, pp. 3-36. Professor

Dow and associates are preparing a comprehensive monograph on the subject.

STOA BASILEIOS 89 the fragments come from tall marble slabs that were set edge to edge, tightly jointed and inscribed on both faces, measures evidently intended for the display of a maximum amount of text in a limited space. These inscriptions are undoubtedly to be associated with the program for the re-editing of the old laws that is most clearly documented by Andokides’ speech On the Mysteries and Lysias’ 30th oration, Against Nikomachos, both of 899 B.c.?° According to Andokides, drafts of the revised texts were to be displayed on wooden tablets in front of the Eponymoi. After exposure to the citizens and scrutiny by the Council and the Nomothetai, the approved versions were inscribed “‘on the wall where they had previously been inscribed.” In a subsequent passage of the speech this final publication is said to have taken place “in the Stoa.” Hence ‘“‘the wall” is to be sought in the Stoa. The Stoa is not further defined, but in view of the other evidence which we have noted for the association of law codes with the Stoa Basileios, we may safely assume that in this case also the Basileios was meant. It is to be hoped that the study of the ruins of the building will lead to the more precise identification of ‘‘the wall.” To return now to the actual remains of the Stoa Basileios, we recall that we have in the sills between the columns of the annexes sockets suitable both for normal stelai like that bearing the revision of the Drakonian law on homicide and for the multiple stelai represented by the numerous fragments. The annexes, in fact, may well have been designed for this specific purpose. While providing shelter against the weather they would also have permitted two-faced inscrip-

tions to be read from either side. Furthermore, the arrangement kept the laws in convenient proximity to the Stoa without reducing the seating capacity of the original building. And we now see that the archons, as they stood on the lithos and swore to preserve the laws of the city, were flanked to right and left by the official versions of those laws.*° In accordance with a reasonable Athenian practice busy officials were provided with eating facilities in the building in which they had their offices. Thus the Prytaneis had a common mess in the Tholos (p. 44) and the Thesmothetai in the Thesmotheteion (p. 77), while the Strategoi at least on occasion dined and made sacrifice together, presumably in the Strategion (p. 73). One might expect similar accommodation for the Basileus. It so happens that a well closed ca. 460 B.c. in an area that was later covered by the Stoa of Zeus Eleutherios at a point ca. 30 m. south of the Stoa Basileios has yielded a mass of broken pottery including large cooking and serving vessels and many drinking cups.*! No less than sixteen of these vases were marked

with the ligature A which is to be expanded as AEMOZION, i.e. official or state property. The debris is therefore to be associated in all probability with some near-by official mess (syssition), most likely for the convenience of the Archon Basileus and his associates. A modest house-like building of which some slight remains lie beneath the north end of the Stoa of Zeus, between the well and the Stoa Basileios, may have contained appropriate domestic facilities

(PI. 3). The newly found building is thus seen to have a double interest. For the first time we gain a clear picture of the accommodations assigned to a single magistrate for the conduct of his official business. In this respect the new evidence supplements that provided by the Tholos for the facilities available to a group of civic officials. In the second place the discovery demonstrates once again the versatility of the Stoa as an architectural type. In this connection not the least striking feature of the building is its miniature scale. Most stoas, irrespective of their 29 Gf. Agora, III, no. 6 for the relevant passages from Andokides (I, 82-85). 30 It is a puzzling fact that the majority of the fragments to be assigned to the revision of the code have come to light in

the area to the east of the Tholos, one of them, I 727, re-used as a cover slab above the Great Drain; Agora, III, p. 22. Not a single piece has as yet been found near the Stoa Basileios. 31 1), Talcott, “Vases and Kalos-Names from an Agora Well,’ Hesperia, V, 1936, pp. 333-304. 82 Hesperia, VI, 1937, p. 18.

90 STOAS period or location, were designed to accommodate the maximum number of people. Ours was evidently intended specifically for the official needs of the Archon Basileus, and it is illuminating to discover that one of the principal magistrates of the city should have been content with such modest physical accommodation.

STOA POIKILE One of the first important buildings set up in the Agora after the Persian Wars was the Poikile or Painted Stoa. It cannot be dated precisely, but it was probably built before the middle of the 5th century, and a date toward 460 B.c. would suit well enough both the dates of the persons associated with it and the character of the scanty remains. One Peisianax, we are told, was somehow responsible for the erection of the Stoa; perhaps he proposed the relevant decree.*? The Stoa was called after him “Peisianakteios’’; but because of the splendor of the paintings the handier name Poikile (many-colored) soon prevailed, even in official documents. Peisianax seems to have been related to Kimon by marriage, and the Stoa may have been part of Kimon’s grand design for the embellishment of Athens. The first literary allusion to the Stoa is in Aristophanes’ Lysistrata, 678-679 (411 B.c.), where the chorus refer to Amazons in Mikon’s painting to show that “‘woman is a horsey creature.”’ The first known use of the name Poikile is in a speech of Demosthenes (XLV, 17) and an inscription,** both of the middle of the 4th century; but one can imagine that the name was current long before this time. The excavators have not discovered the site of the Poikile, but this in itself is significant. Harlier topographers generally assumed that the Stoa was on the north side; this seemed to suit its place in Pausanias’ description best. But the site was by no means clear or universally agreed. Now that the west, south and east sides have all been thoroughly investigated, and the foundations of the building have not been found, one can assume with confidence that it was indeed on the north, in the region of Hadrian Street not far from the Church of St. Philip. The recent discovery in the eastern half of the north side of the Agora of substantial buildings of Roman date, with traces of earlier houses at lower levels, pushes the site somewhat to the west, though probably one should still leave room for the Stoa of the Herms (p. 94) at the extreme northwest corner of the square (Fig. 7, Pls. 5-8). In this situation the Stoa Poikile

marked the furthest northern limit of the Agora; and it faced south over the square and caught the sun, an important factor in a building which was to be a lesche or lounge. But the information provided by the excavations does not consist wholly of deductions from negative evidence. In 1949, when a wall of the 5th century after Christ was being dismantled in the northeastern section of the excavations in front of the Stoa of Attalos, much re-used material was taken from it, including large numbers of fragments of brown Aiginetan poros, a material used at Athens for important buildings from the time of Peisistratos, and some of the harder white poros of Peiraeus (PI. 49, a, c).36 These were of good workmanship and obviously came from a single important building. No suitable foundations with which to associate them had been found, and the excavators’ thoughts naturally turned to the unexcavated north side and to the Poikile. Most of the fragments are of Doric members — “‘a fluted drum, 83 Schol. Demosthenes, XX, 112; see further Agora, III, pp. 31ff., 45, notes 1 and 2; Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Peisianax, col. 147; R. Meiggs, Supplement to Greece and Rome, X, 1963, p. 44. 4 1.G., IT?, 1641; cf. also 1670; Agora, III, p. 45. 3% Judeich, Topographie,? p. 336.

36 Hesperia, XIX, 1950, pp. 327-329; Phoenix, VII, 1953, pp. 22, 24; A.J.A., LXVIII, 1964, p. 200. For a comprehensive study of the material now known cf. Lucy S. Meritt, Hesperia, XX XIX, 1970, pp. 233-264.

STOA POIKILE 91 an anta capital, epistyle, triglyphs, horizontal cornice.”’ But Ionic columns were employed too, as is shown by a small fragment of a column base, to which may belong a fragment of unfluted shaft; presumably these came from interior columns. There are also a number of bits of wall blocks (Pl. 49, c). Some of these have holes drilled in them, and in some of the holes are traces of iron pins. These may have been used to hold in position a wooden frame, to which

boards could be attached.?’ When we recall that the pictures of the Poikile are said to have been painted on wooden panels (sanides),?° we are led to the conclusion that the fragments do indeed give us a slight and tantalizing contact with the famous Stoa, in spite of the somewhat makeshift system of attachment.® Many of the stones bear traces of paint from which the decoration of the architectural details can be restored. Particularly important is a group of fragments from which an anta capital has been reconstructed, with a double lotus-and-palmette on its main, lower band, and a tongue pattern on the hawksbeak above (PI. 49, a, b).%° The relation of this anta capital to the wall which it joins shows that it belongs not to a main side wall but to a screen wall making a return along part of the front of the Stoa; presumably there was a similar return at the other end, giving a greater degree of enclosure than in other types of stoa. This would afford greater protection to the paintings, though we shall find in the Stoa of Zeus that pictures were installed

even in a fully open colonnade. The style of the mouldings can be related to that of other buildings of the middle of the 5th century. They appear to be a few years earlier than the Temple of Hephaistos and may be tentatively dated about 460 B.c. Thus these slight remains have proved remarkably helpful. The pictures themselves of course still elude us, except that the new material confirms that they were painted on boards and were not frescoes applied directly to the walls. The literary evidence on this point is very late and had been doubted.*! This is not the place to describe

the pictures in detail or to discuss their authorship and their importance in the history of painting.” We are merely concerned with their place in the scheme of the Stoa and the Agora. It meant much to the Athenians that they had a series of masterpieces of contemporary painting openly displayed in a place frequented by all and sundry. The Marathon picture above all had a great impact on them, moral as well as aesthetic. Less fortunately, it was from about this time that large-scale painting began to dominate vase-painting, hitherto a supreme art in its own right. We do not know how the pictures were disposed around the walls. Pausanias (I, 15) gives a sequence of four; first, a battle of Athenians and Lakedaimonians at Oinoe in the Argive territory (painter not named) ;* then, ‘‘on the middle one of the walls’ (or his words might mean ‘Yon the middle part of the walls’), the Athenians and Theseus fighting the Amazons; next, 37 Cuttings in some of the blocks suggest the possibility that wooden members were set into the face of the wall as in other buildings adorned with paintings. Cf. below, note 39. 38 Sopatros, Ataipeois Znthuctowv, 340ff.; Synesios, Hpist., 54 and 135; see Agora, III, pp. 42, 43-44; Phoemz, VII, 1953, p. 24.

39 As compared for example with the structure of walls and boards in the pre-Mnesiklean propylon of the Acropolis; see W.B. Dinsmoor, Architecture of Ancient Greece, p. 198; Hesperia, XIX, 1950, p. 329. Note also G. Roux, B.C.H., LXXVI, 1952, pp. 182f. (Stoa of Attalos at Delphi); and J. Pouilloux, Fouilles de Delphes, II, La region nord du sanctuarre, 1960, pp. 186f. (Lesche at Delphi). 40 The capital is 0.405 m. high, 0.79 m. wide on its broad face, 0.465 m. on its narrow face; the adjoining wall is only 0.40 m. thick. The triglyph is 0.48 m. wide which calls for a column with a lower diameter close to 1 m. 41 See note 38 above. 42 M. H. Swindler, Ancient Painting, New Haven, 1929, pp. 209ff.; A. Rumpf, Malerei und Zeichnung der Griechen, Munich,

1958, pp. 92ff.; M. Robertson, Greek Painting, Geneva, 1959, pp. 121ff.; D. von Bothmer, Amazons in Greek Art, Oxford, 1957, Ch. X, A, pp. 160ff.

43 The occasion of this battle is very obscure and disputed; it has sometimes been dated in the 4th century; see most recently L. H. Jeffery, B.S.A., LX, 1965, pp. 41-57, who suggests that it happened during the vigorous campaign of Tolmides

around the coast of Peloponnesos in 457 s.c. Miss Jeffery discusses the political background and is inclined to think that the building was erected and the main paintings executed before Kimon’s ostracism in 462/1 B.c.

92 STOAS the scene at Troy after the capture; and finally “the last part of the painting,” the battle of Marathon. Thus we have two traditional subjects between two historical; beyond this the arrangement is wholly conjectural, and it is not even clear whether the paintings were confined to the long back wall or made use of the end walls too. The Marathon picture in itself consisted of three sections, according to Pausanias.“ At one point the Plataeans and Athenians were at grips with the enemy; the “inner part’ showed the barbarians in flight; at the “extreme end of the painting’ the Greeks were slaughtering them as they fell into the ships. The rest of the description, however, seems to show that the whole painting was one and that the same people were not shown three times. Mikon of Athens painted the Amazons, Polygnotos of Thasos the fall of Troy. Marathon was attributed to Panainos of Athens by Pausanias (V, II, 6) and Pliny (XX XV, 57), and to Mikon or Polygnotos by others.* The authority is weakest for Polygnotos, and there certainly was a tendency to transfer works of art to the more famous artist. Perhaps Marathon was a composite work of Mikon and Panainos; and perhaps Polygnotos, the most distinguished of all, had some general direction of the whole work; some authors simply say

that he “painted the Stoa.’’ These are the only pictures of which we can be sure. We hear of others on more doubtful authority. A very confused scholion on Aristophanes, Plutus, 3854” mentions a picture of the Herakleidai coming to Athens as supphiants, by Pamphilos (early 4th century) or by Apollodoros (late 4th century); and one of the notes on this passage says it was “in the Stoa of the Athenians,’ presumably the Poikile. Sophokles was depicted in the Poikile playing the lyre, according to his Lnfe,*8 but this may mean that his likeness was inserted in one of the major paintings. We need not take seriously a statement that not only Marathon but Salamis was shown ;*? such a picture would have been equally famous and frequently mentioned. Yet the Stoa was indeed a Hall of Victories. One further bit of archaeological evidence illustrates this. Pausanias (I, 15, 4) mentions bronze shields dedicated in the Stoa, some of which were said to have been taken from the Lakedaimonians captured at Sphakteria in 425 B.o. Such a shield has been found.” It is made of thin bronze and is oval in shape, with an elaborately braided border (Fig. 26, PI. 49, d). It bears an inscription written by means of punch holes, in letters of the late 5th century B.c. "ASnvaior dtd AaxeSaip[ov]icy é [T]Ao, “The Athenians

(dedicated this) from the Lakedaimonians from Pylos.” Curiously it was found nowhere near

the proposed site, but in a cistern, for which it had apparently served as lid, south of the Temple of Hephaistos. It had reached this ignominious position long before Pausanias’ time; the cistern was filled up about 300 B.c. Perhaps it had suffered damage and been ruthlessly discarded. The Poikile was one of the main focal points around which Athenian life in all its varied forms revolved. To judge by our plentiful evidence, it was primarily a superior lesche or place of informal conversation, and only occasionally and secondarily a place of official business. In 441,15; see further Agora, III, pp. 39-41; add to testimonia given in Agora, III, Harpokration, 6t1 Siapyaptd&ver Kal Anyuoovevns. J. H. Schreiner, Proceedings of Cambridge Philological Society, N.S. XVI, 1970, pp. 97-112, suggests that there

were two conflicts at Marathon and two paintings, but this does not agree with the triple composition noted by Pausanias. 45 For the various attributions see Agora, III, pp. 31, 45. 46 Plutarch, Kimon, 4,6; Harpokration and Suidas, ToAvyvootos. 47 See Agora, III, no. 58, pp. 34-35; it is worth noting that the Altar of Eleos, with which the Herakleidai were associated, was probably near at hand (p. 135). On the whole, however, it is perhaps best to assume that Pausanias mentioned all the paintings which were there in his time. See Jeffery, op. cit., pp. 43, 46. 48 Biogr. Graect, ed. Westermann, p. 127; cf. Masqueray, Budé ed., Vol. I, p. xxxiil. See Jeffery, op. cit., p. 48. 49 Schol. Gregory of Nazianzos, Contra Julianum, I. 50 Hesperia, VI, 1937, pp. 346-348; ’Apy. ’Eg., 1937, pp. 140-148; Picture Book, 4, nos. 33-384; Guide? p. 169. In I 39438, Hesperia, XXV, 1956, p. 88, no.6, A. M. Woodward very tentatively mentions the possible restoration [d&oml5e]s Aakov[ikat--]

in a small fragment of what might be an inventory of the 5th century s.c. A hole in one of the interior column drums suggests that some of the shields may have hung on the columns.

STOA POIKILE 93 its companion stoa on the west side we shall find the order reversed. In and around the Poikile one might find, on their various occasions, priests, poets and philosophers, jurymen, jugglers and beggars.*! The Scholiast on Frogs, 369 tells us that the Hierophant of the Mysteries made a proclamation in the Stoa; and this would be a very suitable place, as the procession paused on its way through the Agora from the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore in the city to their sanctuary at Eleusis. Diogenes Laertius®? mentions an altar; but we do not know what cult

[EEA soi) ae ee SE =4 A group of poets frequented it and bore the name Stoic before the philosophers took over. Curiously, Plato never brings Sokrates to the Poikile, but we can be quite sure that he was a familiar figure there. Some of the Cynics more or less lived in the stoas, especially the Poikile; this we can well believe, even if the story that the elderly Krates took his beautiful young bride to the Stoa can be attributed to the ill-bred jibes of Hipparchia’s relations.°® Zeno appropriated the Stoa in the late 4th century and delivered discourses walking up and down, 5t Agora, III, p. 31. 52 Apparently with a wooden enclosure; VII, i, 14. 53 See note 34.

54 Diogenes Laertius, VII, i, 5. 55 Ibid.

56 Apuleius, Florida, 14; Musonius, XIV (ed. Hense); Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis, IV, 19, 21, indicates that the stoa in question is the Poikile.

94 STOAS while his hearers might sit on steps or benches (bathra) ;°’ and instead of being called Zenonians by analogy with their rivals, his followers acquired the name — perhaps at first a nickname — of Stoics. Throughout antiquity the Stoa continued to be the scene of lively and informal discussion, as we see in Lucian.*® We do not know whether like the Stoa of Zeus (p. 102) it ever acquired an annex in the form of enclosed rooms behind; these might have been useful for philosophical seminars. Bishop Synesios of Cyrene, writing about a.p. 400, provides a sad epilogue.®® The Poikile, he found, had lost its paintings and was now a mere husk of its former self. A certain proconsul had taken away the boards to which Polygnotos had committed his art, recently, 1t appears; Synesios speaks as if with disappointment. In what shape the pictures can have survived the Herulian sack of a.p. 267 it is difficult to imagine; presumably in any case they were subjected to a good deal of retouching from time to time. But the fabric was apparently still maintained until about a.p. 400; the fresh color on the fragments suggests that they come from a building quite recently in use. But not long afterwards came the final destruction, and stones from the Poikile made their way into the wall where they were found, built alongside a millstream.

STOA OF THE HERMS ‘‘Pass on in thought,” says Aischines (III, 186), “to the Stoa Poikile too; the memorials of all your great deeds are set up in the Agora.” Immediately before this (188-185) he has been speaking of the monument which commemorated the victory of Kimon and his colleagues over the Persians at EHion in Thrace in 475 .c. The Demos, he says, allowed the victors to set up three stone Herms “‘in the Stoa of the Herms,” on condition that the names of the generals themselves were not inscribed. It was perhaps this monument that inspired the picture by the Pan Painter on a red-figured pelike now in the Louvre (PI. 50, b).® Aischines’ words suggest, though they hardly prove, that the monument was adjacent to the Poikile. The “Stoa of the Herms’’ has been the subject of much doubt and difficulty. We meet it nowhere else in ancient literature; Demosthenes, speaking of the Kion monument (XX, 112), says nothing of a stoa. But some of the notoriously confused notes on what the ancient commentators call the “three stoas of Athens’ include the Stoa of the Herms.*! By a stroke of unusual good fortune a solid piece of indubitable evidence came to light in 1962, when, in the course of work in Theseion Street, a short distance to the northwest of the Agora, two stelai were taken from the wall of a building of Roman (possibly Antonine) date overlying earlier houses.** Both are inscribed with decrees honoring the cavalry officers, Hipparchs and Phylarchs. One was to be set up “‘beside the Herms”’ ;® of the other, dated in the archonship of Nikias, 282/1 B.c., two copies were to be set up, one in the shrine of Poseidon (i.e. at the Kolonos Hippios, away to the northwest), the other “in the Stoa of the Herms.”’ 57 Diogenes Laertius, VII, i, 5, 14, 22; see further Agora, ITI, p. 31. A medallion from the floor of a terracotta bowl (P 22351) of the 8rd century after Christ vividly represents a philosopher who is possibly Zeno: Hesperia, XXII, 1953, p. 56; Picture Book, 5, no.5; G.M. A. Richter, Greek Portraits, III, Collection Latomus, XLVIII, Brussels, 1960, p. 46, fig. 204; eadem, Portraits of the Greeks, II, London, 1965, p. 189; below p. 215. 58 Lucian, Iwppiter Tragoedus, 15, 16, 32, 33. 59 See note 38 above. 60 Cf. below, note 73.

61 See Agora, III, pp. 102ff., nos. 301, 313; cf. abid., pp. 21, 30. 62 J. Threpsiades and E. Vanderpool, AcAt., XVIII, 1963, pp. 103 ff.

63 This stone is not complete, and the date is not precisely known, but there is reason to believe that it falls between 286 and 261 B.c. The formula ‘‘by the Herms”’ also occurs in a decree in honor of the Hipparchs of 188/7 s.c., found in the Kerameikos, and published by Habicht in Ath. Mitt., LX XVI, 1961, p. 127. I 5143, Hesperia, XXIX, 1960, p. 78, no. 155, found in the ,wall of a modern house southeast of the Agora, is a fragment of a decree in honor of the Hipparchs, ca. 160 B.c.; below, p. 159, note 219.

STOA OF THE HERMS 95 Thus one need no longer question the existence of a stoa of this name, or tamper with the text of Aischines ;*4 and one need not look far from Theseion Street for the site of the building (Fig. 7, Pls. 1, 5, 11). The traditional square pillars, surmounted by a head of the god, were a

favorite type of dedication at Athens, and they stood everywhere in the streets and at gateways of shrines and private houses.® But there was one particular spot where they were so numerous that it was called simply “The Herms.”’ These were the Herms par excellence. Even be-

fore the recent discoveries there was good evidence that this place was at the northwestern entrance, the main approach or “‘gateway”’ to the Agora. A reliable ancient commentator® says that the Herms “are from the Poikile and the Stoa of the Basileus” (p. 85). Since he adds that they were ‘‘set up in large numbers both by private individuals and by magistrates,”’ one may presume that they accumulated in a somewhat haphazard fashion. The bases found fn front of the newly discovered Stoa Basileios (p. 85) no doubt belonged to “‘The Herms.”’ Many Herms have been found in the region of the Agora. They are mostly late and archaistic, but one head, of fine quality though much battered, can be dated in the four-seventies. Though found further south, near the Tholos, it just possibly belongs to Kimon’s dedication. Its nose was knocked off in ancient times, perhaps in the mutilation of the Herms in 415 B.c., and a replacement was attached by means of a dowel (PI. 50, a).® The bronze Hermes Agoraios seen by Pausanias (I, 15, 1) on the north side of the Agora as

he approached the Poikile, near a gateway on which the Athenians had erected a trophy of their victory over Pleistarchos brother of Kassandros, was presumably a fully anthropomorphic

statue, not a columnar Herm. Lucian® speaks of its fine lines and graceful contours, much copied by later sculptors. According to Philochoros® the Hermes Agoraios was originally set up in the archonship of Kebris, before the Persian Wars. Perhaps what Lucian and Pausanias saw was a later replacement of a more primitive figure destroyed or removed by the Persians.” The Herms seem to have played an important part in the exercises and ceremonial rides of the cavalry. A comic fragment and a passage of Xenophon show them mustering there.” Thus it ig not surprising that they should choose to set up monuments and inscriptions near the Herms. The well known base bearing the signature of the sculptor Bryaxis,” which commemorated the victories of certain Phylarchs in the cavalry contest known as the Anthippasia, was found im situ in 1891; in the light of the more recent excavations one can see that it stood just behind the south end of the Stoa Basileios. The Stoa of the Herms, with Kimon’s monument, was presumably an important element in the general scheme. If it was put up at the time of the original dedication it was the first stoa 6 See Agora, III, no. 301, pp. 103-105. 65 Thucydides, VI, 27, 1; Pausanias, I, 24, 3. On the whole subject of the Herms at Athens see now EK. B. Harrison, Agora, XI, pp. 108-176; cf. p. 169 below. 66 Menekles-Kallikrates in Harpokration, ‘Eppat; Jacoby, F.G.H., IIIB, 270, 2, p. 232; Agora, III, pp. 105-106.

6? See Harrison, Agora, XI, no. 156. For possible bases of Herms, besides those mentioned on p. 85 above, note especially Hesperia, XXI, 1952, p. 96; XXVIII, 1959, p. 8, a large poros base northeast of the Temple of Ares, probably of the early 5th century, adjacent to the Panathenaic Way, in which in fact it seems to be the cause of a slight bend at this point; cf. also Hesperia, X XI, 1952, p. 102; X XIX, 1960, pp. 36-387.

68 Tuppiter Tragoedus, 33; Agora, III, pp. 102. 69 Jacoby, F.G.H., IIIB, no. 828, 31; Agora, ITI, no. 298, pp. 102-103; Agora, XI, p. 112; the exact date of Kebris is not known.

70 A particular Herm which may have belonged to ‘‘the Herms”’ was the Hermes Tetrakephalos; see p. 169 for this and other notable Herms. 71 Mnesimachos, J.M. Edmonds, Fragments of Attic Comedy, II, Leiden, 1959, p. 362, no. 4; Agora, III, no. 303, p. 105; Xenophon, Hipparchicus, III, 2; Agora, III, no. 203, pp. 78, 108. 72 T.G., IJ2, 3180; Agora, III, p. 105; for the Anthippasia see p. 121 below. In 1970 a fragment of another monument commemorating a victory in an equestrian contest was found within a few feet of the Bryaxis base. A two-faced relief (I 7167) shows on one side a file of horsemen with their commander; on the other side an inscription records a victory of the tribe Leontis with the canting figure of a lion; Hesperia, XL, 1971, pp. 271-272, pl. 57, c. Travlos, P.D.A., p. 18 shows the Bryaxis base. Cf. also N. Pharaklas, AcAt., XXIV, 1969, A’, pp. 66-73.

96 STOAS built in the Agora after the Persian invasion. But the possibility comes to mind that Kimon merely dedicated the three Herms and the Stoa was built later, in more affluent times, to give them a distinguished setting.“* One gathers from the paucity of the literary sources that it did not play such an important and varied part in Athenian life as the Poikile or the Basileios.“ Pausanias passed it in silence, mentioning only the Hermes Agoraios (I, 15, 1) and adding comments elsewhere on the Athenian addiction to the dedication of Herms (I, 24, 3) and on the Herms in the Ptolemaion in particular (I, 17, 2); but perhaps the Kimonian Herms and their Stoa had been irreparably damaged by Sulla.” STOA OF ZEUS ELEUTHERIOS The earliest remains on the site of the Stoa of Zeus, toward the north end of the west side, seem to belong to a modest archaic shrine.’* On and near the spot later occupied by the third interior column from the south was a foundation which probably carried a statue, and around this a bedding was cut on the west, the south and the north, apparently to carry a low retaining wall on the sides where the ground level rose. The whole monument has an orientation slightly different from that of the Stoa. Its exact date cannot be determined, but one can be reasonably sure that the deity worshipped was Zeus, since this spot was undoubtedly sacred to him in later times. Some 25 m. to the east, adjacent to the ancient street on the west side of the Agora, were found the remains of an altar which may have belonged to the same cult.” Cuttings in the rock and slight remnants of the foundation show that it was about 3.65 m. north to south and at least 1.22 m. east to west. Beddings for orthostates are visible, and working chips found in the trench show that the superstructure was of Pentelic marble. The altar may have survived the Persian War in usable shape and continued in use for several centuries; in the end it was built over by a much larger structure (p. 103). The invasion of the area of the Stoa by potters and metalworkers, which followed the Persian destruction, seems to have been of many years’ duration. Their workshops have left characteristic traces (p. 170), and the debris from these activities accumulated in several successive layers. If one may judge from modern practice, the potters did not abandon their shop until very soon before work began on the Stoa.’ The Stoa of Zeus was much more than one of those colonnades which were frequently placed along one side of a precinct to enclose and adorn the area and to provide shelter for the worshippers; it was a great public building in its own right, serving a number of different purposes. 3 Aischines was certainly capable of historical anachronism in this matter: see Harrison, Agora, XI, p. 110.

For the problems involved in the epigrams inscribed on Kimon’s Herms see I’. Jacoby, Hesperia, XIV, 1945, pp. 185ff.; Agora, III, p. 104; Harrison, Agora, XI, pp. 110-111; B.D. Meritt, in The Aegean and the Near East, pp. 273ff., where it is shown that the Marathon epigrams were probably on a base which carried two Herms, and this monument too may well have stood among “‘the Herms.” J. de la Geniére, R.H.A., LXII, 1960, pp. 249-2538, suggests that a group of three Herms (an unusual subject) on a pelike by the Pan Painter, dated on style ca. 470 B.c., may be inspired by Kimon’s Herms; see Harrison, Agora, XI, p. 111, pl. 65, a, and our Plate 50, b. 4 See Agora, III, p. 104; Gr. Rom. Byz. St., II, 1959, p. 40. * See Agora, XI, pp. 109f. 76 Hesperia, VI, 1937, pp. 8ff.; the central foundation was about 1.78 by 2m., with a single course of soft yellow poros, mostly cut away when the stoa was built. In the bedding were pieces of Acropolis limestone and fragments of early poros column drums. Another block of the same poros, with a circular sinking in its top, just to the northwest, may have carried another dedication. 7 Ibid., pp. 10ff.; at the southwest a single course of irregular blocks of Kara limestone survives, with one block of Acropolis stone incorporated. 78 Ibid., p. 20. The boundary marker I 2483, Hesperia, X XI, 1952, p. 374, no. 25, Agora, III, no. 39, p. 29, may perhaps be associated with the clearing up of the site.

STOA OF ZEUS ELEUTHERIOS 97 Yet it was named after the god and was in some sense consecrated to him; and it certainly provided a splendid background and setting for the shrine, with its old altar and new statue (p. 101), and made ample amends for the lack of a temple. To anticipate conclusions briefly, on the evidence of Pausanias (I, 3, 3) the building can be identified with certainty as the stoa which was sacred to Zeus Kleutherios; and now that another stoa has been found further north (p. 83) one should no longer give it the alternative name “‘Basileios.’’’? Planned at the very end of the great Periclean building program, it shows an interesting new development in stoa design, the addition of projecting wings. The site was beyond the range of Dérpfeld’s excavations on the west side in 1896-1897; but a little of the north end had come to light as early as 1891 when the cutting was made for the railway.®° Eiven then the discovery of the base of one of the interior supports suggested a.stoa. The main part of the building was the first important monument revealed by the excavations which began in 1931,®! and since the southern part of the north wing was found soon after, the whole design could be recovered by symmetrical restoration of the north end. The remains are very scanty, but there are enough key fragments to make a convincing restoration possible in almost every detail (Pls. 5, 12, a). The general plan of the building 1s revealed in broad cuttings in the bedrock. Sections of the foundation have been found wn situ, mainly on the back and south side. At the north end five or more courses were necessary because of the slope. Little is left on the front, but fragments conveniently define the inner front corners of both wings. A soft white poros was used for the foundations, with a harder and darker poros in those parts which were to be exposed to the air. Five blocks of a marble step are in

position at the west end of the south side. The width of the foundations and of the cuttings show that this step was surmounted by two more, with a fourth set below them on the front of the building to provide for the steep downward slope of the roadway toward the north. Both Pentelic and Hymettian marble were used in the steps, the dark Hymettian perhaps being confined, in the front of the building at least, to the bottom step as in the wings of the Propylaia. The original floor of the Stoa was probably of clay, but this would seem to have been replaced in the early Roman period with a flagging of marble slabs, which in turn were completely removed in late antiquity.8? A line of lighter blocks runs continuously along the walls inside, and no doubt served as a bedding for stone benches. The platform of the Stoa has now been built up to a uniform level with miscellaneous ancient material, so as to define and preserve the general outline of the building. The Stoa was no doubt damaged in the Herulian invasion of a.p. 267, and the material of the superstructure was removed with great thoroughness early in the 5th century for re-use elsewhere. Three of the wall blocks are known, however, through having been incorporated in the lowest foundations of the Annex that was erected to the rear of the Stoa in the early Roman period (p. 102). These blocks are of Aeginetan poros, smooth dressed outside, roughly stippled inside.®4 The orthostates may have been of marble, but none has survived. 79 Cf. Agora, III, p. 30. 80 Hesperia, VI, 1937, p. 7; p. 222 below.

81 Hesperia, II, 1988, pp. 110-124; a detailed study followed in VI, pp. 5-77. 8 Hesperia, VI, 1937, p. 23; but see now XXXV, 1966, pp. 176 ff. 83 To hold up the friable rock of the hillside a retaining wall was built parallel to the back wall of the stoa at a distance

of 1.10m. Beyond the south end of the stoa it continued about 11 m. southwards, and then made an eastwards return which was later built over by the Temple of Apollo (p. 186); behind the stoa this wall, which was later but not much later than the stoa itself, was of soft creamy poros, with some blocks of conglomerate; in the southward extension broken limestone was used; Hesperia, VI, 1937, pp. 55f. 84 The blocks measure 1.023 x 0.702 x 0.351 m. A shallow V-shaped channel in one of the end joint surfaces was probably in-

tended to receive poured lead to waterproof the wall; Hesperia, VI, 1937, p. 24. One face of each block was finished smooth, the other, the one remote from the channel, was stippled with a single point. A well preserved frieze block from the Stoa of Zeus (A 3924) found in 1970 in a Byzantine foundation to the northeast of the Stoa shows the same stippling on the side

98 STOAS Both outer and inner columns were of Pentelic marble. A fragment of a bottom drum, two almost complete top drums (PI. 51, b), and small bits of capitals make possible the restoration of the Doric outer colonnade.® A few small scraps of the inner columns*®* show that they were unfluted, and that the egg and dart on the echinus of the Ionic capital was merely incised and painted ; full carving was probably not considered necessary in an interior column on which the play of light and shade would not be so important (cf. p. 104) as on the exterior; but it should also be noted that a painted rather than a carved echinus is characteristic of Attic Ionic in contrast to Asiatic Ionic from the late 6th century well into the second half of the 5th century z.c.

Very little of the Pentelic marble outer epistyle has been found. The triglyphs were cut from tan-colored Aeginetan poros, very light in weight. The metopes were carved separately and set in slots in the face of the frieze; to judge by a fragment which probably belonged to one of them, they were of Pentelic marble.®’ The frieze was no doubt continued along the side walls. Several blocks of the horizontal geison survive, including one from the south inner angle (Pl. 51, a), and small fragments of the raking geison. It appears that the horizontal and raking geisa did not combine into one block where they met, but the former was carried separately to the extreme corner.®® The Stoa was roofed with terracotta tiles of Corinthian type of which only a few small fragments survive. From the treatment of the tops of the geisa, however, one may infer that the terracotta extended to the horizontal edges of the roof, terminating probably in simple eaves tiles enlivened by antefixes; the raking geisa above the pediments carried a marble sima.®® Calculation of the relative heights of the outer and inner columns shows that the ceiling must have sloped like the roof, the rafters being visible from below. This was in fact the usual arrangement in stoas which had exterior Doric and interior Ionic columns.

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Fig. 27. Stoa of Zeus, South Wing (M. H. McAllister) opposite the triglyphs and metopes. It was therefore the inner face of the stoa wall that was stippled in a way reminiscent of the Temple of Hephaistos (p. 147); in both buildings the treatment was undoubtedly intended to be decorative and not a preparation for plaster. Cf. Hesperia, XL, 1971, pp. 277f., fig. 5. 8 ‘The second drum, very similar to the first, was found just north of the Stoa in 1970 (A 3925). The lower diameter of the columns is calculated as 0.786 m., upper as 0.599 m.; Hesperia, VI, 1987, p. 25; XL, 1971, p. 277. 86 Giving an upper diameter of ca. 0.566 m., lower of ca. 0.686 m.; Hesperia, VI, 1937, pp. 26-27. 8? Our knowledge of the frieze has been greatly increased by the block found in 1970: A 3924; above, note 84. This gives us for the first time the full height of the frieze (0.612 m.) and its full thickness (0.789 m.) The inner face was crowned by a moulding now broken away but clearly to be restored as a hawksbeak above a smooth fascia. Cf. Hesperia, XL, 1971, pp. 276-278, fig. 5. On the treatment of the re-entrant angle cf. J. J. Coulton, B.S.A., LXI, 1966, p. 185. Below the square mutule of the corner geison the frieze is to be restored with shortened metopes meeting in the angle. 88 Flesperia, VI, 1937, p. 31.

8° The tops of the horizontal geisa are finished smooth in a narrow band along the outer edge; back of this band they are rough. The one surviving fragment of the raking geison which retains its top (A 369; Hesperia, VI, 1987, p. 32, fig. 21) shows a carefully dressed upper surface with the characteristic corrosion left by a marble sima undercut with a relieving surface.

STOA OF ZEUS ELEUTHERIOS 99 That the disposition of the outer columns was as shown in the plan (Pl. 5) is safely deduced from the dimensions of the triglyphs and metopes and the spacing of the interior columns, of which all the foundations have been found with the exception of the front column in the north wing. It is highly probable that the columns of the central part were more widely spaced than those of the wings (Fig. 27), with a third triglyph and metope to each intercolumnar space. One reason for the use of the Aeginetan stone in the triglyphs, instead of the finer but heavier

marble, was no doubt to decrease the load on the long epistyle blocks. The wide intercolumniations would make the main body of the Stoa more open and accessible, while the normal, old-fashioned spacing was more appropriate to the temple-like facades of the wings. The scheme with one interior column opposite every second exterior was common in stoas. Since the bedding for benches comes to an end before reaching the front of the wings, it 1s assumed that the side walls stopped short too, ending in antae and allowing each wing to have a fully prostyle facade. A building of such elegance and prominence called for a certain amount of sculpture as a final touch; this was provided in the form of figural akroteria (Pls. 51, c, 52). Such akroteria are remarkable on a stoa, but our Stoa was exceptional both in the way it presented its templelike facades to the square and in the emphasis placed on the associated cult of Zeus as attested by the ancient authors and inscriptions. The facade of each wing was surmounted to left and right by a Nike, an appropriate choice of subject in view of the peculiarly close relations between Nike and Zeus as exemplified for instance by her appearance as a central akroterion on his temple at Olympia. Here in front of our Stoa one was reminded of the presence of Zeus by the famous statue mentioned by Pausanias. Of the Nikai a torso, a head, and a number of other fragments have been found in the immediate vicinity.*! The messenger goddess appeared to be grazing the roof of the building in her swift descent. The impression of tempestuous movement is still vividly conveyed by the billowing drapery; originally the effect was still further enhanced by the great wings. In striking contrast to the vibrant figure of the Nike is the cool composure of the face, as so often in Attic art of the late 5th century. On the purely technical side one will note the skill with which the hair was drawn forward so as to shield and preserve the delicate features of the face through more than six centuries of exposure to the elements. 9 Hesperia, VI, 1937, p. 31. The overall dimensions of the building are length 46.55 m., depth 18 m. 1 Hesperia, IV, 1935, p. 374; VI, 1937, pp. 37-39, 66-68; Guide,” pp. 136f. The principal surviving elements are the torso S 312 (Pl. 52) found to the east and within 3m. of the front of the south wing of the Stoa, and the head of a similar figure S 373 (Pl. 51, c) which lay in the angle between the south wing and the central part of the front. Numerous smaller fragments of wings and drapery came to light in front of the south wing. An ankle lay at the south side of the north wing (S 795a). A pair of feet (S 2335, S 2357) and a mass of billowing drapery (S 2336) came from the excavation of the south end of the Stoa Basileios, i.e. just north of the northeast corner of the Stoa of Zeus.

All these fragments both large and small are remarkably fresh as though they had remained virtually undisturbed where they fell in late antiquity. They lay close above the latest ground level of the ancient Agora, enveloped in a deep deposit of the 5th century after Christ. In precisely the same context, and in some cases close beside the fragments of sculpture, were found marble blocks from the facade of the Stoa and chips from the breaking up of its entablature. That the architectural members did indeed remain or were broken up where they fell is nicely illustrated by the fact that the geison from the inner angle between the south wing and the central part of the front was found on the floor of the Stoa just to the southwest of the angle. This evidence ties the marble Nikai very closely to the Stoa of Zeus. The evidence of the excavation is not decisive, however, regarding the assignment of places on the south wing. The well preserved torso 8 312 (Pl. 52) lay somewhat closer to the northeast than to the southeast corner of the wing. On the other hand the head § 373 (P1.51,c), which must belong to the pendant of S 312, having been found to the northwest of the northeast corner of the wing, is also a claimant for that position. It is perhaps easier to suppose that the torso 8 312 fell from the corner position near which it was found and that the head S 373 was moved a few feet by those who wrecked the building. On the other hand Travlos achieved a satisfactory effect by assigning S 312 to the south corner of the south wing in restoring the facade in 1986; Hesperia, VI, 1937, p. 54, fig. 34. We have little or nothing for the central places on the Stoa of Zeus. A marble ankle from the right leg of a figure appreciably larger in scale than the Nikai but very similar to them in style and weathering (8 2359), found in the 5/6th century A.D. layer overlying the Stoa Basileios, i.e. just north of the Stoa of Zeus, might well derive from a central akroterion above the north wing.

100 STOAS As regards date, the architectural style of the Stoa, in both general proportions and decorative detail, indicates at every point that it follows closely in the line of the Propylaia and the other great Periclean buildings. It may well have been designed about 480 B.c. Perhaps construction proceeded slowly during the war and was completed after the peace of 421 B.c. The combination of materials would support such a date; the introduction of the bluish Hymettian marble can be taken well back into the 5th century, and the Stoa may have inaugurated its use alongside Pentelic.” Such criteria are apt to be imprecise and variable. Fortunately they are supplemented by good evidence from pottery found in such contexts as the floor of the potter's shop which ceased to exist when the Stoa was built and the fill under the floor of the Stoa itself.9% The extreme lower limit for this material may be placed a little after 480 B.c. The style of the akroteria, at least that of the marble Nikai which would naturally be the latest elements, points to the end of the 5th or beginning of the 4th century.™ The Stoa represents the successful achievement of two aims by the unknown architects, in addition to the provision of covered accommodation for various social and political purposes, namely, to give some architectural distinction to the west side of the Agora, and to design a stoa which was in itself a satisfying architectural unit. The Agora of Kimon, with its elegant

arboriculture (p. 20), must have maintained something of the aspect of a superior village green; the principal public buildings, apart from any patched-up archaic structures, were the Tholos and the Poikile, and they were remote from each other and unrelated. In the middle years of the 5th century little was done to change the situation, except that the Temple of Hephaistos transformed the view to the west. But perhaps towards the end of his life Perikles made some amends, diverting some of his architects and part of their limited labor force to the square below, with the object of providing at least one worthy building, specially designed to meet the needs of the Agora. The architects no doubt had the relation between the Stoa and the Hephaisteion above very much in mind; the new building formed an important part of what was to be a kind of baseline above which the temple rose. The effect of the confrontation of the Stoa of Zeus and the Poikile, with the old Basileios in between, we can only imagine, though we know that they represented different types of stoa. The essential character of the Agora was not greatly changed; the general impression must have remained disjointed and sporadic. The addition of projecting wings 1s a particular application of a principle which is found in different forms in various buildings in this period and later. We see it in the Propylaia, for example, but there the wings are more like independent units, and face inwards, towards one another, instead of forwards.® The paraskenia subsequently added to scene buildings in theaters are another specialized version. Outlandish origins have sometimes been sought for the winged

form of stoa. It has been called a conscious imitation of a type of oriental palace fagade with projecting wings.®* It is in fact simply and purely a Greek stoa which an ingenious architect has embellished by bending the ends forward at angles of ninety degrees and treating them like temple facades. For practical purposes, additional covered space was thus provided. The Stoa of Zeus was probably the best result which an architect could achieve if he wished to make of a stoa a complete and self-contained unit. Yet it remained almost unique and did not become an established type. There were indeed a number of later buildings which showed a certain % Hesperia, VI, 1987, pp. 46-47. %3 Ihid., pp. 47ff.

% FB. Harrison (A.J.A., LXV, 1961, p. 190) would put the marble Nikai after the Erechtheion and Nike Temple Parapet, perhaps therefore after the restoration of the democracy in 403 B.c. % Even so the question may be raised whether Mnesikles was the architect of the stoa; cf. Hesperia, VI, 1987, p. 58. 9 C, Anti, Teatri Greci Arcaici, Padova, 1947, pp. 271ff.; this view is discussed in J.H.S., LX VIII, 1948, pp. 152-155; cf. Martin, Agora Grecque, pp. 466ff.

STOA OF ZEUS ELEUTHERIOS 101 resemblance, but in almost every case there are important differences.*’ A building in the agora of Thasos looks like a small version of the Stoa of Zeus, all the more so in Martin’s more recent reconstruction which gives the wings columnar facades instead of solid walls; but the central colonnade is relatively very short, in fact little more than a recess. In a stoa at Kalaureia and in the so-called Bouleuterion at Mantinea the wings formed separate chambers. In the Stoa of Philip at Megalopolis and the Stoa of Antigonos at Delos the wings are a comparatively insignificant element in the design, because of the enormous length of the colonnade. In general,

“stoic” architecture in the 4th century and Hellenistic times did not follow the lead of the Athenian architects. Instead, stoas of ever greater length were built, and complex rectangular schemes were created. The Stoa of Zeus was something of a tour de force. A stoa by its very nature was essentially an appendage rather than a complete architectural creation. It could be attached to another structure; but even when it was free-standing it was an appendage of an open space, defining it and forming its edge and providing part of it with a roof. Between the wings of the Stoa the excavations brought to light slight remains of four statue bases (PI. 3). These presumably carried the statues which Pausanias saw in front of the Stoa (I, 8, 2): Konon and his son Timotheos, Kuagoras King of the Cypriots, Zeus Eleutherios, and the Emperor Hadrian. Zeus Eleutherios, also called Soter, to whom the Stoa was sacred, received these titles because he had saved the Athenians from enslavement by the Medes.*® His statue was set up, it was said, after the Persian danger had passed; but the cult of Zeus may have already existed in the little archaic shrine (p. 96), and the stoa, it now appears, was built some years later. The obvious position for Zeus is on the third base from the north which stood on the axis of the Stoa.% Only three blocks of the foundation survive, but a cutting shows that it was circular and 4.20 m.

in diameter. This base is closely related to and probably contemporary with the Stoa, but of course the statue may have been earlier. We do not know how the god was represented, perhaps striding forward with his thunderbolt, like the “God of Artemision,” to scatter the enemies of Athens. The southernmost base on which Hadrian probably stood was an exedra-like structure of ap-

propriate date. This Hadrian may well be the armored torso, in Pentelic marble, found near the northeast corner of the Metroon in the Great Drain, and now re-erected near its findingplace (PI. 58, b).2° It was probably removed from its place of honor after the destruction of the Stoa; with head, arms and legs trimmed off, it served as a cover slab for the drain. The decoration on the breastplate, which suggests that the figure is indeed Hadrian, shows Athena, flanked by an owl and a serpent and crowned by two winged Victories, above a she-wolf which is suckling Romulus and Remus. The pictures which Pausanias saw in the Stoa behind the statues comprised three subjects, all by Euphranor: the Twelve Gods; ‘‘on the wall opposite” or “beyond” (the word is tépav) Theseus, Democracy and Demos; and the Athenians taking part in the cavalry engagement at Mantinea. The battle of Mantinea was fought in 862 B.c., and presumably Euphranor painted soon after. Yet the lead waterproofing mentioned above (p. 97, note 84) probably indicates that from the beginning the Stoa was intended to be a picture gallery. We have even less evidence of the character and arrangement of the pictures than in the Poikile. The opening cut later in the back wall (p. 102) may have necessitated some rearrangement, which would not be 97 Martin, Agora Grecque, pp. 467ff.; and Thasos, l’ Agora, Fasc. I, Paris, 1959, pp. 59ff.; Wycherley, How the Greeks Built Cities, pp. 114f. Note also the wing-like annexes added to the neighboring Stoa Basileios (p. 84). 98 Agora, III, pp. 25 ff. 99 Hesperia, VI, 1937, pp. 56ff., 68. 100 Hesperia, II, 1938, pp. 178ff.; Agora, I, no. 56; Guide,? p. 51.

102 STOAS difficult if as in the Poikile the pictures were painted on wooden panels. Eustathios' tells us that Euphranor derived inspiration for his Zeus from hearing a school recitation of a passage of Homer. Perhaps one may see a dim reflection of the Demos and Demokratia!™ in a relief carved at the head of a stele which records a decree designed to forestall any attempt to overthrow democracy after the defeat of the Greeks by Philip of Macedon in 338 B.c.; Demos is shown as a bearded old gentleman seated on a chair, Demokratia as a woman standing beside him and placing a wreath on his head (PI. 53, a). Like the Poikile, the Stoa of Zeus contained monuments of heroic deeds; the shields of Leokritos and Kydias, who died fighting against the Macedonians and the Gauls early in the 3rd century B.c., were dedicated here to Zeus.1% Again like the Poikile, the building was available as a lesche or lounge; Sokrates strolled or sat there with his friends ;!°* and Diogenes the Cynic made himself at home there (Fig. 27).1% But, although we have no clear evidence, it is unlikely that the Athenians built such a handsome building only for casual use by gossips and philosophers; and to do honor to the god a normal temple, equivalent perhaps to one of the wings ot the Stoa, would have been sufficient. The fact that stelai were set up in front of it?® suggests that the building had an official character and function too. In view of the very close juxtaposition of the Stoa Basileios and the Stoa of Zeus, one would perhaps be justified in assuming that the two formed in some sense an administrative unit and that the later stoa was regarded as a grand extension of its small predecessor. Even though we do not happen to have literary or epigraphical evidence as in the case of the Poikile (p. 98), we can well believe that the Stoa of Zeus too on occasion accommodated a law court. Aristophanes’ joke!’ about sending the citizens to the various stoas “‘to dine” has a sharper point if they were normally in the habit of going to these buildings, including the Stoa of Zeus, as panels of jurymen. In early Roman times a large two-roomed annex was built behind the Stoa (PI. 8).2°8 Even before this, in the 2nd century B.c., a simple rectangular building had been placed behind the northern part of the Stoa, but distinct from it and entered probably from the north. What purpose this served is quite uncertain. It was not entirely abandoned in favor of the later building,

but it was pushed further to the north.

The new annex was set a little north of the central axis of the Stoa, possibly to keep it clear of the Arsenal (p. 80). Even so a great mass of rock had to be cut out of the hillside to make room. The building was almost completely stripped after a.p. 267, but its plan can be recovered. It measured 16.70 m. north to south by 15.30 m. east to west and was divided into two cella-like rooms side by side, each with a porch which probably had two columns in antts. Small inward-projecting piers flanked the entrances. Recent investigation has shown that the building did not make contact with the old Stoa; a narrow passage was left free. A section of the back wall of the Stoa was removed and probably replaced by a row of five columns. The foundations of the annex are of re-used conglomerate blocks; but in the second course of the dividing wall are three poros blocks which probably came from the dismantled section of the Stoa itself (p. 97); and on either side of this wall are supplementary foundations which must have supported benches. Towards the back of the southern chamber are the remains of a large base which may well have carried three figures. One marble block of its top course sur101 On Iliad, I, 529; ef. Agora, III, p. 27. 102 A, Raubitschek, Hesperia, XX XI, 1962, p. 238; cf. I 6524, Hesperia, XXI, 1952, pp. 355ff., no. 5; Picture Book, 4, cover and no. 29. 103 Pausanias, I, 26, 2; X, 21, 5-6. 104 (Plato), Eryaias, 392 a; Theages, 121 a. 105 Diogenes Laertius, VI, ii, 22. 106 1.G., II?, 1075, line 17 (restored); I 749, Hesperia, V, 1936, p. 416, no. 13. 10? Keclesiazusae, 684-686; cf. pp. 71, 85 above. 108 Hesperia, II, 1938, pp. 124-126; VI, 1987, pp. 59-64; XXXV, 1966, pp. 171-187.

STOA OF ATTALOS 103 vives, bearing a socket for the right foot of a bronze statue. In the other chamber were found a number of slabs of a marble floor, so arranged as to suggest a similar base. The aspect of the rooms strongly suggests that they were shrines. A small marble fragment found in a late wall on the site, and almost certainly derived from the base in the south room, is inscribed 6] Afjulos ——|——Jou vidv——.1°° Thus we have the Athenian people honoring a Roman

personage (this is indicated by the use of vids, i.e. filuws). The probable date of the building is Augustan or a little later, and a strong case has been made for installing in it a cult of Augustus and the imperial family. In the dedication of the round temple east of the Parthenon we read

of a “Priest of the goddess Roma and Augustus Soter on the Acropolis,’ which implies a cult in the lower city too. An association with Zeus Soter-Eleutherios would be very appropriate.

The twin cella may have housed some imperial Roman abstraction or perhaps the reigning Kmperor after Augustus.

It may have been at this time that the old altar of Zeus in front of the Stoa (p. 96) was built over by a much larger structure, presumably a more pretentious altar, perhaps with steps on its west side. Its foundations, which are all that remains, measure 13.25 m. north to south and 7.20 m. east to west and are of soft white poros blocks, again re-used. STOA OF ATTALOS For two centuries the Agora retained its peculiar character, sporadic and somewhat archaic, in the disposition of the stoas as in other respects. The plan looks essentially the same in 200 as in 400 B.c. No new stoas were added. Then in the 2nd century the appearance of the site was radically changed by the addition of stoas of enormous length on the eastern and southern sides. Hach was between twice and three times as long as the Stoa of Zeus. That the Athenians were able to engage in such vast projects at this time was due mainly to the patronage and munificence of Hellenistic monarchs, in rivalry with one another. With the introduction of such long buildings, which from the 4th century were not uncommon in Greek public places, the whole idea of the stoa’s architectural function is changed. The building

is no longer a compact unit; it forms the whole of one side of the Agora, and is a background and setting for large numbers of other monuments. The two great Athenian stoas, the Stoa of Attalos and the Middle Stoa, were still not closely-knit parts of a single design, as were for example the colonnades of the South Agora at Miletos.4! They were indeed placed at right angles and balanced one another on either side of the Panathenaic Way. Their floor levels were the same, and each had a broad terrace in front. But they were built in very different styles; each had its distinct character and purpose, and they were probably owed to different patrons (pp. 23, 68, 104). The so-called Middle Stoa, extending for about 146 m. across the southern part of the Agora,

was one of the largest buildings of Athens; yet its existence was not known or suspected before the excavations. It belonged to the group of buildings, partly remodelled, partly quite new, which now occupied the southern sector, and its detailed description can best be given along with the other elements of this complex (p. 66). It had a Doric colonnade on all sides; but the south, facing on the lesser square, was the principal facade, and the north was treated to some extent as the back of the building (p. 66). However, the Stoa now provided an effec109 T 4268, Hesperia, VI, 1937, p. 62; XXXV, 1966, p. 181.

110 1.G., II?, 3173. For the numerous altars dedicated to Augustus and found at Athens, mostly in or near the Agora or the Roman Market Place, see A. Benjamin and A. EK. Raubitschek, Hesperia, XXVIII, 1959, pp. 75-85. 111 FT. Knackfuss, Milet, I, vii, Der Siidmarkt, 1924; Martin, Agora Grecque, pp. 398-401; Wycherley, How the Greeks Built Cities, pp. 71 ff.

104 STOAS tive southern limit and facade for the main part of the Agora, and a spacious terrace was built against its northern front, from which the Panathenaic procession and other activities could be seen. Though huge in area, the Stoa was modest in height compared with the Stoa of Attalos, and in course of time it was dominated in the view from the north by the Odeion (p. 111). In style and construction too it was comparatively modest; the principal material was poros. The Stoa of Attalos II, a gift to Athens from the Pergamene king (159-138 B.c.),4? is the one building of the Agora proper of which a considerable part has always remained visible (Pl. 56).43 After the destruction of the colonnade in A.p. 267 the back wall was incorporated in the Post-Herulian Wall. Sections at either end continued to stand, to their full height in places, until modern times (PI. 56, b). They were cleared of accretions and the site was excavated by the Greek archaeological authorities in the course of the second half of the 19th century. Many more details were recovered when the site was being prepared for the rebuilding of the Stoa as a museum (PI. 55, a; p. 282), and as it now stands (PI. 54) the building can be considered a very faithful reproduction, except where deliberate changes have been made, for example by the insertion of larger windows in the back wall. The total length of the building was about 116 m., its breadth nearly 20 m. (Fig. 28). There is evidence that in the original design it was a little shorter, but three more shops were added during construction. There were two storeys, and on each the spacious columnar hall had behind it a row of twenty-one rooms.

In the northern part, where the Stoa cut through the site of the peristyle court (p. 60), large substructures had to be built, reaching a depth of nearly eight meters at the end; to the south, the rock had to be cut away as the ground level rose, and all trace of any earlier buildings was obliterated. The foundations were of conglomerate, the walls of a hard poros from Peiraeus, the door frames and other trimmings in the lower storey and the whole columnar facade were of marble. A broad terrace® was built in front of the Stoa; the approach, as now, was at the southern end of the west front, where ground level and terrace floor approximate. A shallow gutter cut in limestone blocks was set in front of the three marble steps. This gutter, in addition to the water from the roof of the Stoa, also carried off the overflow from a large fountain installed in the south end of the terrace. Already in the Roman period the fountain had fallen victim to the same road-widening operation as the south stair of the Stoa. It has been restored symbollically in the recent re-building of the Stoa. The floor of the lower hall was a mosaic of marble chips. The main colonnade comprised 45 Doric columns, which in their lower parts, where damage might be expected, were given straight facets instead of flutes (Pl. 57, b). The hall was divided into two aisles by twenty-two Ionic columns, unfluted as was usual in interior stoa columns, in which the play of light and shade was not so important as in the outer row. The shops behind had a uniform depth of 4.91 m., but varied in width from 4.91 to 3.42 m. They had massive wooden doors, skilfully hung;"6 additional light and air were provided by narrow slits in the back walls, as in the upper storey too. Above, the outer columns were made in the form 112 His brother Eumenes had already donated a magnificent stoa on the south side of the Acropolis adjoining the theater ; see Judeich, Topographie,? pp. 94, 325f.; Travlos, IT.E.A., p. 86. 118 Judeich, Topographie,? pp. 94, 354 ff.; Travlos, TT.E.A., pp. 86 ff. ; Picture Book, 2; for the reconstruction see also Hesperia,

XIX, 1950, pp. 316-326; XX, 1951, pp. 49-53; XXI, 1952, pp. 99-102; XXIII, 1954, pp. 58-61; XXIV, 1955, pp. 59-61; XXV, 1956, pp. 66-68; XXVI, 1957, pp. 83-88, 103-107; XXVII, 1958, pp. 145-146; XXVIII, 1959, pp. 91-92.

Curiously, nothing is said of the Stoa in ancient literature except for one casual allusion in Athenaeus, V, 212f.; see Agora, III, no. 99, p. 46, and p. 51 above. 114 The steps were of Hymettian marble, most of the rest of the fagade of Pentelic; the doorjambs, orthostates, etc. were of Hymettian. 118 Monumental terracing was characteristic of Pergamene architecture. In the Agora the great terraces on east and south contrasted with the gentler manipulation of the natural levels practised in earlier periods. 116 The doorways had a height of 3.42 m. and a width at the bottom of 1.71 m.

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STOA OF ATTALOS 105

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of two Ionic half-columns, back and front, with a short straight section between; in this way they could be given suitable proportions in relation to the lower order and still have the necessary strength (Pl. 57, a). Between them ran a marble balustrade carved to represent latticework with alternating panels of net and scale design.4” Seeking still further variety in the treatment of the columns, for the upper interior order the architects used an adaptation of an Egyptian palm capital.

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Whi ; ID , YH a) ae ‘Bil i SEI IILE j Gf,Yy ae Yj) LA ZB Lite Gilt, N Otherwise there is no definite trace. However it is not unreasonable to assume a simple early shrine. Plato’s reference to the shrine of Athena and Hephaistos in his account of primitive Athens, though fanciful, implies that he thought of it as very

old. The ground on the hilltop was much disturbed, and on the south side of the temple the rock was trimmed down; the old shrine may have been almost obliterated. Whatever stood on the site suffered in the Persian conflagration, which has left its mark at some points in the layer between the earlier earth-covering and the construction debris of the temple. 129 W. B. Dinsmoor, Hesperia, IX, 1940, p. 47; Hesperia, Supplement V, 1941, pp. 128-160; The Architecture of Ancient Greece, 1950, pp. 179-182; C. H. Morgan, Hesperia, XXXII, 1963, pp. 102-108; G. Gruben, Die Tempel der Griechen, Munich, 1966, pp. 199-204. Rhys Carpenter has recently proposed to identify the ‘‘Theseum Architect” with Kallikrates; The Archi-

tects of the Parthenon, Penguin Books, 1970, pp. 102-109, 170-174. Cf. also A. T. Hodge and R. A. Tomlinson, A.J.A., LXXIII, 1969, pp. 185-192. Because of concentration of effort on the Acropolis it was probably not until after the peace of 421 8.c. that the final elements, such as the pedimental sculpture, the akroteria and the cult statues, were added to the Temple of Hephaistos. 130 Plutarch, Perikles, 17; for a recent discussion see R. Meiggs, Greece and Rome, Supplement to Vol. X, 1963, pp. 37ff. 131 Hesperia, Supplement V, pp. 16ff. 182 Tbid., pp. 122ff., 149, where Dinsmoor notes that the character of the pottery found suggests a shrine. 133 Thid., p. 5, fig. 1, and p. 127. 184 Tritias, 112 b; Agora, III, no. 289, p. 100.

144 SHRINES The temporary disinterment of the foundations and the careful study which this made possible produced important new information about the interior design of the building, the manner and order of its construction, and indeed about the general methods of Athenian 5th century architects, who apparently had some freedom to change their plans. Much of the earth fill within the temple had of course been removed or disturbed by the grave diggers, but enough was left here and there to furnish a useful guide. The foundations of the peristyle were laid first; Greek temples were not uncommonly built from the outside inwards.” Then trenches were cut through the filling which had accumulated within for the foundations of the main walls and porches of the cella. Finally the foundations were prepared for the inner colonnade, which seems to have been an afterthought. On the south side of the peristyle the euthynteria could rest on bedrock, except at the ends. Elsewhere foundations of varying depth were laid, attaining five courses at the northwest corner. They are of a brown, granular poros, worked with increasing care in the upper courses. The euthynteria is of a harder, gray-veined poros and so is the first of the steps, in contrast with the Pentelic marble of the upper two. The main cella foundations consist of a single course on the east, going down to four on the west. The top course is of the same stone as the outer foundations, carefully finished; for the rest, which was quite safe from all possibility of exposure, a third variety of poros was used, soft and gray, and easily worked. Thus a nice economy was achieved. The side walls, though their: foundations are of ample width, stand on the extreme outer edge. The explanation would seem to be that at the eleventh hour it was decided to give the cella less archaic proportions and greater width, perhaps to provide additional space for the proposed interior colonnade. To accommodate and strengthen the foundations of the columns, shelves or ledges were cut in the inner faces of the wall foundations within the cella, obviously after the blocks were in position. In the underpinning of the inner crosswalls too there is evidence of a change of plan.’*’ There are in fact two sets of foundations, independently constructed, set side by side. On the west, the outer face is similar to the foundation of the flank wall; the inner face is a kind of supplementary structure, made entirely of the soft gray poros, with a different coursing and not bonded into the side walls. The only explanation of this addition is that it was decided at a late stage to move the wall a little further east, making the cella shorter and the back porch deeper. Similarly the foundation of the east cross wall is of abnormal total thickness, and there are differences in material and construction between the outer and inner faces. The pronaos too must have been given greater depth than was allowed in the original plan, at the expense of the cella which was now a total of nearly 2 m. shorter. One should probably think of the inner colonnade as belonging essentially to this new modern design. Both before and after the modification the pronaos was deeper than the opisthodomos. The floor was made of marble slabs with a massive underpinning of poros blocks'* which rested on the accumulation of earth and marble chips. It is best preserved in the eastern peristyle, where not only the underpinning is in position but also eight contiguous marble slabs which formed the floor of the apse when the building was a church. Apart from these only a few odd slabs have survived. The floor of the central nave is assumed to have been a little lower than that of the aisles. 185 Hesperia, Supplement V, p. 30; XXXII, 1963, p. 101. 136 Hesperia, Supplement V, pp. 37ff. 18” Thid., pp. 44-ff.

188 Normally of a single course; but in the western part of the cella, in the region of the cult statues, on the evidence of a single preserved fragment Dinsmoor restores an extra half-course; tbid., p. 72.

HEPHAISTEION 145 The foundations of the inner colonnade are of heavy poros blocks, with a maximum depth, on the west, of four courses. Their coursing is different from that of the adjacent cella foundations,/8° and on the flanks their edges are made to rest on the ledges mentioned above. Thus they seem to represent a distinct phase of the construction. At the west end the foundations project further inwards than on the flanks, and one may deduce that the colonnade was deeper at the rear of the cella. The “‘aisles’” were in fact so narrow that one could only sidle along them. The foundations were presumably surmounted by a marble stylobate, whose edge was fitted onto another ledge, cut in the first marble course (toichobate) of the wall. Not a fragment or trace of the columns survives, but it 1s safely assumed that they were Doric and in two tiers. Detailed restoration is more problematical. The evidence from the building consists of a single block from the upper epistyle and a vertical scratch at the foot of the north side wall. Dinsmoor in an earlier study calculated that there were five columns on each of the flanks, three at the western end, reckoning the corner columns twice over. Hill, Stevens and others made the figures seven and four. In a recent re-examination of the problem Dinsmoor has repeated and reinforced his opinion with arguments not only from the technical evidence but from criteria of proportion and design; but, he adds, ‘‘One more extant block, or even one more scratch line, might have eliminated all the speculation to which we are condemned.”!” Two blocks of gray Eleusinian limestone, taken from the modern east wall (no longer standing) which replaced the apse of the church, belong without doubt to the pedestal of the statues.'4! There were probably two such blocks in front and two behind, with two others at the sides extending from back to front through the whole depth of the pedestal. There was no doubt a plinth above and below, perhaps of the same stone, more probably of white marble. The outward faces of the extant blocks are carefully smoothed, and one of them has five cuttings which must be for the purpose of affixing marble figures in relief.14 Since there were five figures on this block, the whole frieze, extending across the width of the pedestal, may have comprised twelve. Thus restored the base occupied nearly the whole width of the “nave.’’!48 The statues of Hephaistos and Athena have of course irretrievably vanished; but we have two curious pieces of evidence of their manufacture and erection (Fig. 386). About ten meters southwest of the temple, within the precinct, was found a pit containing unmistakable signs of bronze-casting: quantities of sand and many pieces of clay moulds for probably two large bronze statues. As we have seen, there is extensive evidence for bronzeworking on and around the hill; but it is not unlikely that this particular pit was used in making the cult statues of the temple itself. The style of the drapery for which some of the moulds were made and of pottery found in the pits points to a date late in the 5th century. An inscription found in several fragments scattered about northern Athens, and dated between 421 and 415 B.c., gives many de139 Thid., pp. 65ff.; they are not bonded with the wall foundations, but as Stevens notes, Hesperia, XIX, 1950, p. 144, this does not in itself mean that the inner columns were an afterthought. 140 Dinsmoor, Hesperia, Supplement V, pp. 73ff.; XX XVII, 1968, pp. 159ff.; Hill, Hesperia, Supplement VIII, pp. 190ff. ; Broneer, Hesperia, XIV, 1955, p. 246; Stevens, Hesperia, XIX, 1950, pp. 146ff. The cella, now covered by a great mediaeval stone vault, probably had a ceiling of wooden beams and coffering in the nave, of marble in the aisles; see Hesperia, XIX, 1950, pp. 157, 164. Fragments of marble tiles have been found, Hesperia, XXVIII, 1959, p. 28. Note also p. 163 note 236 below. 141 Hesperia, Supplement V, pp. 105ff.; XX XII, 1963, p. 96. 142 The forked dowels mentioned in the inscription (note 145 below) may have been used to attach these; see Hesperia, XIX, 1950, p. 152. 143 Dinsmoor, Hesperia, Supplement V, pp. 108ff., places the base far back against the western columns, on the dubious evidence of certain “ears” or inward projections at the west end of the foundations of the lateral colonnades, which he thinks helped to bear the additional weight. With greater probability Hill (Hesperia, Supplement VIII, p. 206) and Stevens (Hesperia, XIX, 1950, p. 155) place it further forward, on the line of the second intercolumniation from the west. M44 Hesperia, Supplement V, pp. 109-110.

146 SHRINES tails about a “pair of statues for the Hephaisteion”’ (PI. 71, c). The names of the overseers are recorded. The purchase of bronze, tin and lead is mentioned; some of the lead was for fastening the stones of the pedestal. Wood and charcoal are bought for melting the lead. Payment is made to the man who installed the two statues in the temple. Wood was also bought to make crates for the stones of the pedestal and frames in which the statues were carried in, and for erecting scaffolding around the statues and ladders by which to ascend it. This was probably

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temporary scaffolding for making the final adjustments and finishing touches. That so many years passed before the cult statues were made and installed need not surprise us. Something similar happened at Olympia. The change of architectural design may have led to some initial delay. Artists, labor and funds were heavily committed; financial difficulties arose, and then came the ten years’ war. The sculpture on the front of the pedestal perhaps represented the birth of Erichthonios. This idea is supported by a statement of St. Augustine that “in the temple of Vulcan and Mi-

nerva, which the two shared at Athens, was a boy wrapped in the coils of a snake.’ The 145 1.G., I?, 370-371; Agora, III, 293, p. 101.

A representation of Hephaistos on a lamp of the 3rd century after Christ (Picture Book, 9, no. 128) may be influenced by

the statue in the temple (Pl. 71, b). I.G., 2, 84, shows that the cult was reorganized at the same time as the statues were made; see W. E. Thompson, Hesperia, XX XVIII, 1969, pp. 114 ff. 146 De Civitate Dei, XVIII, 12. See 8S. Karouzou, Ath. Mitt., LXTX-LXX, 1954-1955, pp. 68-94. Stevens suggested that the figures formed ‘‘a frieze representing some festival of the craftsmen of Athens,’’ Hesperia, XTX, 1950, p. 152.

HEPHAISTEION 147 contrast between the crude old myth, used as minor decoration, and the august and dignified aspect of the great figures above was by no means un-Athenian. On the pedestal Athena and her frustrated would-be consort stood in harmony side by side. The statues excited admiration in antiquity. ‘“We praise Alkamenes’ Vulcan,” says Cicero;*’ “the god’s lameness is shown unobtrusively and is not unsightly.” Valerius Maximus adds,"® ‘‘His lameness is not a blemish but an appropriate distinguishing mark of the god.” This Hephaistos was not the Homeric figure of fun amongst the Olympians, but a great god set beside Athena herself to preside over the life of the Agora. Alkamenes had inherited from his master Pheidias the power to add something to the traditional conception of a deity. The architects had gone to great trouble to provide him with a splendid frame and setting. The inner faces of the cella walls have been the subject of discussion and controversy at least since the time of Chandler (1765).1*° Earlier antiquarians brought the eye of faith to bear on them and saw amongst other things traces of the brushwork of Mikon and possibly Polygnotos, who according to ancient authorities painted in the Theseion. More scientific investigation by modern archaeologists has produced contradictory interpretations, depending on their explanation of the treatment of the walls and their dating of the stucco which still covers much of the surface. In any case, if there was ever any intention of having mural paintings, it must have been abandoned when the decision was taken to introduce interior columns placed so close to the walls.5° On the whole it seems most probable that the delicate stippling which gives such a distinctive texture to the inner faces of the walls of the cella, pronaos and opisthodomos was intended for its decorative effect. The technique was commonly employed on outdoor surfaces in the 5th century; its interior use is paralleled, as we have seen (p. 97), in the Stoa of Zeus. The familiar metopes at the east end (P1.72, a) show the labors of Herakles and Theseus, and the presence of Theseus (PI. 72, b,c) is probably the principal reason why the temple has been popularly named Theseion in later times. As a result of recent studies, these metopes can now take their proper

place in a scheme of decoration worked out by the architects and sculptors which included pediments, akroteria, friezes within the east and west peristyles, and the subsidiary decoration of the cult statues.15! The scheme was an abridgement of that of the Parthenon and did not attain such a high degree of completeness and coordination; if only for reasons of expense, the Parthenon remained exceptional. The eastern frieze ran over the pronaos and extended north and south as far as the outer colonnade. In this way the rectangle formed by the eastern peristyle has sculpture on all four sides, since the sculptured metopes continue round the southeastern and northeastern corners. The scene of the east frieze (Pl. 73) is a heroic combat, with gods looking on, and the subject, long disputed, is now recognized as Theseus fighting the sons of Pallas who refused to recognize him as lord of Attica. The western frieze, confined to the width of the opisthodomos (Pl. 74), shows a battle of Lapiths and Centaurs. 147 De Nat. Deorum, I, 80 (83). 148 VIII, 11, ext. 8. 149 Travels in Greece, Dublin, 1776, p. 76; see further Hesperia, Supplement V, pp. 94ff.

150 Thus, since the character and appearance of the temple are not greatly affected, one need not pursue the subject here. For varying views see Hesperia, Supplement V, pp. 11, 77, 99 (Dinsmoor, who thinks that the composition of the stucco shows that it is not ancient); Hesperia, XIX, 1950, pp. 160ff. (Stevens, who thinks that the stucco is ancient, perhaps even of the 5th century B.c., and, detecting traces of a red wash, suggests that in the end the whole wall was painted red, as a background for the columns). The vertical joints were waterproofed with lead (Hesperia, XIX, 1950, pp. 158ff.; Supplement V, pp. 101 ff.) as in the Stoa of Zeus (p. 97); and whereas the wall base and orthostates were given a highly finished surface, the wall blocks above were lightly stippled, as if to receive stucco. On the other hand it should be borne in mind that at the time when the temple was built mural paintings were commonly done on plaster-covered wooden tablets, and when painting was done on marble it was applied directly to the smoothed surface of the stone. 161 4.J.A., LXVI, 1962, pp. 339-347, gives a synopsis. C. H. Morgan in successive articles discusses the metopes, Hesperia, XXXI, 1962, pp. 211 ff.; the friezes, ibid., pp. 221 ff.; the pediments and akroteria, Hesperia, XXXII, 1963, pp. 91 ff.

148 SHRINES The pedimental groups must have been the latest addition; they probably belong to the time when the temple was given its finishing touches and the cult statues were installed.’ The evidence for their existence consists of shallow sockets cut in the floors of the triangular spaces to receive the plinths of the individual figures. From the west pediment have been recognized a few bits of legs, feet and hooves. The subject was probably a centauromachy again; perhaps the pediment showed the melee at the wedding feast, the frieze the punitive expedition which followed. At least two of the fragments were found in contexts of the early Roman period from which we may infer that the west pediment suffered in the Roman siege of 86 B.c., perhaps from catapult balls hurled over the city walls. Of the composition that once filled the east pediment no sculpture has been recognized with certainty, nor can the sockets cut for the statues in the floor of the pediment be interpreted with assurance. A large rectangular bedding on the axis will, to be sure, have held an enthroned figure, undoubtedly a divinity. To left and right are beddings for standing figures suitable for female and male respectively. To the right of the place for the male figure are cuttings in floor and wall which lend themselves to restoration as a tree entwined by a large serpent. The theme may therefore be the introduction of Herakles to Zeus in the Garden of the Gods. A marble group of two girls pick-a-back was found in a well just to the east of the temple; in all likelihood it formed the central akroterion above the eastern pediment. If the theme of the pediment has been correctly interpreted the girls may be recognized as two of the Hesperides, the charming but ineffectual guardians of the golden apples. This, however, is conjectural. Herakles, Theseus, the Centaurs — these are the stock figures of legend used by sculptors to adorn the temples of various deities; Herakles and Theseus were shown on the Treasury of the Athenians at Delphi, dedicated to Apollo. Hephaistos himself did not provide much suitable material. He could hardly be shown hurtling down from Olympos to Lemnos or bustling around the halls of Zeus serving wine while the other Olympians roared with laughter. As we have seen he is perhaps shown on the pedestal in his somewhat ambiguous position as father of Jirichthonios; and amongst the gods in the east frieze he is probably the figure on the right which corresponds to Athena on the left.%4 The artists decorating a temple were obviously under no constraint to confine themselves to subjects directly connected with the cult.%° On the other hand some local reference ig frequent; and on the Hephaisteion the familiar legends have a special significance for Athens and Attica. Theseus is the author and champion of the unity of Attica. It was he who established one Bouleuterion and the Prytaneion for all the land. Hence he appears most appropriately on the temple which dominates the civic center; and in both the eastern and western frieze the prominent figure which almost certainly represents Theseus is clearly an adaptation of one or other of the famous group of the Tyrannicides in the Agora below (Pls. 75, 79, b).1°¢ Herakles is his cousin and friend, besides being another slayer of monstrous creatures who menace civilized life. Perhaps in his presence too one can detect a special local reference. The temple was in Melite; in the same deme, further south, was the shrine of 152 In Hesperia, XVIII, 1949, pp. 230-268 in the course of a general discussion of the pediments three torsos found in the excavations were attributed to the east pediment by H. A. Thompson, and the theme was interpreted as the Introduction of Herakles. In a subsequent study, C. H. Morgan accepted the attribution of the statues but proposed for the theme the birth of Athena; Hesperia, XXXII, 1963, pp. 92ff. E. B. Harrison in her forthcoming volume on the architectural sculpture from the Agora will show reason for rejecting the attribution of the three figures to the east pediment. To her we owe the interpretation of the west pedimental group as a centauromachy; A.J.A., LX, 1956, p. 178. 153 Hesperia, XVIII, 1949, pp. 235f., 247ff.; XXXII, 1963, pp. 95, 97. One girl supports the other on her back, as in ephedrismos; here perhaps she is raising her companion to pick an apple. 154 See A.J.A., LXVI, 1962, p. 344; this arrangement is probably better than having Hephaistos two places further left, as does IX. Diehl, Arch. Anz., 19638, col. 748 ff.

155 J.H.S., LXXIX, 1959, p. 158; cf. E. O. Olsen, A.J.A., XLII, 1988, pp. 276ff. 156 See A.J.A., LXVI, 1962, pp. 345f.

HEPHAISTEION 149 Herakles Alexikakos.’*’ It was famous and venerable, but modest and unadomed, with no great temple on which the sculptors could carve the hero’s exploits. The Hephaisteion offered them an opportunity to do him justice. The temple stood in a precinct of irregular shape.® The oblique line of the western boundary was determined by the neighboring street. The peribolos wall which has left traces in the form of cuttings in the rock, with a few blocks of conglomerate still an situ near the southwest

corner, 18 probably not earlier than the beginning of the 8rd century B.c. On the north and south it runs at a distance of eight to ten meters from the temple; on the east there is a shallow bedding for a light terrace wall. An underground water channel leading from the direction of the Pnyx to a basin just outside the southwest corner is probably contemporary with the peribolos and may have been intended to provide improved irrigation for the temple garden. When the large Hellenistic hall was built (p. 80) on the north slope of the hill, the precinct may well have been extended in this direction as far as the retaining wall which was constructed immediately behind this building. The planting of shrubs in formal rows on the north, south and west sides of the temple is Hellenistic too and was probably maintained until the 1st century after Christ, when the water system was abandoned.’? The evidence is provided by the numerous holes scooped out of the rock to supplement the meager earth covering and by broken flower pots found in them (Pl. 76). But in a simpler form which has left no recognizable trace the “garden of Hephaistos”’ may be a good deal earlier. In the passage already quoted!® Plato says that the early Athenlans surrounded the shrine of Athena and Hephaistos with an enclosure like the garden of a house, and he may have the contemporary shrine in mind. The holes are most numerous on the south side—on the north the earth was more plentiful—but one row turns along the west end, and one hole has been found on the north. Their size indicates that they were intended for shrubs; pomegranate, myrtle and laurel have been suggested, and a row of each of the first two has been successfully re-planted. The pots have holes in the bottom just like their modern counterparts and were probably used for striking cuttings without detaching them from the tree (the shoots were pushed up through the hole) in the manner prescribed by ancient writers on horticulture. The monumental stairway rising from the Agora was not built until Roman times; earlier the approach was by a simple ramp leading to a terrace in front of the temple, where presumably the altar stood, though no trace of it has been found. On the lower slope of the Kolonos Agoraios below the temple are the remains of four long rows of slabs, laid apparently soon after the middle of the 5th century B.c. (P1.68, a).1*! Since they are made of soft poros, they are not suitable for regular use as steps. They were more probably designed as benches or as the underpinning for benches, from which the citizens, perhaps the Councillors in particular, could watch

shows in the Agora (p. 126). But they seem to be laid out in relation to the temple; they are very nearly parallel with its front and extend about an equal distance north and south of it; and they must have facilitated access to the hill and the shrine. The temple was always closely associated with the Agora and held only slightly aloof from the busy heart of Athens.1 157 See A.J.A., LXIITI, 1959, pp. 67f. ; cf. Agora, XI, p. 40 (in Miss Harrison’s discussion of a fine late archaic head of Herakles) ;

S. Woodford, ‘‘Cults of Herakles in Attica,” Studies presented to G. M. A. Hanfmann, Cambridge, Mass., 1971, pp. 211-225. 158 Hesperia, VI, 1987, pp. 396ff.; p. 148 above. 159 Ihid.; Picture Book, 8, nos. 11-14. 169 Note 1384 above; cf. O. Broneer, Hesperia, Supplement VIII, p. 52. 161 See p. 71 above where the suggestion that they were used as a law court is considered.

A late Hellenistic roof tile, with a painted dedication to Hephaistos, found in a well to the southeast of the Agora, evidently came from some subsidiary building in the precinct, Hesperia, VIII, 1939, p. 214. 162 For the history of the temple in later antiquity and its marvellous preservation in spite of incidental minor damage in 86 B.c. and a.p. 267 see Hesperia, XVIII, 1949, pp. 267f.

150 SHRINES KLEUSINION

The shrine of the Two Goddesses, Demeter and Kore, called the Eleusinion in the City to distinguish it from the main shrine at Eleusis where the Mysteries took place, was ‘‘beneath the Polis,” i.e. the Acropolis,!® and looked down on the Agora from the southeast as did the Hephaisteion from the west. Pausanias (I, 14, 1-4) describes it as being above the fountain Einnea-

krounos. Though not in the Agora it was closely associated with it and may be treated as an adjunct.1® The initiates on their way to Eleusis, starting no doubt from the shrine, passed through the Agora singing to Iakchos,© and the Hierophantes (initiating priest) made a proclamation from the Stoa Poikile warning unqualified persons to stay away from the sacred rites.16 The ceremonial ride of the cavalry, as described by Xenophon, 16 ended with a gallop from the Herms in the northwest corner (pp. 95, 121) to the Eleusinion diagonally opposite. The shrine has been located in the past by various authorities on sites ranging over the greater part of the city of Athens—the slopes of the Acropolis on every side including the east, the slopes of the Areopagus, and even the Pnyx and the Kolonos Agoraios./® Plentiful archaeological evidence now places it, beyond reasonable doubt, southeast of the Agora, immediately east of the Panathenaic Way where it ascends towards the west end of the Acropolis (Pl. 77, a). Part of a shrine of appropriate form has been excavated at this point.1® Many dedications to Demeter and Kore and other inscriptions belonging to the Eleusinion have been found in the neighborhood. Admittedly some of them were built into the adjacent section of the Post-Herulian Fortification, and material for this wall was sometimes transported from a distance; but even so the epigraphical evidence is sufficient to give a clear indication.” It is strongly supported by the discovery of other material of Eleusinian character, notably several deposits of kernoi (Pl. 78, a), vessels of peculiar form used for the presentation of first-fruits to Demeter.’ These were dedicated in such numbers that from time to time a clearance had to be made; the superfluous kernoi, however, were not lightly thrown away but were placed with some care in a number of pits cut in the bedrock. Several fragments of marble plaques carved in relief with the figures of Demeter, Kore and Triptolemos have been found. Our ancient authorities imply that the Eleusinion was a large enclosure, which could be securely barred against intruders, such as the refugees in the time of the Peloponnesian War.!” On the subject of the temples the literary and epigraphical evidence is ambiguous. The western part of a walled enclosure has now been found, with one small temple, an altar, and a number of other monuments within it (Fig. 37, Pl. 77, b). The Panathenaic Way skirted its west side, and to north and south were cross streets leading eastward.1”3 The temple can be dated, on the 163 1.G., II?, 1078, lines 14-15 and 41; cf. Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus, III, 45; see Agora, ITI, pp. 74 ff.

164 Qne may compare the site of the shrine of Demeter and Kore beneath the Acrocorinthus; see R. Stroud, Hesperia, XXXIV, 1965, pp. 1-24; XX XVII, 1968, pp. 299ff.; N. Bookidis, XX XVIII, 1969, pp. 297ff.; XLI, 1972. For other spots in the Agora region associated with the Two Goddesses see Agora, III, pp. 84ff. 165 Schol. Aristophanes, Frogs, 320 and 399; Hesychios, Diagoras. 166 Schol. Aristophanes, Frogs, 369ff.; see p. 93 above. 167 Happarchicus, IIT, 2. 168 Cf. Judeich, Topographie?, pp. 287f.

169 Hesperia, VIII, 1939, pp. 207-212; IX, 1940, p. 268; XVIII, 1949, pp. 184-185; XXIII, 1954, p. 295; XXIX, 1960, pp. 334-338. 170 Agora, III, pp. 81ff. For further inscriptions of Eleusinian character, found mostly in the area in question, see Hesperia,

XXIX, 1960, p. 2, no. 3; p. 20, no. 26; p. 37, no. 45; p. 40, no. 50; XXXII, 1963, p. 2, nos. 2 and 3; p. 32, no. 30; p. 40, no. 41; p. 42, no. 48; p. 45, no. 59; p. 47, no. 67; possibly XX XV, 1966, pp. 2438-244; XX XVII, 1968, p. 289, no. 29; XXXIX,

1970, p. 48 (an altar and an aule in the Eleusinion, but probably in the deme Phrearrioi, not Athens). 171 Cf. Hesperia, VIII, 1939, pp. 208-209.

172 Thucydides, II, 17,1; Aristeides, XIII, 191, says, no doubt with some exaggeration, that the Athenians “receive in the Eleusinion more people than others in the whole of the city.” 17%8 The southern street may not be earlier than the stoa of early Roman date on that side (see note 179). Philostratos, Vitae Sophistarum, II, 1, 7, implies a connecting street on the east side too; see Hesperia, XXIX, 1960, p. 334, and A.J.A., LXVII, 1963, p. 76.

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152 SHRINES evidence of pottery, early in the 5th century,” but when the shrine was first established 1s not

so clear. Slight remains of earlier walls in the area of the temple are thought to belong to houses because of their light construction and the nature of the pottery associated with them. But there may have been a simple archaic shrine somewhere on the site. A solid retaining wall just south of the temple may belong to it; and east of the temple votive figurines have been found at the earlier level. The temple foundations, of which a good deal is preserved on north, east and west, a single block only on the south, measure 17.70 m. north to south and 11 m. east to west. Apparently a narrower building was originally planned, but subsequently a broad supplementary foundation was added on the east to allow for greater width.” Although a dilfferent kind of limestone was used for this, reddish brown instead of grayish, the pottery associated with the foundations shows that the extension was made during the original construction and not ata later date. A crosswall divided the temple into a main cella on the south and a narrow room, perhaps an adyton, on the north; there is no evidence to fix the position of the entrance.1”6

From its dominating position on a prominent terrace one would naturally assume that this was the chief temple of the Eleusinion and that it was the temple of Demeter and Kore. It has been suggested, however, that the shrine of the Two Goddesses mentioned by Pausanias is in fact the “Southeast Temple’ (p. 167), situated some distance below the Eleusinion in the direction of the Agora. Pausanias’ description (I, 14) is indeed puzzling. He speaks of two temples built above the fountain Enneakrounos (p. 198), one of Demeter and Kore, the other of Triptolemos, containing a statue of him;'!’? next he remarks that when proceeding to describe the shrine called Eleusinion he was restrained by a dream. His two temples seem at first to be more or less distinct from the Eleusinion, but they were not necessarily so; we may have here an example of the topographical ambiguity of which Pausanias is sometimes guilty. If the Southeast Temple was indeed his Temple of Demeter and Kore (and in any case it was probably sacred to the Two Goddesses), then the building found within the enclosure was probably the Temple of Triptolemos. One would however expect to find a Temple of Demeter within the Eleusinion proper. Another difficulty too must be borne in mind, arising from an acceptable restoration of an important inscription found on the site, a decree of the deme Melite in honor of Satyra, priestess of Demeter Thesmophoros, dated early in the 2nd century s.c.1*8 According to this she repaired “all the temples” in the Eleusinion; and her portrait was set up, alongside that of other priestesses, in the Temple of Demeter and Kore. The Southeast Temple was not constructed until two centuries after the date of this decree, and is hardly “in the Eleusinion.” For final solution of these problems of Eleusinian topography one will probably have to wait and see what excavation of the eastern extension of the shrine reveals. The enclosing wall, of which sections are preserved on the north, west and south, was built of good polygonal masonry in Acropolis limestone. There seems to have been an entrance towards the west end of the south side. In the 4th century the northwestern section was greatly strengthened by the addition of re-used poros blocks. At the same time a simple propylon, without columns, was inserted in the west wall towards its south end, and steps were constructed against the outer face of this wall, overlooking the Panathenaic Way (I'ig. 37).1” 174 Hesperia, XXIX, 1960, p. 337; cf. Guide, p. 93. 1% This now seems more likely than J. Travlos’ suggestion, T1.E.A., pp. 66f., that the building was given a colonnade on this side and the south. 176 Probably on the south, rather than on the east side as in Travlos’ plan (followed by G. E. Mylonas, Eleusis, Princeton,

met Pronto this temple Pausanias noted a bronze bull and a seated statue of Epimenides of Knossos. 178 T 5165, lines 4-5, published by O. Broneer, Hesperia, XI, 1942, pp. 265ff; Broneer argues that the Thesmophorion, usually thought to be near the Pnyx, because of Aristophanes, Thesmophoriazusae, 657-658, was in fact closely associated with the Eleusinion; see further Agora, III, no. 224, pp. 81f. 179 Below the main enclosure, between it and the east-to-west road, was a small enclosure containing several monument

ELEUSINION 153 Just east of the temple is a foundation measuring 1.10 m. by 2.70 m., constructed of limestone similar to that which was used in the eastward extension of the temple. This no doubt supported an altar, perhaps the one on which Andokides (I, 110ff.) was alleged to have placed a suppliant’s branch (hiketerva) at a time when the sacred law forbade it. Numerous fragments of Pentelic marble, found in the region of the Eleusinion, are inscribed boustrophedon with regulations for the Kleusinian cult and other cults in which the clan of the Kerykes was concerned.'®° Miss L. H. Jeffery, who published them, dated them at the end of the 6th century or the beginning of the 5th and suggested that they belonged to two marble altars which no doubt stood in the Kleusinion. Few of the many monuments which stood in and around the shrine have left remains im situ. Most interesting 1s a long narrow foundation (2 x 15 m.) extending eastwards from the temple, constructed of large blocks of soft creamy poros.1*! The monument, obviously an important one, may be dated on the evidence of pottery in the latter part of the 5th century, and a possible explanation is that this base carried the series of large marble stelai on which were carved the records of the Poletai dealing with the sale of the confiscated property of Alkibiades and others found guilty of parodying the Mysteries and mutilating the Herms in 415 s.c. Many fragments of the stelai have been found, scattered over a wide area, but clearly concentrated around the proposed site of the Eleusinion (PI. 78, b).1% Andokides (I, 111) tells us that according to a law of Solon (this of course may be an anachronism) on the day after the Mysteries the Boule met in the Eleusinion, presumably to deal with mystic business. Inscriptions too mention such meetings, including one which apparently began in the Bouleuterion proper and transferred itself to the Eleusinion.!®* One need not look for a specially provided council house; the Boule may well have gathered in the open area. One of the Eleusinian building accounts mentions various minor structures and architectural and decorative activities.184 We read of “nails for the doors of the postern (pylides) and for the doors into the Eleusinion in the City’; an entrance porch (prothyron) perhaps the one towards the southwest corner noted above; an oven or kitchen (ipnos; apparently cooking was done on occasion). Bricks are provided, and baskets for piling earth, presumably for terracing. It is not always quite clear what is at Kleusis and what is in the City, but a sacristy (neokorion) and a treasury seem to belong here too. Stelai inscribed with decrees or other documents which were somehow concerned with the

cult were naturally set up in the shrine or sometimes beside it. Dedications to the Two Goddesses were very numerous and varied in character. The larger bases made good matenial for the Post-Herulian Wall. Of one such base two large orthostates of Pentelic marble have been extracted from the wall (Fig. 38) ;!*° it once carried a pair of statues. According to the inscripbases, which may have been a minor shrine subordinate to the Eleusinion; in the early Roman period its western part was built over by a four-roomed structure; see Hesperia, X XIX, 1960, p. 334. In the Roman period too, probably in the 2nd century after Christ, the Eleusinion was extended southwards, and a stoa was built on its south side facing northwards; this stoa is 7.40 m. wide, and the excavated part (the eastern end has not been uncovered) is 25.40 m. long; abid., p. 386; Guide’, p. 94. 180 Hesperia, XVII, 1948, pp. 86ff.; cf. XX XVII, 1968, p. 282, no. 18. Note also another inscription concerned with cult regulations, found in fragments mostly near the Eleusinion, and possibly erected there; Hesperia, XXXVI, 1967, p. 72, no. 15. 181 Hesperia, XXIX, 1960, p. 388; Gurde?, p. 93. 182 7.G., I?, 325-3834; Hesperia, X XII, 1958, pp. 225-299 (cf. Agora, III, no. 207, p. 79); XXV, 1956, pp. 178-328 (see p. 182 below); for new fragments see Hesperia, XXX, 1961, pp. 23ff.; XX XV, 1966, pp. 84f.; XXXVI, 1967, pp. 84-86. Cf. S.E.G., XXV, 1971, p. 19, no. 48. 183 T.G,, II?, 848, lines 80-31 (Agora, III, 212, p. 79); cf. 794, line 4; 1072, line 8. Another reference to the Boule in the ileusinion is safely restored in I 6885, Hesperia, XXXII, 1963, p. 23, no. 24. 184 1.G., II?, 1672; see Agora, III, no. 215, p. 80. On difficulties in distinguishing between the shrines in Eleusis and those in the City cf. O. Rubensohn, Jahrb., LX X, 1955, pp. 1-49; S. Dow and R. F. Healey, A Sacred Calendar of Eleusis, Harvard University Press, 1965, pp. 14f. 185 [ 5407: Hesperia, XXVI, 1957, pp. 203-206; Agora, III, p. 83.

154 SHRINES tion Demopeithides of Acharnai dedicated portraits of his parents to Demeter and Kore. The sculptor, previously unknown, was Theoxenos, a Theban. The date is the second half of the 4th century B.c. A very curious dedication is a Herm of the Epicurean philosopher Phaidros (1st century B.c.) set up by his pupil, Appius Saufeius, who, though he had presumably been taught that the gods were remote and ineffectual beings, chose this way to show his respect

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The base illustrated in Plate 78, ¢ was found northwest of the Agora, built into a wall of the 1st century B.c.18” Only the nght hand portion of the base is well preserved; on it one can read the name of the dedicator, Kleiokrateia daughter of Polyeuktos and wife of Spoudias, and the name of the sculptor, Praxiteles. Traces on small fragments of the left hand portion of the base suggest that the name of Spoudias himself was inscribed and probably the name of a second sculptor. The statues on the base may well have been portraits of the couple, as in the case of the double base noted above. The base with the signature of Praxiteles, set up in the middle of the 4th century B.c. and dedicated to Demeter and Kore, may have stood not in the 186 J 5485: A. E. Raubitschek, Hesperia, XVIII, 1949, pp. 101-108; Agora, III, p. 83. 187 | 4165: Hesperia, VI, 1937, pp. 339-342; XXVI, 1957, pp. 200-203; Agora, III, p. 85. The family of Kleiokrateia, as pointed out by T. L. Shear in the editio princeps, was already known from the forty-first oration of Demosthenes. Pausanias (I, 2, 4) noted in the sanctuary near the Pompeion a group of Demeter, Kore and Iakchos with the name of the sculptor, Praxiteles, on the wall in Attic letters. The two groups must be distinct. The pedestal found in 1986 is inscribed in Ionic letters on the base itself; this pedestal, moreover, evidently carried a pair of portraits rather than images of the gods.

POLITICAL HEROES: THE TYRANNICIDES 155 Eleusinion itself but in another shrine, not far from the finding place. Just after entering the city, near the Pompeion, Pausanias noted a temple of Demeter (I, 2, 4). Demeter was worshipped under many names and in many places. From her central throne in the Eleusinion on the northwest slope of the Acropolis, her cults extended diametrically over the city: south to the shrine at the western approach to the Propylaia where she was called Chloe, the Green Goddess; to the far southeast where at her temple in Agrai the Lesser Mysteries were celebrated; and northwest across the Agora to this shrine near the Dipylon and the Pompeion where the material for the great processions was kept, and so on to Hleusis itself.

POLITICAL HEROES: THE TYRANNICIDES In some cities the heroes of ancient legend were joined in course of time by historical person-

ages, benefactors of the state, many of whom received monuments in the agora. At Athens Harmodios and Aristogeiton, though they killed Hipparchos because of a personal grudge and failed to put an end to the Peisistratid tyranny, were subsequently canonized as the great heroes of Athenian democracy and were the first men to receive honorary statues in the Agora.18§ The polemarch brought them enagismata, offerings made to the heroized dead,!®® either at the site in the Agora, which may have been regarded as a shrine, or else at their grave on the road to the Academy. The original bronze statues were by Antenor;!* one cannot say precisely when they were made; Pliny’s statement that it was in the year in which the kings were expelled from Rome, 510/9 B.c., i.e. the very year in which Hippias was expelled from Athens, is open to suspicion. They may have been made some years later, but we must allow a sufficient interval be-

tween them and their replacements to account for the fact that Pausanias characterized Antenor’s work as obviously “‘older.’’ These figures were taken away by the Persians in 480 or 479 B.c., and brought back to Athens by the favor of Alexander the Great or one of his successors.!*! They were replaced in the archonship of Adeimantos, 477/6 B.c., with works by the hands of Kritios and Nesiotes. For this we have the good evidence of the Parian Marble.1™ It is usually assumed that the new figures reproduced the general design of the old, but we have no definite evidence on this point. Standing prominently in the middle of the Agora, represented as heroic figures striding forward menacingly, the Tyrannicides of Kritios and Nesiotes were amongst the most familiar sights of Athens, and obviously they made a great impression. They were copied countless times, and besides late full-size replicas there are large numbers of smallscale representations of them, with sundry variations, in the minor arts.1%? Many other figures, on vases and elsewhere, are thought to reproduce more or less closely their bold and characteristic poses (Pl. 79, b). In spite of this there has been endless dispute about the iconography and grouping of the figures, their posture and their swordsmanship. They have been placed closely back to back, in a wedge-shaped formation, chest to chest, overlapping (with either Harmodios or Aristogeiton leading), and even in tandem, or detached on separate bases. Even the discovery of fragments of a base, followed by careful calculation of its dimensions, has brought no agreement. 188 Aristotle, Rhetoric, I, 9, 38 (1368 a); cf. Demosthenes, XX, 70; Pliny, Nat. Hist., XXXIV, 17,70; see Agora, III, pp. 93 ff., 207; cf. M. Ostwald, Nomos and the Beginnings of Athenian Democracy, Oxford, 1969, pp. 131 ff. 189 Aristotle, Ath. Pol., 58, 1; Pollux, VIII, 91; cf. O. Broneer, ’Apy. ’Ep., 1960 (1963), p. 66. 199 Pausanias, I, 8, 5. 191 Arrian, Anabasis, III, 16, 8, and Pliny, Nat. Hist., XXXIV, 70, say Alexander; Pausanias, I, 8, 5, Antiochos; Valerius Maximus, IT, 10, ext. 1, Seleukos. 192 Marmor Parium, Epocha, LIV, 70; I.G., XII, Fase. V, 444; Jacoby, F.G.H., II, 239; Agora, III, no. 269, p. 96. 183 The fullest treatment of the subject is S. Brunnsaéker, The Tyrant-Slayers of Kritios and Nestotes, Lund, 1955. Useful bibliographies are given in A. E. Raubitschek, Dedications from the Athenian Akropolis, p. 514; R.E.G., LXX, 1957, p. 452; see also notes 194, 198, 202 below. Cf. also E. Vermeule, Jahrb., LX XXV, 1970, pp. 103-107.

156 SHRINES In the present context one need hardly discuss these problems in detail. It will be sufficient to give the new evidence, epigraphical and topographical, from the Agora itself. This at least fixes the site of the groups with some precision. In a modern or Turkish fill east of the temple of Ares, south of its altar and north of the Odeion the excavators found in 19386 two fragments of Pentelic marble which beyond any reasonable doubt belonged to the base or one of the bases (PI. 79, a).4% The total width of the fragments is 0.323 m.; a section of the upper surface of the block is preserved, without any

foot marks, and a little of the right lateral face. ““The fragment has to be restored,” says Brunnsaker,!% “‘to a low, rectangular base of the type commonly used in the Late Archaic and Early Classical periods, especially for bronze statues.”’ The front of the block bears an inscription in two lines, of which we have the ends, reading [-----———-] hapudsiofs] [--—-————— Tra]tpida yév é9etev

Undoubtedly the first line gave the elegiac couplet quoted by Hephaistion in his handbook on meters!9” tT) wey’ “ASnvatoio: mows yeved’, vik’ “Apiotoyeitov “Itrtrapyov KTeive Kai “Apyodios

Hephaistion says nothing about the monument; he is merely noting and condemning the continuation of a word in the second line. He attributes the couplet without question to Simonides. This has been doubted or denied by many modern authorities.’°° The reasons usually given are hardly sufficient however. The couplet is not a very good one, but the poet is showing his metrical ingenuity rather than rising to the higher levels of poetic composition. Simonides was closely associated with Hipparchos; but such poets were certainly prepared to write for a wide variety of patrons, and some years may have intervened after the death of Hipparchos before the verses were written, even if they were inscribed on the earlier monument. The question whether the inscription should be associated with Antenor’s monument or Kritios’ cannot be simply or confidently answered. Of course even if these letters were cut on the later base, the earlier too may have carried the same epigram. It is also possible that the old base, with the inscription, survived the Persian sack in sufficiently good shape to be used for the new group. Brunnsaker!® argues that the context in which the fragments were found, in a “modern heap of debris,’”’ not an ancient fill, and probably near the original site, tends to show that the base was in being until late antiquity and is not one which was discarded in 479 B.c., but he admits that such evidence is not conclusive. On the evidence provided by the letter forms, in particular the theta with a small circle instead of a central dot, Meritt is inclined to assign the inscription to Kritios’ monument; but 194 One point may be noted. In Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 634, the leader of the chorus says, “I will take my stand beside Aristogeiton”’; and in Ecclesiazusae, 682, Praxagora says,”’ I will set up the kleroteria in the Agora beside Harmodios.”’ C. B. Kardara, A.J.A., LV, 1951, p. 298; cf. LXIV, 1960, p. 281, finds some support in this for the view that the two stood com-

paratively detached, on separate bases. But even if they were very close together on one base, standing on one side one would naturally think of oneself as ‘beside Harmodios,” on the other as ‘‘beside Aristogeiton.”’ 19 T 3872, Hesperia, V, 1986, p. 855, no. 1; VI, 1937, p. 352; Picture Book, 10, no. 4. 196 Op. cit., p. 88.

197 Encheiridion, IV, 6 (16.29). 198 Hg. C. M. Bowra, Greek Lyric Poetry, 2nd ed., Oxford, 1961, pp. 321-322. Undoubtedly many epigrams were fathered

on Simonides. The Simonidean authorship is defended by Brunnsaker, op. cit., pp. 86ff., and by A. J. Podlecki, in “The Political Significance of the Athenian ‘Tyrannicide’ Cult,’’ Historia, XV, 1966, pp. 135ff. C. A. Trypanis, Hermes, LX XXVIII, 1960, p. 69, gives the text (restored by H. Lloyd Jones) of an epigram about the Tyrannicides carved with several others on a stone at Chios; he believes that it is a Hellenistic fiction. 199 Op. cit., p. 95.

POLITICAL HEROES: THE TYRANNICIDES 157 he notes that in this period letter forms do not offer very precise criteria.2°° One cannot be sure that Antenor’s group was earlier than Kritios’ by a sufficient number of years to make a decisive difference from the epigraphical point of view, and in any case it is possible that the ‘““Simonidean”’ epigram was added some time after the statues were erected. The first line is very near the top of the block. Both lines extend to the extreme right edge and so may be assumed to have begun on the extreme left of the base. Reckoning that there were sixty-six letters in the first line, Meritt calculated that the total width of the base was about 1.88 m. Brunnsaker and others make it somewhat wider.2% Even with a width of 1.88 m., there would be ample room for the two figures side by side (too much perhaps if they were precisely parallel), and still sufficient, though with little to spare, if they were shown advancing along converging lines, in the ‘“‘wedge-shaped”’ scheme which many think most effective. One naturally assumes that the inscribed face is the main front of the base, toward which the figures were striding. The depth of the base from front to back was about 1.30 m., according to Brunnsaker.? These calculations are based on the dimensions of the full-scale replicas, which agree closely with one another and may be assumed to reproduce the dimensions of the originals. Kritios’ tyrannicides, it appears, were what one might call heroic life-size figures, not colossi, but rather more than six feet in height. How Antenor’s statues would have fitted the base we cannot say. Nor can we know what happened when the older statues were returned to Athens and set beside their replacements, or how the two groups were disposed in relation to one another when Pausanias (I, 8, 5) saw them together. There is every reason to believe that the inscribed fragments were found very near the place where the Tyrannicides stood, certainly in the time of Pausanias and Arrian and probably also when they were first erected; there is no reason to believe that they were ever shifted far (except by the Persians). Pausanias, after noting statues near the Temple of Ares (p. 162), says that Harmodios and Aristogeiton (both groups) stand ‘‘not much farther on’; immediately afterwards he mentions portraits of the Ptolemies in front of the entrance to the Odeion (p. 111). Arrian, who knew Athens well, says? that the bronze statues of Harmodios and Aristogeiton, restored to Athens by Alexander, now stand ‘in the Kerameikos”’ (i.e. the Agora), ““where we go up to the Acropolis, not far from the altar of the Eudanemoi, opposite the Metroon.” Timaios in his Lexicon of Plato? tells us that the statues stood in the festal area called the ‘‘orchestra”’ (p. 127); this is not very helpful, and we have to use the Tyrannicides to locate this elusive orchestra, which was probably in the middle of the Agora (p. 129), rather than vice versa. The Temple of Ares and the Odeion being satisfactorily identified, Pausanias gives us the general area. Arrian’s account is peculiar but in the light of our present knowledge of the topography of the Agora it points accurately to a site just west of the Panathenaic Way, directly east of the north end of the Hellenistic Metroon, and immediately north of the Odeion. The Metroon is some distance away, and the Acropolis somewhat remote; but Arrian must be thinking of the great processional route to the Propylaia, and reference to the Metroon certainly defines a 200 Hesperia, V, 1936, p. 355. Contrast Kardara, loc. cit. note 194 above. 201 Op. cit., pp. 88ff. He notes that if, as is possible, the elided final vowels were actually cut on the stone, the width would

be somewhat greater. He also notes that the spacing is slightly wider in the first line than in the second, perhaps because the cutter aimed at lines of equal length in spite of a difference in numbers of letters; and taking the spacing of the name Harmodios as normal for the first line, he arrives at a width of ca. 1.56 m. Note also Raubitschek, loc. cit., note 193 above. 202 On. cit., p. 155. There is no trace of feet on the top of the stone in the preserved depth of 0.12 m. A recent writer, B. Shefton, 4.J.A., LXIV, 1960, pp. 173-179, rules out the back-to-back parallel grouping favored by Brunnsaker, and himself favors a chest-to-chest arrangement, though admitting that it is impossible to decide between this and a wedge-shaped back-to-back arrangement. 203 Anabasis, III, 16, 8; Agora, ITI, no. 260, p. 94. Cf. p. 119 note 13 above. 201 S.v. orchestra.

205 See further Brunnsaker, op. cit., pp. 45, 132ff. For the old interpretation see Judeich, Topographie®, pp. 340ff.

158 SHRINES very short section of this. The statues can hardly have stood on the east side of the street; there they would have been altogether too remote from the Metroon. Nothing further is known of the situation of the altar of the Eudanemot. No identifiable remains have been found in situ. It has been suggested that a rectangular foundation, of which a few blocks have been found just north of the Odeion, carried both the groups (PI. 8).2°° It may have done so in the Roman period; it is sited in close relation to the Augustan Odeion, in front of the entrance and on the axis of the building. But the language of Arrian, who does not mention the Odeion, the obvious point of reference, suggests that the statues were more immediately adjacent to the street. How long the Tyrannicides continued to stand we do not know. Probably they were amongst the casualties of a.p. 267. The Athenians recognized that the site conferred a unique distinction on those who were honored there. For a long time they were very chary of granting any other honorary statues. To be ‘“‘set up in bronze in the Agora” implied that a man was something more than an ordinary mortal, that he had attained in some degree the stature of a hero. “The Athenians of those days,” says Demosthenes, ‘although Themistokles and Miltiades and many others achieved far nobler deeds for the city than the generals of today, did not set up bronze statues of them nor make a great fuss over them.’”°? Private dedications by an individual to an appropriate deity, such as Leagros’ statue (p. 182), were a different matter. Even when this austere attitude was abandoned, the rule was still selectivity and discrim1nation. ‘You will find that at other cities statues of athletes are set up in the agoras,” says Lykourgos2°8 ‘‘at Athens statues of good generals and the Tyrannicides.” Great athletes naturally tended to assume heroic stature. At Athens we hear of no official statues of athletes in the Agora; Autolykos the pancratiast stood in the Prytaneion,* but he had also distinguished himself by his courageous conduct in the time of the Thirty. Konon, Demosthenes tells us (XX, 70), was the first man after Harmodios and Aristogeiton to receive the official honor of a bronze statue. He was regarded as one who had freed the Athenians from an irksome tyranny, the dominion of the Lakedaimonians; and very appropriately his statue stood in front of the Stoa of Zeus Eleutherios, along with those of his son Timotheos and Euagoras of Cyprus.2!° Other famous generals of the early 4th century, similarly honored, were Iphikrates and Chabrias2 One doubts, however, whether the ancient commentator 18 right in saying that Iphikrates received not only a bronze statue but all the prerogatives voted to Harmodios and Aristogeiton. Chabrias’ statue was famous for its defiant posture, with shield on knee and spear thrust forward. These figures had a touch of the heroic about them; but soon the practice began to be extended and abused. Demosthenes himself is bitterly attacked by Deinarchos because he proposed bronze statues for the tyrants of Pontos, and for his fellow orators Demades and Diphilos not only statues but also meals in the Prytaneion in company with the descendants of Harmodios and Aristogeiton.22 Lykourgos, to whom the finances and architecture of Athens owed so much, was more deservedly honored in 3807/6 B.c. several years after his death; the decree, pre206 Gyide®, p. 70. Another possibility is a large foundation, of early Hellenistic date (suitable for the returning statues) set

obliquely at the northeast corner of the Odeion. The large base at the kink in the Panathenaic Way (p. 95, note 67) is too far north in relation to the Metroon. 207 XXIII, 196; Agora, III, pp. 207, 214. 208 Against Leokrates, 51.

209 Pausanias, I, 18, 3; Agora, III, no. 553, p. 168. 210 Pausanias, I, 3, 2; pp. 86, 101 above. Cf. W. Gauer, Jahrb., LX XXIII, 1968, pp. 118ff. 211 Aischines, III, 243; Cornelius Nepos, Chabrias, I, 2-3; Schol. Demosthenes, X XI, 62; see further Agora, III, pp. 209, 213; Hesperia, IX, 1940, p. 319. 212 T, Against Demosthenes, 48, 101; Agora, III, pp. 209,211.

POLITICAL HEROES: THE TYRANNICIDES 159 served by the author of the Lnves of the Ten (852e), stipulated that the bronze statue should be set up “in the Agora anywhere except where the law forbids.’’ Demosthenes, a more controversial figure, had to wait until 280/79 B.c., when his famous portrait by Polyeuktos was set up and the eldest member of his family was granted maintenance in the Prytaneion. The statue was seen by Pausanias as he approached the Temple of Ares, and the author of the Lnwes says

it was near the perischoinisma and the Altar of the Twelve Gods; this means it was in the northwestern sector of the Agora.?!8 Meanwhile the Athenians had naturally been looking to the past and setting up statues of great men whom their earlier scruples had prevented them from honoring in this way. Solon,

whom they regarded with reverence as the great author of their laws, was placed in a conspicuous position in front of the Poikile on the north side of the Agora.?!4 The stipulation noted in the decree for Lykourgos is found in some later documents too; it embodies the remnants of the old scruples. The most important forbidden area was the very center of the square, around the Tyrannicides. No one was truly worthy to stand with these, and two extant decrees, of 314/3 B.c. and 295/4 B.c., contain the clause “except beside Harmodios and Aristogeiton.’!> Of course the heroic group needed plenty of space if it was to be seen to the best advantage, but such aesthetic considerations counted for little on a site where sculpture accumulated in quantity. In the second of the two decrees mentioned above the formula reads “except by Harmodios and Aristogeiton and the Soteres.’’ Antigonos and Demetrios of Macedon were given for a time exceptional privileges and unlimited honors.*/6 They were called Saviors (Soteres); they were

made Eponymoi (p. 40), with two new tribes named after them; they received an altar; and the decree passed in their honor stated that their statues, of gold and mounted in a chariot, were to stand beside Harmodios and Aristogeiton. The two new tribes were abrogated a century

later, and presumably the Kings lost the rest of their honors too. The Roman tyrannicides were more ephemeral.”!” The Athenians voted Brutus and Cassius bronze statues beside the statue of Harmodios and that of Aristogeiton (Dio Cassius’ precise language would seem to imply that they were to flank their prototypes, one on either side); but if ever these figures were erected, they must have been quickly whisked away, leaving Harmodios and Aristogeiton unique and alone once more. But in spite of restrictions the door was now open. Many princes whom the Athenians wished to thank or flatter entered and took their stand in the Agora. Pausanias saw them arrayed in front of the Odeion—Philip and Alexander, the Ptolemies, Lysimachos, Pyrrhos.7!® The erection of the Odeion and the Temple of Ares must have meant some reshuffling (pp. 111, 162), and there was no longer room for the Tyrannicides to stand in such isolation. Worthy citizens were

honored too, including as we have seen distinguished generals and statesmen. For some foreigners an honorable but less pretentious site was found in the temenos of Demos and the Charites.2!9 The relevant inscriptions, all of the 2nd century B.c., came to light on the north slope "13 Pausanias, I, 8, 2 and 4; Ps. Plutarch, Vit. X Orat., 847 a; Agora, III, pp. 210ff.; pp. 129-130 above. “14 Pausanias, I, 16, 1; cf. Ps. Demosthenes, X XVI, 23; Aelian, Var. Hist., VIII, 16. 215 1.G., Il?, 450, 646; Agora, III, nos. 278, 279, p. 97. The remains show that there were concentrations in front of the Stoa of Zeus, in front of the Metroon, and beside the Panathenaic Way east of the Odeion; see also p. 107. 216 Diodorus Siculus, XX, 46, 2; cf. I.G., I?, 646; Agora, ITI, pp. 95, 97, 208. See also note 219 below. 217 Dio Cassius, XLVII, 20, 4; Agora, III, pp. 95, 208-209. "18 T, 8,6; 9, 38 and 4; 11, 1; 14, 1; Agora, III, pp. 161 ff.; p. 205 below.

Note a statue of Antiochos (Epiphanes) beside which certain others were to be set up; Hesperia, XXXVI, 1967, pp. 62-63; Agora, III, p. 208. 219 1.G., II?, 844, 908, 909, 987; Agora, III, pp. 59-61; add to the testimonia given there I 6127, Hesperia, XXX, 1961, p. 224, no. 21; AeAt., XVIIT, 1963, A1, pp. 106f. (I 5148; above p. 94, note 63). A. E. Raubitschek, Hesperia, XX XI, 1962, pp. 238-248, associates with this shrine a statue of Demokratia, near which, according to an honorary decree (Ath. Mitt., LX VI, 1941, p. 221, no. 3, lines 11-15), an equestrian statue of Demetrios (Poliorketes, son of Antigonos) was set up; see also Agora, III, pp. 91, 210; S.H.G., X XV, p. 55. For a possible Demokratia cf. p. 84.

160 SHRINES of the Kolonos Agoraios, and so did a large marble altar, found in situ, inscribed with a dedication to Aphrodite Leader of the Demos and to the Charites.”° This fixes the site of the shrine; here the statues could be seen by people approaching the Agora from the Sacred Gate. We learn from Josephos™! that a Jewish high priest, Hyrkanos, was honored with a statue here in

the 1st century B.c.

Roman imperial benefactors were accorded something more exalted and lavish than heroic honors, as we shall see in examining the new temples in the Agora. Augustus was perhaps honored in a shrine built behind the Stoa of Zeus (p. 108); Hadrian, Savior and Founder, besides being made an Eponymos (p. 40) and receiving innumerable statues and altars elsewhere, was set beside Zeus Soter himself (p. 101).”” Meanwhile the title “heros,” like so many good words, was degenerating sadly in meaning. When one reads on a columnar monument of the 1st century after Christ, found in the Agora, ‘“Konon Heros,’3 one does not look for another lesser hero cult. The title means nothing more than “‘the much respected and late lamented.”

TRANSPLANTED TEMPLES AND ALTARS For several centuries the purely religious buildings within the confines of the Agora proper remained few and modest (p. 20). It was left to the Hephaisteion on the hill above to add an element of distinction and grandeur. The efforts of the Hellenistic architects were concentrated on stoas rather than temples. At the same time the central square was still a true Greek agora, an open space unencumbered by large structures; its stoas provided a setting for varied human activity, from the Panathenaic procession to an evening stroll, rather than a frame for large temples or other buildings.”4 In the late Hellenistic and Roman imperial age a new architectural trend began; and the open square was felt to be a vacuum which needed filling. It was still not a temple, but the Odeion, a handsome covered theater (p. 111), which appropriated the dominant site, in the middle towards the south. When the Temple of Ares was added a little later, it was placed further north and pushed a little towards the west; its altar was set precisely on the axis of the Odeion. Another temple was built in the southwestern part of the Agora; a third was placed at its southeastern exit, outside the main square but dominating the small subsidiary plateia which was taking shape at this point (p. 114). For the construction certainly of two of these temples and possibly of all three building material was provided by dismantling and transporting the stones of ancient shrines outside Athens. In this way temples in the Attic demes which were threatened with dilapidation were given a new lease of life; at the same time the Agora was brought into conformity with the architectural modes of the age, and appropriate honors were paid to benefactors. Besides the temples, a great altar was moved into the Agora, not indeed from outside Athens, but probably from a site within the city which by now was comparatively neglected, the Pnyx. Zrus AGORAIOS

The handsomest altar found in the Agora stands just opposite the Metroon, behind the northern end of the Eponymoi (Pls. 12, 80, a). Its foundations are of squared blocks of conglom220 T.G., Il?, 2798; Agora, III, no. 130, p. 61. 221 Antiqu. Jud., XIV, 8, 5; cf. 1.G., II?, 4700, as restored by A. N. Oikonomides, The Two Agoras in Ancient Athens, p. 109.

222 On the cult of Hadrian, and his numerous altars, see A.S. Benjamin, Hesperia, XXXII, 1968, pp. 57ff.; cf. XXXV, 1966, pp. 250ff.; I.G., II?, 3274, shows that Claudius was associated in cult with Apollo Patroos. 223 1.G., II?, 18186; I 3316, Hesperia, XXXIV, 1965, p. 99, no. 12. 224 Note, however, the two buildings of which slight traces have been found in the South Square; one at least appears to have been a temple (pp. 70-71). 225 Hesperia, II, 1933, pp. 140-148; X XI, 1952, pp. 91-93.

TRANSPLANTED TEMPLES AND ALTARS: ZEUS AGORAIOS 161 erate. Above these was the euthynteria, the outer blocks of which were of poros of Peiraeus, tied originally with double T clamps, then four steps of Pentelic marble, reduced to narrow ledges on the north and south sides and on the back (east) as a fragment from one of the eastern corners shows. The steps survive to their full height in the northern half of the west front; in the southern half only the lower two remain. They are carved in pairs, the upper two from one block, the lower two from another. The preservation of so much of the steps is probably due to their formidable weight. The overall measurement on the lowest step was 8.76 m. north to south by 5.48 m. east to west. Presumably the altar proper stood on the eastern part of the base, leaving a broad platform on the west above the steps for the priest and his assistants. Immediately east of the foundation a large orthostate of Pentelic marble came to light; it had clearly formed part of the altar and had simply been swung round from its original position for use in the construction of a Byzantine house. One of the ends forms a corner; the other end and the top are broken away; the present length is about 2.90 m. The block is carved with elaborate mouldings, at the bottom a broad guilloche surmounted by a Lesbian leaf pattern and a bead and reel, near the top an egg and dart above another bead and reel; one cannot say how the extreme top of the block or of the altar as a whole was finished off. A number of fragments of a companion orthostate have been found in the curbing of a late well in the porch of the Metroon. The mouldings, in spite of their apparent delicacy, show a certain carelessness and irregularity which one would not find in the best 5th century work. On grounds of style and technique the original construction of the altar is dated late in the 4th century B.c. It is a good example of the more elaborate type of altar of that time,”* contrasting with some of the simpler altars which we have seen, but still falling far short of the great Hellenistic altars in architectural splendor. The base has now been built up to a level platform with ancient material, and the orthostates have been set in position so that the scale and design of the altar can be more readily appreciated. The monument was discovered in the first campaign, in 1931. It soon became evident from several small indications that it had at some time been dismantled and re-erected, presumably on a different site. Dowels inaccessible without shifting the blocks had been removed and not replaced. If any further evidence was needed, it was furnished by the presence of letters scratched on the ends of the blocks to guide the builders in replacing them. Their form is the only evidence for the date of the removal and points to the 1st century B.c. or Ist century after Christ. At first it was suggested that the shift was part of a late Hellenistic rearrangement of this part of the Agora and that the altar was not moved far. But one cannot imagine why it should have been moved at all within the Agora itself, and no suitable site for its former location has been found there. Subsequently it was observed that the altar would fit very precisely a rockcut bedding on the Pnyx, just above the bema (p. 50), made apparently for the altar associated with the assembly place of Lykourgos’ time.”? If this was indeed the original location, then probably the altar was sacred to Zeus Agoraios, and the transfer was made when the Pnyx had long given way to the Theater of Dionysos as a place of assembly. The theater would not be considered a suitable place to receive the altar. A note preserved in the scholia on the [Knights (410), ““Agoraios Zeus is established in the agora and in the ekklesia,” may contain a vague reference to the removal.”8 The identification is by no means certain. Zeus Agoraios has been sought in other places. R. Martin®® maintains that the altar to the east of the Stoa of Zeus be226 See C. G. Yavis, Greek Altars, St. Louis, 1949, p. 195; cf. A. W. Lawrence, Greek Architecture?, London and Baltimore,

ee! Hesperia, XXI, 1952, pp. 92-98; of. XII, 1948, p. 300. 228 See Agora, III, pp. 122 ff. for this and other testimonia. 229 Agora Grecque, pp. 327-828; in pp. 176ff. Martin brings out well the importance of the cult.

162 SHRINES longed to Zeus Agoraios, but it can with more probability be assigned to Soter-Eleutherios. The great southwestern altar evidently belonged to a cult of major importance in the civic life of Athens. Even if there were no specific evidence Zeus Agoraios would have to be seriously considered. He was concerned with the assembly and the law courts. “From the servants of Zeus Boulaios and Agoraios and Polieus,” says Plutarch,° ‘‘we demand deeds not of feet and hands but of counsel and forethought and oratory.’”’ When the chorus in the

Knights" calls on Zeus Agoraios to protect the Sausage-seller, they are thinking not so much of his old trade as of his new career as Leader of the Demos. Aischylos associates the God with Peitho (Persuasion).?* TEMPLE OF ARES

By far the most remarkable transplantation was that of the Temple of Ares, which in the time of Augustus was rebuilt near the very middle of the Agora. In 1987 the remains of a large temple (Fig. 39) were found east of the shrine of Apollo Patroos* and at once identified as belonging to Ares on the strength of Pausanias’ itinerary‘ and other literary evidence. No other serious claimants have been put forward.

] j oO | _ @ 7 Q//Qy 7

fe) 5 10 M. a Fig. 89. Temple of Ares and Altar (J. Travlos)

A section of the foundations, built of re-used poros blocks on a packing of broken stone, was still in position at the east end (PI. 80, b); elsewhere the shape of the building, with its overall dimensions of a little more than 17 m. by 36 m., could be seen in deep cuttings in the bedrock. A single triglyph, marked AO, had been found as early as 1931, and Dinsmoor remarks2%5 that from this alone a bold restorer might infer the existence of a temple with six by thirteen columns, measuring 14.51 by 34.04 m. on the frieze, built in the age of Perikles, rebuilt in the age of Augustus. Well over two hundred marble fragments, representing almost every element of the temple, have now been identified; they can be recognized not only by general style and dimensions and finding-place, but also by the peculiar character of the marble, a Pentelic often veined with gray-green chlorite, and of course by the mason’s marks (P1.81, a,b). Four more or less 239 An Sent Resp. Gerenda Sit, 10 (789 a). *31 499-500; note also 409-410. 232 Humenides, 970 ff.

33 Hesperia, IX, 1940, pp. 1-52; X XI, 1952, pp. 98f.; XXVIII, 1959, pp. 1-64. *31 7, 8,4; Agora, III, no. 117, pp. 54 ff. “35 Hesperia, IX, 1940, p. 2.

TRANSPLANTED TEMPLES AND ALTARS: TEMPLE OF ARES 163 complete column drums are known. One was found just east of the temple. Another, found in the northwestern part of the Agora, is now incorporated as the bottom drum in the reconstructed northern pronaos column of the Hephaisteion, but it bears the mason’s letters and belongs unquestionably to Ares. Both the others were converted for use as millstones (P1. 81, a); one came to light south of the Stoa of Attalos; the fourth lies south of the theater of Dionysos. Several fragments of cover tiles of Pentelic marble found near the site probably belong to the temple. Two large sections of its ceiling beams were incorporated in the Post-Herulian Wall, and with them may be associated more than eighty fragments of coffering found in the adjacent fill.86 On some of these last the elaborate painted decoration, in bright blue, vermilion and emerald green, was remarkably vivid when they were found (PI. 81, c). They cannot have lain exposed for long after the Herulian sack of a.p. 267. The Wall must have been built and the material thrown into its fill not long afterwards. We owe it to the violence of the Herulians that these, like the fragments of many other buildings, are better preserved than if they had been subject to more gradual processes of attrition and decay. To ensure that the blocks were re-set each in its own particular place, a thorough system of marking by letters was used.?3’ On each block, on a surface which would be invisible, at least two letters were carved, indicating on which side of the temple it stood and at what point in its course. Incidentally the position of the letters also ensured that no block was reversed; this might have caused difficulty in replacing the clamps. In dealing with such elements as the triglyphs the course to which the blocks belonged was self-evident. Where there might be doubt, a third letter was added. For example, in the steps the first letter showed the sequence of the blocks in their course, and for this nearly the whole alphabet was needed. The second showed the course, A being the top step, B the middle, F the bottom, and A the euthynteria. In the third position four symbols are used, AP, A, E and O, obviously abbreviations, perhaps for dpiotepd, Se€ic, eiooSos, dtr1c9d5oy05.748 Marks used by masons, both in construction and dismant-

ling, are not uncommon in ancient architecture,™® but this is the most elaborate example known. The letters are larger and more deeply and carefully cut than was usual or necessary. No doubt they were incised on each course as the one above was removed. The forms of the letters point to a date for the operation at the end of the 1st century B.c., possibly in the time of Augustus, and this 1s confirmed by the discovery in the packing of the foundations of a terracotta bowl characteristic of the period. An inscription, dated in a.p. 2, in which C. Caesar, adopted son of Augustus, is honored as the “new Ares,’”’ should probably be linked with the re-dedication of the temple.” The original construction may be placed in the four-thirties. Dinsmoor makes it the third of the four temples which he assigns to the architect of the Hephaisteion (p. 142) and dates it 436-432 B.c. In dimensions and general design it is closest to the Hephaisteion, in spite of differences of detail and a somewhat later architectural style. The stylobate measured a little over 16 m. by not quite 34 m. There must have been six by thirteen columns; their height is calculated as 6.10 m. The foundations are solid and do not 36 Hesperia, XXVIII, 1959, pp. 38 ff. In addition to the material assembled here by M. H. McAllister another wall block was found later in a tower in the PostHerulian Wall, Hesperia, X XIX, 1960, p. 351. There is evidence that as in the Temple of Hephaistos (p. 147), the vertical joints of the walls were leaded through narrow

channels cut in the anathyrosis; Hesperia, XIX, 1950, p. 319; XXVIII, 1959, pp. 30f. A handsome sima with lion’s head formerly associated with this temple is now attributed rather to the Hephaisteion

Ps Hesperia, XXVIII, 1959, pp. 47¢f. 238 One needs another noun to balance cicodos, rather than étrictepos as suggested in Hesperia, XXVIII, 1959, p. 51. ’Otr1a9d5o0p0s5 can here be taken to mean the rear part of the building in general. 239 See R. Martin, Manuel d’architecture grecque, Paris, 1965, pp. 222ff. 40 1.G., II?, 3250; cf. Hesperia, TX, 1940, p. 49; Agora, III, p. 55.

164 SHRINES provide evidence of the position of the walls. The cella no doubt had a pronaos™! and an opisthodomos. Nothing is known of the arrangements within the cella. One would expect sculpture in the pediments of the temple and perhaps some of the metopes as in the Hephaisteion; but though the floor of the pediments was strengthened as if to receive sculpture,” no marks have been preserved and no fragments recognized, and the fragments of

the metopes are too slight to be decisive. An akroterion may be attributed to the temple almost with certainty.2 When the railway cutting, not far to the north, was being made in 1891, a female figure of Pentelic marble was found, three-quarters life size, wearing a Doric chiton shown as if blown back by the wind; the head and the lower part of the legs were missing (PI. 82, b). It was thought even then that the figure was an akroterion, and when in 1951 two joining fragments of the left leg were found just east of the Temple of Ares, the peak of the front of this temple seemed a very appropriate place for it. Dimensions and style are suitable. The figure is moving forward towards the spectator, unlike the Nike from the Stoa of Zeus, who moved laterally as she grazed the outer corner of the gable. The Ares figure can scarcely be Nike since she has no wings, but her identity is still to be established.*4 A terrace 6-8 m. wide was built along the north side and round the northeast corner of the temple. Beddings of hard gray poros show that the area between the temple and the altar to the east was paved, probably with marble. Many statues stood around the temple, but though a number of bases and beddings have been found, none can be identified as belonging to any of the monuments seen by Pausanias (I, 8, 4). Pausanias mentions a statue of Ares by Alkamenes, two Aphrodites, and an Athena made by Lokros of Paros (a sculptor otherwise unknown). He implies that these stood within the temple, in contrast with the statues set up around it. No trace has been found of the Ares or the Aphrodites, but a torso in Pentelic marble found in a Byzantine wall just south of the temple represents Athena and may be the work of Lokros. It is of excellent quality and late 5th century date.*6 The altar was moved with the temple. Its foundations, measuring 6.30 m. by 8.90 m., made of large re-used poros blocks, lie about 10 m. to the east.24? Their arrangement shows that the altar proper occupied the eastern part of the foundation, with steps leading up to it on the west. A battered orthostate of Pentelic marble probably belongs to it, and also a number of fragments of richly carved moulding, whose style, together with the use of hook clamps, indicates that in this form at least the altar was built about a century later than the temple itself (Pl. 81, d). A number of fragments of figures carved in Pentelic marble in high relief were found to the

east of the temple—a bearded head which lay on top of the foundations of the altar, several female heads and four draped female torsos (Pls. 82, a, c, 83).248 They are of a very high qual241 By assigning the long ceiling beams to the pronaos Mrs. McAllister allows it an unusual depth; Hesperia, XXVIII, 1959, pp. 38ff., 60ff.

2 Hesperia, IX, 1940, pp. 31f., 47£.; XXVIII, 1959, pp. 24¢. #43 P, N. Boulter, Hesperia, X XII, 1953, pp. 141-147; cf. XXI, 1952, p. 95.; S. Karouzou, Collection of Sculpture, National Archaeological Museum, Athens, 1968, p. 41, pl. 22.

244 Mrs. Boulter in her original publication suggested Hebe, the sister of Ares. The problem will be reconsidered by I. B. Harrison as she prepares for publication all the sculpture from the temple. 45 Hesperia, XXI, 1952, p. 96; XXII, 19538, pp. 42f.; XXVIII, 1959, pp. eff. North of the altar, near the Panathenaic Way, was found a marble block which had probably once been a small altar, embedded in the earth and fitted with a massive iron ring, probably for tethering sacrificial animals. 146 A.J.A., XL, 1936, p. 199, fig. 14; Hesperia, IX, 1940, p. 1, note 4; Guide’, p. 131. 247 Hesperia, XXVIII, 1959, pp. 4ff. 248 Thid., XX, 1951, pp. 57f.; XXI, 1952, pp. 94f.; Guide?, pp. 129f. The original height of the figures must have been close to 0.85 m., about the same as the figures of the Nike temple parapet. This frieze, like the akroteria of the temple, will be discussed further by E. B. Harrison in a volume on the architectural sculpture from the Agora. Hesperia, XL, 1971, p. 272 gives two more heads possibly from this set.

TRANSPLANTED TEMPLES AND ALTARS: SOUTHWEST TEMPLE 165 ity and in a style which makes them contemporary with the temple. At first they were naturally associated with the altar and assigned to a parapet running along its north, east and south sides; but now that the altar is seen to be of a much later date, it 1s suggested that they stood somewhere within the temple itself; though unexpectedly large for such a position (the total height of the figures would be about 0.85 m.) they may have occupied a frieze over the pronaos. They represent graceful, quietly standing figures, apparently divine, but with no attributes which might help to identify them. A small fragment on which appear the heads of sheep suggests a scene of sacrifice. The original site of the temple has been sought in various parts of Athens. Some have placed

it on or near the Hill of Ares, but have failed to find a suitable spot or any traces. Dinsmoor suggested that it was brought from a site to the east of the Agora, “not far from the Anakeion which formed the center for military assemblies” (p. 124), to help make room for the great Roman market.49 But now that we have more evidence on the transplantation of such buildings or of their major elements, it seems much more probable that the temple came from a site some distance from the city. Temples in some of the demes of Attica were falling into decay. Athenian piety would resist removal from a venerable site within the city; but the same piety might well approve of the transfer of a neglected shrine to a distinguished place in the Agora itself, where at the same time as honor was paid to the imperial family the old cult could be given a new life. Ares is known to have had a shrine at Acharnai, north of Athens at the foot of Parnes. An inscription,° dated in the third quarter of the 4th century, mentions the construction of an altar, and in a relief on the stele Ares and Athena are shown together, as in the temple at Athens. The coincidences are striking, and though in this case we do not have the evidence of remains on the old site, it seems probable that the stones were transported from Acharnai. Pausanias, who visited Acharnai a century and a half after the transplanting of the temple, did not include Ares in his list of the local sanctuaries (I, 31, 6). Perhaps a thank-offering of the Acharnian community to Ares and Augustus, mentioned in another inscription,’ was for the completion of a timely rescue operation. The temple was badly damaged by the Herulians in a.p. 267 and some of its marble, as we have seen, was carried off for re-use in the Post-Herulian Wall. Part of the building may have survived, however, to be incorporated in the Late Roman Gymnasium early in the 5th century after Christ (pp. 211-212). Georgios Kodinos, a Byzantine writer on the antiquities of Constantinople, adds a curious footnote to its history.” Certain stelai carved with elephants, brought from the Temple of Ares at Athens by Theodosius the Less (a.p. 408-450), stood at the Golden Gate. By some chance these had escaped destruction. SOUTHWEST TEMPLE

Certain less comprehensive bodies of re-used material are more problematical. The temple was not always moved entire; sometimes it was regarded rather as a storehouse of ready-made architectural members, from which suitable material could be extracted for incorporation in a new building. In the southwestern region of the Agora, north of the western part of the Middle Stoa, are traces of a rectangular structure which measures overall 21 m. east to west by 11 m. north to 249 Hesperia, IX, 1940, pp. 50ff.

250 See L. Robert, Etudes épigr. et philol., in Bibl. Ecole des Hautes tudes, CCLXXII, 1988, pp. 293ff., pl. 1; cf. A.J.A., LXVI, 1962, p. 200. G. Daux, ‘Deux stéles d’Acharnes” in Xapiottpiov eis "Avaotaciov K. OpAdvdoy, I, Athens, 1965, pp.

en 1G, IT?, 2958; cf. Hesperia, IX, 1940, p. 52; Agora, ITI, p. 55. 22 47, 14; Preger, Scriptores Orig. Constant., Teubner, 1907, p. 182, II, 58; Agora, III, no. 116, p. 54.

166 SHRINES south.2> The foundations, of heavy conglomerate blocks on a packing of broken stone set in lime mortar, are in place only at the southwest corner, but cuttings complete the main outlines. The building looks like a temple with a porch to the west, and as erected on this site it may be dated in the early Roman period, probably not long after the Odeion (Pls. 8, 13, a). At first it seemed that nothing of the superstructure could be identified. Later a cornice block

found not far away was associated with the temple and also with a number of Ionic architectural members carved in a distinctive milky-colored marble.*4 These were found built into the Post-Herulian Wall, except for a couple of stray fragments picked up on the south side of the Agora. They include unfluted column shafts, a fragment of a base, fragments of capitals and one which is almost complete, a small piece from the crown of the epistyle, and a fragment of the epikranitis. The capital is of an early Attic type; the echinus has a cyma reversa rather than an ovolo profile and the ornament isnot carved but painted. Some of the fragments bear mason’s marks of early imperial date. Next it was noted that capital, epistyle and cornice were exactly like the corresponding members found long ago at the site of the temple of Athena at Sounion.”° There can

be no doubt that once again we have here a set of architectural pieces removed to the city from a distant Attic temple, presumably dilapidated. At first it seemed most probable that they were used in the construction of the Southwest Temple; but now one must take into account the possibility that they were used in one of the temples newly discovered in the South Square (pp. 70-71). The Southwest Temple faced the old Tholos and stood near to the new civic offices, against the background of the colonnade which ran between these and the Odeion. Obviously the cult

was an important one, but it cannot be identified with any confidence. Perhaps it was concerned with the imperial family; a clue may be provided by a marble base found (not wm situ) near the northwest corner of the temple, bearing an inscription which says that the Council of the Areopagus set up a statue of Julia Augusta Boulaia mother of Tiberius Augustus, 1.e. Livia.?°6

UNIDENTIFIED [onic CoLUMNS

Another set of wandering Ionic columns cannot be placed with any precision, whether one thinks of their original or their later site.’ They came to rest for sixteen centuries in the foundations of a tower in the Post-Herulian Wall, just south of the Library of Pantainos, and one has now been re-erected in the southern stairwell of the Stoa of Attalos. Three complete shafts have been found, one base and two capitals (Pl. 84). Curiously the columns are not all of the same height; two are 5.87 m. (overall); one 6.67 m. For guidance in resetting, the masons cut small letters near the joints, in forms which suggest an Augustan date. One suspects that there was a second tall column to make up the set; the alphabet would have sufficed. The columns are of fine Pentelic marble; each shaft is made of four drums, with 20 instead of 24 flutes and very delicate entasis. The capitals again rely largely on paint for their decoration and are uncanonical and probably pre-Mnesiclean in design; they were perhaps made a little earlier than those of the Propylaia. 253 Hesperia, X XI, 1952, pp. 90-91.

24 4.J.A., LXVI, 1962, p. 200. 255 A, Orlandos, ’Apy. *Eg., 1917, pp. 183-187; cf. W. B. Dinsmoor, Architecture of Ancient Greece, p. 184. The original date

of the columns is towards the middle of the 5th century B.c. 256 T 4012; Hesperia, VI, 1987, p. 464, no. 12; XXI, 1952, p. 91; Agora, III, no. 427, p. 136. For Livia associated with Artemis Boulaia see J. H. Oliver, Cl. Phil., LX, 1965, p. 179. 257 Hesperia, X XIX, 1960, pp. 351 ff.

TRANSPLANTED TEMPLES AND ALTARS: SOUTHEAST TEMPLE 167 SOUTHEAST TEMPLE

A short distance below the site assigned to the Eleusinion, on the opposite side of the Panathenaic Way, stood another temple which was almost certainly dedicated to Demeter and Kore, and which may be considered as standing in close relation to the Hleusinion.”® It was placed at the extreme southeast corner of the Agora, encroaching on the northeastern part of the site formerly occupied by the Mint (p. 78). It was built here probably in the 1st century after Christ, but its columnar porch, facing down the Panathenaic Way, incorporated material from a temple of the 5th century s.c. (Pls. 8, 18, b). The total length of the building was 20.60 m.; the porch was 12.20 m. wide, the cella 11.20 m. The walls of the cella were built of irregular re-used blocks of poros, set in shallow beddings

without separate foundations.® In the middle of the cella is a bedding for a large pedestal 4.40 m. by 6.70 m.; the core was roughly constructed of re-used material. Two large fragments of a standing female figure, draped in a peplos, and a left foot of the same statue were found near by; it may be assumed that this colossus stood on the pedestal.? The pronaos was of much more careful and solid construction, on foundations of re-used conglomerate blocks laid in a deep trench. Many column drums and two eapitals which may be associated with it have been found, mostly in the near-by section of the Post-Herulian Wall (Pl. 104, a). They are Doric, of an off-white marble, neither Hymettian nor Pentelic, and their workmanship indicates a date in the latter part of the 5th century B.c. Other re-used Doric members found in the Post-Herulian Wall may also belong to the temple. On the other hand an anta capital of Pentelic marble is of Roman imperial date and must have been newly made at the time of construction on this site. The precise source of the ancient columns re-used in the fagade has been happily identified. The marble is of a kind quarried near Laurion and used in buildings at Thorikos. More than a century ago, a temple of Demeter was discovered at Thorikos?*! with a colonnade of 7 by 14 columns, of which those at one end were entirely missing. This temple was never finished ; the fluting of the column drums was merely begun at top and bottom. Now in the drums from the temple in the Agora it was observed that the fluting had been begun with the care characteristic of 5th century architecture, but finished in more careless fashion, presumably when the columns were re-erected at Athens. The coincidence of material, dimensions and treatment is conclusive. A set of columns must have been transported from Thorikos to Athens. Apparently more material was brought than was needed. One of the capitals which have been found had not been incorporated in the late wall after the destruction of the temple, but laid at a much earlier date in the paving of the Panathenaic Way a short distance to the north. One need hardly doubt that the Southeast Temple was dedicated to the Eleusinian deities and that the statue too came from Thorikos and represented one of the Two Goddesses. The temple may be the first of the two noticed by Pausanias (I, 14, 1) as he approached the Eleusinion, though it may more accurately be described as beside the fountain identified as Enneakrounos (p. 198) than ‘‘above’”’ or “beyond” it as Pausanias says. One also wonders whether it was built on the site of the shrine of Persephone, in the Agora, called Pherrephattion.2” This, according to Demosthenes, was at a point where two gentlemen taking an evening stroll in the 258 Ibid., pp. 839-3438.

259 In the front part of the cella are bedding blocks which no doubt supported a marble floor; there would probably be a similar floor in the pronaos, though all trace has disappeared. 260 Possibly with a companion. It may be dated in the latter part of the 5th century B.c. See Hesperia, X XIX, 1960, pp.

nT eat Soviety of Dilettanti, The Unedited Antiquities of Attica, London, 1817, Ch. IX, pls. 1-3; Stais, Mpoxtixa, 1893, pp. 12-17; ’Apy. *Eg., 1895, pp. 221-234; Hesperia, X XIX, 1960, p. 342. 262 Demosthenes, LIV, 8; Hesychios, Pherrephattion (‘‘a place in the Agora’); Agora, III, p. 85; cf. pp. 122, 193 below.

168 SHRINES Agora would naturally turn back; and in fact the road above the site of the temple quickly becomes too steep for idle strolling, as it passes the Eleusinion and ascends the Acropolis slope.

SOME LESSER SHRINES Great numbers of shrines are known from the literary authorities, and great numbers from the archaeological finds. As we have seen again and again, it is difficult to coordinate the two types of evidence. But in spite of the many problems, between them they give a clear impression of the sanctity of the place, and of many sacred spots within and around it; and few shrines known from our authors or from inscriptions have not been associated, at least tentatively, with a particular site and particular remains. Of exceptions perhaps the most notable is the shrine of Peace (irene). For the sake of completeness, to illustrate the great variety of the cults, and at the same time to show the limitations of even the most thorough archaeological investigation, it may be briefly mentioned here. In the late 5th and early 4th century many Athenians were obsessed with the idea of Peace, ‘fairest of the blessed gods,’’ who abhorred the shedding of blood ;?8 but it was not till 374 B.c., on the occasion of the “King’s Peace,” that the altar of Hirene was established.?6* Pausanias (I, 8,2) saw Kephisodotos’ statue of the goddess carrying the infant Ploutos (Wealth), known from coins and full-size copies, and the portrait of Kallias the reputed peacemaker of 449 B.c., after the Eponymoi and Amphiaraos and before Demosthenes and the Temple of Ares.2® No doubt the altar stood close by. Thus the site is known to within a few yards and the area has been thoroughly investigated, but no identifiable traces have been found. Paul found Athens as full of images of the gods as a forest is of trees,?®° and standing in the midst of the Areopagus with the Agora below and the Acropolis above he told the Athenians that in all respects he found them excessively—and ignorantly—god-fearing. At Athens even more than in most Greek cities there were gods everywhere; and the objects of Athenian worship were of all kinds, from ancient heroes to political and ethical abstractions.**’ A great and representative concentration accumulated in and around the Agora; the places of worship ranged from simple enclosures and tiny naisko1 to masterpieces of architecture and sculpture. The Eleusinion and the shrines on the northwest slope linked the Agora with the Acropolis, the other great cult center. The Panathenaic Street (p. 193) was the main artery of the city’s religious life; northwestwards there were more shrines on the road to the Dipylon,?® at the gate itself, and reaching out towards the Academy. But the shrines also spread out along the lesser streets around the Agora and were embedded amongst the houses and workshops. We shall see several curious and varied examples in the southwestward valley (p. 181). The shrine of Herakles Alexikakos stood on a street which leads down to the Agora from the southwestern hills (pp. 148-149). A small temple of Artemis, prob263 Huripides, Orestes, 1682-1683; Kresphontes, frag. 453 (Nauck); Aristophanes, Peace, 1019-1022. 264 Philochoros, frag. 151, Jacoby, I’.G.H., III B, 1, pp. 523-526; Cornelius Nepos, Tvmotheus, 2, 2; Agora, III, pp. 65f. 65 See p. 159. The site of Amphiaraos too is unknown; there is no reason to believe that this was a healing-place, as was the shrine at Oropos. Pausanias saw another statue of Hirene, with Hestia, in the Prytaneion (p. 47 note 131).

For Kallias and his much discussed Peace see most recently 8. K. Eddy, Cl. Phil., LXV, 1970, pp. 8ff.; C. L. Murison, Phoemz, XXV, 1971, pp. 12-31; cf. p. 143 above. 266 This is what KateiSaAos means, by analogy with kat&SevSpos, kataputos, and many other compounds, not “‘given to idolatry’; Acts, 17, 16 and 22; see Journal of Theological Studies, N.S., XIX, 1968, pp. 619 ff. 26? Note Eueteria (Prosperity), Hesperia, XX XV, 1966, p. 242, and comparable abstractions given there by Raubitschek ; ef. L. R. Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, V, Oxford, 1909, pp. 444 ff.

Dionysos I, 2, 4-5; Agora, III, no. 2, pp. 20-21; note how the house of Poulytion was converted into a shrine of

SOME LESSER SHRINES 169 ably under the title Aristoboule, has been found by chance southwest of the Kolonos Agoraios on the way to the Peiraic Gate.?® The streets themselves had their own peculiar gods. Apollo was worshipped at Athens as Agyieus, god of streets.?”° His symbol took the shape of a pillar tapering at the top, which was set up in front of doors. These Agyieus pillars can hardly have been as common as Herms; none has been found. A little shrine excavated just below the Eleusinion,?”! where the ancient eastto-west street crosses the Panathenaic Way (pp. 150, 192), may have contained one; but it 1s at least as likely that it was a Hekataion or shrine of Hekate, containing the customary representation of the deity, in triple form, a type first established, according to Pausanias (II, 30, 2), by Alkamenes. The Athenians were addicted to the worship of Hekate hardly less than to that of Hermes; and she too was concerned with roads, especially crossroads. Many small triple figures, mostly late Hellenistic or Roman, have been found in the excavations (PI. 85) ;?” and there must have been many little shrines about the city where such figures were dedicated. The one near the Eleusinion is about three meters square, enclosed by a wall of rubble masonry, with an entrance at the east end of the north side (Fig. 87). Within are five bedding blocks, re-used; one in the center has a circular socket, perhaps for a pillar on which the image stood;

the other four, placed around this one, have square sockets as if for posts, and in fact two marble posts similar to those used in the fence of the Eponymoi (p. 39) have been found. Presumably the wall replaced or supplemented the fence. The shrine as we have it was not built until after the Southeast Stoa (mid 2nd century after Christ, p.109); but it is hkely that such an important crossroad had a Hekataion much earlier.?” But the great god of the streets was of course Hermes. We have already examined the largest and most conspicuous group of Herms, at the northwestern approach to the Agora, in connection with the Stoa and the dedication of Kimon (pp. 94ff.). The biggest accumulation was naturally around the Agora. But the square figures stood everywhere about the city. The finest of all, the Propylaios of Alkamenes, was at the approach to the Acropolis itself. The Herm which was dedicated by the tribe Aigeis, left intact in the mutilation of 415 B.c. and made notorious

by Andokides,? stood beside the orator’s ancestral home, but also, be it noted, beside the hero-shrine of Phorbas. Some Herms were individualized and had a special character and epithet. There was the Whispering Hermes (Psithyristes), which stood beside the httle house of Stephanos, according to Demosthenes (LIX, 39). There was the Three-Headed Hermes (Trikephalos), comparable with the three-bodied Hekate, and the Four-Headed Hermes, at the crossroads in Kerameikos, on which was inscribed, ““Hermes Tetrakephalos, noble work of Telesarchides”’ (otherwise unknown) ‘‘thou seest all.’’?” 269 1}, Vanderpool, AeAt., XIX, 1964, pp. 26ff.; P. Amandry, Xapiotipiov eis "A. K. "OpAdvSov, IT, Athens, 1967, pp. 265279. Note also Artemis Amarysia, whose shrine bounded the house of one of the profaners of the Mysteries in Kydathenaion, i.e. north of the Acropolis; I 4408 b, Hesperia, XXII, 1953, p. 272; cf. Agora, III, p. 59. 270 Demosthenes, X XI, 52; Aristophanes, Wasps, 875; Harpokration, &yuids; Suidas, ayuviai; I.G., II?, 4719, 4850, 4995; Hesychios, ’Ayuiels. Cf. Hesperia, XXXVI, 1967, p. 116. 271 Hesperia, XXVIII, 1959, pp. 95-96; XXIX, 1960, p. 333. 272 Agora, XI, pp. 86-107.

2°38 The builders of the Post-Herulian Wall still regarded the spot with awe and fitted the little shrine into the angle between the curtain and a tower. For a shrine of Hekate outside the Dipylon see A. Brueckner, Der Friedhof am Eridanos,

Berlin, 1909, pp. 42-47. |

274 De Mysteriis, 62 (cf. 146f. for the house); Judeich, Topographie®, p. 853; Agora, XI, pp. 117ff. When he says “the Herm which you all see,’’ Andokides does not necessarily mean that it was visible at that very moment from the court. When he says that this was the one and only Herm which was not mutilated, Andokides is no doubt exaggerating. Thucydides says (VI, 27, 1) ‘‘most of the Herms in the city.” Kratippos quoted by Ps. Plutarch, Vit. X Orat., 834 d, says “the Herms around the Agora’; this does not contradict Thucydides, but merely emphasizes the concentration in this region. 275 Hustathios on Iliad, XXIV, 334; see further Agora, III, p. 108. Note also P. Zanker, Wandel der Hermengestalt in der attischen Vasenmalerei, Bonn, 1965, pp. 91-103, ‘“Die Hermen und ihre Verehrung in Athen.”

VII. COMMERCIAL, DOMESTIC AND INDUSTRIAL QUARTERS MARKET

The commercial and industrial district of Athens pressed in on the political buildings and public monuments from almost all directions, as we know from both literary and archaeological evidence.t Much of it, probably most of it, was outside the formal confines and yet belonged essentially to the Agora; the Athenian going to buy goods (agorazein) here might say he was going to the Agora, no less than when he was attending a political meeting. It was the brisk and noisy life of the bazaars which Aristophanes had in mind when he condemned the vulgarity of the Agora, exemplified in the Sausage-seller of the Knights? A distinction should be made between booths (skenai), light wooden structures flimsily covered? and more permanent shops or small factories (ergasteria)*, built of stone and brick. Eixcept at times when it was improper or inconvenient, the former, which could easily be packed up and cleared away, might be allowed within the Agora proper, perhaps mainly on the open east side, away from the archeia. But even the small houses and workshops on the fringes were always ready to encroach jungle-like on the central square, especially in time of depression and decay. We have seen (p. 96) how the potters and bronzeworkers descended on the shrine of Zeus, to the northwest, after the Persian War, and marble cutters, metalworkers and potters took over the south side after the destruction wrought by Sulla (p. 71). Scattered remains show that ill-built structures, probably shops, invaded the northeast corner, reaching towards the Panathenaic Way, in the late fifth century,’ probably in the days of the Peloponnesian War when, as Thucydides tells us (II, 17, 1), there was a desperate shortage of living space within the city. Simon the cobbler on the other hand (p. 174) was more securely established outside the southwest corner of the Agora, in a prominent position on a well-built terrace with the boundary stone of the Agora set immediately against his wall. Probably the greatest concentration was on the east. This side was for a long while more open than the others and less occupied by substantial public buildings and shrines. Evidence for the earlier periods is naturally slight. Wooden booths vanish completely ; even shops of brick and stone are apt to leave little trace and in any case are hardly distinguishable from poorclass dwelling houses. However, besides the small establishments already noted, deposits of cattle bones found in wells and pits seem to show that there were butchers’ shops hereabouts.® 1 Agora, III, pp. 185ff.; Greece and Rome, 2nd Series, III, 1956, pp. 2-23; Picture Book, 12, An Ancient Shopping Center. 2 Line 181, ‘‘a cheeky rascal from the Agora’”’; cf. V. Ehrenberg, The People of Aristophanes, 3rd ed., New York, 1962, ch. V.

3 Agora, III, pp. 190 ff.; note especially Demosthenes, XVIII, 169; Demosthenes speaks of the skenai kat& tiv d&yopay. év ti &yop& would have been more appropriate if the booths had occupied the main central part of the square. 4 This word is used of both shops and factories; many establishments, but not all, were both; see Ehrenberg, op. cit., p.

Hesperia, XXI, 1952, pp. 100-101. 6 Hesperia, XX, 1951, p. 51; some of these bones ultimately found their way to bone-carving workshops.

MARKET 171 Another well, revealed when a block of the gutter in front of the Stoa of Attalos was raised for adjustment, contained a most remarkable mass of broken pottery of the late 6th and early 5th centuries (PJ. 86), including pieces by Epiktetos, a certain Gorgos (who may be the master previously known as the Berlin Painter, P1.87) and other notable artists.’ This appears to be rubbish from an establishment destroyed in the sack of 480 B.c. Since the number of vases of certain shapes (e.g. 250 lekythoi) far exceeded that needed by an individual family, the source was in

all probability a near-by shop, presumably a retail pottery shop. But the strongest reason for assuming that a large part of the market of Athens was situated here is that when eventually great market halls were built the most important of them was placed to the east of the old Agora. On the slopes of the Kolonos Agoraios to the west bronzeworkers manufactured and sold their goods, under the tutelage of Hephaistos himself (p. 142), but they also mingled with the marble-

workers, koroplasts (makers of terracotta figurines) and others in the busy industrial district southwest of the Agora (p. 177). On the Kolonos too, near the heroon of Kurysakes, son of Ajax, men offering their services for hire took their stand.® On the north side we hear of a barbershop near the Herms® and a money lender behind the Poikile.*° In one form or another the market district extended on all sides, no doubt in diminishing degrees of density with outlying subsidiary centers at points of vantage such as the main gates.¥ Particular sections were called after the wares sold in them. “I am going to the olive oil,” one might say, or the wine, the fish, the greens, the garlic, the pots, or whatever it might be.” Xenophon says, ““When you order a servant to buy something from the Agora, he will at once know where he must go to get each class of goods; the reason is that they are kept in their appointed places.”48 No doubt there were groups and rows of booths and small shops, perhaps whole streets, as in the Athens of today, where wares of a particular kind were sold. But surely Xenophon’s Ischomachos, who is reading his young wife a lecture on the virtue of domestic tidiness, gives an exaggerated impression. There must have been a certain amount of intermingling and distribution. The excavations show that the major trades of Athens, such as metalwork, marble cutting, and especially pottery, were scattered over a fairly wide area.14 Books, it seems, were in a special position. By the end of the 5th century there was a brisk book trade at Athens. Sokrates in the Apology (26d, e) says that the works of Anaxagoras could be bought from the orchestra for a drachma. This remark is not altogether clear, but it 1s usually taken to mean that books were sold near the old orchestra in the very middle of the Agora (p. 127). Perhaps this quiet and sober trade was carried on where fish and vegetables would not have been tolerated. ? Hesperia, XXIV, 1955, pp. 62-66; clearly the vases came from several different workshops. 8 Agora, III, pp. 90ff.; the site is tentatively fixed by the finding place of inscriptions southwest of the Temple of Hephaistos; note that Pollux, VII, 132, says “in the Agora beside the Eurysakeion.”’ ® Lysias, XXIII, 3. 10 Lucian, Dial. Meretr., 8, 2. 11 The lead tablets found in the Dipylon and previously associated with horsetrading (A.J.A., LX XI, 1967, pp. 294f.) have to do rather with the registration of the cavalry; a number of similar tablets were found in 1971 in a well at the northwest corner of the Agora. 12 Pollux, IX, 47-48; Judeich, Topographie?, pp. 359f.; Greece and Rome, 2nd series, III, 1956, pp. 5ff.; Agora, III, pp. 185ff., 193 ff. From an inscription found in 1970 (I 7180) it may be inferred that ‘“‘the tables’? at which sat the money changers and bankers occupied a well defined and compact area; this was probably situated near the northwest corner of the Agora. 13 Qecon., VIII, 22; Agora, III, no. 622, p. 189. 14 See pp. 185-191; the same applies to koroplasts; they have left their mark in the ‘‘industrial district’’ (pp. 177, 187), but they also seem to have had shops near important shrines. A waste dump, found just across the street from the Eleusinion (p. 150), containing many figurines and moulds of the second half of the 4th century, probably belonged to a modest establishment which produced dedications for the Eleusinion and other neighboring shrines; see Hesperia, VIII, 1939, p. 219; XXI, 1952, pp. 120ff.

172 COMMERCIAL, DOMESTIC AND INDUSTRIAL QUARTERS Wine was sold “in the Kerameikos near the postern gate”; but we are also told, probably with reference to the local vintages, that the merchants called gleukagogor ‘““brought new wine

into the Agora on wagons.’ No doubt this trade was widely distributed. The virtually indestructible nature of the terracotta amphorae in which wine was brought from overseas assures ample documentation.” Over 800 such jars more or less complete and some 15,000 of their stamped handles have been recorded from the excavations. Since in most cases the place of origin can now be determined and the date fixed within narrow limits, this body of material illustrates the history of the wine trade from the 6th century B.c. into the 6th century after Christ. The prized and costly vintages from Chios, Thasos and Mende are sparingly represented. In the Hellenistic period the Athenian market was clearly dominated by the plain but moderately priced wines of Rhodes and Knidos. The jars also attest a trickle of imports from other Aegean islands such as Kos, Samos and Lesbos, and from places as distant as the Crimea, Italy and Spain. The activities of the market were kept under some degree of state control through the board of agoranomoi and more specialized officials such as the sitophylakes (corn-inspectors) and metronomoi (p.78). But the Athenians were slow to put into practice the precepts of Aristotle,!§ who says that there should be one agora devoted to buying and selling, another free from such vulgar activities, and of Xenophon,!® who suggests that for the market people buildings and marts should be constructed both in Peiraeus and in the city, not only as an adornment but also as a source of rents. There is no reason to think that the Poikile or the Basileios was ever used as a market hall; and it now seems highly unlikely that the rooms behind South Stoa I were meant to be shops (pp. 76-77). We are told of stoas along the dromos (the road from the Dipylon) “in which the Athenians buy and sell,’”’ but only by late authors (p. 108). The stoas discovered in this region (see p. 108) are not earlier than the Ist century B.c. The Alphitopolis Stoa,?° mentioned by Aristophanes in Eclesvazusae, 686 (891 B.c.), was presumably a flour market; its site is a matter for conjecture. The successive enclosures built on the east side of the Agora in the late 5th and 4th centuries B.c. were once thought to be market buildings, but there 18s now good evidence that they were law courts (pp. 56ff.). The market crowded around their flanks, appearing all the more intrusive since the great square peristyle planned in the time of Lykourgos was never fully built up. In the first half of the 2nd century B.c. what appears to be a row of two-roomed shops was built, running east to west just south of the peristyle (Fig. 17).

Soon however it was abandoned, like other structures in this region, in favor of the Stoa of Attalos (p. 103) which made amends on a grand scale for the architectural neglect of the market and solved once and for all the problems of the untidy east side. In one sense the Stoa was a compromise. It had proved impossible, indeed it was quite un-Athenian, to keep the market entirely out of the main square of the Agora. With the erection of the Stoa commerce presented a splendid and dignified facade; the colonnades in front of the shops provided elegant promenades. The ramshackle bazaar district was masked and kept in the background. 15 Tsaios, VI, 20; this postern was probably near the Sacred Gate; see Judeich, Topograpme?, p. 137, fig. 10; Travlos, T1.E.A.,

Pee Pollux, VIL, 192-198. 17 The evidence provided by amphorae from the Agora, will be presented in a series of volumes arranged by place of origin. In the meantime one may consult various special studies by Virginia Grace and such comprehensive summaries by the same

author as “‘Standard Pottery Containers of the Ancient Greek World,’ Hesperia, Supplement VIII, 1949, pp. 175-189; Picture Book, 6, Amphoras and the Ancient Wine Trade, 1961; ‘‘Les timbres amphoriques grecs” in Délos, XXVII, L’flot de la maison des comédiens, Paris, 1970, pp. 277-382 (V. R. Grace and M. Savvatianou-Petropoulakou). 18 Politics, VII, 11, 2; cf. Xenophon, Cyropaedia, I, 2, 3. 19 De Vectigalibus, III, 13. 20 Judeich, Topographie?, pp. 364£.; Agora, III, pp. 21, 147, 193; p. 82 above. 21 Hesperia, XIX, 1950, p. 320; X XI, 1952, p. 101.

HOUSES 178 It was not till the early Roman imperial age that a true market place, complete and self contained and architecturally impressive, was built at Athens.” It stood a short distance to the east of the old Agora, from which the direct approach was by the street running immediately south of the Stoa of Attalos; it took the form of a great peristyle court, slightly irregular in shape, about 111 m. east to west by about 98 m. north to south (Pl. 1). There was a magnificent columnar gateway a little south of center on the west side and a smaller one towards the south end of the east. An inscription on the main gate records that the people dedicated the

here.”

building from the gifts of Julius Caesar and Augustus to Athena Archegetis.™ Other inscriptions

put the identification as a market beyond question. One of them, of Hadrianic date, is concerned with the sale of oil, but one may assume that many other commodities were also sold The great Roman Agora was a far cry from the market of Aristophanes and even Menander. Euboulos’ facetious remark, quoted above (p. 52) in connection with the law courts, that justice was sold alongside other commodities at Athens may have some reference to the untidiness of the east side and perhaps to the juxtaposition of the Heliaia and the Agora of the Kerkopes (the tricksters’ market).26 The old market impinged on political life as well as forensic and not merely by simple propinquity. ““We sit in the shops,” says Isokrates (VII, 15), “denouncing the present order.’’ The demesmen of Dekeleia used the barbershop near the Herms as a rendezvous.” In fact, says Lysias (XXIV, 20), “Hach one of you is in the habit of frequenting some place, a perfumer’s shop, a barber’s, a cobbler’s, and so forth; and the greatest number visit those who have their establishments near the Agora, the smallest those who are furthest from it.”’ In these resorts political problems and notorious lawsuits were thoroughly discussed. There must have been plenty of personal gossip and scandal too; and meanwhile in his shoeshop Simon listened to and noted the words of Sokrates (p. 174). HOUSES

The sub-agora districts, the fringes around the political and religious center, and especially the southwestern offshoot of the Agora have provided the best archaeological evidence we yet have for Athenian houses of the classical period, the 5th and 4th centuries. A house which occupies the acute angle between the two streets which lead south and southwestward from the Agora is of unique interest.?® One of the boundary stones found in situ (p. 117)

is immediately adjacent to its corner (PI. 5), and the west end of the Middle Stoa (p. 67) even22 Judeich, Topographie,? pp. 871 ff.; H. S. Robinson, 4.J.A., XLVII, 1943, pp. 291-805; Travlos, T1.E.A., pp. 100ff. (the

width of the building, north to south, has now been shown to have been greater than was formerly thought); cf. A.J.A., LIX, 1955, p. 223; A. K. Orlandos, ’Apy. ’Eq., 1964, Mapapt., pp. 6-59. 23 Additional facilities for the convenience of those using the Market comprised a fountain house at the south side of its courtyard, a latrine anda public clock to the east of the building. On the latrine cf. Travlos, TT.E.A., pp. 102f., P.D.A., p. 342; on the clock (the Tower of the Winds) cf. J. V. Noble and D. J. de Solla Price, A.J.A., LX XII, 1968, pp. 345-355. 24 .G., I1,? 3175; Agora, III, p. 190. 25 1.G., If,2 1100; Agora, III, no. 659, pp. 190, 199. 26 Hesychios, "Ayopa Kepxwtrwv; Greece and Rome, 2nd Series, III, 1956, pp. 2,7; Agora, III, pp. 201 ff. 27 Lysias, XXIII, 3; Agora, III, pp. 106, 205. 28 Hesperia, XXIII, 1954, pp. 51ff.; D. B. Thompson, Archaeology, XIII, 1960, pp. 234-240. On the dating of the associated ostraka cf. E. Vanderpool, Ostracism at Athens, pp. 20f. For traces of houses, shops and workshops around the Agora see,

besides those described in the text, Hesperia, VI, 1937, pp. 14 ff. (near Stoa of Zeus); VII, 1938, p. 325; VIII, 1939, pp. 215f. (Areopagus); IX, 1940, p. 269 (southeast of Agora); XVII, 1948, pp. 159-160 (Areopagus); XIX, 1950, p. 330 (west of Areopagus; traces of bronzeworking); X XI, 1952, pp. 100-101 (northeast corner); XXIII, 1954, p.51 and XXIV, 1955, p. 54 (southwest corner); XXV, 1956, p. 48 (south side); XX VI, 1957, pp. 100ff. (southwest of Agora, including bronze foundry); XXVII, 1958, p. 146 (southwest); XXIX, 1960, p. 333 (southeast of Agora; evidence of sculptors); XX XVIII, 1969, pp. 383 ff. (“house of Mikion and Menon,” sculptors, southwest of the Agora); XL, 1971, p. 265 (north of Agora). Athenian houses will be the theme of a forthcoming Picture Book by John Travlos.

174 COMMERCIAL, DOMESTIC AND INDUSTRIAL QUARTERS tually encroached on the site (PI. 88, a). The house stood on a terrace, and the retaining walls, which no doubt also supported the outer house walls, were of good polygonal limestone masonry. Lesser walls had socles of rougher limestone blocks. The angle was occupied by what appears

to be a courtyard measuring about 5.40 x 5.30 m. The discovery of a posthole suggests that on the north side there was an open shed facing south, probably a workshop; on the south side was a more substantial room. How far the house extended in this direction is not clear. Two successive wells were dug on the site. The earlier was abandoned after the house had been badly damaged by the Persians in 480 8.c. The material dumped in it included fine pottery which

shows that the occupants of this modest house were not so poor as one might expect. In the yard was a pit which served as a rubbish dump or a cesspool, and in this were found ostraka bearing the names of Aristeides, Themistokles and others, presumably from the ostrakophoria of 483 or 482 .c. The floors of the courtyard and of the room to the south were of smoothed yellowish clay, repeatedly renewed. This ramshackle establishment was probably typical of many at Athens, especially in the quarters around the Agora. Lucky finds tell us who its occupant was in the latter part of the Sth century. Great numbers of short, large-headed nails, hobnails in fact, were found in the house (PI. 88, b, c), together with small bone rings which were probably eyelets for boots. Just outside, with pottery of the third quarter of the 5th century, was found the foot of a cup, with the name Simon, in the possessive genitive, scratched in the black glaze on the top (PI. 88, d). It is hardly rash to assume that the cup belonged to the cobbler and that he was the philosophical cobbler Simon with whom Sokrates is said to have spent much time, and who recorded their; conversation in dialogues.2° We are told that Alkibiades sometimes joined them,® but this would appear to be somewhat out of character. The ambitious and aristocratic young Kallikles certainly thought Sokrates was wasting his time in such company.*4 For a more complete and coherent picture of Athenian workshop-houses we have to go a little further southwestward, along the street which led in the direction of the Pnyx, up the valley which separates the Areopagus and the Hill of the Nymphs (Fig. 40, P]. 1). This region has a long and complicated archaeological history. On the western slope were found Mycenaean cham-

ber tombs, and on the east an archaic cemetery. From the 6th century until Roman times the valley was occupied by houses in which various craftsmen carried on their business. The most important houses which can be dated in the 5th and 4th centuries are situated at a point where the street forks, one branch turning westward up the hillside, the other continuing further along the valley. In the early 4th century the southwestward extension of the Great Drain was taken along this second branch, necessitating much remodelling in the houses on either side (p. 195). In most of the houses only a little of the plan has been determined; their walls were largely obliterated by later construction and pit digging. But fortunately the plans of two, Houses C and D, have been almost completely recovered (Fig. 41).33 They stand adjacent to one another between the two streets. C is much the larger, with ten rooms on the ground floor, but both have the same general plan, with a small courtyard on the south or towards the south, and 29 Diogenes Laertius, IT, xiii, 122. 80 Socr.Epist. 13 (Hercher, Epistolographi Graect, p. 618); cf. Plutarch, maxime cum principrbus viris philosopho esse disser-

me Plato, Gorgias, 491 a. 382 Hesperia, XX, 1951, pp. 135-288; cf. XVII, 1948, p. 170; XVIII, 1949, p. 216. The district was probably in the deme Melite (or possibly Kollytos; Hesperia, XX, 1951, pp. 141-148). Building inscriptions provide evidence for many trades in these demes: goldsmiths, encaustic workers, cabinetmakers, masons, sculptors, stonecarvers, gilders, leadworkers, bricklayers (ibid., p. 271, after Wilamowitz, Hermes, XXII, 1887, pp. 107-128). Notice also an “‘industrial district’’ recently investigated at the deme Thorikos; Thorikos, 1963, I, Bruxelles, 1968, pp. 87ff., ““Le quartier industriel” (H. Mussche); L’ Antiquité Classique, XXXIV, 1965, pp. 5ff.; A.J.A., LX XI, 1967, p. 297. On demes cf. W. E. Thompson, Hesperia, XX XIX, 1970, p. 66. 19 69, oe XX, 1951, pp. 202-228 ; Guide”, pp. 115-116; Travlos, 11.E.A., p. 68. For a separate shop cf. Hesperia, XX XVIII,

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182 COMMERCIAL, DOMESTIC AND INDUSTRIAL QUARTERS those we have examined, and it continued in use well down into the Roman imperial period. The greatest dimensions were nearly 23 m. north to south and 17 m. east to west; thus the house was larger than any we have yet examined. There was a central courtyard, entered from the west by a prothyron or recessed porch, with narrow porticos on east and west and a broader one, approximating to an Olynthian pastas,°? on the north. These porticos, in the form revealed by the remains, seem to belong to a somewhat later reconstruction; but it is not unlikely that there was at least one portico from the beginning in such a comparatively spacious court. The main rooms were on the north and were regular in shape; the rooms towards the south were smaller, and

both the outline of the house and the shape of individual rooms were very irregular in this section. The courtyard effected a compromise. In the northwest corner was a dining room (andron) of Olynthian type, entered through a small anteroom.™ The floors of both these rooms

were decorated with pebble mosaics in simple but attractive geometric patterns, and on all sides of the andron was a raised border of yellow plaster for the dining couches. There 1s no clear evidence for an upper storey, but the house may well have had one, at least over the northern rooms. The main walls, with solid socles of limestone blocks, are strong enough. Limited though it is, the evidence is now probably sufficient to illustrate the kind of domestic conditions in which the majority of the Athenians lived. One could wish for a wider range. There were probably meaner houses at Athens than any we have looked at; there may have been a few more handsome and spacious. The house of the wealthy Kallias had in its courtyard at least two colonnades, one of them sufficiently roomy for the peripatetics of a visiting professor and his attendant “‘chorus.’”’ But even the house of Kallias** or Alkibiades was not vast or palatial. And its contents and furnishings were surprisingly meager. On this point we now have a mass of detailed evidence in the records of the sale of the confiscated goods of Alkibiades and his associates,°” whom we can assume to have been men of property. “There was little sense of personal luxury in Athens in the last quarter of the fifth century,” Pritchett concludes, “even among men of wealth’; and “by modern standards, certainly, the Greek house must have been relatively empty.” The principal items were chairs, chests, couches and beds,°® tables, lampstands, and doors, which were considered not fixtures but moveable articles of furniture. If a man allowed himself a touch of extravagance, it was in coverlets, drapings, and rugs.°° Demosthenes (III, 25) says that a century before his own time even the great men of Athens lived in houses not notably superior to those of their neighbors, and we can believe that he is exercising no more than an acceptable rhetorical license. We do not yet have the house of a Kallias; but even the modest dwellings on the Areopagus slope were occupied by men of moderate means, to judge by their contents, which include fine pottery. As far as the archaeological evidence goes, there had been no great transformation in Demosthenes’ own time, and he is doing his contemporaries some injustice if he is imputing to them more than a little domestic luxury. 53D. M. Robinson and J. W. Graham, Excavations at Olynthus, VIII, Baltimore, 1938, pp. 161ff.; Graham, op. cit. note

0 The belongs to the original construction. Another room too, on the northwest, has evidence of couches around the MS For a pebble floor in another 4th century house see Hesperia, X XVI, 1957, p. 100; for a fine figured pebble mosaic at Peiraeus see Hesperia, XXXIV, 1965, pp. 77ff.; ef. C. K. Williams, A.J.A., LX XI, 1967, p. 95. Note also a mosaic in an andron found recently in north Athens, AeAt., X XII, 1968, Xpovixd, pp. 98 ff. On pebble mosaics in general see C. M. Robertson, J.H.S., LX XXV, 1965, pp. 72-89; LX X XVII, 1967, pp. 183-136. One should probably imagine the walls of the main rooms as plastered and painted, as at Olynthos, where a favorite scheme was red with a white border at the bottom (see Olynthus, VIII, p. 176); fragments of colored plaster have been found. 56 As described by Plato, Protagoras, 314c-315e. 57 Hesperia, X XV, 1956, pp. 210 ff.

58 The survival of a pair of wooden bedposts, in a well whose contents are dated in the latter part of the 6th century, is very remarkable and unusual; see Hesperia, IX, 1940, p. 270. 59 For soft furnishings see G. M. A. Richter, Archaeology, XVIII, 1965, pp. 26-33; and for furniture generally the same author’s The Furniture of the Greeks, Etruscans and Romans, London, 1966.

HOUSES 183 For this one has to wait till Hellenistic and Roman times, as in Greece generally. But on the other hand it is quite wrong to imply that the builders of the Parthenon and the Erechtheion or the contemporaries of Lykourgos, the great Minister of Works, lived mostly in hovels. It is in the houses of the earlier period that the excavations have made a unique contribution to the history of domestic architecture. Houses continued to be built and rebuilt around the Agora in later times too, but these can be dealt with more summarily. The valley to the southwest, with the adjoining slopes, continues to furnish the best material. Hellenistic remains are comparatively slight; the most impressive houses, which have left more substantial traces, were built during the revival of Athens in the Roman imperial age. In this period, though similar in general type and construction, Athenian houses tend to be larger and more regular in shape, with more spacious courtyards and in some cases a complete peristyle.© Two of the best examples are illustrated here, both situated on the western slope of the Areopagus. The first (House N, Figs. 40, 45;)®! measures 20.80 m. north to south by 16.50 m. east to

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cutting are traces of walls which may be as early as the 5th or 4th century s.c. The later house, dated by the contents of a well in the southern part of the court, was built apparently in the 1st century after Christ and destroyed by the Herulians but subsequently repaired. The courtard, which had no colonnades, was paved with marble chips laid in mortar on a bed of small stones. The rooms, of various sizes, were disposed on all four sides; on the north was a large room, later divided into two, on the south a kind of alcove, with a corridor behind it. There was no doubt an upper storey, which on the east was probably at the level of the street which ran along the higher ground on that side.

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INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 185 Our second example was built on a similar site, part cutting, part terrace, high on the northwestern shoulder of the Areopagus, looking down over the western part of the Agora (Vig. 46, P]. 1). There is evidence of habitation on the site from early Hellenistic times; but the house whose plan can be clearly traced, in spite of the scantiness of the remains, is of the early Roman period. The dimensions were about 21 m. north to south by about 20 m. east to west, and the plan was almost but not quite rectangular. The southwestern part was occupied by a courtyard, elegantly laid out with a complete peristyle and a water basin in the middle. The largest rooms were at the northwestern and southeastern corners; the latter had a marble-chip floor; the room in the middle of the north side had a vestibule in front of it and a bench along its eastern wall. Cuttings in the rock scarp on the east were no doubt intended to receive the beams for an upper storey; the stair which gave access to this is conjecturally restored on the west side of the court. One can imagine that the internal appointments of such houses were a little more elegant than in their predecessors. In several, remains of more elaborate mosaics have been found. The most interesting (Pl. 90) adorns a floor laid in the second century after Christ in a house originally built several centuries earlier.® It consists of a circle within a square, with a rectangular diapered panel at either end. Right in the center is a small circle said to have contained “‘a female head with Dionysiac attributes,” of which very little now remains. The larger circle has a geometric rosette; in each of the angles between the circle and the enclosing square is a drinking cup, on the rim of which perch two parakeets, dipping their beaks into the wine. The parakeet’s propensity for wine was encouraged by the ancients; it was known to stimulate wanton behavior (Aristotle, Hist. Anim., VIII, 12, 597b). There are even traces of refined wall decoration. In a spacious house on the northeast slope of the Hill of the Nymphs, southwest of the Agora, we find a pattern consisting of a series of panels, with borders of various colors, separated by vertical floral motifs, above a continuous white dado (P1.91,a).*4 This may be dated in the 8rd century after Christ, for this house perished in the Herulian sack of a.p. 267 (p. 208). Other walls of the 2nd and 3rd centuries exhibit varying arrangements of large vertical panels above horizontal dadoes (Pl. 91, b—d). Even in the Roman period we still do not find any regular plan or particular architectural formula in Athenian houses, as far as the limited evidence goes; and one can be sure that alongside the more elegant establishments of the well-to-do much humbler types of house, which have left little trace, continued in use in Athens throughout antiquity, as indeed they do today. INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY In our discussion of private houses we have repeatedly noted evidence indicating that light industry was carried on in parts of the dwelling. Such household industry on a family scale was undoubtedly the normal pattern in ancient Athens, as indeed it continued to be until very recent years in the modern city.© There were exceptions, no doubt, but the excavations have revealed no trace of ‘‘factories’’ in anything like the modern sense of the term. A brief survey of the scattered finds may be of interest. 62 This site, first examined by German archaeologists at the end of the last century, has recently been thoroughly reworked by J. W. Graham and W. B. Dinsmoor, Jr.; Hesperia, XX XVII, 1968, p. 69, fig. 12. 63 Hesperia, XXXV, 1966, p. 53. 64 Hesperia, XVIII, 1949, pp. 217-219. 6 The evidence from the excavations fully confirms the picture drawn from the literary evidence by such sympathetic scholars as G. Glotz (Ancient Greece at Work, London, 1926, Ch. TX: “Industry’’) and V. Ehrenberg (The People of Aristophanes?, Ch. V: “Traders and Craftsmen’’).

186 COMMERCIAL, DOMESTIC AND INDUSTRIAL QUARTERS The region in which the Agora lay was called, as we have seen, the Kerameikos, 1.e. the dis-

trict of the potters. It is not surprising, therefore, that the earliest and most ubiquitous indications of industrial activity have to do with the making of pottery. The principal clay beds, to be sure, lay outside the city limits toward the northwest, but many potters evidently preferred to have their workshops near their dwellings and near the place where their wares could be displayed for sale. The earliest evidence of potters’ activity has come from a well of about 10008B.c. beneath the Odeion of Agrippa.®* A number of large fragments of coarse pots are streaked with daubs of paint. The sherds appear to have been test pieces which could be withdrawn from the kiln at intervals in order to check the progress of the firing. Similar trial pieces were included ina mass of potter’s waste of the 7th century B.c. in a well outside the southeast corner of the Agora (PI. 92, b).® Slight remains of shops of many different periods have been found widely scattered through the area. The bottom of a small potter’s kiln, round with a central pier for the support of its floor, came to light at a level of the 8th—7th century B.c. to the southeast of the Tholos (Pl. 92, a).68 In a well at the north foot of the Areopagus, closed in the middle of the 6th century B.c., had been dumped a large mass of refined potter’s clay.®® Why the clay was discarded is

not clear, but it came, no doubt, from a near-by shop. A potter’s shop on the east slope of Kolonos was sacrificed to the construction of the Stoa of Zeus in the 480’s.” There remained a deep terracotta basin full of potter’s clay and a mass of black-glazed pottery, fragmentary but of exquisite quality. One of the best preserved potters’ works came to light within the Heliaia where it had operated in the 1st and early 2nd centuries after Christ at a time when the old building was ruinous (PI. 92, c).*4 The fire chamber of a small rectangular kiln survived. Near by were two clay pits, one full of yellow clay and one of red, the combination still employed by the village potters of Attica today. At the west foot of the Areopagus a kiln for the making of pottery or of roof tiles operated as late as the 9th or 10th century.” The latest establishment of which any structural remains were found comprised two kilns which were destroyed to make way for the Church of the Vlassarou above the west side of the Agora in the 17th century. They produced the blue and white painted ware so characteristic of “Turkish” Athens.” In some instances the proximity of potters’ shops is attested by unusual deposits of broken pottery. One such was found in the Rectangular Rock-cut Shaft, a pit measuring about 1.20 x 2.40 m. in cross section sunk to a depth of 19.60 m. in the solid rock of Kolonos to the northeast of the Temple of Hephaistos.“4 Whatever its original purpose this pit was used intermittently from the third quarter of the 6th century until the Persian sack of 480 3.c. as a dumping place for great quantities of broken pottery. We have already seen an early grave amphora from the shaft (Pl. 25). Among the later vases were several misfired pieces. In several instances, moreover, the same painter’s hand could be recognized on a number of pieces. The inference is that some of the potters of the period lived and worked close by, sharing a common dump for their waste. The finest single object salvaged from this dump is a plastic vase in the shape of a

kneeling boy apparently in the act of binding a victor’s ribbon around his head; the date is about 540 s.c. (Pl. 93). 86 Hesperia, XIX, 1950, p. 37; Guide’, p. 151. 8? Flesperia, X XIX, 1960, p. 332. 68 Hesperia, Supplement IV, pp. 5-7. 69 Hesperia, II, 1933, pp. 472. 70 Hesperia, VI, 1937, pp. 8, 20, 47-53. 71 Guide®, p. 108; Hesperia, XX XV, 1966, p. 43. 7 Hesperia, XX, 1951, p. 286. 73 Hesperia, XI, 1942, p. 2. 74 Hesperia, II, 1938, pp. 456-460; VII, 1938, pp. 8363-411; XV, 1946, pp. 265-336. % . Vanderpool, ‘‘The Kneeling Boy,’”’ Hesperia, V1, 1937, pp. 426-441; A. Lane, Greek Pottery, London, 1948, pp. 43f.; G. M. A. Richter, Kouroi?, London, 1960, pp. 77f.

INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 187 The north and west slopes of the Areopagus were favored, especially in the 4th century and the Hellenistic period, by the koroplasts, the makers of terracotta figurines. Their activity is documented chiefly by the clay moulds used in the manufacture both of figures in the round and of plaques in relief. Scores of such moulds have been found in the abandoned cisterns and rubbish dumps of houses that must also have contained the craftsmen’s workshops (PI. 94, a, b).76

Such material is valuable not least because it establishes with certainty the manufacture of various types of figurines in Athens. The most distinctive and most pleasing type of tableware produced in Athens in the Hellenistic period was the Megarian Bowl. These hemispherical drinking cups with a great vanety of relief decoration on their walls were made by pressing clay into a concave mould; the rim was then shaped on the potter’s wheel. Fragments of such moulds are ubiquitous among the pottery dumps of the 3rd, 2nd and 1st centuries s.c. (PI. 94, e, f).” Distinct from the moulds used for making terracotta figurines and plastic vases are the ancient impressions in clay taken from metal reliefs, especially the ornaments on bronze armor of the 5th and 4th centuries p.c. For the ancient craftsman this was a practical way of keep-

ing a record of some outstanding piece that might later be copied or adapted for other purposes (PI. 94, c, d).*8 For us the impressions are invaluable inasmuch as they enable us to enjoy the extraordinary virtuosity and beauty of a branch of Athenian craftsmanship of which the actual products have almost completely perished. Evidence of marbleworking has already been observed among the houses of the 5th and 4th centuries B.c. on the western slopes of the Areopagus (above, p. 177). Here the remains consisted chiefly of marble chips, tons of them heaped in the courtyards of the little shops, white layers of them in the adjoining street. Along with the chips was found an occasional piece of abrasive stone used in finishing sculpture (Pl. 95, c). In the Hellenistic and Roman periods the

marbleworkers appear to have been more active outside the southeast corner of the Agora. Here again in the houses or shops adjoining the main roads have been found deposits of marble chips.”? Little basins sunk in the clay floors and coated with emery powder mark the places where craftsmen sat polishing small objects of marble (Pl. 95, d). One of the most characteristic shops of this period occupied a suite of rooms in the southwest part of the Library of Pantainos.®° The activity of this shop and of many others in the area was abruptly terminated by the Herulian sack of a.p. 267. A few years later the builders of the Post-Herulian Wall gathered

up the sculpture left unfinished in the shops and used it as filling in the core of the wall.®? Most of the products of these shops were copies of famous ancient statues, and the unfinished works illustrate the technique of copying by means of pointing machines (PI. 95, a). Of interest in this connection is a large fragment of a plaster cast of a statue that was found in the PostHerulian Wall along with the unfinished marbles; it had presumably served as a model for the copyists. Other interesting manifestations of marbleworking have been observed in the east end of the South Square; like the pottery works in the Heliaia, they date from the 1st and early 2nd centuries after Christ when the area was still desolate as a result of the sack of 86 B.c.® Great quantities of marble chips had been dumped in the open square. The workshops had been 76D, B. Thompson, Hesperia, XXI, 1952, pp. 116-164; XXVI, 1957, pp. 108-128; XXVIII, 1959, pp. 127-152; R. 8. Young, XX, 1951, pp. 249, 268. 77 H. A. Thompson, “‘T'wo Centuries of Hellenistic Pottery,’ Hesperia, III, 1934, pp. 451-459. 78 D. B. Thompson, Hesperia, XX XVIII, 1969, pp. 242-251. Cf. above, p. 81, note 239. 79 Hesperia, X XIX, 1960, p. 333. 80 Hesperia, IV, 1935, pp. 394-398; XVIII, 1949, p. 269.

81 Hesperia, IV, 1935, pp. 329-334; XXIX, 1960, pp. 350f., 870f. For the technique of copying cf. G. M. A. Richter, Rom. Mitt., LXIX, 1962, pp. 52-58, pls. 22-26. 82 Hesperia, XXIX, 1960, pp. 361f.

188 COMMERCIAL, DOMESTIC AND INDUSTRIAL QUARTERS established in the ruins of South Stoa IT and the East Building. Here were found innumerable little floors pits with deposits of emery powder. A specialty of these shops was the making of small basins for household and kitchen use. A number of unfinished examples, broken while being carved, show how the design was laid out on the block and how the carving proceeded. In one case the basin was being shaped from an ancient inscribed stele of which a few letters remain (PI. 95, b).83

It would be wrong, of course, to assume that all Athenian sculpture of the Roman period was imitative or mechanical hack work. In the long spell of economic depression and cultural stagnation that intervened between Sulla and Hadrian many of the most enterprising and creative artists undoubtedly emigrated to Rome, Corinth and other more prosperous parts of the Empire. Yet those who stayed behind produced some distinguished work, notably in the field of portraiture. Out of some fifty portrait heads or busts found in the excavations we illustrate two (PI. 96).84 The one is a fresh, crisp study of a youthful patrician of the Julio-Claudian period, the other a sympathetic portrayal of an aging man across whose care-worn face flickers a sceptical smile. Although in both cases the sculptor may have been following trends established elsewhere, the portraits demonstrate the persistence of Athenian sensitivity in the shaping of marble and the perennial Athenian interest in human personality. In addition to the marble that was carved by hand in the shops at the east end of the South

Square, much marble was sawn into thin slabs for flooring and the revetment of walls. For ease in working, the large masses of marble were set up on the bedding blocks in the east room of the East Building. Occasionally the saw went too deep and scarified the top of the bedding block (PI. 45, a). In antiquity, as in modern times, the cutting was done by water-borne sand activated by a long metal saw. The sludge, comprising sand, water and powdered marble, was drained off into the east end of the South Square where it solidified into a travertine-like mass as much as 0.75 m. in thickness. The marble used in this operation was probably taken from the temple that had stood in the South Square until it was ruined in the sack of 86 B.c. (supra,

p. 71). It may indeed have been this readily available source of raw material that attracted the marbleworkers to the area. Beneath the level of the marbleworking in the South Square, especially within the limits of South Stoa IT, the excavators came on evidence of ironworking: slag, ash and charcoal, though no structural remains of furnaces.®> One may conjecture that the ironworkers also were drawn

to the place by the availability of raw material which in this case would have been the iron clamps and dowels in the now ruinous ancient buildings. Ironworking is attested also in the area to the north of the Temple of Hephaistos. Masses of slag have been found, one in an unfinished cistern near the northwest corner of the temple,*° a second in a large open pit in the ruins of a shop at the north foot of Kolonos.®’ In both cases the context was of the 4th century B.c. Bronze casters also did their work in modest establishments close around the Agora. Most interesting in this department is a series of casting pits for the making of bronze statues that

range in date from the 6th century B.c. into the 5th century after Christ. Insofar as one can judge from the remains, the technique remained remarkably constant throughout this long period. All that survives in most cases is a pit in the soft bedrock in which the mould was planted upright to receive the molten metal; in the filling of the pits are found fragments of 83 Ibid., pp. 3608.

8 Agora, I, nos. 7 and 19. In this volume Evelyn B. Harrison has assessed the state of portrait sculpture in Athens of the Roman period. 8 Fesperva, XXIX, 1960, pp. 360f. 8 Hesperia, VI, 1987, p. 397, fig. 1; the cistern falls in the line of the “EARLY PERIBOLOS.” 8”? Hesperia, 1X, 1940, p. 300.

INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 189 the clay moulds. In all cases we may assume that the lost-wax (cure perdue) process was employed. A core of fine clay was built up over an armature and modelled with some care into the shape of the intended figure. Over this core was applied a layer of wax several millimeters in thickness the surface of which was carefully finished and given the textures appropriate to flesh or drapery. The figure was then enveloped in two or three successive layers of fine clay with a total thickness of 2-8 cms. Openings with funnel-shaped mouths were left for the admission of the fluid metal, and passages for the escape of air were made by the insertion of hollow reeds. Before the clay had hardened metal nails were driven through the mould into the core in order to maintain a proper interval between the two after the disappearance of the wax. The wax was induced to flow out by baking the ensemble. In the case of the earliest of our moulds, for a statue of Apollo type only about three feet in height, the baking took place above ground, after which the mould was lowered feet down into a small pit where it was packed firmly with earth to withstand the strain of the fluid metal (Fig. 47, Pl. 97, a). This

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mould (PI. 97, b) dates from the middle of the 6th century B.c.° In the later establishments, intended for larger statues, the pit was made spacious enough so that core and mould could be fabricated

upright on its floor (Pl. 97, c). The fire was then kindled in the pit; after firing the pit was filled with earth in preparation for the pouring of the metal. In the case of large statues the torso might be cast in more than one piece; heads and protruding limbs were normally cast separately.®®

Cult statues were cast as close as possible to the temple. The mould for the statue of Apollo type noted above was found just to the south of the archaic Temple of Apollo Patroos. A large pit within the west end of the sacred enclosure of the Temple of Hephaistos was undoubtedly 88 Hesperia, VI, 1937, pp. 82f., 343f.; Guide®, pp. 155f.; above, p. 137. —

£9 On the north slope of Kolonos came to light the lower part of a small casting pit in which remained the bottoms of three clay moulds suitable for the simultaneous casting of three limbs of life-size. The context was 4th century B.c. On the south slope of the Acropolis, between the Asklepieion and the Odeion of Herodes, is a casting pit for the making of one or more large bronze statues presumably to be set up on the Acropolis; AeAt., XIX, 1964, B, pp. 82-34. For an earlier exca-

vation report cf. S. Koumanoudes, Mpaxtixa, 1877-78, p. 8. |

190 COMMERCIAL, DOMESTIC AND INDUSTRIAL QUARTERS used in the making of the bronze statues of Hephaistos and Athena that were to stand in that temple. Other statues might be fabricated in the work places of individual craftsmen who in early times appear to have favored the slopes of Kolonos. Remains of such establishments dating from the 4th century B.c. have come to light to the north of the Temple of Hephaistos,” to the southwest of the temple,” and at a point far to the south on the east slope of the hill.

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teats,eleJL(aE hidWHIPPLE L, C ETE oe eee ee ae SECTION 39-8 “eros Fig. 49. Bridge over Great Drain (H. Whipple) 22 Hesperia, Supplement IV, pp. 75-76. 23 Following the line of the ancient street which crossed this part of the Agora (see p. 192), and then turning southeastward to the extreme southeast corner. This section too was finely built of stone throughout (Hesperia, XXIII, 1954, p. 65). Both extensions had to have their course adjusted later to accommodate neighboring buildings. 24 Hesperia, XX, 1951, pp. 253ff.; for the northern section, near the junction, see Hesperia, Supplement IV, pp. 111-114.

196 ROADS AND WATER SUPPLY cut in the bedrock. It could best be observed at the south end of the excavation, where its line diverged a little to the east; further north it was almost obliterated by its successor. Since the rock face shows little sign of wear by the water, it may be deduced that there were screen walls, though nothing of them survives. The later form of the drain may be dated on the evidence of pottery early in the 4th century. The construction of its wall varies curiously in technique. One can see checkerboard construction (Fig. 48), small rubble, well-fitted but rough-faced limestone, square conglomerate on a poros bedding, and large irregular conglomerate blocks interspersed with stacked work, all on the west side; and there is much variety on the east too, though more obscured by later repairs. The changes of style are abrupt and normally occur where house-properties meet (Fig. 48). Apparently the neighboring householders were allocated sections of the drain walls, and employed each his own mason (p. 179). Yet the whole must have been somehow coordinated and was presumably in some sense a public work. There is something characteristically Athenian about the procedure. Plans of some of the houses had to be modified to accommodate the passage of the drain. At the same time the channel itself took a somewhat erratic course, and its width varied from 0.60 to 1.50 m.; its depth was about 1.50 m. It is clear that this section was not given covering slabs, and the narrow street between houses A-H and J—M (p. 174, Fig. 40) must have been made practically unusable.” Where it crossed the street from the Peiraeus Gate, which was no less than 8.60 m. wide at this point, the drain took the form of a strongly constructed bridge,?* built originally early in the fourth century (Fig. 49). The side walls are set on a bedding course of conglomerate, left rough, surmounted by a second course of squared conglomerate. Above are three courses of poros, corbelled, and with curved inner faces. These faces are not continuous, a narrow ledge being left at the top of each course. The width of the channel at the level of the bedding course is 1.40 m. The corbelling brings it down to about 0.80 m. and the gap was bridged by slabs of stone.2” The extant covering slabs are again later replacements and include a grave stele, which with another used as a support was probably put there in the process of clearing up after the Sullan destruction. The depth of the drain from the underside of these stones is about 2.40 m. For the corbelled technique Young finds a parallel in an arch of the River Eridanos (the ultimate recipient of the effluvia of this part of Athens) near the Sacred Gate, and suggests that the same engineer may have been responsible for both.?8 Holes were left in the walls of the drain channel as inlets for the effluents of the adjacent houses. These house drains too were constructed in various ways; one for example had carefully built stone walls and was covered with tiles and flat slabs; others were simply made of inverted roof tiles.?9

Many streets had stone gutters running alongside them. The street on the south side of the Agora, of which a further section has recently been investigated, provides a good example.” The gutter was cut in a series of poros blocks, and tributaries entered it from the side streets coming down the Areopagus slope. In the Street of the Marble Workers short stretches of light low walls have been found placed obliquely in front of several of the houses, designed apparently to divert the rainwater and prevent it from undermining the foundations.** In Roman 25 After the Sullan destruction the southern section was abandoned and replaced by another drain which ran about 10 m. further east, and then turned west to join the original channel near House D; see Hesperia, XX, 1951, pp. 263 ff. 26 Hesperia, XX, 1951, pp. 151 ff.

27 Water channels which ran along Peiraeus Street were carried over the bridge. Four side drains, two on each side, flowed into the main channel under the bridge through apertures created by omitting a couple of courses at the appropriate point and level; the southwestern was for the drain of the Street of the Marble Workers, the northwestern for the street from the Peiraeus Gate, and those on the east for the two eastward branches of the latter. 8 Hesperia, XX, 1951, p. 153; Judeich, Topographie*, p. 139. 29 Hesperia, XX, 1951, pp. 198, 201, 203, 205, 206, 218, 216; cf. XXVIII, 1959, p. 102. 39 Hesperia, XX XVII, 1968, pp. 56-58. 31 Hesperia, XX, 1951, pp. 162-163.

WELLS, AQUEDUCTS AND FOUNTAINS 197 times a more efficient drain was cut. One can well imagine that in many of the lesser streets drainage was very primitive or left to nature. Public latrines were a luxury not known at Athens till Roman imperial times. The finest and best preserved, built in the 1st century after Christ, is adjacent to the Roman Market (p. 173, note 23; cf. J. Travlos, P.D.A., p. 342, figs. 443-445). It was a rectangular building, 16.20 x 11.74 m., roofed except for a small central opening. There was a narrow vestibule across one end. Along all four sides of the main room ran a continuous bench perforated with holes to accommodate over sixty persons. Deep below the bench was a capacious drain; in front of it ran a shallow channel for clean water. Far from being a “privy,” such a building was a special adaptation of the characteristic Athenian lesche or communal lounge (pp. 92, 102, 179 note 45). WELLS, AQUEDUCTS AND FOUNTAINS Athens is poor in water. The Athenians have always had to make the most of their supplies. A law attributed to Solon and quoted by Plutarch (23,5) encouraged the use of wells. Both for public buildings and for houses, wells which tapped underground water and cisterns in which rainwater was collected remained indispensable throughout antiquity.** Large numbers of both have been found in the region of the Agora. The wells varied in depth from about two meters to over thirty, with a general average of ten; about 0.90 m., i.e. 3 ft., was the normal diameter. The earliest were usually unlined; sometimes, especially in the 6th century, a lining was built with masonry of small stones, and from the 4th century drums consisting of strong and wellmade terracotta segments were used. In the earlier periods wellheads were made from the upper sections of pithoi or large storage jars; from the 6th century they were specially constructed of terracotta and later of marble or other stones. Some wells proved abortive and were at once abandoned ; some were in use for only a few years, others for several centuries. Pottery and a great variety of other material accumulated in some of them over a long period; in others a large mass of varied waste was dumped at one and the same time, especially after the city had suffered serious destruction. From the 4th century B.c., perhaps because of the threat of siege, cisterns too were increasingly used, fed by rainwater from the roofs through terracotta pipes and terracotta or stone channels. The common form was a flask-like chamber about two or three meters wide at the bottom, coated with hydraulic cement, diminishing upwards to a mouth about 0.60m. in diameter. Sometimes two or more such chambers were connected by channels to form a single system. By keeping down the size of the individual chamber the danger of collapse was reduced. The supply was augmented in course of time by means of aqueducts and public fountains. The Peisistratids seem to have played an important part in making this provision; under the democracy the system was further developed and placed under the care of an Overseer of Fountains.8 In the latter part of the 6th century a fountain house was built in the southeastern corner of the Agora (Fig. 50, Pl. 5).34 It had an unusual design; or rather it consisted of two basins of usual type facing one another from either end of a rectangular porch. The south side flanked the old road which ran along this edge of the Agora. One can presume that this was the back of the building and that the central part of the north side opened on the square, with probably two 82 For a concise account of these see Guide}, 1954, pp. 91-96; cf. pp. 2, 8, 16 above. For the whole subject of water supply see Picture Book, 11. 33 Aristotle, Ath. Pol., 48, 1. 31 Hesperia, XXII, 1953, pp. 29-35.

198 ROADS AND WATER SUPPLY or three columns. The overall dimensions were 6.80 m. north to south by 18.20 m. east to west. The smaller sections at either end were undoubtedly water basins. Their foundations are of a hard gray poros, with careful polygonal jointing; some blocks of the first course above ground level also survive. Their floors are of thin marble slabs, supported on irregular masses of limestone.

The slabs are of variable shape and size, but they are very finely jointed, and between the edges of the floors and the stone of the walls waterproofing was effected by means of a packing

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of clay. One may assume that users of the fountain held their pitchers under spouts set in the face of the wall at either end of the building; the basins must have been shallow, since the waste-pipes were set at ground level, and they were intended to gather the waste rather than hold deep water. At the inner northern corners channels cut through the walls led to two terracotta pipelines, which converged on each other (Figs. 50, 51, Pl. 101, c).*> In this way superfluous water was carried off for other uses. The floor of the central area was at a higher level than that of the basins; nothing is left of it, or of the walls in this section, merely beddings for their foundations. The Southeast Fountain House is the strongest candidate now known for the name of Ennea-

krounos,** the most famous fountain of Athens, constructed by the tyrants, according to Thucydides (II, 15, 4), where formerly there was a simple open spring called Kallirrhoe. It fits precisely into the sequence of monuments seen and mentioned by Pausanias (I, 14, 1), lying as 3 Hesperia, XXV, 1956, p. 50. 6 Agora, III, p. 140; Gr. Rom. Byz. St., II, 1959, pp. 33ff. Doro Levi has proposed to apply the name to an entire water system comprising nine public fountain houses: Annuario, XXXIX-—XL, 1961-62 (1963), pp. 149-171.

WELLS, AQUEDUCTS AND FOUNTAINS 199 it does between the Odeion (p. 111) and the Hleusinion (p. 150); and it is of the right date. There are difficulties in the way of the identification; the ground plan leaves it far from obvious how a “‘nine-spouted”’ arrangement can have been contrived; and the main supply of water was brought from a distance, whereas Thucydides implies a copious source on the spot. Now only a meager spring rises.?” However, it 1s possible that water rose more freely here in early times. And the name Enneakrounos might be more easily explicable if we knew more of the superstructure of the fountain house; indeed the nine-spouted system may have involved something more than the two basins of this building. The Southeast Fountain House was probably the main terminal of a new system of water supply which, because of the dating of the remains and their known construction of Enneakrounos, one may attribute to the tyrants. The principal sources which fed it. are assumed to have been away to the northeast, in the direction of Pentelikos and Hymettos. The line of the aqueduct as it approached the city was traced long ago in the region of the Royal Gardens.®* One branch passed along the south side of the Acropolis in the direction of the problematic structure known as “Doérpfeld’s Enneakrounos,”’ southwest of the Areopagus.®® Recent investigation has shown that there was a northern branch too, which entered the Agora at its southeast corner.” Following the line of the southern street, the excavated section breaks off at a point a little to the south of the fountain house, but one can safely assume that the pipe originally turned north to supply the building. It runs at a level more than two meters higher than the floors of the basins; so the water may have poured in through spouts built into the walls. The pipeline was constructed of sections 0.60 m. long, with a maximum diameter of 0.30 m., laid at the bottom of a trench (Pl. 101, a, b). Each section had a round or square hole cut in the top, through which the builders could insert their hands to seal the joint securely, the detached piece being subsequently replaced like a lid. The joints are carefully made, with flanges and grooves. Some of the pipes are of a buff-colored clay, some gray, and on a number of the latter variety the name of the maker Charon (Cha- for short on some sections) is clearly incised.“

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yo Ake COCCICICICIIIOIo oh ¢ wv Fig. 51. Pipeline to North of Southeast Fountain House (A 2838. Piet de Jong) 37 Hesperia, XXVII, 1958, pp. 147-148; note also IV, 1935, p. 360 (in that year the water flowed quite freely); XXV, 1956, p. 52; XXVIII, 1959, p. 99 (a possible source higher up the Areopagus slope); Guide, p. 98. 38 Judeich, Topographie?, pp. 202f.; Hesperia, XXV, 1956, p. 51. 39 Judeich, op. cit., pp. 197ff.; Hesperia, XX XV, 1966, p. 52; see p. 181 note 52 above. 40 Hesperia, XXII, 1953, p. 82; XXV, 1956, pp. 49ff.; XXVIII, 1959, p. 96; XXIX, 1960, pp. 347-348. 41 The system operated through gravity, not pressure.

200 ROADS AND WATER SUPPLY The water brought to the center of the city by the aqueduct may have been made available at other points too, and for other purposes. It is in this period that representations of fountains on vases become especially popular. In any case the growing archaic city now had a well contrived water supply, and with additions and modifications the system laid down by the Peisistratids remained effective for a very long time. Karly in the 4th century the scheme was greatly extended. The old fountain house was drastically remodelled; the thin marble floor of the western basin was removed, and in its place was laid a solid packing of large blocks of soft creamy poros, which probably extended over the central room and the eastern basin too.” The outlets on the north side were now blocked, but the water was carried off by an open stone channel starting at the southeast corner; this shows that the building was still used as a fountain house, though its interior arrangement 1s not clear in this phase. The channel ran a short distance eastward towards the Mint (p. 78), and then turned north and followed the west side of the Panathenaic Way.*® How long the old fountain house continued in use is uncertain, and also to what extent it was superseded by its Hellenistic and Roman successors just to the north (pp. 202-203) ; but it may be that the name Hnneakrounos clung to this spot throughout, whatever developments took place. The need to bring additional supplies of water to the Agora from a distance continually increased. The archaic pipeline of terracotta which approached the Agora from the east and supplied the old fountain house was eventually replaced by a great stone-built underground aqueduct. This too followed the line of the street which skirts the Agora on the south and continued further westward to supply a new fountain house at the southwest corner (PI. 6). It ran at the same level as the old pipeline and no doubt drew its water from the same ultimate source, wherever that was. It probably supplied other buildings besides the two fountain houses; there are traces of pipelines of terracotta or lead diverging from it.** The channel or specus of the aqueduct is nearly half a meter (11% feet) wide and about 1.20 m. (4 feet) high. It is built of great blocks of soft, cream-colored poros (Pl. 102, a, b). First a series of blocks was laid cross-

wise, with a curved channel cut in them for the water, and narrow ledges left either side on which a stooping workman could walk or crawl. The side walls consisted of orthostates which supported a roof made of another row of transverse blocks. At some later date terracotta pipes were inserted, built up against the north wall to carry a second stream at a higher level. The construction of the aqueduct is now dated early in the 4th century; it continued in use throughout antiquity.” The eastward branch of the Great Drain (p. 195), designed to carry off rainwater more efficiently from the region southeast of the Agora, was probably contemporary. Just beyond the square enclosure now identified as the Heliaia (p. 62) the aqueduct turned northwards to supply a new fountain house, built at the same time, which it entered at the southeast corner (Pl. 18, a).46 Remains are very slight, but enough to show that we have here an L-shaped version of the common type with a columnar porch in front of the draw basins.* 42 Hesperia, XXII, 1958, pp. 32-33; cf. XXV, 1956, p. 50.

43 Hesperia, XXI, 1952, p.97; XXII, 1953, p. 38; the existing channel alongside the Way is Hellenistic (contemporary with the East Building of the South Square; p. 68) but it no doubt had predecessors; it has settling or dip basins at intervals. 44 Hesperia, XXIX, 1960, p. 848, mentions three small branch lines of terracotta flowing northwards one on the west and one on the east of the Panathenaic Way, a third further east. See also XXIII, 1954, p. 87; XXVIII, 1959, p. 96; XXXV, 1966, p. 49; XXXVIII, 1969, p.57. 45 This date, somewhat later than was formerly thought, is suggested by the latest evidence, including a fragmentary Panathenaic amphora of 380/379 B.c. (P 27556) which was overlaid by the fill at the southwest corner of the building. 46 Hesperia, IV, 1935, p. 360 (note that at that time water flowed from a source on the south side of the building; the emergence of the water coming down from the Acropolis and Areopagus slopes seems to have varied from period to period and indeed from year to year; this makes it difficult to use this criterion in looking for Kallirrhoe-Enneakrounos; see note 37 above); XVIII, 1949, pp. 218-214; XXIV, 1955, pp. 52-54; XXV, 1956, pp. 52-58; XX XV, 1966, pp. 42-43. 47 The ends of the wings were almost certainly enclosed with walls, not open as shown in the model and the earlier plans.

WELLS, AQUEDUCTS AND FOUNTAINS 201 The foundations, of which a little survives, were of gray poros. A couple of blocks from the stylobate have been found near, and there are traces of unfluted columns 0.62 m. in diameter. A fragment of an orthostate from the parapet, in hard limestone, is deeply worn by the jars of water-drawers. In the late 4th or early 3rd century the west wing was given an extension, and provided with means of filling the pots from spouts. The later Hellenistic remodelling of the fountain house can best be described as part of the general replanning of the buildings south of the Agora (p. 70). This is the largest fountain house yet discovered at Athens, and architecturally the handsomest. But we cannot give it a name, so it is labelled simply “Southwest Fountain.’’ When it first came to light, in 1934, long before its southeastern equivalent, one was tempted to call it Enneakrounos, but later investigation showed that its construction did not go back to the time of the Peisistratids; and the Southeastern Fountain fitted much better into Pausanias’ itinerary.*8

The Southwest Fountain House turned its southern back wall to the street on the south edge of the Agora and its facade to the street which approached from the southwest. By virtue of its receding angle it interfered as little as possible with the flow of traffic into the Agora. As in the Southeast Fountain superfluous water was carried off in a stone surface channel fitted with basins at intervals. It was important that usable water should not simply run to waste. In successive later periods veritable skeins of channels and pipelines accumulated, mainly in two bunches, leading northward from the Southwest Fountain, and diagonally northwestward along the line of the Panathenaic Way.” Most of the pipes were of terracotta, one or two were of lead; being expensive and difficult to repair, lead pipes were comparatively rare at Athens. By such means water was distributed over much of the Agora for various secondary uses. Plato in the Laws (761¢) suggests that water from the fountains should be employed to irrigate and

embellish the precincts of the gods, and in the Kritias (117b) he describes how at Atlantis the overflow was conducted to the grove of Poseidon. The channels in the Athenian Agora took water to the Altar of the Twelve, with its sacred grove (see p. 135), and no doubt also to other shrines. Many public buildings needed water. Some had to remain content with wells and cisterns; but, especially in the later periods, many were equipped with small fountains of their own. The provision of water in the region of the Tholos and Bouleuterion proved difficult.®° Successive wells and cisterns were sunk, and in the end a complex system of cisterns was created which remained effective till it was wrecked in the Sullan destruction. In the second half of the 4th century B.c., a simple fountain, apparently of the column-and-basin type, was placed at the east end of the passage between the Metroon and the Tholos, so that Councillors could quench their thirst as they went to the Bouleuterion.*! Water was no doubt brought from the Southwest Fountain; waste flowed into the Great Drain. Some time in the first century B.c. a small fountain house was placed against the southeast wall of the Tholos precinct, facing the rotunda;

it was fed by a pipeline coming from the southeast. Only the substructure survives, built of re-used poros and conglomerate blocks and no doubt designed to carry a simple columnar porch. The site of another fountain house is marked by a large rectangular foundation on the 48 The “fountain amongst the osiers” also comes to mind. Here Phrynichos was assassinated in 411 8.c., when he had just left the Bouleuterion (‘Thucydides, VIII, 92, 2; Lykourgos, Leokrates, 112; Agora, III, no. 405, p. 182); but this is too early

for the present dating of the Southwest Fountain; and in any case one can hardly imagine osiers growing there. 49 Hesperia, XX, 1951, p. 56; XXI, 1952, pp. 86, 97; XXII, 1953, p. 40; XXIII, 1954, p. 51. 50 Hesperra, Supplement IV, pp. 95ff. 51 Ibid., pp. 103 ff. 82 Ibid., pp. 96ff.

202 ROADS AND WATER SUPPLY south side of the courtyard of the Bouleuterion.® This too is of re-used blocks, of marble, poros

and conglomerate. A feed pipe which enters the middle of the south side and a drain pipe leading away to the northeast show that the structure was a fountain, perhaps of the type with a colonnade in front of a draw basin. It was built probably at the end of the 1st century B.c. and was not in use for long. Sometimes a small fountain was incorporated in a larger structure. We have already noted the provision for water at the south end of the terrace of the Stoa of Attalos (p. 104). A niche in the middle of the back wall of the Hellenistic South Stoa (p. 68) contained a water basin filled by an underground channel from the south which took its water from the great stone aqueduct beneath the adjacent road. In the arch which spanned the street between the Stoa of Attalos and the Library of Pantainos a simple fountain in the form of a bronze pipe was inserted in the western face of the southern pier. Thus in all ages care and ingenuity were shown in distributing the limited supply. The water clock built on the south side of the Agora about the middle of the 4th century may be considered a specialized variation of a type of fountain (Fig. 21, Pl. 41, b).> It was set against the north front of the Heliaia (p. 65), towards its western end. Water which was no doubt brought from the great southern aqueduct entered first a basin placed at a high level and then a vertical shaft about two and a half meters deep and nearly a meter square in plan, constructed of good poros masonry and plastered inside; near the bottom of the north side of the shaft the water flowed out through a small metal-lined aperture. Steps set between the shaft itself and a wall which formed an outer shell led down to the pipe. This is no ordinary

fountain, and there can be no doubt that it was a kind of klepsydra; by means of a simple mechanism the falling water level must have operated an indicator visible to the public in the Agora. This is one of the earliest known examples of such a water clock. Probably in the course of the Hadrianic reorganization of the Athenian water supply,>® the main channel bringing water to the Agora from the southeast was completely remodelled in the style and constructional methods characteristic of the age,>’ with an arched aqueduct and a highly ornamental terminal, the “‘Nymphaeum,’*® just north of the old Southeast Fountain (Pls. 8, 18, b). The new channel approached from the east at a much higher level, following the street which ran south of the Hleusinion. In this section it was built of brick with a vaulted roof. Passing beneath the Panathenaic Way it entered a settling basin. Here it divided, and one branch continued westward, the other turned north along the Way. In the latter the channel, made of massive poros blocks, was carried on a concrete underpinning, continuous at first but in the northern section consisting of piers which no doubt carried arches. The stonework was almost completely removed after the Herulian destruction of a.p. 267; later the aqueduct was crudely reconstructed, probably to serve the Late Gymnasium (p. 212). This great aqueduct obviously supplied the Nymphaeum, though the junction is missing, and it may well have sent a branch westward to the Southwest Fountain. The Nymphaeum too has been almost completely stripped of its masonry, but its position and form are clearly marked 53 Ibid., pp. 102, 149-150. C. Picard, Rev. Arch., XII, 1938, pp. 97ff., located here the Altar of the Mother of the Gods whose temple he wrongly placed in the New Bouleuterion; but the structure has been clearly shown to have been a fountain. 54 Another small fountain existed at the northeast corner of the Odeion; Hesperia, XIX, 1950, p. 72. 55 Hesperia, XXIII, 1954, pp. 37-38; Guide,? pp. 108-109. For a very similar and closely contemporary installation in the Amphiareion at Oropos cf. ’Apx. ’Eg., 1918, pp. 110-113; 1967, p. 4. On the late Hellenistic water clock in the Tower of the Winds see J. V. Noble and D. J. de S. Price, A.J.A., LX XII, 1968, pp. 345-355. An honorary decree of the 2nd century B.c.

praises a benefactor for setting up two time pieces, apparently water clocks, in the Agora of Samos: one in front of an archeion, the other inside another public building; R. Télle, ““‘Uhren auf Samos’ in Opus Nobile (Festschrift zum 60. Geburtstag von Ulf Jantzen), ed. P. Zazoff, Wiesbaden, 1969, pp. 164-171. 56 P, Graindor, Athénes sous Hadrien, pp. 251-252; Travlos, TT.E.A., pp. 116ff. 57 Hesperia, XXVIII, 1959, pp. 97f.; XXIX, 1960, pp. 348-349. 68 Hesperia, XXIV, 1955, pp. 57-59; Guide,? pp. 95-96.

WELLS, AQUEDUCTS AND FOUNTAINS 203 by a semicircular underpinning of concrete, 7.10 m. in radius, bordered by a broad trench for the back wall. The underpinning presumably carried the marble floor of the water basin. In front was a rectangular platform 3.60 m. wide with three steps leading up to it. The few surviving fragments of the superstructure include a section of curved epistyle and a Corinthian capital. The basin was probably covered by a half dome. Precise reconstruction 1s impossible, but as in the Exedra of Herodes at Olympia,°® which served a similar purpose, one can imagine an elaborate architectural treatment of the curved facade with niches containing statues. One figure which certainly belongs to the building was found a little to the north (Pl. 102, c). It is a draped female of the type known as Venus Genetrix;® a pitcher in the left hand in place of the apple of the prototype gives an appropriate touch. Fountain houses of this design were called Nymphaea because they were thought of as sophisticated versions of the grottos in which Nymphs were worshipped. In this phase too the water was carried on northward for further use. The little circular building, 8.10 m. in diameter, found in front of the northern part of the Stoa of Attalos, has proved to be a fountain house, fed by a lead pipe which has left traces to the south (Pls. 8, 11).% Part of the foundation, a single ring of blocks of hard white poros, is in place. Three cornice blocks and fragments of composite capitals have been found; these are of Pentelic, but numerous fragments show that the shafts were of a mottled green marble. The building may be restored as a monopteros or single ring of columns (ten in number) with no inner wall. It carried a brickbuilt dome, of which sections have been found, a very unusual feature in Greece in this period (mid 2nd century after Christ). Thus we have a curious addition to the various types of fountain represented in the Agora. These now range from the simplest to the most elaborate; Roman aqueduct and Nymphaeum alike are a far cry from Kallirrhoe and Enneakrounos. 59 Olympia, Ergebnisse, II, Berlin, 1896, pp. 184-139, pls. LX X XITI-LXXXVI; cf. also Olympische Forschungen, I, Berlin,

1944, pp. 538-82, pls. 22-88. Cf. also Peirene at Corinth in its contemporary form in which Herodes Atticus again took a hand; Corinth, I, vi, B. H. Hill, The Springs, Princeton, 1964, p. 103, pl. XI. 60 Hesperia, XXII, 1953, pp. 58-54; XXIV, 1955, p. 58; Gurde,? pp. 130-131.

61 Hesperia, VI, 1937, pp. 354-356; XXI, 1952, pp. 102-103; similar small round structures were built in front of the Nymphaeum of Herodes Atticus at Olympia; cf. above note 59. Cf. also the circular building of the 2nd century after Christ

OST oe 608 805. as a nymphaeum by an inscription on its epistyle: B.C.H., LX XVIII, 1954, pp. 160-162; LXXXI,

IX. PAUSANIAS Pausanias will provide a synopsis of the classical Agora and a brief retrospect. He is an interesting figure in his own right too; we have depended on his evidence at many points, and the general character and value of his work deserves a little further consideration.! He is the only author who has left a deliberate and more or less systematic description of the Agora, and the time at which he composed it is particularly fortunate for our purposes. He travelled and wrote in the middle of the 2nd century after Christ. As a result of the Augustan and Hadrianic revivals the architectural growth of the Agora was complete; the final break-up was not to come until a century later. Pausanias saw an Agora in which many elements of the early periods survived amongst the imposing additions of Hellenistic and Roman times. On the north and west were concentrated the most venerable shrines and stoas of the Agora of Kimon, Perikles and Lykourgos; on the east and south were the vast colonnades which Athens owed to royal benefactors; in the middle area, which had formerly been an open square, were the Odeion of Agrippa and the transplanted temple in which Ares was associated with the family of Augustus.

Pausanias’ credibility, already well-established, ranks even higher as a result of the Agora excavations. No one doubts that he is giving a careful and mainly first-hand description. His peculiar methods continue to create difficulties, as we have seen again and again, and his limitations have been even more emphatically underlined. We should be lost without him in the Agora, but even with him we are often left frustrated and baffled. Of course one has to accept the fact that he wrote not for future archaeologists but for contemporary travellers, and readers too. Even then his approach and his method impose certain further restrictions. Though he obviously intended his book to be of use to visitors on the spot, especially in drawing their attention to what was best worth seeing, he composed it not as a plain description or a purely practical guide but as a work of literature too; and he aimed, not very successfully, at rhetorical effects and elegancies of style. His accounts lack the completeness and precision of a guidebook. For the archaeologist in particular, he is often distressingly vague or even misleading in matters of distance and direction and the relation of adjacent monuments to one another. He gives certain groups and sequences, but quite apart from the long mythological and historical digressions, the topographical thread has kinks and tangles and even breaks. Again, he has a strong bias towards the sacred and the antique, and in architecture, sculpture and painting towards the old masters; because of this, buildings which were prominent in the Agora of the later periods, and even determined its whole character, received only a passing mention or were completely ignored. For this reason, and because of his inability or disinclination to give the reader a general, overall impression of the appearance of a site, early attempts to reconstruct the Agora on the basis of his description were very diverse and uni1 For earlier discussions see EK. Vanderpool, Hesperia, XVIII, 1949, pp. 128-137; J. Travlos, Supplement VIII, pp. 389ff. ;

R. E. Wycherley, Agora, III, pp. 10-12, 236; Gr. Rom. Byz. St., II, 1959, pp. 23-44; IV, 1968, pp. 157ff. For a recent assessment of Pausanias cf. Allgemeine Grundlagen der Archdologie, ed. U. Hausmann, Munich, 1969, pp. 402 ff. (I. Pernice and W. H. Gross). Note also Pausanias, Guide to Greece, Penguin, 1971, translated by P. Levi.

PAUSANIAS 205 formly unsuccessful. He had little conception of the architectural evolution of the site, of the well-marked stages by which it is now seen to have reached its contemporary form. For example one might have expected him to be interested in the fact that the Temple of Ares was a Periclean building transferred to the middle of the Agora in comparatively recent times; the event must have been recorded and known at Athens and Acharnai, but Pausanias has nothing to say of it. But his account has great merits too. The Agora was his first major site, and he was not defeated by its complexities. In his eccentric fashion he covered the area with notable thoroughness, and he has something to say about nearly every important monument and public building. On such a complicated site there was no infallible method and no obvious itinerary. Pausanias entered at the northwest corner (Fig. 52). From this point he would have had an impressive view up the Panathenaic Street towards the Acropolis, with the great stoas to left and right on the opposite side of the square and the Odeion towering above. Without hesitation he turned along the street to the right and concentrated first on the ancient shrines and buildings of the west side, recognizing that the monuments in which he was especially interested were to be found in the greatest numbers in this quarter. It is at this stage that his description is most detailed and his route most continuous. Here was the venerable Stoa Basileios overshadowed by the Stoa of Zeus with its great paintings and notable sculpture; the Temple of Apollo Patroos, with statues of the god by three famous sculptors; and the Metroon, where Pausanias draws attention to the cult-image by Pheidias but provides no clue to the complex architecture of the Hellenistic building. Next come the Bouleuterion and the Tholos, with notes on cults and works of art (nothing on the weights and measures, or, more strangely, on Artemis). Other notable monuments remain to be seen on the opposite, eastern side of the street; so Pausanias now doubles back northwards and describes the Eponymous Heroes, Amphiaraos, the Kirene and Ploutos of Kephisodotos, and other remarkable statues, leading on to the Temple of Ares. He 1s now in the middle of the square, near the dominant figures of the Tyrannicides. Turning southwards again, he mentions the great Odeion only for the purpose of locating the statues of Egyptian and Macedonian kings and a notable Dionysos. Proceeding no longer pedetemptim but in a series of jumps, he follows the general line of the Panathenaic Street, past Enneakrounos, up the slope southeastwards beyond the confines of the Agora proper to the Kleusinion and its associated shrines. In the rest of the account it is difficult to find a continuous clue; perhaps one should not try. Certain important monuments still await description, and they are introduced in a more disconnected and arbitrary manner. The Temple of Hephaistos, standing aloof on the hill to the west, where it was not noticed during the account of the buildings on that side, seems to be the object of a special excursion or perhaps a backward glance. A fresh approach is made to the northern part of the Agora, where interest is concentrated on the Stoa Poikile, with its famous paintings, and the statues near by, and on the Altar of Eleos, if this is rightly identified with the Altar of the Twelve Gods. The east side of the square offers nothing to detain the periegete; he does not mention the Stoa of Attalos, though one might have expected that one or two of the monuments which had accumulated in front of it would have caught his eye. Leaving the square apparently through its northeast corner he comes to the Gymnasium of Ptolemy “not far from the Agora,” and “beside the Gymnasium’ he notes the sanctuary of Theseus. Both these establishments are presumably to be sought in the unexplored area to the east of the present excavation. At first sight it would appear that Pausanias ignores the great complex of Hellenistic stoas and other buildings on the south side too and passes on without a word about them. But if we are correct in our identification of this complex (p. 65), it is referred to later (I, 28, 8) when after describing the Areopagus he enumerates the law courts of Athens, including the Heliaia.

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206 PAUSANIAS

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PAUSANIAS 207 In the end the periegests is reasonably complete. There are a few omissions, some of which are surprising even when one has made allowance for the writer’s special interests. The altar of Zeus Agoraios is not mentioned nor is the Leokorion.? But in spite of his defects, Pausanias gives a powerful impression of the great conglomeration of cult spots, public buildings, and masterpieces of art which had grown up in the center of Athens. It was left for excavation in modern times to reveal the extraordinarily varied and composite architectural character which the Agora (like a great cathedral complex built piece by piece in the course of centuries) had attained in this its latest phase. 2 Cf. Gr. Rom. Byz. St., II, 1959, pp. 26f. The excavation of 1971 has shown that the Leokorion had been obscured by the rising ground level long before the time of Pausanias.

Inasmuch as our principal theme is the Agora as city center we may deal in a more summary fashion with the long period subsequent to the abandonment of the area for civic purposes. On the other hand the light cast by the excavations on the fate of the city in late antiquity and on the process by which the pagan community became Christian must be rated among the important contributions of the undertaking. Several of the late Greek historians report the capture of Athens by a band of northern barbarians, the Heruli, in the year a.p. 267. One of these writers, Synkellos, records specifically the burning of the city.2 Some modern historians had been sceptical, but the recent excavations have confirmed the literary record at least for the area of the Agora.® It is now clear that the Agora and its environs were devastated at this time and that most if not all the buildings both public and private suffered from fire. Among the public buildings the destruction by fire is especially well documented in the case of the Stoa of Attalos and the Odeion of Agrippa. In the Stoa one can still see the heavily calcined inner face of the south wall against which the woodwork of the upper floor fell and burned (PI. 69), while the capitals of the interior colonnades that supported wooden epistylia were all cracked into small fragments by the heat of the fire.* The floors of the Odeion in various parts of the building as found by the excavators were overlaid by a layer of debris as much as one meter in thickness comprising broken roof tiles, shattered marbles, ash and charcoal (PI. 103, a).° A particularly vivid record of the damage done among private houses was preserved in one room of a house at the northeast foot of the Hill of the Nymphs (PI. 103, b). In a corner of the room, evidently the kitchen, lay a heap of household utensils, pottery and glass, a purseful of bronze coins thirty-four in number, and the skeleton of a donkey.® Most of the private houses destroyed at this time were rebuilt in the course of the 4th and 5th centuries,’ but even in these cases the events of a.p. 267 are attested 1 Evidence from the Agora excavations has been used freely in the following studies: John Day, An Economic History of Athens under Roman Domination, New York, 1942; H. A. Thompson, “Athenian Twilight: a.p. 267-600,” J.R.S., XLIX, 1959, pp. 61-72; J. Travlos, T1.E.A., chs. VI-XII; idem, «Xpiotiavixal ’ASfvoi» in OpnoxeuTiKt Kal "HSixt "EyxukAotraideic,

Athens, 1962, pp. 709-738; Alison Frantz, Picture Book, 7; eadem, “‘From Paganism to Christianity in the Temples of Athens,’ Dumbarton Oaks Papers, XIX, 1965, pp. 187-207. The period will be dealt with in detail in a forthcoming volume of the Agora monograph series by Alison Frantz and John Travlos. For the older literature cf. Judeich, Topographie?, pp. 103-112.

* Dexippos, Jacoby, F.G.H., 100, Frag. 28; Continuator of Dio Cassius, ed. Dindorf, vol. V, p. 226,8; Hist. Aug., Vita Gallient, XIII, 8; Zosimos, I, 39; Zonaras, XII, 26; Kedrenos, I, 454 (Bonn.); Synkellos, I, 717 (Bonn.). The barbarian incursion is reported in more general terms by Aurelius Victor, Caes., 33 and Orosius, VII, 22. For the historical setting see Fergus Millar, ‘““F. Herennius Dexippos: The Greek World and the Third-century Invasions,” J.R.S., LIX, 1969, pp. 12-29. 3 Among the sceptics were Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, I, pp. 707ff. and Judeich, Topographie?, p. 104. For a more recent statement cf. Travlos, TT.E.A., pp. 124-126, who shows that other parts of the lower city also suffered at this time, but not, apparently, the Acropolis. 4 Hesperia, XIX, 1950, p. 319; Picture Book, 2, no. 30. 5 Hesperia, XIX, 1950, pp. 32, 134, pl. 25. 6 Hesperia, XVIII, 1949, pp. 217f.

? Typical of the wells is that which yielded Group M of Agora, V, pp. 82-120: Deposit M 17:1. Of the marble portrait heads published in Agora, I, no less than three (Nos. 30, 88, 48) were found at the level of the 3rd century after Christ in a well to the west of the Tholos (Deposit G 11:2). Cf. ‘Index of Roman Deposits” in Agora, V, pp. 123-127.

AFTER THE HERULI 209 by the household wells. In some instances the wells were now abandoned and subsequently used as dumping places for rubbish. In others, at the appropriate level, a small deposit of debris containing such things as broken sculpture marks a break in the use of the well in the second half of the 3rd century; above this level the usual accumulation of fallen water jugs resumes, indicating the resumption of use which normally continued thereafter into the 6th or occasionally

even the 7th century. The coins associated with this wave of devastation uniformly break off in the reign of Gallienus (a.p. 253-268) thus confirming the literary evidence for the date of the Herulian incursion. Shaken by the events of a.p. 267, fearful of the return of the barbarians, and with little hope of assistance from the central government, the people of Athens quickly took measures for their own protection. Since they were no longer capable of defending the whole of the vast outer circuit of walls, even if those walls were to be reconditioned, they laid out an inner fortress of much smaller compass. The new enceinte contained the Acropolis and the ground at its north foot; the area of the old Agora was left outside. High officials and perhaps also individual citizens of means assumed responsibility for building sections of the wall. They recorded their contributions in inscriptions set in the face of the wall, e.g. ““As Amphion raised the walls of Thebes by the music of his kithara so now do I, Illyrios, follower of the sweet-voiced Muse, build the walls of my home city.’’® Building proceeded rapidly. The combined evidence of coins found

inside the wall and of stratification alongside it indicates that the west side at least was under construction in the last quarter of the 3rd century.® In their haste the Athenians were driven to sacrifice many of their ancient buildings. Over much of its length the new wall was set down on the stripped foundations of older buildings, e.g. the Eleusinion, the Southeast Stoa and the Library of Pantainos. Where the walls of the older buildings were tall and solid, as in the case of the Stoa of Attalos and the Library of Hadrian, they were reinforced and incorporated in the fortifications. The new walls were constructed entirely of material taken from older buildings (PI. 104). Blocks from the Metroon, the Odeion of Agrippa, the Temple of Ares, the Middle and South Stoas and the Southeast Temple have been recognized. But in many cases the original buildings are not yet known, and some of them, no doubt, stood outside the Agora. The wall had an average thickness of about 3 % meters. Carefully built inner and outer faces enclosed a tumbled mass of architectural blocks, broken sculpture and inscriptions. Mortar was used sparingly; clamps and dowels do not occur. Gates were inserted in the wall on the lines of important ancient streets. The principal gateways were flanked by rectangular towers on either side; lesser gates were covered by a single tower or by none. As the city recovered, the old outer circuit of walls was again made defensible, but the inner circuit, the Post-Herulian wall, was also maintained. In the line of its west side repairs or adjustments are attested for the 6th century and for the 18th or 14th century. Parts of it may well have continued in use even into the Turkish period.’ 8 .G., II?, 5199. The author, Claudius Ilyrios, was honored by the Athenians with statues on the Acropolis, I.G., IT?, 8689, 8690 in which he is entitled proconsul. He appears to have been governor of Cyprus when the walls of the city of Lapethos were rebuilt; T. B. Mitford, ‘“‘New Inscriptions from Early Christian Cyprus,’ Byzantion, XX, 1950, pp. 186-139, reviewed by L. Robert, R.Z.G., LXIV, 1951, pp. 206-208. On his career cf. also E. Groag, Die rémischen Reichsbeamten von Achaia bis auf Diokletian, Vienna and Leipzig, 1939, pp. 94f. I.G., Il?, 5200 is clearly a pendant to I.G., II?, 5199, and J.G., II?, 5201 is probably also concerned with the same program of fortification. The chronological problems raised by the postHerulian dating of the ‘Valerian Wall” require further study. For another donor of walls cf. A. E. Raubitschek, “Iamblichos at Athens,’ Hesperia, XX XIII, 1964, pp. 63-68. Iamblichos’ activity is dated ca. a.p. 400. 9 Hesperia, IV, 1935, pp. 329-334; VII, 1938, pp. 332f. 10 The multiplicity of repairs will account in part for the wide variety in the dates previously suggested for the construction: they range from the time of the Emperor Valerian (a.p. 253-260) to the 15th century (Judeich, Topographie?, p. 108). On the later history of the outer circuit cf. J. Travlos, 1.E.A., pp. 144f.; D. Ohly, Arch. Anz., 1965, cols. 374-376.

210 AFTER THE HERULI In their search for material the wall builders stripped the public buildings of the Agora and most of the surrounding houses. The Temple of Hephaistos was left standing on its hilltop to brood over the desolate scene. We do not know why it was spared, perhaps because it was held in especial veneration, more likely because it was remote from the place of wall-building. Several other buildings around the northwest corner of the Agora may also have survived the storm of A.D. 267 in whole or in part. Thus the lowest deposit above the floor of the Stoa of Zeus is of

the early 5th century after Christ. In this layer, as we have seen, were many fragments from both the stonework of the facade and its sculpture which had been broken up at this time. Scraps of marble from the Stoa are to be seen in the foundations of the large building with the central court erected to the east a little later in the 5th century. The lowest deposit over the ruins of the Stoa Basileios was also of the 5th century. The relationship between the foundation platform of the Temple of Ares and the structures of the 5th century after Christ to north and south strongly suggests that something of the temple still stood when those buildings were erected. The tone in which Bishop Synesios wrote ca. a.p. 400 of the removal of the wall paintings from the Stoa Poikile by a proconsul implies that the event had occurred recently

(p. 94). Ominously enough architectural fragments attributable to the Stoa have been recovered from a wall erected in the first half of the 5th century after Christ (p. 90). However this may be, the sack of a.p. 267 disturbed seriously both the economy of Athens and her civic institutions.“ The old administrative buildings, i.e. the Bouleuterion, Tholos, Metroon and various civic offices, now went out of use, and as yet we have no idea what took their place. We do know that much of the area of the ancient square in the years after a.p. 267 was used as a dumping ground and that its level rose with accumulations of domestic rubbish, bones from slaughter houses and great heaps of ash. Fragments of ancient bronze statues found among the ruins of small metalworking establishments in the south part of the area indicate the fate of some of the furnishings of the old square. On the other hand the resumption of use of many domestic wells as noted above implies a fairly speedy revival of habitation in some areas. This is in accord with the literary evidence which leaves no doubt that in the second half of the 4th century and in the 5th century Athens was again an educational center capable of attracting pupils from near and far. Nor does the city seem to have suffered directly from Alaric and the Visigoths in a.p. 396; the barbarians were frightened off, we are told, by the appearance of the Goddess Athena and the Hero Achilles.” At the turn of the 4th and 5th centuries an outburst of building and rebuilding occurred in the area of the Agora proper (PI. 9). New structures were raised on the sites of several of the early buildings on the west side. In the case of the Stoa of Zeus and the Bouleuterion these late buildings are represented only by scraps of wall. The circular part of the Tholos was restored but probably not its porch. In the Metroon the north room was rebuilt in the form of a 11 For a good summary of the consequences of the Herulian sack cf. John Day, An Economic History, pp. 258-261. See also J.R.S., XLIX, 1951, pp. 65f. 12 For the schools of Athens in the 4th and 5th centuries cf. Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, I, pp. 711f.; J. Day, op. cit., pp. 262-270; H. Marrou, Histoire de l'éducation dans l’antiquité, 6th ed., Paris, 1965, pp. 321f., 451-471; M. L. Clarke, Higher Education in the Ancient World, London, 1971, pp. 100-103. To illustrate the diverse origin and the distinction of the students it will be enough to recall that in the 350’s they included Basil, the future author of the rules for eastern monasticism, Gregory of Nazianzos, later to be known as ‘“‘the Theologian,’ and the young prince Julian, soon to become “‘the Apostate.” All three had been brought up in the Christian faith. Basil and Gregory were natives of Cappadocia; Julian had been reared in the same district. Among their teachers were the distinguished rhetoricians Himerios, a native of Bithynia, and Proairesios from Cappadocia.

For Alaric at Athens cf. Wachsmuth, op. cit., pp. 715f. The principal source is Zosimus, V, 5. The invaders may have been influenced also by the gifts which they are reported to have received from the citizens. But most probably the city owed its salvation to the timely strengthening of its defences. Cf. J. Travlos, I1.E.A., pp. 129f. The outburst of building in the early 5th century in the area of the Agora outside the Post-Herulian Wall implies the previous restoration of the old outer circuit.

AFTER THE HERULI 211 basilica with an apse to the west and so not intended as a church; the adjoining room was restored to use by lowering the floor level (so as to reduce the height of the new walls) and by laying a new floor of coarse mosaic.’ The porch of the Metroon was probably not rebuilt. In all these cases the late re-builders paid so little attention to the original design of the buildings as to make improbable any continuity in function. A more interesting development occurred at the beginning of the 5th century in the middle of the site. Above the ruins of the South Square and the Odeion rose a large complex of buildings which, despite the seeming irregularity of the ground plan, appear to be all contemporary and parts of a co-ordinated design (Pls. 9, 106).44 The main entrance was at the north and was approached from the Panathenaic Way. The placing of the new complex and of a contemporary building farther north indicates that this ancient roadway was still an important thoroughfare. The complex comprised three parts each consisting of a colonnaded courtyard bordered by a series of rooms, the scale descending from north to south. Enclosure walls thrown out toward the southwest and southeast fixed the limits of the establishment and perhaps protected garden areas. Of this vast complex little remains but the massive concrete foundations. Several Ionic column bases and capitals found in the area may derive from the colonnades. The walls were of rubble masonry banded at intervals by levelling courses of brick. Remnants of brick vaults are to be seen in the southeast block (PI. 107, a). The great north court was bordered by colonnades on its east, west and south sides. The north side was pierced by three doorways, and was given a monumental treatment appropriate to the main entrance. The passages were flanked by colossal figures (“the Giants’) salvaged from the debris of the Odeion (PI. 107, b). All three openings were undoubtedly arched. The considerable difference in level between the interior of the court and the lower ground to the north was perhaps made good by a broad flight of stairs across the facade; but no trace of such was found in the excavation. On passing between the “‘Giants”’ the visitor found himself in a spacious courtyard measuring about 29 x 38 meters and bordered by porches about 5 m. wide. Through the west portico one entered two rooms, a large semicircular chamber and a smaller rectangular room. Opening off the east side of the court were three rooms, all rectangular, two near the middle, the third at the extreme southeast corner. This last room appears to have been an entrance porch providing a second means of access directly from the Panathenaic Way; in the later history of the building it was demolished and its foundations were overlaid by one of the enclosure walls. All the other rooms opening off the colonnades were apparently entered only from the courtyard. We have no evidence for the treatment of their facades, but some if not all were probably exedrae opening on the colonnades through columns rather than doors. A cross foundation at the north end of both the east and the west colonnade suggests that here too were exedrae provided with benches on three sides, an arrangement reminiscent of the Stoa of Attalos. The foundation for the south wall of the court is thickened in six places, no doubt to accommodate niches for the display of statuary. From the great North Court one proceeded southward up a broad stairway into a large rectangular chamber for the furnishings and purpose of which we have no evidence. Thence one continued by a semicircular corridor, perhaps opening through a colonnade on a small semicircular court, into a long rectangular gallery which presumably communicated both with the South Court and with the bath that lay to the west of that court. 18 Hesperia, VI, 1937, pp. 195-203.

14 Hesperia, XIX, 1950, pp. 184-187; J.R.S., XLIX, 1959, pp. 67f. No detailed account of this building complex has yet been published.

212 AFTER THE HERULI The South Court was bordered by colonnades on all four sides. The open area measured about 20 x 22.50 meters; the porches were about 5.50 meters deep. Of the superstructure nothing has been found. The bathing establishment to the west of the South Court was small but elegant. The cold bath (frigidarium) occupied the large northern compartment; three water basins, one semicircular and two rectangular, opened off its north side. The two rooms to the south, one circular and one apsidal, were both heated from below by hypocausts. The apsidal room may be designated as the hot room (caldarium); the small round room was perhaps a sweat-bath (laconicum). The dressing rooms (apodyteria) may be recognized to the east of the heated suite. Marble revetment was used for the floors and walls of the principal rooms, for the door jambs and for the lining of the water basins. The water for the bath was drawn from a cistern, the remains of which are still to be seen above the west end of South Stoa ITI. The space between the South Court and the high rear wall of South Stoa IT was occupied by a group of rooms of uncertain purpose. Some of them were floored with large square tiles of terracotta. Immediately to the east of the South Court lay the much smaller Kast Court, its open central space measuring only about 7 meters square. This court was flanked by numerous small rooms to north, south and east. Of particular interest is the eastern series of rooms. The existing rooms formed a shallow basement, their floors lying about 1.40 m. below that of the courtyard. This suite was entered by way of a sloping ramp that led down from the southeast corner of the court. The southeast corner of the block was formed by an octagonal room of particularly fine masonry. All these rooms were plainly finished, the walls unplastered, the floors of clay save for a rough flagging in the northernmost room. Among the debris that filled the basement rooms were architectural elements that must have fallen from the piano nobile: a couple of small marble column shafts, a marble anta capital, fragments of marble wall revetment and scraps of mosaic from floors or possibly from walls. The

upper rooms were evidently well finished.

To the northwest of the main complex just described stood a semi-detached unit that appears to have formed a part of the same establishment. The building was rectangular in plan, measuring about 25 x 27.50 meters overall. It consisted of a series of twelve rooms of various sizes grouped around a central colonnaded court. The entrance was presumably in the middle of the east side where it could be conveniently approached from the Panathenaic Way. Nothing remains above ground level, but the foundations are built of the same tough concrete as those of the principal complex. The coins and pottery found beneath the floor level of the building also indicate a similar date, i.e. the beginning of the 5th century. The excavations have yielded no specific evidence for the identification of this extensive complex. Since its discovery, however, it has been regarded as a gymnasium because of the combi-

nation of extensive colonnaded courtyards with exedrae and bathing facilities. It may not be too fanciful to suppose that a library was housed in the block to the east of the Kast Court; the underlying basement would have protected the main floor from dampness, and the fine interior finish would have been appropriate. The semi-detached northern unit is perhaps most plausibly identified as a substantial dwelling, conceivably the official residence of the head of the establishment. 15 Hesperia, XIX, 1950, pp. 136f. An illuminating parallel is now available at Salamis in Cyprus. A gymnasium built in late Hellenistic times was remodelled in the 2nd century after Christ and rebuilt in the 5th century. In its final form it had much in common with our complex. Cf. V. Karageorghis, Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus, 1966, Nicosia, 1966, pp. 18-17; AeAt., XX, 1965, Xpovixd, pp. 607-609. The upper Gymnasium at Pergamon had a similar history; W. Dorpfeld, Ath. Mitt., XX XIII, 1908, pp. 8328-857; P. Schazmann, Pergamon, VI, Das Gymnasion, Berlin, 1923; J. Delorme, Gymnasion, Paris, 1960, pp. 171-191.

AFTER THE HERULI 213 A marble portrait statue found near the northeast corner of the North Court may be presumed to have some connection with the complex and with the institution that it housed (PI. 107, c). Though headless and sadly battered the figure is recognizable from its formal toga as the likeness of a high-ranking official of the imperial government.!6 The style points to a date in the 5th century, making this one of the latest statues in the round known from Athens. The high honor represented by a statue of life-size in this period is most likely to have been in recognition of some substantial benefaction. Granted the identification of the building complex as a gymnasium, we must nevertheless admit complete ignorance as to how it was administered and by what school, if any, it was occupied.

Some light has been shed by the excavations on the later history of the complex. The floors of the basement rooms to the east of the Hast Court were found covered with domestic rubbish: broken pottery, many terracotta lamps and glass candlesticks, delicate drinking glasses, oyster shells.t” The deposit was sufficient in bulk to suggest that the building, even if it had not been damaged, had entered on a period of abandonment or neglect. The date of the rubbish is the early part of the 6th century, close, that is, to the closing of the schools of Athens by the Emperor Justinian in a.p. 529. On the north slope of the Areopagus, across the street from the Gymnasium, are two of the largest of several houses that flourished in the environs of that great complex (Fig. 53). Al-

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16 § 657; Agora, I, no. 64. A. Frantz (D.O.P., XIX, 1965, p. 192) has suggested an identification with Herculius, Prefect of Illyricum (a.p. 408-412) whose activity in the Library of Hadrian is attested by I.G., II’, 4224. 1” Hesperia, XXXV, 1966, p. 45.

214 AFTER THE HERULI though informal in plan, both houses comprised inner courtyards bordered by rooms both large and small, and each contained a spacious salon closed at one end by an apse with niches suitable for small sculptures. It is tempting to identify these houses as the dwellings of successful teachers (sophists) who are reported to have met their pupils in well appointed rooms in their private homes.’®

Mention may be made of two small industrial establishments that bordered the Panathenaic Way near the southeast corner of the old Agora. One of these was a flour mill driven by an overshot water wheel, surprisingly like the mills of which a few still function in the Greek countryside (Fig. 54, Pl. 105, a).19 Hundreds of small bronze coins which had fallen through the cracks in the plank floor indicate that the mill had been active from about a.p. 450 until its

——

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destruction by fire in the 580’s. The water to operate the mill was supplied by a reconstruction of the Hadrianic aqueduct which came down from the south (p. 202). The same water turned a series of at least three mills of which the one described was the second. Across the road from the flour mill are the remains of a small olive mill of approximately

the same period (PI. 105, b, c).2° The marble bed-block for the press remains in place; a round pedestal in the same room must have supported the machine for grinding the olives. Whether these modest establishments served the needs of the Gymnasium or of the townspeople, their very existence in this place strikes a rustic note in startling contrast with the sophisticated atmosphere of the ancient Agora. Some aspects of the life of the period between the Herulian sack of a.p. 267 and the late 6th century are illustrated by the small finds from the excavation, especially the pottery, lamps and terracotta figurines (PI. 108).2! The general level of craftsmanship and taste held up well until after the middle of the 3rd century. The sack of a.p. 267, however, worked havoc with 18 Kunapius, Vitae Sophistarum, 483, 5; Himerios, Orat., XVIII, 3. 19 A. W. Parsons, Hesperia, V, 1936, pp. 70-90; Picture Book, 7, no. 2. The upper mill was set into the ruins of the Southeast Temple (Hesperia, X XIX, 1960, p. 349); a lower mill at the extreme north edge of the Agora was utterly destroyed in the making of the Electric Railway in 1891. 20 Picture Book, 7, nos. 3, 4. 21 The most vivid evidence is provided by the lamps (J. Perlzweig, Agora, VII) and by the terracotta figurines (C. Grandjouan, Agora, VI; D. B. Thompson, Picture Book, 3, nos. 67-78). For the pottery cf. H. S. Robinson, Agora, V.

AFTER THE HERULI 215 the industry that produced lamps and figurines. Quality fell off and so too did inventiveness. Brief revivals were to occur subsequently, and some new techniques, crude but effective, were devised. But in general the tendency is a gradual decline. The making of terracotta figurines

apparently stopped early in the 5th century, hastened perhaps by official disapprobation of idols however humble. Lamps were a practical necessity. They continued to be made in quantity

into the 6th and even the 7th century, by which time the utter crudity of the product attests the artistic and technical bankruptcy of the age. Throughout the 3rd century the terracottas document a persistent interest in the theater (PI. 108, e). Masks (P1.108, d) are common, and the collection includes also occasional figures of

actors. Representations of gladiatorial combats and animal fights imply an interest in coarser forms of entertainment. Among the most common, and most pleasing, types were toys, often rattles, in the form of birds and animals (PI. 108, f). A striking portrait study of an ancient philosopher set in the bottom of a terracotta bowl of the 3rd century is a casual reminder of higher things.” The same modest media also illustrate trends in religious beliefs within the period. Until well on in the 4th century the familiar pagan divinities, gods, goddesses and heroes, are commonly represented on the tops of terracotta lamps and in figurines in theround (PI. 108, a). The old Greek repertory is occasionally supplemented by a representative of some imported cult: Isis (Pl. 108, b) and Serapis from Egypt, a matrona (PI. 108, c) from northern Europe, a 7-branched

candlestick from Palestine. About the middle of the 4th century Christian symbols begin to appear on the tops of lamps, first the Constantinian monogram sometimes with alpha and omega between the bars, next the cross with rho, then at the beginning of the 5th century the simple cross. As the Christians gradually became a larger and more respectable element in the population the symbolism became bolder: an occasional martyr recognizable from his palm branch, Saint Paul, and Saint Peter bearing his cross. But it was only in the first half of the 5th century that Christian symbols came to predominate. Within the area of the Agora excavations no trace has been found, or at least recognized, of a Christian place of worship datable before the 6th century. The seeds sown by St. Paul in A.D. 51 had fallen on stony ground in this community that was already well populated by its own gods, and where thinking men were for the most part satisfied with philosophy of indigenous origin. For centuries, therefore, the Christians of Athens were undoubtedly few in number and were drawn chiefly from the lower classes. They will have met in private homes.” Already by the 5th century, however, substantial buildings for Christian worship had begun to be erected in other parts of the city and in its environs. In the year 529 the Emperor Justinian sent an order to Athens “forbidding anyone to teach philosophy or to expound the law.’* The central government could no longer tolerate the spectacle of pagans dominating one of the most influential centers of higher learning. The principal teachers, deprived of their salaries, departed for Persia in the hope, vain as it proved, of finding a more congenial spiritual climate. The incident represented one of the last confronta22 P 22351, See above, p. 94, note 57. 23 The excavations of 1969-1971 on the north slope of the Areopagus have exposed the remains of another large house comparable with those noted above, p. 213. In the course of an extensive remodelling early in the 6th century much ancient sculpture was put out of the way. A number of pieces were dropped into wells; a statue of Athena was laid face down to serve as a doorstep; on a votive relief of the 4th century B.c. the heads of all the divinities were mutilated. The house had evidently changed hands. We may conjecture that a well-to-do connoisseur of the old faith, perhaps a successful sophist, had been succeeded by a fanatical Christian. Cf. Hesperia, XL, 1971, pp. 266-270. *4 Joann. Malalas, Chron., XVIII, p. 451, 16 (Bonn.). For the background to this action cf. the laws of the same period; P. R. Coleman-Norton, Roman State and Christian Church, III, London, 1966, especially nos. 583 and 600. In general cf. J.B. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire, Dover Edition, New York, 1958, pp. 866-372. The whole incident has re-

xv, 1969, p nore by A. Cameron, ‘‘The Last Days of the Academy at Athens,’’ Proc. Cambridge Philological Soc., N.S.

216 AFTER THE HERULI tions between paganism and Christianity in this part of the world. It must also have had economic consequences for Athens since it reduced the attraction of the city for scholars from abroad. This may well be the cause for the abandonment of parts at least of the great gymnasium, as we have seen, at some time around a.p. 580. Other troubles were to follow. Buildings in various parts of the Agora area were damaged by fire in the 580’s, presumably during some especially savage raids by Slavic peoples that are attested by the authors for this period.* From now on life in the old city gradually ebbed away. There were, to be sure, still flickers of intellectual activity. St. Gislenus, a man of Attic origin, had studied philosophy in Athens in the middle of the 7th century, as did also Theodore of Tarsus, a future Archbishop of Canterbury (4.p. 669-690). And about the same time (A.D. 662/38) the Emperor Constans II chose to spend a winter in Athens.”® By the late 6th or early 7th century the Christians had become bold enough to adapt some of the old pagan temples to the needs of their liturgy. On the Acropolis the Parthenon and Hrechtheion were converted. Of the temples in the area of the Agora only that of Hephaistos had survived in a usable state. It was probably early in the 7th century that this building was altered for Christian use.’ To shelter the altar of the new faith the east end of the temple was closed by an apse and the main entrance was moved to the west end. Two lesser doors were opened in each of the long side walls. The interior columns were removed. The barrel vault which now covers the old cella may date from this time or from later. As the Church of St. George the building was to serve the Christian faith until 1834 when it was desanctified and became a Museum. From the late 7th until the 10th century human activity in the area of the ancient Agora is attested by little more than a meager scattering of small bronze coins. Thereafter habitation revived so that by the end of the 12th century various groups of modest houses covered most of the area. These buildings were separated from the ruins of earlier structures by deep deposits of silt that had gathered during the Dark Ages. The only element of continuity was provided by the roads. The Panathenaic Way had remained in use through all the centuries. So too had the street that bordered the south side of the ancient square. A remarkable concentration of large storage pits (pithoi) at the side of the road just to the south of the Southwest Fountain House marks that area as a commercial center of the Byzantine period; it was supplied, no doubt, by the road coming in through the Peiraeus Gate.?® This Byzantine community was served not only by the Church of St. George on Kolonos Agoraios but also by the new church of the Holy Apostles, the first Christian church known to have been erected in this part of Athens (Fig. 55, Pl. 109).29 The new building, dating from early in the 11th century, was pleasantly situated at the junction of the two main roads outside the southeast corner of the old Agora. From this high point the church overlooked its parish. Although small in scale the building shows such distinction of design as to suggest the hand of an architect from some metropolitan center. The ground plan is marked by the symmetrical placing of apses on all four sides of the central square, that on the west being largely concealed from the outside by the narthex. Four columns support a central dome. The masonry, of shell limestone alternating with thin courses of tile, is given a touch of sophistication by the insertion of characters from the ornamental Arabic script known as Kufic. The paintings that must once have covered the interior have utterly vanished; one sees now only remnants of replacements 2 G. Ostrogorsky, “Byzantium in the Seventh Century,” D.O.P., XIII, 1959, pp. 3-21; D. M. Metcalf, ‘‘The Slavonic Threat to Greece,’ Hesperia, XX XI, 1962, pp. 184-157. 26 Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, I, p. 721, note 2; Frantz, D.O.P., XIX, 1965, p. 199. 27 Imd., pp. 202-205. 28 Hesperia, XX XVII, 1968, p. 58. 29 Travlos, TT.E.A., p. 151; Frantz, Picture Book, 7, nos. 46-58; Byzantion, XXIV, 1954, pp. 5138-520; Agora, XX.

AFTER THE HERULI 917

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218 AFTER THE HERULI done in the 16th or 17th century. After suffering from cannon fire, neglect and several enlargements, the latest dating from 1882, the church was restored to something like its original form in the years 1954-56. The houses of the Byzantine settlement were destroyed abruptly. Coins and pottery found on the floors indicate a date near the beginning of the 13th century so that the destruction

may be attributed to the savage assault made by Leon Sgouros, the dynast of Nauplia, in A.D. 1204.? The two and one-half centuries that followed, when Athens was ruled successively by French,

Catalan, Florentine and Venetian overlords, constituted one of the lowest periods in the long history of the city.*! For the area of the Agora it was a time of complete desolation. The old outer circuit of fortifications was now finally adandoned; the shrunken population withdrew behind the Post-Herulian Wall, and the ruins of the Byzantine settlement in the area of the Agora were covered by several more meters of sterile silt. Nor did the coming of the Turks in the middle of the 15th century (1456 for the lower town, 1458 for the Acropolis) have any immediate effect on our site. Gradually, however, the expanding population ventured again beyond the limits of the inner circuit and spread over the Agora area. The development can be traced on the various early plans and views of the city, beginning with the panorama of the Capuccini (1670). Scarcely anything has survived of the houses of the Turkish period, but a fairly large population is attested by the numerous churches erected chiefly in the 16th and first half of the 17th century (PI. 3). No less than four were

built on the line of the Post-Herulian Wall and in large part with stone quarried from the ruins of the wall (Hypapanti, Christ, St. Spyridon, Panagia Pyrgiotissa). The western part of the area was served by the parish church of the Panagia Vlassarou and the chapel of the Prophet Elias and Charalambos. In the north central part rose the parish Church of St. Philip. A tiny chapel of St. Athanasios was perched high on the northwest shoulder of the Areopagus. On the northeast shoulder of the Areopagus stood the much larger church of St. Dionysios the Areopagite, Paul’s convert and the patron saint of Athens (Fig. 56).3* The building of which one now sees the ruins was erected about the middle of the 16th century, but the existence of a much earlier church on the site is suggested by the presence of a graveyard of the 6/7th century. Through most of the period from the middle of the 16th century to the end of the 17th the Archbishopric of Athens was housed in a monastic-like annex to this church. As one might infer from the number of churches that flourished in the Turkish period, the area of the Agora at that time was chiefly residential and its inhabitants were Christians. There

is no trace of a mosque. The bazaars of the period were to be found to the east, among the ruins of the Roman Agora and the Library of Hadrian. The latest city wall of Athens, completed in 1778 under the notorious Governor, Hadji Ali Hasekis, included the area of the ancient Agora together with the Church of St. George (Hephaisteion).3? Remnants of this wall came to light in the excavations on and to the west of the Areopagus. The buildings of the area suffered severely in the War of Independence (1821-1888) especially in the year 1826/27 (Pl. 110, a). A grim reminder of this era is the east front of the 30 The excavations have yielded a large number of coins of Manuel I (a.p. 1148-1180). Out of a total of 11,240 coins of Byzantine imperial issues found between 1931 and 1949, 3,775 were of Manuel (Agora, II, pp. 4f., 85f.). This will be due in part to the flourishing state of the area in the 12th century, in part to the fact that many coins of Manuel were trapped in the debris of a.p. 1204. On the destruction of the lower town by Sgouros cf. Travlos, T1.E.A., p. 163. 31 For this and subsequent periods consult the historical sketch, with ample illustrations and bibliography, given by Travlos, TT.E.A., chs. [X—XII.

32 J. Travlos and A. Frantz, “The Church of St. Dionysios the Areopagite and the Palace of the Archbishop of Athens in the 16th Century,” Hesperia, XXXIV, 1965, pp. 157-202. 33 Travlos, IT.E.A., pp. 195-200.

AFTER THE HERULI 219 Temple of Hephaistos; its columns and cornice were hit repeatedly in November of 1826 by cannon balls fired from the Acropolis, then in Greek hands.*4 With the coming of peace and the decision to make Athens the capital of the new kingdom (1834) the population of the city, which had fallen as low as 4,000, steadily increased. The

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Teoe RS gs AD [INE SAS ""SfrBOUNDARY STONES be . rf = &ML ‘. we MI yw a TOY ar_—~\+, We, iidteeeen TERETE LS ~—> LYPane ae q eg an : . : ‘ - tee . ayer AD oY Sar, = a. eee eee LE BAIN Sect yi ret t ; a _PIII Aen i 2) aly G, SE is Saree \ li (eee bay, er onere | . \ ee pin JF poly OEE ry / ; eee

nM ey lf er : ‘ we, MN wT flo nn © ' \ re Wm We See OY 2) OTK Pan X. cues

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y, “weeLg Taiat fe)te50—— 100 et /[— J TRAVLOS gy |py M. ; 1970 The Agora in Late 4th Century B.C.

PLATE 7

».\ST Saes. ma vey aan .so: .foi2 : Tr : : : N mh, r4 O “a eS we, " ey 4 a5>. Tey Sy mh, _ a "¢ ‘“ iL "TSS 5 a? ianeaHeSty / [rs !: Ne ~~ Or Pat / See

PA,TPR Cy S054A~Soglu | ee OnsY Poa) a ~~Ps I; IIKe CENT. BC es ™“: i we ES ’ ea“~ . SSS we0,ie oS soe! aGen e : it ; . Di , ier fy Syme : ot wre Sewe Ss Si yy ek PG ‘ oan Soren, i \ytpot 2 4 4% aI : j ; a i aria Sea \\\ Y SJ j Di! YT fo ee y/ Ss " \( 2 . of \ wey ‘

if :/ Pe :*: ~’ al 7 “tesme, “. : ; kf“ry ~~ qL SU pOs 2: HOugTAINiad if oe TEMPLE . Ae The Agora in Late 2nd Century after Christ

PLATE 9

TR XE ‘ELI y\KZ NjPERIOD CRee SEES LELZLAN p: LATE REEZ RO OR,CSS Se Z LZ ,a . a a - - SX a : OMS ZZ : : f

OK: t ars Wa *. ™ FP Se te a aes . ike f

"ey . x Sr le . OS THe OF SRE aie nee

AN QS Si, a Seca

LOB fm SS = 2 Mom —— \ ZA Wy aehaan $e. LSy\ ae ! 2 SW cos, a\ an \ WL | Ps if eo ae Xe CEN fads ~ _ \ ‘ on in COW WATER [~

a Sf res rly > 1 Sy SI | a it tt | im \ — ! i: ? ro . — Roe IN. oe TEMPLE oF - . A " oo A i KE R ie 7 s om 7 HEP aig eee ye ( i 4 oe 1) — Y io | y < Church Of sy clon “ S¢ ; 7 yy / me s \ T/)}- Lo

a :of. UY ys | vg 4} 7Dy \ oo| Gas}

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St} _ a me ; g - ig: | Y oa CEEOTIIZLA..\

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. LP) y ~ f q NA ; ve mae 77-4 YW ° i aor o

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7 copy . ; ——— | — a in the Late Roman The Ago r

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PLATE 40

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