The Aeolian Islands: Crossroads of Mediterranean Maritime Routes: A survey on their maritime archaeology and topography from the prehistoric to the Roman periods 9781841715483, 9781407325880

Citation preview

BAR S1181 2003  CASTAGNINO BERLINGHIERI  THE AEOLIAN ISLANDS

The Aeolian Islands: Crossroads of Mediterranean Maritime Routes A survey on their maritime archaeology and topography from the prehistoric to the Roman periods

Elena Flavia Castagnino Berlinghieri

BAR International Series 1181 B A R

2003

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 1181 The Aeolian Islands: Crossroads of Mediterranean Maritime Routes © E F Castagnino Berlinghieri and the Publisher 2003 The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781841715483 paperback ISBN 9781407325880 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841715483 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2003. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

BAR

PUBLISHING BAR titles are available from:

E MAIL P HONE F AX

BAR Publishing 122 Banbury Rd, Oxford, OX2 7BP, UK [email protected] +44 (0)1865 310431 +44 (0)1865 316916 www.barpublishing.com

This book is dedicated to my father Giuseppe and to my grandfather Umberto, who have sailed the length and the breadth of the Mediterranean and beyond

Happy he who, like Ulysses, has made an adventurous voyage; and there is no such sea for adventurous voyages as the Mediterranean, the inland sea which the ancients looked upon as so vast and so full of wonders. And, indeed, it was terrible and wonderful; for it is we alone who, swayed by the audacity of our minds and the tremors of our hearts, are the sole artisans of all the wonder and romance of the world.[. . .] The steep shores of the Mediterranean favoured the beginners in one of humanity’s most daring enterprises, and the enchanting inland sea of classic adventure has led mankind gently from headland to headland, from bay to bay, from island to island, out into the promise of world-wide oceans beyond the Pillars of Hercules. Joseph Conrad, The Mirror of the Sea, XXXVIII, 1906.

I

FOREWORD The Aeolian Islands, lying just off the north-eastern tip of Sicily, seem today just a peaceful, isolated holiday backwater. This peace can sometimes be shattered by eruptions, for the island chain includes Stromboli, one of the most active volcanoes in Europe. Volcanic activity has dramatically changed the appearance of the islands, and partly obscured or destroyed traces of their earlier inhabitants. From the surviving remains, however, archaeologists (especially Luigi Bernabò Brea) have shown that, even here, people were alert to external ideas, and vigorous in developing agriculture and trade. To land archaeology has now been added the study of the sea around the islands. Steep, deep, clear-water dropoffs attract divers, some of whom (including the archaeologist Helmut Schläger) have met their death in exploring sunken shipwrecks; scientific studies of marine topography and meteorology, too, have shed light on possible boat operations around the islands in antiquity. Meanwhile, archaeology has progressed from the mere collection and classification of objects to the interpretation of ancient remains against their physical and cultural background – that is to say, in their landscape. The present book is the result of such a study. Dr Castagnino Berlinghieri brings to the enquiry many vital qualities, as a Sicilian, a diver, a sailor, a topographer and an archaeologist. She shows that the sea and seafaring were ever present in the minds of the ancient islanders; she thus illuminates one aspect of that central question of the human condition, how man uses reason to make his environment serve his purposes. No one can fail to benefit from reading this fresh, lively study. A. J. PARKER Centre for Historical and Maritime Archaeology, University of Bristol

II

CONTENTS Acknowledgements List of Figures and sources List of Tables and sources

V VI IX

INTRODUCTION

1

CHAPTER 1 Background and history of archaeological surveys in the Aeolian Islands 1.1 - Introduction 1.2 - The experience of Captain H. W. Smyth 1.3 - Initial underwater archaeological exploration: developments and problems 1.4 - Early underwater surveys on the Aeolian Islands: exploration or exploitation? 1.5 - First underwater explorations in collaboration with “amateur diving groups” 1.6 - Further archaeological surveys in collaboration with archaeological bodies 1.7 - Results of research: publication and archaeological reports

5 5 6 6 7 8 10

CHAPTER 2 Geo-archaeological framework of the Aeolian Islands 2.1 - Geographical and geological configuration 2.2 - Geological background and geo-dynamic models 2.3 - Volcanic formation of the islands 2.4 - The islands: geomorphological characteristics, volcanic eruptions and neotectonics

12 12 13 13

CHAPTER 3 Ancient navigation and evaluation of the marine-meteorological conditions in the south Tyrrhenian 3.1 - Early seafaring framework and exchange 3.2 - Navigation in the western Mediterranean with special reference to the south Tyrrhenian sea 3.3 - A case-study: the short-distance haul from Sicily to the Aeolian Islands 3.4 - An attempt to evaluate the optimum meteorological conditions in order to trace a long-distance route crossing the central Mediterranean 3.5 - Coastal description of the islands: landing places and main features

17 18 22 22 24

CHAPTER 4 Literary sources and archaeological evidence 4.1 - The value of written historiography and its reliability 4.2 - Greek contacts, myths and archaeology before colonisation 4.3 - Greek colony and Archaeology 4.4 - Roman “oppidum” and Archaeology

27 28 30 31

CHAPTER 5 The maritime topography of the Aeolian Islands: new data 5.1 - Maritime topography in antiquity 5.2 - New data: survey of the coastline and submerged topography 5.3 - Toward an evaluation of ancient landing-places

33 34 40

CHAPTER 6 Prehistoric Mediterranean shipping in the south Tyrrhenian: the Neolithic Age 6.1 - Introduction

43

III

6.2 - Main patterns for interpreting the systems of exchange in the west Mediterranean 6.3 - Crossing the open sea: chronology based on the Aeolian Islands 6.4 - Pre-Neolithic evidence attesting to the relationship with Sicily 6.5 - Paleo-environment and eco-system: indirect and direct evidence 6.6 - First Neolithic settlements: landscape and ecosystem 6.7 - First Lipari then Salina: a hypothesis on farming stimuli 6.8 - Earlier evidence of traded materials on the Aeolian Islands 6.9 - An analysis of Neolithic exchange mechanisms from the Aeolian Islands 6.10 - Prehistoric sites characterised by both Liparan and Pantellerian obsidian 6.11 - Neolithic landing places: hypothesis of identification 6.12 - Conclusion

43 44 46 46 47 50 50 52 55 58 60

CHAPTER 7 Proto-historic Mediterranean shipping in the south Tyrrhenian: the Bronze Age 7.1 - The Bronze Age: new economic awakening with the Culture of Capo Graziano 7.2 - An analysis of Bronze Age trade mechanisms throughout the Aeolian Islands 7.3 - Bronze Age landing places: hypothesis of identification 7.4 - A case study: the landing place of Calcara 7.5 - A case study: the wreck of the ship cargo of Pignataro di Fuori

63 66 70 73 74

CHAPTER 8 The maritime role of the Aeolian Islands and underwater archaeology: the Greek Period 8.1 - The Greek colony: history and archaeological evidence 8.2 - The Aeolian Islands and the sea: literary and archaeological evidence 8.3 - Greek settlements and landing places 8.4 - The power of the Corinthian export market 8.5 - The rise of the Roman Republic: Greek pottery imitation and “Graeco-Italic” amphorae 8.6 - A case-study: trade of mixed cargo with amphorae and black-gloss pottery

79 80 81 82 84 89

CHAPTER 9 The maritime role of the Aeolian Islands and underwater archaeology: after the Roman conquest 9.1- The economy of the Aeolian Islands under the Romans: a brief sketch 92 9.2 - Maritime trade on the “Roman route” 93 9.3 - Roman ships which took the “Aeolian route”: some statistics 95 9.4 - The first cargoes of Italian wines exported toward the western Provinces 98 9.5 - Roman settlements and landing places 99 9.6 - Roman villas with annexed fish-pond 100 9.7 - Maritime trade during the 1st century AD 101 9.8 - Economic history and trade during the Middle Empire and Late Roman times 104 CONCLUSION Towards an assessment of the maritime activity of the Aeolian Islands Synopsis of the investigated underwater archaeological sites Chronological framework Bibliography Maps Figures

IV

116 121 125 146 152

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In the many years that have passed since I began research on the Aeolian Islands, which started life as a PhD dissertation, I have incurred many debts. My greatest debt is to Prof. Luigi Bernabò Brea, who was a constant source of inspiration and encouragement from the beginning of my career. I am grateful to my PhD supervisor, Dr. Antony Parker, who greatly helped me in developing new hypotheses in the research. Prof. Roger Wilson deserves an important place for his guidance and constructive criticism, without whose constant support and encouraging criticism this book would not exist. He have also spent countless hours of his precious time trying to correct some of the deficiencies of my English, and for this all readers owe him a huge debt of gratitude. I also feel indebted to Prof. Piero Gianfrotta, whose careful, detailed criticism substantially improved this book. I also wish to express my gratitude to the MA students who participated in my lectures on Mediterranean Maritime Archaeology during the academic year 1998-1999 and 1999-2000 at the University of Bristol. In particular it was the enthusiasm and curiosity of Louise Bank and Thomas Termote which were largely instrumental in spurring me to broaden and deepen my understanding of maritime archaeology, which in turn served to strengthen the comparative aspects of my research. I am very grateful too to the British Academy of London, which provided the financial support for my PhD, granting me the prestigious award humanities research board. I would also like to acknowledge with gratitude the aid I received from the staff of the Museo Archeologico Eoliano in Lipari and the Soprintendenza archeologica at Messina. I must express particular thanks to Dott. Maria Giovanna Bacci, Dott. Umberto Spigo, Dott. Madeleine Cavalier, Dott. Anna Maria Vanaria, Dott. Maria Costanza Lentini who granted me access to the Museum as well as greatly assisting me, by discussing both their work and mine, in the development of this study at various stages. During those years I was also fortunate enough to enjoy the support of my friend Marcello Consiglio and I will always be grateful to his underwater knowledge for his detailed advices. Less tangible, but equally important, was the logistic support offered by Filippo Famularo, who helped me during the research in the Aeolian Islands. I owe a debt of gratitude also to the staff of the Istituto Idrografico della Marina Militare Italiana, and in particular to Admiral Mario Maguolo and Commander Stefano Monti who advised me during my research into meteorological data about the Aeolian Islands. I am also grateful to the staff and the librarians of the following institutions: University of Bristol, University of London, and the Science Department of the BBC of London. For permission to investigate manuscript sources I wish to thank the United Kingdom Hydrographic Office of Taunton (Somerset), and in particular the assistant curator, Helen Breeze. Special thanks go to my friends Mike and Danae O’Regan whose collaborative help, knowledge and interest in ancient history helped me to complete this book. In particular, I would like to acknowledge the hospitality and friendship offered by Mike and Danae, with whom I lived for a considerable time with their characteristic kindness and generosity. Most of the illustrations are the result of my own work; they are based on a variety of different sources, individually acknowledged, and have been prepared for publication by Francesca Pedalino who helped me with her technical support. I wish finally to express my sincerest appreciation to Prof. Sebastiano Italo Di Geronimo who provided me with the opportunity to work as part of the “Aeolian Islands Marine Park Project”. It should be also stressed that most of the results presented in this book were achieved thanks to the collaboration with the multidisciplinary team’s work, which was set up by the Riserva Marina Isole Eolie and the Museo Archeologico Eoliano. This has provided the resources and organisation without which this work would have been much the poorer.

V

LIST OF FIGURES AND SOURCES Chapter 1 None Chapter 2 1 - Geographical location of the Aeolian Islands 2 - Bathymetric sketch map of the southern Tyrrhenian Sea including indication of the other submarine volcanic seamounts (after Beccaluva et al., 1985) 3- Sketch map of submerged wave-cut platform on the Aeolian Islands (after Beccaluva et al., 1985; Calanchi et al., 1996; Ciocchi and Romagnoli, 1996) 4 - Sample of stratification from the Neolithic Age until the Late-Roman Age, from Saggio A 1961; the pumice layer is indicated in grey (after Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1998: 68, fig. 8) 5 -Sketch map of Lipari showing the flow of obsidian which occurred during the first (A), the second (B) phase of the Prehistoric eruption and during the Medieval (C) eruption (after Pichler, 1976; Beccaluva et al., 1985) Chapter 3 6 -Mediterranean chart plotted with the conventional terminology regarding the subdivision of local seas within the Mediterranean according to the “Limiti e denominazioni convenzionali” established by the Servizio Meterologico dell’Aeronautica Militare Italiana (after Istituto Idrografico dell’Aeronautica Militare Italiana, Agenda Nautica 1993, Genova: 206) 7 - Wind rose with the main winds characterising the Mediterranean basin. 8 - Official wind chart plotted with the main prevailing winds blowing during June (after Istituto Idrografico dell’Aeronautica Militare Italiana, Agenda Nautica 1993, Genova: 212) 9 - Official wind chart plotted with the main prevailing winds blowing during July (after Istituto Idrografico dell’Aeronautica Militare Italiana, Agenda Nautica 1993, Genova: 213) 10 - Official wind chart plotted with the main prevailing winds blowing during August (after Istituto Idrografico dell’Aeronautica Militare Italiana, Agenda Nautica 1993, Genova: 214) 11 - Official wind chart plotted with the main prevailing winds blowing during September (after Istituto Idrografico dell’Aeronautica Militare Italiana, Agenda Nautica 1993, Genova: 215) 12 - Table of comparison of the Aeolian Islands value of the winds arranged by season (Data derived from Cicala, 1997: 261, b, c, and d with the writers’ emendations) 13 - Polar diagram showing the summer (a), autumn (b), winter (c), spring (d) prevailing winds recorded by the Meteorological station on Stromboli-P.ta Lena during a span of time of 28 years of observations, from 1947 to 1975 (Data recorded by the Istituto Idrografico della Marina Italiana, adapted by Cicala, 1997: 26.a, with the writers’ emendations) 14 - Chart of the Mediterranean plotted with surface current of the permanent type (after Istituto Idrografico dell’Aeronautica Militare Italiana, Agenda Nautica 1993, Genova: 210) 15 - Seasonal chart of the currents around the Aeolian Islands during the months of March (a) and July (b) (after Istituto Idrografico dell’Aeronautica Militare Italiana, 1982) Chapter 4 16 - Right side of the wall-fresco of Acrotiri in the island of Thera (after Doumas, 1996) Chapter 5 17 - Chart of Lipari plotted with the main features of the coastline 18 - UWS 24 as recorded during summer 1999 (a), as recorded in October 1999 (b) (writers’ sketches) 19 - UWS 24. Chart including bathymetric lines and cross section sketch of the submarine topography (writers’ sketches)

VI

152 153 154 155 156

157 158 159 160 161 162 163

164 165 166 167

168 169 170

20 - UWS 23. Chart including bathymetric lines and cross section sketch of the submarine topography (writers’ sketches) 21 - Chart of Salina plotted with the main features of the coastline 22 - UWS 24. Chart including bathymetric lines and cross section sketch of the submarine topography (writers’ sketches) 23 - Chart of Filicudi plotted with the main features of the coastline 24 - UWS 25. Chart including bathymetric lines and cross section sketch of the submarine topography (writers’ sketches) 25 - Chart of Panarea plotted with the main features of the coastline 26 - UWS 26. Chart including bathymetric lines and cross section sketch of the submarine topography Chapter 6 27 - Sources of obsidian in the Mediterranean 28 - Pre-Neolithic sites with obsidian in Sicily: Perriere Sottano and Grotta dell’Uzzo 29 - Scheme A. Synthesis of the paleo-ecosystem on the Aeolian Islands 30. View-range from Castellaro Vecchio on Lipari towards contrada Rinicedda (also Rinella) on Salina 31 - Evolution of the pottery industry of Lipari (based on the Castellaro Vecchio and Lipari’s Acropolis archaeological stratification), by chronological phases of development: samples of forms (after Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1980 with writers’ emendations) 32 - Evolution of the pottery industry of Lipari (based on the Castellaro Vecchio and Lipari’s Acropolis archaeological stratification), by chronological phases of development: samples of motifs of decoration (after Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1980 with writers’ emendations) 33 - Evolution of the pottery industry of Lipari (based on the Castellaro Vecchio and Lipari’s Acropolis archaeological stratification), by chronological phases of development: samples of handles (after Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1980 with writers’ emendations) 34 - The three geographical zones in Sicily, divided by the winding path of the Platani and Himera meridionale rivers as lines of demarcation: (a) eastern zone; (b) sandwiched zone; (c) western zone. Comparison of the main distances travelling from Lipari to Sicily, divided by zone (a), (b), (c) 35 - Geographical distribution of obsidian from Lipari and Pantelleria in Sicily during the Neolithic Age. Distance from Pantelleria to Sicily Chapter 7 36 - Distribution of traded Aegean materials in the central Mediterranean during the Bronze Age (after Re, 1999: 405- 13; Marazzi, 1999, 415- 21; Bietti Sestieri, 1988: 23- 51; 1997: 473- 98) 37 - Spatial distribution of copper oxhide ingots in the central Mediterranean (Data derived from Giardino, 1982; Leighton, 1999) 38 - The Early Bronze Age forms of pottery found in the Pignataro di Fuori wreck. (after Bernabò Brea, 1985: 49, fig. 28; Castagnino Berlinghieri, 2003: fig.1) Chapter 8 39 - Shipwrecks with Corinthian materials (amphorae and/or pottery) datable from 700 to 500 BC. 1- Giglio Campese, 2- Gela, 3- Plemmirio “C”, 4- Cap d’Antibes, 5- Circeo “A”, 6- Pointe Lequin (Data derived from Parker, 1992; Koeler, 1981: 449-58; Panvini, 1996: 127-37) 40 - Shipwrecks with Corinthian materials (amphorae and/or pottery) datable from 500 to 300 BC. 1- Capo Graziano “G”, 2- Capo Rasocolmo “B”, 3- Gallipoli, 4- La Madonnina, 5- Preveza “B”, 6- Savelletri, 7- Sephiros, 8- Punta Braccetto, 9- Siracusa “A”, 10- Torre deel’Ovo (Data derived from Parker, 1992; Koeler, 1981: 449-58; Albanese Procelli, 1996: 95-9) 41 - Typologies of Graeco-Italic amphorae on UWW on the Aeolian Islands. 1- UWW 5,

VII

171 172 173 174 175 176 177

178 179 180 181

182 183

184

185 186

187 188 189

190

191

Will type A1 (after Albore Livadie, 1985: fig. 57.a), 2- UWW 6, Will type A1 (after Albore Livadie, 1985: fig. 89.b), 3- UWW 7, Will type A1 (after Albore Livadie, 1985: fig. 42.c), 4- UWW 8, Will type D (after Albore Livadie, 1985: fig. 48), 5- UWW 9, Will type A2 (after Albore Livadie, 1985: 49, 3), 6- UWW 10, Will type E (after Albore Livadie, 1985: 49, 5) 42 - Distribution of the stamp [BIO] impressed on “Graeco-Italic amphorae (Will type A1). 1- Taranto, 2- Pithaecussae, 3- Lipari, 4- Siarcusa, 5- Eloro, 6- Akrai, 7- Selinunte, 8- Lilyboeum, 9- Erice (Data derived from Bernabò Brea 1985; Parker, 1992; Van der Mersch, 1986) 43 - Distribution of the stamp [EY []Î ENOY] impressed on “Graeco-Italic amphorae (Will type A1). 1- Pithaecussae, 2- Lipari, 3- Gela, 4- Licata, 5- Selinunte, 6- Herakleia (Data derived from Bernabò Brea 1985; Parker, 1992; Van der Mersch, 1986) Chapter 9 44 - Roman wreck sites on the Aeolian Islands and historical events (Data based on Bernabò Brea 1985; Parker, 1992; Wilson, 1990) 45 - Dressel 1 amphora cargoes attested in the Mediterranean (after Parker, 1992, fig. 8) 46 - Dressel 1 amphorae found in the Aeolian Islands. (A) type 1B from UWW 12 (after Albore Livadie, 1985: 68, fig. 53, a and b), (B) type 1C (after Albore Livadie, 1985: 42, fig. 20, a and b), 47 - Sketch of the walled structures found along the coastline of Basiluzzo (after Kapitän, 1985: 78, fig. 69) 48 - Variants of Dressel 2-4 amphorae from UWW around the Aeolian Islands. (A) types from UWW 15 (after Cavalier, 1985: 71, fig. 60), (B) type from UWW 14 (after Cavalier, 1985: 92, fig. 96).

VIII

192

193 194

195 196

197 198 199

LIST OF TABLES AND SOURCES Introduction 1 - Percentage of ancient shipwrecks off the Aeolian Islands: distribution by period 2 - Ancient shipwrecks off the Aeolian Islands: rate of distribution by period

2 3

Chapter 2 None Chapter 3 3 - Current nautical terminology concerning strength of wind and scale of measurements (Data based on Istituto Idrografico della Marina Italiana, 1993 and other sources) 4 - Main meteorological factors affecting ancient navigation in the Mediterranean, arranged by characteristics 5 - Interpretation of data comprised in the South Tyrrhenian area during June measurements (Data based on Istituto Idrografico della Marina Italiana, 1993 and other sources) 6 - Interpretation of data comprised in the South Tyrrhenian area during July measurements (Data based on Istituto Idrografico della Marina Italiana, 1993 and other sources) 7 - Interpretation of data comprised in the South Tyrrhenian area during August measurements (Data based on Istituto Idrografico della Marina Italiana, 1993 and other sources) 8 - Interpretation of data comprised in the South Tyrrhenian area during September measurements (Data based on Istituto Idrografico della Marina Italiana, 1993 and other sources) 9 - Interpretation of data during the season of autumn. Prevailing direction of winds recorded by the meteorological Navy’s stations on Stromboli-Punta Lena during a span of time of 28 years of observations, from 1947 to 1975 (Data based on Istituto Idrografico della Marina Italiana, 1993 adapted by Cicala, 1997: fig. 26.a, b, c and d, with the writer’s emendation).

18 19 20 21 22 23

24

Chapter 4 None Chapter 5 10 - Geomorphological characteristics of the present coastline of Lipari (Data derived from survey carried out by the present writer within the feasibility project Riserva Marina Isole Eolie, 1999-2000) 11 - Geomorphological characteristics of the present coastline of Salina (Data derived from survey carried out by the present writer within the feasibility project Riserva Marina Isole Eolie, 1999-2000) 12 - Geomorphological characteristics of the present coastline of Filicudi (Data derived from survey carried out by the present writer within the feasibility project Riserva Marina Isole Eolie, 1999-2000) 13 - Geomorphological characteristics of the present coastline of Panarea (Data derived from survey carried out by the present writer within the feasibility project Riserva Marina Isole Eolie, 1999-2000) 14 - Selected sites and their principal geomorphological features (Data derived from survey carried out by the present writer within the feasibility project Riserva Marina Isole Eolie, 1999-2000) Chapter 6 15 - Comparison of faunal samples between Sicily and the Aeolian Islands. Number of animal bones recovered, arranged by period (Main sources: Bernabò Brea, 1980; Leighton, 1999) 16 - Animal bones both natural and worked recovered in the Lipari’s acropolis layers, mainly

IX

35

38 39

40 41

47

associated with trichrome pottery (Middle Neolithic), classified according to common functional features (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1980; Leighton, 1999) 17 - Distribution of obsidian from Lipari attested in the Central Mediterranean, including the consumer markets constituted by Monte Arci in Sardinia and Palmarola on the Pontine islands as well as Pantelleria on the Canale di Sicilia (Data derived from: Tykot, 1996: 39-82; Nicoletti, 1997:258-69; Leighton, 1999: 72-7). 18 - Graph of comparison between geographical areas characterized by obsidian from Lipari and Mount Arci. Northern Italy includes also Dalmatia; Sicily includes the adjacent islands (Data derived from: Tykot, 1996: 39-82; Nicoletti, 1997:258-269; Leighton, 1999) 19 - Graph of comparison between geographical areas characterized by obsidian from Lipari and Palmarola. Northern Italy includes also Dalmatia; Sicily includes the adjacent islands (Data derived from: Tykot, 1996: 39- 82; Nicoletti, 1997: 258- 69; Leighton,1999) 20 - Graph of comparison between geographical areas characterized by obsidian from Lipari and Pantelleria (Data derived from: Tykot, 1996; Nicoletti, 1997) 21 - Imported and exported materials relating to the Aeolian Islands (N: Neolithic Age; B: Bronze Age: R: Roman period) 22 - Geographical zones characterised by obsidian from Lipari and Pantelleria in Sicily, divided by the lines of demarcation following the rivers Himera meridionale and Platani: (a) eastern zone (b) sandwiched zone (c) western zone. (Data derived from: Nicoletti, 1996: 258-69; Tykot, 1999: 39-82) Chapter 7 23 - Typological analogies of Bronze Age settlements on the Aeolian Islands and those belonging to the Early and Middle Helladic Age of Greece as well as with the phase of Tarxien Cemetery on the Maltese islands (Data based on: Bernabò Brea, 1985a; Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1960; 1968; 1980; 1991a; 1994b; 1995; Spigo, 1994) 24 - Comparison of Early Bronze Age settlements on Aeolian Islands and Sicily by spatial distribution (Data based on: Bernabò Brea, 1985a; Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1960; 1968; 1980; 1991a, 1994b, 1995; Leigthon, 1999; Albore Livadie et al., 2003: 113-22) 25 - Comparison of Early Bronze Age, Middle and Late Bronze Age settlements on Aeolian Islands by spatial distribution (Data based on: Bernabò Brea, 1985a; Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1960; 1968; 1980; 1991a, 1994b, 1995; Spigo, 1994; Albore Livadie et al., 2003: 113-22) 26 - The six phases of Aeolian enterpreneurial activity provided by the shipwreck of Pignataro di Fuori off Lipari 27 - Comparisons between prehistoric shipwrecks in the Mediterranean, arranged according their main features (Data based on: Giorgianni, 1999: 321- 38; Papathanasopulos, 1990: 34- 7; Ciabatti, 1985: 303- 11; Bass, 1977: 34- 9; Pulak, 1988: 188- 224; Bass, 1967; Vicos and Lolos, 1997: 321- 37) Chapter 8 28 - Greek wreck-sites off the Aeolian Islands from 500 BC to 250 BC: distribution by period 29 - Wreck-sites with Graeco-Italic amphorae off the Aeolian Islands. Sporadic finds not recognised as belonging to a whole shipwreck are shown in Italics (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a; Wilson 1990; Agnesi et al., 2002) Chapter 9 30 - Roman wreck-sites off the Aeolian Islands: distribution by possible area of origin based on the typology of the main amphorae on board. Sporadic finds not recognised as belonging to a whole shipwreck are shown in Italics (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a; Wilson 1990) 31 - Roman evidence recovered from the seabed around Capo Graziano on Filicudi. Sporadic finds

X

48

53 54

55 56 57

58

64 65

66 75

77

84

86

93

not recognised as belonging to a whole shipwreck are shown in Italics (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a) 32 - Roman wreck-sites considered in this book showing the number of the both well and badly reported sites within a chronological framework (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a). 33 - Roman wreck-sites off the Aeolian Islands: rate of distribution by period 34 - Roman shipwrecks off the Aeolian Islands: distribution by main period, including the principal features of the cargoes. Sporadic finds not recognised as belonging to a whole shipwreck are shown in Italics (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a; Wilson 1990) CONCLUSION 35 - Categories of cargo investigated on the Aeolian Islands from the Bronze Age to the Late Roman period. One pottery example is Bronze Age; otherwise everything use is temporarily comparable (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a; Wilson 1990; Agnesi et al., 2002) 36 - Percentage of material categories represented in the shipwrecks off the Aeolian Islands (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a; Wilson 1990; Agnesi et al., 2002) 37 - Percentage of ancient shipwrecks off the Aeolian Islands: distribution by period (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a) 38 - Rate of increase of commerce attested by shipwrecks off the Aeolian Islands from 500 BC until 350 BC (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a) 39 - Selected sites and their principal geomorphological features (Data derived from surveying carried out by the present writer within the feasibility project Riserva Marina Isole Eolie, 1999-2000)

XI

94 95 96 97

107

108 112 113 114

INTRODUCTION

to Roman period. Within a chronological approach it presents a systematic study of archaeological sites found on the seabed around the Aeolian Islands and their relationship with historical events, as well as a view of the economy of the societies involved. In view of the variety of types of sites now lying below the sea’s surface, a study of maritime archaeology requires a research strategy combining archaeological, geological, and marine meteorological data in order to identify the ancient coastlines and link the various finds to them. The archaeological sites involved in this work consist predominantly of wrecks of ancient ships and their cargoes. These are indisputable witnesses to the precise movements of the commercial activity of the times. Furthermore, they represent an important and unique sample of Mediterranean underwater heritage, which document almost four millennia of history. Already in 1961 Lamboglia (1961: 371) observed, in drawing up statistics of the wrecks known up to that period in the western Mediterranean, that 90% of the ships which sank in coastal sailing around the Italian, Ligurian and Iberian shores were the consequence and evidence of the grandeur of the Romans’ conquest of the Mediterranean and their period of expansion throughout this area. Even more recent statistical studies (Lequement and Liou, 1975: 76) about ancient Mediterranean shipwrecks found off the French coast has revealed a percentage of 50% of Roman wrecks from a period spanning the 2nd and 1st centuries BC. Other detailed analysis clearly illustrated by charts showing wrecks groupped or distributed by period (Parker, 1992: Figs 3 and 4), has revealed how the proportion of Roman wrecks is over 75% of the whole recovered in the Mediterranean (Parker, 1992: 8), with a preponderance attested between the Republican and Imperial periody.

The Aeolian Islands, though a small archipelago, figured prominently in ancient civilisation. Their centrality in the south Tyrrhenian sea attracted the attention of outsiders, from the neighbouring regions in the eastern Mediterranean world in the proto-history period, to the Cnidians and Rhodians in the Archaic period and to the Romans afterwards; these groups controlled the islands as a whole or merely used them to exploit their strategic position together with the natural resources. From prehistory the fate of the Aeolians has been intimately connected with the volcanic activity on the islands of Lipari, Stromboli and Vulcano which has provided these with both prosperity and calamity. Although the fertility of the volcanic soil offers the potential for exceptional agrarian productivity together with a wealth of natural resources such as obsidian or sulphur, Stromboli, Vulcano and Lipari have been the victims of eruptions which have profoundly altered the ancient maritime topography. On the island of Vulcano the emergence of Vulcanello, which rose from the sea following an underwater eruption around 186 AD, has buried most of the traces of the previous civilisation. On Lipari the eruptions took place in two periods, one prehistoric, between 11,000 and 8,000 years ago- and the other one Medieval, occurring between 650 and 850 AD. When the proto-historic peoples or the Greeks or the Romans settled in the islands or even sailed off the islands they left highly distinctive remains of ancient maritime activity that came to light in the extensive excavations by Bernabò Brea and Cavalier. These archaeological remains either from land or underwater research have provided a wealth of maritime data, which has been exposed to partial analysis. Meanwhile, substantial new publications and papers presenting recent research on maritime archaeology, together with the investigations arising from this work have added further data to those available and rendered some obsolete. Systematic work on Mediterranean seafaring society has greatly improved our knowledge of the maritime world that left such valuable data. These advances have occasioned a fresh context in which to plot the maritime activity data provided by the Aeolian Islands, and the time seems ripe for a re-examination of these data.

The data presented in this study confirms only partially, what Lamboglia, at a distance of over thirty years, and what, more recently, the others scholars have already suggested. There is, nevertheless, an obvious fluctuation in the figures, clearly caused by the data emerging from new research, while there is no doubt that many others factors, related to the feature of cargoes or imprecise circumstances of recording, should also have contributed toward a distorted or incomplete overall picture. Table 1 shows that among the ships which sank around the Aeolian Islands 53% of the wrecks are attributable to the sphere of activity of Rome, 37% to commerce with the east of Greece and Magna Graecia, 5% to the Bronze Age, and 5% to the Spanish wars of succession (17th century). The chronological rate of the distribution of

This book intends to provide a detailed account of the Mediterranean maritime routes crossing the south Tyrrhenian through the Aeolian Islands from prehistory

1

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

the wrecks is displayed in Table 2.

Table. 1- Percentage of ancient shipwrecks off the Aeolian Islands: distribution by period

central Mediterranean in general, and vice-versa. In the course of the maritime activity over the centuries, initiated not only by the ancient thalassocracies but also by other port areas, many ships were fortunate enough to escape sudden storms through the shelter provided by one of the seven islands, while others ended their final voyages in tragedy. Indeed it is no accident that many of the wrecks of these ships, witness to the intense commercial activity over the centuries, have been discovered in the coastal waters of the Aeolian archipelago: these waters are particularly treacherous owing the presence of shallows and newly-emergent reefs around sea-level situated right next to promontories which offer the prospect of shelter from prevailing winds. There is the case, for example, of Cape Graziano di Filicudi where the remains of at least nine shipwrecks have been recovered, belonging to periods ranging from the middle of the 5th century BC to the 18th century AD. Even the most skilful sailors of antiquity were thus deceived by this most hazardous of points: the promontory of Capo Graziano could have offered good shelter from winds of the second and third quadrant, but as soon as the ship had rounded the cape she would run into the shallows of the same name. The same thing occurred in the case of ships which, sailing on the Tramontana, Grecale, or Libeccio winds, surprised by sudden squalls or by rough seas, would seek refuge to the S/SW of the cape. In general almost nothing has remained of the wooden structure of the hull of such ships because whatever wrecked them caused

This book therefore takes as its focus not only the wrecks of ancient ships and their cargoes, but also, wherever possible, the topography of maritime landing places, areas of anchorage and of shelter from prevailing winds, and thus of those sites related to ancient shipping and to the most heavily travelled routes of the Lower Tyrrhenian sea. Most of the results presented in this book have been achieved thanks to the collaboration with the multi-disciplinary teamwork established between the Riserva Marina Project of the Isole Eolie and the Museo Archeologico Eoliano, which provided the resources and organisation for what would otherwise have been unrealisable. It is hoped that a larger scale project, making use of the latest techniques of underwater prospecting as applied to archaeology might take soundings of all the sea-bed of the Aeolian Islands, drawing together and completing the great mosaic of finds presented here. It is known that a thorough, systematic study of underwater archaeological sites has never been carried out here; there have only been partial searches for the purposes of checking possible signs or aimed at definition of the area surrounding an already identified shipwreck. Their geographical position and morphological structure makes the Aeolian Islands an almost obligatory thoroughfare, or at any rate a nautical reference point, for ship sailing north after the Straits of Messina. Indeed, they were important for those ships which, having set sail from the coastal cities of the Tyrrhenian, followed the route towards Sicily, north Africa or the

2

Table. 2- Ancient shipwrecks off the Aeolian Islands: rate of distribution by period.

them to be smashed into pieces and scattered at the mercy of the waves; either that or they were themselves sunk under the weight of the heavy loads they were carrying.

cases of particularly bad weather they were forced to shelter in inlets and natural coves or close to promontories. Excluding the wreck of Pignataro di Fuori (UWW 1), which is exceptional, all the shipwrecks identified around the archipelago are indicative of commercial enterprise and of differing origins. These testify to the large-scale transit activities and perhaps also the use of the Aeolian Islands as a stop-off point for maritime traffic which was not necessarily bound for them. The archaeological sites discovered around the Aeolian seabed, constituted mostly by wrecks of ships and their associated cargoes, will, in this investigative framework, be associated with ancient coast lines and therefore with maritime landing places, mooring places, and sites of shelter, with a view to creating a complete picture of the maritime topography and of the commercial activity of the Lower Tyrrhenian sea.

Simple observation of the layout of ships’ wreckage shows, however, that fragments of wood from ships shattered by the sea’s fury are transported by the waves until they are washed up on the shores of ancient beaches. This observation then points to the investigation of those submerged sites which are the object of the present book: ancient shore lines, now below sea-level, which have securely preserved the remains of ancient vessels, about which, however, we can only put forward hypotheses in the hope that one day they may be excavated. Up to the present, of the twenty-one wrecks registered around the Aeolian Islands, six have yielded wooden hull fragments, but not in enough quantity to allow identification of their method of construction; only one (UWW 9) – which has been partially excavated but whose hull still lies under sand – has been able to provide good evidence. It is highly probable that the remains of the other ships wrecked over the centuries around the seven islands are still buried on those beaches, now covered in water, onto which they were carried by the waves; these were beaches which undoubtedly played a significant role as landing places. In fact the coastal topography of the Aeolian Islands was in antiquity much more amenable to navigation. Ships of the time sailed predominantly to windward, and were often compelled to do a lot of tacking, even sometimes abandoning the intended route if faced with a headwind or in the quest for a favourable wind; in

To clarify the methodological approach conceived for this study, a word must be said about the multidisciplinary teamwork carried out by the Riserva Marina Project of the Isole Eolie and the Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano. The multitopic project assigned to Istituto Policattedra Oceanologia e Paleoecologia Marina of the Università di Catania, under the direction of Prof. Sebastiano Italo Di Geronimo, was funded by the Ministero dell’Ambiente and the Ispettorato Centrale per la Difesa del Mare, and co-ordinated by the writer from the archaeological point of view. The basic methodological aim shared by oceanographers and archaeologists was to identify the nature of the present-day shoreline and of its adjacent seabed. Archaeologically, direct visual observations

3

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

combined with the data obtained from several samples taken offshore as well as inshore suggest an alternative way of examining the dynamic nature of the maritime dimension of these islands. The methodology has introduced a rather different approach to the maritime landscape and material culture in order to stress that it is just as stimulating to question how sailors reached these islands and how the islands welcomed these sailors. Moreover, because the agreements with the Museum did not provide for any type of deep inspection, this study is based on fieldwork carried out on land as well as underwater, but no archaeological excavation or stratigraphic work was conducted.

Within these typologies further distinctions were made as follows: A - wreckage of cargo; B - wreckage of ships with cargo; C - areas containing fragments of amphorae and finds of various types indicating a possible wreck; D - areas containing fragments of amphorae and finds of various types whose possible offloading is to be linked to stretch of water in front of a landing place; E - submerged beaches, a distinction being made between points of landing and putting out, bearing in mind, however, that the vessels were pulled over dry land onto and off the beaches; F - areas with various types of anchor lost by the vessels in mooring attempts, indicating temporary stop-off places to be linked to areas of anchorage or shelter; G - submerged buildings or parts of buildings.

The research strategy adopted is the result of a combination of archaeological, geological, and marine meteorological data, seeking to evaluate the interaction between two main maritime components, either in terms of the ancient economy or of the maritime landing places involved in the ancient seafaring world. Within this background, underwater and surface investigations were made using the geophysical instruments belonging to the research boat Blue Marlyn, which was equipped especially for this project. It consisted of a Global Positioning System (GPS), a simple graphic sub-bottom profile, a Loran. On board there was also a small submersible craft called Pluto, a kind of Remotely Operated Vehicle controlled via an electro-mechanical cable connected to a computer set-up on board, which enabled the investigation of underwater sites to a depth of 300 metres. Dives with snorkel or scuba apparatus were made within the “curve of safety” to a depth of 30 metres. The type of the bottom offshore was sampled using a special grapple bucket which was also connected with a GPS and echo-sounding systems in order to fix the exact point of sampling directly from on board. The material brought up in each sample was inspected directly on board, after washing and sieving, and then classified. Only through such preliminary investigation, which takes into account all the data available within a multi-disciplinary framework, can the full potential maritime involvement of these islands be estimated and its relationship with the seafaring world communities be analysed. For the sake of a systematic approach the archaeological sites considered in this work are divided into two main typologies: • Underwater wreck (UWW); • Underwater site (UWS).

4

Background and history of archaeological survey in the Aeolian Islands

CHAPTER ONE

Henry Smyth, commander of HMS Adventure, was engaged by the Admiralty Office of the Royal Navy to conduct a series of hydrographic operations in the western Mediterranean, in the course of which he displayed considerable talent in the archaeological field as well as in the hydrographic survey itself. The original manuscript of the log book belonging to Captain Smyth – kept in the United Kingdom Hydrographic Office at Taunton, Somerset – contains not only a very detailed description of the coastal topography and the shoreline of the islands including prevailing winds, sailing directions, danger points and sheltered places, just as a modern pilot-book would, but also includes carefully considered information about ancient literary references and some observations related to archaeological remains. This valuable logbook contains very interesting details, not only in relation to navigation, but also from an archaeological and artistic perspective. Smyth’s interest also found expression in the form of a series of drawings which were subsequently engraved and made public, including the regrettably little known “View of Lipari” or “View of Salina” on the Aeolian Islands. Thus Captain Smyth directed his attention to an archaeological excavation, which he carried out in a bathhouse belonging to a Roman house, characterised by a splendid black-white mosaic floor. In fact, he published in 1834 a useful article entitled An account of an ancient bath in the island of Lipari concerning this excavation.

BACKGROUND AND HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY IN THE AEOLIAN ISLANDS 1.1- Introduction The investigation of the Aeolian Islands has been the subject of growing interest over the centuries: from the antiquarian tradition to the age of travellers such as Jean Houel in 1785 and Ludwig Salvador von Hasburg in 1893, author of the eight-volume monograph entitled Die Liparischen Inseln. From the middle of the 18th century, people were drawn by the fame of the islands’ heritage, together with their wonderful seascape, ranging from respectable gentlemen on extended Grand Tours to sea-travellers on special exploratory projects, such as Captain William Henry Smyth (1814). Most of them also took more than a passing interest in remoter antiquity, which reflects the beginning of a gradual shift in the concept of archaeology, previously limited to association with the somewhat narrow concerns of antiquarian collection. In 1870 James Stevenson, whose many interests on the Aeolian Islands led him to experiment in various fields, decided to settle on Vulcano and dedicate himself first to the extraction and export of the pumice of Lipari and successively to extracting the sulphur of Vulcano. Alongside his mining activity on the Aeolian Islands, while establishing the Faculty of Natural Sciences at the Free Church College of Glasgow, he also applied himself to agriculture, planting the first vineyards in Vulcano.

Smyth’s logbook - written in brown ink on old yellowish paper, on which it is possible to read the watermark of Stains & Co. – even mentions discovery of a wreck. In examining a sea site off the SW coast of Lipari, about a quarter of a mile from Bath Rock, Smyth wrote “it was a singular circumstance [. . .] to perceive a wreck lying near the rock in about seventeen fathoms’ water: she appeared to have been a long time there, and was surrounded by fish: such a sight could not but inspire an affecting sensation, [. . .] the islanders who were with me were quite ignorant of the date of the disaster”. From this remark we detect at least six interesting things: first, the subject: a shipwreck; second, the location: off the Bath Rock; third, the sounding and the nature of the seabed: seventeen fathoms (31 metres), rock; fourth, the apparent age, albeit not well specified: “long time”; fifth, the opinion of the islanders about the wreck: no idea, which means a long time ago; sixth, less important, the feeling of Captain Smyth: emotional sensation. But what is so significant for the

However, while research and fieldwork have made advances in recent years, expanding into hitherto unknown sites, we are in some senses still in an exploratory phase. The most effective and appropriate way to go about exploring and engaging with the considerable amount of underwater archaeological deposits such as are to be found around the Aeolian Islands has been a key-issue within the broader question affecting the heritage of the Mediterranean as a whole. 1.2- The experience of Captain W.H.Smyth in 1814 The history of underwater exploration of the Aeolian Islands originated in a very singular way as far back as 1814. In that period, the British Captain, William

5

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

history of the surveys in this particular observation is that this represents the first mention of wreckage in the history of the survey on shipwreck-sites on the Aeolian Islands. It also provides remarkable evidence of the presence of a wreck at a particularly dangerous site, a site where in modern times divers have recovered many artefacts such as shipping amphorae, lead anchor-stocks, mill-stones and other materials (Agnesi et al., 2002: 187-207).

that period and now and that since then, geologically speaking, no neo-tectonic movements of an intensity to account for the change have been registered. On the basis of the above, the possibility cannot be discounted that during the last World War, the newly emergent reef was blown up by a submarine mine in order to allow warships to sail the sea without any problem of draft. 1.3- Initial underwater archaeological exploration: developments and problems

Indeed, looking from the surface at a site lying at a depth of 31 metres, Smyth could not fully appreciate the nature and size of a real archaeological shipwreck context. Of course, the islanders did not know anything about it, doubtless because of the very great age of the wreck. It should also be emphasised that at this site there is no “post-classical” wreck, and no losses have been reported. Moreover, at that same site a much-despoiled wreck of Graeco-Italic amphorae (UWW 8) was found and then investigated by an amateur group of divers at the beginning of the 1960s. Smyth’s annotation seems to be related to one of most significant wreck which sank at that particularly hazardous site: an isolated rock in the middle of the sea characterised by the steep slope and fallen pieces of rocks above which lay scattered archaeological items. This site, now known as Secca del Bagno, which in Smyth’s chart is named Bentinck Shoal, has become one of the most significant archaeological sites of the Aeolian archipelago. Looking at the existing situation of the seabed around this site, it is quite impossible to understand the meaning of the presence of such archaeological finds because there is no relationship between them and the maritime topography. Its maritime importance can fittingly be estimated by a relevant indication from Smyth’s nautical chart, where this precise site is drawn up at 2 fathoms and half, which corresponds to 4.6 metres, whereas it now lies at a depth of 14 metres. Indeed, only by allowing for lesser depth in the past is it possible to evaluate the danger of this newly emergent reef and give a nautical explanation in relation to the remains of the ships wrecked over the centuries around there. It should be noted that the difference between the current depth and that reported in the 1814 chart is not insignificant, amounting to no less than 10 metres. The recorded evidence is clearly unequivocal in this regard. The question becomes even more perplexing when we consider that only 186 years have elapsed between

After 1814 and Smyth’s hydrographic survey in the Mediterranean we have to wait until the 1950s (infact somewhat later, at the beginning of the 1960s, in the case of the Aeolian Islands), when technological advances began to allow the investigation of underwater shipwrecks with proper equipment. In Italy the combination of diving technique with archaeological enterprise, together with correct reporting and accurate publication, did not improve until the establishment of the Italian Centro Sperimentale di Archeologia Sottomarina di Albenga in 1957, and later the French Direction des Recherches Archéologiques Sous-Marines in 1967. The Italian Institute, under the direction of Nino Lamboglia (Pallares, 1997-98: 21-56), the first archaeologist to dive himself, albeit in an observation bell, and the French Service, directed by A. Tchernia, had developed the concept of evaluation of a wreck site without making any substantial difference between sea-based and land-based archaeological sites in terms of recording, mapping, and interpreting data. Clearly the different contexts of operation had to be taken into account. Indeed, the extension of the archaeological exploration system from the land to the sea led to a focus on the Aeolian Islands, as well as on the largest known Roman shipwreck of Albenga. This signalled a brave new pioneering phase of Italian underwater archaeology, and with it all the consequent problems of methodological approach. 1.4-Early underwater surveys on the Aeolian Islands: exploration or exploitation? The most customarily used SCUBA, the open-circuit system in which a finite quantity of compressed air is held in a tank carried by the diver, has opened a new way for so-called ‘treasurehunting’. It was this system that provided the basis for underwater exploration as well as for archaeological ‘exploitation’ throughout the Mediterranean, more ill-starred for divers than for archaeologists. While underwater activity was in its

6

Background and history of archaeological survey in the Aeolian Islands

early experimental phase, the invention of breathing apparatus providing extraordinary freedom of movements even at depth could be seen as a brilliant innovation reserved for a small elite of people developing a new kind of ‘market’: ancient underwater remains. Unfortunately, new technological advances (after the SCUBA apparatus) set the scene for commercial exploitation particularly by foreigners in collaboration with local divers, who enriched themselves by taking advantage of the violation of the huge ‘fields of amphorae’ which were a feature of the seabed of the archipelago. Indeed, the principal consequence of this miserable situation was the increase of the black market, which Bernabò Brea’s (1985e) well-known article Guerra di mare intorno alle Isole Eolie nell’ultimo ventennio clearly documents. A veritable competition was being played out with people coming from Belgium, Germany, the USA, together with those from Palermo and Reggio Calabria, in order to supply the flourishing black market specialising in underwater finds. According to the “oral tradition” of the Liparan islanders, a new “legend” arose: it is said that a yacht, belonging to an opulent Belgian, which was carrying a cargo of amphorae snatched from the Aeolian seabed, ran into a very strong wind (guided by the Wind God Aeolus himself) and sank near the Sicilian coast. Because illegal activity involving the theft of the underwater archaeological heritage of the Aeolian Islands was very well organised, the Museum Staff (Bernabò Brea,1985e: 20), who were well aware of it, decided to adopt a policy of support for the amateur underwater groups, instead of opposing them. This strategy was aimed at trying to control the indiscriminate lawless pillaging of the sea.

also with differing results. The first official exploration was carried out during the summer of 1960, under the aegis of the Soprintendenza Archeologica della Sicilia Orientale. On this occasion the Club Mediterranée diving team discovered and then excavated the Capo Graziano “A” shipwreck (UWW 10) and the Formiche di Panarea shipwreck (UWW 5). They did so using a questionable methodological approach, which, however, characterises the birth of a new scientific alliance, albeit in experimental mode at this time. This could be termed a “pre-understanding approach”, since it still had the character of two neighbouring fields of activity which do not sit entirely well together, namely archaeology and diving. The following explorations were also carried out by the Museo Archeologico Eoliano – now directed by M. G. Bacci – under the constant supervision of L. Bernabò Brea and M. Cavalier, in collaboration with amateur underwater groups and expert technicians, as well as Universities, Institutes and non-profit-making organisations. In connection with the first type of collaboration (amateur), a couple of important expeditions were carried out by two English military projects led by the Royal Air Force in the 1962 and then by the Navy Air Command Sub Aqua Club in 1968. Both of these projects were organised as part of a funded programme, set up by an official agreement with the Italian Ministry of Education, providing for diving around the shipwreck site off Filicudi. The educational or “recreational” aim of these military expeditions offered the service groups a great opportunity to dive in particular conditions, as well as allowing for the upgrading of knowledge of the past through analysis of the physical remains of ancient maritime activities. It should be emphasised that, in the military business of developing a proper professional soldier for the Army, diving in a distinctive situation such as a shipwreck site would have been regarded as a character-building experience for the soldiers. This means that the military activity involved in these expeditions was quite often focused on training divers who had little in the way of proper experience and far from a very good archaeological understanding, even if, in this case, the “indirect” support of the Museum Staff was constantly available.

1.5- First underwater explorations in collaboration with “amateur diving groups” The main goal of this new policy direction was ratified by the first agreement between the Aeolian Museum – then overseen by the Soprintendenza Archeologica della Sicilia Orientale – and the Club Mediterranée of Lipari (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985). Under this legal arrangement, the École de Plongée of the Club Mediterranée began to organise diving courses which included special exciting dives on the ancient shipwreck sites. On the basis of this general overview, even the most superficial analysis of the Aeolian situation reveals how underwater archaeological research has been carried out in the Aeolian Islands: to a considerable extent, but at very different levels of competence, and

Nevertheless, the first military group involved in the underwater survey off Filicudi, under the direction of Flight-Lieutenant M. A. Edmonds from St. Mawgan

7

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

of H. Schläger, the deputy Head of the Institute in Roma, started to work off Lipari on the so-called “Secca di Capistello” shipwreck (UWW 7). Unfortunately, what should have constituted the first properly organised undertaking of its type, by dint of the close co-operation between groups of archaeologists and technicians, both with diving expertise, ended in tragedy: H. Schläger himself and one of his best collaborator U. Graf died, while another assistant, F. Preuss, was paralysed for life. A few years later, a useful source of information about this excavation was published by the librarian of the Deutsche Archäologische Institut, H. Blanck (1978: 91-111). After this tragic event we had to wait until 1974 when the Centro Sperimentale di Archeologia Sottomarina di Albenga undertook the systematic exploration of the shipwreck off Filicudi named “F” (UWW9), which had been discovered previously by a local diver, B. E. Giuffrè. During the three explorations carried out from 1974 until 1976 under Professor Lamboglia’s supervision, with the logistical support of two boats Cycnus and Cycnulus, a well-preserved cargo of amphorae was very carefully dug up, thanks also to the collaboration of F. Pallarés and R. Ferrandi. While the work of excavation was still in progress, an account was given by Lamboglia (1974: 81-182), and later by Lamboglia together with Pallarés (1975-1981: 188-99).

military base at Newquay in Cornwall, worked diligently and with great commitment, surveying the so-called “A” shipwreck of Capo Graziano (UWW 10), which was previously investigated by the Club Méditerranée diving team in 1961. In this setting the role played by the military team was not only limited to diver support, but it also provided appreciable results in the form of a much improved standard of military report writing, along with reasonably good description and quite accurate sketches and photography. The complete report by Edmonds (1985: 101-07) himself, published at least twenty-three years later, is of particular interest. In it the British Flight-Lieutenant states that, following the guidance provided by the Museum Staff, the method of surveying and photographing used was that employed by Lamboglia at Spargi (Edmonds,1985: 105). The second English expedition carried out by the Navy Air Command Sub Aqua Club of the British Navy was coordinated by Lieutenants J. B. Gayton and R. H. Graham, with invaluable archaeological assistance being given by G. Kapitän. The sea-site investigated in 1968 was still Cape Graziano off Filicudi island, where the team of divers, operating under the close guidance of G. Kapitän, succeeded in identifying four new shipwrecks. A comprehensive account of this survey was made not by the Navy itself, as occurred in the preceding case, but by G. Kapitän (1977: 40-53), who established the basis for the correct understanding of this highly intricate site. 1.6- Further archaeological surveys collaboration with archaeological bodies

The excavation of UWW 7 represented a highly significant event which affected the whole of the academic archaeological world, and Lipari island therefore represented an ideal choice as the location for the 5th Convegno Internazionale di Archeologia Sottomarina in June 1976 (Lamboglia, 1975-1981: 20206). The occasion marked the first meaningful agreement on collaboration between two different bodies, one strictly archaeological, the other comprising professional technicians capable of diving to extreme depths: the American Institute of Nautical Archaeology and the Sub Oil Service (Frey, 1979: 194-03). During the archaeological survey started in 1977, directed by M. Katzev and D. Frey in collaboration with the Museum Staff, two boats, the Corsair and then, in the 1978 expedition, the Freebot, were utilised.

in

Around the same time in 1966 the massive exploitation of a cargo belonging to a new shipwreck discovered by local divers at Secca di Capistello off Lipari sounded the alarm bell for archaeological bodies pursuing official systematic research. In this highly difficult situation, with the thieving being too complex and well organised by the gangs to be easily repressed, Prof. Bernabò Brea, in his capacity as Soprintendente, decided to contact academic organisations and Universities in order to commission a proper archaeological survey before it has too late. His request was warmly welcomed by the Deutsche Archäologische Institut of Rome in 1969. It is worth noting that this was the first time an archaeological institution had been involved in an underwater archaeological survey on the Aeolian Islands. The German team, composed of both diverarchaeologists and technician-divers under the direction

The benefits offered by both groups of specialists and invaluable naval resources led to a great breakthrough in the field of underwater archaeology (Frey, Hentschel and Keith, 1978: 279-300). It provided the opportunity to re-explore the Secca di Capistello off Lipari, a site which was unfortunately marked by the tragic event

8

Background and history of archaeological survey in the Aeolian Islands

which occured in 1969. Taking advantage of the invaluable experience of the growing off-shore oil and petroleum research activity, and making use of a very sophisticated small submersible vehicle suitable for two people, the P51, the underwater exploration was carried out in a exceptional manner. It was the first and only case of its type reported in the Aeolian Islands, characterised by great cooperation and high standards of organisation (Frey, Hentschel and Keith, 1979: 724).

1978 – Sub-Sea Oil Service and E. Ciabatti (UWW1 and UWS 23); 1979 – a group of Carabinieri deep-sea divers from Messina, under the direction of M. Alberti (UWW 15); 1984 – Soprintendenza Archeologica della Sicilia Orientale, in collaboration with the works sub aqua group, Impresub, coordinated by Dott. B. Basile (seabed around Capo Graziano); 1985-1988 – Oxford University MARE, under the direction of M. Bound (UWW 11 and UWW 3); 1990 – Cooperativa Aquarius, under the direction of Dott. A. Freschi (UWW 17 and UWW 12); 1992 – E.F. Castagnino (Università degli Studi di Catania) in collaboration with the Museo Archeolologico Eoliano: search of the coastline and seabed (UWS 27); 1992 – the University of Bristol puts forward a request for a search and excavation of the seabed of Cape Graziano, but permission is denied; 1993 – Cooperativa Poseidon, under the direction of Dott. A. Ollà along with D. Signori and L. Lopes (Secca di Capo Graziano off Filicudi, area N); 1993 – Equipe interdisciplinare (Capo Graziano di Filicudi): feasibility study for the realisation of a “Telesistema museale dei beni culturali sommersi di Capo Graziano”, funded by the Regione Siciliana: A. Freschi (Cooperativa Aquarius) representing the archaeological aspect, Arch. V. Cabianca (Università di Palermo) the design of the permanent exhibition, Arch. M. Colocci (Università di Roma-TorVergata) the computerised cartography, Prof. G. Gabbianelli (Università di Bologna) the vulcanological and biological aspect; 1994 – Team of divers from the Guardia di Finanza of Messina in collaboration with Mr. M. Consiglio and the Harbour master of the Port of Lipari: emergency recoveries (UWW 8). At the request of Soprintendenza ai Beni Culturali ad Ambientali of Messina the harbour master of the Port of Lipari issued a decree banning diving in the Secca al Bagno area; 1995 – E.F. Castagnino (Università degli Studi di Catania) in collaboration with the Museo Archeologico Eoliano: search of coastlines and seabed (UWS 26, 22, 23, 24, 32, 36); 1996 – M. Consiglio (Archeoclub of Lipari): emergency recoveries (UWS 29); 1998-1999 – E.F. Castagnino (Università degli Studi di Catania): cartographic development and search of the seabed in front of the coastline of Lipari, Salina, Filicudi, Alicudi carried out in the context of the feasibility project Riserva Marina Isole Eolie assigned

In order to provide a general overview, without any comment on the merits and values of the methods, or any excuse regarding the commercial exploitation of archaeological sites, we here report the organisations which have been involved, at a variety of levels, in archaeological surveys in the waters off the Aeolian Islands from the 1960s until the present. They are as follows: 1960-1964 – École de Plongée du Club Mediterranée (Filicudi); 1962 – a group of officers and sub-officers of the Royal Air Force, under the command of M. Edmonds (Cape Graziano off Filicudi); 1968 – a group from the British Royal Navy Air Command Sub Aqua Club, under the command of B. Gayton and H. Graham, with the collaboration of G. Kapitän (Cape Graziano off Filicudi); 1969 – the Istituto Archeologico Germanico di Roma, under the direction of Prof. H. Schläger and U. Graef (Secca di Capistello), ending in tragic circumstances; 1969-1974 – a phase of stasis for research activity: the tragedy of ’69 apparently inhibiting other initiatives; some traces of activity, in the form of personal initiatives, are attributable to F. Oddo, B. Eolo Giuffre’, and F. Vaiarelli; 1974- 1976 – the Centro Sperimentale di Archeologia Sottomarina di Albenga, under the direction of Prof. N. Lamboglia and Dr. F. Pallarés (UWW 7); 1975 - G. Kapitän and F. Bassi (monitoring search); 1975-’78 – Ciabatti-Signorini, a group from Florence (UWW1 and UWS 23); 1976-’77 – the American Institute of Nautical Archaeology and Sub-Sea Oil Service, under the direction of M. Katzev and D. Frey (UWW 7); 1977 – the American Institute of Nautical Archaeology and Sub-Sea Oil Service, under the direction of M. Katzev and D. Frey (the seabed off Filicudi and Panarea); 1977 – a group of German deep-sea divers, under the direction of G. Kapitän (Cape Graziano off Filicudi);

9

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

to Istituto Policattedra Oceanologia e Paleoecologia, Università di Catania, under the direction of Prof. S. I. Di Geronimo, funded by the Ministry of the Environment and the Central Inspectorate for the Defence of the Sea; 2002 – Underwater research on the wreck site of Pignataro di Fuori off Lipari (UWW 1) conducted by the Istituto Universitario Suor Orsola Benincasa, Naples (unpublished). 1.7- Results of research: publication and archaeological reports The results of research carried out from the 1960s till the present day have been published, albeit in different ways, in the form of a number of single articles, most of them of a high academic level. Examples of these are those published by international journals, such as International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Forma Maris Antiqui, Roman Mittaeilungen, or by Sicilian publications, such as Sicilia Archeologica and Kokalos. The first comprehensive volume of underwater surveys carried out in the Aeolian Islands waters is that in Bollettino d’Arte published by the Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, in the form of a special edition, supplement 2 (1985). This collection, which gathered together the fruits of over twenty years’ experience, represents the collective effort of many people, including archaeological reports, observations, surveys and analyses of sites and material, most of which were as yet unknown. Closely related to this very important volume are the results of research and fieldwork published from the 1960s in the series Meligunìs Lipára, edited by Bernabò Brea and Cavalier. Indeed, this represents the main archive for archaeological research in the Aeolian Islands, and it is a fundamental tool for an accurate understanding of the general maritime economy of the Mediterranean. The last and conclusive issue of this series, is that in Volume XII which has been published in 2003; it is devoted to an examination of the Greek and Roman inscriptions found in the Aeolian Islands (Bernabò Brea et al., 2003). The newly-inaugurated Quaderni del Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano, in its first issue 1997, represents a tangible contribution to the history of the research and excavations carried out in the Aeolian Islands from 1987 up until 2001. The first volume (1997) also contains the most important results of recent underwater investigation in the area of the Secca di Capo Graziano off Filicudi island. It also incorporates the latest discoveries and the latest

10

thinking on the history and archaeology of the Aeolian Islands, such as the important gains resulting from the identification of the kiln-sites for shipping amphora production, on Porto delle Genti on Lipari. In 1992 Bound wrote a useful book entitled Archaeologia sottomarina alle Isole Eolie, conceived as an introductory guide to the underwater heritage of the Aeolian Islands from antiquity until modern times. The considerable improvement of the last decade is related to the project entitled Telesistema museale dei beni culturali sommersi launched in 1993 and supported by Regione Siciliana in collaboration with the Museo Archeologico Regionale of Lipari. This project was developed in the context of a wider programme for the improvement of the Museums belonging to the Regione Siciliana, the so-called P.I.M. – sottoprogramma 5/Isole Eolie; Misura 9: musei didattici e valorizzazione culturale –. The archaeological research was carried out by Cooperativa Aquarius led by A. Freschi and executed by her professional team. During this phase of the survey, taking advantage of a series of dives off the Secca di Capo Graziano off Filicudi, new archaeological gains were made. Although these fresh finds only permitted a better understanding of those same archaeological sites which were already known (such as UWW 10, UWW 9, UWW 2, the areas of UWW 6 and UWW 21, UWW 14 and UWW 13, UWW 19), it meant that the individual context of each UWW was better specified and updated. On this occasion also the necessity of a systematic archaeological survey, within an interdisciplinary approach, was very clearly underlined by U. Spigo – the Director of the Museo Archeologico Regionale of Lipari up until December 2001 –, who commented on “correct and targeted organisation of future programmes, either of research or of preservation (in the context of the nature of the future underwater resources of the islands) of the distinctive characteristics of the underwater environment, which characterise the conditions of archaeological sites“ (Spigo, 1996: 149). The last considerable survey in the Aeolian waters took place in the summer of 1998 and 1999, during a project aimed at the circumscription of the Riserva Marina Isole Eolie, entrusted to the Istituto Policattedra Oceanologia e Paleoecologia Marina of the Università di Catania. This project, under the direction of the Palaeontologist Prof. S. I. Di Geronimo, was established with the collaboration of the Ministero

Background and history of archaeological survey in the Aeolian Islands

dell’Ambiente and the Ispettorato Centrale per la Difesa del Mare, both part of the Italian Government. The underwater exploration along the shoreline off Lipari, Salina, Filicudi, Alicudi, whose archaeological aspect was coordinated by the present writer, was issued in a comprehensive report which was delivered to the Italian Government (unpublished).

11

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

CHAPTER TWO

2.2 - Geological background and geo-dynamic models

GEOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK OF THE AEOLIAN ISLANDS

Apart from the mythological interpretation suggested by ancient writers such as Strabo1, for whom Vulcano was the home of Hephaestus where the weapons belonging to Cyclopes were cast, speculation about geology and natural sciences on the Aeolian Islands can be traced back to the late 17th century and the Grand Tours of foreign gentlemen attracted by the unique and often dramatic Aeolian landscape. The ongoing volcanic activity of the islands recalls prominent naturalists and geologists such as P. Campis – who wrote a detailed pioneering geographical description of the islands during his visit (Campis, 1694) – or D. De Dolomieu, who wrote a stimulating work (1783) which marks a decisive break with the remoter antiquarian interest.

2.1 - Geographical and geological configuration The archipelago of the Aeolian Islands, also known as the Lipari Islands, lies off the north-eastern coast of Sicily. The area extends between the 38° and the 39° parallel on the south Tyrrhenian Sea (Fig. 1). The archipelago consists of seven major and numerous small to very small islands, the major ones being Lipari, Vulcano, Salina, Filicudi, Alicudi, Panarea and Stromboli. The south coast of Vulcano lies about 25 kilometres NW of the northern tip of the Milazzo peninsula; Stromboli lies about 75 kilometres to the north of that point. All are volcanic and their formation is strictly related both to the aggregation of eruptive materials and the rising of bradisims phenomenon. The Aeolian archipelago is located on the higher part of the continental Tyrrhenian scarp, which gradually slopes down following a NW direction until it reaches the abyssal Tyrrhenian area. Four of those islands (from west to east: Alicudi, Filicudi, Panarea and Stromboli) are situated in the sea in such a way as to form an “arc”, this particular shape being further enhanced underwater by other submarine volcanic seamounts such as the Sisifo, Enarete and Eolo to the west of Alicudi and Lametini, Alcione and Palinuro to the east of Stromboli (Fig. 2). This complicated geological configuration outlines a partial ring of 250°, partly underwater, covering an area of 7,000 square kilometres. From the seamount base located at a depth of 1,500 - 2,000 metres, dated to the Neogenic-quaternary period, volcanoes rise up to a height of more than 960 metres above sea-level (Monte Fossa delle Felci of Salina). The islands of Salina, Lipari and Vulcano extend perpendicular to the arc, and are also located following the N/NW - S/SE direction. The analysis of small geological samples from the seamount Sisifo has shown that the first volcanic activity could be dated within a range of 1,3 and 0,9 million years ago, while samples from Filicudi attest to a date of one million years (Beccaluva et al., 1985). Summing up, the Aeolian volcanic phenomenon has developed and evolved over a period of not more than one million years.

12

Also of geological significance are the speculations of Sir W. Hamilton, who visited the islands in the 1773 after which he published an official report in a series of letters addressed to the Royal Society of London. Although Hamilton’s ideas about the volcanic activity of Vulcano – probably influenced by the short time which he spent on the island – were critically received by Campis, this exchange of views might be considered as the beginning of a new systematic approach to geological problems. After the 18th century it was not until the 1950s that the first official geological survey was initiated by Segre, who drew the first geological map of the Tyrrhenian in 1958, including the Aeolian Islands. Subsequently, the activity of the Osservatorio Geofisico Sperimentale of Trieste, under the direction of Prof. Morelli and from 1960 under Prof. Selli of the Centro Nazionale Ricerche, further developed such studies. Since then, a number of geo-dynamic models have been put forward to explain the opening up of this part of sea. Among them, one of the early theories (Forsyth Major, 1883) holds that the Tyrrhenian area came to light in part during the Middle Pliocene Age, serving to provide more space for the distribution of terrestrial mammals related to Sardinia’s flora. Following on the initiative of the Osservatorio Geofisico Sperimentale, there was a sudden growth of interest in geo-dynamic models among geologists, stimulated by the new advanced approach to interpretation. It resulted in several notable publications, which have made a significant contribution to the progress of research. However, recently advanced theories

Geological framework of the Aeolian Islands

maintain that the south Tyrrhenian area was only partially formed during the Middle Pliocene, when it appears like an archipelago characterised by numerous scattered islands, very similar to the corresponding area in the Aegean sea (Selli and Fabbri, 1971). Geological and geophysical research, carried out during the past 15 years, has confirmed the eastward migration of an extensional stress-field from the Oligo-Miocene Sardinian margin to the Pleistocene Marsili basin (Ferrari and Manetti, 1993). The subduction-related volcanic activity showed the same eastward migration going from the Oligo-Miocene Sardinian Arc to the Pliocene Anchise-Ponza Arc and, at last, to the Pleistocene Aeolian Arc (Savelli, 1988). In 1994, within a special project co-ordinated by the Istituto Idrografico della Marina Italiana together with several universities including that of Catania, three oceanographic surveys were carried out aimed at investigating those areas characterised by volcanic and hydrothermal phenomena (Faranda and Povero, 1996). Within the complex evolution of the Tyrrhenian arc, the Aeolian Islands have been defined as an active volcanic arc along the southern edge of the Tyrrhenian plate (Villari, 1980: 1).

Furthermore, recent underwater surveys conducted in the last decade (Calanchi et al., 1996) confirmed the identification of submerged wave-cut platforms down to a depth of 100-120 metres which corresponds with the earliest phase of the whole islands (Fig. 3). Indeed, the level of both land and sea have changed more in geological terms than in prehistoric and proto-historic terms. Submerged artefacts and archaeological finds discovered in situ near or very close to the shoreline indicate that the sealevel has been changing up or down at a rate that was manifest even within a single generation. It has been estimated that the typical rate of rise during the melting of the last glaciation was of the order of 0.5 metres per fifty years, which is very perceptible even within a single human generation. Thanks to a very peculiar geological phenomenon, which has protected the archaeological evidence in an exceptional degree of preservation, it has been possible to establish the whole succession of civilisations that flourished on the islands. A very fine volcanic ash carried by the west wind, which prevails in the islands, swept over the highlands forming an archaeological deposit of about ten metres deep, which has served to preserve a distinctive stratification, as though in a systematic archive (Fig. 4). The exceptional stratigraphy allowed by the amassing of this fine volcanic powder has revealed a unique pattern for the sequence of cultures of Sicily, southern Italy and their obvious interconnections with the most enterprising traders and mariners of the ancient world over several millennia. The archaeological finds relating to the exploitation of mineral and marine resources, as well as the deployment of the strategic position of the islands, appear to provide useful data to facilitate the attempt to reconstruct the process of occupation over the centuries. The main archaeological excavations have been carried out intensively by Luigi Bernabò Brea and Madeleine Cavalier in the Aeolian Islands, starting in the 1940s. More detailed consideration of these excavations, which were extremely successful thanks to a combination of favourable circumstances, will be given in the context of the following island-by-island analysis, as well as in subsequent chapters.

2.3 - Volcanic formation of the Islands The first study to involve chronological reconstruction of volcanic activity was carried out by Keller (1967), who investigated the correlation between marine wavecut platforms and the inter-melt phases of the last glaciation. Recent geological investigations found clear traces of eustatic sea-level changes linked to the Pleistocenic glaciations. In the islands of Filicudi, Salina, Panarea and Lipari, geologists identified different levels of marine wave-cut platform (Fig.3) located between 1.05 and 4 metres above the present sea-level (Ciocchi and Romagnoli, 1996). The earliest volcanic activity has been dated to the Early and Middle Quaternary (Günz-Mindel’s glaciation) when the formation of Panarea, Filicudi and Alicudi occurred, as well as part of Salina and the western part of Lipari. During the Early Pleistocene Age, after a period with no volcanic activity, the conclusion of the process of formation of Salina and of the main part of Lipari – the inter-melt phase post-Riss-Würm – took place. During this period, Vulcano and Stromboli, where geologists failed to find any evidence of eustatic sea-level changes in relation to the Pleistocenic glaciations, were still submerged and were to rise later during the Late Pleistocene Age (Keller, 1967).

2.4- The islands: geomorphological characteristics, volcanic eruptions and neotectonics LIPARI Lipari is the largest of the islands, covering an area of 37.6 square kilometres. Its base emerges at 1,100

13

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

metres below sea-level and reaches its highest elevation with Monte Chirica, which is 602 metres high. Apart from the eruptions occurred in geological time (which are less important for archaeological purposes) which, in the recent volcanic activity on Lipari two eruptive events may be distinguished, one prehistoric and one Medieval. To be specific, the prehistoric one has been established as occurring between 11,000 and 8,000 years ago (Bigazzi and Bonadonna, 1973; Pichler, 1981), while the Medieval one is estimated as being between 650 and 850 AD (Bernabò Brea and Krönig, 1978-79). The volcanic activity occurring in prehistoric times, limited to the NE area of the island, on the Vallone Gabellotto-Fiume Bianco, led to the formation of the flow of obsidian of Lami-Pomiciazzo (Fig.5), which was subsequently followed by the flow of Forgia Vecchia. After a period of quiescence volcanic activity of a more moderate type resumed, causing the build-up over the whole island of brown volcanic ash, rich in potassium; a possible origin in the form of underwater explosions is indicated (Bergeat, 1899; Crisci et al., 1983). The spread of these deposits, which at some points reach up to 20 metres in depth, has led to the formation of an extremely fertile soil, whose merits were extolled by early literary sources2 . These deposits which cover more or less uniformly the whole surface of the island have been identified at the lowest levels of the archaeological stratigraphy in contrada Diana and in the Lipari’s acropolis, where, in this latter case, the assorted evidence of at least six millennia of history (Bernabò Brea, 1960) is preserved under a layer of material of around 10 metres (see Fig. 4). The Medieval activity produced huge volumes of pyroclastic hydromagmatic (pumice) material and vast extrusions of obsidian, leading to the formation of the pumice cone of Monte Pilato and of the lavaflow of Rocche Rosse, which completely altered the coastal topography to the north and NE of the island (Fig.5). During the past 1,200 years Lipari has experienced no volcanic eruptions. The only volcanic-related event was a brush-fire on Monte Guardia, during midSeptember 1995. Evident indication of present-day hydrothermal activity is the presence of hot springs occurring in the thermal areas called San Calogero located on the SW quadrant of the island, where a system of underground channel-ways provide hot water running at a temperature between 45° and 50°C.

14

VULCANO The island has a surface area of around 22 square kilometres. and reaches a height of 500 metres asl with Monte Aria, which itself represents the culmination of an even greater structure whose base rises from a level of around 2,000 metres below sealevel. On the island may be distinguished the three morphological units: - the first, to the south, consists of Monte Aria, Monte Saraceno, Monte Luccia and the depression of Vulcano Piano; - the second, at the centre of the island, comprises the caldera and the crater of Vulcano Fossa, characterised by explosive activity and by numerous lava flows; one of these, the flow of riolithic obsidian of Pietre Cotte, along the NW side, was formed in 1771; - the third is composed of Vulcanello, 122 metres above sea-level, an extended shelf of lava, resulting from the juxtaposition of three small structures, formed between 186 BC and the 16th century AD. The island was connected to Vulcano around 1550 with the formation of a low sandy isthmus, around one metre above sea-level, created by a build-up of volcanic ash. The intense eruptive activity has an explosive character coming from the cratere della Fossa, and is currently restricted to emissions of hot steam concentrated on the northern edge of the cone. The eruption which occurred in 1888-1890 was the only one that was observed by scientists and was described in great detail (Mercalli and Silvestri, 1891) as characterised by the ejection of countless large breadcrust bombs. The activity observed by the scholars was used to form a new term of volcanic activity, the so-called Vulcanian style. Since the end of the 1888-1890 eruption, there have been two major episodes of increased fumarolic and sismic activity, one in the mid-1920’s and another one starting in 1985 that seems to have delined in 1995. On 18th April 1995 fumarolic activity at the north rim of Gran Cratere had notably diminished but it had become more vigorous in the deep central pit of the crater. In late April 1997, large steam plumes were again visible over the Gran Cratere. SALINA Salina is one of the largest and highest islands of the archipelago, with a surface area of 26.75 square kilometres and steep geological structures, such as Fossa delle Felci and Monte dei Porri – nowadays nature reserves – 962 and 860 metres in height

Geological framework of the Aeolian Islands

respectively. These two very similar volcanic cones are separated by the Sella di Valdichesa (280 metres asl), from whose characteristic shape they derive their name Didyma 3 (double). The last cycle of eruptions which resumed 13,000 years ago developed at the foot of Monte dei Porri, producing the explosion crater of Pollara, at the NW extremity of the island, characterised by white pumice, andesite and mica. There is still some residue of endogenous activity in the area of Pertuso and Rinella, with some underwater emissions of gas and vapours.

splitting-up of a wider feature, but especially because of the presence of three levels of marine wave-cut platforms, the highest of which lies at a height of 100 metres. The end of the volcanic activity was followed by tectonic and erosive phases, causing moulding and leading to the current morphology. An indisputable indicator of present-day activity is the presence of fumaroles and thermal springs which are concentrated in the NE quadrant, where solfataric and hydrothermal activity has produced clay minerals and other materials. Similar hot springs together with solfataric activity are also attested on the sea-bottom around Dattilo. Submarine fumarolic emissions have once more increased significantly and an intensification of degassing and consequent bubbling occurred in the area surrounding the small islet of Lisca Bianca, about 2 kilometres east of Panarea was reported on the 25th November 2002.

FILICUDI The island is around 9.5 square kilometres and reaches a height of 774 metres above sea-level. It stands on a vast underwater structure, of which it represents the part culminating in an above-water environment, with a pseudo-conical form and an elliptical base, extending for around 18 kilometres with a main axis directed in a NW-SE direction. This stretch, which to the SE constitutes the peninsula of Capo Graziano, also finds a corresponding feature in the presence of a deep area of shallows – 36 metres down, situated 4 kilometres NW of the island – and also in the large number of reefs which lie around 1 kilometre. from the NW coast. The island is composed of the product of six centres of eruption, the earliest of which is situated in the area of Fili di Sciacca; the most recent is in the La Montagnola area. The first volcanic activity on the island took place along the eastern coastline, and is evidenced by the falesia of Fili di Sciacca. The most recent volcanic phases were brought about by La Montagnola, forming to the SE the dome of Capo Graziano, located along the southern coast and the eastern extremity of the island.

ALICUDI Alicudi is the westernmost island, and extends for 5.2 square kilometres with a particular subconic form, its highest points being Filo dell’Arpa (675 metres asl) and Timpone della Montagnola, 662 metres high. The island comprises a multi-stratified volcano, covered to the SW by several domes. There are no signs of any endogenous phenomena occurring in historical times, nor have there been traces of recent activity in the present day. STROMBOLI The northernmost of the islands has a surface area of 12.6 square kilometres and reaches its highest point in la Serra Vanconari, which is 926 metres above sealevel, constituting the remains of an early volcanic crater of andesitic lava. The island comprises four morphological elements: to the south there is the ancient volcanic layer of Serra Vancori; immediately to the north of this is the Cima, which is 918 metres in height; and 300 metres towards the north is the present-day crater with five active mouths and the neck of Strombolicchio. In the crater terrace the number of active volcanic mouths varies constantly, with moderate magma effusions alternating with violent explosive phases. The number of eruptions in historical times is countless, not least of which is that recorded on 28 February 1955, which produced a lateral outflow of magma just below sea-level in the Sciara del Fuoco.

PANAREA The island, along with seven other islets, forms a small archipelago, including the following: Formiche, Dattilo, Bottaro, Lisca Bianca, Lisca Nera and Basiluzzo. This group of islands are what remains of centres of submarine eruption established upon a unique morphological structure consisting of an extended submarine volcanic relief. Panarea is in fact the smallest and lowest of the Aeolian Islands, with a surface area of 3.3 square kilometres and a maximum height of 421 metres asl. The island is considered the earliest volcanic manifestation of the Aeolian Islands, not only because its morphology, which seems to be the product of the

During 1998, Stromboli produced three larger explosions with incandescent pyroclastics and local

15

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

bush fires: on the 16th January and another two on the 23rd August and the 8th September. Several further strong explosions occurred towards the end of 1998. A strong explosion was reported on the 26th August 1999, with a powerful eruption that launched incandescent pyroclastics on to the Pizzo sopra la Fossa, which is located on the higher part of the island at 918 metres asl. The latest, very vigorous, activity was of the Strombolian and explosive types, also accompanied by ash emission, which occurred during the first half of August 2003, in the upper Sciara del Fuoco, at about 550 metres asl; it gave rise to a spatter cone on the crater floor, and fallout of incandescent bombs on the outer flanks of the cone. The most apparent indicator of recent activity is also the presence of fumaroles coming from the seabottom which is characterised by numerous small fumaroles.

Notes 1

Strabo, Geographia, 50,6. Diodorus of Sicily, Historical Library, 5, 9, 1-5; Strabo, Geographia, 6, 2, 10; Pliny, Natural History, 35, 175 e 184; 36, 154. 3 Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesain war, 3, 88, 2-3; Pausanias, Description of Greece, 10, 11,2; Strabo, Geographia, 6, 2,11; Pliny, Natural History, 3, 8. 2

16

Ancient navigation and evaluation of the marine-meteorological conditions in the South Tyrrhenian sea

Ethnographic parallels illustrate how even very simple shapes of floating items are able to provide a means of water-transportation which, although depending on local meteorological conditions and cultural background, is extremely important to estimating the character of maritime activity and to tracing the nature of seafaring and beach-gathering cultures. Regarding the physical possibility of navigation, by analogy with ethnographic comparisons, we can assume that the mariners of the western Mediterranean, as well as other mariners in the prehistoric periods, went down to the sea on whatever they could find that would keep them afloat, such as a small reed-bundle craft, a simple log, or a tree branch, or a piece of wood, or any kind of floating item. Although the quality of archaeological documentation world-wide regarding the earliest forms of water transport is very patchy, both in time and in space, in the light of the discussed ethnographic cases, we can assume that it was a very simple and easy system, created from the material available and made small and light enough to be packed onto the back when not in use, after reaching a landing place.

CHAPTER THREE ANCIENT NAVIGATION AND EVALUATION OF THE MARINE-METEOROLOGICAL CONDITIONS IN THE SOUTH TYRRHENIAN SEA 3. 1 - Early seafaring framework While the early idea of navigation was built up through personal experience and inherited knowledge, as part of the sea-culture, the basic business of directing the movements of a craft from one point to another led people to find their way across the sea beyond the bounds of the established maritime environment. However, the presence of large quantities of material culture on sites which are far away from the original source is vital evidence of the extensive maritime interchanges which have occurred since prehistoric times. It suggests that seafaring people had developed their powers of perception to the point that navigation to them was a remarkably evolved art. From this slant we have also to take into account that maritime trade was not a single uniform process, but rather varied according to the level of development of the cultural society involved, especially in the case of sites such as those in the western Mediterranean which are open to many different kinds of impact through cultural exchange.

As is well-known, in the Mediterranean the first attestation of movement of material culture implying open sea crossing is in the Argolid, in the Franchthi Cave, where, in the stratified levels dated to the tenth millennium BC, was found obsidian originating from the island of Melos. But no direct evidence relating to any kind of water transport has been found, neither in the eastern nor in the western Mediterranean. Likewise, in the early wrecks found off Newe Yam “C” (c. 25th –19th BC) in Israel (Galili, 1985:143-53), or off Dhokós island (c. 2200 BC) in Greece (Papathanassopoulos, 1976:17-23) as well as at Pignataro di Fuori (c. 2000-1700 BC) in Lipari island (Bernabò Brea, 1997: 415-20; Castagnino Berlinghieri, 2003: 1043- 48), no wooden structure of any hull has been recovered. It is clear that the earliest kind of water transport known does not come from the Mediterranean but from the North sea; it is the Scandinavian “dugout”, a sort of logboat which is datable to the Mesolithic Age of northern Europe, which is about three millennia before the oldest Mediterranean vessel, the Egyptian river-ship (c. 2350 BC.) which survived in the Cheops burial (Johnstone, 1988). Indeed, it is important to observe that the so-called ‘Cheops boat’, assembled by a very elaborate planksystem is however not comparable to the known later

In view of the fact that no information is available on the structure of early boats or ships which crossed the open sea, we can have an idea of this kind of water transport through looking at less developed cultures, such as that of the New Zealand Aborigines (Casson, 1996) or Indonesian seafaring (MacKnight, 1973: 198209), or also India’s eastern coast (Blue et al., 1997: 189-207), where fishermen continue to fulfil a useful function in society to this day. Even in the Mediterranean we can find the survival of reedboat tradition, such as a kind one called Fassone which is still used in Sardinia within a traditional annual regatta which takes place in Santa Giusta nearby Oristano on 15th August. Indeed, as in proto-historic times, the seafaring community today represents a special fellowship of distinctive miscellaneous and cultural exchanges. It is worth noting that within the waterborne societies living nowadays around the world, the use of rafts, floating hulls, sailing vessels or paddle-propelled dugouts continues to be connected with spirited folkways and ritual ceremonies.

17

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

Mediterranean sea-going ships. However, taking into account the fact that early navigation was possible only through a mental chart (MacGrail, 1991: 87) constructed from the experience of each mariner, the identification of key landmarks as well as the exploitation of marine agencies represented precious signs to such sailors. 3.2- Navigation in the western Mediterranean with special reference to the south Tyrrhenian sea Research on the subject of meteorology (Metallo, 1955: 288-303; 1962: 59-67; Flemming, 1996: 23-52) in the Mediterranean seems to suggest that climatic variations after the last melting era have not occurred at a great enough rate to generate representative modifications in the pattern of flowing currents as compared with the present. Ancient sailing was mainly accomplished following a kind of coastal navigation characterised by several landings or stop-offs along the route in addition to the exploitation of every kind of propulsion available. It is also worth noting that the nature of maritime interaction between littoral populations and simple forms of water craft previously observed by looking at certain seafaring and fishing communities where it is still an everyday occurrence, points to the exploitation of every impelling force available. To evaluate maritime cultures and related habits of interacting with the sea, contemporary seafaring tribes/ societies constitute, as in proto-historic time, an invaluable means of investigation. All sailing ships in antiquity just as nowadays took advantage of the energy supplied by winds and currents in addition to any kind of extra available system of propulsion such as those provided by manpower like oars or paddle in antiquity, engine or hydro-jet in modern time.

Observing the data recorded by the literary sources it seems that the main pattern of ancient seaborne activity was confined to the summer and that the off-season for sailing was from November to April (Rougé, 1952: 316-25). The last few years have seen some contribution to the literature (Giardino, 1996: 269-79; 235-38) on ancient navigation and meteorological phenomena related to the Mediterranean, but there has been no comprehensive evaluation of such matters exclusively concerned with the western area, or more specifically the Aeolian Islands. Hitherto theories emerging from marine-meteorological data have been based on the simplest evaluation of wind or current-patterns recorded in published charts mainly related to the general flow over a long period. But it could be hazardous or even misleading to use this kind of documentation when investigating a detailed stretch of sea like and around the Aeolian Islands. As regards current charts, for instance, those are mostly variable in scale and also tend to concentrate on the effects of irregularities in coastline profile or of unpredictable varying local winds. Although this has contributed some useful insights, it appears that for a given meteorological problem, direct observations recorded by the official meteorological Navy’s stations could provide the most satisfactory data. In order to undertake the evaluation of such problems, it would be better to use the conventional terminology regarding the subdivision of local seas within the Mediterranean as indicated in Fig. 6. For the same reason it would be useful to use the conventional terminology regarding the status of the wind and scale of measurements as indicated in Table 3. The phenomena, which have influenced Mediterranean

Table 3- Current nautical terminology concerning strength of wind and scale of measurements (Data based on Istituto Idrografico della Marina Italiana, 1993 and other sources)

18

Ancient navigation and evaluation of the marine-meteorological conditions in the South Tyrrhenian sea

navigation in antiquity as well as today are mainly caused by a combination of three meteorological factors: winds, waves, and currents.

during the months of June (Fig. 8), July (Fig. 9), August (Fig. 10) and September (Fig. 11) which have been selected for this work, it appears that in the western basin of the Mediterranean the prevailing winds blow from NW. As shown by the wind rose related to each month, it can be seen that the maximum

Table 4 shows the main meteorological factors affecting ancient navigation in the Mediterranean, arranged by characteristics. The parts played by these

Table 4- Main meteorological factors affecting ancient navigation in the Mediterranean, arranged by characteristics.

percentage of wind blowing from NW is set between 22% and 32% with a force set between 3 and 4 of the Beaufort scale (compare Tables 5, 6, 7 and 8). A table of comparison regarding the value of the winds arranged by season is plotted in Fig.12.

are inextricably involved in almost every problem of navigation, even those related, for example, to matters of visibility. In order to attempt a clearer understanding of ancient sailing systems in the Mediterranean, it would be practically useful to consider these processes one at a time, whilst not losing sight of the fact that they are closely interrelated.

Indeed a more thoroughgoing account would require us to try to deduce the local patterns of winds through analysing the data recorded by direct measurement from the meteorological Navy’s stations which are located on the Aeolian Islands in the following sites: Lipari-Castellaro, Salina-Santa Maria, Vulcano-Piano and Stromboli-Punta Lena. Observing the much greater amount of data that has been accumulated over a period of nearly 30 years by the Stromboli-Punta Lena station, arranged by seasons, it can be understood that the sector of prevailing wind is located in the IV quadrant in all seasons as well. Looking at the picture in greater detail, during the season of winter (Fig. 13), the effect of such local winds is of two kinds; first in the IV quadrant with a percentage of 32.4 from NW; secondly in the II quadrant with a percentage of 16.3 from E/SE. Observing the strengths of such winds blowing in the winter in this stretch of sea (Fig. 12), it can be seen that the highest percentage comprises slight sea-winds attested with a percentage of 47%, while 36% is recorded as smooth, 11% as calm, 6% as moderate. By correlation of those data with the conventional scale of measurement of wind, it can be estimated that during winter the principal wind (Table 3) blows from NW with a strength evaluated at < 3 by which it is possible

As far as winds are concerned, strength and direction are important factors to consider in evaluating sailing conditions. Wind is the main source of energy for nearly all early sailing. It can move ships directly from place to place by blowing into the sails, or indirectly by generating waves which transport the whole craft/hull, or by creating currents which are also of greatest importance among coastal navigation. Fig. 7 shows the main winds characterising the Mediterranean basin. Following a clockwise direction within the conventional framework which divided the rose winds into four quadrants, the reading of these is as follows: the Tramontana (north direction), the Grecale (NE direction), the Etesians or Meltemi (NE direction), the Levanter (east direction), the Scirocco or Ghibli (SE direction), Mezzogiorno or Ostro (south direction), the Libeccio (SW direction), Ponente or Zephyros (west direction), the Maestrale/Mistral (NW direction). All of these winds are characterised by a notable instability and are also subject to sudden variation both in strength and in duration. Analysing the published wind chart related to the main prevailing winds blowing

19

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

to reach a speed between 7 and 10 knots with waves between 0.50 and 1.25 m. in height. Summing up, in the south Tyrrhenian we are dealing with winds which vary between the softness of a summer zephyr and the steadiness of trade winds from NW, and the extremely strong sciroccos, referred to as Sciroccate di San Bartolo characterised by its savage strength and SE direction. Wind is also responsible for the generation of waves whose action in terms of velocity, direction and duration is certainly an important factor in sailing evaluation. It has been seen that the waves are not necessarily the result of local winds, but also of winds blowing over an area many miles away. In general terms, if a wind of a given velocity blows for a finite time, or over a finite distance, there is a theoretical maximum wave height and wave period that it can generate. Anyway, it must be borne in mind that the part played by wind in ancient Mediterranean navigation is strictly linked to the exploitation of currents upon both of which ancient sailing ships used to depend. As already explained, the current is the other meteorological factor of great importance in the appraisal of navigation as it is regarded as horizontal movements of water due to the density of distribution in the sea, which could be conceived as an additional means of propulsion. Generally speaking the current increases in rate slowly to a maximum depending on the force of the wind, decreases slowly when the wind decreases and may continue to run after the wind has ceased. Its direction in open water has been stated as not travelling in the direction towards which the wind is blowing but rather to the right of that direction (in the northern hemisphere), which could also have been subject to changes by land masses or shoals. In this regard,

although published current charts are useful records only of the mean general flow of currents over a long period, the examination of the Mediterranean nautical chart plotted with surface currents both permanent and seasonal could provide some useful clue within a consideration of possible routes followed in ancient navigation. Looking at the surface permanent circulation in the Mediterranean (Fig. 14), it is possible to distinguish four main areas characterised by a combination of local features of circulation: 1 - area comprised between 4° and 8° of Latitude E and 39° and 44° Longitude N; 2 - area comprised between 11° and 16° of Latitude E and 38°and 41° Longitude N; 3 - area comprised between 16° and 20°of Latitude E and 34° and 40°Longitude N; 4 - area comprised between 23° and 27° of Latitude E and 36° and 40° Longitude N. The first area which includes the sea of Corsica and Sardinia shows a general pattern of ring-shaped circulation. Approaching from the Ligurian Sea, it flows into the Gulf of Lion and there it turns towards E/NE direction into the sea of Sardinia with an intensity estimated between 0.4 and 0.8. The second area which includes the south Tyrrhenian sea, sectors east and west, is mainly distinguished by a binocular-shaped circulation which runs into this stretch of sea approaching from the Channel of Sardinia with an intensity calculated at between 0.5 and 1.0. From there it crosses the south Tyrrhenian and then at 13° E and 41°N it splits into two different sectors of circulation characterised by similar intensity (0.2 - 0.8). The first of these runs southwards with a S/SE direction which follows the coastline profile of the Italian peninsula, the Aeolian Islands and northern Sicily, continuing from there in the direction of the Strait of

Table 5- Interpretation of data comprised in the south Tyhrrenian area during June (Data based on: Istituto Idrografico della Marina Italiana, 1993 and other sources).

20

Ancient navigation and evaluation of the marine-meteorological conditions in the South Tyrrhenian sea

Table 6- Interpretation of data comprised in the south Tyhrrenian area during July (Data based on Istituto Idrografico della Marina Italiana, 1993 and other sources).

actually related to the medium-range or long-distance voyages analysed later. Regardless of whether we continue to evaluate cases of possible exploitation of energy supplied by winds or currents separately, it should be borne in mind that ancient navigation must have been mainly based on a kind of interactive system which made use of all the possible forms of propulsion such as oars and paddle in addition to meteorological factors. Consideration of all of these factors both in term of currents or winds as well as man-generated power could have given rise to two kinds of decisions in the context of ancient navigation: 1 - to take advantage of those following the stress which carries a surface layer along with it, with the result of minimising the force of whichever propelling systems was in use; 2 - to wait until the arrival of favourable meteorological conditions in order to exploit them in view of the fact that it is extremely difficult to sail against both current and wind. Since it was very unreliable as well as unsafe to sail against the effects of these marine-meteorological factors, both decisions would have been exploited. Indeed, the fact that such wise appraisal of the weather conditions was included in ancient navigation is apparent from some of the classical sources (Casson, 1995: 270-99), which advise sailing within a certain time range. Hesiod, although he was a farmer living in the countryside of Beotia, urged all sailors to navigate only “during the 50 days after the summer solstice [. . .] which is the right time for men to sail the sea”1 . However, the same sailing season was being observed by Vegetius, who writes more competently that “from the 6th day before the kalendas of June until the rising of Arcturus, that is until the 18th before the kalendas

Sicily. The second is again subjected to further splitting, being divided into two, comprising the central NE and central NW sectors of the Tyrrhenian sea up to the Ligurian Sea. The other areas (3 and 4) are located in the central-eastern and eastern Mediterranean and relates to the Ionian and the Aegean sea, where similar phenomena are attested to in addition to local variations. To summarise: part of this current turns in a northerly direction following the offshore coastline of the Italian peninsula, while the part of it which turns back with a westerly/SW direction joins with the straight current arriving from the Channel of Sardinia originating from the Strait of Gibraltar. This pattern of currents which occurs in permanent form in the Mediterranean is also influenced by the effect of seasonal currents. Observing the chart of currents regarding the month of March (Fig. 15.a), chosen as a sample for the winter, and the month of July (Fig. 15.b), chosen as a sample for the summer, it can be perceived that the direction of currents is slightly different with the change of season. In July the main pattern of current runs from the Channel of Sardinia towards the northern coastline of Sicily and from there, following the profile of the Italian peninsula with an anti-clockwise direction, it turns back towards Sardinia. The situation in March is rather changed when the currents run in a clockwise direction from the northern Tyrrhenian with a SE direction towards the south Tyrrhenian. Looking at the general pattern of currents, it seems that best season to sail from Sicily to the Aeolian Islands is during the summer. Indeed, the crossing from the Aeolian Islands towards Sicily or to parts of the coast of south Italy located within sight, which do not imply a long-distance voyage, could also be undertaken even with not optimum conditions. The main problem is

21

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

Table 7- Interpretation of data comprised in the south Tyhrrenian area during August (Data based on Istituto Idrografico della Marina Italiana, 1993 and other sources).

of October, is belived to be the safe period of navigation”2 . As already discussed, it appears that maritime activities involving long-distance hauls were seasonally limited in time and that not only the prehistoric ship/crafts but even the Roman galleys which were characterised by a rather shallow draught were extremely amenable to exploiting such marine effects. 3.3 - A case-study: the short-distance haul from Sicily to the Aeolian Islands Now, in order to try to evaluate ancient navigation in the context of this information about prevailing winds and currents, let us consider as a case study a shortdistance haul from Sicily to the Aeolian Islands. The first requirement in order to exploit the energy supplied by the wind is that it blows from the II quadrant. Observing the seasonal polar diagram recorded by meteorological Navy’s stations on the Aeolian Islands (Fig. 13), it can be seen that the prevailing wind blowing from the II quadrant is well attested, mainly from the SE sector with a rather high percentage (by comparison with the other winds) ranging from 7% to 19%. It is also interesting to observe that the strength with which this wind used to blow is mainly rated between smooth (24%) and slight (29%), while moderate (3%) is also recorded. By correlation of those data with the conventional scale of measurement of wind (Table 3), it can be estimated that the prevailing wind from the II quadrant blows with an average strength of force < 3, with which it is possible to reach a speed of between 7 and 10 knots with waves between 0.50 and 1.25 in height. Only in the few cases of moderate wind, under which circumstances it is not recommended to undertake

22

navigation, the strength is evaluated at < 4, which implies a speed of between 11 and 16 knots with waves between 1.25 and 2.50 m. in height. Now, let us consider that the smallest distance which separates Sicily from the Aeolian Islands is that between Capo Milazzo (Sicily) and Capo Bandiera (Vulcano), which amounts to 25 kilometres. In consideration of the discussed meteorological data, in order to reach Vulcano only by means of the exploitation of the wind blowing at an average speed of 3 knots, a time of nearly two hours and half is sufficient to get to the other coast. If we look at the picture in greater detail, it can be seen that the best season to exploit this wind is autumn (Fig. 13) when the effect of such local winds has been evaluated with a percentage of 19.1%. 3.4 - An attempt to evaluate the optimum meteorological conditions in order to trace a longdistance route crossing the central Mediterranean Observation of the permanent surface currents and local winds in the Mediterranean during the period recommended by the main literary sources, that is from April to October, allows us to attempt the reconstruction of several medium-range routes which, when joined to each other, could cover a long-distance crossing. The surface circuit which characterises these patterns of currents (Fig.14) flows from the Lower Aegean sea (with an intensity between 0.3 and 1.0) up to the coast of Albania where, at about 39° Long. E and 17°5’ Lat. N, it turns towards SW following the coastal profile of the south Italian peninsula. From there, sailing with the coast in sight, a ship, still being transported by the current which flows with an intensity of between

Ancient navigation and evaluation of the marine-meteorological conditions in the South Tyrrhenian sea

0.2 and 0.6, could sail on to the Straits of Messina and from there to Sicily or straight on to the Aeolian Islands. Though the intensity of these currents is not very strong, being estimated at between 0.3 and 1.0 in the lower Aegean sea and between 0.2 and 0.6 in the northern Ionian, their exploitation must be taken seriously into account. By correlation of those data with the conventional scale of measurement (Table 3), it can be estimated that with the current running with an average strength of force between 0.3 and 1.0 it is possible to reach a speed between 1 and 2 knots.

of tacking, even sometimes abandoning the intended route if faced with a headwind. Indeed, on the basis of the above, it seems clear that even in the summer, when it appears that the best marine-meteorological factors occur in the central Mediterranean, the optimum sailing season was limited for navigation from east to west or NW. Only when a situation with wind blowing from the I or II quadrant occurs in the eastern Mediterranean (Aegean sector) is it possible to exploit both factors together, while a situation characterised by wind blowing from the I quadrant is required in order to reach the Straits of Messina by means of the double exploitation of wind and current. On the return route, a ship sailing from the Aeolian Islands towards the Aegean sea could have made use of the currents favouring navigation on the way back from October to November, which period anyway is always subject to the winds. It is nevertheless difficult to determine whether the same ships could have exploited currents together with winds even offshore. Now, let us consider that the distance which separates Piraeus from the Strait of Messina and from there to the Aeolian Islands, which amounts to 486 kilometres plus 70 kilometres.

In addition, another important element of the data provided by marine topography and meteorology must also be taken into consideration: prevailing winds blowing in the same season as current flows. If we observe the prevailing winds blowing in the eastern Mediterranean (in the Aegean sector) during the period from May to July (Figs 8 and 9), it can be seen that they blow mainly from the IV quadrant (39% in July), with a strength of 3 on the Beaufort scale. Indeed, it can be clearly seen that these winds blow in the opposite direction by comparison with the currents and that in the main part of the mentioned seasons it is not possible to take advantage of both of them. Despite this clear evidence, some scholars (e.g. Giardino, 1996: 337) tell us that the best season to exploit the currents in this direction is from May to July, which is exactly when, as already explained, the main pattern of wind seems to go against prospective sailing. This statement can therefore only make sense if these processes are analysed in isolation from each other, one at a time, current charts on the one hand and wind charts on the other, and we hypothesise that the wind had stopped blowing. Whenever ancient navigators were obliged to sail windward, the ship could have followed the flow of the current only if it did a lot

In view of the discussed data, in order to reach the Strait of Messina only by means of the exploitation of the current flowing at an average speed of between 1 and 2 knots, a time of nearly 500 hours is necessary to get to the Aeolian Islands, which in terms of days corresponds to 22 full days of navigation at least. It should be emphasised in estimating the sailing time that the speed of a given ship depends on several factors such as the unstable strength or direction of wind as well as of currents, together with the hull design and weight of the boat or the equipment/cargo carried on

Table 8 - Interpretation of data comprised in the south Tyrrhenian area during September (Data based on Istituto Idrografico della Marina Italiana, 1993 and other sources)

23

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

board. With regard to the large number of days required in crossing from Piraeus to the Aeolian Islands, it should be recalled that the currents were also one of the main factors exploited in the combined system of ancient navigation. Finally, it should also be pointed out that in the stretch of sea belonging to the Aeolian Islands, in order to sail eastwards, from the point of view of the currents the most reasonable conditions seem to occur in the winter, while from the point of view of wind the most favourable season seems limited to the autumn. The recent theories (Giardino, 1996) emerging from the appraisal of marine-meteorological data based on the evaluation of current-patterns recorded in published Mediterranean charts, which are mainly related to the general flow over a seasonal period, show how it could be misleading to use this kind of documentation when investigating a detailed stretch of sea like the Aeolian Islands. In conclusion, it would be misguided to underestimate the combination of the main pattern of current together with wind effects in the account of ancient navigation in the Mediterranean, while it is extremely important to consider the parts played by each of them into a unified overview. 3.5 - Coastal description of the islands: landing places and main features The landing characteristics of the Aeolian coasts in ancient times must have been more favourable to seafaring, equipped as they were with beaches, definitely more numerous than now, and with quite wide shorelines on which ships could readily be beached. There have not been substantial changes in the marinemeteorological characteristics in ancient times until now,

except for those related to the geo-tectonic transformations of the islands, with a few slight variations in intensity. We have also to consider that some high mountains and hills such as Monte Mazzone on Lipari as well as Capo Graziano on Filicudi island, on account of their volcanic nature, are characterised by a weak ground compactness, which makes them prone to intense meteorological erosion. Such processes as winter rainfall together with the violence of the strong wind blowing from the east combine to remove the surface soil from the slope sides, covering the plains with the sliding soil and silting up coastlines. Throughout the centuries this phenomenon has also reduced the dimension of the mountains themselves as well as reducing the possibility of shelter from them. However, it is necessary to consider that certain promontories, such as for example Monte Mazzone on Lipari and Capo Graziano on Filicudi, must have been more majestic in ancient times. They would thus have constituted a greater shelter from the prevailing winds in that area. In these areas, however, the tidal movements of the waters later brought with them volcanic soil of poor consistency. In addition, it should be borne in mind that the winds in certain areas are extremely strong so that over time their morphology has been altered by the continuous eolic erosion. All the islands are extremely uneven with high craggy coastlines. For this reason, in recent times wharves fortified with bollards and mooring rings have been added. On Lipari the only areas where the current coastline is low nowadays, apart from several small beaches (e.g. Sottomonastero and Marina Lunga), is Pignataro. To the south of Castello is the small inlet of Marina Corta bounded on the southern side by an island upon

Table 9- Interpretation of data during the season of autumn. Prevailing direction of winds recorded by the meteorological Navy’s stations on Stromboli-Punta Lena during a span of time of 28 years of observations, from 1947 to 1975 (Data based on Istituto Idrografico della Marina Italiana, 1993 adapted by Cicala, 1997: fig. 26.a, b, c, d with the writer’s emendation).

24

Ancient navigation and evaluation of the marine-meteorological conditions in the South Tyrrhenian sea

which stands the church of the Anime del Purgatorio. To the south of Marina Corta the coast is high and rocky, and broken by the small inlet of Portinente, as well as to the SW, rounding Punta della Crapazza, broken by the inlet of Vallemura, between Punta di Levante and Punta di Ponente. Still on the western side we find stretches of coastline which are relatively low-lying at the mouth of the river Fuardo, north of Punta Fontanelle, and of the river Lacci to the south of Punta del Fico. To the extreme NE of the island between Punta Legno Nero and Punta della Castagna there is a sandy beach called Aquacalda. Between Punta Castagna to the north and Sciara di Monte Rossa to the south there is Canneto beach. The following rocks must have been highly dangerous for early navigation, unequipped as it was with sophisticated modern surveying instruments: - Pietra Menalda and Pietra Lunga to the S/SE of Punta del Perciato; - Le Formiche, emerging at sea-level to the NW of Punta del Perciato; - Pietra al Bagno and Secca del Bagno to the SW of Punta Crapazza. The area surrounding Secca al Bagno, already discussed in Chapter 1.2, was further encircled by small rocks which were demolished during the 19th century (Agnesi et al., 2002: 187-207) by setting off powerful mines over them.

an area of shallow waters. At Punta Lingua there is a gravelly beach which continually changes shape because of the strong seastorms. The waters facing this point constitute an area of shallow waters which extend for around 400 metres. Around the locality of Rinella the coast is rocky, except for a stretch in front of the eastern tip where there lies a small beach, currently used to beach small local fishing boats, around 100 metres from which there is a shallow reef. Only Cala di Pollara provides a temporary shelter from the winds between NE and south on a sandy sea-bed at around 26 metres depth, with no possibility of landing since the rocky slopes descend sheer to the sea. There are three areas of rocky shallows covered by few metres of water which are very dangerous: the first lies 250 metres east of the Malfa area covered with 1.5 metres of water, the second 130 metres NE of the first; the third around 100 metres E/NE of the first. The island of Filicudi is characterised by high steep coastlines. The western and northern slopes of Monte Fossa delle Felci are particularly steep, while the southern and eastern ones, though steep, appear verdant and less uneven. To the SE of the island, the promontory of Capo Graziano has of a particular shape which confers upon it the aspect of a large rock detached from the island: it juts out from the land towards the sea in the form of an isthmus around 500 metres long and a little over 20 metres high, rising to a height of 174 metres asl. At 180 metres from the coast of Capo Graziano lies a wide area of shallows of around 60 metres, whose rocks rise up to 2.50 metres below sea-level. The north and NW coasts of Filicudi are generally high, majestic with rocks situated off them emerging no more than 150 metres from the bank. The coast continues sheer on the SW side of the island.

The island of Vulcano is characterised by high coastlines which are accessible only with difficulty. At the very tip of the island is Mount Vulcanello, otherwise known as the islet of Vulcanello, 122 metres above sea-level, connected to the island by a low-lying sandy isthmus. The only low-lying area of coastline is that between Vulcanello and Gran Cratere or Fosse di Vulcano (386 metres asl), where two inlets have formed, called respectively Porto di Levante and Porto di Ponente. To the south of Punta Luccia the coast continues at a sheer drop. Only to the SW of Punta Bandiera, between it and Punta Cannitello, its there a small inlet with steep banks and a very short stretch of beach. The small rocks just emerging from the surface of the sea to the south of the massive rock which faces Capo Secco are extremely dangerous for navigation. The island of Salina offers neither anchorage nor safe landing-place. The eastern coast of the island with its high cliffs is broken, to the south of Punta Lamie, by a stretch of low-lying coastline, on the site of the presentday town of Santa Marina, which is characterised by

The island of Panarea, together with Basiluzzo and the large rocks of Liscia Bianca, Liscia Nera, Dattilo, Bottaro, and the minor rocks of Panarelli and Formiche, constitute an area of sea which is highly dangerous for navigation. The coast between Punta Peppemaria and Punta Drauto, half a mile S/SW, is composed of rugged rocks and offers no possibility of landing except in a small inlet with a pebble beach, immediately south of Punta di Peppemaria; there is also in the waters in front a low-lying reef which is difficult to see from the surface, called Scoglio del Sorcio. Between Punta Drauto and Punta Milazzese is

25

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

Milazzese Bay, divided into two coves with pebbled beaches by a small sandy promontory which ends in Punta Torrione. Punta Milazzese is characterised by a low-lying coastline which juts out like a mole, forming to the west the small Cala Junco; this is a rocky place, spread with reefs, and thus extremely dangerous. The west coast of the island is very rocky and sheer to the sea, with shallows lying nearby.

the island where there are areas of shallow waters, and halfway down the west coast where there are reefs and shallows near the shore.

Basiluzzo has high coastines, sheer and indented. To the SE of the islet near Punta di Levante there is a small inlet with a very steep path which leads up high. A rocky area of shallows of 5 metres and another 8 metres below sea-level are respectively 450 metres NE and east of Panarelli. Another area of rocky shallows, covered by 2 metres of water, is situated 300 metres E/SE of Lisca Nera. The coastlines of the island of Stromboli are generally rocky, sheer and uneven and only on the NE side are there short stretches of volcanic dark beach. Immediately west of Punta della Lena, on the NE side of the island, there is a large sandy beach backing on to a wall of tufa upon which nowadays local boats are beached; immediately west of here there is a small sandy bay referred to as di Ficogrande. Towards the extreme east of the bay there is an area of rocky shallows covered with just a few centimetres of water. The south and SE coasts of the island consist of steep slopes broken by gullies of dark sand - the residue of lavic extrusions - and of reddish channels of fallen rock. Punta dell’ Olmo, to the SE, has by a shallow reef lying off it which is linked to the land by a short rocky isthmus and surrounded by other small rocks jutting out of the water. Rounding Cape Monaco to the S/ SW, we find a brief stretch of low-lying coast on which there are the landing places of Lazzaro and Pertuso. To the south of Punta delle Chiappe, which is characterised by rocky craggy coastlines, and with small reefs lying near the shore, there lies a stretch of low-lying rocky coast on which stands the settlement of Ginostra. The NW side of the island is occupied by the Sciara del Fuoco with its sides falling sheer to the sea. A mile NE of Stromboli is Strombolicchio, a large rock with sheers sides, 50 metres high, topped by even peaks. The island of Alicudi is also characterised by steep coastlines and high precipices. Only the eastern side is less uneven, following the terraced pattern sloping down towards the sea. The seabed surrounding the island are very deep, except near the NE and SE tip of

26

Notes 1 2

Hesiod, Works and Days, 663-665. Vegetius, De re militaris, 4.39.

Literary sources and archaelogical evidence

CHAPTER FOUR

connections with the Greek and later with the Roman sphere of activities, as at the same time it raises certain doubts in other respects.

LITERARY SOURCES AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

As far as pre-colonial relationships and mythology are concerned, the ancestry of such views can be traced back through the Homeric tradition and, as critically evaluated here, if combined with topographical and nautical observations (see also Chapter 5), might lead to an alternative way of examining the dynamic nature of the maritime dimension of these islands. Only through such preliminary investigation which takes into account all the data available within a multi-disciplinary framework, can the full potential maritime involvement of these islands be estimated and its relationship with the eastern Mediterranean be analysed. Indeed the overall feeling is that most of the main sources embrace the mythology and legends of the so-called islands of Aeolus and that the principal divinity worshipped was Aeolus himself, god of the winds. In this regard, it is useful to stress that, since Homer and the poetic oral tradition of the Homeric epics pointed to considerable links between east and west Mediterranean in terms of interconnection as well as mythology (mainly related to the God Aeolus together with the God Hephaestus), the excavations have yielded remarkable insights, which seem to share many characteristics with the protoMycenaean and Mycenaean civilisation (see Chapter 7). It is worth noting that the veneration of Aeolus is also archaeologically proved by the dedication (the name of the god) inscribed on a jug found among the votive offerings inside the bothros, which was later called the bothros of Aeolus, located on the Lipari’s acropolis within an unquestionable archaeological context dated at c. 550 BC (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier 1998: 41-77, fig. 30e).

Septem Aeoliae appellatae, eadem Lipareorum, Hephaestiades a Graecis, a nostris Vulcaniae, Aeoliae, quod Aeolus Iliacis temporibus ibi regnavit

Pliny, Naturalis Historia, III, 92

4.1 - The value of written historiography and its reliability Contemporary scholars (D’Agostino, 1996; La Rosa, 1996: 523-32; Militello, 1996: 43-58; Giangiulio, 1983: 785-846) have attempted with different degrees of achievement and persuasiveness to seek confirmation (Luce, 1998) or, on the contrary, to underline disagreement (Thornton, 2000; Peroni, 2003: 711-20) about mythological or legendary traditions in the archaeological evidence. The general considerations about transmission of maritime knowledge and geographical locations in the pre-literate culture embodied in the oldest literary texts is still a matter of continuing debate (Emlyn Jones et al., 1992; De Jong, 2000). It is currently fashionable to evaluate the Homeric maritime landscape in terms of “pure speculation”, while correlation between archaeology and poetic text seems likely to determine a turning point in the study of their mutual relationships (Sherratt, 2000). However, even in the wide controversy regarding the general setting of the Odyssey in the central or western Mediterranean, the sharp antithesis between topographical and poetic scenes seems to reflect significant nautical experience and to provide an unquestionable maritime setting, where there is no need for to invent distinguishable landmarks purely to suit poetic aspirations. In the case of the Aeolian Islands in particular, the documentary value of written historiography and its critical evaluation in the light of archaeological data seem to suggest certain fascinating as well as reliable viewpoints in relation to the pre-colonial relationships with the Greek world (Bernabò Brea, 1997: 415-20). This combination of written and archaeological data tends to emphasise a degree of accuracy of Homeric maritime descriptions; it seems also to underline close

Likewise Greek and Roman writers have speculated considerably about the past of the Aeolian Islands in terms of geography, history, archaeology as well as the natural sciences. Circumstantial accounts of geographical features and relevant distances of the islands when approaching from the sea occur in the writing of authors such as Homer, Strabo, Diodorus of Sicily or Pliny the Elder. In this context, it seems that the most ancient description of these islands comes from Homer1 who refers to the islands as “floating” on the sea and characterised by a sharp and menacing coastline. Geographical observations recorded in the ancient tradition are also further expanded upon in Chapter 5 in connection with the importance of the maritime

27

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

topography of the Aeolian Islands. Indeed, in the light of the historiographical tradition it is clear that the main body of ancient information seems related to the location of these islands as part of a wider process of the interaction of cultures occurring from proto-historic times, while its political alliance with Syracuse is emphasised from Greek times. Ancient literature also paid particular attention to the main natural resources with which these islands were endowed, such as fish, plants, minerals and hot springs. All of these were analysed by Bernabò Brea (1985a), who demonstrated the feasible correlation with the archaeological remains discovered there in terms of typology and contacts with cultures of the eastern Mediterranean, especially with mainland Greece. A complete account of written sources on the Aeolian Islands during the Greek and Roman period was given by Libertini (1921); recently a comprehensive commentary on Greek sources, also including an appendix on the Roman and Arabic authors, has been published by Pagliara (1995). The fame reflected by the accounts of ancient writers also attracted the attention of several pioneering scholars, who were predominantly fascinated by fossilised prints of plants or obsidian tools and archaeological artefacts, and many of them enlarged their own antiquarian collections while carrying out scholarly researches in related fields of study (Campis, 1694; De Dolomieu, 1783; Spallanzani, 1792). If the antiquarian mentality characterised the early pioneering phase of the research, we can see a great deal of improvement from the late 1950s, which is attributable to the scrupulous and ground breaking excavations carried out by Bernabò Brea, writer of the notable study Sicily before the Greeks (1957), considered a milestone in Sicilian prehistory. Indeed, there can be no doubt about the importance of the rigorously academic outlook inspired by Bernabò Brea, who was also central in the groundwork done on prehistoric Mediterranean archaeology. By comparison with the other archipelagos of the western Mediterranean such as the Egadi or the Pontine islands or even other smaller isles such as the Pelagie, it can be seen how the leading process of interaction between east and west Mediterranean cultures is attested by the well documented and extensive array of excavations which in many instances also seem to share a common base with ancient literature. On the other hand, as regards Greek colonisation, the opinion that groups of indigenous

28

people mentioned by Diodorus of Sicily2 , cherished the arrival of the new colonists appears highly disputable in the light of the stratigraphy of Lipari’s acropolis, where any evidence associated with possible indigenous people has been confirmed. As far as the Roman period is also concerned, on the basis of the new wealth of archaeological data recovered in recent surveys (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1998; 2000; Bernabò Brea et al. 1998; Borgard, 2000), the time seems ripe for reassessment of the conjectures about the decline of the Aeolian Islands recorded by ancient writers. Finally, it is notable that, in the case of the Aeolian Islands, while in many cases archaeology and literary sources provide interesting common ground, in other cases these also emphasise how misleading it would be to rely on one specific source; each indeed needs to be plotted within a multi-disciplinary framework in order to be conveniently appreciated. 4.2 - Greek contacts, myths and archaeology before colonisation It should be borne in mind that, apart from some marks incised on pottery belonging to a period spanning from the Early Bronze Age to the Middle Bronze Age (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1968; Marazzi, 1997: 45872), evaluation of the Aeolian Islands’ written past is confined only to the records gathered by later Greek writers. The links between mythology, archaeology and history in the Mycenaean world and western Mediterranean mainly concern legendary or semi-legendary figures such as Daedalus, who makes wings for himself and flies from Crete to Camicus in Sicily, or Odysseus, honoured by Aeolus, who offers him the wineskin of the winds which was to facilitate his return home. The historical background and the potential Bronze Age origin of the legend of Daedalus, possibly recovered from the local oral tradition (La Rosa, 1995: 103-06), is grounded in reality by the archaeological remains of Sant’Angelo Muxaro, where the site of Camicus has been tentatively located (Rizza, 1979: 19-30); further connections seem also to be made by Pugliese Carratelli (recently revised by Negri and Consani, 1999: 243-69), who detected the name Kokalos, the King ruling the Sicilian stronghold of Camicus, in a Linear B text. The Homeric tradition told of the sorceress Circe giving instructions to Odysseus regarding the maritime route to follow after the “island of the Sirens” describing the

Literary sources and archaelogical evidence

land on the Islands. However, even if this is not the place to discuss the truth of this tradition, we can recognise that the adjective makrôn vaôn could be related to a nautical term used in Diodorus’ time, though not excluding the possibility of it being an Archaic term still in use. Nevertheless, it might lead to speculation on the way in which the new cultures reached the Aeolian Islands. In support of this hypothesis it may also said that the wall-fresco of Acrotiri in the island of Thera (Fig. 16) might suggest an idea of the two seafaring worlds involved in this process of interaction also interwoven into a sacral sphere of relations. In the light of the Homeric tradition6 , Dumas (1996: 25-8) and Bernabò Brea (1998: I, 19-20) suggests interpreting the Acrotiri fresco as representing a ritual maritime ceremony where on the left is set Acrotiri while on the right there is Lipari. Although most authors are reluctant to combine this iconographic source with the maritime topography characterising these places, Dumas’ hypothesis could be regarded as a reflection of trading links which would have been helpful in establishing the potential background of the painter himself from the 16th century BC.

Aeolian Islands as having “a very high cliff on one side, the strong waves belonging to the bluish Amphitrites, on the other side [. . .] the sea’s waves, together with the ill-fated violent fire, destroy ships and people”3 . On the basis of this detailed quotation it seems certain that Homer must have known something about the maritime topography of the Aeolian Islands, which are depicted with a genuine sense of reality. It is also worth considering that such a description might have been suggested to Homer or his epic tradition by seafaring people who had forged preliminary trading contacts with the Aeolian Islands. Traces of these legends can be found in Book X of Homer’s Odyssey, to be precise in the episode of Aeolus, the truthful and respectful king, who lived on the Islands surrounded by an inviolable sacred bronze wall, and who honoured the wandering Odysseus, offering him the wineskin of the winds which would benefit his return home. According to the Greek historian, Diodorus Siculus, who makes reference to another version of the legend, Aeolus reached the royal household of King Lîparon where later he married Kyane, Liparon’s daughter. In this second version there is an important literary reference, in the Historical Library 4 , where the historian includes the detail that King Lîparon “disposing of long ships [. . .]” reached the Islands that were later to be named Lipari after him. The interesting literary echo from an historian who comes from Agyrium, a town in Sicily, and who seems to know the maritime reality of the island, gives us a typological indication of the kinds of ships used for crossing the sea. Although this indication is extremely simple, it is nonetheless effective in communicating the dimensions of these ships, especially in relation to the Aeolian area. The quotation from Diodorus provides merely a hint about early shipping. It is, however, somewhat general and contains no technical detail about the construction of the ships. However it does have a certain importance, because of the use of the adjective ‘long’, also connected with the particular attention given by Diodorus not only to the geography but also to the ethnography of the inhabited world. This distinctive specification used suggests that there must have been different types of ships, otherwise there would have been no need to specify ‘long’. This also suggests, according to the historian Diodorus5 , that the ones used by King Lîparon were of the most modern kind for the period: able to carry a certain number of ‘soldiers’, with whom the future king would eventually

A vast ancient written literature exists 7 , from Thucidides to Strabo and Pliny, which refers to contact with or migrations of people from Italy as well as from the western Mediterranean to the Aeolian Islands and Sicily: these occurred considerably earlier than the Greek colonisation of these islands. As regards the Mycenaean connections with the Aeolian Islands and the eastern Mediterranean, the written sources are at least broadly agreeable with archaeological evidence from the proto-historical sites discovered there which may certainly be recognised as belonging within the Mycenaean sphere of activity. Radiocarbon dates from Bronze Age layers of Capo Graziano on Filicudi (3000±50, Middle Bronze Age hut VIII) together with Lipari’s acropolis (2900±90, Middle Bronze Age hut VII) provides clear confirmation of these relationships, in terms of chronology (in Leighton, 1999: table 4). In the case of pottery, mainly recovered in settlement contexts together with part of a single Mycenaean stirrup jar found on the seabed facing Piano del Porto on Filicudi (UWS 25), these clearly indicate how archaeological remains might support the substance of legends. This aspect is further analysed in terms of settlement design, pottery production and ritual activity in Chapter 6.

29

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

4.3 - Greek colony and Archaeology

the Thucydides8 or Diodorus of Sicily’s9 versions, some specific references in the literary tradition relating to the Aeolian Islands have found confirmation in the archaeology. It is not merely a fabrication of Greek colonial historiography that people from Cnidos and Rhodes10 settled on the Lipari’s acropolis during the 50th Olympiad11 . The combination of different races that characterised the newcomers led by Pentathlos, who declared himself as a descendant of Aeolus, was no accident. In fact, these were ethnic groups coming from two different sites in the eastern Mediterranean whose primary activity was strictly linked to the sea: Cnidus and Rhodes. It is interesting to note how these expeditions to Lipari were of a multi-ethnic nature, that is to say that they were achieved thanks to the co-operation of different peoples, in this case those from Cnidus and those from Rhodes, along with whom there must have been a group of Egyptians or Greeks from the Nile delta. This last hypothesis emerged after a recent reconsideration by Bernabò Brea (1996: 95-102) regarding the presence of three groups of Egyptian Ushabti of the XXV-XXVI dynasty in a necropolis in Lipari dated around 7th-6th century BC. This could confirm the multi-ethnicity of the expedition, though not excluding the idea that these idols might have been among the first objects to be exported and sold straight from Egypt or through Rhodes itself. Indeed, in this connection it can be appreciated how archaeology and literary evidence combine productively, as the excavations carried out on the acropolis have revealed; together with these three groups of Egyptian Ushabti, the symbol of the mother city Cnidos which substantiated the ethnic identity of these newcomers. The recumbent stone lion (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1998: 46, fig.10) in all probability conceived as the opening mouth for the bothros of Aeolus (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1998: 42, fig.9) was the most worshipped sanctuary of Greek Lipari as well as on Cnidos; the lion was the most respected emblem also represented on the Cnidian coins. It is important to note that the material of which this lion was made was taken from the lava cave of Serra, on the eastern slope of Monte Sant’Angelo on Lipari. This is a sure sign of the use by the Greeks of the available sources of material within the local geological environment and of the maintenance of the Cnidian prototype even in an overseas context.

Apart from the long-standing debate between the advocates of a high and low chronology, which involves the whole matter of the western colonisation based on

In a recent work (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1998: 45-77) it has also been noted that several types of votive offering ranging from pottery to bronze or stone

This long period of feverish maritime and commercial activity in the western sea of the Mediterranean is attested to, in the Aeolian Islands, by the shipwreck of Pignataro di Fuori (UWW 1), which is the first and the only direct document of trading activity involving sailing from Lipari. It should be noted that the shipwreck of Pignataro di Fuori, the oldest yet found in the western Mediterranean, is a witness to the earliest maritime activity in the western Mediterranean during the Early Bronze Age, with clear evidence in the form of a homogeneous cargo of pottery. This subject will be discussed in its own chapter (7.5). As far as the southern Italian connections are concerned, the Ausoni, Sikeloi and Morgetes are the three ethnic groups mentioned by the ancient writers: the latter do not however give any account of the rate and date of their arrivial in Sicily prior to the arrival of the Greeks. While Thucydides places the appearance of the Sikels in Sicily around three hundred years before the western colonisation, Hellanicus and Philistus assume that it happened three generations before the War of Troy. On the basis of the latter sources, assuming the date of 1,180 BC as a possible date of the Trojan War and taking into consideration a range of 30 years for each generation, Bernabò Brea (1957: 136-39) suggests that the arrival of the newcomers in Lipari could be dated to 1270 BC, a time which corresponds with the Ausonian Age. In fact, according to the tradition referred to by Diodorus of Sicily, the term Ausonian is defined in relation to the arrival of a new people led by the son of Auson, the eponymous founder Liparus, who settled on the island of Lipari. Archaeologically, following the transition phase between Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age which is characterised by the presence of imported pottery of Late Bronze Age Subapennine typology associated with Late Helladic IIIB type, this age marks the end of the Aeolian Islands’ early prosperity. In the context of the hard evidence of archaeological stratigraphy revealed in the excavations of the Lipari’s acropolis, this shows a clear sign of the violent destruction occurring in the Ausonian Age. In the view of Bietti Sestieri (1996: 261), the definitive decline of the Aeolian Islands’ wealth is related to conflicts with the southern Tyrrhenian communities.

30

Literary sources and archaelogical evidence

of the urban layout of the city or the design of the earliest buildings, although the Late-Hellenistic and Roman plan is on the other hand documented.

artefacts, recognisable among the materials found in the bothros, are predominantly related to the Greek world. Indeed, these finds reflect the establishment of Greek practices together with imported materials which would have represented the extension of Greek culture in the western colony as in only to be expected. Together with a deposit of animal bones (Villari, 1991: 109-206) regarded as evidence of ritual sacrifice, among the votive offerings dropped into the bothros, it is also interesting to note the presence of another lion, smaller and made of bronze (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1998: 48, fig.12), which seems to confirm once again its ethnic connection with Cnidos.

More helpful in shedding light on the reciprocal value which could consolidate written and archaeological evidence of the Greek period are the ex voto of the twenty statues of Apollo dedicated to the god by the Liparans at the sanctuary of Delphi, which is attested by specific epigraphic finds (Homolle, 1893: 614; Bousquet, 1954: 249-53; Torelli, 1975). Pausanias13 , a travel writer of the 2nd century AD (Daux, 1936:164), relates how Apollo’s oracle at Delphi told the Liparan that if they wanted victory they should fight the pirates with the bare minimum of ships. As usual, this apparently bad advice saved the day. When the Etruscans saw only five Liparan ships defending the Islands against their squadron, they confidently sent only five of their ships against them. They were all captured. Again the Etruscans sent five ships, with the same conclusion, then another five, and another five-all captured by the Liparan. In disbelief and awe, the Etruscans withdrew the remaining ships of their fleet and escaped from these “sea devils” while they still could. In thanksgiving, the Liparans built a treasury at the Sanctuary of Delphi and raised twenty statues of Apollo, one for every ship they had captured. These ex voto offerings to the god Apollo, as confirmed by certain epigraphic finds, are appropriate to Greek customs as inherited by the inhabitants of Lipari from their Greek founders. These emphasise the power and the opulence of the Aeolian Islands, further underlining both their economic prosperity and their superiority over the sea during this period.

On the other hand, the notion that groups of indigenous people who were resident on the acropolis of Lipari welcomed the arrival of the colonists seems highly questionable, or rather a pure invention of Diodorus12 . In fact, within the stratigraphy on Lipari’s acropolis, there is no evidence which could support the existence of the 500 or so indigenous people as mentioned by Diodorus of Sicily. While the absence of any pointers related to possible indigenous people living in this context has been established, it may be projected that a local community was resident in the surrounding land and that they adopted a policy of integration rather than opposition. It could reflect the establishment of a peaceful relationship between those of Greek and those of local origin. Especially noteworthy in this regard is the fact that, within the stratigraphy of the Lipari’s acropolis excavations, the layer belonging to the earlier Greek period is followed, below, by the Ausonian II layer and that between these two no elements of interference, such as traces of burning or signs of conflict, have been recorded (see Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1998: 42, fig.9). However, the rich array of materials for the study of Greek cults found on the Lipari’s acropolis contrast notably with the lack of comparable evidence for Greek residential quarters. Apart from the finds recovered in the bothros of Aeolus and the surrounding ceremonial pits, together with a few sherds of Greek pottery, the evidence belonging to the early dwellings connected with the first phase of colonisation is very meagre.

4.4- Roman “oppidum” and Archaeology According to Polibius14 and Diodorus Siculus15 , in the year 252 BC Lipari was destroyed and conquered by the Romans under the command of the consul Cn. Aurelius Cotta. There is clear evidence of the Roman assault on Lipari in the form of a substantial body of catapult balls together with iron arrow tips found in a destruction layer dated to the mid-3rd century BC. Moreover, much fuller evidence has recently come to light from excavations in the grounds of the bishop’s palace (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1998: 191-96). It consists of a large dump site characterised by a considerable amount of debris relating to the cleaningup work after the Roman attack, and a rough defensive wall thrown up by Sextus Pompey using dry-stone

The only genuine architectural evidence – and this is dated around one hundred years after the arrival of the Greeks – is a tower (Orsi, 1929: 93-4) which was incorporated in the Norman and later in the Spanish fortification wall of the northern side of the acropolis. The stratigraphy of Lipari does not show any evidence

31

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

rubble associated with re-used material. The overall impression gained from the literary sources16 is that the Roman destruction of Lipari brought with it the loss of independence of the whole of the seven islands. However, in terms of archaeology, this rather dismal view shared by many scholars cannot be broadly extended to the whole of the Roman period. The wealth of evidence recovered in recent excavations seems to point to a significant change in the standard of living on Lipari. Indeed, the immediate results of the attack were a drastic decline in living conditions; the clear signs of the suffering of the inhabitants are well reflected in the poverty of the grave goods of the necropolis (Cavalier, 1984-85: 707) dating to the period of the Middle Roman Republic. The establishment of the Romans after 252 BC, however, entailed a marked reorientation of the maritime activity of the Aeolian Islands towards an integration within their extensive network of trade. Toward the end of the Middle Republic the living conditions on the Aeolian Islands began to show signs of change, clearly pointing to prosperity rather than decline. On Lipari itself, a new urban layout (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1998: 103, fig.40) together with a new residential district started and seems to have blossomed in new type of construction, such as impressive stone foundations (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1998: II, 59-63), possibly belonging to a monumental public building. Moreover, the occurrence of distinctive burials and the rich array of grave-goods together with the massive output of the pottery industry recently discovered in contrada Porto delle Genti on Lipari (Spigo, 1997; Cavalier, 1997; Borgard, 2000) also suggest that living standards were quite high by comparison with other sites in Sicily and point to an opulent life-style. Under Roman rule, with perhaps reduced entrepreneurial local autonomy, in comparison with their freedom in preceding years, the Aeolian Islands were used by the Romans for their excellent strategic position; first as a military garrison from 43 BC to 36 BC, when Sextus Pompey fortified Lipari and the smaller islands, then as a leisure resort for the Romans, who constructed villas and thermal establishments there. It is also worth noting that the understanding of the political status together with the standard of living on Lipari under the Romans has been a matter of scholarly debate (Manganaro, 1988: 16-22; Wilson, 1990: 40-2) with a view to gaining a picture of its relative economy. Indeed the significance which Pliny the Elder 17

32

accorded Lipari when he singled it and Messina out as oppida civium Romanorum is of great interest too (Wilson, 1990). This is a title which implies a form of privileged status which however has been denied by some scholars to Lipari in favour of the picture of the poverty of the islands stressed by Cicero18 in delivering his orations against Verres’ in 70 BC. One cannot discount, however, that the view expressed by Cicero which focuses on the decline of the “agri Liparensis miseri atque ieiuni” together with the hardline policy of the procurator Aulus Valentius represent a oblique view delivered by a statesman who needed to defend his case. It is evident that the overall impression gained from the archaeology is in stark contrast with the hypothesis of decline, and clearly indicates the achievement of a high degree of prosperity rather than poverty during the Late Republic and Early Empire. Finally, this comparison between written and archaeological sources of information with regard to Roman policy and its relationship with the Aeolian Islands serves to reinforce how misleading it would be to rely on one single source and shows how important it is to verify all the data available within a multidisciplinary framework.

Notes 1

Odyssey: XII, 55-72 Diodorus of Sicily, Historical Library, V,93. 3 Homer, Odyssey, XII,55-68 4 Diodorus of Sicily, V, 7, 5. 5 Diodorus of Sicily, IV,76,7. 6 mainly based on Odyssey X, 1-4 7 All of these sources are probably related to the historian Anthiocus of Syracuse, an earlier writer of the 5th century BC. 8 Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian war, VI, 3-4. 9 Diodorus of Sicily, V, 7. 10 Thucidides, History of the Peloponnesian war, III, 88, 2-3. 11 Diodorus of Sicily, V, 9, 1-4. 12 Diodorus of Sicily, Historical Library, V,93. 13 Description of Greece, X,11,3; X,16,7. 14 Polibius, History, I, 39,13; 15 Diodorus of Sicily, Historical Library, XXIII, 20 16 Polyaenus, 1, 39, 13; Valerius Maximus, 2, 7, 4; Frontinus, Stratagemmata, 4, 1, 31; Dio Cassius, 11, 43, 29a, apud Zonar, 8,14; Orosius, Historiae adversus Paganos, 9, 13. 17 Pliny, Natural History, III, 86-94. 18 Cicero, in Verr., III, 37, 83. 2

The maritime topography of the Aeolian Islands: new data

CHAPTER FIVE

as because of the presence of the vast amphitheatreshaped crater of Pollara, set just between the two easyvisible regular peaks, which can be considered another reference point.

THE MARITIME TOPOGRAPHY OF THE AEOLIAN ISLANDS: NEW DATA

In the Aeolian Islands the earliest forms of water transport were also helped by the short distances linking them with the north coast of Sicily, especially suited to a type of navigation which was mainly along the coastline or at any rate within clear sight of it. Less than 25 kilometres divided the southern part of Vulcano from Capo Milazzo, on the north coast of Sicily, exactly adjacent to the Islands and easy to distinguish in any weather conditions. Despite this very short distance between the Aeolian and Sicilian coast, with easy access from one to another, more than 50 kilometres divided Stromboli from the nearest point of Calabria, a considerable distance which was not readily negotiated and certainly not without difficulty (Fig. 1). In the Aegean, which is an archipelago as well (even if bigger than the Aeolian Islands), characterised by numerous scattered islands with highlands, promontories, distinct cliffs, and flat shores, attention to the maritime topography would have allowed navigation with land constantly in sight (Agouridis, 1997: 1-24). In such conditions, in the Aegean as well as in the Aeolian archipelago, seafaring people had developed techniques for navigation across the sea, always adapted to the maritime topography, according to landmarks. Since Homer’s Odyssey 4 the use of landmarks as reference points of orientation during navigation has been well documented; thus Odysseus was able to identify his homeland Ithaca when approaching from the open sea, recognising the high mountain of Neriton and the shape of the coastline of the islands of Doulichion, Same, Zakynthos, all located quite close to one other5 .

5.1- Maritime topography in antiquity Since mankind started crossing the sea, the Aeolian Islands have always represented a topographic reference point as navigation marks of the greatest importance in ancient western Mediterranean shipping, due both to the natural resources of the Islands and to their strategic geographical position, in the middle of the lower part of the Tyrrhenian Sea. In such conditions, the pilotage techniques of mariners could only develop by means of observation of the maritime topography of the environment (especially with regard to sea-marks and landmarks). The coastal profile presents very good landmarks such as Vulcano and Stromboli Islands, which can be seen from a very great distance not only due to the high elevation of Monte Aria (500 metres asl) on Vulcano and Pizzo Grande (924 metres asl) on Stromboli, but also because of the volcanic activities which were and still are in process. Ancient writers remarked upon this particular aspect: Pausanias 1 noted that on Strongyle “ you may see fire coming up from the earth [. . .]” and on Hiera’ “[. . .] the fire spontaneously on the summit of the island [. . .]”. Another writer, C.Iulius Solinus, who wrote his Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium in the 3rd century AD, underlining the ancient meaning of Strongyle ( ‘perfectly circular’ ) tended to emphasise that the fire coming up from Stromboli is brighter than any other. He also wrote “from this characteristic distinction, particularly from its smoke, people are able to recognise in advance which winds are coming in the following days [. . .]” 2 . Also Strabo in his Geographia3 stresses the occurrence of linguistic links between shape and name given to the islands, for Stromboli as well as for Salina. Salina, which was in antiquity called Didyma (“double”), owing to the distinctive shape of the twin cones of Monte dei Porri (860 metres asl) and Monte Fossa delle Felci (962 metres asl), is another evident pointer which explains how the shape could have influenced the name of the island: it is an indisputable case of toponymy. Moreover Salina island, which also holds the highest mountain of the archipelago, is easily distinguished when approaching from the sea as well

Actually, the coasts of the Aeolian Islands are relatively kind to mariners who sail across the south Tyrrhenian. As fully analysed in Chapter 2, between the seven islands, characterised by many smaller inlets along the coast, there are a few bays and moderate safe beaches where ships could shelter in the lee of land in inclement weather; good depths of water close to land and a breeze from the shore all conspired to help to reassure or sometimes to set an inescapable trap for the sailors. Moreover the south Tyrrhenian sea is characterised by a great number of local winds, generally unpredictable in strength and duration, such as the Scirocco di San Bartolo blowing from the SE,

33

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

beaches obviously connected with past sea-level, even related to the Early Pleistocene period, is not very significant in order to appreciate the relationships between coastal sites and human beings which were obtained in the Neolithic Age.

extremely dangerous in this particular area (see Chapter 3). These islands appear enchanting and inviting, but they are full of risks and hazards for ancient navigation. Throughout history, both prehistoric and Classical periods, passing ships have been attracted by the islands while crossing the Tyrrhenian sea only to be surprised by a violent storm or a very strong wind, such as the Scirocco di San Bartolo, this might also occur when they had decided to wait for the wind to change direction or to put in at the Aeolian shore for logistical (e.g. water supply) or trade purposes. During bad weather or heavy gales some of them have tried to find shelter leeward of the Aeolian Islands, close by promontories which could have offered shelter from prevailing winds. The waters there, however, were particularly treacherous owing to the presence of shallows and rocks very near the sea-surface, and so a few of them ran aground. Studies on the ancient climate of the Mediterranean lead us to conclude that climatic changes since the Neolithic period have not been significant enough to postulate differences in circuits of surface current flows in comparison with to the present day. It should be noted that the surface currents could be used to exploit as much as possible the force of propulsion provided, especially over very short distances and always in view of the coast, as in the case of the sea between the Aeolian Islands and Sicily. Thanks to research carried out over the last thirty years (see also Chapter 1: 1.1) many wrecks of ancient vessels have been found in the Aeolian archipelago, bearing witness to considerable commercial traffic over the centuries.

The assessment of how rises and falls in sea-level could have affected the coastline of the Aeolian Islands in human time is closely connected with neo-tectonic movements as well as with volcanic eruptions, even submarine. It should be borne in mind that it is thanks to the submarine eruption occurring in 1831, for example, that the Isola Ferdinandea, so-called in honour of King Ferdinand the Second, also named Graham Bank by the British, rose to 37°, 11' of Latitude and 12°, 44' of Longitude from Greenwich just a few miles off the southern coast of Sicily while in January of the following year 1832 the island sank again below sealevel (Colantoni et al. 1975). The goal defined for this chapter is to analyse some selected stretches of coastline as potential sites for field studies on the correlation between archaeological remains and ancient maritime topography (Castagnino Berlinghieri, 2000: 23-35). It is worth underlining that the survey of the coastal profile and submarine topography conducted by the writer in the summer of 1998 and 1999 was mainly addressed to the work established by the Riserva Marina Protetta delle Isole Eolie and that no underwater archaeological excavation or stratigraphic work (in terms of archaeology) was conducted. Nevertheless, at the first stage, the common purpose shared among oceanographers and archaeologists was to identify the present-day shoreline and the nature of its adjacent seabed. From an archaeological point of view, direct visual observations combined with the data obtained from several samples taken offshore as well as inshore suggest many interesting pointers, which will enable us to: a) hypothesise about the course of the ancient shoreline possibly related to the Neolithic occupation of the island; b) evaluate whether potential coastal settlements have left any remaining traces; c) estimate whether a landing place or mooring place once existed; d) identify the location of a water supply for any possible settlements and boats. Bearing in mind that prehistoric wooden structures do not survive unless buried in sediment, to detect a relative change of the sea-level was not an easy task to attempt.

5.2 - New data: survey of the coastline and submerged topography Earlier chapters have analysed the geological framework which the Aeolian Islands developed as well as the geomorphological factors, which could have affected the interaction between man and coastline behaviour. Indeed, the completely volcanic landscape which marked the Aeolian Islands and its cliff-rich coasts has required a kind of approach which is very different from sedimentary areas where the inshore and foreshore movement is the main aspect of the dynamic of coastal progress. Several raised beaches characterised by layers of pebbles or shingles, as pre-Quaternary coastlines, are visible in the geological stratigraphy of almost every island. Nevertheless the interpretation of such raised

34

The maritime topography of the Aeolian Islands: new data

The analysis of hundreds of samples taken offshore, even within 50metres from the present shoreline, shows the presence of microfaunal and microflora organisms but in most of the samples analysed there is no evidence of shingle (possible submerged beaches) or other sediment associated with artifacts. In the interests of being systematic in the work, the shoreline was divided into two main typologies acquired from the study of the biocaenosis environment, attesting to: 1 - substratum of rock (including Enthophysalis deusta or Lithophillum Lichenoides); 2 - substratum of soft ground (including Cymodocea nodosa). Within the first typology two other distinctions were made in order to distinguish a cliff-coastline (a) from a block-coastline (b). Likewise within the second type (2) there is a further morphological distinction between sand-beach and shingle-beach. Concerning the adjacent seabed two main kinds of bottom were identified: those characterised by euphotic seaweed and those characterised by posidonia oceanica seagrass (living from 12 to 35 metres). The

interaction between man and coastline behaviour on the Aeolian Islands is a matter of crucial importance for maritime life as it is closely related to the division between land and sea, which indeed is not permanent but subjected to several variations in profile, configuration and even position. It is important to consider how far the form and the behaviour of a coastline, which is governed by its geology and the related local marine agencies (analysed in Chapter 3), could have affected people living there. The appraisal of the ancient marine topography of the Aeolian Islands seems to show how both of these factors are intricately interwoven and significant. The general outlines of many coastal features suggest that if a coastline consists of hard rock it will be affected by very slow change; on the other hand if it consists of soft ground it may be subjected to rapid change. Indeed, soft coastline such as sandy-beach, being very mobile, could be quickly raised into suspension during rough weather as well as replaced even at a slow rate of subsidence. Fig. 17 shows the main geomorphological features of

Table 10- Geomorphological characteristics of the present coastline of Lipari (total coastline kilometres 29.1). HT/FW: Hot spring or fresh water (Data derived from survey carried out by the present writer within the feasibility project Riserva Marina Isole Eolie, 1999-2000).

35

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

the shoreline together with the nature of the bathymetric level adjacent to the coast of Lipari. From the data displayed in Table 10 it can immediately be seen that rock-ground, either in the form of high cliffs or blocks of solid rock, is the most common. As for the soft ground, it can be seen that shingle coastline is more abundant than pumice or sand which is only attested at three sites. Among the hundred samples analysed, only in a few sites is there evidence for the presence of sediment associated with artefacts.

smaller beaches as shown in Fig. 18.b. It is noticeable that even if a spell of calmer conditions is able to restore the beach to its former situation, during this process all of the material and sediment raised in suspension will be deposited, changing its previous location. The configuration of Spiaggia della Papesca is shown in outline in Fig. 19 together with the submarine topography. Immediately perceptible is the presence of a layer of shallows made of very fine pumice defining a series of bathymetric lines parallel to the coast. On the back-shore within P.ta Spanarello and Capo Rosso there was no visible notch along the current coastline. Along this stretch of sea no archaeological remains were found, nor did the underwater survey carried out by divers give any pointer as to what might be related to any meaningful evidence, especially owing to the nature of pumice, which notably rises quickly into suspension. Indeed, the workshop-centre of obsidian identified in the neighbouring land in the Canneto-Lami locality (Keller, 1970: 75) represents clear evidence of the exploitation of the nearest Papesca beach which was used as a landing place. Therefore, the recovery of a deposit containing twentysix obsidian cores clearly suggests a phase of gathering for the purposes of export. It seems clear that the advantageous nature of this stretch of coast provided the landing place from which to export the main resource of the island, facilitating the operations of transport and loading, according to the rationale of the economy and the distances that regulated movements in all periods. Speculation about the possible relationship with this site and the archaeological remains on land are offered in Chapter 6.11.

The data summarised in Table 10 show in greater detail the principal geomorphological characteristics of the present coastline of Lipari. In broad terms, while it may appear that a cliff of solid rock provides a harder defence against the sea, some of the cliffs of Lipari often bear distinct signs of erosion. The best example is that of Monte Rosa: this is made of a form of rock which is very vulnerable and unstable. The eastern area of Monte Rosa shows a tephra deposit including several necks which, being harder than the cliffs rocks, are only slowly affected by erosion. Apart from the significance in terms of providing a safe shelter in particular wind conditions, the nature of such high elevation along the coast, which is the main distinguishing feature of Lipari, seems to exclude any relationship with maritime life from a land point of view. In view of this, all the high cliff areas and exposed blocks of rocks were isolated from this survey, and these areas are discussed further in Chapter 3 in conjunction with the matter of shelter from prevailing wind. Among the sites characterised by a substratum of soft ground, two sites were selected for further investigation because of their potential for a correlation between archaeological remains on land and signs of maritime activity in the nearby coastline. The first is Spiaggia della Papesca which corresponds to UWS 22 of this work. It is located on the NE quadrant of Lipari between P.ta Spanarello and Capo Rosso. A large swash zone within which no high vegetation grows is visible all around the coastline and even on the neighbouring cliff as a result of the eruption which occurred in prehistoric period. It is worth pointing out that this stretch of coast is constantly exposed to several variations in profile: even after a day of rough weather it is possible to distinguish a change. In the summer of 1999 the outline of the shore was characterised by a single beach contained between P.ta Spanarello and Capo Rosso as shown in Fig. 18.a; in the following October it appears divided into two

The second site selected is Pignataro di Fuori, UWS 23 of this work. It consists of a shingle beach of rounded and sub-angular cobbles situated on the NE quadrant on the south slope side of Monte Rosa. Nowadays it covers an area of approximately 200 metres in width by almost 15 metres on the wider short side. On the inter-tidal zone there is a nearly demolished building called Lazzaretto constructed in the mid-1960s which is in the process of being destroyed by the erosive action of the sea (Fig. 20). The remains of the modern building give a clear indication of the rate of the powerful wave action. This suggests that a change of gradient related to the profile of the beach took place several times over the centuries and that any potential archaeological

36

The maritime topography of the Aeolian Islands: new data

strip adjacent to the site of Pignataro di Fuori, at least for the first 100 metres from the current coast, as a beach which was used from the Neolithic period as a landing place.

settlement would have been exposed to wave action which would have removed the greater portion of its remains. Fig. 20 shows the coastal profile of Pignataro di Fuori, together with the submarine topography. It can be noticed how the shingle-beach continues underwater, forming a wide flat area of 50 metres in width which is characterised by a constant depth of 3.10 metres. From there the sea-bottom increases slowly down to 18 m where it outlines a wide plateau of c. 100-130 metres populated by abundant seagrass. Subsequently the sea bottom increases very abruptly going down to 40/45 metres, becoming sandy in consistency. Previous surveys (Ciabatti, 1978: 7-35; 1984: 303-11) indicated the presence of scattered material on the 12 metres bathymetric line as well as on the lowest one at -40/45. Together with a unique assemblage of Bronze Age pottery (UWW 1) there were large quantities of archaeological remains of a various periods which have the appearance of marine discharge, now displayed in a reconstructed form in a showcase at the Museum of Lipari. This amount of archaeological material was concentrated over an area of 300-400 meters ranging from 20 to 45 meters in depth, which may correspond to that coastal area of anchorage (UWS 23bis) of the ancient ships that landed at the adjacent beach.

In the case of the island of Salina the main geomorphological features of the shoreline are shown in Fig. 21. The data displayed below show that the substratum of rock ground is the predominant typology, mainly attested to in the form of blocks. With regard to the soft ground, it can be perceived that shingle coastline is more abundant than pumice or sand which is only attested at three sites. Among the samples inspected only at one site is evidence of sediment associated with artefacts. The figures collected in Table 11 display in larger detail the principal geomorphological characteristics of the existing coastline of Salina. The site of Punta Lingua, the UWS 24 of this work is chosen for further investigation. Fig. 22 shows its coastal profile together with the submarine topography. It is located in the SE quadrant of the island where all the adjacent coast is rocky, except for this stretch of small shingle beach, currently used to beach small local fishing boats. In recent times wharves fortified with bollards have been also added in order to permit the hydrojet mooring. The site of Punta Lingua consists of a gravelly beach which continually changes shape because of the strong sea-storms, which is closely related to its position on the SE corner of Salina. The waters facing this Point constitute an area of shallows which extend for around 400 metres at a constant depth of 3 metres. Along the inter-tidal zone as well as on the adjacent bathymetric lines no significant archaeological remains were found, except for a few shapeless fragments and some fragments of pottery. As for the offshore area, the underwater survey did not give any sign here either as to what might be related to any meaningful evidence of sea-level change. Speculation about the relationship with this site and the archaeological remains on land are offered in Chapter 9.6.

Further underwater archaeological prospecting carried out along this stretch of sea have not yielded significant archaeological material, but it is not inconceivable that an accurate investigation with ultrasound equipment, of the sub-bottom profiler type, might find something, for example stone anchors under the huge vegetation of seaweed living on the seabed which hide possible archaeological remains, difficult to identify with free observation. It is important to underline that this site presents a particular situation of shelter, because it is well protected by Mount Rosa for the north winds, and by Monte Mazzone (today partially demolished by the action of the sea, in the surface layers composed of unstable volcanic material) from the NE wind, while it does not offer any natural defence against the scirocco winds, which are very frequent and violent. Subject to the so-called Scirocco di San Bartolo and witness to the lively commercial movements that animated this place during the Bronze Age is the wreck of Pignataro di Fuori (UWW 1) recovered in the waters off Monte Rosa, right in front of the landing place from which it had just cast off. All this evidence points to the coastal

As regards the main features of the shore contour of Filicudi it can be clearly stated that it is characterised by high steep coastlines which occupy more than 11 kilometres of the entire profile, as shown in Fig. 23. There are no pumice beaches at all. There are some very small shingle beaches mainly attested in the SE quadrant of a size between 1.1 metres and 0.8 metres. The data in Table 12 shows in detail the geomorphological features of the existing coastline of

37

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

Table 11 - Geomorphological characteristics of the present coastline of Salina (total coastline kilometres 20.1). HS/FW: Hot spring or fresh water (Data derived from surveying carried out by the present writer within the feasibility project Riserva Marina Isole Eolie, 1999-2000).

Filicudi. The beach of Piano del Porto (UWS 25) was chosen for larger analysis. Its configuration is shown in outline in Fig. 24 together with the submarine topography. This beach reaches a width of 0.8 metres and consists of rounded and sub-rounded pebbles with no vegetation, defining a wide swash zone all around. The longshore limit of the beach continues its way underwater with the same consistency of shingle, defining a plateau of nearly 80 metres at a constant depth of 3.40 metres bearing a few body-sherds of amphorae.

evidence that testifies to the Aegean presence such as a fragment of a Mycenaean stirrup amphora (Cavalier, 1985: 83, fig.77.a, b) as well as a pithos with a wide band (Cavalier, 1985: 83, fig. 78) which are not attributable to the wreck, but must have been discharged into the sea from the boats of that time. The geomorphological characteristics regarding the coastline of Panarea are shown in Table 13 as well as plotted in Fig. 25. It can be seen that the coastline is mainly composed of rugged rocks and that it seems to offer no possibility of landing except in very small inlets with pebble beaches. It can be seen that the cliff coastline occupies more than 6 kilometres of the entire profile, while 2.7 kilometres are characterised by soft ground. Only a single beach made of sand is attested to in SE quadrant.

On Filicudi the Bronze Age settlement relating to the initial phase of the civilisation of Capo Graziano is situated just near the shores of Piano del Porto, SW of the Capo, providing evidence of a close connection with the beach in front. The seabed around Capo Graziano has also yielded

The site of Calcara (UWS 26 of this book), located in

38

The maritime topography of the Aeolian Islands: new data

the NE quadrant, is selected for further examination. Its configuration is shown in outline in Fig. 26 together with the submarine topography. It is characterised by a low-lying coastline made of shingle. It is almost inaccessible by land on account of its being surrounded by sheer cliff faces. It can be seen that the floor of the shingle beach proceeds underwater, forming a wide flat area of 25 metres in width which is characterised by a constant depth of 2.30 metres. From there the sea-bottom increases slowly down to 10 metres where it outlines a wide plateau populated by abundant posidonia oceanica. Subsequently the sea bottom increases very abruptly going down to 46 metres, becoming sandy in consistency. The main characteristic of this site is the presence of several hot springs blowing up from the bottom. In addition, the presence of “ sulphuric mud […] clearly sourced from the nearby fumaroles “(Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1980: 11) is recorded on the back-shore zone. Extensive archaeological excavations carried out on the shoreline point the site of Calcara as a nautical/

ritual reference point and as a source of sulphur (see also Chapter 7.4). In the waters facing this stretch of sea the presence has been observed and recorded by divers, to be precise on the sub-coastal strip that extends for approximately 100 meters from the current shore, of small but meaningful amounts of archaeological material relating to all the periods, contained within a bathymetric of 2.30 metres; while further out to the open sea, at a depth of around 25 metres, it is possible to observe groups of scattered material which have the appearance of waste thrown overboard from ships. These observations might lead one to consider the coastal strip adjacent to the site of Calcara, at least for the first 100 metres from the current coast, as a beach which was used from the Neolithic period as a landing place All the analysed evidence, a clear indication of frequentation of these sites, suggests that the sea areas in the Aeolian Islands are characterised by the presence of shallow waters at a sounding between

Table 12 - Geomorphological characteristics of the present coastline of Filicudi (total coastline kilometres 13.9). HS/FW: Hot spring or fresh water (Data derived from surveying carried out by the present writer within the feasibility project Riserva Marina Isole Eolie, 1999-2000).

39

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

Table 13 - Geomorphological characteristics of the present coastline of Panarea (total coastline kilometres 9.4). HS/FW: Hot spring or fresh water (Data derived from surveying carried out by the present writer within the feasibility project Riserva Marina Isole Eolie, 1999-2000).

with the littoral zone. The main geomorphological features of the coastal landform together with the nature of the bathymetric levels adjacent to the coast of each island have been surveyed and then classified as well as plotted on chart. From the data analysed it can immediately be seen that rock ground, either in the form of high cliffs or blocks of solid rock, is mainly present. As for the soft ground, it can be seen that shingle coastline is more abundant than pumice or sand, which is only attested in few sites. Among the hundred samples analysed, only in few sites has the presence of sediment associated with significant amount of artifacts been found, while the presence of fumarole activities and hot springs are attested in particular sites.

2.30 and 3.40 metres. They must have been situated in ancient times in an above-water environment and constituted the early shoreline with a beach face which was quite wide and was used as a maritime landing place, upon which to pull up ships, according to the custom of early shipping practice. We can go on to hypothesise that the heterogeneous archaeological materials found down to around a depth of approximately 45 metres on the seabed adjacent to the submerged plains mark the areas of sea in which ships used to anchor, indirectly confirming the hypotheses of landing places on the adjacent coast. In these cases, from the correlation between submerged beaches, maritime waste and coastal settlements, the type of submerged site may be identified. However, when phenomena associated with volcanic eruptions interfere, as in the cases of Lipari, Vulcano and Stromboli, the lavic extrusions have sometimes obliterated everything, removing all useful evidence.

As summarised in Table 14, the complete profile of back-shore and fore-shore zones of five selected sites shows that there is a terrace feature immediately seaward of the present-day beach faced with a gradient between - 2.30 and - 3.40 metres. The back-shore of each site is characterised by a large zone where normally no high vegetation grows because it is widely affected by the surf of the waves. Observing the seaward profile of each example considered, it can be seen that, after the first submarine terrace, the gradient increases, forming a lower terrace, and then increases again becoming realigned with the overall gradient at around - 40/50 metres. The resultant variation of the gradient of the upper part of the beach suggests that the first submerged terrace would have been exposed to wave action which would have

5.3 - Towards an evaluation of ancient landingplaces The submarine topography, based on soundings made during summer 1998 and 1999 using an echo-sounder system and manual depth gauge, indicated the form of shoreline which would have existed at different lower sea-levels. The data deriving from field surveys combined with samples taken offshore as well as inshore gave rise to intense speculation on the interaction of human culture

40

The maritime topography of the Aeolian Islands: new data

removed potential archaeological items from the ancient beach face which corresponds with the present day fore-shore. This explains why in the sea facing the selected sites the presence of small but meaningful amounts of fragments of archaeological material, contained within a bathymetric of 3 metres, has been observed and recorded by divers, to be precise on the sub-coastal strip that extends for approximately 100 meters from the current shore, while further out to the open sea, at a depth of around 20 metres, it is possible to observe groups of scattered material which have the appearance of marine discharge.

7th BC until the 15th AD century. The presence of the Early Bronze Age bulk of shipwreck (UWW 1), whose pottery was scattered down to a depth of 60 metres, is a clear indication of trade in action, probably interrupted by the rough weather. This subject is also further discussed in Chapter 7.5. The process which causes the gradient variation referred to is not connected with denudation of the upper level of beaches but with a phase of neo-tectonic subsidence followed by the submergence of the coastline. Together with the phenomena of local subsidence, the Aeolian Islands have been subject to a general submersion which affected the coastal regions spread around the Calabrian-Tyrrhenian arc connected to the tectonic zone which follows the axis Aetna-Aeolian Islands-Naples-Elba. In addition, the area – along with the Euroasiatic plate – was subject to a slight shift in a northerly direction, pushed by the African shelf with an intensity calculated at approximately 2.5 centimetres per year (Le Picoux, 1960) around the Aeolians. To the eustatic movements which have produced a general submersion of the coastline, in the Aeolian Islands are added the phenomena of marine erosion, eolic and meteoric, which are still ongoing. This occurs especially on unstable volcanic earth and on sandy beaches, whose shoreline is also displaced by marine-meteorological agents, which repeatedly change their structure and that of

According to this hypothesis, when the ancient waterline attained its present level, the ancient beach face together with potential coastal settlement was washed down by surf action and the archaeological materials scattered down slope. The analysed case of Pignataro di Fuori (UWS 23), shows better than any other how the section of the coastal profile of its shingle-beach was outlined in the prehistoric period. The first seaward terrace inspected at - 3.10 metres corresponds with the ancient beach face where landing operations took place. The second submarine terrace surveyed at -18/20 metres would correspond with a mooring place having the appearance of marine discharge as characterised by large quantities of archaeological remains relating to several types and different ages spanning from the

Table 14- Selected sites and their principal geomorphological features (Data derived from surveying carried out by the present writer within the feasibility project Riserva Marina Isole Eolie, 1999-2000).

41

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

even in a special circumstance (burial context), earlier than the Middle Neolithic Age (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1960: 113). This aspect is further considered in Chapter 6.6 in the context of consideration of the natural environment and ecosystem. Summing up, evidence points to groups of people with land-based economies relying on their rafts being able to reach the coast of the Aeolian Islands and settling on the high plateau of Quattropani in order to exploit obsidian as well as the fertile volcanic soil, while exploiting the landing places on the nearest beaches available.

the adjacent seabed. All of these observations lead one to suggest the outline of the ancient shoreline and relative landing places possibly related to the Neolithic occupation of the island, at a depth between 2.30 and 3.40 metres; to estimate the presence of a mooring place located at a depth of 18/20 metres in relation to the present sea-level; to evaluate the importance of hot springs for any possible ritual purpose. The main question arising in relation to the Neolithic settlements on the Aeolian Islands is, were these specialised seafaring communities or merely cultures based on farming which grew to exploit the fertile volcanic soil together with obsidian ? It is evident that, even with very little knowledge of navigation these communities got to Lipari crossing the sea probably from Capo Milazzo, which is the easier or shorter way of reaching the island (Fig. 1). For people living close to the shore on the other side (Sicily) such a crossing would appear to imply the quest for some advantage. If these people were skilled mariners possessing nautical knowledge of weather and currents, it is difficult to understand the reason why they settled on the highland instead of the coast. Indeed the evaluation of the economic importance of the sea is closely connected with the value that people give to the possible benefit of living close to the shore in terms of exploitation of all the marine resources as well as of taking advantage of the facilities provided for maritime activity. The fact that the first Neolithic settlement is attested on the high plateau of Quattropani at Lipari seems to suggest a self-evident demonstration that Neolithic people would not have had any reason for settling close to the sea. The possible answers to this question are mainly related to two matters: a) to escape from possible rising of the sea; b) to find places with greater potential of safety as well as to use the land around for subsistence agriculture. As regards the first problem it should be noted that the slow rate of subsidence in relation to the present day sea-level -even if not such dramatic as in other part of the Mediterranean- could have forced groups of Neolithic people depending on littoral gathering and fishing to seek higher and safer sites on the mainland. But it should also be emphasised that no tools such as net-sinkers or simple fish-hooks have yet been identified that would confirm a predominance of maritime activity; it is also important to note that the first direct evidence of fish remains does not appear,

Notes 1

Description of Greece, X, 11,4. C.Iulius Solinus,Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium,6,3. 3 Geographia, VII, 2, 11. 4 Odyssey, IX,21-35. 5 In the same manner, when Circe, the powerful sorceress of mythology (daughter of Helios and the Oceanid Perse), was suggesting to Odysseus the two possible maritime routes following the” island of the Sirens”, she describes the Aeolian Islands like “very high cliff on one side, the strong waves belong the bluish Amphitrites, in the other side…the seas’ waves together with the ill-fated violent fire, use to destroy ships and people. Odyssey, XII,55-68. 2

42

Prehistoric Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Neolithic Age

exchange, were accomplished and the different impacts it produced on the societies involved. It is also recognised that the concept of exchange could have a wide spectrum of meaning and interaction, being related to different circumstances of cause and effect. Of course, there are many different types of connection, such as seasonal activities, gift exchanges, individual traders, improvement of social organisation, migration of people, war, and so on. However, several examples serve to outline how inter-group trade is linked in social and political associations between different groups of people. If we take Aboriginal Australian or Polynesian communities with their own trade system as an analogy (McCarthy,1939: 405-38; Mackenzie, 1996; Sharp, 1963; Pickering, 2003), it can be seen how a longdistance trade structure could easily have expanded. The mechanisms by which these ethnographic examples of primitive trade flows are integrated into a pattern of social relationships, kinsfolk and ceremonial traditions provide valuable data for how trade is instituted among the simplest cultures, and may provide a useful framework in which to assess the archaeological evidence available for the Aeolian Islands.

CHAPTER SIX PREHISTORIC MEDITERRANEAN SHIP-PING IN THE SOUTH TYRRHENIAN: THE NEOLITHIC AGE 6.1 -Introduction The study of maritime activity and exchange systems in early society has been an essential component of the theoretical models of trade developed in recent years, aimed to reconstruct the main movements of different kinds of goods. The analysis of the two periods which saw the greatest involvement of the Aeolian archipelago in a Mediterranean setting seemed to us to be the most direct way in which to “read” the phenomena of interaction, so we will here examine the Neolithic and the initial phases of the Bronze Ages, leaving aside the Aeneolithic and the Late Bronze Ages. It is not yet generally accepted that exchange systems rather than a proper trade played an essential role in cultural evolution in early societies such as those found in the Aeolian Islands as well as, for example, in the New Guinea islands. However, a gradual shift in speculation has occurred in recent times, because of the recognition that social rather than entirely commercial components may be significant in interchange (Waldren and Ensenyat, 2002). The aim of this chapter is to examine this view and to assess the degree to which maritime activity and exchange mechanisms may be analysed on the basis of the material culture evidenced in the Aeolian Islands. However, the putting forward of acceptable hypotheses with regard to solving these complex problems means outlining the essential aspects of primitive economies of exchange. Indeed, it means bringing in relationships and connections that, through the Neolithic settlements witnessed on the Aeolian Islands, create an extremely complex network which it is difficult to treat comprehensively.

6.2- Main patterns for interpreting the systems of exchange in the western Mediterranean There are essentially two schools of thought with regard to the role of trade in cultural evolution: the diffusionist and the processual. In the case of the first, the movements of materials as well as artefacts and ideas involved in the concept of trade could not have occurred before the Neolithic period, and in any case it has been stimulated by external influences. This point of view assumes that early societies were resourceless in term of innovation, and that they adopted all advances made by their more cultured neighbours. The processualists stress that the trade between different groups of people takes place in all cultures, involving the exchange of commodities and ideas and, in some cases, the rise of social alliances linked in a cultural system. Renfrew (1972: 465-71) factored systems of trade into four distribution patterns by plotting the percentage of traded goods of a particular item (e.g. lithic tools made of obsidian) against the distance of this material from the source, as follows: (1) down-the-line trade; (2) prestige chain reciprocal trade; (3) free lance trade; (4) directional commercial trade. In the last two decades, the elaboration of a model for the interpretation of trade has become the most important

Archaeologists frequently use the concept of trade or exchange in order to explain the occurrence of materials, both raw or artefacts, when this is recognised to be unrelated to the local natural heritage. Indeed, at first sight, the occurrence of materials far from their original source suggests a long-distance trade. Some scholars have accepted the direct relationship between two different sites using cultural material as evidence of contact. The problem is rather to establish the social mechanisms by which different kinds of trade, or rather

43

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

objective of processural archaeologists, who have sought to build up complicated theoretical patterns of connection and redistribution (Ammerman and Andrefsky, 1982), or simple distribution (Tykot, 1996: 39-82). Indeed, the application of laboratory chemical analysis on archaeological materials like obsidian (Cann and Renfrew, 1964: 111-33) as well as clay or greenstone, has led to important advances in our ability to understand prehistoric exchange, clarifying the specific origin of the sources. This relatively recent development provides the opportunity to examine the different manners of interaction among prehistoric societies. Despite these views, we have also to consider that in the western Mediterranean not a great deal of existing archaeological data came from a secure or uncontaminated archaeological context, which indicates the need for caution in the application of such systematic models. Looking at the numerous archaeological remains recovered in precise contexts of excavation (unfortunately not always in their primary position), it is clear that the Aeolian Islands have played an important role within the business of exchange of the Mediterranean. The reading of these phenomena of exchange through the numerous models for interpreting obsidian distribution patterns therefore appears relatively uncontroversial. Ammerman’s hypothesis considers the zone of Acconia (in the flat area of Curinga, Gulf of Sant’ Eufemia, Calabria) a point of privileged arrival of the lithic industry in obsidian from Lipari, which he conceives as a centre of working and sub-distribution through radial routes that from Lipari reach directly the Calabria coast. We also have to take into consideration that there are many differing types of interaction and phenomena, such as seasonal activities, gift exchanges, individual traders, improvement of social organisation, migration of people.

terms, the resolution of these problems is closely connected as well as unavoidably limited to the remains of material culture, these being the only documentary source available for that period. The question which arises concerns the reasons for and the manner in which western Mediterranean society passed from its land-based hunter-gatherer stage to maritime activity. The widely accepted answer is that early maritime activity, attested by the distribution of obsidian, was connected with the catching of migratory fish (notably tuna-fish) as well as birds, as has been proposed by several scholars (including Bintliff, 1977: 117). Taking the example of the Franchthi Cave in the Argolid, it is clear that the use of Melian obsidian on the Greek mainland bears witness to the earliest journeys in the Aegean, about which, however, it is not easy to establish related market systems or anything of that sort. The picture that Lipari together with the Franchthi Cave gives us is one of the great flair in maritime mobility which seems to have been quite ahead of its time, in context of the hypothesis of establishing stable settlements following fish migration. In fact, it should be stressed that in Franchthi Cave the obsidian from Melos has been found in earlier stratigraphic layers (Renfrew and Aspinall, 1990: 257) than those in which evidence of off-shore fishing was first recognised. This shows without doubt that, in the absence of contradictory data, the Franchthi Cave was already frequented before offshore fishing became common practise; this has already been seen at Lipari, where there are no signs of activity either in the form of faunal remains or fishing instruments. Despite remains of large fish like dolphins or capidogli being found in Mesolithic layers (Piperno, 1997, I: 145) on another Sicilian site, the Grotta dell’Uzzo, and while, more generally, a considerable amount of literature about the fishing of large fish such as tuna1 or swordfish 2 on Sicily exists from the earliest periods of history, the absence of such faunal remains on Early Neolithic levels of Lipari demonstrate that fishing of large species was still not practised.

6.3- Crossing the open sea: chronology based on the Aeolian Islands In the picture of the Mediterranean maritime economy of western prehistory, the Aeolian Islands have represented a remarkable focal point in ancient navigation, either because of the natural resources present in the islands or their strategic position at the center of the south Tyrrhenian sea. Investigation of the range and the frequency of Mediterranean prehistoric seafaring involves a series of interpretation problems, both relating to its organisation and the components of exchange involved. In archaeological

Moreover, in Lipari’s case, it is useful to observe that the unique and early fish-bone of large dimensions has been recovered inside a pear-shaped pithos used as a burial place, stratified in the Middle Neolithic layer of the acropolis (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1960: 113). From the size and typology analysis it has been assumed that the fish-bone belongs to a species of tuna, which has been estimated as being rather big, perhaps a few

44

Prehistoric Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Neolithic Age

components of fish or other marine species, which might be expected to characterise the Aeolian diet, have not been found. It seems that the main concern was a mixed farming and hunting subsistence system. This represents an indication of the lifestyle of diverse Neolithic groups, but obviously is not one of a specialised seafaring community. The burial context itself, together with the scarcity of evidence attesting to the exploitation of sea resources, makes it unlikely that the navigational activity of the Aeolian communities originated as the migration of people following migratory fish off-shore.

kilos in weight (Villari, 1991: 324). It should be emphasised that the fact of the tuna-fish-bone’s being recovered within a pithos, following the enchytrismos burial ceremony, seems to be of some significance, so much so that it became part of a grave-goods of the so-called Tomba 20. Furthermore, the burial context itself seems to emphasise prestige as well as remarkable rarity. It was not merely a part of the food remains left over from a ritual ceremony, but something more: an exotic item. Moreover, the Middle Neolithic settlements investigated on the Aeolian Islands show that no food remains involving large fish-bones have been recorded. Indeed, there is no evidence here by which we can detect a food-chain including the tuna-fish resource either. This view suggests that such a species of fish, which requires fishing equipment of a particular level of design for catching, as well as a boat capable of keeping its balance against the dynamism of the fish, had yet to be caught at that time. We can explain this particular occurrence of tuna-fish-bone within a Middle Neolithic context only by admitting that it was an exceptional case. If we add to this the lack of evidence of the exploitation of sea resources in Neolithic contexts, the situation on Lipari seems to indicate an agro-pastoral economy rather than a maritime one.

To sum up, the conclusion which emerges from this is that the people who arrived in the Aeolian Islands during the Early Neolithic Age or even before were attracted by the islands themselves. The appeal of the islands was perhaps attributable to curiosity aroused by fire flows and clouds of smoke which lit up the archipelago, feeding the liveliest eschatological imaginations. As a nautical mark, resembling natural lighthouses in the maritime topography of the southern Tyrrhenian, Vulcano towards the south and Stromboli towards the north east, are like ‘fire islands’, underlining the limits and defining the coastal spaces of the archipelago; they stand as huge luminous volcanic ‘goals’ across the southern Tyrrhenian route. It may be hypothesised that people, possessing their rafts, were able to reach the coast of the Aeolian Islands, crossing the sea propelled by the currents and southerly winds. However, in the absence of any direct evidence of shipwrecks or of any kind of water transport related to the western Mediterranean culture of this age, it is interesting to note that the obsidian from Lipari enjoyed a wide market. It covered a fairly advanced level of distribution - in many cases also competitive – in comparison with the other producers of obsidian located on the western Mediterranean, such as that of Mount Arci in Sardinia, Palmarola on the Pontine Islands as well as in Pantelleria on the Canale di Sicilia (Fig. 27). Whilst archaeological evidence of any kind of water transport for seafaring in the Early Neolithic is largely indirect, the testimony in terms of material culture is both direct and indisputable. It is interesting also to observe that, while in Lipari the first settlement attested to is dated back to the Early Neolithic period, neither the island of Melos nor the other Cycladic islands show evidence of settlement until the Late Neolithic period. This indicates a situation where stable overseas settlements were already established by the Early Neolithic period, even if no

On the contrary, if we look at other similar insular contexts, as in the case of the Maltese islands, it is easy to find the basis of primary subsistence in the exploitation of marine resources (Trump 1966). Particularly important are shellfish and fish, which provide an element of continuity across the entire Neolithic period, from the facies of Ghar Dalam, to Red Skorba and Grey Skorba (Giannitrapani, 1997: 20111); this in turn demonstrates a direct and constant interaction with the sea and its resources over time. Moreover gathering of shellfish and fishing were also common in many Sicilian Neolithic coastal settlements, such as Stentinello, Megara Hyblea and Ognina in eastern Sicily, or Grotta dell’Uzzo in the western part of the Island. In all of these sites marine molluscs, especially the species of patella cerulea, are constantly used, whereas land snails are quite uncommon. The faunal remains analysed suggest that in these Neolithic sites the primary source of food was related to a marine component, something which is also confirmed by the presence of fishing hooks of bone (Piperno, 1997, I: 135- 45 and II, figs 62, 63, 64 and 65). By contrast, evidence of fishing or of significant

45

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

mentioned sites, both quite far away from the original source, could represent just surviving examples of a wider picture of contacts. This is a situation which was certainly more extensive both towards the east or towards the west, necessarily limited by the current state of the research in Sicily. What has become evident is that during the Mesolithic Age, while the settlement of stable groups of populations in the archipelago had yet to occur, obsidian from Lipari had reached the rock-shelter of the hill of Perriere Sottano, on the left side of the Gornalunga river, in the Aetna zone. The area of Aetna and more extensively that located on the east and SE of Sicily was highly receptive to the lithic industry generated by obsidian; from Neolithic times the area was to become one of the greatest users in Sicily. It is also apparent that obsidian from Lipari, in the course of the 6th millennium BC, reached the coasts of the western Sicily, as is abundantly documented in the impressed pottery of the Grotta dell’ Uzzo. Indeed, the settlement of Castellaro Vecchio near Quattropani marks the end of nomadism and the beginning of a stable phase of life on Lipari. The first Neolithic village marked the beginning of intense maritime activity and began a process of extraction and working of obsidian that assured the Aeolian Islands a remarkable role which remained at least until the Late Neolithic period.

significant indications of tuna-fish-bones which could be related with early off-shore seafaring are found in the east in addition to these in the western Mediterranean. Indeed, the presence of stable settlements in levels of the Early Neolithic attested to in Lipari, antedating the human movement and their permanent community in the island, has thrown new light upon the whole question of trading contact and mobility in western early seafaring. 6.4- Pre-Neolithic evidence attesting to the relationship with Sicily The first phase of the Aeolian maritime economy was established by time of the Early Neolithic with the exploitation of obsidian deposits on Vallone Gabelloto/ Lami-Pomiciazzo (Arias et al., 1984: 151-56; 1986: 285-308), which is situated in the NE part of Lipari (Fig. 5). This was connected with the establishment of the first settlement of people, only identified at the current stage of the research, on Lipari (Bernabò Brea, 1960) as well as on Salina (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1995). The choice of the first inhabitants seems to have been motivated by very tangible reasons relating to the exploitation and marketing of the main natural resource of the island: obsidian. On this site a workshop of obsidian has been found which seems to be the place where the first obsidian industry was established (Arias-Radi et al., 1972: 155-69).

6.5- Paleo-environment and eco-system: indirect and direct evidence3

The beginnings of sporadic extractive activity that preceded a systematic exploitation, a kind of preliminary to an economic system that was to become the most prosperous in the prehistory of the western Mediterranean, is testified to in at least two contexts of pre-Neolithic date in Sicily. These were: Grotta dell’ Uzzo in western Sicily (Francavilla and Piperno, 1987: 31-9), dated to 6th millennium BC (Piperno et al., 1980), and that of Perriere Sottano (Aranguren and Revedin, 1996: 35), found in a Mesolithic context (Fig. 28). In both case radiocarbon dates show that the chronological context of the obsidian recovered marks a fundamental moment in the development of the economic process of interchange, underlining the relationship of mutual influence between Sicily and the Aeolian Islands. It would be somewhat simplistic to think that in the context of the pre-Neolithic period only the site of Perriere Sottana in SE Sicily and Grotta dell’Uzzo in western Sicily had had contact with Lipari, even if indirect.

Given the lack of direct remains belonging to the flora/ fauna eco-system in the form of organic substances found in a contextualised site (destroyed by the high acid component of the volcanic soil) evidence of the paleo-environment is very restricted. Traces of the flora environment came from some prints of branchfragments which were preserved in numerous pieces of daub (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1995: 33), recovered in all layers of Neolithic huts, both inside and outside, in Lipari as well in Salina. Knowledge of this species - only the negative print of a wooden matrix, and difficult to interpret - and the requirements of these in terms of temperature, humidity and light constitute a serious obstacle to specific deductions of the paleo-environment, climatic and ecological. They represent, however, an indisputable, albeit general, source of information. Indeed, these data suggest the presence of trees and perhaps more extensive undergrowth which must have also played an important role in supplying any kind of floating raft

However it may be observed that the two above-

46

Prehistoric Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Neolithic Age

Table. 15- Comparison of faunal samples between Sicily and the Aeolian Islands. Number of animal bones recovered, arranged by period (Main sources: Bernabò Brea, 1980; Leighton, 1999).

in order for it to cross the sea.

introduced already domesticated.

The recent discovery of fossilised Palm (Chamaerops humilis) found in Filicudi (Lo Cascio and Pasta, 2000b: 127-30), and also of scrubs characterised by the dominant presence of the Quercus Ilex or oak wood with short-lived leaves like the Quercus pubescens, would seem to confirm the hypothesis of a moderately healthy paleo-environment in the islands. The recent publication (Bonfiglio, 1998: 32-4) of an 18th-century collection of arboreal fossilised samples from Lipari, belonging to and written by the Sicilian baron Enrico Piraino di Mandralisca, shows the presence of several type of plants. The three plates, well-illustrated in colour by Charles Thomas Gaudin, represent the following arboreal spices: Chamerops humilis, Hedera helix, Hedera Hibernica and Smilax mauritanica which belong to a species of stunted vegetation; Quercus ilex, Laurus canadiensis, Laurus nobilis belonging to a high trunk species. Moreover the presence, in both villages, of grinding stones made of grey lava constitutes a clear indication of the presence of cereals, which is an obvious pointer to a rational agrarian activity. It also suggests that a kind of advanced organisation might have been in place, strictly linked with a productive cycle related to the exploitation of the sub-system flora in terms of cultivation/processing/production to the aims of domestic subsistence, an aspect which presupposes a certain level of technological development.

By comparison with the situation in Sicily itself, sheep and goat seem more abundant, cattle are quite common, and pig is attested, although not in great numbers. It is also interesting to observe, on the Middle Neolithic levels, the presence of worked instruments made of animal bones, mainly from the sheep species. In the case of Lipari’s acropolis, among the 16 bone instruments associated with trichrome pottery (Middle Neolithic), it is possible to recognise their offensive function, as they were conceived as a sort of weapon characterised by a pointed end (Table 16). Blades and pins were doubtless more common, mainly made using long sheep bones, even if cattle samples are also attested. Long fishbones made into very pointed pins are also attested. Those instruments which are not very big in size bring to mind implements used for slaughtering small animals, which seem to reflect both the persistence of hunting as well as the practice of domestication. Even with the extreme lack of the paleo-environmental data as well as the scarcity of information which is restricted to limited digging, it may be asserted that either on Lipari or on Salina, during the end of 5th millennium BC, the populations which settled on the islands were attracted by environmental factors like water or vegetation and possibly also animals. Only in such conditions could they assure a balanced standard of living, strongly stimulated by the exploitation of the geological sub-system: the precious resource, that is, obsidian.

Regarding the possible presence of animals, both wild or domesticated, there is no evidence for the bone remains of sheep, goats and cattle on the Aeolian Islands until the Middle Neolithic Age, while in Sicily it is already attested by the Early Neolithic (Table 15). Despite the occasional presence of pig (Sus scrofa ferus) there is no evidence of local domestication and the bones belonging to sheep/goats were presumably

6.6-First Neolithic settlements: landscape and ecosystem The question then arises as to the landscape and environmental ecosystem that determined in primis

47

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

Table 16- Animal bones both natural and worked recovered in the Lipari’s acropolis layers, mainly associated with trichrome pottery (Middle Neolithic), classified according to common functional features (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1980; Leighton, 1999).

the choice, and thus promoted the activity of exploitation of obsidian. It is necessary to analyse the problem through two differentiated economic scales. The first one, that of microeconomics, is connected to the paleoenvironmental situation of the islands; the other, that of macroeconomics, is connected to the mechanisms of interchange between villages located all over the western Mediterranean. In an attempt to reach a reasonable answer through logical-deductive procedure in relation to the first approach, that of microeconomics, let us characterise the interaction of man with the landscape, imagining the Aeolian Islands as being located in the centre of the ecosystem (see Scheme A for synthesized version, Fig.29). Here, the several relations of interaction between human culture and natural environment are represented, articulated in two main sub-systems of “biotic” type (flora and fauna) and of “abiotic” type (climate, natural resources), closely connected and complementary. The vector time indicates the chronological variation of the equilibrium established in the ecosystem according with the sub-system components. The analysis of the mutual relationships between the several components reported above is focused on establishing the following: a) the environment of flora and fauna, the islands on which the first settlement took place during

the Neolithic period, and the factors which have suggested this particular choice; b) the type of adaptation and cohabitation occurring between the newly arrived and the surrounding landscape. It is not easy to answer these questions exhaustively, since many of them cannot be inferred from the study of the archaeological sites alone, but through examination of a wider scale of evidence, including paleo-environmental, which is still preserved on the surface or below the sediment layers. The study of organic remains in archaeological contexts, such as pollen, residues of fauna, and lumps of charcoal, if analysed with appropriate methodologies, may provide information on the florafauna ecosystem; it is also a vital clue regarding the diet, the strategies of exploitation of the resources, the techniques of working as well as of collection and cultivation used by the inhabitants. Unfortunately, several attempts aimed at the reconstruction of the paleo-environmental matrix of archaeological sites on the Aeolian Islands have failed (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1966: 142-73; Picone Villari, 1985-86: 25354). The results of analysis have been extremely hampered because of the acid nature of the volcanic soil that does not permit monitoring of the pollinic and sporomorphic complexes which characterise the

48

Prehistoric Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Neolithic Age

maintenance, as well as to the extraction of obsidian on the eastern side of the obsidian flow of LamiPomiciazzo (Gabellotto), at that time also easily reachable approaching from the mainland (Castagnino, 1997: 160-62). It is important to underline that, although this site is under cultivation, there is still an abundance of obsidian pieces ranging from small fragments of debitage to entire artifacts such as rasping tools or blades.

vegetative basis of the Neolithic period. Owing to the occurrence of oxidation as well as fermentation, phenomena that have determined the sterility of those sediments frequently sampled (Villari, 1993: 307-22), we can only detect some information by looking at the indirect traces belonging to the biotic system (until a time comes when new advances provide appropriate typologies of analysis in volcanic contexts). Archaeological remains indicate that in the Early Neolithic Age groups of people settled on the Aeolian Islands, which leads one to believe that these people must have found in the islands such a favourable landscape that they were induced to establish their own village. It must also be borne in mind that during the Early Neolithic period we are in a still transitory phase, characterised by hunting/gathering and an agricultural way of life. In the passage from seasonal nomadism to a sedentary life, the choice of settlement would have to be dictated by practical criteria, observing the landscape in which the animal and plant populations live, the raw materials and the climate, all of which represent the main stimuli for selecting a particular site rather than another.

The geomorphological situation of this area has been completely altereded by the violent eruption which occurred during the Medieval period, this produced the huge obsidian flow of Rocche Rosse together with the Forgia Vecchia’s flow which discharged from the Pirrera crater (see also Chapter 2). Indeed, the Medieval flows covered most of the NE area of Lipari, resulting in a considerable transformation of its landscape. All of the possible Neolithic path-connections between the settlement of Castellaro Vecchio and the coastline were buried under the Medieval obsidian flow. The workshop-centres identified in Canneto-Lami (Keller,1970:75) and in CannetoAcquacalda (Buchner, 1948) constitute obvious confirmations of this exploitation; the recovery of an obsidian deposit containing twenty-six obsidian cores at the first site is also witness of the careful storage of the important utilitarian material or, more probably, it indicates a phase of gathering for the purposes of export. As already discussed elsewhere (Castagnino, 1997:153-59), the maritime topography of the NE coast of the island was characterised by a more favourable coastal situation during the Neolithic period. This coastal situation was very suited to supplying the activity of production and exportation of obsidian. A loading place for the cores or precores (Ammerman and Andrefsky, 1982) or even for instruments already fashioned and ready for export may be identified at the landing place of Spiaggia della Papesca (UWS 22, see also 5.2). The shoreline profile between Punta di Sparanello and Faro di Porticello therefore simultaneously constituted the possible place of extraction, working, port of call and export of the main source of the island. Observing this place in economic terms, it can be seen from the Spiaggia della Papesca, that it is very easy to establish operations of transport and loading, following the ratio of economy of means and distances which regulated movements over the ages.

For detailed analysis two case studies relating to the Early Neolithic period have been selected: the Castellaro Vecchio near Quattropani on Lipari and the Contrada Rinicedda on Salina. These examples have been chosen because of their status as early settlements, the oldest inhabited villages recognised in the Aeolian context. It seems clear that the position of the first settlement of Lipari on the north-west area of the island was deliberately chosen on the high top of the tableland. This choice suggests that the newcomers were more bound up with agricultural tradition than a maritime involvement. Indeed, it is a strategic position placed between an old river basin with very fertile fields, the little Madoro spring, and the obsidian source nearby: the first two factors related to reasons of subsistence, the last relating to production and exchange. The old river basin in the proximity of Timpone Pataso, not far from the village, guarantees very rich soil, while the spring offers a natural water supply and a good environment for vegetation. Abundant traces of plants remains, such as palms, olive leaves, and small fragments of arboreal species, are well documented in this place which is still the most fertile area of Lipari, nowadays prosperously planted with vineyards. The productive factor is connected to the cultivation of the fields allowing the inner

49

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

axes, flint/chert tools and obsidian. Ethnographically, similarity and discrepancy between the material culture is attested to and the process which led the simplest societies - even though belonging to different environments - to exchange their material culture might be of notable help. As far as the first category is concerned, it is generally accepted that coarse and impressed wares were manufactured in loco and did not travel very far away from the production site. The total absence of highquality clay deposits throughout the Aeolians Islands appears to lend support to the hypothesis that pottery was imported from outside and that the islanders were not so keen on this kind of production.

6.7- First Lipari then Salina: a hypothesis on farming stimuli It is important to observe the topographical position of the Neolithic hut found on the SW coast of Salina, the only one systematically dug up till now. The particular location, characterised by a high flat back on contrada Rinicedda – on which a wider village must have extended – seems to be the result of a considered choice. It is surrounded by two little streams Vallonazzo and Vallone di Rinella, a source of life and a limit of natural defense. They are conveniently safeguarded and well sheltered from the prevailing winds, they also lay less than a mile from the NE slopes of Lipari, source of the supply of obsidian. A contingency relationship between the village of Salina (at the current state of excavation limited only to a hut) and that on Lipari may be supposed in terms of material culture and perhaps also of domestic economy. This hypothesis is suggested by the typological similarities which characterise the impressed as well as red-band painted pottery associated with a lithic industry in obsidian in which blades and laminar flint are widespread. The Castellaro Vecchio on Lipari had probably constituted the first settled group of people, promptly followed by that of Salina. The contrada Rinicedda Village on Salina is very easily reachable from Lipari sailing with the coast in sight, crossing just a short section of sea, as clearly shown in Fig. 30. These two sites are respectively visible and easily distinguishable one from the other: the Salina hut is situated up to 40 meters above sea-level, facing south; Castellaro Vecchio is located up to 400 metres above sea-level, facing the NW. This would appear to suggest that Salina used to exploit the obsidian from Lipari, in a perspective of interchange between the two settlements. It seems that the first phase of adaptation of the landscape on Lipari was followed by a second phase of inhabitation which extended to Salina. It suggests a picture of balanced cohabitation of the two villages both of which, even if separated on two different islands, were integrated with the surrounding landscape and probably interacted in order to support their daily maintenance.

By contrast, it would seem possible to look at this from a different perspective to demonstrate how the greatest proportion of the pottery was manufactured in Lipari using both local (raw clay and volcanic filler) and imported material (clays from outside); and it would also be possible to analyse the different levels of development of this local industry. Among the Early Neolithic settlements spread throughout the central Mediterranean, pottery was usually made locally. Some was decorated with stamped and incised motifs known as impressed or Stentinello pottery (so-called after the site near Syracuse, first found by Paolo Orsi and characterised by a large amount of these wares). Indeed, several tiny variations in style can be also distinguished region by region within their area of distribution. Within the Early Neolithic layers on the settlement of Castellaro Vecchio in Lipari (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1980: 656-64), we can distinguish two main categories of these coarse wares : a) one heavier, plain or decorated with simpler incised lines, and finger-pinched or using the edge of a shell (Cardium or Punctulus); b) another finer and much more elaborately decorated, clearly accomplished by using proper tools, such as stamps, combs or spatulas. The Castellaro Vecchio settlement shows that both categories of pottery were contemporary, although the first seems clearly manufactured locally using local raw materials, while the second seems to have been imported as whole vessels already made, as verified by petrological examination (Williams, 1980: 864 and 867). The occurrence of both categories (imported and locally made) within the same stratigraphic layer suggests that very little time elapsed between the import of those vessels and the phase of experimentation

6.8- Earlier evidence of traded materials on the Aeolian Islands In archaeological terms, the earliest evidence of material culture exchange in the prehistoric period is restricted to just four main categories: pottery, polished

50

Prehistoric Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Neolithic Age

aimed at producing pottery with local raw clay, characterised by the volcanic clastic rocks and ash deposits of Lipari (compare Figs 31, 32 and 33). It seems clear that the first category was produced in imitation of the second type of imported vessels, using local clay and associated with a much simpler repertory of motifs (Fig. 32); these vessels betray a level of artisanship which was still relatively undeveloped. Indeed, this situation suggests that the islanders were first attracted by these exotic items such as pottery and then attempted to reproduce them using the available resources. Therefore, because they could not draw on any consolidated expertise or place reliance on the local clay, which indeed is not very amenable to moulding, the result of this attempt produced a low-quality pottery which manifested a clear distinction between the two categories.

generated an increasingly specialised technology, which included the high-temperature firing of vessels by the Middle Neolithic period. Indeed, it is easy to recognise an advanced development in the chain of pottery-production in Lipari to which we can propose three different interpretative hypothesis. They are as follows: a) people who settled on the Lipari’s acropolis coming from short-distance trade brought their own clay; b) people from Lipari going to Sicily to collect clay by direct procurement within one day’s travel from the source; c) people from outside coming to Lipari as a central location in order to exchange their goods (not only clay); d) people from far-off lands offering exotic fine clay as gifts to people settled in Lipari, through secondary reciprocal trade. In order to take into consideration these possible scenarios, it should be borne in mind that the Early Neolithic layers of Lipari’s acropolis are characterised by both imported and locally-made vessels, with clear features for each category. It seems highly unlikely that the same people who were able to bring clay to the Aeolian Islands should then prove unable to mould a good quality of pottery. Knowledge of clay also implies a proper understanding of its quality and geological components, as well as all the stages related to the firing phases and a common pattern of decoration. The products of the local industry are not comparable with the imported fine wares which are well-fired, thinwalled and decorated with more complex designs typical of Stentinello’s pottery. If those people had set up a workshop on Lipari, even with its own clay initially, they would surely have used at least part of their established repertory of motifs and forms on both categories of vessels, rather than the very simple ones which are attested. From this, it can be seen that the fine ware was imported as whole vessels, while the other is just an earlier stage of imitation in the attempt to reproduce those imported. Stratigraphic evidence and radiocarbon dates (42113977 BC) suggest that most of the more developed forms classified as trichrome and later as bichrome vessels found on the Middle Neolithic and Late Neolithic Lipari’s acropolis layers were made using clay from outside sources. Even if there may well be an overlap between the later trichrome and earlier bichrome, the association of imported and locally

Further evidence from Castellaro Vecchio suggests increased production of pottery during the Middle Neolithic period when the islanders realised that it was necessary for them to employ a better quality of clay from other sources. This situation seems to indicate clearly that, following the experimental phase of the Early Neolithic which resulted in a very poor repertoire of motifs and forms made from unsuitable clay, from the Middle Neolithic coarse wares were made locally and on a local scale; however, they used a fabric which is geologically distinct from the deposit which characterises Lipari’s soil. Indeed, microscopic examination of their thin sections, which allows the evaluation of the mineralogical composition of the fabric, attests to the fact that coarse wares manufactured in Lipari were made locally from imported clays (Williams, 1980). The pottery, very different from those of the previous period, were painted with three colours (so-called trichrome ware characterised by bands with red flames edged with black on a light background); they were made of brown clay imported from outside and then mixed with local volcanic grog. Moreover, during the Late Neolithic another typology of finely painted pottery appears in the Serra d’Alto layers of Lipari, still made with imported clay mixed with volcanic grog. This elegant painted style of ware, also imported as finished vessels, is decorated with two colours and is characterised by having thin and meandering spiral motifs or simple geometric designs such as hooks and small triangular shapes. It appears that knowledge and experience in pottery production

51

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

stratigraphy of Castellaro Vecchio and the Lipari’s acropolis provides quite distinct evidence to establish that during the Early Neolithic the presence of several models of pottery with a wide repertory of complex decorations formed the basis for an indigenous pottery industry which could not have proceeded using the available clay. Secondly, it shows an evaluation of the fabric composition and the recognition of and search for a more suitable source of clay. Thirdly, it highlights the beginning of a local pottery production that developed without interruption through the whole prehistoric period from an exploratory phase (Early Neolithic) until the establishment of a real chain of production.

manufactured painted ware seems to represent a high point of craft production reached by Lipari by the Middle Neolithic. It is quite likely that people from Lipari used to go to Sicily to collect clay to supply their own pottery industry, although it is also possible that Lipari itself played a role as an important network point of exchange of every kind of material, similar to a sort of emporium. Therefore, it should be pointed out that the first appearance of pottery, together with the widespread use of obsidian, coincided with the Early Neolithic which highlights the reciprocal and complementary nature of exchange during the Neolithic period. Summing up, all of these considerations point to the persuasiveness of a combination between hypotheses b) and c), which goes some way towards explaining the diversity of Early Neolithic pottery, the changes which occurred during the Middle Neolithic and the strategies of supply adopted. As far as the last hypothesis is concerned, d), we have to recognise that there is also supporting evidence for the exchange of prestige fine wares, such as for example in the Biferno Valley (Barker, 1981: 163), where bichromic pottery style has been found, which is clearly imported from further south. The discovery of the Ripoli trichrome sherd in the Dalmatian settlement of Danilo (Bray, 1966:100-06), on the other coast side of the Adriatic, comes as no surprise. Apart from pottery, the most persuasive example of this exchange of prestige items seems to be the shells of the Columbella rusticana species of Mediterranean mollusc, which have been recorded in a Mesolithic site in southern Germany (Childe, 1973: 39). The presence of this species of shell is also recorded, in the preNeolithic sites of Grotta dell’Uzzo and Perriere Sottano, by two interesting specimens, well-decorated with delicate vertical cuts, which show a close similarity to each other.

6.9- An analysis of Neolithic exchange mechanisms through the Aeolian Islands The question arises as to how the irregular and later stable take-over on Lipari and on Salina occurred. In order to answer this, it is opportune to analyse the problem by means of a simple model involving those Neolithic villages in which there is evidence of obsidian. Very much in demand before the development of the metal industry, the lithic industry in obsidian from Lipari’s workshops assured the Aeolian Islands a period of intense relationships. They were involved in the major network of exportation which also took in the coasts of southern France and Dalmatia. In the first phase of the maritime economy, it would be hard to maintain that there was regular contact within an organised circuit of interchange involving longdistance navigation, which is highly unlikely to have existed. Some kind of water transport, or rather a simple flotation means by which the first inhabitants of Lipari developed their exchanges (together with a knowledge of the primary rules of navigation) must have existed, for it accounts for the irregular or short-term visits to the islands during the pre-Neolithic period, later followed by the stable settlements attested in the Early Neolithic period (see also 6.6).

The same problems arose for the cases of polished axes, flint tools and obsidian. It is evident that all these different kinds of material are characteristic of prehistoric cultures’ ability to make practical use of sharp microlithic tools, before the discovery of metal techniques. The conclusion reached in this analysis of the earlier evidence of traded material, mainly addressed to the problem of clay resources, indicates that the Aeolian Islands were supported by its own pottery industry, despite an almost total absence of clay deposits throughout all the islands of the archipelago. The

Crossing the sea is not necessarily related to a high technical level of nautical qualification, but, as many scholars have observed “ man first went down to the sea not in boats but on whatever they could find that would keep them afloat” (Johnstone, 1988). We can easily imagine uncomplicated rafts of rushes or other floating material (from wineskins filled with air to logs), which are suitable to covering short distances only. The risks of this type of navigation (that may be defined

52

Prehistoric Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Neolithic Age

Table 17 - Distribution of obsidian from Lipari attested in the Central Mediterranean, including the consumer markets constituted by Monte Arci in Sardinia and Palmarola on the Pontine islands as well as Pantelleria on the Canale di Sicilia (Data derived from: Tykot, 1996: 39-82; Nicoletti, 1997:258-69; Leighton, 1999: 72-7).

the western Mediterranean, that of Lipari seems to have had greater activity and a wider level of diffusion by comparison with other producers. Obsidian from Lipari has also been confirmed in the consumer markets controlled by Monte Arci in Sardinia and of Palmarola on the Pontine islands as well as of Pantelleria in the Canale di Sicilia, though a relatively small proportion (Table 17). The figures indicate the presence of obsidian provided by both Lipari and Monte Arci on sites mainly located in northern Italy while all the southern Italian sites and its adjacent islands seem exclusively to require obsidian from Lipari (Table 18).

“free” because of the absence of any rudder and any system of propulsion, e.g. sail, perhaps only steered by a small log used like a paddle) are closely connected to marine currents more than to wind and to the general conditions of the sea (see also Chapter 3). It would also be useful to bear in mind that there is not even a single piece of direct evidence for or iconographical reference to Neolithic water-craft in the Mediterranean: the only depicted representations of boat models come from Neolithic Egypt (c. 5,500-4,000 BC) which were, however, riverine, not sea-going craft. As regards a possible means of propulsion, it should also be noted that the earliest known examples of sails are illustrated on a vase belonging to the Late Gerzean period of Egypt, c. 3,500-3,100 BC (Casson, 1971: fig.6), indeed quite a long time later.

In the mechanism of exchange involving the main sources of obsidian, the case of Palmarola seems to be more limited and circumscribed on the hinterland of the opposite mainland, while it is also attested together with that of Lipari in northern Italy, as well as on just one site in southern Italy (Table 19). In the case of the northern Italian sites, it is noteworthy that although Palmarola is nearer and so would have been an easier supplying source, obsidian from Lipari is mainly attested, despite the greater distance it had to travel to reach those sites. It is also interesting to note that obsidian cores are more popular in southern Italy, with evidence in Calabria too, while proceeding northwards it tends to be reduced in size in the form of smaller finished blades (Ammermann, 2003). Evidence of common markets related to obsidian from Lipari and the island of Pantelleria (Table 20) points to connections with Malta and Ustica, though the majority are located in Sicily itself (see also 6.12). Among these some finds are related to the mechanisms of interchange which established such a broad

We can imagine a kind of navigation, or rather prenavigation, possible only with favourable marine and meteorological conditions and limited to short periods, with seasonal frequencies (i.e. only when optimal conditions obtain). Nevertheless, even given the considerable limitations already discussed, the importance of Lipari’s industry in the diffusion of obsidian in the western Mediterranean is clear. Despite the modest possibilities of navigation in time and space, the analysis of the general distribution of the consumer markets has given rise to numerous problems of interpretation. Among the non-perishable traded goods known, to illustrate the economy and also to highlight one of the main sources which is located in the Aeolian Islands, one specific case has been selected for this study: obsidian. Among the four obsidian sources present in

53

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

Table 18- Graph of comparison between geographical areas characterized by obsidian from Lipari and Mount Arci. Northern Italy includes also Dalmatia; Sicily includes the adjacent islands (Data derived from: Tykot, 1996: 39-82; Nicoletti, 1997:258-269; Leighton, 1999).

spectrum for the distribution of obsidian, as well as some others related to the primary role played by the Aeolian Islands in this context. Table 17 shows the location of finds of obsidian from Lipari - sometimes associated also with other aspects of the lithic industry - in all the human contexts of the central Mediterranean. It shows all the Neolithic sites divided according to geographical area within the following framework: France, northern Italy (including the Dalmatian coast), southern Italy (including both the Tyrrhenic and the Ionian sites), Sicily and its adjacent islands, Malta, Tunisia and Algeria. It is worth noting that Lipari, so well furnished with obsidian together with other natural resources and so high specialised with its own industry, is lacking in certain other raw materials, such as good-quality clay, flint and greenstone.

the common background of early farming cultures as suggested by some (contra Leighton, 1999: 65-6). Rather it suggests a preferential relationship with Sicily and southern Italy, stimulated by inter-island and coastal trading connections. Therefore, the occurrence of high-quality flint possibly imported from the Hyblean plateau together with greenstone axes probably originating in southern Italy seems to point to a developed system of exchange mainly involving the Sicilian and southern Italian communities. Moreover, we have also taken into account the possibility that certain places, such as for example the Piana di Curinga on the south-west coast in the Lower Tyrrhenian could have played a role along the route of an import-export system of exchange. Despite this economic view which indeed tends to emphasise the profit-related role played by Piana di Curinga (seen as an extensive ‘market place’), it could be interpreted as a form of tribal meeting place where periodically or seasonally festivals took place for both ritual and exchange purposes. As already discussed, such meeting places were mainly related to the productiveness of the site and demonstrate the existence of friendshipbased trade relationships between the members of different communities.

Among a circle of reciprocal supplying, the complementary nature of prehistoric social welfare in terms of items of primary needs seems to paint a picture of mutual dealing, where such items were exchanged not only between inhabitants of the coastal plains but also by reciprocal trade-mechanisms, with hilly hinterlands and interior zones (Table 21). The importation of clay for local industrial production – an importation already existing in the Early Neolithic period – which seems to follow a similar typology of pottery to the central Mediterranean, both in terms of forms and decoration patterns, does not seem to reflect

By analogy, it possible to hypothesise that Aboriginal as well as central Mediterranean tribes were not strangers to each other but rather that they were related by common affinity, probably also bound by

54

Prehistoric Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Neolithic Age

ceremonial agreements. It is clear that the presence of the lithic industry in obsidian in sites also located on the south of the Italian peninsula, as well as far away on the island of Malta, forms part of the circuits of interchange that are forever part of the philosophy of free trade. This constitutes a kind of principle which is still far removed from the speculative aspect of the market concept. We can imagine an exchange network which went from the Tyrrhenian shoreline, to the inaccessible and laborious inland routes, preferring the river-ways that allowed people to reach the opposite side of the Italian peninsula, with considerably less effort.

range of alternating marine and riverine routes, mediated by means of exchange between more or less developed social organisations that came gradually to interact with other ethnic groups more and more distant from the source. As is clearly displayed within the communities of Polynesian mariners (Bellwood, 1978), the best way to estimate the extent of long-distance obsidian exchange may be only as multiples of shortdistance connections. On the basis of the above, what seems more persuasive is a form of reciprocity system, characterised by a substantive form of economy, playing a role through the channel of social relationships rather than trade partnerships. A further observation is that the range, frequency and volume of exchange systems in prehistoric periods are quite conservative compared with systems of trade, due to the different kinds of approach to each. Finally, it should be emphasised that the importance of the Aeolian Islands as a supplier of such different natural resources (Table 21), welllocated in the south Tyrrhenian, lead one to imagine Lipari as a meeting-place where any item from further afield might be obtained.

This hypothesis would account for the presence of obsidian in contexts close to the sea and/or near ancient river beds or navigable rivers, such as the Metauro, or Mesima, or Savuto, the Agri in relation to the isthmus of Catanzaro, or the Sele for the Metapontine area in south Italy, as well as the Platani and the Himera Meridionale waterways in Sicily. As is clearly shown in some ethnographic parallels, the importance of the orography and the hydrography of the land offers in this case a notable interpretative guideline in the attempt to identify the possible ways of penetration not only inland but in particular of reaching the internal zone or the opposite coast. It makes more sense, at least in this phase of the prehistory, to think in terms of an integrated circulation of obsidian, driven by the principle of free exchange, far removed from market conventions. Indeed, this involves various networks of distribution that were used as a means of expanding a

6.10- Prehistoric sites characterised by both Liparan and Pantellerian obsidian The evidence of sites attesting to the significant presence of both Liparan and Pantellerian obsidian artefacts offers an interesting opportunity to detect the mechanisms involving this apparently competitive

Table 19- Graph of comparison between geographical areas characterized by obsidian from Lipari and Palmarola. Northern Italy includes also Dalmatia; Sicily includes the adjacent islands (Data derived from: Tykot, 1996: 39- 82; Nicoletti, 1997:258- 69; Leighton,1999).

55

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

Table 20- Graph of comparison between geographical areas characterized by obsidian from Lipari and Pantelleria (Data derived from: Tykot, 1996; Nicoletti, 1997).

characterised by the occurrence of obsidian from Lipari on sites dispersed both along the coast as well as in the mainland; in zone (b) we find both obsidian from Lipari and from Pantelleria with a prevalence of that from Lipari, which is only concentrated on the mainland; in zone (c) there is also evidence of a mixture of obsidian from Pantelleria together with that of Lipari; it occurs only in three sites, mainly located on the seaside, otherwise the Pantellerian industry is exclusively attested. Doubtless, the natural waterways provided by the Platani and Himera Meridionale rivers played a leading role in allowing access to the difficult inland area around which all the sites belonging to zone (b) are located. Nevertheless, the wide discrepancy between zone (a) and zone (c) is not easily understandable. However, it is important to emphasise that the archaeological data attested to in Sicily – albeit a partial documentation within a restricted group of sites – are set against a general range of explorations, where the recording of the main material discovered by the researchers has not been properly documented because it belongs to pioneering surveys. At the same time, it should be borne in mind that in numerous Sicilian archaeological contexts knowledge relating to obsidian is based on simple direct observation, as in many documented cases, which has led to the erroneous identification of black burnt flint as obsidian. This means that it should be possible in some way to orientate the exegesis of the economic picture to favour the role of the Aeolian Islands, which in many contexts has been

sphere of action and interaction. The dispersion of common consumer sites in Sicilian contexts seems to exhibit some lines of demarcation dividing three distinct geographical zones: the first towards the east, the second towards the west, the third sandwiched between them (Fig. 34). Observing the Sicilian environment, including the implications emerging from oro-hydrography, it is clear that the two main lines of demarcation are located in the middle of Sicily following an axis oriented slightly NE-SW. To be precise, the first one towards the east seems to coincide with the meandering basin of the Himera meridionale river (also called Salso river), which has its source at the very top of the Madonie at Portella del Bafurco - which is only around 25 kilometres from the Tyrrhenian coast - crossing the entire Sicilian mainland for 144 kilometres before flowing into the Mediterranean. The second line of demarcation seems to follow the winding path of the Platani river which has its source in Lake Platani at a height of 678 metres above sealevel – about 35 kilometres from the Tyrrhenian coast – and flows into the Mediterranean too. For the sake of the economy it is useful to distinguish three geographical zones, divided by the two abovementioned lines of demarcation, as the following: a) eastern zone; b) sandwiched zone; c) western zone. Table 22 shows that zone (a) is exclusively

56

Prehistoric Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Neolithic Age

is not possible to hypothesise an autonomous role for the exploitation of obsidian straight from Lipari or from Pantelleria. This observation suggests a type of supply that seems to exclude a prevailing and unidirectional circuit, indicating rather a simpler transfer of material by means of several stages. The 20% difference in the incidence of evidence relating to the industry of Lipari as compared with that of Pantelleria is not sufficient to be able to establish Lipari as the preferential market of reference. It will be appropriate perhaps to estimate the distance by sea that separates the Aeolians from the northern coasts of Sicily, as well as Pantelleria from the nearest mainland on the W/SW coast of Sicily. It seems obvious that the geographical position of Lipari is separated by less than 25 kilometres from the coast of Capo Milazzo (Fig. 34), which is nearer and therefore more easily reachable in comparison with Pantelleria, which is 110 kilometres from Sicily and in fact closer to the African coast.

overestimated; an example of this is the case of the obsidian sculptured seashell found in a Minoan site on Crete which was attributed by Sir Arthur Evans to a Lipari source, while in fact chemical analysis proves that it came from Giali island in the Aegean (Dixon, Cann and Renfrew, 1968: 11). In seeking a plausible solution to this problem, an evaluation of the maritime topography of the two islands is revealing. It is immediately clear that their maritime topography is linked to completely different marinemeteorological characteristics, involving distinct problems of navigation: Lipari in the south Tyrrhenian, Pantelleria in the middle of the Canale di Sicilia, practically in a coastal area of sea open to all winds. It is easy to see how, within the interchange mechanisms, the supply from the Aeolian Islands had a greater level of continuity in time and space in comparison with that of Pantelleria, which nevertheless played its role as a supplier as well. To illustrate this situation, one example, discovered in inland Sicily, is selected for discussion: the prehistoric village of Mandria di Serra del Palco (La Rosa, 1994a; 1994b) in the Valley of the Platani, located in zone (b). In this site, in a chronological span between the Neolithic and ancient Bronze Age, we find obsidian from Lipari together with obsidian from Pantelleria. The coexisting presence of two industries from different sources – that of Lipari present with a percentage of 60 %, that of Pantelleria for the remaining 40% (Nicoletti, 1998) – characterises a site for which, considering the distance from the obsidian sources, it

Therefore, it should be emphasised that Pantelleria’s links with Sicily were subject - much more than Liparito the marine-meteorological conditions and to the wider open-water crossing (Fig.35); the very dangerous sea conditions are also a factor, with crossing being possible in limited periods of the year only. Having said that, seasonal or periodical open-water crossings did take place safely during the prehistoric period, as attested by the sites located in zone (b) and (c). Indeed, crossing 110 Km of unknown sea by a simple means of transport, even if feasible only when optimal conditions of the sea occur, seems to imply both a spirit of adventure as

Table 21- Imported and exported materials relating to the Aeolian Islands (N: Neolithic Age; B: Bronze Age: R: Roman period).

57

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

Table 22 - Geographical zones characterised by obsidian from Lipari and Pantelleria in Sicily, divided by the lines of demarcation following the rivers Himera meridionale and Platani: (a) eastern zone (b) sandwiched zone (c) western zone. (Data derived from: Nicoletti, 1996: 258-69; Tykot, 1999: 39-82).

well as a desire to meet other people, although the drive to escape for conflicting reasons might also be taken into account. A comparison with the Polynesian seafaring world through the account written by Percy Smith (1786) might be of value in this context. In reporting the Polynesian voyaging techniques on long-distance, Smith informs us that they were in the habit of setting out in several vessels which navigate according to the strategy of being ” spread out in the form of a crescent to distances of about five miles apart on each side, so as to extend their view”, in such ways “a fleet of ten canoes would thus have a view of over fifty miles on their front”. Adopting this strategy, it seems clear that to cover a distance of 50 miles (86 kilometres) only the number of 10 canoes is required. Although the Percy Smith evaluation seems very questionable in term of distance, it suggests a good way of accounting for the coverage of long-distances. Indeed, nobody is able to see over a range of 10 miles, but the principle is very valuable. By analogy, to cover the distance between Pantelleria and Sicily, a fleet of less than 15 (14 to be precise) would be sufficient. If we accept the principle, the concept is feasible, but the figures relating to distance would need to be adjusted downwards; for example, if we calculate using 50% of Smith’s actual figure, 28 canoes would be required to cover 110 kilometres (70 miles).

In conclusion, the presence of the lithic industry from Lipari together with that of Pantelleria, attested to in the prehistoric village of Mandria di Serra del Palco (La Rosa, 1994) in the Valley of the Platani, as well as in the other sites located on the central (zone b) and western (zone a) area of the Sicily, suggests a context of natural providing not oriented to trade purposes or specific purchasers. Moreover, the phenomenon of the wide spectrum of diffusion which interferes with the other sources of the same typology of the lithic industry, with due differences for each one, seems to point to a dynamic of exchange established on the principle of free negotiation; a kind of exchange still far from being a competitive market, and not closely correlated to precise or regular networks of diffusion, but driven by reciprocal exchange rather than commercial purpose. Indeed, it is important to underline that the concept of supply and demand which have been taken as allowable by the pure economists and anthropologists could be irrelevant in prehistoric societies. 6.11- Neolithic landing place: hypothesis of identification At this point the question arises as to the main landing places of the island during the Neolithic period. We must recognise that the notable geomorphologic transformations, occurring over the course of the centuries on the island of Lipari have fundamentally

58

Prehistoric Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Neolithic Age

and repeatedly altered the ancient shoreline and the soundings of the adjacent seabed have upset the picture of the early landing places used starting from the Neolithic period (see also Chapter 2). The volcanic and neo-tectonic activity of Monte Pelato and Monte Sant’Angelo took place in two eruption periods, one prehistoric – between 11,000 and 8,000 years ago and the other one Medieval – between the 650 and 850 AD (Fig. 5). This produced a large volume of pyroclastic material (pumice) associated with the immense obsidian taps. The last eruption concluded with the formation of the cone of pumice of Monte Pelato and with the emission flows of Rocche Rosse and Forgia Vecchia. The first eruption period, datable to between 8,000 and 7,000 BC took in the N-NE area of the island. Since obsidian from Lipari has been recorded on two Pre-Neolithic sites in Sicily (see Chapter 6.4), we cannot discount the possibility that groups of paleo-Mesolithic people lived in caves and cliff shelters – even if as yet no trace has been discovered. The island’s subsistence was based on hunting and the collection of uncultivated fruits, still far removed from the commercial activity that was to mark Aeolian seafaring for centuries.

morphological structure of the Neolithic period of the island seems to have enjoyed a particular marine situation which naturally favoured a loading place for the cores or pre-cores or even for instruments already fashioned and ready for export through the landing place of Spiaggia della Papesca (UWS 22), where it is reasonable to project the presence of a landing place. It is evident, by a direct comparison between the geological and nautical charts, that corresponding to the limits of the obsidian flows of the 4th geological period that extend to the coastal area between Punta di Sparanello, to the south, and the Faro of Porticello, to the north, there is in the sea a layer of shallows – characterised by isobaths parallel to the coast and variable up to a maximum of 6 meters – constituting at least for the first three meters of depth part of the early coastline. The advantageous nature of the shoreline formation of this section between Punta Sparanello and Faro di Porticello thus provided, at the same time, the place of extraction, manufacture, marine landing place and export of the main resource of the island, facilitating the operations of transport and loading, according to the rationale of economy of means and distances.

During the second eruption period, with the reawakening of the Volcano of Monte Pelato in the high Medieval Age, there occurred a profound morphological modification of the coastal and subcoastal north-oriental area of Lipari. As a result, the obsidian flow of Lami-Pomiciazzo was entirely covered, together with the nearby zones, creating an isthmus joining Monte Chirica and Monte Sant’ Angelo. The last morphological neo-deformation completely obliterated that stage that, at least from c. 4,500 BC, joined the prehistoric settlements of Castellaro Vecchio near Quattropani to the obsidian deposit of LamiPomiciazzo. This was intensively exploited for the extraction of obsidian, which was exported throughout the western Mediterranean, in the form of cores or pre-cores or even as cutting instruments already crafted. The last high-Medieval eruption eliminated the area that was used during the Early Neolithic by the ancient inhabitants of Castellaro Vecchio as a quarry for the extraction of obsidian, identified with the current motorway Canneto-Lami, on the eastern strata of the Lami-Pomiciazzo obsidian flow, which in the preeruption phase was still easy reached by land.

In the context of the programme of research aimed towards the Feasibility project for the Aeolian Islands Marine Park, underwater prospecting with the nautical equipment on board of the MV Blue Marlyn, and also through targeted dives, we have been able to establish the presence of a wide layer of pumice on the sea-bottom. This observation, although on the one hand it has prevented the identification of the period and the type of use made of the Papesca landing place through the discovery of eventual remains, offers the guarantee at the same time that the original layer of discharge is perfectly conserved under the sediment. It would have been opportune on this occasion to carry out some control tests in order to identify, at least in part, the kind of frequentation of the sites; however because the agreements with the Museum did not provide for this type of inspection, the researcher confined herself to consideration of its topographic situation. Papesca beach, which is currently covered with the remains of industrial archaeology from an installation for the manufacture of pumice, must have served as a landing place from the Neolithic period; this seems to have continued over time until the setting up of the modern factory which has now been closed down for several years.

From the analysis of the neo-tectonic episodes occurring over various periods it emerges that the

59

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

to have been established because of the presence of obsidian. The discovery of obsidian was undoubtedly due to earlier but irregular short-term visits to the island in the pre-Neolithic period, as explained above. Indeed, continuous exploitation of the obsidian was established only subsequently, during the Early Neolithic period, when the next stage in maritime activity and system exchange can be detected. The lithic industry in obsidian, much in demand before the development of metal technology, appears highly organized, with centres of workshop production located on the NE slopes of Lipari. From now on the Aeolian Islands were assured a period of lively and intense intercourse with its neighbours. Between the end of the Middle Neolithic and the beginning of the Late Neolithic period, as discussed above in connection with the tuna-fishing question (see 6.3), maritime activity seems orientated towards longdistance exchange, possibly via channels of reciprocity, among both local groups and those living far from the source. The medium of that exchange of ideas, people and goods was any kind of boat or ship (McGrail, 1996:67). Initially, when the concept of navigation was still limited to the understanding of the sea very near the coast or just a few miles away, the nearest coastal populations exploited the islands only for obsidian. Only in a second phase, when Capo Graziano culture inspired a philosophy of commerce which was to distinguish Aeolian seafaring in the Bronze Age, did the archipelago seem to discover the strategic importance of its position in the centre of the southern Tyrrhenian sea (sse Chapter 7). Indeed, its location is a pivotal position, both controlling the main sea routes of the Mediterranean north of the Straits of Messina, and at the same time sitting at the centre of a large network of export, which spread through a system of free and integrated distribution as far as the coasts of southern France and Dalmatia.

Other modifying effects brought about by the highMedieval eruption led to the obsidian flow of the Rocche Rosse and Forgia Vecchia. The first one extends from the crater NE of Monte Pelato to Punta della Castagna and to the sea in front, between Acquacalda and Porticello; the second one extends from the crater of Pirrera of Monte Sant’ Angelo to Canneto (Fig. 5). The emission of these neo-flows has obliterated the remains of a material culture and the traces of the related settlements-to-be, which should also have existed along the shoreline contained between Punta di Sparanello, to the north, and Punta della Galera, to south, currently characterised by shallows and a bathymetric line of 2.20 meters, parallel to the coast. It is evident that this must have at one time been above water and constituted the ancient shoreline. What can be asserted with relative certainty is that the sharpest regular blades obtained from the lavic obsidian flows from the craters of Forgia Vecchia and Monte Sant’Angelo – where remains of ancient quarries have been identified by the presence of blades and manufacturing discharge – constituted the main object of export of the earliest Neolithic village of the island of Lipari, that of Castellaro Vecchio near Quattropani, through the marine landing place of Papesca. Indeed, the workshop-centres identified in the stratified section of Canneto-Lami (Keller,1970: 75) and Canneto-Acquacalda (Buchner,1948) discovered during the excavation aimed at the establishing of the motorway, represents a clear witness of this exploitation. Therefore, the recovery of a deposit containing 26 obsidian cores, clearly suggests a phase of gathering for the purposes of export. 6.12- Conclusion The first phase of the prehistoric economy in the Aeolian Islands starts somewhat earlier by comparison with the other obsidian sources located in the eastern Mediterranean. Direct procurement of obsidian by communities within one day’s journey or a sign overnight stay of the source appears to be the first stage in this economic system, probably starting in the Late Mesolithic Age. In addition, being careful and intent on making a profit, the new islanders managed not only to reach the coast but also to develop methods and techniques to exploit their natural resources.

Moreover, ethnographic parallels clearly suggest that exchange systems were mainly conducted by interaction between adjacent tribes, revealing the movement of several types of goods, both raw and maufactured, over great distances. They also indicate that any particular long-distance route might have been the product of the amalgamation of a large number of short-distance voyages. These ethnographic parallels lead one further to think in terms of both an amalgamation of short portions of routes and a method of navigation aimed primarily at coastal trade; the latter, at least in part, followed the

The next stage appears during the Early Neolithic period, when the first stable settlement on Lipari seems

60

Prehistoric Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Neolithic Age

well-known model of ‘down-the-line’ trade within a certain distance from the source. However, to this it is necessary to add some substantial variations, related to the mechanism of interaction in order to reach appropriate markets. It seems more likely that this type of trade was organised along the lines of maritime shunting, peripheral in character and over short distances, while distribution on a wider scale was probably due to successive exchanges of raw materials between social groups gradually more and more distant from the original source. These groups of people appear to have operated what modern economists term a ‘network function’, organised into three main types of exchange according to the latest attempt at classification (Torrence, 1986): (1) villages in zones with direct access, (2) those with indirect access, (3) those mediated by interaction. It would appear premature to attribute a precise commercial motivation for this activity; rather it seems to be more persuasive to think in terms of simple ‘drives’ of contact guided by reasons of daily and/or ritual subsistence, and unrelated to any mercantile framework. Since it is not, therefore, possible to postulate a selfsupporting role in the procurement of obsidian by the inland sites of Sicily or of the Italian peninsula, the central role played by the sites near the coast is highlighted. However, the coastal sites developed their own specific role in the context of the pure exchange of available materials, part of a wide net of interchange that extended from Sicily to Calabria and then came to interact with other markets in the peninsula. Nevertheless, the operation of such flexible links is likely to have been a key element in the creation of preferential patterns of social exchange, and the importance in this activity of alliances and ceremonial behavior cannot be underestimated.

In this light, one might suggest, as working hypothesis, that it is the other tribal societies which reach Lipari in order to acquire its precious resource, obsidian. In addition, the absence of workshops specialised in ornamental obsidian such as the sculptured seashell carved from a variety of obsidian from Giali found in a Minoan site (Dixon, Cann and Renfrew, 1968: 11), points to an environment bound by primitive forms of exchange based on the simple economic formula of do ut des (‘I give in order that you will give [to me] in exchange’). Apart from the unique case of the tuna fishbone (see Chapter 6.3), the total absence of elements which are linked to a maritime environment, or to the exploitation of the sea’s resources, demonstrates again that the settlers did not have a constant and close relationship with the sea. With that said, it comes as no surprise that even in other insular contexts in the Aegean, has been recently recognised that Neolithic colonisation was mainly based on farming cultures. In the island of Cyprus recent studies have documented an agropastoralist colonization of the island in the 10th millennium BP (Peltenburg et al, 2000: 844-53); likewise, in the island of Crete, recent research has emphasised the role of migrant farmers in the Neolithic colonization (Broodbank and Strasser, 1991: 233-45). Moreover, as is evident from the case of the Aboriginal Australians, a form of tribal meeting place with periodical or seasonal festivals seems to have been central to ritual and exchange practices. By analogy it is possible to hypothesize that prehistoric Mediterranean tribes, as well as Aborigines, would have used such places: both Curinga in south Italy and Lipari on the Aeolian Islands might be viewed as potential meeting places of this kind. When considering ‘traditional meeting places’, it is useful to underline that these meetings often occurred seasonally or periodically near sources of valuable goods such as pitcheri (the much-prized narcotic), fruit, igneous rocks and nuts, as well as eels and roots. Such meeting-places traditionally used to attract people from different regions who might have to travel many days to reach them.

All these considerations, in the light of the tangible results which have emerged from precise examination of the type of subsistence (agro-pastoral) and of settlement (in a high position far from the sea), seem to point towards an interpretation rather different from the one proposed in the past: it suggests that Lipari enjoyed a role which is dominant but ‘passive’ at the same time, at the centre of a wide circuit of cultural interaction. The identification of this role as ‘passive’ is in no way meant to have negative connotations, but intends rather to define a diverse dimension of interaction, where Lipari does not function directly as the central motor, nor as the go-between for other maritime communities, but acts passively and indirectly.

Summing up, it seems likely that the long-distance exchange of obsidian and other goods played a remarkable role in maintaining preferential ethnic or kin connections, and this points to the capability of Central Mediterranean seafaring peoples to make journeys across open water for both ritual and exchange purposes. This new interpretation explains, at least in part, the fundamental dynamics of the

61

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

exchange system, and challenges the hypotheses which have been proposed so far; that of Renfrew, who assumes that obsidian circulated via land routes, as in a ‘down-the-line-trade’ model, but also that of Ammermann who prefers a model of radial diffusion of pre-cored obsidian. Finally, although the prehistoric record emphasises that the Aeolian communities were associated with agricultural rather than maritime activity, the role played by the Aeolian Islands was clearly as a centre which operated over a long durée of at least two thousand years. Stretching this point even further, this way of approaching archaeological evidence, based on paleoeconomical or ethno-anthropological considerations shows how the unique character of the choice of settlement and the primary subsistence economy amplify the symbolic value of the Aeolian Islands, and place them outside the usual exchange models for the wide diffusion of obsidian.

Notes 1

Aelian, Anim. Hist., XV, 56. Strabo, I, 2, 24. 3 Part of this chapter has been published in the papers of the 5th Deia International Conference of Prehistory (Castagnino Berlinghieri, 2002: 217- 32). 2

62

Proto-historic Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Bronze Age

CHAPTER SEVEN

which the King of Winds reigned. The recent hypothesis offered by Doumas (1996: 25-8) who, in the first phase of settlement of Capo Graziano on Filicudi finds traces which he attributes to the group of Aeolians who took flight from the island of Lemnos, seems to be a fascinating mythological-historical reply to the question: Poliochni: what happened to its Early Bronze Age Inhabitants ? (the title of Doumas’ article). The phase of destruction found in the stratigraphy of Poliochni is identified by Doumas with the Homeric tradition, where the Aegean settlement was abandoned in order to move to the Aeolian Islands. However, setting aside the evocative mythology, it is interesting to note that the culture of Capo Graziano shows a completely different material culture from the previous phase of Piano Quartara. The analysis of the available archaeological data seems to emphasise that the impact of the culture of Capo Graziano was so significant, even in some indigenous coastal sites located on the Tyrrhenian coast, that it gave rise to the imitation of vase shapes typical of this culture in which it is possible to recognise the influence of models of inspiration from the Aeolian Islands (Bernabò Brea, 1968-69: 31-2 and 38-9; Cocchi Genick, 2003: 687710). However, some generic cultural affinities between the Aeolian Islands and northern Sicily RodìTindari and Vallelunga culture (Bietti Sestieri, 1982; Tusa, 1999; Leighton, 1999) on the one hand and southern Tyrrhenian Italy (Palma-Campania culture) on the other have recently been discussed.

PROTO-HISTORIC MEDITERRANEAN SHIPPING IN THE SOUTH TYRRHENIAN SEA: THE BRONZE AGE 7.1- The Bronze Age: the new economic awakening with the Culture of Capo Graziano In the mechanism of exchange in the Aeolian prehistoric economy, we can distinguish two fundamental chronological moments. These are only in part linked to the evolution of ship-building, which brought with it also enhanced possibilities for navigation; the latter at the time were still in an experimental phase. The first chronological moment of significance, datable to the Neolithic period, already discussed in Chapter 6, is connected with the exploitation of mining resources; the second, datable to the Bronze Age, is linked to Capo Graziano culture and the arrival of newcomers, who brought with them their own distinctive customs and material culture. These two periods of Aeolian prehistory, are without doubt the periods of the archipelago’s greatest involvement in the processes of interchange of a panMediterranean character: they best reveal the significant role played by the Aeolian Islands at this critical period. Initially, when the concept of navigation was still limited to the understanding of the sea’s surface very near the coast or just a few miles away, the nearest coastal populations exploited the islands only for obsidian. Only in the second phase, with the culture of Capo Graziano inspired by the philosophy of commerce that would mark Aeolian seafaring in Bronze Age, the archipelago seemed to discover the strategic meaning of its position in the centre of the Southern Tyrrhenian. Indeed, it is a pivotal position looking after the control of the main marine routes of the Mediterranean after the Strait of Messina and clearly located at the centre of a large network of export (Bernabò Brea, 1987: 189-219; De Miro, 1987: 517-39).

Although recent studies in search of a model of eastwest Mediterranean interactions in the 2nd millennium BC have recognised that the major islands – Sicily and the Aeolian Islands, Sardinia, Crete, Cyprus – (Bietti Sestieri, 1988; 2003) as well as groups of people from the coasts of Adriatic and Dalmatia (Maran, 1998; Peroni, 1998: 155-65) have played a primary link in the model, they tend to focus more on the role of systematic long-distance relationships among different communities. Comparisons supporting this hypothesis, which is mainly based on the concept of cultural integration, appear very questionable for two principal reasons. First of all, the lack of continuity within the Aeolian Islands’ communities and in particular between the culture of Capo Graziano and the previous culture of Piano Quartara tends to emphasise a radical break, associated with an incoming culture of different origin. Secondly, the abrupt economic awakening could not plausibly be considered to have occurred solely as a result of trading contacts and cultural connections suddenly reaching fruition: rather it suggest that such

At the end of the third millennium Aeolian society seems to have been market by new cultural advances, clearly more developed than the previous ones and without doubt related to new external factors. In the diffusionist view offered by Bernabò Brea (1985a; 1997), the archipelago located to the centre of the south Tyrrhenian witnessed the settlement of new peoples of Homeric memory whose deeds are indelibly woven into the notoriously complex mythological drama over

63

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

typological parallels should be explained in terms of migrations.

clearly shown how there are at least 30 architectural comparisons with Aegean tholoi whose inner diameter varied between 3.5 and 5.5 metres. Although the function of the San Calogero tholos is different from that of the Mycenaean tholoi (which were mainly employed for burial purposes), at least five round structures from Minoan Crete (Belli, 1992: 235-49) show valuable parallels with that of Lipari in terms both of function and architecture.

It has been shown that strict analogies with the culture of Greece, such as Lerna IV, Tiryns, Asine, Berbati, Kirrha, dated to the Early and Middle Helladic Age as well as with the phase of Tarxien Cemetery on the Maltese islands, seem to point to a special, unprecedented link between the parties involved. Table 23 shows analogies in terms of typology related to the design of huts, burial customs and pottery between Bronze Age settlements on the Aeolian Islands and those belonging to the Early and Middle Helladic Age of Greece, as well as with the phase of the Tarxien Cemetery on the Maltese islands. It is worth underlining that the most outstanding example of architectural influence in the Aeolian Islands from the Aegean world is the thermal bath of San Calogero in Lipari, which Bernabò Brea dates to the first phase of Capo Graziano.

The most important aspects of all those parallels, which have been examined in a number of papers by Bernabò Brea (from 1985a to 1997) both in terms of pottery and architecture, lead one to assume that with the Culture of Capo Graziano the Aeolian Islands began to possess new capabilities in Mediterranean interaction. This was a very important role if we consider that the settlement of the new overseas populations there, the Aeolians (according to Bernabò Brea), was driven by a mercantile mentality which formed part of a very precise plan; this involved the direct control of the maritime-commercial routes that converged there from the Mediterranean some distance beyond the Straits of Messina. This wide network of maritime links came to assume, at the beginning of the Bronze Age, a clearly pan-Mediterranean orientation, apparently presided over by Lipari.

The bath as part of a large thermal complex, is characterised by a round chamber (diameter of c. 4.30 meters) with a dome-like roof made of superimposed stone blocks reaching a height of c. 2.50 metres. The main thermal spring, which was channeled into the room by a sophisticated drainage system, provided hot running water at between 45° and 50°C. The interior is circular and domed; a series of convincing parallels with the Aegean tholos tombs could therefore be suggested. Although there are some doubt (Wilson, 2000: 36, note 186) about the chronology of this domed structure, some scholars (Pelon, 1976, table 1) have

It is important to note that in the first phase of Capo Graziano culture, the new settlements were all located on coastal plains, a factor which seems to reflect both mercantile activity in the context of the sea as well as minimising any potential defence problems. By

Table 23 - Typological analogies of Bronze Age settlements on the Aeolian Islands and those belonging to the Early and Middle Helladic Age of Greece as well as with the phase of Tarxien Cemetery on the Maltese islands (Data based on: Bernabò Brea, 1985a; Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1960; 1968; 1980; 1991a; 1994b;1995; Spigo, 1994).

64

Proto-historic Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Bronze Age

Table 24- Comparison of Early Bronze Age settlements on Aeolian Islands and Sicily by spatial distribution (Data based on: Bernabò Brea, 1985a; Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1960; 1968; 1980; 1991a, 1994b, 1995; Leigthon, 1999; Albore Livadie et al., 2003: 113-22).

in major examples in Sicily; this preference is also associated with greater potential for safety and the supervision of lines of communication along valleys and waterways; b) to take advantage of a convenient location by the sea in order to minimise the access time and cost of maritime activities: this approach is witnessed by the location of all the sites on the Aeolian Islands as well as in zone (a) in Sicily. Indeed, the latter choice appears to imply a state of peaceful co-existence between those communities permitting trading relationships. It is interesting to observe that while in the first phase of the Capo Graziano culture, all the settlements are located on the coastal plains, in the following phase these move to higher ground, which might be interpreted as a new need for easily-defended positions (Table 25).

contrast, in Sicily, Early Bronze Age settlements are not characterized by any one dominant pattern of spatial distribution but rather by a variety of locations ranging from coastal plains to hilltops and river valleys. These settlements are mainly found inland at a fairly low-elevation near rivers or indeed adjacent to them, while others are located on promontories and hills at greater heights overlooking the neighbouring landscape (Table 24). In Sicily the main pattern of spatial distribution seems to reflect a kind of subsistence economy related to the use of fertile soil around river valleys in order to maintain a mixed system based on arable and pasture. For the Bronze Age it is useful to continue distinguish the three geographical zones already discussed in chapter 6.10, divided by the two lines of demarcation of the Platani-river and Himera meridionale-river. Only a very small percentage of Early Bronze Age settlements in Sicily, which are mainly located in zone (a), could share their position with those on the Aeolian Islands, but only because they were located along the coast. Observing the material evidence either in terms of artifacts or structures reported on both Early Bronze Age sites, it is clear that there is not even one relevant similarity.

Whether the whole radical change of position was political in the light of imminent warfare and weaponry, or strategic in order to gain a dominant position overlooking and controlling the surrounding sea is also worth considering. Taking as an example the Bronze Age communities in Filicudi, it can be seen how they moved from the indefensible seashore on Piano del Porto-Casa Lopez to a much less hospitable position on Capo Graziano, which is a domed-shaped rock with almost completely inaccessible cliffs forming a natural fortress. Although many scholars tend to emphasize that this move was imposed by a change in the general political situation in the Lower Tyrrhenian, it seems also to point to a desire to occupy a higher position in order to gain a

Comparisons between sites located along the coastal plains serve only to highlight differences, and it is impossible to envisage any relationship between them, whereas strict parallels between those settlements on the Aeolian Islands and contemporary culture in Greece are very clear. Indeed, such diversity in spatial distribution is very closely connected with two main criteria: a) to use the surrounding land for agriculture as

65

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

Table 25 - Comparison of Early Bronze Age, Middle and Late Bronze Age settlements on Aeolian Islands by spatial distribution (Data based on: Bernabò Brea, 1985a; Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1960; 1968; 1980; 1991a, 1994b, 1995; Spigo, 1994; Albore Livadie et al., 2003: 113-22).

of its nature and consistency, only a small portion of the merchandise imported directly or indirectly from the Greek east. This suggests a wider field of interrelations of exchange between east and west than the present archaeological preserves.

long-range visibility; the latter could assure control of the sea as well as providing the chance to attack passing ships whenever possible. It is also evident that serious preoccupations with defence amongst the coastal populations led to the selection of a huge range of sites located inland which could be much more easily be defended. This change in position seems to suggest that the move was a reflection of a situation where the twin needs of both warfare and control be simultaneously served.

7.2- An analysis of Bronze Age Trade mechanisms throughout the Aeolian Islands The discovery of new evidence in the form of traded goods around the Mediterranean calls for a reappraisal of the archaeological data for trade-mechanisms and interactions between east and west in the light of the Bronze Age heritage of the Aeolian Islands. Greater insight may thus be gained into long-distance maritime trade as well as into various topics related to maritime interconnections which were cultivated by the Aeolian Islands at this time. During the last thirty years, excavations around the Central Mediterranean have greatly increased the corpus of Aegean evidence, both in the form of artifacts and in terms of the impact the Aegean made on local architecture; furthermore the systematic excavations of many settlements has placed Aegean imports within a clear indigenous cultural framework. All of these excavations and works undertaken around the central Mediterranean provide excellent evidence of the contact between the

It is also important to note how in nearly all the huts of the Middle Bronze Age Village of the Milazzese culture at Panarea, along with other more usual finds, fragments of Mycenaean pottery have been recovered, as if they formed part of a ‘private equipment’ that every clan kept in memory of their own Levantine origins. To sum up, since the culture of Capo Graziano does not offer any point of comparison, either in terms of vessels or of architecture, with the coeval cultural horizons of the Italian peninsula nor indeed of Sicily, the evident technological contribution of new populations from Early and Middle Helladic Greece does not seem to exclude the possibility that this ceramic equipment belonged to the newly arrived settlers. It is clear that the Mycenaean pottery constituted, because

66

Proto-historic Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Bronze Age

distance trade in terms of re-distribution and local control seems to be assured by the evidence from the Aeolian Islands and the Phlegraean islands, which provide the basis of a remarkable interconnection of items imported from the Aegean and vice-versa. The question arises as to why the newcomers decided to settle on the Aeolian Islands which indeed now began to occupy the role of an advanced base of Aegean commercial expansion towards the western Mediterranean. In order to answer this question, which clearly suggests an extensive network of commercial exchanges through the Aeolian Islands characterised by a distinctive pan-Mediterranean character, it is appropriate to analyse the problem by looking both at trade-system patterns as well as at the availability of natural resources on the islands.

indigenous population and Aegean traders. The appearance of stylistic, functional and technological affinities between Protohelladic III pottery and Aeolian represents the first indication of Aegean-central Mediterranean interconnections which constitute a kind of trade. This in turn implies the concept of exchange of goods and ideas and suggests regular contacts between the areas concerned. In particultar, the discovery of hundreds of Aegean sherds from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic IIIA found on Punta d’Alaca (Damiani and Di Gennaro, 2003: 622-30) and Punta Mezzogiorno on the island of Vivara in Campania (Marazzi, 1999: 415-22) has provided an important link between the Phlegraean islands and Aegean culture. A comparable increase in data resulting from excavations, surface surveys and related analysis around the Ionian Gulf, the Adriatic coast as well as southern Italy (Bietti Sestieri, 1988: 23-51; 1997: 47398), suggests that during the Bronze Age the Italian peninsula and its adjacent islands had become a major focus of Aegean trade (Fig. 36). Indeed, it should be pointed out that, during the Early Bronze Age, the motivation of trade was not only limited to the import of commodities unavailable at home but rather concerned also the export of goods and exotic items. The commodities which, from the archaeological data available, seem to have formed the basis of trade between east and west Mediterranean were mainly pottery and metals (both raw and worked), as well as luxury and prestige objects such as amber, faience, ivory, glass and seals. No doubt more perishable items (organic goods such as salts, olive, resin, alum) which have not yet been identified archaeologically were also traded. From this evidence, two main trends seem to emerge: 1- that there was both long- and short-distance trade of pottery which combined both that made at Aegean production-centres and that produced in several areas of the Central Mediterranean (Vagnetti and Jones, 1988) as local imitations of Aegean-type; 2- that there were two main areas of intercourse with the Aegean world, namely the Aeolian Islands and the Phlegraean islands off Naples. Both appear to be closely tied up with the Aegean pottery importation while the central Italian peninsula shows evidence for fewer imports and more imitations.

In other words, it would be apposite to re-examine the concept of trade and its relation to sea-power, considering also the valuable natural resources of the islands as well as their remarkable strategic position. From this perspective the Aeolian Islands’ Bronze Age heritage needs to be placed in a wider framework of interpretation from which to investigate what motivated the activities of those societies sailing from the eastern Mediterranean with the aim of settling there for trading purpose. It should also be noticed that while it is useful to use the term of ‘pattern of trade’ or similar, it seems clear that every system proceeded through different changes of proportions and typologies which were in a continuous process of transformation. Long-distance trade appears to link the islands with the east coast of mainland Greece, Crete and the Aegean, in a series of short-distance hauls providing a flow of materials that could be tapped by interregional maritime societies. In the first phase of the Bronze Age, Lipari and Filicudi seem to represent veritable emporia of Mediterranean commerce, already established as part of the marine itinerary of long-distance trade: they monopolising control of the marine traffic between east and west, and the result was renewed prosperity for the Islands. Recent studies on ancient thalassocracies (Knapp, 1993) have detailed how the key to commercial power of the Mediterranean lay, in this period, in the control of a series of naval bases and emporia spread out along the marine routes which served to ensure efficient distribution of goods. Many of the islands of the Mediterranean and the coastal emporia are in fact network centres and at the same time naval bases, in which operations of sale

Those trends were not, however, reflected uniformly throughout the Bronze Age, but seem to have developed in parallel with the consolidation of the Mycenaean palace economy. A combination of long- and short-

67

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

of it. Nevertheless those references provide an important insight into the wider world of the Bronze Age traded commodities and form a documentary background of a precise and specialized nature, to the more general archaeological picture.

and exchange of manufactured goods, raw materials, and slaves were carried out. Each of these places also performed a regional control function, providing networks of distribution and re-distribution of naval cargoes in the markets of neighbouring zones (Cherry and Davis, 1992) clearly for commercial purposes. This ‘local control’ function was widespread and abundantly documented in the western Mediterranean, on the Aeolian Islands as well as on the Phlegrean Islands; in this period they presided over the traffic coming from the east, and more to the west from Sardinia (Lo Schiavo and Vagnetti, 1980: 371-79) and the Balearic islands (Pryor, 1988) for the distribution in the western markets. This particular system of connections and controls, exercised from single islands and coastal emporia, was the gateway to the establishment of a series of commercial links that connected countries far separated from each other.

In addition, proper attention should be also be paid to the importance of sulphur deposits in the Aeolian Islands, and more generally to the significant industrial production of this material in the picture of the economy and religious life during the Bronze Age. Of particular interest is the new interpretation proposed for the site of Calcara on Panarea island (see also Chapter 7.4). It is well-known that alum was used for practical purposes, while sulphur was essentially used for therapeutic and ceremonial practices; it was also used for metalwork processes as well as for vineyard cultivation (Caputo, 1978: 7-9). In the light of new data arising from the discovery of an Early Bronze Age sanctuary located at Monte Grande near Agrigento (Castellana, 1999; 423-49), which seems to share very close similarities with that of Calcara both in terms of design and ritual practices, we can hypothesize that the Calcara site was used as a sanctuary as well as an industrial workshop for extracting and refining sulphur. In both cases, longdistance connections (in space and in time) between these sanctuary-workshops, of Monte Grande and Calcara, and the Aegean world are documented by a rich array of Aegean and Aegean-type pottery found in the excavations (Castellana, 2000; 2003: 515-46). At first sight, there is a clear distinction between them, due to their local position and relationship and their relationships with the surrounding communities: that of Monte Grande could be considered a mainland sanctuary servingnearby communities, while that of Calcara was undoubtedly linked with navigation. This latter played a leading part as a nautical/ritual reference point and as supply source of sulphur. Although sulphur as well as alum occurs in other sources around the Mediterranean such as Egypt and in the Near East, it seems appropriate to emphasise the decisive role played by the Aeolian Islands in this context of supply.

There is also another aspect of this phenomenon on which more emphasis deserves be placed: the importance of natural resources. Among the valuable natural resources possessed by the islands, there is another important mineral resource which has been recognised in Linear B texts from Pylos and Tiryns (Killen, 1985: 49-63). This is alum. Greater attention should be given to the fact that ancient literary sources such as Diodorus Siculus1 and Strabo2 place emphasis on the remarkable quality and quantity of Aeolian alum which was certainly exploited in antiquity. It should be also noted that the Linear B ancient word tu-ru-pteri-ja is often associated with other words implying the concept of exchange. Indeed, the interpretation by Pugliese Carratelli (recently revised in Baumbach, 1987: 49-54) of the word a-ta-ro – in many cases accompanied by the word with the meaning of alum – in connection with the ethnic name for Aithale which is the ancient appellation for the island of Elba off Tuscany, led one to assume an extension of those contacts with the central Mediterranean. Given that alum is present in abundant quantity on the Aeolian Islands and that it is recognised as an important mineral in ancient wood construction, leather working and pharmacy, one cannot rule out the possibility that it was one of the commodities collected in the islands. In the Bronze Age, such wealth contributed decisively to an increase in the involvement of the Aeolian Islands in the maritime network over both medium and longdistances. Indeed, although textual references concerning exchange of organic, mineral and other perishable commodities abound in the written sources (Knapp, 1991: 21-68), it is difficult to find tangible proof

In the phase following periods, during the Capo Graziano (Early Bronze Age) and the Milazzese cultures (Middle Bronze Age), the Aeolian Islands appear to be less involved in this trade; indeed, the main reason for the decline is connected with the widespread destruction of all the settlements on the islands during the 13th century BC, after which only Lipari was resettled. Afterwards, the route along the

68

Proto-historic Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Bronze Age

(to borrow a term from the earliest form of Roman coinage in the third century BC) of the time. The main bulk of the 75 Kilos in total recovered in the metal hoard of Lipari consists of different broken implements, mainly fragments of bronze ingots together with swords, axes, spearheads, daggers, and razors, as well as scrap metal (Cutroni Tusa, 1997: 566-78). Among these miscellaneous metal items only two fragments (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier,1980: Tav.CCCXIX a and b) could be related to copper ingots of oxhide shape. It is interesting to consider whether such ingots, so distinctive of Mycenaean culture, could be imported straight from the western Mediterranean (from Sardinia), where these items are also widely attested. However, although the scarcity of archaeological data requires one to exercise caution, it is worthy of note that Sardinian oxhide ingots and fragments, in addition to Aegean-type pottery in the main Nuragic sites of Antigori, Orosei and Orroli (Lo Schiavo and Vagnetti, 1980: 371-79), have highlighted the prominent role played by Sardinia in the pattern of trade linked with the eastern Mediterranean. Recent work (Stos-Gale and Gale, 1992) estimates that 80% of all ingots discovered around the Mediterranean have come from three great islands: Cyprus and Crete in the east and Sardinia in the west. Isotope analyses (Stos-Gale and Gale, 1992: 317-46) of a wide range of oxhide ingots found in Sardinia show that they are mainly made of Cypriot copper. Indeed the tangible evidence from the Cape Gelidonya and Ulu Burun shipwrecks points to a large-scale trade in copper; they also show that these ships were loaded with a wide range of goods, of which 38 ingots on the first and more then 350 ingots on the second wreck were only part of a mixed cargo (Pulak, 1996). Although only portions of oxhide copper ingots were found in the metal hoard on Lipari (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1980: 756, fig.319), and elsewhere on only other two sites in Sicily (Cannatello and Thapsos), it should be noted that they represent the most westerly evidence of this shape of metal which has not been found on the Italian mainland (apart from Sardinia itself). It is clear that from the very concealment of this hoard on Lipari indicates very serious worries on the part of its owner. Indeed, on the Aeolian Islands at the beginning of the 13th century BC the Milazzese culture seems to disappear, and all the settlements ended in a violent destruction which have left very obvious archaeological traces. The huts were burned and their roofs collapsed, burying everything inside. It is also

south coast of Sicily seems to have been preferred over that through the Straits of Messina and the Aeolian Islands. In the Later Bronze Age the situation changed completely and Sardinia become an important reference point in maritime exchange, mainly because of its importance as a source of supply metals. Observing the spatial distribution of copper oxhide ingots in the central Mediterranean (Fig. 37), it is clear that the main bulk of this type of metal is located in Sardinia where nineteen sites have been reported (Giardino, 1992: 304-16), while only two examples, on display at the Museum “Paolo Orsi” at Syracuse, are recorded in Sicily (Mosso, 1908: 573-684), and another one from Lipari’s acropolis. It is however, very difficult to distinguish whether these were collected for purely functional purpose in order to be reused, or whether they fulfil other social or symbolic purposes. That hypothesis of a potential workshop where this metal could be melted and recycled afterwards appears to be rather unlikely. Recent laboratory analyses (Gale, 1997: 80-1) show that the practice of re-melting metal was not common during the Mediterranean Bronze Age; it is also indicates that the theoretical re-cycling processes proposed by many scholars are highly dubious. A recent publication (Osgood et al., 2000) has added significantly to our understanding of the earliest evidence of proto-historical methods of wealth accumulation in the forms of hoards; this work, however, has as its main focus the evidence in the context of warfare. In general a metal hoard consists of a certain number of objects forming a ceremonial collection being ritually deposited in water or on hilltops (as attested in some sites in Sardinia: Bianco Peroni, 1970), while some others are simply a collection of fragments, broken or unfinished items possibly collected for the purpose of exchange for its high value in a pre-monetary society, as suggested by some (Cutroni Tusa, 1997: 566-78). Some other hoards, such as that of Ripatransone (Bianco Peroni, 1994: 408), which consists of twenty-five unused daggers of Bohemian type, seem to point to a collection made for the purpose of trade. The Late Bronze Age hoard from Lipari stored in a jar below the floor of the so-called α ΙΙ hut of an Ausonian dwelling on Lipari, contains small metal pieces of various types and shapes, including fragments of oxhide ingots. The deliberate accumulation of such metal in a large jar could be connected with a kind of votive offering or with a valuable collection of metal items which served as a form of currency, aes rude

69

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

interesting to note that on the floor of ‘Hut F’ on Salina were found, among other things, necklaces of semiprecious stones together with glass beads; the latter were still certainly being imported from Mycenae at the time.

cultures, were found in proximity to the coast or at least in close connection with the beach or adjacent landing place, since the whole economy of the Aeolian Islands hinged on this. Lipari’s main village first developed in contrada Diana before transferring itself to the acropolis (perhaps for better defensive protection or to enhance the ability to control maritime movements from a high vantage point); it continued to use the landing places indicated (UWS 23 and 22); in addition there were other Bronze Age settlements on the Islands which may be linked closely to (now submerged) maritime landing places. These are as follows: - on the island of Filicudi, the settlement of Piano del Porto -Filo Braccio,casa Lopez(UWS 25); - on the island of Salina, the settlement of Serra dei Cianfi di Santa Marina (UWS 30); - on the island of Stromboli, the settlement of Pianicelli di Ginostra (UWS 31); - on the island of Panarea, no less then three settlements: those of Punta Milazzese (UWS 32); Punta PeppeMaria (UWS 33); and Calcara (UWS 26); - on the island of Alicudi, the settlement of Pantalucci (UWS 34); - on the island of Vulcano, the cove which once existed between Punta Nere and Punta del Formaggio, probably connected with a settlement, was wiped out by the formation of the isthmus which joined Vulcano and Vulcanello (UWS 35).

Following this violent destruction the Aeolian Islands enter into the cultural sphere of the Italian peninsula – a fact which, according to the tradition preserved in Diodorus Siculus3 was related to the settling in the islands of Ausonians led by the king Liparos (son of Auson and king of part of Campania). At the same time, according to Diodorus, as Sicily was also invaded by peninsular Sub-Appennine populations (known to history as the Morgheti and the Sicani). Settlements on the Aeolian Islands were violently destroyed around the end of the 9th century, perhaps as a result of the struggle for marine supremacy over the Lower Tyrrhenian Sea. Thereafter both the archaeological remains as well as the literary sources suggest that the islands went into serious decline. 7.3- Bronze Age landing places: hypotheses of identification During the Bronze Age the maritime topography of the seven islands lent itself more readily to the progress of commercial traffic, facilitating the exchange operations of loading and unloading of goods that were being dealt with after the beaching of the ships. Indeed all prehistoric landing-places around the Mediterranean were characterised by informal beaches without anything permanent, even wooden structures where simple boats may have operated either directly from the shore or from shallow water close inshore. Nevertheless, it is possible to attempt to identify the sort of coastal locations where Bronze Age landing took place. In the Aeolian Islands it is possible to classify them into four main categories: 1- those within sheltered coves; 2- those on either side of a headland in sheltered places where vessels can wait for a fair wind to enable them to round the point; 3- those in a sheltered position close to, but not actually in (owing to the variation in hydrography), the delta or a river mouth; 4- those in an unsheltered location mainly connected with ritual practices. It is no accident that many of the settlements of the cultural phase of Capo Graziano (Early Bronze Age), characterised by a period of relative tranquility and prosperity after the Piano Conte and Piano Quartara

On Filicudi the hut-based settlement (Filo Braccio and Casa Lopez) relating to the initial phase of the culture of Capo Graziano (UWS 25) is situated just near the shores of Piano del Porto, SW of the Capo Graziano, providing evidence of a close connection with the beach in front. In the village, which moved in the second period of the same culture to the higher areas of the mountain, and survived until the subsequent Milazzese culture, activity of commercial exchange with the Aegean world is attested by the recovery of numerous ceramic items of types MIC I, MIC II, and MIC III. It is interesting to note how (as already explained in chapter 5.2) the upper meso-litoral level of the coastal section south of Piano del Porto – which was not formed by accumulation of marine discharges – continuously lashed by breakers, is nowadays characterised by considerable amounts of clay fragments of impasto, often shapeless because of the strong erosive action effected by marine-meteorological

70

Proto-historic Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Bronze Age

agents. This observation makes it possible to use this coastal section as a stratigraphic guide to the original extension of the settlement which must have developed along the southern side of Filicudi along a single strip of at least 800 metres long. Another element of the interconnection between settlement and beach is also indicated by the nature of construction of the huts, the external wall of which is marked out with large pebbles places ‘obliquely’ in relation to the Tyrrhenian beach; this was material gathered from the beach immediately adjacent to the settlement. The seabed around Capo Graziano has also yielded fragments of materials which testify to the Aegean presence; they include fragments of a Mycenaean stirrup amphora, together with a fragment of a wide band pithos.

the knoll of Serro dei Cianfi (UWS 30). The village must have been situated on the summit of the knoll, but has been obliterated over time by rainwater erosion. The settlement which must have developed in the Serro dei Cianfi area near Santa Marina (on the eastern coast of the island) fits in, however, with the typology of a coastal site. Its choice suggests a close connection with maritime activity which embraced the whole of the Aeolian Islands in this period. In the section of coast which runs between the stream of Barone to the north and Punta Lamia to the south, that is immediately in front of the remains of this village, the first 100 metres of sea from the current coast are characterised by a bottom which is lightly sloping towards the open sea with a depth ranging from 2.30 metres to 3.00 metres in the first 40 meters from the coast and 6 to 8 metres for the remaining 60 metres. Considering that the island of Salina was unaffected in historical times by tectonic or magmatic phenomena which might later have made an impact on the changing course of the coast line, one might safely conclude that the site was subject to a general marine submersion of approximately 3 metres. Thus the strip of shallows adjacent to it may be interpreted as a beach which the inhabitants of the village used. The seabed around the island has not yet been subjected to systematic exploration, and we have no archaeological confirmation of the type of use made of the landing place; however it would appear to have been in operation particularly during the Bronze Age. This area of sea, which might be considered a kind of open beach, does not offer any natural barrier to the winds of the I and II quadrant, while the cliffs of the east coast of the island protect it from the winds of the III and IV quadrant.

In the context of these commercial relations one important function was clearly performed by the site, at which the ships called in order to exchange their goods. The section of sea contained within the cove to the SW of Capo Graziano is in fact currently characterised by a small beach which is gradually disappearing, and by an area of shallows which extends for approximately 200 metres towards the open sea. This area must have constituted (at least up to a depth of 3.40 metres) the ancient beach, which was once above sea-level, and acted as a landing place and as the centre of these commercial activity. The choice of site was evidently suggested to the early inhabitants by observation of its coastal topography, which, in view of its shape, guaranteed not only a sound haven from the action of wind and wave, but also directly connected the settlement to the sea and thus to the principal activity of the islands’ economy. This area of sea is in fact well-protected from the winds of the I, II and IV quadrant, since the isthmus that links Capo Graziano to the island, approximately 500 metres in length, constitutes an excellent barrier against the prevailing winds. It is the particular shape of Capo Graziano which drew towards it many boats that sought refuge in the shelter provided by it. However, it concealed, at approximately 180 metres from the coast, that insidious area of shallows just mentioned, 2.30 metres below sea-level, that caused at least nine shipwrecks (UWW 2, 6, 9, 10, 13, 14, 18, 19, 20,21).

On the island of Stromboli a village of the first phase of the Bronze Age has been identified at Pianicelli di Ginostra (UWS 31), on the SW coast of the island. The entire SW coast is characterised by rocky hillsides mixed with rubble and deep sandy gullies that plunge down from Monte Frontone to the sea. On this almost apocalyptic scene the small cove of Lazzaro opens out, to the south of Punta delle Chiappe; it is characterised by low rocky shores, immediately adjacent to the location of the settlement of Ginostra. This is the only zone of the southern coast, protected from the winds of the I and II quadrant, where one can see the the beach of lava sand which served as a landing place for the early inhabitants of the island; it currently lies at a depth of 2.30 metres. However, we are dealing here with a highly dangerous area, since

On the island of Salina, a settlement dating to the first phase of Capo Graziano (which also survived until the period of Milazzese culture, is indicated by the discarded waste that fills a small natural hollow on the slopes of

71

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

shallows. These were clearly familiar to the inhabitants of the island but would have been unknown to those just passing by the Aeolian Islands, who would have sought shelter in one of the coves. Fishermen of the island have reported that in the waters facing Punta Milazzese they have recovered fragments of pottery and amphorae entangled in their nets along with pieces of wood; but this kind of evidence, which is essentially hearsay and is not supported by archaeological evidence, does not permit us to put forward any hypothesis. Once again a systematic survey is urgently needed.

the adjacent waters conceal treacherous shallows which are only visible in places; these include the Scoglio del Vento and the Scoglio della Galera, which constituted an obstacle difficult both to identify and to avoid for ancient navigators. The sea-bed here have not been explored, and therefore we do not know to what extent this particular coastal configuration was responsible for the shipwrecks of early boats. Nor can we establish the period when the landing place was in use, although it does seem to have been connected to the settlement of Ginostra. On the island of Panarea at least three settlements have been identified (UWS 26, 32 and 33) which may belong to the Bronze Age; all are spread along the east coast of the island. This part of the island presents greater potential for safe landing compared with the rest of the shoreline. Clear evidence of the culture of Capo Graziano exists to south of Calcara, in the area around Punta Peppa Maria (UWS 33). Here there is a small cove with a pebble beach which by now is reduced to modest size, which must have once been larger and been used as a landing place by the inhabitants of the early village. Here also the presence of an area of seabed facing this small beach, if related to the general phenomenon of submersion of the coast, suggests a handy beach that extended from the current one for at least another 40 metres towards the open sea, reaching a depth of around 2.30 metres. Along the SE coast of the island, on the promontory of Punta Milazzese (UWS 32), another village of huts going back to the Middle Bronze Age is known; its position, on the extreme SE tip of the cape, suggests that the site was carefully chosen. Indeed a feature of Punta Milazzese is a notable formation to the south which juts out, like a kind of wharf, to form the small inlet of Cala Junco to the west, and another wellsheltered cove to the east. The village, evidently connected to the two beaches, might thus have been able to benefit from a landing place which was good in any weather conditions, since to the east the cove is well protected from the prevailing winds of the I, III and IV quadrant, while to the west it is well shielded from the winds of the I, II and IV quadrant. In the two small inlets, to the NE and SW of the promontory, the shoreline must have corresponded to at least the extension of the shoreline covered by 3.30 metres of water that faces the two current narrow beaches, thus forming a useful landing place on which to beach the boats of the time. However, there appears to be a considerable danger factor in the area of sea surrounding the cape, constituted by a small series of

On the island of Alicudi a small settlement relating to the initial phases of Capo Graziano culture is also documented close to the current port of the island. The site extends as far as the Piano di Mandra between contrada Pantalucci and contrada Fucile, close to the coastline (UWS 34). The section of coast adjacent to the village is currently the site of a pebble beach upon which small fishing boats are beached; these are the characteristic Sicilian gozzo whose prow still bears the mark of the eye, representing a suitable apotropaic symbol. It may well have been this very beach, certainly much larger then (as is clear from the depth of 2.30 metres extending around 100 metres away from it), which served as a landing place for the early inhabitants of the island, perhaps those same people who went forth from Lipari to cultivate the fertile fields of ancient Ericussa. On the island of Vulcano the volcanic activity has unfortunately completely altered the ancient coastal topography that sustained the commercial movements of the island (Giustolisi, 1995). Indeed the emergence of Vulcanello, which rose from the sea following an underwater eruption around 186 AD, has buried all traces of previous settlement. Moreover the formation of the sandy isthmus that connects Volcano to Vulcanello brought about a new topographical situation, dividing the inlet into two smaller coves; these are nowadays known as Porto di Levante and Porto di Ponente. Originally, what are currently the two ports divided by the isthmus (itself formed through the accumulation of volcanic ash), must have formerly consisted of a single large cove which extended between Punte Nere to the NE and Punta del Formaggio to the NW (UWS 35). Subsequently, after the emergence of Vulcanello, this same stretch must have constituted a navigable channel located between Vulcanello and the Faraglione. It may well have been this large cove, well shielded

72

Proto-historic Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Bronze Age

characteristics of a marine discharge point. This coastal section does not however possess elements conducive to a landing place because it is completely exposed to the winds of the first and second quadrant, as well as having rocks just emerging from the water lying at various points offshore. Summing up, the evidence points to a site which was only used in particular cases when the sea was calm. Since the constant danger of shallows which were hazardous for those seeking to reach the beach still remained, the area remained vulnerable for shipping, as the wreck of Punta Crapazza (UWW 17) shows. Having rounded the Punta del Perciato and passed beyond the high cliff of Sotto il Monte, there is the little beach of Vallemura (UWS 36), situated between Punta di Ponente to the north and Punta di Levante to the south. This coastal stretch, currently featuring a beach which is in the process of rapid disintegration, is characterised by a sandy strip that extends into sea for at least 150 metres; it forms a wide plateau lightly sloping to a sounding of 12 meters around 300 metres from the coast. This may constitute the natural course of the beach which must have been existed there, before the progressive phenomenon of coastal immersion; it would have been at least 150 metres wide when above water. The marine-meteorological and port-related characteristics of this coastal area are highly conducive to the use of the beach as a landing place: well-protected by Monte Guardia and Monte Giardina from winds of the I and II quadrant, by Monte Mazzacaruso and, by the high western coast of the island, from those of the of IV quadrant, as well as being naturally endowed with a wide shoreline for beaching ships. Indeed, it was for its position and shape that the site was intensively used asa port of call for quite an extensive period of time, as is indicated by the abundant mixture of archaeological finds recovered in the adjacent waters, which bear all the hallmarks of a waste point. The use of these coastal sites, equipped with beaches and natural landing places which facilitated the commercial activity of the Aeolian Islands, must have begun at least during the Bronze Age.

from the prevailing winds, which attracted towards it the ship that sunk there (UWW 12) . No doubt the ship was taken by surprise by the gusting of the wind, and headed NE, only to be dashed by the breakers upon the rocky reef before it could reach shelter. This deep inlet, which must have offered good shelter against the winds of the II and III quadrant, was one of the few sections of coast which should have had an easy connection with the sea: the possibility therefore of the existence of a settlement here from at least the Bronze Age, later buried by the recent volcanic eruptions, cannot be excluded. The rest of the coast by contrast is almost completely rugged and rocky. On the island of Lipari, together with the site of Pignataro di Fuori (selected as case-study, UWS 23 and UWW 1) the existence of a landing place at Portinente (UWS 37) is indicated by the presence of an area of shallows with a sounding of 2.40 metres; this extends from the current shoreline for a width of around 30 metres. In waters off this stretch of coastline, sixty metres or so from the current shore, a mixture of fragmentary archaeological materials has been recovered; this point to the existence of a marine discharge in this coastal area, and suggest the presence here of an adjacent landing place. Considering that the submersion of the coast in this coastal area is generally between 2.30 and 3.40 metres below present sea-level, the present author believes that the submerged plateau must have been a beach with a shoreline of at least 30 meters, on which boats could be pulled up; at the same time it must have represented a convenient means of coastal communication around the steep cliff of the Lipari’s acropolis. This landing place does not have particular characteristics of shelter from the prevailing winds: it does not provide any shelter from the NE wind and the Scirocco, while the high coast of the island protects it from the winds of the III and IV quadrant. The site, however, performed an important maritime function because it was directly connected to the Lipari’s acropolis overlooking it; the acropolis was the centre of the most important settlements on the island up until the Neolithic Age.

7.4 - A case study: the landing place of Calcara

Along the coastal stretch between Punta di Costa and Punta di Crapazza of Lipari (UWS 38) the presence of a sandy strip of land approximately 25 metres wide, lying at a depth of around 2.30 metres below sea-level, also suggests the existence of a wide beach that could also be used for beaching boats. The sea-bed here has yielded fragments of amphorae and finds belonging to several types and various ages, with all the

The site of Calcara (UWS 26) extends over a small valley which is virtually inaccessible by land on account of being surrounded by sheer cliff faces. Archaeological remains have been recovered here which range from the Earlier Neolithic Age (the style of Diana) to the Roman period, testifying to intensive use of a site where access inland area was difficult,

73

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

but whose economy was based entirely on the sea. At Calcara there have also been discoveries of peculiar pits whose sides are constructed of beach pebbles mortared with volcanic mud. This pits can be interpreted as containers of foodstuffs or other commodities; at first sight this would point to an organized system of storage, possibly including stockpiling from other islands (and also perhaps from Panarea itself), brought there by boats. It is extremely hard to detect the reason behind the choice of this topographical position, one so cut off from inland by the steep rocky surrounding cliffs. Certainly this was not motivated by marinemeteorological factors since it was exposed to the winds of the I, II and IV quadrant. Only through postulating a type of irregular usage, related to the presence of fumarole activity near the site (still ongoing) could such a choice be somehow justified, if it were connected to the worship of the endogenous forces of the nature. The recent publication of a paper concerning the Early Bronze Age sanctuary of Monte Grande near Agrigento (Castellana, 1999; 2003) has shed new light on the re-appraisal of the contemporary Calcara site with which it seems to share very close analogies in terms of design and ritual practices. It seems that the Calcara site served not only as a place of worship or a proper sanctuary but also as a renowned industrial workshop for extracting and refining sulphur. From the plan and sections made during excavation in 1947-48, it seems clear that the pits are located on a higher level by comparison with walls ‘R’ and ‘S’ made with pebbles (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1980: figs 4, 5 and 6). This alignment of walls has been interpreted as sloping terraced walls, which can be interpreted as a channel-kiln for melting sulphur, while the peculiar circular pits might be the storage outlets of the melted sulphur. Anyway, the main typology of the sulphur-kiln occurring on this site seems to be that of circular pits which could be used as kilns; their diameters vary from 0.60-0.70 to 1.20-1.30 metres. This would account for the presence in pits ‘G‘ and ‘H’ of a ‘purpose-made aperture’ which corresponds to the outlet of the sulphur. The presence of “sulphuric mud cement, extremely compact and viscous, canary-yellow colour, clearly sourced from the nearby fumaroles” (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier,1980: 11) probably corresponds to the burnt layer of sulphur.

and Cavalier, 1980: 16) would seem to indicate, as with the comparison mentioned above, the use of a specialised set of instruments for extracting and working on sulphur-based minerals. Moreover, the very name of the site Calcara is derived from a toponym, suggesting the presence of nearby kilns. In any case, whether the type of use made was sacred or profane, the site, which was accessible only by sea, must have been endowed with one shelter or landing place upon which to beach ships. In the waters adjacent to this stretch of sea it is possible to observe, on the subcoastal strip that extends for approximately 100 meters from the current shore, the presence of small but meaningful amounts of fragments of archaeological material relating to all the periods, contained within a depth of up to 2.30 metres. Further out to open sea, at a depth of around 25 metres, it is possible to observe groups of scattered material which have the appearance of being marine discharge. These observations lead one to consider that the coastal strip adjacent to the site of Calcara, at least for the first 100 metres from the current coast, was a beach which was used from the Neolithic Age onwards as a landing place. 7. 5 - A case-study: the wreck of the ship cargo of Pignataro di Fuori4 Direct evidence of the commercial activity of Lipari can be seen in the wreckage of the ship cargo at Pignataro di Fuori (UWW 1). This is the earliest wreck of the western Mediterranean, which, with its homogenous cargo of pottery produced on Lipari and bound for export, documents the export of Liparan products in the Bronze Age. It is highly significant to observe how the pottery types of Pignataro di Fuori were made with a clay which is alien to Aeolian geology, imported from the northern coasts of Sicily. To the clayto were then added in situ clasts derived from volcanic ash deposits which were typically Liparan, in order to confer greater consistency and solidity to the vessels. The wreck thus documents at least six phases of Aeolian entrepreneurial activity: 1- the import of the clay from Sicilian deposits, ordered from local merchants or directly imported from the agents of the Liparan workshop; 2- experimentation with and use of this material associated with temper used in the potters workshops; 3- creation of forms of pottery for domestic use, according to standard types; 4- trade of the finished product;

In addition, the presence of “a very large quantity of blades and fragments of obsidian, flint instruments, [. . . ] a magnificent obsidian harpoon” (Bernabò Brea

74

Proto-historic Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Bronze Age

on Lipari (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1980: 845-68). The remains of the cargo found fortuitously in the summer of 1975 by a local fisherman who had found clay fragments entangled in his nets, was the object of a preliminary examination by part of the work-team led by Ciabatti and Signorini (Ciabatti, 1978: 7-35; 1984: 303-11), under the direction of the Aeolian Museum. The cargo, homogenous in type, consisted of coarseware pottery so-called ‘di impasto’ type of the Early Bronze Age (first phase of the culture of Capo Graziano) and modelled from imported clay. Just four forms were present (Fig. 38): 1- pseudospheroidal or bi-conical cups with funnel-shaped expanded rim;

5- first phase of export of the entire cargo loaded onboard; 6- wreckage of the ship and cargo which was unfortunately wrecked in the waters adjacent to Monte Rosa. The sequence of time and methods displayed in Table 26 thus outlined presupposes not only a familiarity with the raw materials, their properties, and therefore their sources, as well as the techniques of crafting and firing, the systems of trade and the nature of the market. Extensive testimony of technical expertise featuring in the manufacture of vessels made of clay imported from Sicily is on the other hand well documented by the excavations of the acropolis and of contrada Diana

Table. 26- The six phases of Aeolian enterpreneurial activity provided by the shipwreck of Pignataro di Fuori off Lipari.

75

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

ship of Pignataro di Fuori may be found buried in the sediment of the ancient beach (UWS 23), carried to the shoreline by the waves of that same storm that caused it to be shipwrecked. It is not easy to establish the place of destination from the moment that the cargo was wrecked right in front of the inlet from which it had just unmoored, thus signalling the first phase of the export of a soundly organised commerce which formed part of a precise network of distribution. Even if these pottery goods were possibly used by the minor islands, as is evidenced by the settlement of Piano del Porto di Filicudi (UWS 25), Filo Braccio, and Casa Lopez, the cargo does not appear to have been intended to satisfy exclusively local demands, as has been supposed; rather it was part of a system of wider exchange. The cargo of Pignataro di Fuori, in particular, does seem to indicate a certain type of logistical organisation and a quantitatively important amount of pottery, the latter produced in series and disproportionate to the demand from the market constituted by the smaller islands, which could be supplied in more modest fashion.

2- kyathoi with high-banded handles (with small semicircular reliefs on the sides of the lower joint of the handle), carinated profile and expanded rim; 3- bowls with an expanded rim and pleated handles; 4- carinated pots with expanded rims and lateral handles. The possibility that this constituted part of a purchase stored on the shoreline seems rather unconvincing, as it was recovered on an area of seabed between 20 and 42 metres in depth, in the waters adjacent to Monte Rosa. Such a huge change in shoreline implied – a 22 metres slope – would appear difficult to sustain, looking at the general picture of neo-tectonic movement and geomorphologic modification. It is conceivable that the cargo was thrown overboard by the crew in response to a sudden storm as a means of improving buoyancy. However, given the relatively small dimensions of the cargo, it seems unlikely that such an action would have made any appreciable difference; so it is only by positing the notion of a very small boat, where the offloading of a small amount of cargo would in fact have had a noticeable effect, that such a view is plausible. It has not been possible to identify the original position of stowage of the cargo since the material fell from the boat, and scattered over an delimited area of 40 x 30 metres, with all trace of the original arrangement on board lost. Most probably, the violent movements of rolling caused by the gusting of the Sirocco wind – which in that coastal area is the main prevailing wind – brought about a holing which led subsequently to the total capsizing of the ship. As a result the cargo of pottery fell into the sea (having a greater specific gravity), while the wooden structure of the hull, lighter, was shattered by the breakers and was dispersed at the mercy of the waves. Summing up, it seems clear that, despite the absence of ship timbers, the location of the site off the sandy beach of Pignataro di Fuori, the distribution of the material on the seabed and the homogeneity of the vessel typology, indicated that the assemblage represents a shipwreck. It has not been possible to identify the precise type of boat because not a single fragment of the hull has been recovered, not even a single object or piece of equipment on board; while the hypothesis of the shipwreck suggests to the present writer that we must be dealing with a ship of un-decked type. On the basis of the dynamics of the shipwreck outlined above, it is possible that at least the remains of the planking of the

Even if the wreck of Pignataro di Fuori does not offer specific data regarding the type of boat, it must be emphasised that the fundamental reason for this intensity of overseas relationships and commercial exchanges is evidently related to the development of shipbuilding techniques. Indeed, the proto-historic Mediterranean approach to woodworking technique in building the work-hull of a ship has been recognised in two principal shipbuilding systems: the sewing plank and the shell first types. Moreover, even the iconographical data and pictorial sources from the Greek islands and Egypt, which in many cases could also be misleading, can offer some increase of technical information on the types of boat used during the Bronze Age. In the Aegean, depictions of boats start to appear not before the 3rd millennium BC. The so-called ‘Cycladic frying pans’ (Basch, 1987: 80-3) made of terracotta represent a kind of long, narrow, high-ended craft which seems adapted from a dugout base. These boats are characterised by a very simple profile, without mast and deck, were propelled by multiple oars, and are believed to have sailed only in the context of journeys between islands on the Aegean sea (Wedde, 1996: 20; Karantzali, 1996: 17). By examining the different profile of the work-hulls recorded in Bronze Age Aegean iconography, a recent work (Giorgianni, 1999: 321-38) has shown that two main types of hulls (angled or round) and four methods of propulsions (oras, paddles, sails or mixed system)

76

Proto-historic Mediterranean shipping in the South Tyrrhenian: the Bronze Age

Iria wreck in the Gulf of Argos (Vicos and Lolos, 1997: 321-37). Table 27 shows a table of comparison between Bronze Age shipwrecks in the Mediterranean arranged by main features. It should be noted that the shipwreck of Pignataro di Fuori is the oldest yet found in the western Mediterranean, while that of Dhokós is the oldest known shipwreck yet discovered in the whole of the Mediterranean. Both ships were loaded with a homogenous cargo of pottery comprising four main types of vessels: jars, one-handled cups, bowls, carinated pots of the Early Bronze Age (belonging to the first phase of Capo Graziano culture) in the case of Pignataro di Fuori; cups, jugs, bowls and “sauce-boats” of the Early Helladic II and III period in the case of Dhokós. Observing the type of utilitarian pottery found in both vessels, it seems probable that it bears witness to a daily trading journey within Mediterranean seafaring tradition. The Middle Bronze Age wreck of Sheytan Deresi, discovered off the Aegean coast of Turkey, was also loaded with a cargo of pottery made of similar clay and of a similar type, showing clear Anatolian and Minoan influences. The vessel that carried this kind of homogeneous cargo was also most likely a small boat suitable for coastal trade, as was suggested in the previous example. With regard to Cape Gelydonia’s Late Bronze Age ship, recent lead isotope analyses (Gale, 1991) make it clear that the provenance of its cargo of scrap bronze and copper ingots was Cyprus. By contrast, the Late

can be distinguished in the seafaring tradition. Consideration of pictorial sources can also provide us with a rough idea of the dimension and the manner of arrangement on board through the frescoes of Akrotiri on the Aegean island of Thera (Fig. 16), which seems to be related to a special festival of the sea forming part of an inter-island ceremonial exhibition (Marinatos, 1997: 24-8; Basch, 1986: 415-37; Kilian, 1997: 1-7). These frescoes, already briefly discussed in chapter 4, show long boats of varying modes of propulsion, including a crew of forty-two or forty-six oarsmen; these appear as huge ships capable of making long passages. According to Giorgianni (1999: 332) it is worth noting that, among the eight larger boats depicted in these frescoes, the only one fitted with a proper sail presents a type of hull suitable for long-distance navigation and is also equipped with a double steering oar. In addition, apart from the pictorial or iconographical sources, it may be useful to remember what already has been quickly suggested about some ethnographic cases: let us to focus our attention on the direct evidence, by briefly analysing some Bronze Age shipwrecks which, apart from the Dhokós wreck, are mainly dated to slightly later then that of Pignataro di Fuori. They are as follows: the Dhokós wreck (Throckmorton, 1987: 36), the Sheytan Deresi wreck on the NW coast of Turkey (Bass, 1976; 1977), the Ulu Burun wreck off Kas in Lycia (Bass, 1986), the Capo Gelydonia wreck (Bass, 1967), and the Point

Table 27- Comparisons between prehistoric shipwrecks in the Mediterranean, arranged according their main features (Sources: Giorgianni, 1999: 321-38; Papathanasopulos, 1990: 34-7; Ciabatti, 1985: 303-11; Bass, 1977: 34-9; Pulak, 1988: 188-224; Bass, 1967; Vicos and Lolos, 1997: 321-37).

77

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

those indigenous coastal sites on the Tyrrhenian coast where it is possible to recognise the impact of the culture of Capo Graziano. This is not through the direct import of types of materials, but through the influence of models of inspiration, with the imitation of typically ‘Capograzianoid’ shapes of pottery.

Bronze Age shipwreck of Ulu Burun (Bass, 1986) carrying the largest assemblage of mixed cargo, was loaded with a wide variety of luxury goods from at least eleven different sources. It comprised both raw material and artifacts including thousands of beads of blue cobalt, glass, agate, quartz, cornelian, faience, amber, and Egyptian objects of gold and silver, together with a unique scarab bearing the cartouche of queen Nefertiti as part of a total cargo estimated at around 30 tons. Indeed, it seems to represent a royal vessel which is completely different from those carrying the type of cargoes we are dealing with in the Aeolian Islands, doubtless connected with a special merchant cargo. The last Bronze Age cargo analysed, which was discovered at the Point Iria wreck in the Gulf of Argolid, contains a pottery assemblage originating from three different areas: mainland Greece, Cyprus and Crete. This ship as well as the others analysed (apart from the Ulu Burun shipwreck which indeed represents a remarkable exception), confirms the apparently frequent maritime links in everyday trade in the Bronze Age. It is not surprising that the main category of objects loaded on these vessels is pottery, which seems to occur more frequently as an import than anything else. Indeed, all those remains have a notable bearing on the chronology of Early Bronze Age (Dhokós and Pignataro di Fuori) and on the exchange relationships in the western and eastern Mediterranean world from the Bronze Age onwards; they are direct witness of the earliest maritime contacts in the everyday life of the Mediterranean, with clear evidence in the form of a homogeneous cargo of pottery. Whatever the specific role accorded to the Aeolian Islands in the development and operation of such maritime activity, adequate data related to Aeolian pottery-manufacturing and trading are clearly vital to a general picture of the earliest western Mediterranean in the Early Bronze Age. Alongside the development of trade systems associated with new advances in shipbuilding techniques, at the beginning of the Bronze Age, the Aeolian Islands assumed a highly important strategic role because of their pivotal position at the centre of the Lower Tyrrhenian sea, situated along the most important routes of Mediterranean commerce beyond the Straits of Messina. This central position marks Aeolian hegemony in the management of the traffic that fed the Mediterranean markets with the economic resources of the time, primary among which was that of metals and most likely that of slaves. A clear testimony of this phase of economic prosperity is to be found in

Notes 1

Bibliotheca Historica, 5,10. Geographia, 6, 2.10. 3 Historical Library, V,7,5. 4 Part of this section has recently been discussed by the present writer (Castagnino Berlinghieri, 2003: 1043- 48). 2

78

The maritime role of the Aeolian Islands and underwater archaelogy: the Greek Period

CHAPTER EIGHT

establish a firm link in the chain of exploration of the Aeolian Islands by the Greeks, it does point to the presence of someone interacting with the Greek world. Indeed, it may suggest a shipping casualty, even though there are very few known sites in the western Mediterranean containing proto-Corinthian material. It does not really matter whether this fragment was an import in the sense of commerce or the result of the activities of individual travellers.

THE MARITIME ROLE OF THE AEOLIAN ISLANDS AND UNDERWATER ARCHAELOGY: THE GREEK PERIOD 8.1- The Greek colony: historical and archae-ological evidence Historically, after the violent destruction which occurred during the Ausonian II period (c. 1000-800 BC), there follows a gap of at least two and a half centuries until the 50th Olympiad (580-576 BC), when Lipari was colonised by the Greeks. According to the literary sources1 , Lipari was colonised by a group of Dorians from Cnidus and Rhodes led by Gorgo, Thestor and Epithersides; the last named was the survivor of the ill-fated expedition of Pentathlos, who met his death in the tragic attempt to take over Lilybaeum2 . Unfortunately, no remains of the walls of the sacred buildings which were erected on Lipari’s acropolis at that time have been preserved, as they were destroyed by successive developments in the Roman and Medieval periods. The only monumental evidence of the Greek presence so far discovered on the acropolis is a square shaped tower (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1999, II: 31-3), most likely part of the gate tower within the destroyed fortification system, which is in any case later than the time of the Cnidians’ expedition. The technique of construction of the twenty-three layers of superimposed, rectangular stone blocks would suggest a date somewhere in the 5th century BC. Moreover, after the completion of the excavation of Piazza Monfalcone attention has shifted to the lower town where a Greek wall, constructed in polygonal masonry has been partly uncovered (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1999, II: 17-9). Pottery fragments found in the construction level of this powerful defense, made of huge blocks of lava, suggest a date towards the end of the 6th century BC.

Corinthian settlements, together with the Euboean colonisation of Pithecoussae on the island of Ischia by 760 BC, provide the best evidence for early commercial interests in the western Mediterranean. Indeed the most likely reason for the Euboeans’ occupation of Pithecoussae was that it was aimed at the exploitation of metal sources (iron mainly, but also copper, gold and lead) in the adjacent mainland. In exchange they furnished the Etruscans with the luxury pottery of the workshops of mainland Greece. Indeed, the occurrence of Corinthian material in western Mediterranean contexts datable to the late 8th century BC suggests three main possible interpretations: they may be related to (a) direct exportation from markets in Corinth, or (b) exportation through the medium of Euboeans; (d) exportation through the medium of Phoenicians. These hypotheses imply that, on their journeys in transporting the cargo of Corinthian pottery, merchants from the east en route to Ischia or Etruria might have had to cross the Aeolian Islands and could easily have stopped at Lipari. The quantitative distribution of this pottery in the western Greek colonies, even before the foundation of Lipari, is particularly marked in the Corinthian foundations such as Syracuse which was settled by them in 734 BC. By the late eighth century Corinthian commercial interest in the west had become more pronounced, as is well documented later by Corinthian amphorae found in UWW 2 off Filicudi as well. Indeed, the grave-goods of around 2,500 tombs excavated in the vast necropolis of contrada Diana (Bernabò Brea et al., 2001), on the open plateau to the west of the lower Greek town of Lipari, are an indication of the intense traffic in importation of various kinds of pottery starting in the 6th century BC. The presence of Mid- and LateCorinthian pottery together with Attic black figures and red figures pottery, as well as pottery imitations of the production of Sicilian and Italian workshops, provides eloquent testimony to the economic prosperity achieved by the Aeolians in the Greek period.

However, evidence of the Greek presence, or rather of some frequentation of the islands by Greeks even before the foundation of the colony by the Cnidians, is provided, among other things, by the recovery in the sea of a fragment of a proto-Corinthian cup, dating back to the first few decades of the 7th century BC (Cavalier, 1985: 31). We are dealing with a stray fragment which was found off the beach of Pignataro di Fuori, admittedly in a context which is not wellspecified, but nevertheless representing clear evidence of pre-colonial contacts. Although it is not sufficient to

It is certain, however, that the votive bothros found at

79

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

Lipari in the north-western part of the Acropolis belonged to one of the most important and most ancient sanctuaries of the Greek city. As fully noted in Chapter 4, the bothros was shaped like a cistern, and the mouth had a circular lid of lava surmounted by a recumbent lion which was the symbol of Cnidos, the mother city of Lipari. Among the numerous votive offerings found inside the bothros, datable to around the middle of the 6th century BC, it is important to note the presence of a small jug inscribed with the name of the god of the winds, Aeolus, the most celebrated divinity worshipped on these islands. The votive offerings, after being ritually broken, were dropped into the bothros through two semicircular openings at the sides.

still be seen is a pedestal-base with a dedicatory inscription and the bases of the twenty agálmata of Apollo representing the number of Etruscan ships that were conquered (Bousquet, 1954: 249-53; Rota, 1973, 316-25; Torelli, 1975). The brilliance of those ex voto offerings made by Liparans to the God Apollo emphasises the power and the opulence of the Aeolian Islands, further underlining both their economic prosperity and their superiority at sea during this period. It is also very interesting to note that the base with the ancient inscription dated to 5th century BC was later restored by the Liparans at the end of the 4th century and that, apart from the 20 statues of Apollo, other statues with inscriptions were also dedicated there (Cristofani, 1983: 79-84). It seems obvious, on the basis of archaeological evidence, that two different periods of offerings by the Liparans at Apollo’s sanctuary at Delphi, are explained by the likelihood that at least two significant sea-battles took place. Such a hypothesis confirms, once again, the internecine conflict with the Etruscans which ended up in victory for the Liparans. The continuing conflict saw fluctuating fortunes, and Lipari was even conquered and dominated by the Etruscans for a brief period in the 5th century BC. As is well-known, the conflict with the Etruscan finally ended in their defeat in 474 BC at the Battle of Cumae by Hieron, tyrant of Syracuse, one of the great powers of the western Mediterranean, who later were to be allied with the Aeolians.

8.2-The Aeolian Islands and the sea: literary and archaeological evidence There is little doubt that Tyrrhenian maritime power throughout the Aeolian Islands in ancient times was motivated by economic factors in addition to a desire for conquest. Indeed the wealthy and fertile lands along the shores of the Tyrrhenian sea were the main attraction to neighbouring societies who wanted to assume maritime supremacy. The control of the central area of the Tyrrhenian sea by the Aeolian Islands opened an internecine conflict between the Etruscans and the cities of the Greek world and in particular with their western colonies, including Lipari (Cristofani, 1983). This competitive sphere of action and interaction shows a situation which, apart from the subsequent uniform hegemony of Rome, could never be achieved by an individual power in the long term. However, in the course of the 6th to the 5th century BC the new Greek colonisers who founded Lipari, evidently bolstered by their own fleet and seafaring tradition, were able to secure for themselves supremacy of the Lower Tyrrhenian Sea. Strabo3 , Diodorus4 and Pausanias 5 all refer to naval actions against the Etruscan fleets. According to Pausanias, on one particular occasion, the Liparans’ naval strategy was performed not by a big fleet or squadron as a whole but by only a few ships. Their strategic formation allowed for manoeuvrability and speed, giving them the advantage when engaging the enemy. These tactics were a sort of “pirates’ attack”, which has been rightly called “guerra di corsa” by Bernabò Brea (1985b: 16). According to Pausanias6 this strategy enabled them to inflict a decisive defeat on the Etruscans. In support of the literary tradition, archaeological finds including votive offerings of Etruscan spoils found at Apollo’s sanctuary at Delphi, bear testament to this; what can

Apart from the normal commercial traffic in which Aeolian seafaring had always been engaged, Lipari and its fleet were also involved in the conflict at the end of the 5th century BC which was to change the course of history. According to literary sources7 , at the time of the Peloponnesian war the Liparans, in alliance with the Syracusans (who were themselves of Doric origin), were attacked by the fleet of Athens and Rhegion – consisting of 30 ships altogether – firstly in 427 BC and again in 426 BC. No trace of these naval battles, no traces of the ships sunk on this historically documented occasion, has so far been discovered on the sea-bed of the archipelago. Indeed, this could also be due to the fact that warships were very light, and designed according to a precise ratio militaris of rapid mobility; as a result, they were more prone to disintegration if they had not first been destroyed or burnt by an enemy. Another event of war in which the Liparan and Syracusan fleet were jointly involved as protagonists

80

The maritime role of the Aeolian Islands and underwater archaelogy: the Greek Period

in the Lower Tyrrhenian Sea, this time against Carthage under the command of Himilcon, was that which ended in 396 BC with the levying of a tribute of 30 talents from Lipari8 . Despite the financial deficit brought about by the tribute which the Liparans had to pay tthe Carthaginians, the Liparan navy, still reigning supreme over the Lower Tyrrhenian Sea, soon found the opportunity to avenge itself: in 393 BC it seized a Roman ship which was carrying a gold crater to Delphi, part of the booty from the conquest of Veii9 . To the Liparans, the golden booty, valuable more for its symbolism than for its mere monetary value, represented a victory, albeit indirect, over their most bitter and long-standing rivals, the Etruscans. This then was the tangible sign of the fall of Veii captured by the Romans, victors over the Etruscans; the sacred symbol of the disintegration of the Tyrrhenian pirates, artistically moulded in the form of a gold crater to be dedicated to Apollo in thanksgiving. Through this the Liparans seemed to be rejoicing in the metaphorical success of a double victory, first over the Romans, then over the Etruscans. However, we have to recognise that this was only an ephemeral and fleeting ‘glory’. Indeed the golden crater was sacred to Apollo and for this reason, through the intercession of the Liparan archon Timasitheus, the Roman ambassadors and the sacred cargo were escorted to the pan-Hellenic sanctuary at Delphi. We are dealing here with an offering made to Apollo whom the Liparans also worshipped; Lipari was thus glad to free and escort the Roman ship, under its own protection, as far as the port of Kyrrha (which is the port of Delphi). Here again Lipari seems to be confirmed in its supremacy over the Lower Tyrrhenian Sea through political and religious, as well as diplomatic, events. However, even if no archaeological evidence is available to us to the great naval battles recounted in the literature, apart from the dedicatory inscriptions recovered at Delphi as a tangible witness, information is available to us regarding the “civil” commercial movements which at the same time continued to follow their itineraries according to the regulations of free trade.

on the island of Lipari, around whose maritime landing places the majority of trading activity was carried out. There are reputed to have been small settlements situated on the other islands as well, often indicated by scattered fragments of pottery. According to literary sources, these islands were exploited primarily for the cultivation of their fertile fields10 or turned over to pasture11 . Lipari was the headquarters of the new colonisers who could monitor not only the maritime traffic of the other islands from the summit of the acropolis, but could also control that of the Lower Tyrrhenian. Here maritime activity still went on at the landing place of Portinenti lying below the acropolis immediately to the south (UWS 37) and at the landing place of Pignataro di Fuori (UWS 23). The sea-bed adjacent to these submerged plateaux has in fact yielded fragments of pottery dating back to the 6th, 5th, and 4th centuries BC. Inspection of this last site revealed a submerged plateau consisting of a area of deposit, most of which consist of fragments of broken amphorae as well as a variety of artefacts contained in concreted heaps of sherds. There are not typologically assessable due to the poor nature of their preservation. Between 550-500 BC, an agricultural settlement was established on the plains above the SW coast of the island where the torrent Fuardo meets the sea (UWS 39). This appears to indicate a clear relationship with the submerged plateau, 2.40 metres below the surface, created by the flood waters of the stream. It was a stretch of open beach, with no particular features of shelter since it was only protected by Mount Sant’Angelo from the winds blowing from the first quadrant; it is otherwise completely exposed to the prevailing winds. The observation of the characteristics of this area of sea, which is decidedly unfavourable to regular maritime traffic, seems to suggest that the mouth of the river might have been used at a canal-port, being able to offer, whatever the sea conditions, an excellent shelter from the prevailing winds, allowing access at least to small boats. Indeed, the hypothesis of a canalport on the river mouth suggests both a convenient landing solution for ships and a communication route by water leading inland. Unfortunately, since the course of the river in this period is not known, it is not possible to attribute to the site a certain nautical typology. Nonetheless, this should not be discounted as a possibility until a study is done on the evolution of the riverbed of the Fuardo. It seems possible, for example, that the small farming settlements which developed in

8.3 - Greek settlements and landing places On the Aeolian Islands the maritime activity of the Greek period still continued predominantly to make use of the beaches which had been used as landing places in previous times. During the Greek period the major thrust of the occupation of the Aeolians was centred

81

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

A generally containing oil and type B wine, is to be found on the wrecks recovered in Sicily, in Apulia (Volpe, 1990: 225-26), in the south of Italy and in France, as well as in Greece (Koehler, 1981: 449-58). Those involved in this trade were probably building on the preferential export market between the colony of Syracuse and its motherland, Corinth, which had been established in the late eight century. Indeed, during the Archaic period the city-state of Corinth became an important centre for shipping and derived a large income from sales and harbour taxes. It controlled the narrow isthmus of land connecting northern and southern Greece, as well as exporting throughout the Mediterranean fine decorated pottery together with amphorae and their contents (Siegel, 1978). Later, in the latter part of the 6th century BC, Athens began to displace Corinth as the leading Greek exporter of luxury goods, even if from the 6th to the 3rd century BC Corinthian shipments are still attested in limited numbers in the western Mediterranean.

this period in the southern part of the island (on the areas of Spatarella and Piana Greca) are also likely to have used this landing place, since the rest of the coast rises almost vertically from the sea and does not permit any other possibility of easy landing. On the island of Salina a Greek settlement dating back to the 4th century BC, which lasted until the Imperial Roman period, is situated along the beach-shore directly south of Punta Lamie (UWS 40). The particular shape of the coast of the island means that landing access along the eastern side is limited to the little beach on which the village is located. This evidently determined the choice of site made by the ancient inhabitants, which is still shared by the present-day town of Santa Marina. The stretch of sea adjacent to this small beach has an area of shallows, extending up to 50 metres from the coast, and up to of 3.00 metres in depth. If this is considered in conjunction with the general phenomenon of submersion, it might be proposed that in antiquity this site was a beach at which the trading activities of the period took place.

Of the 1200 shipwrecks recorded by Parker (1992a), only four – Giglio Campese (Bound, 1985a, 1985b; 1986), Gela “A” (Panvini, 2003), Plemmirio “C” (Gibbins, 1987; Wilson, 1988: 16) and Pointe Lequin “1A” (Morel, 1989: 138-44; Volpe et al., 1992: 199234) – of them loaded with a mixed cargo including Corinthian materials can be definitely dated to the Archaic period (Fig. 39), while another two – Cap d’Antibes (Benoit, 1956: 23- 34; Boulounié, 1981) and Circeo A (Gianfrotta, 1989a: 44) – containing material of Corinthian origin are thought to have been in contact with Corinthian markets, in the light of the nature of the data recovered. Indeed the Cap d’Antibes cargo, shipwrecked around 540 BC off the French coast, was laden with amphorae originating from Etruria, probably from Vulci and included “Italo-Corinthian” pottery. The Circeo “A” wreck, with a bulk of Corinthian “B” amphorae associated with lamps and Ionian B2 cups, could also be ascribed to c. 550 BC. By then, the customary pattern of archaic “cargo” was characterised by a wide range of commodities and goods collected in many different locations. This can only be due to an economic system established by “trader-skippers” who were also the ship-owners, looking for a market from port to port and setting down and picking up a wide variety of goods along an extended route in search of cargoes. Although Corinthian evidence suggests that the Corinthians themselves took an active role in the exchange of their own pottery, the presence on board of mixed cargo

8.4- The power of the Corinthian export market On the basis of the available data it is estimated that 37% of the wrecks found on the seabed off the Aeolian Islands are attributable to the sphere of activity linking the markets of Greece and Magna Graecia and dating from the 5th century BC to the first half of the 3rd century BC (Table 1). Against the background of the political events which strongly characterised the period following the foundation of the Greek colony, Wreck G (UWW 2) of Capo Graziano on Filicudi provides early evidence of the commercial presence of the Greeks, and in particular of the Corinthians; for it was who they as early as the late 8th century BC established a wide area of distribution for the export of wine and oil in the western and central Mediterranean as well as further east. In the western Mediterranean there is ample evidence of the type of amphorae discovered in UWW 2 which are dated to the second half of the 5th century BC. The Corinthian type A1 and B amphorae such as those found in UWW 2 (only two and part of a third were found, but information gathered locally testifies to the fact that the wreck was indiscriminately pillaged by thieves), are mainly found in Sicily (Spagnolo, 1995), especially on the east and SE coast (Albanese Procelli, 1996: 95-9). To mention just a few examples in the western Mediterranean, evidence of amphorae of this kind, type

82

The maritime role of the Aeolian Islands and underwater archaelogy: the Greek Period

connected in this period of history by political association, through which, firstly in 427 BC and then in the following year, they found themselves fighting together against the combined fleets of Athens and Rhegion. In the final analysis, therefore, we must also consider the possibility that the amphorae from the cargo of the UWW 2 might have fallen into the sea or been thrown overboard from a Syracusan, or possibly even an Athenian, warship during one of these battles. We should not forget that the excavations carried out on land, at Lipari in particular, have also brought to light Ionian-Corinthian amphorae, incontrovertible evidence of a cargo which had safely reached its destination.

which seems to have been loaded in different places could imply that they were not the sole agents. Among the 20 shipwreck sites (Parker, 1992a) found with Corinthian material on board, the association mainly with Ionian evidence suggests that other eastern traders had a share in the shipping of Corinthian wares abroad. Ionian and Samian amphorae as well Ionian B2 cups dating from late 6th century BC may be one further indication of other mercantile activity in the western sphere. The Gela “A” shipwreck in particular, recently found off the south coast of Sicily (Panvini, 2003), is a classic example of archaic trade; this also includes Corinthian A and B amphorae, dated to the beginning of the 5th century BC. As is apparent from the wide variety of goods on board, the ship wrecked off Gela had stopped in many emporia before reaching the Sicilian coast. However, the earliest Corinthian amphorae found in the western Mediterranean come from the Sicilian colonies of Megara Hyblaea, Gela and Syracuse, and indeed the identification of the type “A” in archaic contexts seems to imply a trade system directed towards the export of such items as early as the late eighth century BC. We must not forget, however, that such vessels were also reused in later contexts as burial urns or for different functions, especially in construction, such as the use of broken amphora fragments cemented together in walls, foundations, piers and breakwaters. Some evidence of this “recycling system” is shown in the necropolis of Lipari.

The evidence from Greek necropolis (Cavalier, 1985)shows that the oldest tombs date back to a little after the foundation of the colony of Lipari (580-576 BC) and are characterised, above all, by the presence of an Ionic type of pottery (that is, imitating that of the Greek centres of Asia Minor), decorated with brown bands and mostly of local production, together with Corinthian painted pottery. The latter, from the workshops of Corinth, is part of a vas production of vases, often of very fine workmanship, which were widely exported to the Greek colonies and to the Hellenised centres of the interior of Sicily from the 8th to the second half of the 6th century BC. In Lipari Corinthian pottery is represented mainly by examples belonging to production lines of lesser prestige than the advanced late Corinthian types, with only very simple decorative motifs.

Furthermore, these transport containers, in the two varieties A and B, seem particularly widespread in the sphere of political control of the Syracusans, in the SE part of Sicily. This leads us to make the following historically-based observation: if during the Pelopennesian War the Liparans were allies of the Syracusans12 , it is highly probable that this alliance would have been not only political but also economic; one might therefore hypothesise that the city of Syracuse would have constituted a channel of subdistribution for this type of amphora, or rather for its contents. However the small proportion of the cargo found in UWW 2 does not conclusively substantiate this hypothesis, which could only be confirmed were one to place reliance on the information gathered from the island’s fishermen. They recall a large quantity of amphorae of this type being brought up from the sea off Capo Graziano by ‘foreign’ divers. The fact remains, however, that Syracuse and Lipari were

All the data analysed on the Aeolian Islands seem to show that a decline in the importation of Corinthian pottery coincided with a clear increase in Attic imports. In fact an abundant presence of Attic red-figured pottery characterises the grave-goods of the 5th century BC, from the beginning of production to around 440/425 BC. In the burials of the last thirty years of the 5th century BC, the Attic pottery, both figured and black-burnished, becomes noticeably less and less frequent until it practically disappears towards the end of the century. Then objects begin to appear from the initial phases of the red-figured production from the Sicilian workshops (that is, from centres in Greek Sicily), which were to become a virtual monopoly in the 4th century BC, together with a noticeably smaller percentage of works by south Italian potters (that is, from Greek colonial workshops in southern Italy). The fragments of Corinthian A amphorae which have recently come to light (Ancona, Messina and Ollà, 1998:

83

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

355-58) in an archaeological context located near the Greek walls of Lipari, in contrada Diana, shows clear evidence of this continuing maritime commerce between Greece and the Aeolian Islands in the second half of the 4th and the early years of the 3rd century BC. A sprinkling of other finds documents contact in same quantity with other market places in Sicily as well as with the Ionian coast of Italy even in the first half of the 3rd century BC (Fig. 40). The shipwreck of Stentinello off Syracuse (Kapitaen, 1976: 87-103; 1979: 101-03; Koehler, 1978: 236-37), with a cargo comprising Corinthian amphorae type A and B, is a clear example of this export trade to Sicily still continuing at the beginning of the 3rd century BC. Likewise, the shipwreck of Savelletri near Brindisi (Kapitaen, 1973a; Koehler, 1979: 21, 40), carrying a cargo with type A and B amphorae, shows clear signs of continuing exportation towards south Italy; it seems to be the last known ‘direct evidence’ of bulk exportation of Corinthian amphorae in the middle of the 3rd century BC.

commerce in the Aeolian Islands in this period is shown in Table 28, although the size of the sample is very small. The first evidence of this remarkable network of trade recorded on the Aeolian Islands is UWW3, is a ship with a cargo of black glaze pottery which came to a tragic end in the waters opposite the small island of Dattilo, just to the south of Panarea. The ship crashed into the treacherous shoal bank which is a feature of this stretch of sea, sinking to a depth of 32 metres into a muddy area of volcanic origin with extremely calcareous concretions. It should be emphasised that this cargo, given the nature of its delicate bulk (around 342 skyphoi very similar to Attic and Corinthian varieties, 96 one-handled cups, and other minor items), must have been bound for a highly refined and demanding market, responding to a very precise order for goods from a merchant. Despite the common features characterising the former archaic trade with “tramp-vessels” dropping in at various harbours in search of commodities, UWW 3, with a homogeneous cargo of black glazed fine wares, is indicative of a marked change in the trading mechanisms which had now begun to be more specialised. UWW 3 appears to represent a vessel, which was operating on an exact route apparentely in response to a precise demand; however, the pattern of distribution of this variety of pottery, including markets spread throughout the whole of the Mediterranean from Sicily to Spain, from Anatolia to the Black Sea, provides no help in establishing the precise destination of the ship. Indeed, at first sight, the typology of its cargo

8.5– The rise of the Roman Republic: Greek pottery imitations and Graeco-Italic amphorae The economic changes which the Aeolian Islands underwent towards the beginning of the 4th century BC transformed this archipelago from a market mainly involved in a relationship with the Greek world to something of a local trans-shipment point, through which much Roman traffic passed, while some markets of southern Italy still provide evidence of their own field of export. The scale of the rate of increase of

Table 28- Greek wreck-sites off the Aeolian Islands from 500 BC to 250 BC: distribution by period.

84

The maritime role of the Aeolian Islands and underwater archaelogy: the Greek Period

could be related to the intense Greek commercial export activity which, at least from the beginning of the 4th century BC, went on to embrace the whole of the Mediterranean. However, it should also be underlined that because of the subsequent rise in local imitations of this class of pottery, particularly in Etruria and Campania, it is not possible to determine whether we are dealing with a genuine Greek product or a Campanian imitation, especially since chemical analyses of the fabrics have get to be conducted. The situation is complicated by the fact Rome, already in the middle of the 4th century BC, was starting to place under its own jurisdiction new territories with their associated ports for the loading and export of goods produced, and where colonial workshops were already established which imitated several models widely produced in eastern ateliers. It worth noting that already in the archaic shipwreck of Gela (Panvini, 2003: 26-33), dated to the first quarter of the 4th century BC, the presence of genuine Attic pottery attributable to the Athena Painter was also associated, among other materials, with the products of south Italian colonial workshops.

Campanians, in addition to their coastline, precious agricultural resources in the region of Capua, including the fertile plains of Falerno, on the right bank of the Volturno. Here systems of intensive vine cultivation were now set up. Indeed it is reputedly wine from here that the rich man Trimalchio13 proudly offers to the honorable guests of his table: Falernum opimianum annorum centum. Another provision of equal political value, still linked to the strategic plan mentioned above, with the dissolution of the Latin League of Aricia, came in the form of the Romans granting the Latins “connubia commerciaque et concilia”14 , in other words the right to commercial relations and union with Rome. In this way they constituted a sound federal organisation with which they enjoyed, among other things, in commercial relations with special privileges. Intense trading activity involving mainly the transport of wine, in container of the Graeco-Italic type of amphora, must have started in the latter part of the 4th century BC, i.e. at the very start of the Hellenistic period. However, in the changed historical circumstance brought about by the growing power of Rome in the Mediterranean, the very history of research on the production and export of wine in such Graeco-Italic amphorae poses numerous questions. The name Graeco-Italic was coined by Benoit (1954; 1957) to indicate a transition from Greek to Roman amphora types. The doubts concerning this classification of amphora mainly related to the initial Republican phase, when it is not clear whether production is genuine by Italic or rather whether it occurred in Magna Graecia and Sicily – in other words, whether such amphora were produced in the areas already under Roman control or not. The phase of transition is further indicated by bilingual traits in the epigraphic record: amphora stamps in Greek sometimes appear together with writing in Latin, a phenomenon characteristic of the area occupied formally by the western Greeks. Indeed, the amphora classification, proposed by Van der Mersch in 1986, distinguished six different forms (I-VI) of the “MGS” type15 . This study presented new insights on the basis of the discovery of kiln-sites and from the study of name-stamps in archaeological contexts both in Greece and in Magna Graecia found over the previous decade. The question becomes even more complicated if we consider that we are dealing with a form of container which was adopted by a variety of wide different regions, thus promoting widespread imitation of a

In 389 BC, at a time when the commercial traffic was still on in full flow along the Tyrrhenian route, another battle in the waters of Lipari itself is marked by the clash between a Syracusan fleet under the command of Tearides, the brother of tyrant Dionysios I, and the fleet of Rhegion. In this naval battle the allied forces of Liparans and Syracusans succeeded in taking possession of 10 of Rhegion’s ships. After the Latin war (340-338 BC involving the struggle of Latins, Campanians, and Volsci against the Romans who were allied to the Samnites), it can be seen how Rome dealt with individual cities according to alliances and differing legal formulas, clearly demonstrating a strategic programme of territorial expansion of “Latium Vetus”. Naples not only made efforts to provide its new ally with military assistance, but also offered the use of its port and its fleet; it still managed to record a notable increase in manufacturing and commercial activities, particularly in the 3rd century BC. Naples’ splendour was, however, to decline in the course of the 2nd century BC with the development of the nearby harbour of Pozzuoli, which in time reduced the economic importance of Naples. On that occasion the Romans imposed on the individual defeated peoples economic measures designed to exploit them into two basic and interrelated areas: cultivation of the soil, and use of artisans’ workshops. As a result the Romans commandeered from the

85

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

Eight shipwrecks with Graeco-Italic “antiche” amphorae have been found in the western Mediterranean – Ametlla de Mar B (Vilaseca, 1958), Cabrera B (Cerdá Juán, 1979: 89-105), Tour Fondue (Joncheray, 1989: 167-70), Tour d’Agnello (Liou, 1982: 437-54), Cala Rossa (Bebko, 1971: 2, 46-8; Liou, 1975: 604), Bruzzi (Bebko, 1971: 2 and 52-3), MontecristoCala del Diavolo and Meloria A “della Torre” (Bargagliotti et al., 1997: 43-53). All suggest consumer markets in the eastern provinces already under Roman control. The chronology proposed is that of the middle of the 3rd century BC, but neither in Spain (Nolla and Nieto, 1989: 375-77) nor in Gaul (Goudineau, 1983: 79-80) is this type of amphora well documented in stratified contexts before the end of the 3rd century BC (Spain) or the beginning of the 2nd century BC (Gaul). This observation seems to suggest that the Second Punic War, which ended in 202 BC, might reflect a political situation which affected also the process of the export of Graeco-Italic amphorae “antiche” in the western provinces: it also suggests a slightly later chronology for their overseas trade in western areas. It would appear that only after the battle of Zama in 202 BC, where Hannibal met his first defeat at the hands of Scipio and his army, did Rome reduce Carthage (and much of northern Africa, Spain, and the major

standard prototype. It has rightly been noted that the series of Greco-Italic amphorae is very varied, both in chronology and origin (Will, 1982; 1897; Empereur and Hesnard, 1987; Manacorda, 1986; 1989). The two Punic Wars might have had a major impact on the process of production and export (Parker, 1992a: 32) and a map of the MidRepublican manufacturing centres in Sicily and Magna Graecia has recently been published (Van Der Mersch, 1994: 74-5 and 85-7), but the location of kiln-sites and vineyards in the Etruscan and Campanian regions still remains unclear. Even if there is still considerable uncertainty, the morphological distinction proposed by Manacorda, differentiating between the older types, so-called Graeco-italic “antiche” (corresponding to Will form A) and the more recent ones, the “tarde” (corresponding to Will forms C, D, and E), can be linked to the political situation which existed just after the Second Punic War. Both Sicily and north Africa fell then definitively into the hands of the Romans, and came as a result more directly into her sphere of commercial and economic activity. By contrast, however, it is also been asserted (Van Der Mersch, 1994: 79-80 and note 6) that manufacture of Graeco-Italic were already in production in Campania already at the beginning of the 3rd century BC.

Table 29 - Wreck-sites with Graeco-Italic amphorae off the Aeolian Islands. Sporadic finds not recognised as belonging to a whole shipwreck are shown in Italics (Date based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a; Wilson 1990; Agnesi et al., 2003)

86

The maritime role of the Aeolian Islands and underwater archaelogy: the Greek Period

islands of the western Mediterranean) to a dependent state and so move them into a wider market of exports; Rome began to increase the production of several varieties of very good table-grade wine, to put her surplus products into amphorae, to load them on ships and sell them in western Mediterranean markets. On the Aeolian Islands the Greco-Italic amphora is attested to in all of its variants in both dry-land and underwater archaeological contexts. Fig. 41 shows the types of Graeco-Italic amphorae found in shipwrecks in this area. The presence round the Aeolian Islands of eight underwater wreck-sites (six classified as remains of naval cargoes, two as probable evidence of cargo) containing Graeco-Italic amphorae of various typologies, poses the question as to the origins and development of wine production intended for export, but also the question of the role played by the Aeolian Islands in the shipping routes of this commerce.

In wreck UWW7, the main bulk of Greco-Italic amphorae was associated with black glaze pottery of the pre-Campana and Campana A types; this latter has decoration stamped on the base (rosette or little palms), resembling those of the atelier des petites estampilles. This consignment of cargo in fact consists largely of plates and cups (some kylikes are painted inside with white motifs of vegetation), there are also several upright oil lamps, which resemble the blackglaze pottery produced in the Monte di Vico workshop on Ischia. This could suggest that the ship come from Ischia; but to a number of specialists, the pottery appears to be manufactured in the Punic area of NW Sicily or else somewhere in or near Carthage (Morel: 1980: 43-76). In both cases, the working hypothesis, is that Graeco-Italic amphorae manufactured and exported from Sicilian, Punic or Tyrrhenian coastal centres, passed through the Aeolian Islands, possibly on a regular basis, because of the pivotal geographical location of these islands along the main routes crossing the south Tyrrhenian sea, either towards the south or the east/north-east. These considerations lead one to the conclusion that the cargo of wreck UWW 7 come from a production centre which is non-Italic and belongs to a period which predates the Second Punic War. Likewise, on the basis of parallels for the amphora types transported on UWW 5 and 6, one might propose the same date and similar of production center, somewhere outside Roman Italy. It seems that the ships loaded with Graeco-Italic amphorae “antiche” so far found off the Aeolian Islands (UWW 5, 6 and 7), were coming vessels which represent the last dying traces of local Sicilian production (both from the western and eastern halves of the island), before the mainstream commercial control of the markets of the western Mediterranean imposed by Rome.

As summarised in Table 29, at least three shipwrecks (UWW 5, 6, and 7) have a principle cargo of the Will A 1 or “antiche” type. These are the earliest of the Graeco-Italic type, the so-called “spinning top” type with a triangular rim, cylindrical neck and flaring body; the whole is coated with pitch inside. UWW 5 and 6 do not contain any kind of identification in the form of amphora stamps, while UWW 7 show stamps at the base of the handle. The fact that the epigraphic range of amphorae stamps in wreck UWW 7 is exclusively in Greek leads one to think that they were produced in a non-Italian region, perhaps Sicily or Magna Graecia (Manacorda, 1986, 580- 86; Wilson, 1999: 531-33); even a Punic production site at Carthage or a Punic city in NW Sicily, is not impossible. Elements for epigraphic comparison of the stamps Pare, Charês, Par, Biô, Diô, Pop, Euxenou are found principally in on-land contexts in Sicily (Gela, Erice, Selinunte, Akrai, Heraclea Minoa, etc), but are also documented in Punic areas (e. g. Carthage), and south Italy (the stamp Pare, for example) or Ischia (the stamp Euxenou, for example) (Figs 42 and 43). These are evidently geographical areas still outside the dominion of Roman Italy, and therefore not yet under the direct economic control of Rome. To conclude, the hypotheses about the origin of this cargo look in three directions: production in Greek Sicily (for which there is the most significant amount of epigraphic support); in Punic Sicily (and in particular Carthage); and in Ischia. All three production sites may be represented in the Graeco-Italic amphorae found in the Aeolian Islands.

Against the background of Rome’s expanding commercial activity, which clearly takes on a political role closely directed by its policy of empire-building, Lipari still remained connected to the Dinomedian dynasty of Syracuse. This situation lasted until 304 BC when, through the treachery of Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse, Lipari was attacked by surprise; the prytaneum of the city was desecrated and the statues of Aeolus and of Hephaistos16 were plundered. On the return voyage, the ships of Agathocles transporting the booty were hit by a violent storm, unleashed, according to tradition, by the wrath of the gods, and were wrecked before reaching mainland Sicily.

87

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

Of the ship which was carrying the precious statues of Aeolus and Hephaistos, sacred to the Aeolians, the deep sea-beds between the seven islands have yet to provide any evidence. This is the time, however, when the artistic output of Lipari was in full flow, with its creation of the superb, brilliantly polychrome lekanai attributed to the Master of Lipari and to his workshop. It is known also that Lipari produced clay miniatures representing masks (almost always with the theme of Greek comedies) found mainly in cemetries; while, in the treacherous seas of the islands some ships , struck by bad luck were wrecked along with their cargoes, thus forming part of the great mosaic of an extremely intense maritime commercial activity.

how the vines, which were a feature of the fertile plains of Sicily, were transferred to the area of Campania and Latium with the installation of intensive systems of viticulture there. Shipwrecks UWW 8, 9 and 10 represent a strand of commerce which strikingly illustrates the opportunistic nature of Romans commerce after the Second Punic war. The new policy involved more extensive exploitation of the Campanian agri, with a view to viticulture. Its related wine production is attested by containers in the form of Graeco-Italic “tarde” amphorae. Indeed, we cannot discount that, along with the amphorae ( and of equal importance for sea transport), there were also wooden receptacles of the “barrel” type or else containers made of natural fibres as well as inflated animal skins. Only rarely, such as the exceptional baskets covered in pitch which have been recovered in the much earlier shipwrecks of Gela A and B (Panvini, 2003: 32, fig. 37 and 38; 81), do we have any traces, because under normal conditions of preservation such items have perished.

The later Graeco-Italic amphorae of the “tarde” types which were found in three other wrecks, UWW 8, 9 and 10, respectively Forms Will D, Will A 2 and Will E, and in additional context as a sporadic find, belong without doubt to a more advanced phase of this type of container; according to Manacorda (1986: 581-86), these date from after the Second Punic war and come from the Tyrrhenian area, one of the main centres of production linked to the economic interests of the Roman aristocracy. In particular, wreck UWW 10 with its amphorae type Will E, associated with four Roman bronze coins, in circulation from 196 to 173 BC, provides a chronology which gives the first half of the 2nd century as terminus post quem for such amphorae.

On the basis of the above, according to the chronology proposed by Manacorda, we may therefore take UWW 5, 6, and 7 as clear by indicating entrepreneurial activity by merchants still running export from Sicily and Magna Graecia, while UWW 8, 9 and 10, are signs of the reformed political climate created by the Romans, together with their major revolution in the agriculture of the fertile plains of the peninsula. Indeed, the widespread distribution of the Graeco-Italic shipping amphora in all of variants, which is shown throughout the western Mediterranean and in the Aeolian Islands by at least three shipwrecks (UWW 5, 6 and 7) with “tarde” type of amphorae, seems to suggests a clear idea of the political and economic policy of Rome, whose aim was the control of the principal Mediterranean markets. The recent discovery at Skerki Bank of three GraecoItalic amphora “tarde” (Will Form 1D), one of which bears the earliest known [SESTIUS] stamp (Will, 2001: 35-47), and the new evidence offered by the excavation of the oppidum of Pech Maho in Gaul, where amphoras “tarde” were also found with the “SES” trademark, would seem to push back the production of the Sestius factory to the late third or early second century BC.

The amphorae from wreck UWW 8, which belong typologically to a more advanced phase than the Graeco-Italic of form Will D, provide obvious evidence of the revised changing face of commerce as Rome began to insert its dominance in the Etruscan and Campanian regions between the end of the third and the beginning of the second century BC. These amphorae are very similar to those found in the wellknown Le Grand Congloué “A” shipwreck (the lower wreck). Most of these are very precisely dated, thanks to the stamp [TI.Q.IVVENTI] which referes to a family called the Iuventi who are documented in the mid-Italic region (Manacorda, 1986: 584). The amphorae were also associated with Campana A pottery (Parker, 1992a: 200-01). The export of wine contained in Graeco-Italic “tarde” amphorae, as found in UWW 8, 9 and 10, is indeed a reflection of a changed historical situation in the whole of Magna Graecia, as a consequence of the new system of agricultural exploitation, with fields now characterised by vineyards planted by the Romans. The literary sources, particularly Pliny and Cato, record

It is now fairly certain that Rome saw in the Aeolian Islands not only a sound economic base but also an excellent strategic centre of operations from which to move against Carthage in order to take control of the

88

The maritime role of the Aeolian Islands and underwater archaelogy: the Greek Period

Tyrrhenian sea. In particular, Rome’s plans to supervise the Tyrrhenian route through the direct management of the Aeolian Islands, which emerges after the first Roman attack of Lipari documented by Polyenus17 at the beginning of the 3rd century BC, were not averted without difficulty. In fact, it was in order to prevent the danger of an eventual attack from Rome that Lipari formed an alliance with the Carthaginians, and became the centre of operations during the First Punic War under the command of Hannibal. Moreover, the waters of the archipelago were often the arena for naval battles between Roman and Carthaginian fleets, and on two separate occasions in 260 and 257 BC the Romans sought in vain to conquer Lipari. From the historical point of view, as well as on the basis of archaeological evidence, it is clear that Lipari and Carthage had a close relationship: examples similar to the pottery found on UWW 7 are directly comparable with types originating from areas under Punic influence, e.g. that from the workshop of Marsala, in western Sicily (Bechold and Valente, 1990). In addition, as already noted, amphorae impressed with the stamp [BIÔ] are found on Punic sites in NW Sicily as well as on the SE coast of Sicily and in south Italy. Moreover, a wreck of Punic amphorae of the Maña A 3/4 type, recovered from Punta di San Francesco off Lipari (UWW 16), together with other fragments of amphorae belonging to the Maña C1 form recently published (Ancona, Messina and Ollà, 1998: 360), seems to point to a relationship with the Punic world of trade. It is also worth noting the presence of a group of four amphorae of Maña A 3/4 and D types discovered on the deep seabed off Secca di Capistello on Lipari, which could possibly indicate the presence of an entire shipwreck loaded with Punic amphorae. It comes as no surprise to find Punic amphorae in both dry-land and underwater archaeological contexts on the Aeolian Islands once we remember that Lipari was an ally of Carthage.

discussed. Cargoes characterized by a mixed cargo of GraecoItalic “antiche” amphorae and black glaze pottery, especially Campana A or B types, are also attested off the Tyrrhenian coast (Montecristo and Meloria A); this location might suggest a shipwreck which occurred soon after having set sail westwards from an Italian production center. The location of a shipwreck found off the coast of Spain (Cabrera B: Cerdá Juán, 1979: 89-105) might be interpreted as a shipwreck which occurred along this route, before it could reach its final western destination, while the one recovered off Corsica (Tour d’Agnello: Liou, 1982: 437-54) might suggest a possible northern route. Evidence testifying to this type of trade interrupted “on the way”, whose means of carriage is principally maritime, and which, abandoning coastal navigation, follows the Tyrrhenian route by way of the Aeolian Islands, is provided by at least three wrecks: 1-wreck off the Secca di Capistello of Lipari (UWW 7); 2- wreck F off Filicudi (UWW 9); 3- wreck A off Filicudi (UWW 10). The cargo of UWW 7 (already briefly discussed), which is dated to the beginning of the third century BC, clearly shows the original position of stowage, thanks to the sandy sea-bed which helped to preserve several parts of the cargo. In the first lower layer the amphorae were arranged vertically, while in the second layer was the more fragile material, including fine black glaze pottery which was probably packed with the necessary protection of natural fibres (later to be dissolved by the water). The cargo comprised GraecoItalic amphorae of the Will’s A1 type, many of which bore stamps with abbreviated Greek names [Pare, Pist, Charês, Par, Biô, Diô, Pop, Euxenou]; others were sealed with a stopper of cork and pitch. Moreover, although a possible Punic origin is still being discussed (as already mentioned, either directly from Carthage or produced by some NW Sicilian Punic city), we cannot deny the presence, as part of the cargo, of some Punic amphorae, type Maña C1b. Therefore, in the light of the distributional picture of the pottery of the atelier des petites estampilles, which was quite widespread particularly in Gaul and in the Iberian peninsula (Morel, 1969: 59-117), we can assume that the ship might have been bound for that area.

8.6– A case study: trade of mixed cargo with amphorae and black-glaze pottery The notion of “Mixed trade” opens one of the main issues related with the maritime commerce of this period. Along with the export of Campanian wine, initially contained in Graeco-Italic amphorae (which were to be superseded around the end of the 2 nd century BC by containers of the Dressel I type: Empereur and Hesnard, 1987), went that of black glaze pottery as a sideline (Morel, 1985), as attested in the Le Grand Congloué “A” shipwreck, already briefly

UWW 9 off Filicudi, which testifies to the same type of commerce with a mixed cargo, datable at the mid3rd century BC, also contained one Punic amphora,

89

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

type Maña B2, together with terracotta louterion. Its cargo mainly consists of Graeco-Italic amphorae of Will’s type A2, most of which bear a Greek stamp on the lower handle [ PA[]M, []EA ], but there was also black-glazed skyphoi and cups made of the kaolinclay which is typical of Lipari. Those amphorae are of the same typology as those found in Lipari in Proprietà Maggiore and in the burial context of Tomba 469. To this same wreck seem to belong also the Graeco-Italic amphorae of the so-called “presumed Wreck I”, found at a depth of between 99 and 102 metres, along the length of the rocky escarpment upon which UWW 9 lies. It seems more likely that Wreck I relates to a slippage of part of the cargo of the same UWW 9 along the natural downward slope of a steep incline. In the case of this boat, it can be hypothesised that it was coming from nearby Lipari, since the small black glaze pottery are closely comparable, both in their shape or for in the quality of the clay and the glaze, with similar types used in the necropolis of Lipari in the middle of the 3rd century BC.

We can assume that, taken by surpris by sudden gales, the ship sought refuge behind Capo Graziano, but, once it had rounded the cape it smashed into the shallow rocks of the Secca which now lie around 2.30 metres below the surface. However, the presence of GraecoItalic amphorae, certainly not of Liparan manufacture (because Lipari did not have a wine-producing capacity that was sufficiently large to supply intense export activity), suggests a ship which, following a maritime itinerary of the ‘tramping’ type, had collected the two groups of goods in different ports. The boat which had landed at Lipari to take on the locally made black glaze pottery followed a NE route, perhaps bound for markets in Gaul and Spain, but her voyage came to a tragic end at Capo Graziano. The marked presence of wrecks of ships loaded with a mixed cargo of Graeco-Italic amphorae together with black glaze pottery (UWW 7, 9 and 10), spread over the period from the middle of the 3rd to the beginning of the 2nd century BC, is indicative of the extensive development in this period of the commercial export of Campanian wine, associated with refined black glaze pottery. We can assume maritime route which, setting out from a port in the Tyrrhenian areas (perhaps Campania) crossed the Lower Tyrrhenian Sea on a regular basis through the Aeolian Islands. This type of specialised commerce seems to have intensified in the course of the 2nd century, moving into the markets of Gaul and Spain, because of their historical connection with the political unification of the mare nostrum and the naval traffic between Rome and the provinces during the processes of Romanisation. We know in fact from literary sources that a measure of economic protectionism, launched with the appropriate law by the Roman Senate, prohibited the inhabitants of Gaul who were not Roman citizens from producing wine, so that in effect it ordered them to acquire it from Italy. Hence, to cite only the best known examples, in the wreck found on the Le Grand Congloué rock off Marseilles on the coast of Gaul (Long, 1987a; Morel, 1981: 62-3; Will, 1979: 339-41), we find Campana pottery of type A which is definitely Ischian in origin (6,000 specimens), associated with Dressel 1 wine amphorae (many of which bear the stamp [SESTIUS], the renowned wine producer and exporter). Again in Spain the wreck of Estartit of Isla Pedrosa (Foester, et al., 1975; Morel, 1981: 3) yields Campana type A pottery, very similar to that of Cape Graziano, together with Dressel IA amphorae.

The UWW 10, which followed the same fate as the previous one, crashing into the highly dangerous Secca off Cape Graziano, is also characterised by a mixed cargo. It consists of two varieties of a form of amphora (a transitional one between Graeco-Italic and Dressel 1A), classed as Graeco-Italic Will type E together with black glaze pottery belonging to the early form of Campana C. This wreck for many scholars seems to represent a milestone in the chronology of Campana pottery production because of the presence of four Roman bronze coins, in circulation from 196 to 173 BC: the type is that with the laurel-wreathed head of Janus on one side and a right-facing prow on the reverse. Although this view is not to be dismissed, this context, characterised by a high-quality consignment of Campana B pottery (about 700 pieces) as well as amphorae, seems to suggest a chronology no earlier than the second half of the 2nd century BC. Cargoes characterised by this combination of the transitional form of amphora, the Will type E and Campana B pottery, are also found in France – Agde “B” (Bouscaras, 1974) and Cavallo “C” (Bebko, 1971; Will, 1982: 354) – as well as in south Italy such as Saturo “A” (Gianfrotta and Pomey, 1981: 222). This ship was also most probably sailing from a port in Campania, perhaps Ischia or Pozzuoli, where there is evidence for numerous ceramic workshops producing material of this type on a large scale destined for export.

Although the Liparans were themselves producers of

90

The maritime role of the Aeolian Islands and underwater archaelogy: the Greek Period

wines and pottery, this does not exclude the possibility they could constitute a market for this type of commerce. The three wrecks UWW 7, 9 and 10 characterised by a mixed cargo with amphoras and black-glaze pottery, are testimony once more to the important role played by the Aeolian Islands along the Tyrrhenian route. UWW 9 in particular highlights not only the part played by Lipari in these activities through the export of homeproduced black-glazed pottery, but also suggests that the island played a role of prime importance in the context of both transit and the stopping-off of maritime traffic to and from Rome along the Tyrrhenian route. This wreck, dating back to the first half of the 3rd century BC, before the Aeolians fell into Roman hands, indicates further a certain freedom of movement in the context of this seagoing traffic. Finally, all the data analysed relating to the Greek period, both from underwater or dry-land contexts in the Aeolian Islands, seems to point to an agrarian society with a significant artisan component (such as the Maestro di Lipari and his workshop, or the production of black-glaze pottery), exploiting mercantile trade because of the important position of the islands along the main routes crossing the south Tyrrhenian sea.

Notes 1

Thucidides, History of the Peloponnesian war, III, 88, 2-3; Diodorus of Sicily, Historical Library, V, 9, 1-4. 2 Diodorus of Sicily, Historical Library, V, 9,1-3. 3 Strabo, VI, 2, 10 4 Diodorous, V, 9, 3-4 5 Pausanias, Description of Greece, X, 11,3 6 Pausanias, Description of Greece, X, 16,7. 7 Thucidides, History of the Peloponnesain war, III, 88, 1-4; Diodorus of Sicily, Historical Library, XII, 54, 4. 8 Diodorus of Sicily, Historical Library , XIV,56,2. 9 Diodorus of Sicily, Historical Library , XIV, 93, 4-5; Livy, History, V, 28,2; Plutarch, Parallel Lives, Com., 8; Valerius Maximus, 1,1. 10 Diodorus of Sicily. Historical Library , 5, 9, 1-5. 11 Pliny, Natural History, III, 94. 12 Thucidides, History of the Peloponnesian war, III, 88, 1-4. 13 Petronius, Satyricon, XXXIV. 14 Livy, History, VIII, 14, 10. 15 From now onward “MGS” indicate the abbreviation for Magna Greece and/or Sicilian according with the chronology proposed by Van Der Mersch (1986). The sigle “AJP” indicates the chronology proposed by Parker (1992a). 16 Diodorus of Sicily, Historical Library , 20, 101, 1-3. 17 Polyenus, VI, 20

91

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

CHAPTER NINE

earlier Greek settlement,on the baseis of the latest archaeological data, it is possible to reconstruct a neat orthogonal street pattern on the per strigas system, with the decumanus running from north to south intersected by cardines at internals (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1998: I, 101-14 and II, 80-101; 2000: 185207). Observing the stratigraphy documented on the acropolis as well as in the lower town (Palazzo Vescovile), it can be seen that the whole urban layout was established afresh around the mid 2nd century BC and not earlier. The clearest evidence for this comes from the association of Campana C pottery (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1998: II, fig. 48) in layers ascribed to the foundation of the private houses which were built in alignment with the new urban layout. Gold jewellery found in the early Imperial necropolis (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1965: 354-55 and 36165), and later the presence of two mausolea with barrel vaults and arcosolia (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1966: 96; 1988: 107-10) also suggest a town of relatively opulent inhabitants. The notable sophistication of the religious architecture together with the richness of grave goods seem to reveal a level of prosperity rather higher than similar burial sites elsewhere in Sicily under the Empire. However, apart from a portion of a monumental structure surrounded by a portico on the acropolis (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1980: 409), and together with the remains of a stone foundation probably related to a timber amphitheatre identified outside the Greek walls (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1977: 95), nothing is known of the town’s Roman public buildings.

THE MARITIME ROLE OF THE AEOLIAN ISLANDS AND UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY: AFTER THE ROMAN CONQUEST 9.1- The economy of the Aeolian Islands under the Romans: a brief sketch Roman military policy had a devastating impact on many of the Sicilian cities such as Camarina, which was sacked in 258 BC, or Selinus, which was completely destroyed in 250 BC. Lipari also suffered fiercely in the war which concluded with its destruction in 252 BC1 . To quote Cicero2 , who delivered his Oration against Verres in 70 BC, the agri Liparensis miseri atque ieiuni, a poor and barren district, ended up unconditionally under the economic sphere of influence of Rome. Particularly brutal was the policy of Aulus Valentius, the procurator employed by Verres to help him not with the Greek language but with his thefts and debaucheries. Also according to Cicero3 , living conditions under the praetorship of Verres were very poor and even worse with the change in its political status, when in 68 BC Lipari become a civitas decumana, which meant that it was subject to paying the one-tenth tithe as tax. Indeed, assessing the written sources has opened up a scholarly debate (Manganaro, 1988: 16-22; Wilson, 1990: 40-2), driven by the attempt to gain a picture of the changed nature of the economy after the Roman conquest with the arrival of the new policy. There are, however, more problems surrounding the status of Lipari at the time of Augustus. Pliny the Elder4 singled out Lipari and Messina as oppida civium Romanorum (see also Chapter 4). However, this rather depressed picture of urban life offered by Cicero, along with many other scholars who have expressed the same view, seems to contrast with the wealth of evidence recovered in recent excavations. The time seems ripe for revising the hypotheses about the decline of the Aeolian Islands at this period, when the evidence clearly points to prosperity rather than poverty. It is worth noting that while the period immediately after the defeat of Lipari in 252 BC shows clear signs of suffering, the archaeological evidence attributable to the late Republic and Early Empire indicates a slightly higher degree of urban development on the acropolis as well as in the lower town. Although Roman Lipari seems to have been no bigger than the

A recently published monumental stone foundation (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1998: II, 59-63), however, seems to provide evidence for a possible public building, rectangular in layout profile which could be connected to a set of baths nearby (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 2000: 213-39). Moreover, the recent discovery of the kiln and workshop which produced Richborough 527 amphorae (type I and II) in contrada Portinenti on Lipari (Spigo, 1996; Cavalier, 1997; Borgard, 2000: 273304) is confirmation of the productive role of the Islands in the 1st and 2nd centuries AD: the amphorae had an extensive sphere of distribution, which reached as far as Gaul and even Britain. According to the literary sources5 which stress the importance of certain kinds of minerals present in the islands, it has been suggested that this type of amphora could be used as containers for alum or sulphur.

92

The maritime role of the Aeolian Islands and underwater archaeology: after the Roman conquest

out once more into the open sea.

However, even if it is not clear if the administrative rights for the extraction of these natural resources were based on local enterprise or in the hands of imperial procurators; indeed, the mechanism by which they were traded therefore needs to be explored with the help of other evidence.

On the so-called “Roman route”, the Aeolian Islands played a very important role in maritime activity, not only as intermediate stopping-off point for longerdistance trade, but also for the dynamism brought by trading contacts with the wider Mediterranean world. Their importance as a nautical reference point on the lower Tyrrhenian route, combined with their possession of some unusual natural resources such as alum, sulphur and pumice, of which Stromboli and Lipari had an important role in the wider markets of the Roman world, is of great significance also for the local economy. Indeed, this route has as its starting point places under Roman rule, particularly the markets located in the Etruscan-Campanian region, going on to Sicily or the western provinces of Gaul and Spain, or later alternatively towards the south to reach the emporia and coastal sites of the provinces of Africa.

9.2- Maritime trade on the “Roman route” From the Roman perspective, the Aeolian islands, like other sites in the Empire, were mainly useful for their important strategic function; this meant that, combined with careful management, they were able to provide a vital contribution to the general network of the Roman economy. How significant a volume of trade was achieved by the fleets of naves in the Mediterranean cannot be fully quantified; but its intensity is reflected both by the wide distribution of traded goods as well as by the shipwrecks and their cargoes out along areas along an extensive network of routes, yielding crucial insights into the scale of this trade. Because of their strategic position at the centre of the lower Tyrrhenian sea, the Aeolian Islands have always constituted a first natural ‘bridgehead’ on the Tyrrhenian route for ships heading both north and south. Not all the ships which followed this maritime itinerary would have been attended by good fortune, however. They would often have had cause to seek shelter around the Aeolian Islands, perhaps finding a cove in which to escape from sudden storms, before setting

Table 30 shows the Roman wreck-sites found on the seabed around the Aeolian Islands arranged by possible area of origin on the basis of the types of the main amphorae on board. In terms of the amount of material evidence, it can be seen that within the context of the overall Mediterranean network of trade, containers from Gaul and Spain are attested to, though in small quantities, Italian and African goods occur much more frequently, while eastern products appear the least documented.

Table 30- Roman wreck-sites off the Aeolian Islands: distribution by possible area of origin based on the typology of the main amphorae on board. Sporadic finds not recognised as belonging to a whole shipwreck are shown in Italics. Dr.: Dressel type (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a; Wilson 1990).

93

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

This pattern of different sources of cargo seems to indicate that many vessels engaged in long-distance trade needed the Aeolian islands as shelter, as these are reference points on the principal axes of maritime routes in the area, the north-south one linking Rome with Sicily and from there with Africa, and the eastwest trade route. However, as noted more fully in Chapter 3, the seven islands are quite hazardous owing to the numerous rocks lying just below the surface of the sea, and places which appeared to offer shelter from the prevailing winds treacherously also caused a large number of shipwrecks. In particular, off the island of Filicudi, the westernmost of the archipelago – before the tiny Alicudi which has little possibility of landing or even of simple shelter – there lies Capo Graziano. This is a point which is potentially well sheltered from the breakers, almost a natural opening in which to find shelter, but under the surface of the water an extremely hazardous area of shallows is hidden; it has thus been the cause of countless shipwrecks. An alternative route, which, although used, is far more dangerous, was that plying the northern Tyrrhenian, following the coast of Italy used by small coasting vessels. Table 31 shows the Roman evidence recovered from the seabed around Capo Graziano on Filicudi. It shows that four wrecks (including one which is not certain) out of the eight investigated are attributable to Roman maritime commerce, pointing to a more or less equal

distribution within the historical framework. The chronological as well as quantitative figures of Roman vessels sunk at this specific point tend to emphasise not only its dangerous nature but also point to the high frequency of the routes sailing across the north western sea of the Aeolian Islands from the Late Republic until the Late Roman period. This pattern contrasts with the other important nautical reference point across the north Tyrrhenian, that is the Bocche di Bonifacio Straits, located between Sardinia and Corsica. This was also a particularly dangerous point because of the frequently adverse meteorological conditions. Here evidence of shipwrecks is mostly concentrated in the Roman period with a crescendo period in the Early Empire, which suggests that the main maritime route followed during this period was that across the straits on the way from Spain towards Rome, despite all the risks that this implies (Parker, 1992a, names a total of 40 wrecks here, mainly with cargoes from southern Spain). This comparison leads one to consider that among the principal shipping routes across the central Mediterranean, the Aeolian islands were skirted over a longer period of time, while the Bocche di Bonifacio Straits were largely privileged during a specific shorter time-span. However, the safest sailing direction was at first sight, that which went up the Tyrrhenian along the Italian coast and from there up to the western

Table 31- Roman evidence recovered from the seabed around Capo Graziano on Filicudi. Sporadic finds not recognised as belonging to a whole shipwreck are shown in Italics. Dr.: Dressel type (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a).

94

The maritime role of the Aeolian Islands and underwater archaeology: after the Roman conquest

shores of Gaul and Spain. In addition, coastal navigation seems to have been the more secure trade route for naves sailing from central Italy toward Gaul and Spain, even though the advantage of having land nearly always in sight was on many occasions overestimated. The large number of shipwrecks found along the coast of France as well as that of Spain is a clear confirmation of this.

a group of amphorae (almost two, or parts of two) found on a contextualised site off the Aeolian Islands. Table 32 displays the Roman wreck-sites considered in this work showing the number of sites both well and badly reported, within a chronological framework. Since the quality of statistical analysis lies in its capacity to capture all the information available, one can conclude that even a single item represents a shipping casualty in the context of maritime relationships. It can be seen that within the 18 wreck-sites related to Roman trade, ten are well investigated, while each of the other eight (distinguishable by Italics on the Figures and Tables) even if they have been occasionally recovered or even badly reported, are now collected in the Museum of Lipari.

9.3- Roman ships which took the “Aeolian route”: some statistics In the light of the available data of the wrecks around the Aeolian Islands discovered between the 1960s and the present day, it is possible to reconstruct commercial maritime movements along the routes of occasional transit or of imposed mooring caused by adverse meteorological conditions from the Roman conquest of the Aeolian Islands to the Late Empire. It is worth noting that statistics provided in this book are not especially complicated or sophisticated, but they seem best suited to the relatively simple, straightforward data we have; they are also especially interesting as an illustration of maritime activity in action and of modelling the trading relationship. To make a statistical study possible, this analysis takes into account not only the data provided by those shipwrecks which have been thoroughly investigated and well reported, but also by

Indeed, the distribution of wrecked ships plays an important role in the evaluation of the patterns of specialised commerce, and the location of cargoes in itself provides unique evidence of the trade in goods on their way from one harbour to another. At the same time, we must be fully aware of the limitations of such a study. In fact, although it is obvious that every ship is subjected to unpredictable winds and currents which make sinking a potential danger everywhere, one can recognise that the accumulation of data point to certain patterns. One such case is the Aeolian Islands, where the wrecks attested are attributable to the circuit of

Table 32- Roman wreck-sites considered in this book showing the number of the both well and badly reported sites within a chronological framework (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a).

95

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

activity of Roman commerce which sailed regularly along the route passing these islands between the Late Republican Age and the Late Imperial periods. Table 33 shows the pattern of distribution of the Roman wrecks found around the Aeolian Islands over time.

Soon after the final fall of Carthage and Corinth in 146 BC, Rome moved into Greece and Asia Minor as well as developing north Africa: all provided able emporia within a single political system under Rome’s maritime supremacy. Indeed, the maritime cities such as Lipari assume the role of fundamental gateway ports within the expansion of the Roman economic network.

On the other hand, in order to evaluate maritime activity properly, the appraisal of the local economy together with its maritime landscape and nautical facilities should also be combined with historical views outside the immediate region. From a historical point of view, it is well known that after the defeat of the Samnites in 313-312 BC, the process of Romanisation went on: Rome expanded its interests to the fertile lands of Campania where the main economic network to the Mediterranean was assured by the gateway ports of Minturnae and Sinuessa.

Fig. 44 shows the correlation between wreck-sites and the main historical events which may have influenced Roman maritime trade through the Aeolian Islands. Despite the paucity of data available, the overall impression gained is that these islands maintained a buoyant maritime activity throughout the entire period of the Roman Republic as well as the Empire. As long ago as 1961 Lamboglia (1961: 371) noticed, in drawing up statistics of the wrecks known up to that period in the western Mediterranean, that nine out of ten of the ships which sank in coastal sailing around the Italic, Ligurian and Iberian shores were the consequence and evidence of the pomp of conquest and of Roman expansionism in the Mediterranean. By comparison with Classical and Medieval wrecks recorded in the Mediterranean, the preponderance of Roman shipwrecks is worthy of note throughout the western Mediterranean, especially during the Republican and Imperial periods. Moreover, the number of cargoes from the Republican period compared with the number of Late Roman wrecks would seem to suggest that export from Italy in the last two centuries BC gives way to trade from Spain

Similarly the improved economic system must have been a positive factor in the development of coastal kilns which manufacture amphorae for the wineproducing fundi; the latter were mainly located in the Ager Falernus in Campania and in the Ager Brindisinus in Apulia as well as in the Ager Cosanus in Etruria. Roman power increased steadily with the successful conclusion of the second Punic War, establishing not only the groundwork for expansion abroad but also the basis for sound management of agrarian resources. This commercial activity went on against the background of a policy addressed towards the development of an economy of production led by Rome.

Table 33- Roman wreck-sites off the Aeolian Islands: rate of distribution by period.

96

The maritime role of the Aeolian Islands and underwater archaeology: after the Roman conquest

and Gaul. Later, starting from the third century AD the focus of this trade shifts to Africa.

Aeolian Islands seem to reflect the development of a pattern of distribution dominated by both Italian and western provincial production; while the predominance of amphorae exported mainly from Baetica, Tarraconensis or Gaul reflects the spread of western production all around the central Mediterranean. Towards the end of the second century AD, the presence of African amphorae is well attested, initially from production sites in Mauretania Caesariensis (Dressel 30) or Tripolitania, and then increasingly in the third and fourth centuries come to the huge production of cylindrical amphorae made in Proconsular Africa and Byzacena. The data presented in this book offers very detailed evidence, thirty years after Lamboglia’s initial conclusions made when underwater archaeology was

The evidence of the numerous amphorae of the Roman period from underwater or land-sites indicates that during the Late Republican period the principal container in use was the Dressel 1 type, which on the Aeolian Islands is sometimes also associated with an Aegean amphora type from Rhodes (as in UWW 10) or Chios (Ancona, Messina and Ollà, 1998: 361-62). From the 1st century until the 3rd century AD, alongside the traffic of this principal type, Lipari itself started to produce a local shape of amphora, that is the Richborough 527, manufactured into two slightly different variants (Borgard, 1994). Towards the beginning of the Imperial period the main types attested on land or underwater sites in the

Table 34 - Roman shipwrecks off the Aeolian Islands: distribution by main period, including the principal features of the cargoes. Sporadic finds not recognised as belonging to a whole shipwreck are shown in Italics (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a; Wilson 1990). Dr.: Dressel type.

97

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

still in an exploratory phase.

attested such as at Ampurias in Spain and the sites of Camulodunum and Hengistbury Head in Britain. It would seem the import of Dressel 1 amphorae containing Italian wine, also confirmed by a larger number of shipwrecks with Dressel 1 amphora cargoes found along the French coast, constitutes clear evidence of specialised cultivation exported from Italy, especially from the Falernian Plains where the sites of numerous amphorae kilns have been found. Indeed, in those cases where painted labels attest the content of Italian wine, such as Caecubum or Falernum (Liou, 1987; Sealey and Davies, 1984: 250-54), one can agree with Tchernia’s hypothesis provided we bear in mind the possibility that amphorae of the same shape could also be manufactured outside Italy. In this regard the evidence recovered at St. Just in Gaul (Laubenheimer, 1989: 105-38) seems conclusive: here an imitation of a Dressel 1 amphora has been recognised within a large organisation of pottery-making. Evidence for a Catalan variant of Dressel 1 is also found occasionally in Gaul (Comas and Solà, 1998: 225-34).

As summarised in Table 34, six wrecks (including two supposed wrecks) out of eighteen are attributable to the Mid-Late Republic, another three to commerce relating to the eastern provinces during the Imperial period, and the other nine (including six supposed wrecks) to the Late Roman period. Despite the numerous publications on the topic (as illustrated by the extensive bibliography of this book) there still remain a large number of questions relating to the economic procedures of large-scale export of Italian products and its relationship to the provincial products. These intense relationships nevertheless came to be identified ever more clearly as a program of protectionism of the renovatio Urbis: ships with homogeneous or mixed cargoes (e.g. wine and blackglaze pottery), shipbuilders, cultivators and producers of famous high-quality wines - Faustianum, Massicum, Caecubum, Fundanum, Helveolum, Geminum, Formianum, Tudernum – merchants and buyers, all invested their money in maritime commerce.

Moreover the new data which emerges from the analysis of the Dressel 1B shipping amphorae characterized by their stamps (Bac, Dam, Euta, Fab, Heraclid, Herm, Moc, Nicomac, Opel, Pilip, Sul, L. Lentul. P. f.), which have been recovered in the west and in the central Mediterranean (apart from Gaul and Brittany, also from Minorca, Malta, Carthage, Athens and Crete), reveal that Minturnae was a manufacturing and distribution centre for wine in the Roman Republic, and that the stamps listed above belonged to a Minturnae family operating in the 1st century BC (Gianfrotta, 2001: 27-8). Furthermore, the analysis of the contents carried out on the amphorae found at the Madrague de Giens wreck suggests that the main content was wine of the red variety, a detail which seems to contrast with the literary sources, who refer to white Italian wine. Anyway, what seems to be certain is that the content or contents of the Dressel 1 amphorae, whether red or white wine, must have been of such very fine quality that they could be exported for long distances within a specialised network of trade. The dating and distribution of Dressel 1 amphorae in Gaul has recently been addressed by Desbat (1998: 31- 6), who suggests, mainly on the base of the evidence from the area around Lyon, that the import of Italian Dressel 1 amphorae into Gaul was declining by 40 BC. However, in consideration of the massive production of Italian wine attested, one can hypothesise that the western production was probably aimed at supplying

9.4- The first cargoes of Italian wines exported toward the western Provinces Following the evolution of the Graeco-Italic form, a long-term shift in the off-shore maritime trade of Italian wines has been revealed by the Dressel 1 amphora cargoes exported by Rome not only to the western Roman provinces but also to the Adriatic as well aston the central Mediterranean (Fig.45). Observing the statistical data concerning Italian and other wine amphora cargoes, in comparison with the total recorded Mediterranean wrecks from the 3rd century BC to the 4th AD (Parker, 1992a), it can be seen how Italian wine in Dressel 1 amphorae dominated between 125 and 25 BC. The greatest concentration of Dressel 1 amphorae in the province of Gaul appears quite evident in the maps published by Tchernia (1986). To them, can now be added some new insights by looking at the underwater discoveries which have been made in the last few years, recently discussed by Gianfrotta (2001: 27-35). Main chronological reference points such as consular dates painted on amphorae (i.e. 103 BC, found at Vieille-Toulouse) seem to be connected with a trade towards Gaul and along the Rhine as well as Brittany. In the analysis offered by Tchernia, the quantitative data are particularly condensed in sites located in Aude, Aveyron, Tarn, Hérault and Haute-Garonne; while in the provinces of Britain and Spain a smaller quantity is

98

The maritime role of the Aeolian Islands and underwater archaeology: after the Roman conquest

the local markets while imports from outside, like Italy, were linked with the regular cycle of production and consumption. Indeed, this type of amphora is recognised as the most important Italian wine container of the Late Republican period; but we also should bear in mind that, even if the Dressel 1 amphorae are reckoned to have been containers of wine, there is no guarantee in assuming argumenta ex silentio that all the finds of such a type reflect the spread of wine exported from Italy all around the Mediterranean and across the north-west provinces. Whatever the precise volume of Dressel 1 amphorae exported, it is important to recognise that its robust shape and the system of sealing made it very appropriate for long-distance transport without the need for constant off-loading.

(Lamboglia 2), rarely found along the Sicilian coasts, which could be related to part of a privileged operation of wine and oil export to the French and Spanish markets, although it is attested also in the Aegean as well in Carthage. These amphorae were found together with two decorated anchor stocks which may themselves belong to the ship. It is highly probable that the ship was sailing along an itinerary which took in the coastline of the Ionian sea and went beyond the Straits of Messina. Having abandoned its coastal navigation, it stopped off first at the Aeolians before intending to proceed onwards to reach the shores of Gaul. One can hypothesize that, caught out by gales, it headed for the shelter of the cape – an apparently calm but particularly dangerous spot which had seen no fewer than nine ships founder over the centuries: Capo Graziano on Filicudi. There was also commercial activity involving a wide range of goods (metals in particular) in the opposite direction, originating from one of the Spanish ports from which it was directed towards Italy.

On the Aeolian Islands this form of amphora is attested on both dry-land and in underwater archaeological contexts. Fig. 46 shows the types of Dressel 1 amphorae found on shipwreck sites, with the relative sources of provenance. It is worth noting that Lipari, so well provided with nautical facilities together with unusual natural resources, is lacking certain other foodstuffs, such as good-quality wine. Among the circuit of supply also possibly stimulated by the Roman community living there, the nature of social benefits in terms of commodities seems to paint a picture within which Lipari played the role of importation-centre as well as of stocking-point. The remarkable growth of exports of Dressel 1 amphorae, probably containing Italian wine, is attested on at least three wrecks off the Aeolian Islands. UWW 11, found off the east coast of Panarea, with a cargo of Dressel 1 amphorae dated around 150-70 BC, together with UWW 12 off Volcano island, with Dressel 1B dated at 100-80 BC, could be ascribed to this sector of commerce. It is also worth noting the presence of a group of five Lamboglia 2 amphorae together with a fragment of Dressel 1C type found off Secca di Capistello on Lipari, which probably indicates the occurrence of a complete shipwreck loaded with these amphorae. We can also associate with this increasing market trade a group of amphorae of the Lamboglia 2 variety (very similar to those in the Albenga wreck), forming part of the cargo of a ship which sank to the north of Capo Graziano off Filicudi, around the first half of the 1st century BC (UWW 13). In economic terms, it should be stressed that we are dealing with a type of amphora produced in Apulia

9.5 – Roman settlements and landing places The year 252 BC shows an abrupt change to the scene of vibrant commercial activity which had characterised the Greek period, with Lipari being destroyed and conquered by the Romans under the command of the consul Cn. Aurelius Cotta. Vivid evidence of the Roman attack on Lipari is witnessed by a considerable body of catapult balls, also associated with iron arrowheads which were found in a destruction layer dated to the mid 3rd century. A large dump-site filled with debris relating to the cleaning-up operation after the Roman attack has also recently been found (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1998: 191-96). The Aeolian archipelago nevertheless continued to play in the Roman period an extremely important role in commerce, not only for those ships which were caught out by sudden storms and which sought the shelter and protection of the islands, but also for those coastal sites among the islands which were known to have been settlers in the Roman period and were closely related to maritime landing-places. To the north of Punta delle Fontanelle, on the west coast of the island of Lipari, there are reputed to be some beaches which served as landing-places for small settlements identified on the high cliffs overlooking the mouth of the Fuardo (UWS 39). On the western slope of Piano Conte, in contrada Fontanelle, there is attested a Roman settlement

99

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

undoubtedly connected with a stream 120 metres in wide. It lies 2.40 metres below the present-day sealevel, in front of the mouth of the Fuardo. Along this stretch of sea it would appear that we can imagine the original existence of a beach corresponding to the present depth of 2.40 metres, extending to a width of at least 50 metres in this area. This was an open beach, with no particular shelter since it was protected only from winds blowing from the first quadrant and was exposed to the other prevailing winds. The settlement was blessed with a favorable position, since it was able to take advantage of the water of the stream and perhaps also its water-course, if navigable. The slopes of Monte Sant’Angelo were also used in antiquity as a quarry from which to extract blocks of stone, and the adjacent beach could also be used as a landing place. This location naturally encouraged the extraction of the so-called ashlar of Fuardo and the export of it by sea, departing from the landing place in front of it. From there, it was easy to reach the east coast of the island – where architectural elements in Fuardo stone have been found in various contexts – and the other islands, such as Basiluzzo where cippus with a Greek inscription was used in the doorway to a Roman villa. To the south of Punta di Palmeto (UWS 41) the high cliff of Monte Mazzacaruso is broken by the Lacci stream which flows into the sea at a point characterised by shallows. The latter which extend around 100 metres from the current coastline, lying at a depth of 2.50 metres. Around this stretch of sea, too, in view of the general submersion of the coast of between 2.30 and 3.40 metres, it would seem to me that an ancient beach may be identified here which was used by the Roman inhabitants of the settlement which overlooks the mouth of the river. During the Roman period small settlements of a rural character developed in the more fertile areas of the island. In particular in the southern part of the island we find one at Piana Greca (near the church of San Domenico) and another on the western slopes of Mount Giardina. Both date between the 1st century AD and the Late Imperial period. These settlements are clearly linked to the beach of Vallemura lying below (UWS 36), which was utilised in the maritime commercial activity of that period, and whose characteristics have already been discussed here in the context of site UWS 36. It is worth noting the presence of a large water cistern (17.50 x 6.50 x 4.50 metres) at this landing place, dating to the 1st century AD: it

100

demonstrates the need for collecting rainwater, no doubt indicating that the climate of the island in the Roman period must have been characterised by long periods of drought. Nearby the remains of a lime kiln were found, which was very probably used for the construction of the cistern. The occurrence of both tank and furnace in close proximity to the coast is no surprise if linked to the practice, common until recent times, of installing lime kilns near beaches where ships could land, to obviate the process of loading calcareous rock and the wood needed to burn it. On other islands, too, the presence of Roman-period settlements is witnessed by the discovery of pottery fragments scattered over the land, dating from the 1st century BC to Late Roman times. Here we are dealing generally with small agricultural settlements of a relatively poor nature, because only in few cases is there any indication of mosaic floors or at any rate of construction techniques of a reasonable high-standard. 9.6- The Roman Villas with annexed fish-pond The most distinctive peculiarity of Roman settlement is the phenomenon of villas, which are attested on the Aeolian Islands as well as all over the northern and western provinces of the Roman Empire. In the case of the Aeolians the villa concept seems linked with the idea of a delightful place in which to enjoy oneself by the sea, rather than with a suitable place in terms of agriculture. The remains of a building from the Imperial period, characterised by a certain sophistication of construction, were found on the island of Salina (UWS 24) in the lagoon of Punta Lingua, on the extreme eastern part of the island. Here we find walls in opus reticulatum – which is very rare in Sicily (Wilson, 1990: 416, note 26) – representing one of the most conspicuous monuments testifying to the Roman period. It would seem that the site has all the characteristics of a fish-keeping installation; these generally constituted an extra facility of rich villas situated on the coast. In fact the site seems to correspond to many of the technical aspects relating to the construction of such buildings, judging by what has been handed down to us from literary sources. Columella6 in particular provides valuable information on the criteria for selection of the place, and on systems of construction and operation. According to his instructions it was advisable not to place the fish-ponds in locations which are heavily sheltered from the prevailing winds, but rather at the end of a promontory or low peninsula, so

The maritime role of the Aeolian Islands and underwater archaeology: after the Roman conquest

as to facilitate an easy change of water. The site is in fact completely exposed to winds from the 1st, 2nd and 3rd quadrant which might well favour the circulation of the water, added to which they are located on land which juts out into the sea, ending to the SE in the sandy projection which is Punta Lingua. However, since no clear data are available, one can only make a conjecture based on observations of the topography and on comparisons made with other similar types of construction in Roman Sicily (Wilson, 1990: 228-29). It would appear that the fish-pond must have been situated inside the current lake of Punta Lingua, were traces of wall in opus reticulatum have come to light. These were probably related to a system of fish breeding tanks, while a villa must have been situated on the slope behind. The villa attested on the islet of Basiluzzo seems also to have less connection with an agricultural productivity and more to do with “pleasure activity” referred to in the literary sources, which reflects the anti-commercial ethos of the Roman aristocracy. The striking remains of a luxurious Roman period villa here are to be related to the whims and desire for splendour of an eminent “respectable” Roman. This villa discovered on the islet of Basiluzzo has mosaic floors and walls painted in fresco. There were some walled structures found there (UWS 27), submerged at a depth of over 3 metres, which are very likely connected with the same villa. These structures are composed of stone blocks held together with mortar, and have been interpreted (Bernabò Brea, 1985: 77-9) as having been a jetty or unloading quay. However, it is more likely that they had a completely different function (Castagnino, 1992: 44-51). The submerged walls define a trapezoid-shaped space measuring 15 x 12 x 6 metres, with one side positioned on the rocky incline of the coast; it features two openings, each around one metre wide and two other smaller ones of around 30 centimetres wide (Fig. 47). It is evident that this is a maritime work related to the villa situated on the overlooking plateau: it would, given its particular nature, be most likely interpreted as a fish-keeping installation. The hypothesis that the openings might represent the entrance to a possible wet dock is to be excluded, since they are too small to fulfil this function, and in any case too numerous (four) in such a small space. Moreover, the presence of the four apertures makes a nonsense of the “unloading quay” hypothesis, considering that, since the sea could enter from no

less than four directions, it would have created an area of strong surf, clearly inimical to landing. In addition to the marine topography and the meteorological characteristics which attest to a precise choice of site for the construction of a fish-keeping installation, as indicated by Columella, it is indeed the existence of these four apertures which suggests to me the fish-pond hypothesis. One of the most important technical aspects of this maritime practice consists in the existence of apertures made in external walls generally protected with a grating to facilitate the change of water. The pool of water contained within these submerged structures can only be interpreted as being a fish-pond. We are dealing with an installation of the one-tank variety, since there was no sign of the dividing elements generally used for the breeding of different species of fish. It was equipped with four openings communicating with the open sea for the purposes of changing the water, in order that, as Columella suggested “the prisoners (fish) are as unaware as possible of the prison”7 . As previously mentioned, the site now lies at a depth of 3 metres below sea-level, and must have been at least partially submerged to be able to fulfil the function described. This testifies to the fact that this area has been subject to the phenomena of tectonic activity which has caused the coastline to move in a negative vertical direction. The submerged walled structures of Basiluzzo, viewed together with other man-made structures found at a depth of 4 metres between the islets of Lisca Bianca, Lisca Nera, Dattilo and Bottaro (Bellia, Italiano and Nuccio, 1990), confirm that this area, at least from after the Roman period until the present day, has experienced intense volcanictectonic activity. This brought about the submersion of around 3 metres of the shoreline, affecting all the small islets of the archipelago of Panarea. 9.7- Maritime trade during the 1st century AD From the initial centuries of the Empire until the Late Roman times, the Romans’ commercial maritime sphere of activity proceeded on advanced business lines. This activity was strongly sustained by an ever more demanding market constituted by the rich, eager to show off their individual wealth. The start of this, it may be hypothesised, dates back to the Augustan period, when the Aeolian Islands regained a certain prosperity, and when above all it seems that the protectionist measures previously imposed in the territories of the provinces had been revoked. The policy of Augustus was in fact inclined towards

101

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

increasing the inter-provincial trade of the Empire. This involved the export of large quantities of fine pottery table ware, oils and perfumes from Etruria, along with silver and bronze vases produced in Capua; meanwhile in exchange it imported from the provinces wine, oil, grain, and other raw materials. Thus in the Augustan period economic activity takes on a capitalist orientation, sustained and accelerated by Italian emigration to the provinces, particularly to Gaul, Spain and Africa. We have also to consider that the rise of Augustus also brought several changes in land possession, which was increasingly concentrated in the hands of fewer owners running a centralised amphora/wine production. Indeed, in the 1st century AD occurs the peak in terms of number of shipwrecks which have been recovered in the Mediterranean, although on the Aeolian Islands only one has been found dating to this period. Nevertheless, the distribution of amphorae seems to suggest that the export of Italian wine started to decline, though the high reputation of the wine is stressed by many classical writers, as well as being archaeologically witnessed by the presence of several vineyards which undoubtedly constitute evidence for Roman vine cropping. In this regard it is interesting to note that, among the abandoned Italian orchards and terraces which are quite often inaccessible, the recent discovery of the Falciano vineyard (Arthur, 1991: 76-8), consisting of a series of fifteen parallel trenches cut into the ground, is a direct witness to the extensive nature of vine production in the Imperial period. However, looking at the archaeological evidence recorded in the Aeolian Islands, as well as in the whole of the Mediterranean under the Roman sphere of influence, it is rather disappointing to note how the use of Italian amphorae for wine-marketing is extremely meagre in the Augustan period. This decrease seems to occur almost simultaneously with the investment by the Italian legionary veterans in estates in certain western provincial areas, such as southern France and Tarraconnesis. Parker (1991: 330) explained the lack of direct evidence for traffic in wine from the Italian latifundia in terms of the use of a different system of bulk-storage. Several examples of barrels including literary references to them collected by Tchernia (1986) sufficiently clarify the picture of the sea-exportation system around the 4th century. However it should be recognised that there are very few traces of barrel remains in Roman shipwrecks, and that this explanation does not seem adequate to establish the way in which wine was

102

shipped in the later Roman perios. The use of a dolia-ship such as that of Diano Marina, loaded with fourteen dolia, testifies not only to the wine-trade in the mid-first century AD but also gives us the name of the Campanian ship-owner Peticius Marsus who belongs to one of the main families from Minturnae (Gianfrotta, 1989). Several names belonging to gens Pirania were also working in Minturnae as naviculari-mercatores (Gianfrotta, 2001: 29-30). The adoption of dolia and later of wooden barrels instead of amphorae as the main maritime transport containers is perhaps a reflection of the development of the whole system of profit, which included both the manner of production and the technique of export. It is also worth noting the presence of twelve fragments of scattered dolia recently found on Secca al Bagno on Lipari (Agnesi et al., 2002: 187-207), which could presumably belong to a complete dolia-carring ship which sank in this dangerous place. However, apart from dolia, the other container mainly used in Augustan times was the Dressel 2-4 type amphora. The appearance of this characteristic doublebarrelled-handled amphora, also associated with the spread of inland kilns in northern Campania and southern Etruria, may be seen partly in the context of decreasing provincial demand for Italian wine. Improvements in the production-system (Arthur, 1991), however, seem to point to a still active market, though never in great quantities. Dressel 2-4 amphorae are attested on the Aeolian Islands in both dry-land and underwater archaeological contexts. Fig. 48 shows the variants of Dressel 2-4 amphorae found on shipwreck sites around the islands together with their origin. The overall impression gained is that from the mid 1st century onwards the picture of maritime activity is marked by the emancipation of the provinces and by the crisis occasioned by the overspecialisation of Italian wine-making in the face of the demands of other consumer markets such as Rome, Carthage and parts of Gaul. Evidence of this changed, more open, economic orientation of the Empire in the Aeolian Islands is the cargo of UWW 14 that was also found in that graveyard of wrecks which is Capo Graziano on Filicudi. The cargo consisted of amphorae of type Dressel 2-4, produced in the Tarragona region, and of type Dressel 9-10 of Spanish origin. As far as the Dressel 2-4 amphorae are concerned, it is widely recognised as being a container more suitable

The maritime role of the Aeolian Islands and underwater archaeology: after the Roman conquest

for water transport in terms of lightness and fabric qualities by comparison with the thicker Dressel 1 type of which the 2-4 was the replacement around the middle of the 1st century BC. The latter continued in use until at least the mid-1st century AD, if not the 2nd century AD (Zevi 1966; Panella 1973). It is also interesting to note that the shape of Dressel 2-4 amphorae bears close comparison with similar types produced on the Aegean island of Kos. If we consider this along with the words of Cato, who reports that it was possible to obtain an equivalent to Koan wine using Italian grapes, it would seem to point to the practice of Italian imitation, not only of the contents but also of the containers. Indeed, the fact that this kind of amphora was also produced elsewhere in the western provinces, including Spain, Gaul and Mauretania, seems to point to the adoption of a general production system which still continued using the same Italian proto-type of shape abroad, perhaps also with same slave tradition of production and the same technique of viticulture. The cargo of UWW 14 must have formed part of the ‘return cargo’, loaded with Dressel 20 type of amphorae, belonging to a Roman ship which had probably sold Italian products in Spain. Recent evidence has demonstrated that this type of container was almost exclusively manufactured in the Guadalquivir valley (Ponsich 1974; 1979; 1987; 1991): here about 90 kiln sites have been found along the banks of the Guadalquivir between Hispalis and Corduba and down the Genil as far as Astigi. The occurrence of the Haltern 70 type of amphora recovered in the same shipwreck does not come as a surprise since, it is generally accepted that this form was manufactured in southern Spain (Tchernia 1986, 140-2), although it was almost certainly imitated in Gaul and other parts of the west. Another example of a “return cargo” following the northern coasting route, which provides a “synthetic glimpse” of Spanish exports in the middle of the 1st AD, was the well known Port Vendres “B” shipwreck (Parker and Price, 1981: 221-8), found off the French coast. This mixed cargo mainly consisting of Dressel 20 and Dressel 28 Baetican amphorae associated with other items, unequivocally dated by the stamps impressed on the tin ingots, reveals an important document of combined “amphorae + ingots” trade originating in southern Spain. By that time wine had come to be autonomously produced in countries such as Spain, Gaul, and Africa, which had previously represented the main export markets for Italian wines.

The Mediterranean maritime economy followed a direction dictated, with great effort and within certain limits, by Rome according to economic measures put in place to revive the productivity of Italian markets. But, as Rostovzeff (1957) points out “the economic evolution was stronger than any government provision”. As the economy risked being overwhelmed by commercial competition from products from the provinces, we witness the adoption of protectionist measures sanctioned by special decree of Domitian in AD 92, intended to promote the production of grain in the provinces and favour the production of wine in southern Italy. This decree, primarily directed towards the prohibition of cash-cropping of wine in the western provinces, also required the destruction of half of the existing vineyards, as well as issuing a veto on the planting of new vines. Although we do not know the actual limits and the practical results of the Flavian provision on the provincial scene, it is clear that the provinces of Narbonensis and Baetica continued to export wine. Similarly Asia Minor, through the intercession of the orator Scopelianus, obtained a special dispensation which entitled the province to produce wine. In the provinces of Africa in particular under the Lex Manciana, the cultivation of fruit-trees and olives was preferred over vines by the procuratores, since rentfree cultivation was only offered for vines planted on old vineyard sites. Although several commentators8 as well as many scholars (Duncan-Jones, 1982: 35 and note 4; Tchernia, 1986: 221-33) have regarded this restriction as evidence for Domitian’s short-lived wine edict, Kehoe (1988) has demonstrated that this does not necessarily imply that coloni could not plant vineyards even if within a special regulation. However, owing to the exploitation of saltus in virgin fields, a concession was made in the form of the ius colendi (the right to cultivate), transmissible only in a case where fruit-bearing trees were planted. Yet another law, the Lex Adriana, again related to the province of Africa, aimed at the promotion of plantations of olive groves and orchards. It conceded no privileges to viticulture, even omitting to mention explicitly this type of cultivation. In this regard it is important to note that in the Campanian archaeological sites, for example, there is no indication of an increasing importation of provincial wine, as occurred at Ostia and Rome, and thus it may suggest that there was a local self-sufficient production. Furthermore, on the basis of the

103

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

comparative costs recorded in Diocletian’s price Edict it can be appreciated how Italian wine, such as the Falernum (whilst remaining a generic denomination of wine quality such as Chianti or Nero d’Avola) cost 3.75 times more than the other wines classified as vina rustica. On the other hand, relationships with the western provinces are also meagrely documented by the presence of two flat-based amphorae (Pélichet 47) found within the UWW 15 cargo which appears also loaded with Gaulish wine even in very small quantities. There is however little indication that wine was exported from Gaul, and the presence of a few containers for Gaulish wine also identified in Sicily at Castagna and Marsala (Wilson, 1990: 264) does not allow us to posit an extensive or regular wine-transport from Gaul. If, however, protectionist measures did not succeed in improving Italian viticulture, nor even less in safeguarding de facto the rural capitalist economy, we must recognise in the cargo UWW 15 a uniquely Italian variety of product which had survived provincial competition, still using the traditional way of loading into amphorae. Dating back to the second half of the 1st century AD, UWW 15 was discovered in the south west of the Formiche di Panarea- Its cargo provides evidence of the continuation of Italian production, perhaps the fruit of the implementation of the provisions made by the Senate of Rome. The cargo consisted mainly of two types of amphorae, Dressel 2-4 and Pompeii 36; both kinds of amphorae are comparable to those produced in the area of Pompeii, and therefore presumably were exported from the Parthenopean region. Here we are dealing with a limited production which had survived the competition of the low-cost productive capacity of the provinces, destined for a restricted privileged market and no longer exported over long-distances. Whatever the precise volume of provincial wine exports in the Imperial period, the Richborough 527 type amphora produced in Lipari serves to highlight major deficiencies in the extensive network involving Rome and Lipari within a more improved economic system. The kilns used for this type of amphora, recently found in contrada Porto delle Genti on Lipari (Spigo, 1997), yield significant evidence of a huge refuse tip clearly related to an advanced workshop. It includes amphora wasters attributable to two slight variants of the Richborough 527 type (Borgard, 2000), among which some of Dressel 2-4 type were also recognised (Ancona and Messina, 2000:

104

369-75). This type of amphora, a small number of which has also been found on at least three sites on the Aeolian sea-bed, seems to confirm the increase in the productive role played by the islands between the 1st and 2nd century AD. Whether this production of containers was mainly designed to take alum or sulphur or even other contents is still a matter for debate. On the basis of both natural abundance of alum and a passage in Diodorus9 , who stresses that Lipari controlled the monopoly of alum in the Roman world, this container has been recognised as made specifically in order to carry alum (Cavalier, 1997). This seems to contrast with recent petrologic analysis on some examples of amphorae held in London which suggests that they carried at least either wine or oil (Wilson, 1996: 82). But we have also to consider that even when indisputable data from systematic tests are available, one cannot deny that some factors of interference such as second-hand use could also have occurred. The Richborough 527 type amphora found in the area of UWW 16 off Punta San Francesco on Lipari, which has no relation to the lower wreck (4th-2nd BC), is unlikely to be related to another shipment which later sank there. From the wide distribution of this type of amphora in the central Mediterranean, the overall impression gained is that Lipari was placed within a wide network of trade directed as far afield as Gaul and even Britain. Moreover, the occurrence of Richborough 527 amphorae recently found along the Adriatic coastline, often associated with Dressel 2-4, as attested in Palagruža “B” as well as Sveti Andrija (Orlić and Jurišić, 1989), opens up a new vista for Aeolian trade in the Roman period. Indeed the full publication of this deposit, would make a great contribution to our knowledge of trade and a complete survey of the waster material should contribute a good deal to understanding the role played by Lipari within this network. No doubt, the presence of the stamp [KBASSEL] in a rectangular frame on some amphorae displayed in the Museum (recently discussed by Wilson: 1999, 534-35) is also an eloquent pointer to a wellorganised system, in terms of administrative rights with a high standard and an extensive volume of production. 9. 8- Economic history and trade during the Middle Empire and Late Roman times In the 2nd century AD, despite the attempt at the simulation of containers in the wide production of Dressel 2-4 amphorae, there was a further drop in the

The maritime role of the Aeolian Islands and underwater archaeology: after the Roman conquest

export of Italian products. At the same time we witness a substantial increase in sales for the provincial emporia: Rome received grain from Egypt and Africa, oil from Baetica and from Tripolitania as well as from Proconsular Africa. It had tax rights over the products of certain grain-producing provinces, with the transport of grain from Egypt to anywhere other than Rome being forbidden. Whilst amber from the Baltic arrived in Italy through Aquileia and the merchants of the Empire were opening up new ways of arriving in the regions of the Far East, commerce with the provinces of Africa went on in full flow. Towards the end of the 3rd century, while the export market from Spain declined, the production of the cylindrical amphorae from African kiln-sites moved into higher gear and from then on until late antiquity the African is the most widespread type of container, dominating the markets of the central Mediterranean. In the waters of the archipelago the only evidence of this trade with Africa that has come to light to date is a wreck from the Late Imperial period (about 475-550 AD), Wreck Porto A (UWW 19), which was found once again in the waters in front of Capo Graziano (on the north side of the cape, the south end of Filicudi Porto bay). The intensity of this export is reflected by the numerous wrecks carrying African amphorae which have been identified mainly in the central Mediterranean as well as off the coast of Sicily, both on the east and on the west side of the island. There is no doubt that the large expanse covered by this variety of commerce reflects the increased volume of oil shipments directed towards Rome rather than intended for the Aeolian Islands itself. But we also have to take into account the fact that both varieties of African amphorae (Africano I and II), which were mainly produced at Leptiminus, Thenae and Carthage, have also been attested in the stratigraphic layers discovered near the recently published “mura urbiche” of Lipari (Ancona, Messina and Ollaà, 1998: 355-77), dating from the 3rd to the 5th century AD. Indeed it seems to indicate that African oil and garum were reaching the Aeolian Islands themselves in greater quantity. It is important to note that the equivalent association of amphorae showing a similar trend in the pattern trade of was earlier highlighted at Ostia by Panella (1972: 10306). The oneraria ship of UWW 19, which was wrecked by strong winds blowing from NE to north, was carrying a cargo of amphorae belonging to the Keay LXII type produced in Africa, probably containing garum.

Traffic from the eastern Mediterranean is also attested during the time of the Middle Empire. The clearest evidence of wine export from the Aegean comes from the distinctive amphora Kapitän 1 and 2 types associated with some fragments of Cilician oil-amphora which have been found off the Secca di Capistello on Lipari. Although it is still unclear whether a comparable picture of distribution of eastern amphorae existed, the impact of the distinctive forms Kapitän 1 and 2 reaching the central Mediterranean markets demonstrates their presence during the Middle and Late Empire. In fact, apart from the eastern Mediterranean markets, their wide distribution is also attested in Benghazi and Athens as late as the 5th century AD. On the other hand, the Ognina A shipwreck (Kapitän, 1974), found off south eastern Sicily, loaded with both forms of amphorae and closely dated by coins to 210/215 AD, is a fair indication of the pattern of Aegean export already during the early 3rd century. Still in the Late Imperial period can be traced the remains of a hypothetical wreck, found just south of the previous one and, perhaps, forming part of the same cargo; here were amphora fragments, some of which have been identified as being of the Dressel 31 variety. The Punta Crapazza wreck (UWW 17) with tin ingots and lumps of sulphur, perhaps also associated with rough blocks of “realgar” (a combination of sulphur and arsenic, brilliant red in colour) as well as hazelnuts, which probably were contained within fibre receptacles, seems to be dated in the early 5th century. The Late Imperial Age brings us relatively little evidence of the course of economic history in the Lower Tyrrhenian. This is due to changes in routes as well as in Rome’s economic interests. Maritime commerce had by this period moved beyond the economic and diplomatic sphere of influence of Rome. This was linked both to advances in the study of geography (e.g. Strabo and Ptolemy) and to the acquisition of more detailed knowledge of marine, topography and meteorological phenomena. Those involved in such trade took advantage of the monsoons which blew in summer from Africa towards India, and sailing across high-seas took the place of coastal routes and land-based convoys. However since the goods which were sought for import (fabrics, spices and precious stones) were extremely expensive, the Imperial economy was always vulnerable in relation to the east, especially because Rome was no longer equipped to offer adequate counter-items in the form

105

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

of her own produced goods. Summing up, despite many uncertainties, four separate periods of maritime activity can be identified on the Aeolian Islands during the period of Roman control. Different kinds of economic involvement in the sphere of activity directed by the Romans and apparent strategies of exploitation seem to distinguish each. The four periods are: 1- the middle and later years of the Republic, historically marked by the end of the Second Punic war (in which Lipari was allied with Carthage) and the definitive conquest of Lipari; these are still characterised by the wide spread of Graeco-Italic amphorae (UWW 5, 6 and 8) also associated with Campanian pottery as side-cargo (UWW 7, 9 and 10), Lamboglia 2 type of amphorae (UWW 13) and the first appearance of the Dressel 1A type of container (UWW 11); 2- a period of uncertainty down to the age of Augustus when the Pax Romana increased commodity prices within an enlarged market of competition between Italy and the provinces; this is characterised by the occurrence of dolia (Secca al Bagno off Lipari) and different varieties of amphorae from Dressel 20 (UWW 14), or Dressel 2-4 type (UWW 15) to Gauloise 4 type (UWW 15, albeit in small quantities), suggesting exportation of foodstuffs from Spain and Gaul; 3- a period of new prosperity when Lipari began to achieve an economic balance that it would enjoy for about two centuries, from the first until the second century AD, with the production of its own amphorae and possibly its own contents (Piano del Porto kilns and UWW 16); 4- a period of growth in the local transit trade in the Africano 1 and 2 types of shipping amphorae generated by the network established between Rome and the provinces of Africa (UWW 17 and UWW 18).

Notes 1 Polibius, History, I, 39,13; Diodorus of Sicily, Historical Library, XXIII, 20. 2 Cicero, The Verrine Orationes, III, 37, 83. 3 Cicero, The Verrine Orationes, III, 37, 84-85. 4 Pliny, Natural History, III, 86-94. 5 Diodorus of Sicily, Historical Library, V, 10,2 (Alum); Pliny, Natural History, XXXIII, 105 (pumice); Pliny, Natural History, XXXVI, 154 (pumice); Dioscurides, I, 72,5 (pitch). 6 Columella, De Re Rustica, VIII,17. 7 De Re Rustica VIII, 17, 2. 8 Svetonio, Domit., 7.2; 14.2; Philostratus, Apoll.Tyan. 6.42, Vit. Soph. 1.520. 9 Diodorus of Sicily, Historical Library, V, 10,2.

106

Towards an assessment of the maritime activity of the Aeolian Islands

CONCLUSION TOWARDS AN ASSESSMENT OF THE MARITIME ACTIVITY OF THE AEOLIAN ISLANDS Within the wide panorama of maritime archaeological studies in the Mediterranean, this book provides the first systematic attempt to deal with an archipelago as a whole, by taking into account archaeological and geological data as well as aspects of marine topography and meteorology, and relating these factors to historical events and the economy of the societies involved. The maritime dimension of the Aeolian Islands has been explored in terms of cultural and spatial dynamics in the context of Mediterranean seafaring as a whole, spanning the period from the prehistory to the Roman period. From this analysis, the Aeolian maritime microcosm offers substantial evidence for the evaluation of the process of seafaring interaction, both in terms of the ancient economy and of maritime landing places involved in ancient shipping activity. As far as the first economic interaction is concerned, this study has provided a comprehensive account of commercial maritime movements, both those on an occasional nature and those when mooring was caused by adverse meteorological conditions. It is worth stressing that statistics provided in this book while not especially complicated or sophisticated (the sample size on which they are based is too small), seem best suited to the relatively simple, straightforward data which we have. They are also especially interesting in providing a view of maritime activity in action and of hypothesizing

about the trading nature of relationships. The categories of cargo investigated in the Aeolian Islands reveal that the commodities which seem to have formed the basis of trade from the Bronze Age onward were mainly transported in containers, often amphorae, while other items are attested in only very minor percentages (see Table 35). No doubt more perishable goods (such as organic material: salts, olive, resin, alum, capers and dried fruits) were transported in wooden barrels or in bags of natural fibre which have not survived; their use is amply attested by literary sources. Clearly, the statistical data emphasize the categories with a good survival record, such as amphorae and anchor-stocks, while pottery and the association of pottery plus amphorae together is also well attested, albeit in lesser percentages. The presence of additional significant material such as mill-stones also suggests the practice of grinding corn, possibly in the preparation of food for the crew, while the occurrence of a louterion in one context would seem to indicate possible ritual use on board . The percentage of the material categories represented in the shipwrecks off the Aeolian Islands from the Bronze Age until the Late Roman period is illustrated in Table 36. The overall conclusion gained from this study is that the maritime activity of the Aeolian Islands reveals distinctive traces of cultural interaction on long-distance routes and suggests that external relationships played an important role in the process of local development as well. There was probably no period in the seafaring tradition

Table. 35- Categories of cargo investigated on the Aeolian Islands from the Bronze Age to the Late Roman period. One pottery example is Bronze Age; otherwise everything use is temporarily comparable (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a; Wilson 1990; Agnesi et al., 2002).

107

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

Table 36- Percentage of material categories represented in the shipwrecks off the Aeolian Islands (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a; Wilson 1990; Agnesi et al., 2002).

of the Aeolian Islands when they were free from the external influences of sailors. In this book it has been shown that the Aeolian Islands, though a tiny archipelago, were involved in an extremely stimulating complex of social and political interaction with the Mediterranean seafaring world over the centuries. There is no doubt that these intense relationships connected the islands with the larger outside world, and certainly gave them ready access to a greater range of both the merchandise and ideas which were circulating in the Mediterranean than would otherwise have been the case. Whereas reconsiderations of the longue durée conceptual framework have appeared in recent years (Barker, 1991; Knapp, 1992), the proper entity of a small archipelago has rarely been tackled, and Braudel (1972) himself wrote very little about the Aeolian Islands. Moreover, Braudel’s classification of the island as an île conservatoire may perhaps holds true for a single island itself but not for an archipelago as a whole such as the Aeolian Islands. On the contrary, evidence considered here shows that the key to the vivid dynamism of the Aeolian Islands seems to lie in the concept of archipelago itself, spread out as it is over the seven islands, with its natural facilities for trade, the presence of natural resources in a remarkable maritime landscape, and its location along a major shipping route for people, goods and ideas. There is abundant evidence to demonstrate that the Aeolian Islands represent a maritime microcosm in which their essential appeal lay in the fact that any

108

maritime power which had to control the islands, hoped to lay claim over the central Mediterranean and in their strategic location as a convenient stopping-point along the Tyrrhenian route. In the case of “core-periphery” approach (Champion, 1989), the clear prominence of non-indigenous elements in the cultures of the Aeolian Islands over the centuries suggests that external relationships had a vital role to play in stimulating and maintaining the internal processes of development. However, this issue is also inextricably connected with the pattern of maritime interaction, including the nature of trade, the character of market demand and the evaluation of the seafaring stimuli between the local economy and panMediterranean trade. Furthermore, this book illustrates how far removed these islands are from the general concept of the island metaphor for isolated cultures “sheltered from some of the competitive pressure of life at the expense of isolating their living communities” (Evans, 1973:51718; contra Rainbird, 1999: 216-34). On the contrary, the cultural role of both the farming and the seafaring communities mainly attested in the islands of Lipari and Filicudi argues for long-term fluctuating patterns of social relationships and external interactions. The economy of the Aeolian Islands during the preand proto-historic periods The first significant pattern of extra-insular contacts emerges during the Early Neolithic period and

Towards an assessment of the maritime activity of the Aeolian Islands

introduces a highly distinctive integration of these islands within the central Mediterranean socioeconomic system. This is connected with the exploitation of mineral resources, notably obsidian. Among the four obsidian sources in the western Mediterranean, Lipari seems to have seen the greatest activity and have enjoyed a wider level of diffusion by comparison with other producers (Fig. 27). This book has shown that presence of obsidian from Lipari has been confirmed in the consumer markets of Monte Arci in Sardinia and of Palmarola on the Pontine islands (part of the Calabro-Tyrrhenian arc, which included Sicily and Malta) as well as of Pantelleria in the Canale di Sicilia, though a relatively small proportion (Figs 17, 18, 19 and 20). Indeed, the phenomenon of a wide spectrum of distribution contrasts with those of the other sources of obsidian (Tykot et al., 1999), and seems to point to a dynamic of exchange established on the principle of free negotiation – a kind of exchange which is still far from being a competitive market, and is not closely correlated to precise or regular networks of distribution, driven by reciprocal exchange rather than commercial purposes. Some comparisons of archaeological and ethnographical material, briefly considered in this study, permit a number of assessments about the scale of social relationship and exchange systems which occurred during the Early Neolithic. By analogy with ethnographic comparisons elsewhere, the Aeolian Islands might be viewed as genuine meeting places where periodical or seasonal festivals central to ritual and exchange practices took place. During such tribal meetings, unrelated people used to exchange their goods with other commodities following a very ritualised ceremony (McCarthy, 1939: 418). Aboriginal trade reveals a social relationship of trade between the members of different communities involved on such special occasions and suggests that tribes were not total strangers to each other but rather enjoyed an interrelated kinship bound by ceremonial agreements. By analogy, it is possible to hypothesise that central Mediterranean tribes were not strangers to each other but rather they were related by common affinity, probably also bound by ceremonial agreement. Moreover, during the Early Neolithic the widespread spatial distribution of pottery in the impressed style seems to reflect cultural interactions on a large scale in the western Mediterranean, and indicates that the Aeolian Islands were supported by their own pottery industry, despite an almost total absence of clay

deposits throughout all the islands of the archipelago (see chapter 6.9). This book has shown that within the Early Neolithic layers on the settlement of Castellaro Vecchio in Lipari (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1980: 656- 64) we can distinguish two main categories of pottery: one heavier, either plain or decorated with simple incised lines, finger-pinched or using the edge of a shell (Cardium or Punctulus); another finer and much more elaborately decorated, clearly accomplished by using proper tools, such as stamps, combs or spatulas (compare Figs 31, 32 and 33). The stratigraphy of Castellaro Vecchio and Lipari’s acropolis provides quite distinct evidence, also verified by petrological examination (Williams, 1980: 864 and 867). This has established that during the Early Neolithic the presence of several models of pottery with a wide repertory of complex decorations formed the basis for an indigenous pottery industry which could not have proceeded using the available clay. The products of this local industry are not comparable with the imported fine wares which are well-fired, thinwalled and decorated with more complex designs typical of Stentinello pottery. If those people had set up a workshop on Lipari, even with its own clay initially, they would surely have used at least part of their established repertory of motifs and forms on both categories of vessels, rather than the very simple ones which are attested. From this it can be seen that the fine ware was imported, while the other is just an earlier stage of imitation in an attempt to reproduce the imported wares. Secondly, it shows an evaluation of the composition of the pottery fabric and led to the search for a more suitable source of clay. Thirdly, it highlights the beginning of a local pottery production that developed without interruption throughout the whole of the prehistoric period from an initial exploratory phase (Early Neolithic) to the establishment of a real chain of production. However, the main question concerning Neolithic settlements on the Aeolian Islands relates to whether these were specialised seafaring communities or merely based on farming cultures which gradually exploited the fertile volcanic soil together with the obsidian. It is evident that, even with very little knowledge of navigation, these communities got to Lipari probably by crossing the sea from Capo Milazzo, which is the easiest and shortest way of reaching the island. Even for people living close to the shore on the Sicilian mainland, such a crossing would appear to imply

109

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

the search for some advantage. If these people were skilled mariners possessing nautical knowledge of weather and currents, it is difficult to understand why they should have settled on the highland of Quattropani instead of on the coast. In this connection it should be emphasised that no tools such as net-sinkers or simple fish-hooks have yet been identified which would confirm a predominance of maritime activity. The first direct evidence of fish remains does not appear, and even then in the unusual context of a burial, before the Middle Neolithic Age (Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1960: 113). If we add to this the lack of evidence for the exploitation of the resources of the sea in Neolithic contexts, the situation on Lipari seems to indicate an agro-pastoral economy rather than a maritime one. The evidence, therefore, points to groups of people with land-based economies relying on their rafts to reach the coast of the Aeolian Islands. They settled on the high plateau of Quattropani in order to take advantage of obsidian as well as the fertile volcanic soil, while exploiting the landing places on the nearest beaches available. Moreover the presence, in the villages of Quattropani and Rinicedda on Salina, of grinding stones made of local lava provides a clear indication of the growth of cereals, which is an obvious pointer to a settled agriculture. It also suggests that a kind of advanced organisation might have been in place, strictly linked to the productive cycle and related to the exploitation of the source flora in terms of cultivation/processing/ production. Such activity presupposes a certain level of technological development. Moreover, although the prehistoric record emphasis that the newcomers were associated with agricultural rather than maritime activity, the role played by the Aeolian Islands was clearly as a centre which operate over a long durée of at least two thousand years. It is now even more evident that the Aeolian Islands should be viewed as “genuine meeting places” where long-distance exchange of obsidian and other goods played a remarkable role in maintaining preferential ethnic or kinhips connections, and they thus point to the capability of central Mediterranean seafaring people to make crossings of the open water for both ritual and exchange purposes. In the light of the results which have emerged from precise investigation about the type of subsistence (agro-pastoral) and of settlement (in a high position far from the sea), Lipari seems to have enjoyed a role which may be termed both as dominant and “passive”

110

at the same time, at the centre of a wide circuit of cultural interaction. The identification of this role as “passive” is in no way meant to have negative connotations, but intends rather to define a diverse dimension of interaction. Lipari does not function directly as the central motor of this interaction, nor as the go-between for other maritime communities, but acts passively and indirectly. It is the other tribal societies which reach Lipari in order to acquire its precious resource, obsidian. The maritime activity on the Aeolian Islands during the Bronze Age shows a remarkable change clearly suggesting an extensive network of commercial exchange characterised by its distinctive panMediterranean nature. All the data analysed in terms of styles of pottery, burial ceremony and architectural features point to a complete re-assessmrnt of cultural organisation. Indeed, the lack of continuity within the Aeolian Islands communities and in particular between the culture of Capo Graziano and the preceeding Piano Quartara one tends to emphasize a radical break associated with a culture of a different origin. This reassessment may be viewed as a result of the political incorporation of the Aeolian Islands within an eastern orbit which finally established close relationships between Aegean core and Aeolian periphery or simply be regarded as an example of the diffusion process within the old-fashioned school of thought. Some generic cultural affinities between the Aeolian Islands and northern Sicily (Rodì-Tindari and Vallelunga culture) or southern Tyrrhenian Italy (Palma-Campania culture) have recently been considered (Bietti Sestieri, 1982; Tusa, 1999; Leighton,1999). This book clarifies why comparisons supporting this hypothesis, which are mainly based on the concept of cultural integration, appear highly questionable. Moreover, the wreckage of a ship’s cargo at Pignataro di Fuori shows that these changes contained the elements for the formation of an organised society, marked by socio-economic development and able to establish a precise network of production and exchange. The importance of the homogenous cargo of pottery produced on Lipari and bound for export is much greater than its limited quantity might suggest. It is one of the very few pottery assemblages that have so far been recovered from the wreck of a Bronze Age merchant ship in the western Mediterranean. These pots recovered seem to have formed part of the cargo of pottery, but probably not all of it. The sequence of

Towards an assessment of the maritime activity of the Aeolian Islands

time and ways outlined as well as illustrated in Table 26 presuppose not only a familiarity with the raw materials, their properties, and therefore of their sources, but also the techniques of crafting and firing, the systems of trade, and the nature of the market. By comparison with the oldest known shipwreck yet discovered in the eastern Mediterranean, the wreck of Dhokós, we can see that both ships were loaded with a homogenous cargo of pottery comprising four main types of vessels: jars, one-handled cups, bowls, and careenated pots from the Early Bronze Age (belonging to the first phase of Capo Graziano culture) in the case of Pignataro di Fuori; cups, jugs, bowls and “sauce-boats” of the Early Helladic II and III period in the case of Dhokós. This comparison leads one to consider that the range and number of people involved in export during the Bronze Age may give little indication of the very limited range of its economy, but is crucial to an assessment of the character of Aeolian maritime activity and to tracing its development toward a specialised production. The involvement of the Aeolian Islands in the process of maritime incorporation in the periphery of the Aegean orbit began to decline in the following phase of the Milazzese culture (Middle Bronze Age). This period seems clearly linked with shifts in the location of power from the Aeolian Islands towards Sardinia, which become an important reference point in maritime exchanges mainly as a supply source of metals. The maritime economy of the Aeolian Islands during the Classical period The entire body of documentation from the seabed around the islands reveals a high degree of maritime interaction in the wide picture of seafaring relationships during the Classical period too. Despite many controversies and uncertainties, we can say that, as a general rule, outside hegemonies like those of the Greeks or Romans, who sought control of the Aeolian Islands, did so as a prelude to conquest elsewhere: for example, to enlarge their network of trade and to establish colonies, the first mainly in Magna Graecia, the second in the Provinces. As far as the Greek colonisation of the islands is concerned, the nucleus of new settlers at the beginning led by Pentathlos was composed of ethnic groups coming from two different sites in the eastern Mediterranean whose primary activity was strictly linked to the sea: Cnidus and Rhodes. With them it seem there were groups of Egyptians or Greeks from

the Nile delta. However, apart from the different ethnic components involved in the foundation of the Greek colony, the cultural orientation of these islands was strongly Greek, and the intense trading contacts established seem to be related with a core-periphery structure. All the data analysed seem to point to an agrarian society with a significant artisan component (see the Maestro di Lipari and his workshop, or the production of black-glaze ceramic ware), exploiting mercantile trade due to its pivotal position along the main routes crossing the south Tyrrhenian sea. It is, moreover, highly feasible that Lipari had a significant role in the hierarchical structure within a more internalised periphery spread throughout the smaller islands. On the basis of the available data it can be estimated that 37% of the wrecks found on the seabed off the Aeolian Islands are attributable to the sphere of activity linking the markets of Greece and Magna Graecia, stretching from the 5th century BC to the first half of the 3rd century BC (Table 37). With the rise of Roman power, some remarkable economic changes on the Aeolian Islands occurred towards the beginning of the 4th century BC, when the archipelago appears transformed from a market mainly involved in its relationship with the Greek world to something of a local trans-shipment point, through which much of the Roman traffic passed. The rate of increase of commerce in this period is shown in Table 37. The first evidence of this remarkable network of trade recorded on the Aeolian Islands is the shipwreck of Dattilo (UWW 3), a ship with a cargo of black glaze pottery. The Graeco-Italic amphorae also found in shipwrecks round the Aeolian Islands are fully attested to in all of their variants in both dry-land and underwater archaeological contexts. UWW 5 as well as UWW 6 and UWW 7 seems to represent an indicator of the reformed political climate created by the Romans, together with their revision of agriculture on the fertile plains of the peninsula, as well as signalling the entrepreneurial activity of Roman merchants. The Greek tradition is still tangible in the bilingualism displayed by the epigraphic data, that is to say in the use of amphora stamps in Greek sometimes appearing together with writing in Latin; these are attributable to the cosmopolitism of much of the area of MagnaGraecia. This was a period of prosperity for the Aeolian Islands when the artistic output of Lipari was in full flow in

111

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

Table 37- Percentage of ancient shipwrecks off the Aeolian Islands: distribution by period (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a).

the creation of the superb polychrome lekanai, attributed to the Maestro di Lipari and to his workshop, and also clay miniatures representing masks, almost always with a theme from the Greek theater; they were of a comedic theatrical theme found mainly in cemeteries. Selected case studies concerning the trade of mixed cargo, mainly amphorae but with black-glaze pottery as a sideline, point to an intense maritime traffic related to the export of Campanian wine. This was initially transported in Graeco-Italic amphorae, superseded around the end of the second century BC by containers of the Dressel I type. It is worth considering that although the Liparans were themselves producers of both wines and ceramic products, this does not preclude the fact that they could constitute a market for this type of commerce. The three wrecks (UWW 7, UWW 9 and UWW 10) in particular are testimony once more to the important role played by the Aeolians in the context of these commercial activities. UWW 9 in particular highlights not only the active part played by Lipari in these activities, through the export of home-produced blackglaze pottery, but also suggests that the island played a role of prime importance in the context of both transit and the stopping-off of maritime traffic to and from Rome along the Tyrrhenian route. This wreck, dating to the first half of the 3rd century BC, that is before the Aeolian Islands fell into Roman hands, indicates further a certain freedom of movement in the context

112

of this seagoing traffic. On the so-called Roman route the Aeolian Islands played a very important role in maritime activity, not only as intermediate stopping-off points for longerdistance trade but also for the dynamism brought about throughout trading contacts involving the seafaring Mediterranean world. How significant a volume the Roman trade system achieved with their fleets of naves in the Mediterranean cannot be fully quantified, but it is probably reflected by the distribution of traded goods as well as by the shipwrecks and their cargoes spread over wide areas along an extensive network of routes. On the basis of the new wealth of archaeological data revealed by recent research, this book has critically reassessed the conjectures about the decline of the Aeolian Islands recorded by ancient writers as occurring soon after the Roman conquest. This reassessment shows the reason why the rather depressed picture of urban life offered by Cicero, along with many other scholars who have expressed the same view, seems to contrast with the wealth of evidence recovered in recent excavations, pointing to prosperity rather than poverty. Moreover, the recent discovery of the workshop which produced Richborough 527 amphorae (type I and II) in contrada Porto delle Genti on Lipari (Spigo, 1997; Cavalier, 1997; Borgard, 2000) is confirmation of the productive role of the Islands as late as the 1st and 2nd century AD: the amphorae enjoyed an extensive sphere of distribution reaching as far as Gaul and Britain. No doubt, the presence of

Towards an assessment of the maritime activity of the Aeolian Islands

Table 38- Rate of increase of commerce attested by shipwrecks off the Aeolian Islands from 500 BC until 350 BC (Data based on: Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1985; Parker, 1992a).

the stamp [K BASSAE/RUFFI CV] in a rectangular frame on some of the amphorae displayed in the Museum is also an eloquent reminder of a wellstructured system, in terms of administrative rights, within a highly organized and extensive production. Summing up, despite many uncertainties, four separate periods of maritime activity can be identified on the Aeolian Islands under the Roman policy. Different kinds of economic involvement in the sphere of activity directed by the Romans and apparent strategies of exploitation seem to distinguish each (as discussed in Chapter 9). The archaeology of the Classical period in the Aeolian Islands clearly reveals the interweaving of some fundamental components of the Braudelian framework in the dynamics of socio-economic exchange processes. The impact of precise historical events clearly illustrates some critical medium-term changes at the level of conjonctures within the process of Hellenization and later of Romanization. In fact, with the incorporation of the Aeolian Islands within a broader political entity, new life-styles and new symbols of power were embraced. At the same time a significant local artisan component (e.g. the Maestro di Lipari workshop; the production of black-glaze pottery found on UWW 9; the workshop producing Richborough 527 amphorae) continues to play a productive role during both the Greek and the Roman periods. The role of maritime topography in the process of interaction

It is evident that the Aeolian Islands were unique for their pan-Mediterranean importance as well as for their insularity and its distinctive maritime landscape, which had considerable significance in the shape of their maritime activity. Early navigation was achieved only through a mental chart constructed from the experience of each mariner; so the identification of key landmarks such as the island of Vulcano and Stromboli, which can be seen from very long way off because of the to the loftiness of Monte Aria (500 metres asl) on Vulcano, and Pizzo Grande (924 metres asl) on Stromboli, represented precious signposts to every sailor. It is worth noting that within the seafaring societies nowadays around the world, the use of such landmarks, even when sailing on rafts or paddle-propelled dugouts, continues to be connected with living folklore and ritual ceremonies. In this light, the extensive distribution of obsidian in the Early Neolithic, together with pottery which clearly reflects a high degree of cultural interaction in the western Mediterranean, might be explained as the result of a series of conjonctures which operate on a small scale over long distances and over a long durée. While the model of long-distance routes appears inadequate for this period, the wide geographical scale of the phenomenon may perhaps described in terms both of a linking of short segments of routes and a coastal trade kind of navigation. The latter, at least in part, followed the well-known model of down-the-line trade within a certain distance from the source. On the Aeolian Islands it seems more likely that this type of trade was organised along the lines of maritime

113

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

shunting, peripheral in character and over short distances, while the distribution on a wider scale was probably due to successive exchanges of raw materials between social groups, gradually located further and further from the original source. Thus, it is increasingly evident that this structural model was used to cover long distances, which combine marine, riverine and land sections of a longer itinerary. At the same time Lipari, extremely well endowed with a rare material such as obsidian, was a destination and a meeting-place of great importance in its own right. Moreover, the interaction between man and the coastline on the Aeolian Islands is also a matter of crucial importance for maritime life, as it is closely related to the division between land and sea. This relationship is not permanent but subjected to constant variations in profile, configuration and even position. This book has considered how far the form and the behaviour of a coastline, which is governed by its geology and by related local marine agencies (see Chapter 3), could have affected people living there. The appraisal of the ancient marine topography of the Aeolian Islands seems to show how both of these factors are inextricably interwoven and significant. However, the notable geomorphological transformations documented in the islands have repeatedly altered the early coastline and the soundings of the adjacent seabed, completely distorting in the process the picture of early landing places used from Neolithic times onwards.

As summarised in Table 39, the complete profile of the back-shore and fore-shore zones of five selected sites shows that there is a terrace feature immediately seaward of the present-day beach, faced with a slope between 2.30 and 3.40 metres deep. In particular, this book has shown how the last Medieval eruption has modified the area used during the Early Neolithic by the ancient inhabitants of Castellaro Vecchio. They were probably exploiting the quarry for the extraction of obsidian identified in the eastern strata of the obsidian flow of Lami-Pomiciazzo, which in the pre-eruption phase was still easy reachable via land. The data deriving from field surveys, combined with samples taken offshore as well as inshore, has given rise to intense speculation about the interaction of human culture with the littoral zone. Observing the seaward profile of each example considered, it can be seen that after the first submarine terrace the gradient increases, forming a lower terrace. It then increases again, becoming realigned with the overall gradient at around a depth of 40/50 metres. All of these observations, fully analysed in Chapter 2, lead one to estimate: - the outline of the ancient shoreline and associated landing places possibly relating to the Neolithic occupation of the island, at a depth of between 2.30 and 3.40 metres;

Table 39- Selected sites and their principal geomorphological features (Data derived from surveying carried out by the present writer within the feasibility project Riserva Marina Isole Eolie, 1999-2000).

114

Towards an assessment of the maritime activity of the Aeolian Islands

- a presence of a mooring place located at a depth of 18/20 metres below the present sealevel; - the importance of hot springs for possible ritual purposes. The importance of meteorological data for modelling patterns of trade The parts played by meteorological factors (winds, waves and currents) and the presence of hazardous elements, amply analysed in chapter 3, point to the danger of passing certain locations such as Capo Graziano off Filicudi, and to determining the possible routes followed in ancient navigation. The latter can be reconstructed on the basis of data recorded by the meteorological Navy’s stations, together with an evaluation of current and wind patterns. In fact, even the reason why the Greek myths ascribe these islands to Aeolus, the son of Poseidon whom Zeus made guardian of the winds, may be due to the fact that sailing around the Aeolian Islands could be very dangerous; the danger might arise from adverse meteorological conditions, or as a consequence of the shifting of shallows and emergent reefs in some stretches of the sea. Some case-studies involving problems such as the short-distance haul from Sicily to the Aeolian Islands, or the evaluation of the optimum meteorological conditions for the long-distance route crossing the central Mediterranean, are also comprehensively explored. It is worth mentioning that previous theories (Giardino, 1995: 269-79; 235-38) emerging from the data on meteorology have been based on the simplest evaluation of wind and current patterns recorded in published charts; they are mainly related to the general flow over a long period. The results presented in the present book show how it could be hazardous or even misleading to use this kind of documentation when investigating a detailed stretch of sea like the Aeolian Islands. As regards charts showing currents, for instance, those are mostly variable in scale and also tend to concentrate on the effects of irregularities of the coastline profile or of unpredictable, varying local winds. Although this has contributed some useful insights, it appears that, for a given meteorological problem, direct data recorded by official weather-stations, which have been employed throughout this book, would provide the most reliable information. Another important element of the data provided by

marine topography and meteorology must also be taken into consideration: prevailing winds blowing in the same season as current flows. Observing the prevailing winds blowing in the eastern Mediterranean (in the Aegean sector) during the period from May to July, it can be seen that they blow mainly from the IV quadrant (39% in July) with a strength of 3 on the Beaufort scale. Indeed, it can be clearly seen that these winds blow in the opposite direction in comparison to the currents, and that in the main part of the season mentioned above it is not possible to take advantage of both of them. Despite this clear evidence, some scholars (e.g. Giardino, 1995: 337) tell us that the best season to exploit the currents in this direction is from May to July, which is exactly when, as already explained, the main pattern of wind seems to go against prospective sailing. This statement can therefore only make sense if these processes are analysed in isolation from each other, one at a time, current charts on the one hand and wind charts on the other. Whenever ancient navigators were obliged to sail to windward, the ship could have followed the flow of the current only if it did a lot of tacking; this even sometimes involved abandoning the intended route, if faced with a headwind. Indeed, on this basis, it seems clear that even in the summer, when best meteorological factors occur in the central Mediterranean, the optimum sailing season was limited in time for navigation from east to west or NW. Only when a situation with the wind blowing from the I or II quadrant occurs in the eastern Mediterranean (the Aegean sector) is it possible to exploit both factors together; while a situation characterised by wind blowing from the I quadrant is required in order to reach the Straits of Messina by means of the double exploitation of wind and current. Finally, we hope that this review of maritime economy through the Aeolian microcosm and of its long history of domination by several hegemonies, may shed light on the larger connection between political and economic sea-power systems involving the whole maritime world of the Mediterranean. Indeed, the process of maritime interaction analysed through the Aeolian Islands may be regarded as the lifeblood of the study of the maritime economy, and may represent an example which is crucial to an appraisal of the nature and the character of the ancient economy both of the Aeolian Islands and over the Mediterranean as a whole.

115

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

SYNOPSIS OF THE UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGICAL WRECKS AND SITES INVESTIGATED IN THIS BOOK

Key UWW = Underwater wreck UWS = Underwater site A. wreckage of cargo; B. wreckage of ships with cargo; C. areas containing fragments of amphorae and finds of various types indicating a possible wreck; D. areas containing fragments of amphorae and finds of various types whose possible offloading is to be linked to stretch of water in front of a landing place; E. submerged beaches, a distinction being made between points of landing and putting out, bearing in mind, however, that the vessels were pulled over dry land onto and off the beaches; F. areas with various types of anchor lost by the vessels in mooring attempts, indicating temporary stop-off places to be linked to areas of anchorage or shelter; G. submerged buildings or parts of buildings. NB. Sporadic finds, occasionally recovered or badly reported, which were not recognised as belonging to a whole shipwreck, are shown in Italics.

116

Synopsis of the underwater archaeological wrecks and sites investigated in this book

SYNOPSIS OF UWW OFF THE AEOLIAN ISLANDS

117

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

118

Synopsis of the underwater archaeological wrecks and sites investigated in this book

119

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

SYNOPSIS OF UWS ON THE AEOLIAN ISLANDS

120

Chronological Framework

PRE- AND PROTO-HYSTORIC PERIODS ON THE AEOLIAN ISLANDS Chronological Framework ________________________________NEOLITHIC AGE: end 5th to 3rd millennium BC Period of extraordinary economic prosperity • Early Neolithic - end of the 5th millennium- first and oldest sedentary settlement on the island plateaux (Castellaro Vecchio on Lipari and Contrada Rinicedda on Salina) founded by people from Sicily (cfr.Stentinello’s impasto pottery imported) who settled on the island to exploit the obsidian. • Middle Neolithic - beginning of the 4th millennium BC- settlement on the Castle hill characterized by trichrome ware and the meander-spiral Serra d’Alto painter ware. • Late Neolithic - settlement on the contrada Diana- characterized by Diana Style painter ware. Relationships with Ligurian coast (square mouthed pots, pintaderas and pipe-shaped ladles). Obsidian from Lipari finds a wide market of distribution in the central Mediterranean. Lipari might be viewed as genuine meeting places where external stimuli came together from several different places and where any item from further afield might be obtained. On the smaller islands numerous small agricaltural settlements arose. AENEOLITHIC: corresponding to the 3rd millennium BC Period of economic and demographic recession • Early Copper Age - the settlement returned to the Castle hill, characterized by Diana-Spatarella painter ware. Clear relationships with Sicily (San Cono Piano Notaro and Conca D’Oro cultures). • Middle Copper Age - the settlement moved back to the fertile plain (Piano Conte style phase). Clear relationships with Sicily’s cultures were established at Lipari and Stromboli (Contrada Serra Fareddu). • Late Copper Age - the settlement lay on the plain (Piano Quartara Culture at Lipari and Contrada Serro Brigadiere at Salina). Relationships with Sicily: “Adrano style” painted pottery was imported from Sicily. BRONZE AGE: 2200 BC to 10st century BC Period of growth and prosperity began. • Early Bronze Age (phase a) - 19th –16th BC (Capo Graziano Culture)- the settlement still lay on the fertile plain. The Aeolian Islands appear to have been the advance bases of Aegean commercial expansion towards the western Mediterranean. The characteristic forms of the pottery are very similar to those of the Proto Helladic lII- Early Middle Helladic in continental Greece. Besides new ceramic forms, the new arrivals also bring an advanced knowledge of metallurgy. On all the islands (except Vulcano, which was uninhabitable because of the volcanic activity of its crater) populated settlements arose characterized by a new kind of well-built round huts, surrounded by a wall of stone and mud. • Early Bronze Age (phase b) - 16th BC - the settlement still lay on the fertile plain (other settlements not only on Lipari and Filicudi, but also on Salina and Panarea) links with Aegean world(Capo Graziano Culture, phase b, 21th -16’h century BC.). From the 16th century BC intense relationships with the eastern Mediterranean are documented by the large number of fragments of painted Mycenean I and II pottery. The thermal springs at San Calogero made by tholos structure (with pseudocupola and built with superimposed rings of blocks in opus isodomum) seem extremely similar to the burial tholoi on Mycenae. The abrupt economic awakening could not plausibly be considered to have occurred as a result of trading contacts and cultural connections suddenly reaching fruition, but rather lead one to account for such typological parallels in term of migrations. • Middle Bronze Age - from the late 16th to the middle of the 13th BC - (Milazzese Culture: 1,400 - 1,270 BC) radical change in the material culture: the Aeolian culture appears closely connected to the Sicilian Thapsos

121

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

Culture; probably the Aeolian Islands had been conquered by people coming from Sicily. However, the ceramic importations continue with the same intensity (MIC IIIA and early IIIB style, with incised signs or ideograms of the Aegean Linear A), but also Middle Apennine’s pottery was imported from peninsular Italy. • Late Bronze Age - Ausonian Age (from 13rd to 9th century BC) Period of violent destruction: • Ausonian I - from 13th to 11th century BC - the settlements suffered violent destruction, islands seem to have remained desert for many centuries (only on the top of the Acropolis of Lipari did a new settlement emerge). Clear relationships with Italy were established: Late Apennine type pottery found documents the conquest of the island by people from peninsula. • Ausonian II - from the end of 10th and the beginning of the 9th BC - another extremely violent destruction again signals the end of this civilization. Relationships with Sicily (Pantalica culture) and Italian penisula (Protovillanovan culture) are attested by pottery. Frequent imports of Nuragic pottery from Sardinia, too. After the latter destruction the Aeolian Islands remained deserted for some centuries, until the foundation of the Greek colony of Lipari. :

122

Chronological Framework

CLASSICAL PERIOD Chronological Framework including historical events and literary sources __________________________________________________ GREEK ER: from 6th BC to 3rd BC Period of growth and economic prosperity began. 580-576 BC . Lipari was founded by a group of Cnidian and Rhodian people, originally lead by Pentathlos, an offspring of the Herahlids. But Pentathlos himself dies in battle during attempts to found a colony at Lilybeum, which was protected by strong opposition from the Elimians from Segesta as well as from the Carthaginians (Diod., V, 9,1-3.). The survivors leaded by Gorgo, Thestor and Epithersides withdraw to Lipari, where they are welcomed by its few inhabitants (Thuc., III, 88, 2-3; Diod., V, 9, 1-4). The castle is the military and sacred acropolis of the city in Greek and Roman periods. The smaller islands begin to be repopulated. A period of great prosperity begins for the Aeolian Islands as demonstrated by the rich gravegoods of the necropolis of Lipari. • 474 BC - Naval war between Lipara and Tyrrhenian people (Paus.,X,16,17): Lipari won with only five ships and consacrated 20 statues to Apollo at Delphi. • 427 BC - Lipari is allied with Syracuse. Athens and Reghion sail with 30 ships against Aeolian Islands, they destroy the territory (Diod., XII, 54, 4). • 426 BC - Athens attacks Aeolian Islands (Thuc, III, 15, 1). • 397 BC - Himilcon takes possession of Lipari (Diod., XIV, 56, 2). • 393 BC - Lipari capture the Roman ambassadors and the war loot from Veio’s conquest; escort the spectacular votive offering to the temple of Apollo at Delphi (Diod., XIV, 93, 4-5). • 389 BC - Thearis, brother of Dionysus of Syracuse, seize 10 Reghion‘s ships near Lipari (Diod., XIV, 103, 2-3). HELLENISTIC - ROMAN PERIOD: from 3rd BC to 1st AD Period of economic prosperity. • 304 BC . Agatocle, tyrant of Syracuse, despite the political agreement, attacks the islands and steals the statues of Aeolus and Hephaistos, but the 11 ships which transport the war’s loot are wrecked on the high sea (Diod., XX, 101, 1-3) • 258 - 257 BC - The Romans attack Lipari (Polyen.,VI,20). First Punic war: Lipari was allied with Carthage against Rome (Hannibal support Lipari), and is an important outpost in the Tyrrhenian sea. • 252 BC - Rome conquers Lipari; the Roman legions are lead by Aurelius Cotta ( Dio Cass., I 1,43,29 et al). Massacres of the defenders and the destruction of the city follow. • 218 BC - nine Punics ships shelter on the islands’ coast (Liv., 21, 49, 2). • 68 BC - Lipari becomes “civitates decumanae” (Cic., Verr., 2, 3, 84-85). • 43- 36 BC - Roman civil war (43-36 BC) between Octavian and Sextus Pompeius, great strategic importance, several major military maritime movements take place there. Sextus Pompeus has fortified not only Lipari but the smaller islands too, there are important military outposts of the Roman Empire. • 38 AD - Caesar deports people from Lipari to Naples (Dio. Cass., 48). • 1st AD- roman villas are built on Basiluzzo and on Salina. • 166 AD - emergence of Vulcanello, which rose from the sea later on following an underwater eruption

123

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes

LATE ROMAN PERIOD, MEDIEVAL AND POST-MEDIEVAL ERA variable economic events mark this period as not very flourishing. • second half of the 6th AD - Lipari is one of the most frequent destinations for pilgrims in the western Mediterranean sea, to view the relics of Saint Bartholomew. • 650-850 AD - violent volcanic explosion from crater of Monte Pelato. A uniform stratum of the white pumice layer at Lipari, seals late Roman levels which have been dated by coins of Justinian • 839 AD - total destruction of the city by the Arabs • 1093 AD - the Normans found the Benedectine monastery of Saint Bartholomew on the Castle, and a new urban centre slowly grows up around it. • 1544 AD - Lipari is besieged and destroyed by the Tunisian pirate Kaireddin Barbarossa who took all the able people to Tunisia to be slaves which, according to legend, amounted to more than eight thousand people. • under the reign of Carlo V - the Spanish built the large wall incorporating the defensive tower and the tower-gate of the Norman fortification which themselves had incorporated a Greek tower.

124

BIBLIOGRAPHY Agnesi, V., Consiglio, C., Sardella, A. and Vanaria, M. G., 2002, Indagini archeologiche e geomorfologiche sul Banco del Bagno (isola di Lipari). Archeologia Subacquea, III, Roma: 187207. Agnesi, V., Macaluso, T. and Masini, F., 1997, L’ambiente e il clima della Sicilia nell’ultimo milione di anni. Prima Sicilia, alle origini della società siciliana, 1, Palermo and Siracusa: 31-54. Agouridis, C. , 1997, Sea routes and navigation in the third millennium Aegean. Oxford Journal of Archaeology, 16, 1: 1-24. Albanese Procelli, R. M., 1997, Exchange dans la Sicile archaïque: amphores commerciales, intermédiaires et redistribution en milieu indigene. Revue Archéologique, 1: 3-35. Albore Livadie, C., 1985, Filicudi. Relitto Porto “A” di età tardo imperiale. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29 : 95-7. Albore Livadie, C., Cazzella, A., Marzocchella, A., Pacciarelli, M., 2003, La struttura degli abitati del bronzo antico e medio nelle Eolie e nell’Italia Meridionale. Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’ Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria “Le comunità della preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul Neolitico e le Età dei metalli”, I, Florence: 113-44. Alessio, M., Bella, F., Cortesi, C. and Turi, B., 1980, Datazione al carbonio-14 di alcuni orizzonti degli insediamenti preistorici dell’Acropoli e di Contrada Diana. Meligunìs Lipára, IV, Appendix VI, Palermo: 837-44. Ammerman, A. J., 1979, A study of obsidian exchange networks in Calabria. World Archaeology, 11: 95110. Ammerman, A. J., 1985a, Anthropology and the study of Neolithic exchange systems in Calabria. Dialoghi di Archeologia, 3: 25-33. Ammerman, A. J., 1985b, The Acconia survey: Neolithic settlement and obsidian trade. London. Ammerman, A. J., 2003, The circulation of obsidian in Italy during the Neolithic period. Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’ Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria “Le comunità della preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul Neolitico e le Età dei metalli”, I, Florence: 547-56. Ammerman, A. J. and Andrefsky, Jr., 1982, Reduction sequences and the exchange of obsidian in Neolithic Calabria. In Ericson, J. E., Earle, T. K. (Eds.), Context for Prehistoric exchange, New York: 149-72. Ammerman, A. J., Cesana, A., Polglase, C. and Terrani, M., 1990, Neutron activation analysis of obsidian from two neolithic sites in Italy. Journal of Archaeological Science, 17: 209-20. Ancona, G. and Messina, E., 2000, Altri tipi di anfore nella discarica. Meligunìs Lipára, X, Roma: 37582. Ancona, G., Messina, E., and Ollà, A., 1998, Studio tipologico delle anfore rinvenute negli scavi 19701972 nell’area del terreno vescovile intorno alle mura urbiche. Meligunis Lipára, IX, appendix II: 353-77. Antonioli, F., 1997, Problematiche relative alle variazioni recenti del livello del mare e sue relazioni con le comunità preistoriche in Sicilia. Prima Sicilia, alle origini della società siciliana, 1, Palermo and Siracusa: 147-56. Aranguren, B. and Revedin, A., 1996, Problemi relativi all’insorgenza del mesolitico. In Leighton R., The Early Society in Sicily, London: 31-9. Arthur, P., 1989, On the origins of Richborough Form 527. Amphores Romaines et histoire économique, dix ans de recherche, 114, Paris: 249-56. Arthur, P., 1991, Romans in Northern Campania. Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome, 1, London. Arthur, P., Williams, D., 1991, Roman amphoras form Richborough 527: a continuing petrological study. In Middleton, A. and Freestone, I. (Eds.), Recent developments in ceramic pottery, London:389-98. Ayala, G., 2003, Landscape change and the prehistoric occupation of north-central Sicily: a geoarchaeological approach. Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’ Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria “Le comunità della preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul Neolitico e le Età dei metalli”, II, Florence: 959-62. 125

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes Bacci, G., 1993, Nuove ricerche a Messina: rapporti con l’archeologia eoliana. Mediterranean Archaeology :15-22. Bargagliotti, S., Cibecchini, F., and Gambogi, P., 1997, Prospezioni subacquee sulle Secche della Meloria (LI): alcuni risultati preliminari. Atti, I° Convegno Nazionale AIASub (Associazione Italiana Archeologi Subacquei), Anzio (Rome), Bari: 43-53. Barker, G., 1981, Exchange and trade, 5000-3000. Landscape and Society, prehistoric central Italy, London: 162-68. Barker, G., 1991, Two valleys, one valley: an Annaliste perpsective. In Bintliff, J. (Ed.), The Annales School and Archaeology, Leicester : 34-56. Basch, L., 1986, The Aegina Pirate ships of c.1700 BC. Mariners Mirror, 72: 415-37. Basch, L., 1987, Le musée imaginaire de la marine antique, Athens. Bass, G., 1967, Cape Gelidonia: a Bronze Age shipwreck. Transaction of the American Philosophical Society, 57, 8. Bass, G., 1972, A history of seafaring, London. Bass, G., 1976, Sheytan Deresi: preliminary report. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 5,4: 293-303. Bass, G., 1977, The wreck at Sheytan Deresi. Oceans,1: 34-39. Bass, G., 1986, A Bronze Age shipwreck at Ulu Burun (Kas): 1984 Campaign. American Journal of Archaeology, 90: 269-96. Bass, G., 1988, Return to Cape Gelidonia. Institute of Nautical Archaeology Newsletter, 15, 2: 3-5. Bass, G., 1991, Evidence of trade from Bronze Age shipwrecks. In Gale, N. H. (Ed.), Bronze age trade in the Mediterranean, Goteborg: 69-82. Baumbach, L., 1987, Mycenean tu-ru-pte-ri-ja and Herodotus II.80. Tractata Mycenea (Ochrid, 1985), Skopje: 49-54. Bebko, W., 1971, Les épave antiques du Sud de la Corse. Cahiers Corsica, 2 : 46- 8. Beccaluva, L., Rossi, P. L. and Serri, G., 1982, Neogene to Recent volcanism of the southern TyrrhenianSicilian area: implication for the geodynamic evolution of the Calabrian arc. Eart Evolution Science, 3: 222-38. Beccaluva, L. Gabbianelli, L., Lucchini, F., Rossi, P. L., Savelli, C., 1985, Petrology and K/Ar ages of volcanics dredged from the Aeolian seamounts: implications for geodynamic evolution of the Southern Tyrrhenian basin. Earth Planet Science Letters, 74: 187-208. Bechold, B. and Valente, I., 1990, Un’area industriale punica nel cortile del Museo archeologico Baglio Anselmi- Marsala. Sicilia Archeologica, 72: 39-50. Belli, P., 1992, Aegean architectural links with the Central Mediterranean: Sardinian sacred wells and Lipari’s thermal tholos. In Tykot, R.H. and Tamsey Andrew, K. (Eds.), Sardinia in the Mediterranean: a footprint in the sea, 3, Sheffield: 235-49. Bellia, S., Italiano, F. and Nuccio, P. M., 1987, Le strutture strutture sommerse ad Est di Panarea (Isole Eolie): definizione di una loro natura antropica sulla base di studi mineralogici, petrografici e geochimici. Istituto Geodinamica dei Fluidi, 3: 1-24. Bellia, S., Italiano, F. and Nuccio, P. M., 1990, Le strutture sommerse ad Est di Panarea, definizione di una loro struttura antropica. Eolie 90, L’Arcipelago In: 5-16. Bellwood, P., 1978, The Polynesian prehistory of an island people, London. Benoit, F., 1956, Épaves de la côte de Provence: typologie des amphores. Gallia, 14: 23-34. Benoit, F., 1961, Fouilles sous-marines. L‘épave du Grand Congloué à Marseille. Gallia, Supplement 14. Bernabò Brea, L., 1947, Basiluzzo e scogli vicini. Notizie Scavi dell’Antichità, I, VIII: 238-39. Bernabò Brea, L., 1964-1965, Legenda e archeologia nella protostoria siciliana. Kokalos, X-XI: 1-20. Bernabò Brea, L., 1966, Ricerche sottomarine nell’arcipelago Eoliano. Bollettino Archeologico, 51, 10203. Bernabò Brea, L., 1969, Considerazioni sull’Eneolitico e sulla prima età del bronzo della Sicilia e della Magna Grecia. Kokalos, XIV-XV: 20-58. Bernabò Brea, L., 1976-1977, Eolie, Sicilia e Malta nell’età del bronzo. Kokalos, XXII-XXIII, 1: 33-110. Bernabò Brea, L., 1978, Alcune considerazioni sul carico di ceramiche dell’età del bronzo di Pignataro di Fuori e sugli antichi scali marittimi dell’isola di Lipari. Sicilia Archeologica, XXXVI: 36-42. 126

Bibliography Bernabò Brea, L., 1981, Lipari e la Talassocrazia del basso Tirreno nell’età del Bronzo. Magna Graecia, XVI: 1-3 and 5-6. Bernabò Brea, L., 1982, Lipari e la Talassocrazia del basso Tirreno nell’età del Bronzo. Magna Graecia, XVII: 3-4 and 9-10. Bernabò Brea, L., 1983, I Porti e le spiagge di Lipari nell’antichità. L’Arcipelago In, VII, 3, Lipari: 5. Bernabò Brea, L., 1985a, Gli Eoli e l’inizio dell’età del bronzo nell’Italia meridionale. Istituto Universitario Orientale, Naples. Bernabò Brea, L., 1985b, Le isole Eolie e la pirateria nel Basso Tirreno attraverso I secoli. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 15-7. Bernabò Brea, L., 1985c, Lipari, relitto della prima età del bronzo di Pignataro di Fuori. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 48-52. Bernabò Brea, L., 1985d, Discariche portuali o di scali marittimi. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 27-9. Bernabò Brea, L., 1985e, Guerra di mare intorno alle isole Eolie nell’ultimo ventennio. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 18-23. Bernabò Brea, L., 1985f, Lipari, rinvenimenti nel porto di Marina Lunga. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 36-7. Bernabò Brea, L., 1985g, Basiluzzo. Banchina di approdo sommersa di età romana. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 77-9. Bernabò Brea, L., 1987, Lo Stretto di Messina nella Preistoria. Atti XXVI Convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia “Lo stretto crocevia di culture”, Taranto: 189- 219. Bernabò Brea, L., 1996, Apporti egizi alla fondazione della Lipara cnidia e sviluppo delle sue necropoli. Quaderni del Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano,1, Messina: 95-101. Bernabò Brea, L., 1997, La cultura eoliana di Capo Graziano e le sue origini protoelladiche. Prima Sicilia, alle origini della società siciliana, 1, Palermo and Siracusa: 415-20. Bernabò Brea, L. and Cavalier, M., 1960, La stazione preistorica della Contrada Diana e la necropoli ausonia di Lipari. Meligunìs Lipàra, I, Palermo. Bernabò Brea, L. and Cavalier, M., 1968, Stazioni preistoriche delle Isole Eolie: Panarea, Salina Stromboli. Meligunìs Lipàra, III, Palermo. Bernabò Brea, L. and Cavalier, M., 1977, Archeologia marina. Il Castello di Lipari e il Museo Archeologico Eoliano: sez. V, Palermo: 161-66. Bernabò Brea, L. and Cavalier, M., 1978, Le Isole Eolie dal Tardo antico ai Normanni. Archivio Storico Siracusano, 5, Siracusa: 25-99. Bernabò Brea, L. and Cavalier, M., 1980, L’acropoli di Lipari nella Preistoria. Meligunìs Lipára, IV, Palermo. Bernabò Brea, L. and Cavalier, M., 1985a, La Tholos termale di San Calogero nell’isola di Lipari, including an appendix by P.Belli. Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici, XXVIII: 7-84. Bernabò Brea, L. and Cavalier, M., 1985b, Filicudi. Capo Graziano e rinvenimenti vari intorno all’isola. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 81-6. Bernabò Brea, L. and Cavalier, M., 1986, La ceramica policroma liparese di età ellenistica, Milano. Bernabò Brea, L. and Cavalier, M., 1991a, Scavi nella necropoli greca di Lipari. Meligunìs Lipára,V, Rome. Bernabò Brea, L. and Cavalier, M., 1991b, Isole Eolie, Vulcanologia, Archeologia. Oreste Ragusi Editore. Bernabò Brea, L. and Cavalier, M., 1994a, Sezione di Archeologia Marina. Museo Archeologico Eoliano. Musei di Sicilia, Palermo: 63-7. Bernabò Brea, L. and Cavalier, M., 1994b, Filicudi, insediamenti dell’età del bronzo. Meligunìs Lipára,VI, Palermo. Bernabò Brea, L. and Cavalier, M., 1995, Salina, Ricerche archeologiche (1989-1993). Meligunìs Lipára,VIII, Palermo. Bernabò Brea, L. and Cavalier, M., 1998, Topografia di Lipari in età greca e romana. Parte II: La città bassa. Meligunìs Lipára, IX, Palermo.

127

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes Bernabò Brea, L. and Cavalier, M., 2000, Scoperte e scavi archeologici nell’area urbana e suburbana di Lipari. Meligunìs Lipára, X, Roma. Bernabò Brea, L., Cavalier, M. and Villard, F., 1998, Topografia di Lipari in età greca e romana. Parte I: L’Acropoli. Meligunìs Lipára, IX, Palermo. Bernabò Brea, L. , Cavalier, M. and Villard, F., 2001, Gli scavi nella Necropoli greca e romana di Lipari nell’area del terreno vescovile, parte I e II, Meligunìs Lipára, XI, Palermo. Bernabò Brea, L. , Cavalier, M. and Campagna, L., 2003, Le iscrizioni lapidarie greche e latine delle Isole Eolie, Meligunìs Lipára, XII, Palermo. Bernabò Brea, L. and Krönig,W.,1978, Le Isole Eolie dal Tardo antico ai Normanni. Archivio Storico Siracusano: 25-99. Bianco Peroni, V., 1970, Die Schweter in Italien/Le spade nell’Italia continentale, Prähistoriche Bronzefunde, 4,1. Bianco Peroni, V., 1994, I pugnali dell’Italia continentale, Prähistoriche Bronzefunde, 6,1. Bietti Sestieri, A. M., 1980-81, La Sicilia e le isole Eolie e i loro rapporti con le regioni tirreniche dell’Italia continentale dal Neolitico alla colonizzazione greca. Kokalos, XXVI-XXVII: 8-66. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 1982, Implicazioni del concetto di territorio in situazioni culturali complesse: le isole Eolie nell’eta’ del bronzo. Dialoghi di Archeologia, 2: 39-60. Bietti Sestieri, A. M., 1988, The “Mycenean connection”. Dialoghi di Archaeologia, 6: 23-51. Bietti Sestieri, A. M., 1997, Sviluppi culturali e socio-politici differenziati nella tarda età del bronzo in Sicilia. Prima Sicilia, alle origini della società siciliana, 1, Palermo and Siracusa: 473-98. Bietti Sestieri, A. M., 2003, Un modello di interazione fra Oriente e Occidente mediterranei nel secondo millennio a.C.: il ruolo delle grandi isole. Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’ Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria “Le comunità della preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul Neolitico e le Età dei metalli, I, Florence: 557-86. Bigazzi, G. and Buonadonna, F. P., 1973, Fission track dating of the obsidian of Lipari island (Italy). Nature, 242: 322-23. Bigazzi, G., Buonadonna, F. P. and Radi, G., 1982, Fission track dating of obsidians and prehistory. Preeciding of the 5th International Conference on Geochronology, Cosmochronology, Isotope Geology, June 27-July, 2, 1982, Nikko National Park, Japan. Bigazzi, G., Meloni, S., Oddone, M. and Radi, G., 1992, Nuovi dati sulla diffusione dell’ossidiana negli insediamenti preistorici italiani. In Herring, E., Whitehouse R., Wilkins, J. (Eds.), Papers of the 4th Conference of Italian Archaeology, 3: New Developments in Italian Archaeology, Part 1, Accordia Research Centre, London: 9-18. Bigazzi, G. and Radi, G., 2003, La diffusione dell’ossidiana nella penisola durante il Neolitico. Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’ Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria “Le comunità della preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul Neolitico e le Età dei metalli”, II, Florence:1005-09. Bintliff, J. L., 1977, Natural Environment and human Settlement in Prehistoric Greece. British Archaeological Reports, Supplementary series 28, 2 Volums, Oxford. Bintliff, J. L. and Zeist, W. Van (Eds.), 1982, Paleoclimates, paleonvironment and human communities in the eastern Mediterranean Region in later Prehistory. British Archaeological Reports, S. 133, Oxford. Blackman, D. J., 1973, Evidence of sea level change in ancient harbours and coastal installations. In Blackman, D.J. (Ed.), Marine Archaeology, London: 115-39. Blanck, H., 1978, Der Schiffsfunde von der Secca di Capistello. Römische Mitteilungen, 85: 91-111. Blanck, H., 1998, L’interesse degli archeologi e della cultura germanica per le isole Eolie. In Mastelloni, M.A. and Spigo, U. (Eds.), Agli albori della ricerca archeologica nelle Eolie, Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano, Messina: 11-3. Blue, L., Kentley, E., Mcgrail, S. and Mishra U., 1997, The Patia fishing boat of Orissa:a case study in ethnoarchaeology. Journal of the Society for South Asian Studies, 13: 189-207. Bonfiglio, L., 1996, I depositi sedimentari fossiliferi delle Isole Eolie. Quaderni del Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano, 1, Messina: 66- 73.

128

Bibliography Bonfiglio, L., 1998, I resti fossili di vegetali dell’isola di Lipari conservati nelle collezioni Mandralisca. In Mastelloni, M.A. and Spigo, U.(Eds.), Agli albori della ricerca archeologica nelle Eolie ,Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano, Messina: 32-4. Borgard, Ph., 1994, Frammenti di anfore Richborough 527 nello scavo XXXVI. Meligunìs Lipára, VII, appendix III, Palermo: 234-48. Borgard, Ph., 2000, L’atelier de Potiers du Vallon de Pertinenti: note préliminaire sur la production amphorique (Ier av.JC-II ap.JC). Meligunìs Lipára, X, Rome: 273-304. Boulounié, B., 1981, L’épave étrusque d’Antibes et le commerce en Mediterranée occidentale au Vie siècle av. JC. Kleine Schriften aus dem Vorgeschichtlichen Seminar Marburg, 10, Marburg, Bound, M., 1985-1987, Un relitto a Panarea, esplorazioni archeologiche sottomarine. Bollettino di Informazione trimestrale per la divulgazione delle attività delle Sovrintendenze per i Beni Culturali e Ambientali della Regione Sicilia. Sicilia, 2: 61-6. Bound, M., 1985a, Early observations on the construction of the pre-classical wreck at Campese Bay, Island of Giglio: clues to the vessel’s nationality. Revue Archéologique de Narbonnaise, 9: 211-7. Bound, M., 1985b, Una nave mercantile di età arcaica all’isola del Giglio. Il commercio etrusco arcaico, Rome: 65-70. Bound, M., 1986, Uno scavo eroico. Archeologia Viva, 5: 48-63. Bound, M., 1989a, A wreck at Dattilo, Panarea (Aeolian Island): a preliminary note. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 18,1: 27-32. Bound, M., 1989b, The Dattilo wreck (Panarea Aeolian Island) first season report. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 18, 3: 203-19. Bound, M., 1989c, Sui fondali di Panarea. Archeologia Viva, 7: 56-61. Bound, M., 1989d, Flanged pump rings. A new find from the Alberti wreck at Panarea: valve, busch, or bearing?. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 18,4: 331-34. Bound, M., 1991, A Dressel 1B amphora wreck at the Panarelli Rocks (Panarea, Aeolian Island). International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 20, 1: 43-6. Bound, M., 1992, Archeologia sottomarina alle isole Eolie, Marina di Patti (Messina). Bouscaras, A., 1974, Agde (Hérnault). International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 3: 325. Braudel, F., 1972, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean world in the age of Philip II, London. Braudel, F., 1981, Civilization and Capitalism 15th-18th century, London. Bray, W., 1966, Neolithic painted wares in the Adriatic. Antiquity, 40: 100-06. Broodbank, C. and Strasser, F. T., 1991, Migrant farmers and the Neolithic colonization of Crete. Antiquity, 65: 233-45. Buchner, G., 1949, Ricerche sui giacimenti e sulle industrie ossidianiche in Italia. Rivista Italiana di Paleontologia e di Stratigrafia, 4: 162-68. Calanchi, N., Rossi, P. M. L., San Marchi, F. and Tranne, C. A., 1997, Guida escursionisticovulcanologica delle Eolie, Centro Studi e Ricerche di Storia e Problemi Eoliani, Viterbo. Campagna, L, 1992, Bolli anforari del Museo Regionale di Messina. Quaderni dell’attività didattica del Museo di Messina, 2, Ricerche di Archeologia, Messina. Campagna, L., 2000, Le anfore della necropoli greca di Contrada Pertinenti (Proprietà Leone). Meligunìs Lipára, X, Roma: 443-78. Campis, P., 1694, Disegno Historico della Nobile e Fedelissima Città di Lipari. Cann, J.R. and C. Renfrew. 1964, The Characterization of Obsidian and its application to the Mediterranean Region. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society, 30: 111-31. Cann, J.R., J.E. Dixon, and C. Renfrew. 1970. Obsidian Analysis and the Obsidian Trade. In D. Brothwell and E. Higgs (Eds.) Science in Archaeology, New York: 578- 91. Caputo, G., 1978, Sale, zolfo, grano: tre sicane risorse. Sicilia Archeologica, 37: 7-9. Carrazè, F., 1971, La polémique du Grand Congloué. Océans, 12 (June-August): 36. Casson, L., 1991, Maritime trade in Antiquity. Archaeology, 34 (4): 37-43. Casson, L., 1995, Ships and seamanship in the ancient world, London. Castagnino, E. F., 1992, Basiluzzo (Isole Eolie): nuova interpretazione delle strutture murarie sommerse. Quaderni di Topografia Antica dell’Universita’ di Catania: 44-51. 129

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes Castagnino, E. F., 1997, Isole Eolie: osservazioni sui siti sommersi. Scali marittimi, approdi e antiche linee di costa tra neolitico ed età del bronzo. Atti del I° Convegno Associazione Italiana Archeologi Subacquei, Bari:153-68. Castagnino Berlinghieri, E.F., 2001, Attività umana e assetto costiero nella Protostoria eoliana: nuovi risultati di ricerca. Atti del Convegno Internazionale Strumenti per la Protezione e la Valorizzazione del Patrimonio Culturale Marino nel Mediterraneo, Palermo and Siracusa: 23-35. Castagnino Berlinghieri, E.F., 2002, New contributions to the study of the Neolithic sea/landscape and human interaction on the Aeolian Islands (Sicily, Italy). In Waldren, W. H. and Ensenyat, J. A. (Eds.), World Islands in Prehistory, International Insular Investigations. Proceedings 5th Deia International Conference of Prehistory, Oxford: 217-32. Castagnino Berlinghieri, E.F., 2003, Il contesto archeologico sottomarino di Pignataro di Fuori: una testimonianza diretta dell’imprenditoria mercantile eoliana nell’età del bronzo antico. Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’ Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria “Le comunità della preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul Neolitico e le Età dei metalli”, II, Florence: 1043-48. Castagnino Berlinghieri, E.F., forthcoming, Mode of subsistence, interchange mechanisms and human mobility in the Neolithic western Mediterranean: the role, nature and character of Lipari (Aeolian Islands, Sicily). In Phoca Cosmetatou, P. (Ed.), Mediterranean islands in the Neolithic; initial human occupation and survival strategies. Castellana, G., 1999, La produzione di zolfo nel santuario castellucciano di Monte Grande e i contatti con il mondo egeo-levantino. In La Rosa, V., Palermo, D. and Vagnetti, L. (Eds.), Simposio Italiano di Studi Egei, Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene, Roma: 423-49. Castellana, G., 2000, La cultura del medio-bronzo nell’agrigentino e i rapporti con il mondo miceneo, Agrigento. Castellana, G., 2003, Le ultime ricerche nel sito castellucciano di Monte Grande. Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’ Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria “Le comunità della preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul Neolitico e le Età dei metalli”, I, Florence: 515-46. Castelletti, L., Costantini, L. and Tozzi , C., 1987, Considerazioni sull’economia e l’ambiente durante il Neolitico in Italia. Atti delle Riunioni scientifiche dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria: 37-57. Catalano, R., Di Stefano, P., Sulli, A. and Vitale, F. P., 1995, Evoluzione paleogeografica e strutturale della Sicilia e dei mari adiacenti. Il naturalista siciliano, 19, 3/4: 143-87. Cavalier, M., 1967, L’épave de Capo Graziano. Archeologia, Tresors des ages, Paris, 17: 39-41. Cavalier, M., 1979, Ricerche preistoriche nell’arcipelago eoliano. Rivista di Scienze preistoriche, 34: 45135. Cavalier, M., 1985a, Trouvailles sous-marines, Filicudi, Lipari. Les amphores du VI au IV siècle dans les fouilles de Lipari, Naples: 84-8. Cavalier, M., 1985b, Archeologia marina nel’isola di Filicudi. Le Isole Lipari, Filicuri, V,Lipari: 50-3. Cavalier, M., 1985c, Il relitto A (Roghi) del Capo Graziano di Filicudi. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 101-03 and 107-27. Cavalier, M., 1985d, Les amphores du VIe au IVe siecle dans les fouilles de Lipari, Naples. Cavalier, M., 1997, Discarica di fornace producente anfore e l’esportazione dell’allume e di altri prodotti eoliani in età romana. L’Arcipelago In: 5-6. Cavalier, M., and Albore Livadie, C., 1985a, Filicudi, Capo Graziano. Relitto C di età augustea. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 92-3. Cavalier, M. and Albore Livadie, C., 1985b, Filicudi, Capo Graziano. Relitto F. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 89-91. Cavalier, M. and Albore Livadie, C., 1985c, Filicudi, Capo Graziano. Relitto B con anfore greco-italiche. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 88-9. Cavalier, M. and Albore Livadie, C., 1985d, Filicudi, Capo Graziano. Ipotetico relitto “G” con anfore corinzie. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 87. Cavalier, M. and Albore Livadie, C., 1985e, Panarea e Salina. Rinvenimenti sporadici. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 79-81.

130

Bibliography Cavalier, M. and Albore Livadie, C., 1985f, Panarea. Le Formiche. Relitto Alberti. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 71-4. Cavalier, M. and Albore Livadie, C., 1985h, Panarea. Le Formiche. Relitto Roghi. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 69-71. Cavalier, M. and Albore Livadie, C., 1985i, Vulcano, relitto di Punta Luccia e fondali intorno all’isola di Vulcano. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 66-8. Cavalier, M. and Albore Livadie, C., 1985l, Lipari, relitto della Secca al Bagno. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 65-6. Cavalier, M. and Albore Livadie, C., 1985m, Relitto della Secca di Capistello. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 53-61. Cavalier, M. and Albore Livadie, C., 1985n, Lipari, Punta di San Francesco, probabile relitto. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 52-3. Cavalier, M. and Albore Livadie, C., 1985o, Fondali intorno alla Secca di Capistello e alla Punta meridionale di Lipari. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 37-46. Cavalier, M. and Albore Livadie, C., 1985p, Lipari. Discarica dello scalo marittimo di Pignataro di Fuori. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 30-6. Cavalier, M. and Bernabò Brea, M. (Eds. ), 2002, In memoria di Luigi Bernabò Brea, Palermo. Cavalier, M. and Kapitän, G., 1985, Filicudi, Capo Graziano. Ipotetico relitto di età tardo-imperiale. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 97-8. Cavalier, M. and Ragusi, O., 1980, Il Museo Eoliano di Lipari, Milano. Cazzella, A., 1999, L’Egeo e il Mediterraneo Centrale fra III e II millennio: una riconsiderazione. In La Rosa, V., Palermo, D. and Vagnetti, L. (Eds.), Simposio Italiano di Studi Egei, Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene, Roma: 397-404. Cerdá Juán, D., 1979, Una nau cartaginesa a Cabrera. Fonaments. Preistòria i Mon Antic als Paîsos Catalans, 1: 89-105. Champion, T.C., 1989 (Ed.), Centre and Periphery, One World Archaeology, London. Childe, G., 1973, The Dawn of European Civilization (6th Ed.), Paladin, St.Albans, UK (orig.1957). Ciabatti, E., 1978, Relitto dell’età del bronzo rinvenuto nell’isola di Lipari: relazione sulla I e II campagna di scavi. Sicilia Archeologica, XXXVI: 7-35. Ciabatti, E., 1984, Il relitto di Lipari. Lo scavo subacqueo della nave più antica del Mediterraneo. Archeologia Viva, 4: 36-47. Ciabatti, E., 1985, Note conclusive concernenti lo scavo di un relitto dell’età del bronzo nella baia di Lipari. Atti VI Congreso Internacional de Arqueología Submarina, Cartagena 1983 (Madrid): 30311. Cicala, A., 1971, I venti nello Stretto di Messina: rapporto di fattibilita. Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Roma. Cicala, A., 1971, Meteorologia e Strumenti, Torino. Cicala, A., 1990, Studio meteomarino delle coste. Provincia Regionale di Messina, Messina. Cicala, A., 1992, La Stazione di Lipari Castellaro, Atti dell’ Accademia Gioenia, Catania. Cicala, A., 1997, Situazione meteorologica alle Isole Eolie, Lipari. Ciocchi, F. L. and Romagnoli, C., 1996, Terrazzi deposizionali sommersi alle Isole Eolie. Memorie Società Geologica Italiana, 54. Cocchi Genick, D., 2003, Cambiamenti culturali nell’Eneolitico italiano: l’attualità delle teorie di Luigi Bernabò Brea. Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’ Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria “Le comunità della preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul Neolitico e le Età dei metalli”, II, Florence: 687-710. Colantoni, P., Del Monte, M., Gallignani, P., Zarudzki, E., 1975, Il Banco Graham: un vulcano recente del canale di Sicilia. Giornale di Geologia, Bologna, XL,1: 141-62. Columba, G. M., 1906, I porti della Sicilia antica. Monografia storica dei porti nell’Italia Insulare, Rome: 219-358 and 292-93.

131

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes Comas, O. and Solà, M., 1998, ‘Présence et absence des amphores léetaniennes en Gaule’. In Rivet L.(Ed.) Actes du Congrès d’Istres (21-24 May 1998). Société Française d’Étude de la Céramique Antique, Marseille: 225-34. Cornaggia Castiglioni, O., Fussi, F. and D’Agnolo, M., 1963, Indagini sulla provenienza delle industrie preistoriche del Mediterraneo occidentale. Atti della Società Italiana di Scienze Naturali e del Museo, 102, Milano: 310-22. Corselli, C. and Travaini, D., 1989, Il “Tirreno”dell’isola di Panarea (Messina). Rivista Italiana di Paleontologia e di Stratigrafia, 95, 1: 75-88. Cortese, M., Frazzetta G. and La Volpe, L., 1986, Volcanic history of Lipari (Aeolian Island) in the last 10,000 years. Journal Volcanic Geothermical Resource, 27: 117- 33. Cutroni Tusa, A., 1997, I ripostigli di bronzo e la loro funzione pre o paramonetale. Prima Sicilia, alle origini della società siciliana, 1, Palermo and Siracusa: 566-78. D’Agostino, B., 1996, The colonial experience in Greek Mythology, In Pugliese Carratelli, G. (Ed.), 1996, The Western Greeks, Classical civilazation in the Western Mediterranean, London: 209-14. Damiani, I. and Di Gennaro, F., 2003, La facies di Punta d’Alaca di Vivara nel quadro dello sviluppo dei contatti tirrenici nell’età del Bronzo. Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’ Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria “Le comunità della preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul Neolitico e le Età dei metalli”, II, Florence: 622-30. Daux, G. 1936, Pausanias à Delphes, Paris. De Astis, G., Dellino, P., De Rosa, R. and La Volpe, L., 1997, Eruptive and emplacement mechanisms of widespread fine-grained pyroclastic deposits on Vulcano Island (Italy). Bulletin of Volcanology, 59: 87-102. De Astis, G., La Volpe, L., Peccerillo, A., and Civetta, L., 1997, Volcanological and petrological evolution of Vulcano island (Aeolian Arc, southern Tyrrhenian Sea). Journal of Geophysical Research , 102: 8021-50. De Dolomieu, D., 1783, Voyage aux ìles de Lipari fait en 1781, ou notices sur les ìles Aeoliennes, pour servir à l’histoire des volcans, Paris. De Filippis, A. and Rendina, L. M., 2000, La ceramica di uso comune della discarica. Meligunìs Lipára, X, Roma: 305-75. De Fiore, O., 1921, Le eruzioni sottomarine, i fenomeni vulcanici secondari delle Eolie e le eruzioni storiche di Lipari. Zeitschrift für Vulkanologie, 4: 114-54. De Jong, I. .J. F. (Ed.), 2000, Homer critical assessments, London De Miro, E., 1987, La via alternativa e il periplo della Sicilia. Atti XXVI Convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia “Lo stretto crocevia di culture”, Taranto: 517-39. De Saint Denis, E., 1947, Mare Clausum. Revue des Etudes Latines, 25: 196-214. Delano Smith, C., 1979, Western Mediterranean Europe, London. Desbat, A., 1998, ‘L’arrêt des importations de Dressel 1 en Gaule’. In Rivet L.(Ed.) Actes du Congrès d’Istres (21-24 May 1998). Société Française d’Étude de la Céramique Antique, Marseille: 31-6. Di Gennaro, F., 1997, Collegamenti tra Eolie e coste tirreniche nell’età del Bronzo. Prima Sicilia, alle origini della società siciliana, 1, Palermo and Siracusa: 421-28. Di Stefano, G., 2003, Note di architettura domestica degli abitati della “facies costiera” della tarda età del bronzo dela Sicilia orientale. Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica “Le comunità della preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul Neolitico e le Età dei metalli”, Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria in memoria di Luigi Bernabò Brea, Florence: I, Florence: 247-54. Dixon, J.E., Cann, J.R. and Renfrew, C., 1968, Obsidian and the origins of trade. American Science, 218: 38-46. Dortch, C.E., 1997, New perceptions of the chronology and development of Aboriginal fishing in southwestern Australia. World Archaeology, 29 (1), 15-35. Doumas, C., 1996, Aegean Thalassocracy. In Pugliese Caratelli, G. (Ed.), The Western Greeks, Classical civilization in the Western Mediterranean, London: 25-8. Duncan Jones, R.P., 1982, The economy of the Roman Empire, Quantitative Studies, Cambridge. Duncan Jones, R.P., 1990, Structure and Scale in the Roman Economy, Cambridge.

132

Bibliography Eccles, S., 1998, La collezione Stevenson al Museo di Glasgow. In Mastelloni, M.A. and Spigo, U.(Eds.), Agli albori della ricerca archeologica nelle Eolie ,Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano, Messina: 35-7. Edmonds, M., 1963, R.A.F. Aeolian Expedition 1962. Diver, 1,2: 13-7. Edmonds, M., 1985, Archaeological Report of the R.A.F. St. Mawgan expedition to the Aeolian island. Bollettino d’Arte, “Archeologia Subacquea 2”, Supplemento al N°29, Rome: 104-07. Elkin, A. P., 1966, The Australian Aborigines. How to understand them, Sidney. Emlyn Jones, C., Hardwick, L. and Purkis, J., (Eds.)1992, Homer, readings and images, London. Empereur, J. Y. and Hesnard, A., 1987, Les amphores hellénistiques. Céramique hellénistiques et romaines, II, Paris: 9-71. Evans, A. J., 1921, The Palace of Minos, I, London. Evans, A. J., 1928, The Palace of Minos, II, London. Evans, J.D., 1973, Islands as laboratories for the study of cultural process. In Renfrew, C. (Ed.), The explanation of culture change: models in Prehistory, London: 517-20. Evans, J.D., 1977, Island archaeology in the Mediterranean: problems and opportunities. World Archaeology, 9: 12-26. Faranda, F.M. and Povero, P. (Eds.), 1996, Caratterizzazione ambientale marina del sistema Eolie e dei bacini limitrofi di Cefalù e Gioia. Data report, Consorzio Nazionale iteruniversitario per le Scienze del mare. Ferrari, L. and P. Manetti, P., 1993, Geodynamic framework of the Tyrrhenian volcanism: a review. Acta Vulcanologica , 3. Finley, M. I., 1985, The Ancient Economy, London. Flemming, N. C., 1996, Sea level, neotectonic and changes in coastal settlements: threat and response. In Rice, E.E.(Ed.), The Sea and History, Gloucestershire: 23-52. Flemming, N. C., Czartoryska, N. M. G. and Hunter, P. M., 1973, Archaeological evidence for eustatic and tectonic components of relative sea level change in the South Aegean. In Blackman, D.J. (Ed.),Marine Archaeology, London: 1-66. Forsyth Major, C. J., 1883, Die Thyrrenis. Kosmos, 13, Lipsia. Francavilla, V. and Piperno M., 1987, La répartition et la provenance de l’obsidienne archéologique de la Grotta dell’Uzzo et de Monte Cofano (Sicilia). Revue d’Archéometrie, 11: 31-9. Frazzetta, G., La Volpe, L. and Scheridan, M.F., 1983, Tettonica attiva a Lipari e Vulcano (Eolie). Memorie Società Geologica Italiana, 24: 293-97. Freschi, A., 1992, Il relitto con lingotti di stagno di Lipari (Messina). Atti V Rassegna di Archeologia Subacquea, Giardini Naxos (Messina): 227-35. Frey, D. A., 1977, La Secca di Capistello, Lipari. American Institute of Nautical Archaeology, news letter, 3,4: 1-6. Frey, D. A., 1979, Deepwater Archaeology. Sea Frontiers. International Oceanografic Foundation, 25,4: 194-203. Frey, D. A., Hentschel, D. F. and Keith, D. H., 1978, Deepwater Archeology. The Capistello wreck excavation. Lipari, Aeolian islands. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 7,4: 279-300. Frey, D. A., Hentschel, D. F., and Keith, D. H., 1979, Archeologia sottomarina a grande profondità: gli scavi di Capistello. Sicilia Archeologica, 39: 7-24. Gabbianelli, G., 1996, Lineamenti geologico-naturalistici dei fondali circostanti l’isola di Filicudi, Arcipelago delle Eolie. Quaderni del Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano, 1, Messina: 163-73. Gabbianelli, G., Gillot, P.Y., Lanzafame, G., Romagnoli, C. and Rossi, P. L., 1991, Tectonic and volcanic evolution of Panarea (Aeolian Islands, Italy). Marine Geology, 92: 312-26. Gale, N. H., (Ed.)1991, Bronze age trade in the Mediterranean, Goteborg. Gale, N.H., 1997, The isotopic composition of tin in some ancient metals and the recycling problem in metal provenancing. Archaeometry, 39: 71-82. Galili, E., 1985, A group of stone anchors from Newe-Yam. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 14: 143-53. Galili, E., 1987, Correction and additions to a group of stone anchors from Newe-Yam. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 16: 167-68. 133

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes Garnsey, P., Hopkins, K. and Whittaker, R. (Eds.), 1983, Trade in the Ancient Economy, London. Gianfrotta, P. A., 1989, Testimonianze sottomarine dal Circeo. Atti Convegno “Incontro con l’Archeologia”, Parco Nazionale del Circeo, Sabaudia (1984): 43-53. Gianfrotta, P. A., 1991, A Roman Shipyard at Minturno: Indications from Underwater Archaeology. Proceedings of II International Symposium on ship construction in Antiquity, Athens: 195-205. Gianfrotta, P. A.,1998, Nuovi rinvenimenti subacquei per lo studio di alcuni aspetti del commercio marittimo del vino (I sec. a. C. - I sec. d. C.). Actes II Colloqui internacional d’arqueologia romana “El vi a l’antiguitat “, Badalona: 105-12. Gianfrotta, P. A., 1999, Archeologia subacquea e testimonianze di pesca, Melanges de l’Ecole Francaise de Rome,111: 9-36. Gianfrotta, P. A., 2001, Il mare colore del vino. Conferenze di archeologia subacquea, Lezioni Fabio Faccenna, Bari: 27-35. Gianfrotta, P. A. and Pomey, P., 1981, Archeologia Subacquea, Milan. Giangiulio, M., 1983, Greci e non Greci in Sicilia alla luce dei culti e delle leggende di Eracle. Atti del Convegno di Cortona (1981) “Forme di contatto e processi di trasformazione nelle societa’ antiche”, Pisa and Roma: 785-846. Giannitrapani, E., 1997, Sicilia e Malta durante il Neolitico. Prima Sicilia, alle origini della società siciliana, 1, Palermo and Siracusa: 201-11. Giardina, A. and Schiavone, A., 1981, Società romana e produzione schiavistica, Rome. Giardino, C., 1992, Nuragic Sardina and the Mediterranean: metallurgy and maritime traffic. In Tykot, R.H. and Tamsey Andrew, K., (Eds.), Sardinia in the Mediterranean: a footprint in the sea, Monographs in Mediterranean Archaeology, 3, Sheffield: 304-16. Giardino, C., 1995, Il Mediterraneo occidentale tra XIV e VIII sec. A.C., Cerchie Minerarie e metallurgiche, British Archaeological Reports, Oxford. Giardino, C., 1997, La metallotecnica nella Sicilia pre-protostorica. Prima Sicilia, alle origini della società siciliana, 1, Palermo and Siracusa: 405-14. Gibbins, D. J. L., 1987, Plemmirio project. NAS Newsletter (October), 3 (un-numbered pages.) Gibbs, M., 1987, Aboriginal gatherings in the west coastal region of southwest Western Australia, an ethnohistorical study. Bdc Hons dissertation. University of Western Australia. Giorgianni, G., 1999, Considerazioni sulle tipologie delle imbarcazioni egee. In La Rosa, V., Palermo, D. and Vagnetti, L. (Eds.), Simposio Italiano di Studi Egei, Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene, Roma: 321-38. Giuffrida, M., 1978, La pirateria etrusca fino alla battaglia di Cuma. Kokalos, XXIV: 175-200. Giustolisi, V., 1995, Vulcano: introduzione alla storia e all’archeologia dell’antica Hiera, Palermo. Goudineau, C., 1983, Marseille, Rome and Gaul from the third to the first century BC. In Garnsey, P., Hopkins, K. and Wittaker, C. R. (Eds.), Trade in the ancient economy, London: 79-80. Grace, V. R., 1961, Amphoras and the Ancient Wine Trade, Princeton. Gras, M., 1985, Trafic tyrrhéniens archaïques, Rome. Gras, M., 1987, L’apport des amphores a la connaissance des commerces archaiques en mer Tyrrhénien. In Hackens T. (Ed.), Flotte et commerce grecs, carthaginois et etrusques en mer Tyrrhenien, Ravello, 1987 (Strasburg 1988): 291-2. Gras, M., 1995, La Mediterranée archaïque, Paris. Greene, K. T., 1986, The Archaeology of the Roman Economy, London. Guidoboni, E., Ferrari, G. and Mariottini, C., 1989, Una chiave di lettura per la sismicita’ antica: la ricerca dei ‘’gemelli’’ del terremoto del 365 d.C. I Terremoti prima del Mille in Italia e nell’area mediterranea, Istituto Nazionale di Geofisica, Bologna: 552-73. Hackens, T., (Ed.), 1988, Flotte e commercio greco, cartaginese ed etrusco nel mar Tirreno. Atti del simposio di Ravello (January 1987), PACT, 20. Hackens, T., and Miró, M., (Eds.),1990, Il Commercio marittimo romano en el Mediterrranee Occidental. Colloquio International tenu à Barcelone du 16 au 18 Mai 1988, Centre européen pour le Patrimonine Culturel, PACT, 27.

134

Bibliography Hallam, S.J., 1989, Plant usage and managment in southwest Australian societies. In Harris, D.R. and Hillman, G., C. (Eds.), Foraging and Farming: the evolution of Plant Exploitation, London: 13635. Hamilton, W., 1772, Observations on Mount Vesuvius, Mount Etna and other Volcanoes, Series of Letters, London. Hatzidakis, J., 1934, Las Villas Minnoennes de Tylissos, Paris. Hodder, I. (Ed.), 1978, Spatial Organisation of Culture, London. Irwin, G., 1992, The Prehistoric Exploration and Colonization of the Pacific, Cambridge. Janni, P., 1996, Il mare degli antichi, Bari. Johnstone, J. W., 1988, Seacraft of Prehistory, London. Joncheray, J. P., 1989, L’épave de la Tour Fondue. Cahiers d’Archèologie Subaquatique, 8 : 135-48 and 167-70. Joncheray, J. P., 1995, Gisements de la Chrétienne M. Bilan scientifique du Departement des rechearches archéologiques subacquatiques et sous-marines, Marseille: 58-9. Joncheray, J. P., 1996, Les giasements de la Chretienne M. Bilan scientifique du Departement des rechearches archéologiques subacquatiques et sous-marines, Marseille:103-04. Kapitän, G., 1958, Alte Mauren und Medusen, Archäologische funde im mer bei Panarea. Delphin, V,1, Hamburg: 441-43. Kapitän, G., 1961, Ricerche sottomarine a Panarea. Atti Convegno Internazionale Archeologia Sottomarina (Albenga 1958), Bordighera: 80-4. Kapitän, G., 1976, Il relitto corinzio di Stentinello nella Baia di Santa Panagia. Sicilia Archeologica, 30: 87-103. Kapitän, G., 1977, I relitti di Capo Graziano (Filicudi), scoperte della spedizione NACSAS nel 1968. Sicilia Archeologica, 34: 40-53. Kapitän, G., 1978, Exploration at Cape Graziano, Filicudi, Aeolian island, 1977. Result with annotations on the typology of ancient anchors. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 7, 4: 269-77. Kapitän, G., 1979, Louteria from the sea. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 8, 2: 97-120. Kapitän, G., 1985a, Filicudi. Capo Graziano. Relitto E: nave da guerra del XVIII° secolo. Bollettino d’Arte, Archeologia Subacquea 2, Suppl. 29, Rome: 98-100. Kapitän, G., 1985b, Filicudi. Capo Graziano. Relitto H con anfore tipo Lamboglia 2. Bollettino d’Arte, Archeologia Subacquea 2, Suppl. 29, Rome: 93-5. Kapitän, G., 1985c, Panarea. Le Formiche. Relitto con ceramiche invetriate dei sec. XVI-XVIII e rivenimenti sporadici. Bollettino d’Arte, Archeologia Subacquea 2, Suppl. 29, Rome: 74-7. Kapitän, G., 1988, Maritime Aspects of Early Neolithic Coastal Settlements in Southeast Sicily. Proceedings of the symposium Tracia Pontica, IV. Karantzali, 1996, Le Bronze ancien dans les Cyclades et en Crète, Oxford. Kats, V.I. and Monakhov, S.Iu. (Eds.), 1992, Greek Amphoras: problems of the development of craftsmanship and trade in the ancient world, a thematic scholarly collection, Saratov. Kehoe, D. P., 1988, The economics of Agriculture on Roman Imperial Estates in North Africa, Göttingen. Keith, D. H. and Frey, D. A., 1979, Saturation Diving in Nautical Archaeology. Archaeology, XXXII, 4: 24-33. Keller, J, 1980, The island of Vulcano. Rendiconti della Società Italiana di Mineralogia e Petrologia, 36: 369-414. Kilian Dirlmeier, I., 1997, Thera and warfare. Proceedings of the International Symposium “The wall painting of Thera”, Thera: 1-6. Killen, J. T., 1985, The Linear B tablets and the Mycenean economy. In Palaima, T. G. and Shelmerine C.W. (Eds.), Pylos comes alive: industry and administration in a Micenean palace, New York: 4963. King, A. and Hening, M. (Eds.), 1981, The Roman West in Third Century, British Archaeological Reports, Oxford. King, R., Proudfood, L. J. & Smith, B. (Eds.), 1997, The Mediterranean: environment and society, London.

135

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes Knapp, B. A., 1991, Spice, drugs, grain and grog: organic goods in Bronze Age East Mediterranen Trade. In Gale, N. H. (Ed.), Bronze age trade in the Mediterranean, Goteborg: 21-68. Koehler, C. G., 1981, Corinthian developments in the study of trade in the fifth century. Hesperia, 50: 449-58. Koehler, C. G., 1982, Amphoras on Amphoras. Hesperia, 51: 284-92. Koehler, C.G., 1978, Evidence around the Mediterranean for Corinthian export of wine and oil. Beneath the Waters of Time, Austin Texas: 231-39. Koehler, C.G., 1979a, Transport amphoras as evidence for trade. The Archaeology of Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean. Archaeological News, 8.2/3: 55-61. Koehler, C.G., 1979b, Corinthian A and B Transport Amphoras. PhD. Thesis, Princeton University. Koehler, C. G. and Wallance, M. B., 1987, Appendix, the transport amphoras: description and capacities, in The Hellenistic shipwreck at Serçe Limani, Turkey. American Journal of Archaeology: 49-57. La Rosa, V., 1987, Un nuovo insediamento neolitico a Serra del Palco di Milena (CL), Atti XXVI delle Riunioni Scientifiche dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria: 801-08. La Rosa, V., 1988, L’insediamento preistorico di Serra del Palco in territorio di Milena. Kokalos, XXXXXXI (1984-85), II, 1: 475-82. La Rosa, V., 1993, Nuovi centri indigeni nella media valle del Platani. Kokalos, XXXIV-XXXV (198889), II: 43-4,70-1, 141-42 and 206-07. La Rosa, V., 1994a, Le nuove indagini nella media valle del Platani. In Tusa, S. (Ed.), La Preistoria del basso Belice e della Sicilia meridionale nel quadro della preistoria siciliana e mediterranea, Palermo: 287-97. La Rosa, V., 1994b, Un “anaktoron” sulla Serra del Palco di Milena? Relazione preliminare sullo scavo del 1992. Quaderni dell’Istituto di Archeologia dell’Università di Messina,VI: 5-16. La Rosa, V., 1994c, Le nuove indagini nella Valle del Platani. In Tusa, S. (Ed.), La Preistoria del Basso Belice e della Sicilia Meridionale nel quadro della preistoria siciliana e mediterranea, Palermo: 287-304. La Rosa, V., 1995, L’ospitalità dei re di Sicilia: il sicano Kokalos e il siculo Hyblon. Siculorum Gymnasium, XLV(1992): 103-06. La Rosa, V., 1996, The impact of the Greek colonists on the non-hellenic inhabitants of Sicily. In Pugliese Carratelli, G. (Ed.), 1996, The Western Greeks, Classical civilazation in the Western Mediterranean, London: 523-32. La Rosa, V., 2002, Isole Eolie crocevia del Mediterraneo occidentale. Omaggio a Luigi Bernabò Brea. In Cavalier, M. and Bernabò Brea, M. (Eds.), In memoria di Luigi Bernabò Brea, Palermo: 27-50. Lamboglia, N., 1960, Scoperta del relitto di Capo Graziano (Filicudi, isole Lipari). Forma Maris Antiqui, Bordighera: 364-67. Lamboglia, N., 1961, Cronologia relativa dei relitti romani del Mediterraneo. Atti III Convegno Internazionale di Archeologia Sottomarina, Barcellona (Bordighera 1971): 371-83. Lamboglia, N., 1974, Campagna di ricerca nelle isole Eolie Rivista di Studi Liguri, XL, Bordighera: 81182. Lamboglia, N. and Pallarés, F. , 1975-1981, Il relitto F di Filicudi. Forma Maris Antiqui, XI-XII, Bordigera: 188-99. Lamboglia, N. and Pallarés, F., 1976, I relitti di Capo Graziano (Filicudi): la I e II campagna di scavo sul relitto F di Filicudi. Atti V Convegno Internazionale di Archeologia Sottomarina, Lipari. Laubenheimer, F.,1989, Les amphores gauloises sour l’empire: reserches nouvelles sur leur production et leur chronologie. Anfore romane e storia economica: un decennio di ricerche, Coll. École Française de Rome, 114: 105-38. Le Souef, S., 1993, The Aborigenes of King George Sound at the time of early European contact: an ethnohistorical study of social organisation. In De Garis, B. K. (Ed.), Portrais of the South West, University of Western Australia, Perth: 1-56. Leighton, R. (Ed.), 1996, Early society in Sicily: new development in archaeological research. Accordia Specialist Studies on Italy, 5, London. Leighton, R., 1999, Sicily before history: an archaeological survey from Paleolithic to the Iron age, London. 136

Bibliography Lequement B. and Liou B., 1975, Les épaves de la côte de Transalpine. Essai de dénombrement, suivi de quelques observations sur le trafic maritime aux IIe et Ier siecles avant J.C.. Cahiers Ligures de Préhistoire et d’Archéologie, 24: 76. Levi, S. T. and Williams, J., 2001a, Archeometria della ceramica eoliana: nuovi risultati, sintesi e prospettive. Quaderni del Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano “Luigi Bernabò Brea”, Supplemento I°, Messina: 265- 75. Levi, S. T. and Williams, J., 2001b, The petrographic characterization of Neolithic pottery fabrics from the excavations in the Acropolis and Diana plain of Lipari-Capri, Serra d’Alto and Diana. Quaderni del Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano “Luigi Bernabò Brea”, Supplemento I°, Messina: 277-95. Levi, S. T. and Williams, J., 2003, Quarant’anni di analisi petrografiche dela ceramica eoliana. Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’ Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria “Le comunità della preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul Neolitico e le Età dei metalli”, II, Florence: 988-90. Libertini, G., 1921, Le isole Eolie nell’antichità greca e romana, Florence. Liou, B., 1975, Informations archéologiques. Direction des recherches archéologiques sous-marines. Gallia, 33: 571-605. Liou, B., 1982, Informations archéologiques. Direction des recherches archéologiques sous-marines. Gallia, 40: 437-54. Liou, B., 1987, Inscriptions peinters sur amphores: Fos (suite), Marseille, Toulon, Port-la-Nautique, Arles, Saint-Blaise, Saint-Martin-de Crau, Mâcon, Calvi. Archaeonautica, 7: 5-139. Lo Cascio, P. and Pasta, S., 2000a, La toponomastica dell’arcipelago eoliano: un interessante documento sullo stato del territorio e dell’ambiente naturale dall’Ottocento ai nostri giorni. In Spigo, U. and Martinelli, M. C. (Eds.), Quaderni del Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano, 3, Messina: 13152. Lo Cascio, P. and Pasta, S., 2000b, Phoinikodes, l’isola delle palme. In Spigo, U. and Martinelli, M. C. (Eds.), Quaderni del Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano, 3, Messina: 127-30. Lo Schiavo, F., 1990, Sotto il Nuraghe Rosso. Archeo, 59: 40-5. Lo Schiavo, F. and Vagnetti, L. 1980, Micenei in Sardegna? Rendiconti Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 8 (35): 371-79. Long, L., 1987, Les épaves du Grand Congloué: étude du Journal de fouille de Fernand Benoit. Archaeonautica, 7: 9-36. Long, L., Mirò, J. and Volpe, G., 1992, Les épave archaique de la Pointe Lequin (Porquellore, Var). De donèes nouvelles sur le commerce de Marseille à la fin du VIème et au début du Vème siècle avant J.C. Proceedings of the Symposium ‘Marseille grecque et la Gaule’, Etudes Massaliètes, 3 : 199234. Longhitano, N., 1983, Carta della vegetazione dell’isola di Filicudi. Programma finalizzato del CNR “Promozione della qualità dell’ambiente”. Archivio Botanico Biogeografico Italiano, 58: 89-105. Lopes, D., and Lopes, L., 1996, Indagini archeologiche sottomarine a Capo Graziano di Filicudi. Quaderni del Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano,1, Messina: 153-54. Luce, J.V., 1998, Celebrating Homer’s landscapes, London. Mackenzie, D.A., 1996, South Sea: Myths and legends, London. MacKnight, C.C., 1973, The nature of early maritime trade: some points of analogy from the eastern part of the Indonesian archipelago. World Archaeology, 5 :198-209. Malinowski, B., 1922, Argonauts of the Western Pacific: an account of native enterprise and adventure in the archipelagos of Melanesian New Guinea, London. Malone, C., 1985, Pots, prestige and ritual in Neolithic southern Italy. Papers in Italian archaeology, 4:Prehistory, British Archaeological Reports, International Series, Oxford, 244:118-51. Manacorda, D., 1986, A proposito delle anfore cosiddette “greco-italiche”: una breve nota. Recherches sur les Amphores Grecques, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, Supp. 12, Athens and Paris: 581-86. Manacorda, D.1989, Le anfore dell’Italia repubblicana: aspetti economici e sociali. Anfore Romane e Storia Economica: dieci anni di ricerche, Rome: 443-67.

137

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes Manganaro,G. ,1979, Una vittoria navale dei Liparaioi sui Tyrrhenoi e l’inizio della monetazione bronzea a Lipara. Atti VI Congresso Centro Internazionale Studi numismatici “Le origini della moneta di bronzo in Sicilia e in Magna Grecia” (Naples 1977), Rome: 91-112. Manganaro, G., 1988, La Sicilia da Sesto Pompeo a Diocleziano. Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt, 11,1 Berlin and New York: 16-22. Mannoni, T., 1980, Analisi delle ceramiche dipinte neolitiche di Lipari. Meligunìs Lipára, IV, Appendix VIII, Palermo: 869-75. Maran, J., 1998, Kulturwandel auf dem griechischen Festland und den Kykladen im späten 3. Jt. v. Chr.: Studien zu den kulturellen Verhältnissen in Südosteuropa und dem zentralen sowie östlichen Mittelmeerraum in der späten Kupfer- und frühen Bronzezeit, Bonn. Marazzi, M., 1988, La più antica marineria micenea in Occidente. Dialoghi di Archaeologia, 3, 6: 5-22. Marazzi, M., 1997a, I contatti transmarini nella Preistoria siciliana. Prima Sicilia, alle origini della società siciliana, 1, Palermo and Siracusa: 365-74. Marazzi, M., 1997b, Le “scritture eoliane”: I segni grafici sulle ceramiche. Prima Sicilia, alle origini della società siciliana, 1, Palermo and Siracusa: 458-72. Marazzi, M., 1999, I Micenei a Vivara o i Micenei di Vivara? Un bilancio delle ricerche a vent’anni dall’inizio degli scavi. In La Rosa, V., Palermo, D. and Vagnetti, L. (Eds.), Simposio Italiano di Studi Egei, Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene, Roma: 415-22. Marazzi, M. and Re, L., 1985, Le importazioni ceramiche egeo-micenee dall’isola di Vivara. Magna Grecia e Mondo Miceneo. Atti del XXII Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia (Taranto 1982), Napoli: 158-87. Marazzi, M., Tusa, S. and Vagnetti, L. (Eds.), 1986, Traffici Micenei nel Mediterraneo. Problemi storici e documentazione archeologica, Taranto. Marinatos, N., 1997, Minoan confederate fleet. Proceedings of the International Sympsium “The wall painting of Thera”, Thera: 24-8. Martinelli, M. C., 1990, Industrie litiche di alcuni siti neolitici della Dalmazia e loro raffronti con contemporanee industrie dell’Italia sud-adriatica e delle Isole Eolie. Rassegna di Archeologia, 9: 125-52. Martinelli, M.C. and Spigo, U. (Eds.), 2001, Studi di preistoria e protostoria in onore di Luigi Bernabò Brea, Quaderni del Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano “Luigi Bernabò Brea”, Supplemento I°, Messina. Martini, M., Capaccioni , B. and Giannini, L., 1988, Past and present influence of volcanic system on the surface environments: Vulcano e Lipari (Aeolian Islands). Bollettino Geologia e Vulcanologia: 383-91. Mastelloni, M.A. and Spigo, U. (Eds.), 1998, Agli albori della ricerca archeologica nelle Eolie, Scavi e scoperte a Lipari nel XIX secolo, Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano, Messina. Master, P. M. and Flemming, 1983 (Eds.), Quaternary coastlines and marine archaeology: towards the prehistory of land bridge and continetal shelves, London. Maza, G., 1998, Recherche méthodologique sur les amphores gréco-italiques et Dressel 1 découvertes à Lyon. IIe-Ier siècles avent J.-C. In Rivet L.(Ed.) Actes du Congrès d’Istres (21-24 May 1998). Société Française d’Étude de la Céramique Antique, Marseille: 11-30. McCarthy, 1939, Trade in Aborigial Australia, and trade relations with Torres Strait, New Guinea and Malaya, Oceania, 9: 405-38. McGeehan Liritzis, V., 1988, Seafaring, Craft and Cultural Contact in the Aegean during the 3rd Millennium B.C. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 17: 237-56. McGrail, S., 1984, Boat ethnography and maritime archaeology. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 13:149-50. McGrail, S., 1991, Early sea voyages. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 20,2: 85-93. McGrail, S., 1996, The ship: carrier of goods, people and ideas. In Rice E.E. (Ed.), The sea and History, London: 67-96. Mercalli, G, and Silvestri, O.,1891, Le eruzioni dell’isola di Vulcano, incominciate il 3 Agosto 1888 e terminate il 22 Marzo 1890. Relazione Scientifica. Annali dell’Ufficio Centrale di Meteorologia e Geodinamica 10 (4): 1-213. 138

Bibliography Metallo, A., 1955, Il sistema meteo-oceanografico del Mediterraneo. Rivista Marittima, 88, 5: 288-303. Metallo, A., 1962, L’onda portante meteo-oceanografica del Mediterraneo. Rivista Marittima, 95: 59-67. Militello, P., 1996, I Siculi fra tradizione storica ed archeologia. In Guzzardi, L. (Ed.), Civilta’ Indigene e Citta’ Greche della Regione Iblea, Ragusa: 43-58. Morel, J. P., 1981a, Céramique Campanienne: les formes, Rome Morel, J. P., 1981b, Le commerce étrusque en France, en Espagne et en Afrique. L’Etruria mineraria: 463-508. Morgan, L., 1988, The miniature wall paintings at Thera: a study in Aegean culture and iconography. In Thera and the Aegean world, London: 121-66. Morris, I., 2000, The use and abuse of Homer. In De Jong, I. J.F. (Ed.), Homer critical assessments, 2, London: 51-76. Mosso, A., 1908, Villaggi preistorici di Caldare e Cannatello presso Girgenti. Monumenti Antichi, 18: 573684. Negri, M., Consani and C., 1999, G. Pugliese Carratelli e i testi minoici: ipotesi e conferme. In La Rosa, V., Palermo, D. and Vagnetti, L. (Eds.), Simposio Italiano di Studi Egei, Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene, Roma: 243-48. Nicoletti, F., 1997, Il commercio preistorico dell’ossidiana nel Mediterraneo ed il ruolo di Lipari e Pantelleria nel più antico sistema di scambio. Prima Sicilia, alle origini della società siciliana, 1, Palermo and Siracusa: 258-69. Nolla, J. and Nieto, F., 1989, La importaciòn de ánforas romanas en Cataluña. Atti del Convegno, Amphores Romaines et histoire èconomique: dix ans de recherche, Siena (1986), Rome: 375- 77. Olla’, A., 1996, Nota su alcune anfore commerciali da Filicudi. Quaderni del Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano,1, Messina: 155-61. Orlić, M. and Jurišić, M., 1989, Adriatic eastern coast. Underwater survey. Arheološki pregled, 28: 199201. Osgood, R., Monks, S. and Toms, J., 2000, Bronze Age warfare, Gloucestershire. Pagliara, A., 1995, Fonti per la storia dell’arcipelago eoliano in età greca, con appendice sull’epoca romana. In Bernabò Brea L. and Cavalier, M. (Eds.), Meligunis Lipára, VIII, Volume 2. Pallarés, F., 1997-1998, Nino Lamboglia e l’archeologia subacquea. Rivista di Studi Liguri, LXIII-LXIV: 21-56. Panella, C, 1972, Annotazioni in margine alle stratigrafie delle Terme ostiensi del Nuotatore. In Reserchaes sur le amphores Romaines, Melanges de l’Ecole Francaise de Rome, Suppl, 10, Rome: 69-106. Panella, C., 1973, Appunti su gruppo di anfore della prima, media e tarda estat imperiale. Ostia, 3, Studi Miscellanei, 21: 460-633. Panella, C., 1974, Appunti su un gruppo di anfore della prima, media e tarda eta imperiale (secoli I-V d.C). In Carandini A. and Panella C. (Eds.), Ostia III, parte seconda, Studi Miscellanei 21: 400-696. Panella, C., 1980, Retroterra, porti e mercati. L’esempio dell’Ager Falernus. Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, 36: 251-59. Panella, C., 1982, Le anfore africane della prima, media e tarda eta Imperiale: tipologia e problemi. Actes du colloque sur la ceramique antique de Carthage, 1: 171-96. Panella, C., 1983, Le anfore di Cartagine: nuovi elementi per la ricostruzione dei flussi commerciali del Mediterraneo in eta imperiale romano. Opus, 2: 53-73. Panella, C, 1998, Anfore e archeologia subacquea. In Volpe, G. (Ed.), Archeologia Subacquea, Quaderni del Dipartimento di archeologia e storia delle arti, Sezione archeologica, Università di Siena: 53159. Panvini, R., 1996, La nave arcaica di Gela. Atti, I° Convegno Nazionale AIASub (Associazione Italiana Archeologi Subacquei), Anzio(Rome), Bari:127-37. Panvini, R., 2003, The Greek Archaic ship at Gela, Caltanissetta. Papathanassopoulos, G. A., 1976, L’épave helladique ancienne de Dokos. Arkhaiologika Analecta ex Athenon, 9: 17-23. Papathanassopoulos, G. A., 1990, Dokos excavation ‘89. The early Helladic wreck at Dokos. The Prehistoric settlement. In Tsouchlos, N. et Alii, Dokos project. Enalia Annual 1, Athens: 34-7. 139

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes Parker, A. J., 1973, Evidence provided by underwater archaeology for Roman trade in the western Mediterranean. Colston Papers, 23: 361-81. Parker, A. J., 1976, Sicilia e Malta nel commercio marittimo dell’antichità. Kokalos, XXII-XXIII: 62231. Parker, A. J., 1984, Shipwrecks and ancient trade in the Mediterranean, Archaeological Review from Cambridge, 3: 99-113. Parker, A. J., 1985, Relitto di una nave corinzia a Vulpiglia (Siracusa), Atti VI Congreso Internacional de Arqueología Submarina, Cartagena 1983 (Madrid):117-26. Parker, A. J., 1986, The evidence provided by shipwrecks for the ancient economy. Thracia Pontica, III: 30-45. Parker, A. J., 1992a, Ancient shipwrecks of the Mediterranean and the Roman Provinces, British Archaeological Report, S-580, Oxford. Parker, A. J., 1992b, Cargo, containers and stowage: the ancient Mediterranean. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 21: 89-100. Parker, A. J., 1996, Sea transport and trade in the Mediterranean. In Rice, E.E.(Ed.), The sea and the history, Gloucestershire: 97-109. Parker, A. J. and Price, J., 1981, Spanish exports of the Claudian period: the significance of the Port Vendres II wreck reconsidered. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology,10: 221-8 Peacock, D. P. S. and Williams, D., 1990, Amphorae and the Roman Economy, London. Pelagatti, P., 1991,Ceramica laconica in Sicilia e a Lipari: materiali per una carta di distribuzione. Bollettino d’Arte, Supplemento 64, Rome. Pelon, O, 1976, Tholoi tumuli et Cercles funeraries. Recherches sur les monumments funeraries de plan circulaire dans l’ Egee de l’age du Bronze (IIIe et Iie millenaire a J.C.), Paris. Peltenburg, E., Colledge, S., Croft, P., Jackson, A., McCartney, C. and Murray, M. A., 2000, Agropastoralist colonization of Cyprus in the 10th millennium BP: initial assessments. Antiquity, 74: 844-53. Pennas, H., Vichos, Y. and Agouridis, C., 2000-2001, Point Hiria Wreck (1994). Enalia Annual, Hellenic Institute of Marine Archaeology, V. Percy Smith, S., 1912, “Kupe” from the Lore of the Whare-wananga. Journal of the Polynesian Society, 4: 118-33. Percy Smith, S., 1919, History and Traditions of Rarotonga. Journal of the Polynesian Society, 28: 18397. Peroni, R. 1998, Kulturwandel’ e formazioni economico-sociali. Osservazioni a proposito della monografia di Joseph Maran. Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici, 40.2: 155-65. Peroni, R., 2003, Processi di cambiamento culturale e sociale tra archeologia e fonti storiche nell’età del Bronzo. Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’ Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria “Le comunità della preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul Neolitico e le Età dei metalli, II, 711-20. Perrone Mercanti , M., 1979, Ceppi d’ancora del relitto A di Capo Graziano di Filicudi. In Ancore Antique, per una cronologia preliminare delle ancore del Mediterraneo. Erma di Bretschneider, Rome: 27-8. Phelps, W., Lolos, Y. and Vichos, Y. (Eds.), 1999, The Point Iria Wreck: interconnections in the Mediterranean ca. 1200 BC. Proceedings of the International Conference, Athens. Phillips, P., 1992, Western Mediterranean obsidian distribution and the European Neolithic. In Tykot, R.H. and Tamsey Andrew, K., (Eds.), Sardinia in the Mediterranean: a footprint in the sea, Monographs in Mediterranean Archaeology, 3, Sheffield: 56-71. Pichler, H., 1981, Italienische Vulkan-Gebiete III. Lipari, Vulcano, Stromboli, Tyrrhenisches Meer. Sammlung Geologischer Führer 69, Stuttgart: 189-231. Pickering, M., 2003, Modelling Hunter-Gatherer Settlement Patterns, British Archaeological Reports S1103, Oxford. Picone Villari, R., 1985-86, Acropoli di Lipari, scavo 1983: indagini paleobotaniche. Rivista di Studi Preistorici, 40,1-2: 253-54.

140

Bibliography Piperno, M., 1997, La Sicilia all’inizio dell’Olocene. Aspetti del popolamento mesolitico. Prima Sicilia, alle origini della società siciliana, 1, Palermo and Siracusa: 135-45. Piperno, M., Tusa, S. and Valente, I., 1980, Campagne di scavo 1977 e 1978 alla grotta dell’Uzzo (Trapani). Relazione preliminare e datazione dei livelli mesolitici e neolitici. Sicilia Archeologica, 42: 49-64. Platon, N., 1971, Zakros, The discovery of a lost palace of ancient Crete, New York. Pomey, P., 1996, Navigation and ships in the age of Greek colonization. In Pugliese Caratelli, G. (Ed.),The Western Greeks, Classical civilization in the Western Mediterranean, London:133-40. Ponsich, M., 1974, Implantation rural antique sur le bas-Guadalquivir: I. Collection de la Casa de Velázquez, 3, Madrid, 1974. Ponsich, M., 1979, Implantation rural antique sur le bas-Guadalquivir: II. Collection de la Casa de Velázquez, Madrid. Ponsich, M., 1991, Implantation rural antique sur le bas-Guadalquivir. IV. Collection de la Casa de Velázquez, 33, Madrid. Poux, M. and Selles, H., 1998, ‘Vin italique en pays carnute. A propos d’un lot d’amphores Dressel 1 découvert à Chartres, rue Sainte-Thérèse’. In Rivet L. (Ed.), Actes du Congrès d’Istres (21-24 May 1998). Société Française d’Étude de la Céramique Antique, Marseille: 207-24. Prontera, F., (Ed.), 1998, La Magna Grecia e il mare. Studi di Storia marittima, Taranto. Prontera, F., 1996, Maritime Communications. In Pugliese Caratelli, G. (Ed.), The Western Greeks, Classical civilization in the Western Mediterranean, London: 201-08. Pugliese Caratelli, G. (Ed.), 1996, The Western Greeks, Classical civilization in the Western Mediterranean, London. Pugliese Carratelli, 1956, Minos e Kokalos, 2: 89-103 Pulak, C., 1998, The Uluburun shipwreck: an overview. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 27,3: 188-24. Purpura, G., 1978, Sul rinvenimento di anfore commerciali etrusche in Sicilia. Sicilia Archeologica, 36,Trapani: 43-51. Rainbird, P., 1999, Islands out of Time: towards a critique of Island Arcaheology. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology, 12.2: 216-34. Re, L., 1999, I più antichi contatti micenei nel Mediterraneo: un confronto tra Oriente e Occidente. In La Rosa, V., Palermo, D. and Vagnetti, L. (Eds.), Simposio Italiano di Studi Egei, Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene, Roma: 405- 14. Renfrew C., 1975, Trade as action at a distance. In Sabloff, J. and Lamberg-Karlovsky, C.C. (Eds.), Ancient civilization trade, Albuquerque: 3-60. Renfrew C., 1977, Alternative models for exchange and spatial distribution. In Earle, T.K. and Ericson, J.E. (Eds.), Exchange Systems in Prehistory, New York: 71-90. Renfrew C., 1993, Trade beyond the material. In Scarre, C. and Healy, F. (Eds.), Trade and Exchange in Prehistoric Europe, Monograph 33, Oxford: 1-18. Renfrew C. and Bahn, P. 1996 (2nd edition), Archaeology: theories, methods and practice, USA. Renfrew, C., and Aspinall, A., 1990, Aegean obsidian and Franchthi cave. In Perlés, C. (Ed.), Excavation at Franchthi cave, Greece, II, Les Industries lithiques taillées de Franchthi (Argolide, Greece), Bloomington: 257-70. Ricci Lucchi, F., Calanchi, N., Lanzafame, G. and Rossi, P.L., 1988, Plant-rich pyroclastic deposits of Monte S. Angelo (Lipari, Aeolian Islands). Rendiconti della Società Italiana di Mineralogia e Petrologia, 43: 1227-51. Rice, E. E., (Ed.) 1996, The sea and the history, Gloucestershire. Rizza, G., 1979, Sant’Angelo Muxaro e il problema delle influenze micenee in Sicilia. Cronache, 18: 1930. Robb, J., 2003, Ricostruzione tramite analisi GIS di aspetti marittimi e sociali dello scambio dell’ossidiana durante il Neolitico. Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’ Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria “Le comunità della preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul Neolitico e le Età dei metalli, II, Florence: 1021-26. Roghi, G., 1960a, La nave romana di Capo Graziano. Rivista di Studi Liguri, XXVI, Bordighera: 364-367. 141

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes Roghi, G., 1960b, Scoperta del relitto di Capo Graziano. Forma Maris Antiqui, III, Bordighera:12-5. Roghi, G., 1961a, La nave romana di Capo Graziano. Atti III Convegno Internazionale di Archeologia Sottomarina, Barcellona (Bordighera 1971): 253-60. Roghi, G., 1961b, Una nave romana a Panarea. Atti III Convegno Internazionale di Archeologia Sottomarina, Barcellona (Bordighera 1971): 261-62. Rostovtzeff, M., 1957, The social and economic history of the Roman Empire, 2nd edition, Oxford. Rota, L., 1973, Gli ex-voto dei Liparesi a Delfi. Studi Etruschi, XLI: 143-58. Rougé, J., 1952, La navigation hivernale sous l’Empire Romain. Revue des études anciennes, 54 : 316-25. Rougé, J., 1966, Reserches sur l’organisasion du commerce maritime en Méditerranée sous l’Empire Romain, Paris. Rudolph, W.,1974, Boats, rafts, ships, Leipzig. Sealey, P.R. and Davies, G.M.R., 1984, Falerian wine at Roman Colchester. Britannia, 15: 250-54. Selli, R. and Fabbri, A., 1971, Tyrrhenian: a Pliocene deep sea. Rendiconti Scientifici di Fisica e Matematica, 50: 580-82. Shackley, M.S., (Ed.), 1998, Mediterranean Islands and Multiple Flows: The Sources and Exploitation of Sardinian Obsidian. Method and Theory in Archaeological Obsidian Studies, Plenum: Advances in Archaeological and Museum Science, 3, New York: 67-82. Sharp, A., 1963, Ancient voyagers in Polynesia. Auckland, Saint Paul’s. Sheridan, M.F., Frazzeta, G., and La Volpe, L, 1987, Eruptive histories of Lipari and Vulcano, Italy, during the past 22,000 years. In Fink, J.H. (Ed.), The emplacement of silicic domes and lava flows. Geological Society of America Special Paper 272: 29-33. Sherratt, E.S., 2000, “Reading the textes”: archaeology and the Homeric question. In De Jong, I. J. F. (Ed.), Homer critical assessments, 2, London: 77-102. Siegel, L. J., 1978, Corinthian trade in the ninth through sixth centuries BC. PhD Thesis, Yale University. Skeates, R. and Whitehouse, R. (Eds.) 1994, Radiocarbon Dating and Absolute Chronology in Sardinia and Corsica. Radiocarbon Dating and Italian Prehistory. Accordia Specialist Studies on Italy, 3, London:115-45. Skeates, R., 1993, Neolithic exchange in central and southern Italy. In Renfrew, C and Shennan, S. J. (Eds.), Ranking, Resource and Exchange: aspects of the archaeology of Early European Society. Cambridge: 13-26. Smith Thyrza, R., 1987, Mycenean Trade and interconnection in the West Central Mediterranean 1600100 BC., BAR, S-371, Oxford. Smyth, W. H., 1814, Of the Sicilian islands: the group of the Aeolian or Lipari Island and Ustica, Pantelleria, Linosa, Lampedusa, Lampione. Hidrographic remarks on the coast and harbours of Sicily and the adjacent islands, chapter V. Original “Logbook” written and manuscripted by Captain W.H.Smyth on board HMS “Adventure” during the hydrographic survey on 1814. The United Kingdom Hydrographic Office, Admirality Charts Collection, Taunton. Smyth, W. H., 1831, Account of an Ancient Bath in the Island of Lipari, in a letter from Captain W. H. Smyth, to Thomas Amyot, Esq. F.R.S., Treasurer S.A. with a model. Archeologia, 23, Palermo: 98-102. Smyth, W. H., 1867, Sailor’s word book, a dictionary of nautical terms, (Edition 1996), London. Snodgrass, A. M., 2000, An historical Homeric societies?. In De Jong, I. J. F. (Ed.), Homer critical assessments, 2, London: 35-51. Spagnolo, G., 1995, Le anfore da trasporto di eta’ arcaica e classica dagli scavi di Gela. Tesi di Dottorato, Università di Messina, anno accademico 1994-95. Spallanzani, L., 1825, Viaggi alle due Sicilie e in alcune parti dell’Appennino, II, Milan. Spigo, U., 1994, Eolie fucina di civiltà, una lunga storia sul mare. Archeologia Viva, 46: 40-53. Spigo, U., 1996, Indagini archeologiche sottomarine a Capo Graziano di Filicudi. Quaderni del Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano,1, Messina: 142-72. Spigo, U., 1996, L’attività del Museo Eoliano e la ricerca archeologica nelle Eolie dal 1987 al 1996: i fatti. Quaderni del Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano, 1, Messina : 9-21.

142

Bibliography Spigo, U., 1996, Recenti prospezioni subacquee nell’area della Secca di Capo Graziano di Filicudi (estate 1993). Quaderni del Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano, Messina: 143-52. Spigo, U., 1998, La collezione Stevenson all’Ashmolean Museum di Oxford. In Mastelloni, M.A. and Spigo, U. (Eds.), Agli albori della ricerca archeologica nelle Eolie , Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano, Messina: 38. Spigo, U., 1999, IL Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano. Nuove Effemeridi, 46, II, Archeologia subacquea, Palermo: 88-98. Spigo, U. and Martinelli, M. C. (Eds.) 2000, Quaderni del Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano, 3, Nuovi Studi di Archeologia Eoliana, Messina: 131-52 Starr, G. C., 1989, The influence of sea power on ancient history, New York and Oxford. Stos-Gale, Z.A. and Gale, N,H, 1992, New light on the Provenience of the copper oxhide ingots found on Sardinia. In Tykot, R.H. and Tamsey Andrew, K., (Eds.), Sardinia in the Mediterranean: a footprint in the sea, Sheffield: 317-46. Tagliacozzo, A., 1997, Dalla caccia alla pastorizia: la domesticazione animale. Le modificazioni economiche tra il Mesolitico ed il Neolitico e l’introduzione degli animali domestici in Sicilia. Prima Sicilia, alle origini della società siciliana, 1, Palermo and Siracusa: 227-48. Taylor Du Plat, J. (Ed.) 1965, Marine Archaeology: Developments during sixty years in the Mediterranean, London. Tchernia, A., 1986, Le Vin de l’Italie Romaine, Rome. Tchernia, A., 1989, Encore sur les modèles économiques et les amphores. In Amphores Romaines et histoire économique, dix ans de recherche, Paris: 529-36. Thornton, A., 1984, Homer’s Iliad: its composition and the motif of supplication, Gottingen. Thorpe, O.W., Warren, S.E. and Coutin J., 1984, The distribution and Aources of Archaeological Obsdian from Southern France. Journal of Arcaheological Science, 11, 135-46. Throckmorton, 1987, History from the sea, London. Tiné, V., (Ed.) 1996, Forme e tempi della Neolitizzazione in Italia Meridionale e in Sicilia, Genova. Torelli, M., 1975, Elogia Tarquinensia, Florence. Torrence, R., 1986, Production and Exchange of Stone Tools. Prehistoric Obsidian in the Aegean, Cambridge. Trendall, A. D., 1969, The Stevenson Collection from Lipari: Greek Vases. Scottish Art Review, XII, 1, Glasgow: 1-5. Tusa, S., 1985, Tyrrhenian relations and Mycenean exchange in the Early Bronze age. In Malone, C. and Stoddart, S. (Eds.), Papers in Italian Archaeology, IV, Oxford: 339-54. Tusa, S., 1997, Origine della società agro-pastorale. In Prima Sicilia, alle origini della società siciliana, 1, Palermo and Siracusa: 173-92. Tykot, R. H., 1996, Obsidian procurement and distribution in the central and western Mediterranean. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology, 9,1: 39-82. Tykot, R. H. and Ammerman , A.J., 1997, New Directions in Central Mediterranean Obsidian Studies. Antiquity , 71(274): 1000-06. Tykot, R. H., Morter, J. and Robb, J.E., 1999, Islands in the Stream: Stone Age Cultural Dynamics in Sardinia and Corsica. Social Dynamics of the Prehistoric Central Mediterranean, edited by Accordia Research Centre, University of London. Tykot, R. H., Morter, J. and Robb, J.E., 1999, Social Dynamics of the Prehistoric Central Mediterranean, Accordia Research Centre, London. Tykot, R. H. and Tamsey Andrew, K., (Eds.), 1992, Sardinia in the Mediterranean: a footprint in the sea, Sheffield. Tykot, R. H., Vargo, B. A., Tozzi, C., Ammerman, A., 2003, Nuove analisi dei reperti di ossidiana rinvenuti nella provincia di Livorno. Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’ Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria “Le comunità della preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul Neolitico e le Età dei metalli, II, Florence: 1009-11. Ulzega, A., 1993-94, Condizioni geografiche dei mari e delle coste della Sicilia. Kokalos, XXXIX-XL: 1-8. Vagnetti, L., (Ed.) 1982, Magna Grecia e Mondo miceneo. Nuovi documenti. Atti XXII Convegno di Sudi sulla Magna Grecia, Taranto. 143

The Aeolian Islands: crossroads of Mediterranean maritime routes Vagnetti, L., 1996, Primi contatti tra il mondo minoico-miceneo e il Mediterraneo occidentale. In Pugliese Caratelli, G. (Ed.), The Western Greeks, Classical civilization in the Western Mediterranean, Thames and Hudson Ltd, London: 109-16. Vagnetti, L. and Jones,R. E., 1988, Towards the identification of local Mycenean pottery in Italy. In French, E.B. and Wardle, K.A. (Eds.),Problems in Greek Prehistory, Bristol: 335-48. Van Der Mersch, C., 1986, Producions magno-grecques et siciliotes du IVes. avant J.C. Recherches sur le amphore grecques. Bulletin de Corrispondance Hellenique, Suppl.13, Paris: 567-80. Van Der Mersch, C., 1994, Vins et amphores de Grande Grèce et de Sicile IVe – IIIe s. avant J.C.. Études I, Centre Jean Berard, Naples. Vico, Y. and Lolos, Y., 1997, The Cypro-Mycenaean wreck at Point Ira in the Argolic Gulf: fisrt thoughts on the nature of the vessel. In Swiny, S., Hohlfelder, R. and Wylde Swiny, H. (Eds.), Res Maritimae, Cyprus and the eastern Mediterranean from Prehistory to Late Antiquity, Atlanta. Vilaseca Borrás, L., 1958, Nuevos hallazgos submarinos en Ametlla de Mar. Ampurias, 19-20, 237-41. Villari, L., (Ed.) 1980, The Aeolian islands, an active volcanic arc in the Mediterranean sea, Centro Nazionale Ricerche, Catania. Villari, P., 1993, Le faune del villaggio preistorico di Capo Graziano nel contesto archeologico eoliano e siciliano dell’età del bronzo. In Bernabò Brea L. and Cavalier M. (Eds.), Meligunis Lipára, VI, Palermo: 307-22. Villari, P., 1997, Il ruolo della fauna nella preistoria siciliana: caccia, pesca, domesticazione, allevamento. Prima Sicilia, alle origini della società siciliana, 1, Palermo and Siracusa: 223-26. Von Hasburg, L. S., 1893, Die Liparischen Inseln, Praga. Wachsmann, S., 1980, The Thera waterborne procession reconsidered. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 9: 287-95. Wachsmann, S., 1981, The ships of the sea Peoples. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 10, 3: 187-20. Wachsmann, S., 1997, Some notes on medietrranean seafaring during the secon millennium BC. Proceedings of the International Sympsium “The wall painting of Thera”, Thera: 84-103. Waldren, W. H. and Ensenyat, J. A. (Eds.) 2002, World Islands in Prehistory, International Insular Investigations. Proceedings 5th Deia International Conference of Prehistory, Oxford. Webster, T.B.L., 1969, The Stevenson Collection from Lipari: terracottas. Scottish Art Review, XII, 1, Glasgow: 6-7. Wedde, M., 1992, Towards a Hermeneutics of Aegean Bronze age ship imagery, Mannheim. Wedde, M., 1996, From classification to narrative: the contribution of iconography towards writing a history of Early Aegean Shipbuilding. Mediterranean History Review, 2: 117-64. Westerdahl, C, 1992, The maritime cultural landscape. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 21: 5-14. Wheeler, T. S., Muhly, J. D. and Madlin, R. 1979, Mediterranean Trade in Copper and Tin in the Late Bronze Age. Annali istituto Italiano di Numismatica, XXVI: 139-52. Will, E. L., 1979, The Sestius Amphoras: a reappraisal. Journal of Field Archaeology, 6, 339- 50 and 33941. Will, E. L., 1982, Greco-Italic Amphoras. Hesperia, 51: 338-56 Will, E. L.,1987, The Roman Amphoras. In McCann, A.M., , J. Bourgeois, E.K. Gazda, J.P. Oleson, and E.L. Will, The Roman Port and Fishery of Cosa: A Center of Ancient Trade. Princeton:170-220. Will, E.L.,1997, Shipping Amphoras as Indicators of Economic Romanization in Athens. In Hoff , M.C. and Rotroff, S.I. (Eds.), The Romanization of Athens, Oxford: 117-33. Will, E.L., 2001, Defining the Regna Vini of the Sestii. In Goldman, N. (Ed.), New Light from Ancient Cosa: Studies in Honor of Cleo Rickman Fitch, New York: 35-47. Williams, J. LL. W., 1967, A petrographical study of the Prehistoric pottery of the Aeolian Islands, with special reference to the stratigraphical sequence of the Acropolis of Lipari. PhD Thesis, University of London (unpublished). Williams, J. LL. W., 1980, A petrographical Examination of the Prehistoric pottery from the excavation in the Castello and Diana plain of Lipari. Meligunìs Lipára, IV, Appendix VII, Palermo: 845-68. 144

Bibliography Williams, J. LL. W., 1994, The petrological analysis of Capo Graziano pottery from Filicudi and Milazzese pottery from Panarea. Meligunìs Lipára, VI, Appendix , Palermo: 239-59. Williams, J. LL. W. and Levi, S.T., 1995, The characterisation of Neolithic Stentinellian pottery fabrics from the Aeolian Islands and the type of Stentinello near Syracuse, Sicily. Meligunìs Lipára, VIII, Appendix I, Palermo: 138-63. Wilson, R. J. A., 1988, Trade and industry in Sicily under the Roman Empire. Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt, 11,1 Berlin and New York: 207-03. Wilson, R. J. A., 1990, Sicily under the Roman Empire, Warmister. Wilson, R. J. A., 1996, Archaeology in Sicily. Archaeological Reports for 1995-1996, 42, The Council of the Society for the promotion of Hellenic Studies and the Managing Committee of the Bristish School at Ayhens, Hertford, London: 50-101. Wilson, R. J. A., 1999, Iscrizioni su manufatti siciliani in età ellenistico-romana. In Nenci, G. (Ed.), Sicilia epigrafica, Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, 4th series, Quaderni 1999.1–2, Pisa 2000: 531–56. Wilson, R. J. A., 2000, Aqueducts and water supply in Greek and Roman Sicily: the present status quaestionis’. In Jansen, G. C. M. (Ed.), Cura Aquarum in Sicilia. Proceedings of the Tenth International Congress on the History of Water Management and Hydraulic Engineering in the Mediterranean Region, Syracuse (1998), Bulletin Antieke Beschaving, Supplement 5, Leiden: 536. Zevi, F., 1966, Appunti sulle anfore romane. Archeologia Classica, 18: 207-47. Zevi F. and Tchernia A., 1969, Amphores d’Afrique Proconsulaire au Bas-Empire. Antiquites Africaines, 3: 173-214. Zevi F. and Tchernia A., 1969, Amphores de Byzance au Bas Empire. Antiquites Africaines, 3: 173-214.

145

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

146

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

147

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

MAP 2

148

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

MAP 3

149

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

MAP 4

150

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

MAP 5

151

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 1. Geographical location of the Aeolian Islands.

152

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 2. Bathymetric sketch map of the southern Tyrrhenian Sea including indication of the other submarine volcanic seamounts (after Beccaluva et al., 1985).

153

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 3. Sketch map of submerged wave-cut platform on the Aeolian Islands (after Beccaluva et al., 1985; Calanchi et al., 1996; Ciocchi and Romagnoli, 1996)

154

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 4. Sample of stratification from the Neolithic Age until the Late-Roman Age, from Saggio A 1961; the pumice layer is indicated in grey (after Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1998: 68, fig. 8)

155

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 5. Sketch map of Lipari showing the flow of obsidian which occurred during the first (A), the second (B) phase of the Prehistoric eruption and during the Medieval (C) eruption (after Pichler, 1976; Beccaluva et al., 1985)

156

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 6. Mediterranean chart plotted with the conventional terminology regarding the subdivision of local seas within the Mediterranean according to the “Limiti e denominazioni convenzionali” established by the Servizio Meterologico dell’Aeronautica Militare Italiana (after Istituto Idrografico dell’Aeronautica Militare Italiana, Agenda Nautica 1993, Genova: 206).

157

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 7. Wind rose with the main winds characterising the Mediterranean basin.

158

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 8. Official wind chart plotted with the main prevailing winds blowing during June (after Istituto Idrografico dell’Aeronautica Militare Italiana, Agenda Nautica 1993, Genova: 212).

159

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 9. Official wind chart plotted with the main prevailing winds blowing during July (after Istituto Idrografico dell’Aeronautica Militare Italiana, Agenda Nautica 1993, Genova: 213).

160

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 10. Official wind chart plotted with the main prevailing winds blowing during August (after Istituto Idrografico dell’Aeronautica Militare Italiana, Agenda Nautica 1993, Genova: 214).

161

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 11. Official wind chart plotted with the main prevailing winds blowing during September (after Istituto Idrografico dell’Aeronautica Militare Italiana, Agenda Nautica 1993, Genova: 215).

162

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 12. Table of comparison of the Aeolian Islands value of the winds arranged by season (Data derived from Cicala, 1997: 261, b, c, and d with the writers emendations).

163

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 13. Polar diagram showing the summer (a), autumn (b), winter (c), spring (d) prevailing winds recorded by the Meteorological station on Stromboli-P.ta Lena during a span of time of 28 years of observations, from 1947 to 1975 (Data recorded by the Istituto Idrografico della Marina Italiana, adapted by Cicala, 1997: 26.a, with the writers emendations).

164

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 14. Chart of the Mediterranean plotted with surface current of the permanent type (after Istituto Idrografico dell’Aeronautica Militare Italiana, Agenda Nautica 1993, Genova: 210) .

165

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

A

Fig. 15. Seasonal chart of the currents around the Aeolian Islands during the months of March (A) and July (B) (after Istituto Idrografico dell’Aeronautica Militare Italiana, 1982).

B

166

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 16. Right side of the wall-fresco of Acrotiri in the island of Thera (after Doumas, 1996)

167

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 17. Chart of Lipari plotted with the main features of the coastline.

168

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

A

B

Fig. 18. UWS 24 as recorded during summer 1999 (A), as recorded in October 1999 (B) (writers’ sketches).

169

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 19. UWS 24. Chart including bathymetric lines and cross section sketch of the submarine topography (writers’ sketches).

170

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 20. UWS 23. Chart including bathymetric lines and cross section sketch of the submarine topography (writers’ sketches).

171

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 21. Chart of Salina plotted with the main features of the coastline.

172

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 22. UWS 24. Chart including bathymetric lines and cross section sketch of the submarine topography (writers’ sketches).

173

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 23. Chart of Filicudi plotted with the main features of the coastline.

174

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 24. UWS 25. Chart including bathymetric lines and cross section sketch of the submarine topography (writers’ sketches).

175

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 25. Chart of Panarea plotted with the main features of the coastline.

176

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 26. UWS 26. Chart including bathymetric lines and cross section sketch of the submarine topography.

177

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 27. Sources of obsidian in the Mediterranean.

178

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 28. Pre-Neolithic sites with obsidian in Sicily.

179

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 29. Scheme A. Synthesis of the paleo-ecosystem on the Aeolian Islands.

180

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 30. View-range from Castellaro Vecchio on Lipari towards contrada Rinicedda (also Rinella) on Salina.

181

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 31. Evolution of the pottery industry of Lipari (based on the Castellaro Vecchio and Lipari’s Acropolis archaeological stratification), by chronological phases of development: samples of forms (after Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1980 with writers’ emendations).

182

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 32. Evolution of the pottery industry of Lipari (based on the Castellaro Vecchio and Lipari’s Acropolis archaeological stratification), by chronological phases of development: samples of motifs of decoration (after Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1980 with writers’ emendations).

183

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 33. Evolution of the pottery industry of Lipari (based on the Castellaro Vecchio and Lipari’s Acropolis archaeological stratification), by chronological phases of development: samples of handles (after Bernabò Brea and Cavalier, 1980 with writers’ emendations).

184

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 34. The three geographical zones in Sicily, divided by the winding path of the Platani and Himera meridionale rivers as lines of demarcation: (a) eastern zone; (b) sandwiched zone; (c) western zone. Comparison of the main distances travelling from Lipari to Sicily, divided by zone (a), (b), (c).

185

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 35. Geographical distribution of obsidian from Lipari and Pantelleria in Sicily during the Neolithic Age. Distance from Pantelleria to Sicily.

186

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 36. Distribution of traded Aegean materials in the central Mediterranean during the Bronze Age (after Re, 1999: 405- 13; Marazzi, 1999, 415- 21; Bietti Sestieri, 1988: 23- 51; 1997: 473- 98).

187

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 37. Spatial distribution of copper oxhide ingots in the central Mediterranean (Data derived from Giardino, 1982; Leighton, 1999).

188

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 38. The Early Bronze Age forms of pottery found in the Pignataro di Fuori wreck. (after Bernabò Brea, 1985: 49, fig. 28; Castagnino Berlinghieri, 2003: fig.1).

189

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 39. Shipwrecks with Corinthian materials (amphorae and/or pottery) datable from 700 to 500 BC. 1- Giglio Campese, 2- Gela, 3- Plemmirio “C”, 4- Cap d’Antibes, 5- Circeo “A”, 6- Pointe Lequin (Data derived from Parker, 1992; Koeler, 1981: 449-58; Panvini, 1996: 127-37).

190

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 40. Shipwrecks with Corinthian materials (amphorae and/or pottery) datable from 500 to 300 BC. 1- Capo Graziano “G”, 2- Capo Rasocolmo “B”, 3- Gallipoli, 4- La Madonnina, 5- Preveza “B”, 6- Savelletri, 7- Sephiros, 8- Punta Braccetto, 9- Siracusa “A”, 10- Torre deel’Ovo (Data derived from Parker, 1992; Koeler, 1981: 44958; Albanese Procelli, 1996: 95-9).

191

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 41. Typologies of Graeco-Italic amphorae on UWW on the Aeolian Islands. 1- UWW 5, Will type A1 (after Albore Livadie, 1985: fig. 57.a), 2UWW 6, Will type A1 (after Albore Livadie, 1985: fig. 89.b), 3- UWW 7, Will type A1 (after Albore Livadie, 1985: fig. 42.c), 4- UWW 8, Will type D (after Albore Livadie, 1985: fig. 48), 5- UWW 9, Will type A2 (after Albore Livadie, 1985: 49, 3), 6- UWW 10, Will type E (after Albore Livadie, 1985: 49, 5).

192

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 42. Distribution of the stamp [BIO] impressed on “Graeco-Italic amphorae (Will type A1).1- Taranto, 2Pithaecussae, 3- Lipari, 4- Siarcusa, 5- Eloro, 6- Akrai, 7- Selinunte, 8- Lilyboeum, 9- Erice (Data derived from Bernabò Brea 1985; Parker, 1992; Van der Mersch, 1986).

193

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 43 - Distribution of the stamp [EY []Ξ ENOY] impressed on Graeco-Italic amphorae (Will type A1). 1Pithaecussae, 2- Lipari, 3- Gela, 4- Licata, 5- Selinunte, 6- Herakleia (Data derived from Bernabò Brea 1985; Parker, 1992; Van der Mersch, 1986).

194

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 44. Roman wreck sites on the Aeolian Islands and historical events (Data based on Bernabò Brea 1985; Parker, 1992; Wilson, 1990).

195

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 45. Dressel 1 amphora cargoes attested in the Mediterranean (after Parker, 1992, fig. 8).

196

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 46. Dressel 1 amphorae found in the Aeolian Islands. (A) type 1B from UWW 12 (after Albore Livadie, 1985: 68, fig. 53, a and b), (B) type 1C (after Albore Livadie, 1985: 42, fig. 20, a and b).

197

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 47. Sketch of the walled structures found along the coastline of Basiluzzo (after Kapitän, 1985: 78, fig. 69).

198

The Aeolian Islands crossroads of the Mediterranean maritime routes

Fig. 48. Variants of Dressel 2-4 amphorae from UWW around the Aeolian Islands. (A) types from UWW 15 (after Cavalier, 1985: 71, fig. 60), (B) type from UWW 14 (after Cavalier, 1985: 92, fig. 96).

199